History of Jaina Monachism

Author(s): S B Deo
Publisher: Deccan College Research Institute
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001727/1

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Vol. XVI
Nos. 1-4
Jain
Monacism.
BULLETINS.B. Devo
OF THE DECCAN COLLEGE RESEARCH INSTITUTE
JUNE 1954_MARCH 1955
Price Rs. 20/- only
tou a
POONA

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CONTENTS
History of Jaina Monachism (from Inscriptions and Literature)
By S. B. Deo
Pages 1-608
Issued on 15th May, 1956
Published by Dr. S. M. KATRE for the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Yervada, Poona-6.
Printed at the G. S. Press, Mount Road, Madras-2.

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The entire cost of printing this book has been met by Shri Kasturbhai Lalbhai, and the Institute is extremely grateful to him for this munificent gift.

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THE HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM FROM INSCRIPTIONS AND LITERATURE *
BY
S. B. DEO
PART I
CHAPTER I
INDIAN MONACHISM
Introduction:
India may aptly be called the homeland of monachism and ascetic practices. Nowhere else, probably, as in India, the impulse of seclusion from the rest of the society, mortification of the body and flight from the world, in pursuit of a higher spiritual ideal, is revealed in a more bewildering variety so as to appear as an inherent element of human life.
What is monachism?
The result of this sort of tendency is generally that mode of life in which monks and nuns live away from society in perfect solitude. The words monachism and monasticism have a common source of origin. "The word monasticism is derived from the Greek word uóvos, 'alone', 'solitary', from which a whole family of words has been formed: monks, monastic, nun, monasticism and monachism." Hence monachism may be said to denote that "form of religious life led by those who having separated themselves entirely from the world live in solitude." The words equivalent to monachism in Sanskrit may be said to imply the same sense.3 Life in a monastery or in a forest on account of disgust for the world or for noble purpose of selfrealisation may, therefore, be said to be at the root of this mode of life. Motives behind monastic life :
Innumerable instances of the rich and the poor, of the young and the old of either sex, could be cited who, under the influence of noble ideals of preaching the misery-stricken world the way of salvation and eternal happiness, embraced the life of renunciation by giving up everything that was dear to them. Gotama the Buddha and Mahāvīra, as also a number of their predecessors and contemporaries, were the best examples of this missionary zeal.

*Thesis approved for the degree of Ph.D. by the University of Bombay, 1952. 1. ERE, Vol. 2, p. 69.
2. Ibid., 8, p. 781.
3. They are: maṭhavāsa, maṭhādhyāsana, vanavāsa, vānaprasthatā, araṇyavāsa, vaikhanasavṛtti, samsaratyāga and udāsinata-Monier WILLIAMS, Dict. of Engl. and Sanskrit (1851), p. 512.

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S. B. DEO
Besides them, the cases of Jayanti, aunt of the king Udayana of Kosambi, and prince Atimuktaka may be said to illustrate how spiritual problems and considerations induced queens and youths to enter monastic life.
On the other hand, there were others who, influenced by the misery of worldly life and the note of impermanence in it, decided to take to monk or nunlife. Khema, consort of Bimbisära, for instance, was made to see the vision of fading youth which made her give up all her pride for beauty and become a nun. Paumâvai, queen of king Dahivahana of Campa, entered the ascetic order due to separation from her husband. The sight of a man being led for execution, the piteous cry of animals to be slaughtered for a marriage feast, the transformation of a young bull into an old one,10 the fall of flag and the losing of the blossom by the mango tree12-all these have been sufficient reasons for various persons to realise the vanity and the transitoriness of human life.
Indian approach to life:
This emptiness of worldly existence has been the predominant note of Indian ascetic literature, and we often come across views which depict human life as "a dew drop dangling on the top of the blade of kusa grass."13 Everything was looked upon as impermanent and full of misery and the people yearned to escape from the cycle of birth and rebirth.
The purpose of monastic life:
Western scholars seem to put in bold relief only this pessimistic note in Indian monachism when they say that, "By the Indian life has ever been regarded as essentially evil, and relief from the burden and sorrow of existence as the chief and final aim."14
It should be noted, however, that monastic life in India was not based or advocated merely on the sad note of disgust of life. It was, on the other hand, the outward appearance of a form of life which struggled hard for
4. I.A. Vol. 19, p. 64.
5. Antagada; UPADHYE, Brhtkathakosa, Intr. p. 22.
6. I.A. Vol. 57, p. 50.
7. Uttar. tikā, 9, p. 132a.
8. Uttar. SBE, XLV, pp. 108-09.
9. Ibid, p. 114.
10.
Uttar.-N. 264-67.
11. Ibid., 264-67.
12. Ibid.
13. Uttar. 10, 1-4.
14. ERE, Vol. 8, p. 803.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM the knowledge of reality, the realisation that this life was not the only life, that it was only a passing phase and that there could be an end of samsāra --a series of births--by knowing who we are and becoming one with the Universal Self.
The nature of Liberation :
Thus, it may be said, that the aim of monastic life was not merely an escape but an effort to achieve the highest purpose of human life which was looked upon as a rare opportunity to have in the endless cycle of births and rebirths.
Irrespective of the fact that the nature of this 'realisation' or 'liberation' varied with the main types of Indian monachism, the fundamental basis of all the three may be said to be consisting of the positive joy or consciousness or self-knowledge, as the following discussion would show. Buddhist Nirvāna :
The idea of liberation was expressed by the Buddhists with the term 'nibbāņa.' Etymologically it signifies 'going out,' 'extinction', which is perhaps wrongly interpreted by some to be simple annihilation-a negative phenomenon.
The Buddhist texts, however, picture it as a "subjective awareness of the freed state.” 15 According to the words of Sāriputta, nibbāna was the complete destruction of greed (rāgakkhayo), hatred (dosa) and infatuation (moha). In short it signified the end of cravings (taṇhā). The struggle with Māra and his three daughters-Craving (taṇhā), Discontent (arati) and Lust (rāga) - which Buddha had to undergo, depicts a psychological effort to put an end to 'vāsanā. No wonder, therefore, if Buddha exclaimed: “It is in order to attain to this seat that I have undergone successive births for so long a time", for a sense of fulfilment pervaded him : 'āsavehir cittam vimucci, khīņā jāti, vusitar brahmacariyam, katam karaṇīyam, nāparam itthāttāya.'16
The knowledge of the four cardinal truths (āryasatyas) --dukkha (suffering), samudaya (cause), nirodha (suppression), and pratipad or mārga (path or way) --was a stage in the realisation of the theory of dependent causation (pratītyasamutpāda) which revealed the origin and cause of rebirth. Once it was understood and suppressed through the destruction of tanhā, it led one nearer the attainment of nibbāna.
15. Ibid., p. 772; See, Age of Imperial Unity, p. 371. 16. Mahavagga, Ed. BHAGWAT, p. 22.

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Besides the destruction of craving, nibbāņa signified release from rebirth, sorrow and fear. It was a state of enlightenment (bodhi), contentment and peace (santi) which was qualified by epithets like visuddha (pure), sthira (stable) and siva (holy) and was a source of unparalleled happiness (natthi santiparam sukham).17 Jaina Siddhatva :
The conception of liberation among the Jainas depicts the attainment of its original pure nature by the soul (attā). They say that the soul coming under the influence of the kaşāyas or passions-krodha, māna, māyā and lobha-gets attached to karmic particles (pudgala) and loses its pure nature. The soul thus becoming heavy due to this influx (āśrava) of the karmic atoms, becomes heavy and goes to hell.
The attainment of mokşa consists, therefore, in the stoppage (samvara) of the influx and the dissipation or destruction (nirjarā) of karman. This frees the soul from the burden and helps it in attaining its original pure nature.18
This realising of the inherent purity by the soul is not something foreign to it. As a matter of fact, it is simply the knowledge of that aspect which is not revealed to one due to ignorance and passions. 19 The illustration of a dry gourd covered with mud shooting up gradually to the surface of water due to the loosening of mud-coating (signifying the karmic bondage), implies the same idea.20
The attainment of the purity of the soul is to be achieved by right faith (samyakdarśana), right knowledge (so-jnāna) and right conduct (so-caritra).21 The Jaina texts go eloquent in describing the outcome of the triad and mokṣa is described as ajara (without decay), amara (without death), akşaya (permanent), anupama saukhya (incomparable happiness), śivam (holy), acala (stable), ananta (eternal), avyābădha (devoid of misery), apunarāvartika (from which there is no return).23 The phenomenon of attaining this state of self-knowledge is described in fitting terms like ‘sijjhihii,
17. Dhammapada, XV, 6, 7. 18. Kftsnakarmakşayo mokṣaḥ-Tattvārtha. 10, 2-3; Mül. 7, 6; Avassaya-N. 953.
19. While commenting on the phrase 'siddhattar uvajāyai', Malayagiri remarks: upajāyate ityapi tattvatastadātmanah sväbhävikameva sad anādikarmmavrtar tādāvaranavigamenávirbhavati'-Vrtti to Avassaya-N. p. 534b.
20. Näyā. 6. 21. Tattvärtha. p. 2; Samayasära XI, 432. 22. Mül. 12, 145. 23. Aup. p. 46.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
bujjhihii, muccihii, parinivvähii, savvadukkhāņaṁ antam karehii' (will attain to, will be enlightened, will be freed and will put an end to all miseries.) 24
It is, therefore, an aim "for which nudity, tonsure and celibacy are practised; for which no bath is taken, no umbrella is used and no shoes are put on; for which one sleeps on the ground or on a plank of wood; for which one begs food from house to house not minding abuse or praise, the condemnation, scandal, beatings, the twenty two troubles (parisahā) and the pranks of the wicked."28
The Brahmanical Mokşa:
5
The Brahmanical conception of moksa has a very long history of evolution and development.
In the Vedic period there is revealed a marked absence of the idea of moksa, though the word 'amṛta' may be said to be connected with that
idea.
It is only in the Upanisadic period that we come across an exuberance of phraseology describing mokşa as even the Bramaņas fail to do so. Brhadaranyaka20 Upanisad seems to express the idea as "beholding this self as the Lord of all that is and will be." When one gets this realisation of the identity of the individual soul with the Universal soul, then one need not be afraid of anything as he has known 'the soundless, the intangible....the eternal....the unchangeable." Thus the Upanishads may be said to present the phenomenon of liberation as the consciousness of the knowledge of the identity of the individual soul with the Absolute.
The Bhagawadgitä reveals different aspects of liberation inasmuch as it presents the idea as freedom from evil action (aśubhät karmät), the destruction of desire and passion (kāmakrodhaviyukta), release from old age and death (jarāmarana), and liberation from the pairs of opposite known as pleasure and pain (dvandvairvimuktāḥ sukhadukhasamdnyaih).28
The conception of liberation, however, flowered into a variety of facets with different Brähmanical schools. Cārvāka held it to be absolute freedom (swatantrya). The Sänkhyas held it to be the realisation of prakrti and puruşa (prakṛtipurusavivekaḥ muktiḥ), while the Advaitins explained it as the keeping aloof from avidyä (ignorance).29
24 Vivaga, p. 51; also Vim, 20, 5-6.
25. Antagaḍa. p. 29.
26. IV. IV. 13, 15: quoted in ERE, Vol. 8, p. 771.
27. Katha Upanisad quoted in ERE, Vol. 8, p. 771.
28. 4, 16; 5, 26; 7, 29; 15, 5.
29. Sarvadarśanakaumudi, Triv. Skt. Series, No. CXXXV, (1938) pp. 137, 141.

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S. B. DEO
A survey of the ideas about mokşa as enunciated by the Buddhists, Jainas and different schools of Brāhmanism may be said to bring one fact to prominence. It is the positive aspect implied in liberation which consisted of the realisation of the freed state of the soul through the destruction of passions and desires.
The means to attain Liberation :
It was, therefore, to attain to this state of self-realisation which automatically freed one from the ever-dynamic cycle of birth and rebirth, that people took to the rigorous life of monkhood. Moreover, a sannyasta life was the proper mode to approach the ideal as it consisted of poverty, nonattachment and indifference to body so essential for the knowledge of the self. Hence Indian monachism insisted on monkhood or nunhood as the only way30 leading towards liberation.
Essentials of Indian Monachism :
Monastic life being the pre-requisite of liberation, religion in India has played a very important part. "It has constantly attempted to evolve and propogate certain ethical standards for the good behaviour of man as a constituent of society."31 With the basis of these ethical standards, it has evolved a planned system of life which when perfectly followed led one towards monkhood. These attempts of a carefully planned scheme may be said to be revealed in the theory of the four āśramas of Brāhmanism, and the uvāsaga padimas32 of Jainism. The former as well as the latter prepared the way for the practice of life of rigour and of least dependence on society so characteristic of monkhood.
It may, at the same time, be noted that this scheme was elastic. The stages in it were not watertight compartments but the result of a gradual and a logical process of evolution. Householdership and monkhood were not diametrically opposite to each other but the ideal and the restrained practice of the former led one to the initial stages of monastic life.
30. 'Buddhānam santike patthentassā'pi pabbajjalinge thitasseva samijjhati no gihilinge thitassa'-Nidānakathā (BHAGWAT), p. 20.
31. UPADHYE, Bșhatkathākośa, Intr. p. 7.
32. Padimās are "the standards that a layman (upāsaka) is expected to observe. They are eleven in number and are completed in five years and a half. The object in practising these pratimas seems to be to gradually attain the state of a monk as the name of the last pratimă (samanabhūyapadimā) suggests" -For details, see Uvasagadasão, P. L. VAIYA, notes, pp. 224-29; also Daśaśrutaskandha.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Even in the practice of monk-life Indian monachism was rather individualistic.33 One was free to follow ascetic life either in company with comonks or alone in a forest. The monk was free to adopt the way he thought proper for the attainment of liberation and carry it out in his full faith. This naturally gave rise to a number of sects and subsects which rose up and dwindled for want of co-ordination and centralised control.34
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Essentials of Western Monachism:
Western monachism, on the other hand, does not seem to have afforded a planned scheme of life leading towards monkhood. One has to choose one course of life, either that of a monk or of a married man. The married person can be a monk only if his wife is dead or if his wife also has become a nun.3 35
Ideas regarding final liberation also differ from those laid down in Indian monachism. Christian monachism depicts moksa as the gift of the grace of God. Unless God is pleased, one cannot get His mercy, however one may try. Thus this monachism may be said to picture beatitude as something beyond the reach of mere human effort.
This grace of God, it may be noted, can be acquired without following the monastic life. The latter is taken to be an image of what life will be in heaven, and there is every likelihood of an ideal and pious householder getting the grace of God.
This grace of God, according to Christian monachism, can be attained only in human life as that is the best opportunity of getting it. There being no rebirth to assure any future hopes of acquiring Grace, one has to please God for it. Death is a punishment and not a step towards better or worse life. It is a point which takes one either to hell or heaven permanently.
33. "In the east the dominating principle of monachism was its strongly marked individualism-the protest of the individual against a collectivism which tended to lose sight of his value. Unfortunately the protest became a council of despair and flight, although the element of life which underlay it must not be overlooked. Individualism was self-surrender united in a yearning for ideals which took a form of a flight to the desert."--ESS, Vol. X, p. 585.
34. "The various orders have been for the most part loosely organised, and that from want not of organising power but of inclination and will."-ERE, Vol. 8, p. 803.
35. I am indebted to Father DELURY for these Roman Catholic views; For details of Christian outlook see, Christian Spirituality by P. POURRAT. English Monastic Life by Cardinal GASQUET (6th Ed.) London, 1924. Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 1, 2nd Ed. Cambridge, 1924, Chapters XVIII and XX. Monasticism: ESS, Vol. X, pp. 584-90. Monasticism: ESS, Vol. X, pp. 584-90. Monasticism: Ency. Brit., Vol. 15, pp. 687-90.

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S. B. DEO
The monk's role, therefore, consists in praying for the grace of God for himself as well as for others. This he can do only when he belongs to a particular monastery for nobody is recognised as a monk unless one takes to life in a monastery.36
Comparison with Indian monachism:
Some of the outstanding features of Christian monachism discussed above, bring in relief the points of contrast between it and Indian monachism as a whole which may be summarised as follows.
(i) There seems to be no scheme for preparing for monkhood in Christian monachism as we get in the aśrama theory of Brāhmanism or the paạimās or even the rules of layman religion in Jainism.
(ii) Unlike Indian monachism, Christian monachism does not seem to take monklife as essential for acquiring liberation.
(iii) Liberation according to the Christians may be said to be beyond the reach of human effort and it is more a favour of God than the result of human endeavour. Indian monachism, on the other hand, gives ample scope for human effort in the achievement of liberation by leading a pure monk life.
(iv) There being no rebirth, Christian monachism may be said to offer no hopes of future redress. On the contrary, karma theory, which may be said to be the backbone of Indian philosophy, offers a solace to a person who aspires to get liberation at least in some future rebirth.
(v) The insistence on the monk's stay in a monastery may not be said to be a pre-requisite of monkhood in India as it is in Christian monachism. It should be noted that this factor led to a systematic development of monastic organisation in western countries, while the absence of it led to the growth of numerous independent sects in India.
(vi) One factor which may be said to be common to both these monachisms was bodily mortification. The Brāhmanical and Jaina monks have shown tremendous capacity for bodily suffering by standing facing the sun, lying down on hot sand, practising long term fasts, etc. But even these seem to fall to the background when compared with some of the excesses practised by Irish saints. "St. Finnchua is said to have spent seven years suspended by iron shackles under his armpits, so that he might get a place in heaven in lieu of one which he had given away...... St. Findian is said to have worn
36. "In the West, monachism very soon ceased to be the monachism of a lonely monk"--ESS, Vol. X, pp. 585-86.

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a girdle of iron that cut to the bone....Of the Irish saint Kevin it is said that he remained for seven years in a standing posture without sleep, with his arms held up in the same position, and that a blackbird laid and hatched her eggs in his palm.”37
Common Basis of Indian Monachisms:
It is not only when compared with western monachism that different types of Indian monachism present similarities but even otherwise when studied individually, the three principal systems-Brāhmanism, Buddhism and Jainism , reveal many common points between them.
The approach to life may be said to be identical to all the three, inasmuch as they looked upon life as a drudgery and sought refuge in the bliss of self-realisation.
The ethical foundation38 of all these is the same for the principal vows of ahimsā, satya, asteya, aparigraha and brahmacarya are to be found in the three systems without any change.
Ideas regarding the karma theory, rebirth and liberation are more or less the same.
The identity of the above points was so fascinating as to lead some scholars to believe that Buddhism and Jainism were not independent systems but mere offshoots of Brāhmanism.
Brähmanical Monachism:
Irrespective of this essential identity with Buddhist and Jaina monachisms, Brāhmanism has shown comparatively more elasticity inasmuch as it has given refuge to hundreds of sects and subsects of varied philosophies and practices under its wings.
The effect of this spiritual generosity, as we may put it, was the weakening of the Church and the loss of a central binding force. The Buddhist and the Jaina monachisms, however, were more organised and disciplined efforts of corporate life under the directions of a conscious church.39
It was unfortunate, however, that this spiritual generosity did not condescend to allow women and low-class people to enter nunhood or monk
37. ERE, Vol. 2. p. 72. 38. WINTERNITZ calls it 'ascetic morality': Hist. of Ind. Lit. Vol. 2, p. 425.
39. 'While in Brāhmanism the monastic life has preserved its eremitic character, in Buddhism we find it, on the contrary, in the cenobitic form. The monks live together in monasteries, in the practice of poverty-as mendicants, in fact-and celibacy'-ERE, Vol. 8, p. 782.
BULL. DCRI.-2

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novel”, 41 the risken and set the lowe
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S. B. DEO hood. Hence, an order of nuns inspired with the zeal of attaining the bliss of mokşa, is altogether absent in Brāhmanism, and it, in a way, denied its Church a class of followers which are better and more faithful custodians of ancient traditions and culture than even literate men."40
More than that, this caste-bar gave rise to a wave of dissatisfaction which may be taken to be one of the factors that led to the popularity of sects like Buddhism and Jainism. Buddhist Monachism :
Inspite of the fact that, "In proclaiming a religion purely spiritual and the incapability of ceremonies to secure salvation, Buddha had not brought forward a doctrine absolutely novel”, 41 the removal of caste barriers regarding entry to the Church, did not fail to awaken and stimulate the powers, hitherto dormant and oppressed, of all, and especially of the lower classes'.42 This principle of equality of birth and of status was followed even regarding the appointment of Church officers.
Besides acknowledging this equality of birth, Buddhist monachism "broke away from past traditions and revolted against the older Vedic system of sacrifice and self-mortification”.43 Buddha himself had undergone severe bodily mortification and had lost his faith in that course 44 and in between the two extremes of bodily mortification and sense gratifications, he advocated a balanced "middle path". Thus Buddhist monachism was completely devoid of mortificatory practices unlike Brāhmanism or Jainism.
Taking resort to sobre realism based on normal rules of ethical conduct, Buddhist monachism did its best not only to organise itself with elaborate rules of monastic jurisprudence but, in its earlier phases, did everything to win over lay supporters. All opportunities of accepting invitations for meals and obtaining elaborate sanghārāmas for his monks were not avoided by the Buddha.
The Buddha seemed to have a kind of prejudice against women in the beginning and he was not willing to admit them into the order. But he, unwillingly, bowed to the insisting requests of Ananda and Mahāpajāpati Gotami and gave his consent to the creation of the order of nuns imposing
40. ALTERAR, Position of Women...., pp. 28-29. 41. A. BARTH, L.A., Vol. III, p. 330; ERE, Vol. 8, p. 797. 42. WEBER. I.A., Vol. XXX, p. 279. 43. BARUA, A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 242.
44. For his account of it to Säriputta as given in Majjhima-Nikaya, see Jaina Antiquary, Vol. XI, No. 1, pp. 17-18.

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stricter rules of conduct on them.45 Thus, it may be said that the injustice done to women by Brähmanism regarding sannyasa was redressed by Buddha, though much against his will.
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Jaina Monachism:
Compared with the features of Buddhist monachism discussed above, Jaina monachism reveals some peculiarities so characteristic of it.
The standard of monastic behaviour was, perhaps, stricter inasmuch as Jaina monks practised severe mortificatory practices like fasting and putting up with all sorts of bodily trouble by complete indifference to it.40
The practice of Ahimsä was taken to the farthest limit possible, and the Jaina monk seemed to care more for other living beings than for himself.
The vow of non-possession in its severest form emerged in the vindication of nudity so peculiar to the Digambara Jainas.
The purity of food gave rise to numerous rules of begging, and none can, perhaps, beat the Jainas in this case,48
Even though Jaina monachism shared the same attitude, as the Buddhist and the Brähmanical monachisms did, regarding women, yet it gave them full scope in matters of spiritual aspirations by enlisting them into the order right from the beginning. Therefore, it may be said that what Brahmanism never did and what Buddhism did only later, Jaina monachism did right at the beginning.
The practice of loya (uprooting the hair from the head and the beard), may be taken as the symbol of self-control so rigorously practised in Jaina. monachism. Besides self-control, the practices of loya and nudity were characteristic of the attitude of least dependence on society which should. be noted as the peculiarity of Indian monachism as a whole.
Inspite of this principle of least dependence on society leaders of Jaina Church were wise enough to keep constant touch with the laity which, it should be noted, is even now giving full allegiance to the Church, and has
45. Cullavagga X, 1.
46. For different modes of death implying patient bearing of bodily suffering, see Santharayapainnaya, vs. 56-88.
47. In Brahmanism, the Paramahamsa and the Turiyātīta remained naked: Har Dutta SHARMA, Hist. of Brahmanical Asceticism, Poona Orientalist, Vol. 3, No. 4, (1939), p. 76.
48. See Dśv. and Pinda-N.

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played an important role in the existence not only of Jainism but also of Jaina monachism in the best possible orthodox traditions. This conservative minded laity conscious of its role in the Church has also proved to be a check on the moral discipline of the monks, 49 and has been successful in keeping away their monachism from facing liquidation which Buddhist monachism had to do in India.
Distinctions of Buddhist and Jaina Monachisms :
The role of Jaina and Buddhist types of monachism was not, therefore, merely to have a system for system's sake. They implied breaking away from worn out grooves of thought and an idealisation of monastic life. They were, in short, "essentially pessimistic in worldly outlook, metaphysically dualistic if not pluralistic, animistic and ultra humane in its ethical tenets, temperamentally ascetic, undoubtedly accepting the dogma of transmigration and karma doctrine, owing no racial allegiance to Vedas and Vedic rites, subscribing to the belief of individual perfection, and refusing unhesitatingly to accept a creator" 50
The aim of the thesis :
Such being the character of Jaina monachism, it has played an important part in the ideological revolutions pertaining to religious life in India.
The evaluation of the role of Jaina monachism, therefore, is attempted in the following pages firstly by a minute study of Jaina literature, secondly by noting the influence it had on other aspects of Indian life, and lastly by the observation of the actual practice of monastic life by the Jaina monks today.
49. For a few instances of this see GLASENAPP Jainismus, Guj. tran. pp. 339-40. 50. UPADHYE, Pro. pref. pp. 12-13; Brhatkathākośa, Intr. p. 12.

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CHAPTER II
THE SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF JAINA MONACHISM
There are still many gaps to be filled and problems to be solved in the history of India. Therefore, a fully documented and a chronological account of the political and cultural life in India is yet a desideratum.
Role of religious sects :
Inspite of this "temporary vagueness of (historical) outline, as of things half-seen and processes half-realised”, the role of different religious systems and monastic congregations was by no means a minor one. It may be said that they formed the very backbone of Indian life.
Evolutionary nature of Jaina Monachism:
Amongst these monastic institutions, Jaina monachism played a great role. And that too because it was never a static institution, though predominantly a conservative one. It did react to internal and external forces, and its history is mainly an account of this reaction and adjustment to or defiance towards changing environments. What Dr. DUTT says with regard to Buddhist monachism may aptly be remarked with reference to Jaina monachism as well. "Buddhist monasticism”, he remarks, “has been, like all other historic institutions, the result of a gradual process, changing under pressure of its sociological environments and its own inner principle of evolution".2
The Role of Modern Research :
A time was when this evolution and reaction could not be noticed for want of sufficient research regarding Jainism. The element of mystery and an appearance of ideological inertia attributed to different monachisms in India are rapidly fading away before the light of modern research and we are now, perhaps, in a better position of attempting to pronounce a more clear judgment on some matters than some of the pioneers in the past could do.
1. DUTT, Early Buddhist Monachism, p. 1. 2. Ibid.

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S. B. DEO Survey of Jaina Research :
Round3 about the beginning of the nineteenth century, European scholars were attracted towards Jaina studies. It was in 1809 that Col. MACKENZIE wrote an "Account of the Jains".4 FRANKLINS and DELAMAINE followed him. The former wrote about his "Researches on the Tenets and Doctrines of the Jeynes and Boodhists" in 1827, and the latter gave a modest account of "The Śravacs or Jains”.5
A very systematic and a compact account of the Jainas was given by BÜHLER in his "Indische Sekte der Jainas" in 1887.6 A few years later JACOBI contributed a fine article on Jainism in the Encyclopaedia of Religions and Ethics. An exhaustive account of Jaina religion and life-which, however, resulted in finding out 'an empty heart of Jainism'-was published by Mrs. Sinclair STEVENSONS in 1915. A couple of years later, NAHAR and GHOSH came out with a bulky volume under the title "An Epitome of Jainism”.9
In the next fifteen years scholars like GANDHI,10 GLASENAPP,11 GUERINOT, 12 WARREN13 and SCHUBRING14 made contributions to several aspects of Jainism.
Work regarding Jaina texts :
This research regarding Jainism in general, attracted the attention of scholars, both Indian and European, to the need of editing Jaina texts. As early as 1847, BÖTHLINGKE rendered into German the Abhidhānacintāmani. The next year saw the publication of the translation of Kalpasūtra by STEVENSON. These initial attempts, however, were not perfect, and ten years later WEBER published in 1866), his masterly "Fragments of the Bhagavati". This was followed by his survey of the sacred literature of the Jainas.15
3. The following account is mainly taken from SCHUBRING's Die Lehre der Jainas, Chapt. 1, pp. 1-17; WINTERNITZ's Hist. of Ind. Lit., pt. II; GLASENAPP's Der Jainismus, Guj. tran. pp. 1-10.
4. Asiatic Researches, Band IX, 1809, pp. 244 ff. 5. Trans. of R.A.S. 1827. 6. Engl. transl. by BURGESS in 1903. 7. ERE, Vol. 7, pp. 465-74. 8. The Heart of Jainism. 9. Published: 1917. 10. Jaina Philosophy, 1924. 11. Der Jainismus, 1925. 12. La Religion Djaina, 1926. 13. Jainism in Western Garb...etc., 1930. 14. Die Lehre der Jainas, 1935. 15. Engl. transl. in I.A. Vols.: XVII-XXI.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
15 JACOBI,16 LEUMANN, 17 HOERNLE,18 and CHARPENTIER19 contributed their intellectual mite in this effort. Indian scholars like VIJAYADHARMASURI, VIJAYANANDASURI, Muni JINAVIJAYA, Shri K. P. MODI, Drs. P. L. VAIDYA, A. N. UPADHYE, Babu Kamta Prasad JAIN, C. R. JAIN, Prof. KAPADIA, Dr. Hiralal JAIN, Pandit Nathu Ram PREMI and others have also contributed their due share in the advancement of Jaina research.
Along with these scholars, so many Digambara and Svetambara institutions have come forward for the publication of the canonical and the noncanonical texts. The Jaina Bhāndaras have also, of late, brought out their mss. wealth to some extent. Mss., Epigraphy and Pattāvalis :
In the field of manuscripts, pattāvalis (lists of succession in Church hierarchy), and epigraphy also, voluminous material has come to light.
Reports and catalogues of manuscripts by BÜHLER,20 KIELHORN,21 PETERSON,22 BHANDARKAR,23 KEITH,24 Rai Bahadur HIRALAL,25 VELANKAR26 and others have made a considerable addition to our knowledge.
Hundreds of Jaina inscriptions were brought to light by Journals like The Epigraphia Indica, Epigraphia Carnatica, Indian Antiquary, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, South Indian Inscriptions, Jaina Antiquary and annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India. These and others have been embodied in separate monographs by GUERINOT,27 NAHAR,28 Muni JINAVIJAYA,29 and by scholars like RICE, HULTZCH, KIELHORN, FERGUSSON, BURGESS, FLEET and others. Evaluation of Literary and Epigraphical Sources:
A proper evaluation and selection of material out of this mass of literary and epigraphical sources is needed to build up a somewhat connected
16. Kalpasūtra 1879; Acaranga, Sūtraktänga, Kalpasūtra and Uttaradhyayana in SBE, Vol.: XXII, XLV, 1884.
17. Aupapātika 1883. 18. Uvasagadasão 1884. 19. Uttaradhyayana 1921. 20. Rep. in search of Skt. Mss. : 1869-82. 21. Do.--years: 1869-82. 22. Do--years: 1886-92, London 1894. 23. Do.-years 1882-97. 24. Do.--year 1911. 25. Do. Nagpur 1926. 26. Do. BBRAS., 1930. 27. Reportaire d'Epigraphie Jaina 1908. 28. Jaina Lekha Sangraha, 3 Vols. 1918. 29. Pracina Jaina Lekha Sangraha, Bhāvanagar.

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S. B. DEO history of Jaina monachism, as both of these types of sources may be said to have certain merits as well as demerits.
The data and the nature of a literary source is not easy to fix. It may have derived its material from tradition, or partly from tradition and partly from a historical event. The epigraphical data is generally historical, often contemporary with the event, though usually brief. Inscriptions may be said to serve as a kind of a check on the literary sources, and they sometimes supplement and vindicate the information in the texts, as in the case of the Kalpasūtra and the Mathură Inscriptions.30 Thus the information as given in the Jaina canonical texts checked by historical evidence may be said to form the basis of the historical approach to Jaina monachism. The importance of svet. and Dig. works:
Considering the fact that little work, particularly on Jaina monachism has been done up till now, a study of the Svetāmbara canon together with its exegetical literature as also that of the early and later Digambara texts presents an interesting field for research. Irrespective of the fact that the Jaina canonical books "are written in a dry-as-dust, matter of fact, didactic tone, and .... are seldom instinct with general human interest which so many Buddhist texts possess,"31 they are of immense value for our purpose. The texts of the canon of a monachism well-known for its ethical and ascetic practices are bound to be so. Limitations of the Svet. Canon:
Before entering into a detailed study of the Svetāmbara Canon, it should be made clear that the group of texts known as the 'Siddhanta' or 'Agama' is acknowledged only by the Svetāmbara sect of the Jaina Church and it is disowned and taken as unauthoritative by the Digambaras.
Moreover, among the different groups of texts that go to form the Śvetāmbara canon, no unanimity about the total number of the books of the Agama can be had. Different scholars come to different conclusions.32 The following list, however, based on the opinion of scholars like WINTERNITZ33 and WEBER, 34 is generally accepted.
30. BÜHLER, Indian Sect of the Jainas, pp. 58-60.
31. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 426; also WEBER: '(Jaina) literature, remarkable not less for its immensity than for its monotony and intellectual poverty"-L.A. Vol. XVII, p. 290.
32. Prof. KAPADIA gives a list of 84 books of the Canon : Canonical Lit. of the Jainas, p. 58; See GLASENAPP, op. cit., tran. p. 100. ; also Thān. p. 49b; Anugoya, pp. 3-5; 201-02; Nandi. 114.
33. op. cit., pp. 428-30. 34. 1.A. Vols. XVII-XXI.

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17
The Svetāmbara Canon:
(2)
The Svetāmbara Canon is divided into the following principal categories: The Angas:
(1) Ayāranga.
Süyagadanga. (3) Thānanga. (4) Samavāyānga. (5) Viyāhapannatti, (also called Bhagavati). (6) Nāyādhammakahão. (7)
Uvāsagadasão. (8) Antagadadasão. (9) Anuttarovavāiyadasão. (10) Panhāvāgaraņāim. (11) Vivāgasuya.
(12) Ditthivāya (not extant). The Upāngas:
(1) Ovaväiya. (2) Rāyapaseņaijja. (3) Jivābhigama. (4) Pannavaņā. (5) Sūriyapannatti. (6) Jambuddīvapannatti. (7) Candapannatti. (8) Niryāvalio. (9) Kappāvadamsião. (10) Pupphião. (11) Pupphacūlião.
(12) Vanhidasão. Ten Painnas:
(1) Causarana. (2) Āurapaccakkhāņa.
Bhattaparinnā. (4) Samthāra.
Tandulaveyāliya. Candāvijjhaya. Devindatthava.
Ganivijja. (9) Mahāpaccakkhāņa.
(10) Vīratthava. BULL. DORI3

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S. B. DEO Six Cheyasuttas:
(1) Nisiha. (2) Mahānisiha. (3) Vavahāra.
Dasāsuyakkhandha, (or Ayāradasão). (5) Kappa, (also Brhatkalpa). (6) Pañcakappa, (some put Jiyakappa).
Four Mülasuttas:
(1) Uttarājjhayana. (2) Dasaveyäliya.
Avassaya. (4) Pindanijjutti, (some put Oha-n-o).
Two Miscellaneous Texts:
(1) Nandi. (2) Anuyogadāra.
Authorship of the Canon:
The Jaina tradition attributes the creation of the sacred lore to the Arhat,35 and the systematic compilation of it in sūtra form to the ganadharas or the chief disciples of the Master. The essence of the doctrine was contained by the fourteen Puvvās which Mahāvīra was said to have exposed to his eleven ganadharas. Unfortunately the knowledge of these texts was gradually lost, and only a single gañadhara could hand it down to posterity. The Council of Pāțaliputra:
This episode of the loss of the canon and the Digambara non-recognition of it, is connected with the famous famine in Magadha during the reign of Candragupta Maurya. It is said that during his reign, starvation conditions led to the migration of a section of the Jaina Church under Bhadrabāhu to South India, while another group under Sthūlabhadra preferred to stay at home.
When the famine was over and normal conditions prevailed, a council was summoned by Sthūlabhadra at Pāțaliputra early in the 3rd century B.C., to collect and co-ordinate the extant portions of the canon as the famine con
35. Atthar bhāsai arihā suttar ganthanti ganahară niunam sāsanassa hiyatthae tao suttam pavattai. So also we come across the set formula at the beginning of the texts or chapters in it: 'Jai ņam bhante samaņeņa bhagavayā Mahavirena' etc.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
19
ditions had perhaps made it impossible for the monks to recollect and study their texts properly.
The Council found that the knowledge of the puvvas was lost and that nobody except Bhadrabāhu who was practising austerities somewhere in Nepal,36 knew them. The council requested him to reveal his knowledge to others but he refused to do so. Then being threatened with excommunication, he agreed to teach the puvvas to a group of some five hundred monks sent to him for that purpose by the Sangha. Out of the five hundred, only Sthūlabhadra showed the tenacity of mastering all the puvvas. But he too was handicapped by his master's order prohibiting him to teach the last four puvvas, out of the fourteen, to anybody for some transgression done by him. The final effect of the whole incident resulted in the loss of the last four puvvas, and the Pāķaliputra Council could, it seems, only collect the ten puvvas and the Angas.
The canon fixed by the Pāțaliputra Council which was 'undoubtedly the first origin of the Siddhānta',37 was not acknowledged by those who had returned to their home-lands from the south. Being dissatisfied with this attempt of the Council, they went to the length of disowning the canon and declared that the whole group of the Angas and the puvvas was lost forever. Thus the Digambaras came to hold the view that the canon as collected by the Pāțaliputra congregation was not a genuine one.38
The Loss of puvvas:
On the loss of the puvva texts which were said to be incorporated in the twelfth Anga Diţthivāya,39 different scholars hold different views and attribute various reasons for it.
The Jainas themselves seem to put forward the famine conditions, which seriously affected the daily routine of Jaina monks, as the cause of the nonstudy and the forgetting of the puvvas.
36. Avašyaka-C. II, p. 187. 37. C. J. SHAH, Jainism in North India, p. 221.
38. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., 2, p. 432. It may be noted that the tradition mentions the loss of the canon in the career of the previous Tirthankaras also. WEBER, I. A., Vol. XVII,
. 280 : "At the time of Usabha all the twelve Angas were extant; between Jinas 1-9 only the first eleven; between Jinas 9-16 all the twelve were lost; and under or between 16-24 they were all extant. The twelfth Anga was, however, lost again after Jina 24".
39. WEBER, 1. A., XX, p. 170.

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S. B. DEO
WEBER, however, attributes it to a different reason. He remarks, "The loss of the entire Drștivāda is doubtless principally due to the fact that it had direct reference to the doctrines of the schismatics."40
JACOBI opines, "We know that the Drștivāda, which included the fourteen puvvas, dealt chiefly with the drșțis or philosophical opinions of the Jainas and other sects. It may thence be inferred that the puvvas related controversies held between Mahāvira and his rival teachers....Now if the discourses of Mahāvīra, remembered and handed down by his disciples, were chiefly controversies, they must have lost their interest when the opponents of Mahāvīra had died and the sects headed by them had become extinct."41
LEUMANN strikes an altogether different note when he says that the Drștivāda must have been full of details regarding magic, spells and such other matter, and hence was given up as a text of the Canon later on.42
Whatever be the exact reason for the loss of the Drstivāda one thing seems certain, and that is the gradual loss of it. CHARPENTIER comes to the same conclusion when he remarks that "All these explanations (for the loss of the twelfth Anga of the Jainas) seem to me to have one fault in commonviz., that of suggesting that the Drstivāda.....had been wilfully rejected by the Svetāmbaras themselves......Besides, against all such suggestions stand the statements of the Jainas themselves; for they clearly tell us that the puvvas became obsolete only gradually, so that the loss was not complete until a thousand years after the death of Mahāvīra-i.e., just at the time of the final redaction of the canon."43
The Council of Mathurā:
This tale of disorder and further loss of the sacred lore was repeated a few centuries afterwards.
In the ninth century after the Nirvāṇa of Mahāvīra, (i.e., 4th cent. A.D.) another great famine held the country in the grip of starvation which resulted in the death of many Jaina monks. At the end of the famine, however, another council was held at Mathurā under the presidentship of Arya Skandila and whatever remnant of the knowledge of the canon was available was collected together.44
40. 1. A., Vol. XVII, p. 286. 41. SBE, XXII, p. XLV. 42. C. J. SHAH, op. cit., pp. 230-31. 43. CHARPENTIER, Utt. Intr., pp. 22-3. 44. WEBER, 1. A., Vol. XVII, p. 282.

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21
JAIN also refers to another tradition which advocates the view that 'no canon was lost during the period' but persons other than Arya Skandila who were well-versed in the canon had met with death in the famine.45
The canon as compiled by this council goes under the name of Mathuri
vācanā.
The Council of Valabhi:
On the strength of the evidence of the Jyotiskarandaka Tikā, JAIN refers to another council held at Valabhi under one Nagarjunasuri who seems to have been a contemporary of Arya Skandila, with a view of collecting the then extant portions of the canon. It seems, however, that these two leaders could not get an opportunity to come together for the final verification and fixing up of the authoritative readings, and the difference seems to have. remained right upto the second council of Valabhi.
One point may be noted here regarding the first Valabhi council. We may accept the tradition which speaks of Nagarjuna and the Valabhi council. But the date which is ascribed to it does not seem to be correct as it falls in the fourth century A.D., it being a contemporary council with that held at Mathura under Skandila. However, the earliest reference to Valabhi hitherto known, is in 501 A.D. It, therefore, does not seem to have existed much earlier, as it was founded possibly after the death of Skandagupta, i.e., about 470 A.D.
The Second Council of Valabhi:
The present form of the Svetambara Jaina canon owes its compilation and classification to another council at Valabhi held in the beginning of the sixth century A.D. (980 or 993 years after Mahavira's death), under the presidentship of Devardhiganin Kṣamāśramaņa. The council made sincere efforts to collect all the available material, and it was then finally written down. In doing so, however, Devardhi took into consideration oral traditions, and old readings, and variants from the followers of Nagarjuna and others were also recorded. It may be noted that this council could not get any trace of the twelfth Anga which was said to contain the Pūrvās.
The Date of the Canon:
Historically speaking, therefore, the period ascribed to the Svetambara canon does not seem to go beyond the sixth century A.D. But taking into consideration the role of Devardhi as that of a mere redactor, and the fact
45. Life in Ancient India, pp. 32-33.
46. E. I., XVI, 17.

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S. B. DEO
that the Jaina tradition ascribes the origin of the texts not only to the Pataliputra Council but even further back to Mahāvīra and his chief disciples, we may subscribe to the view that "the canon which Devardhi compiled, and which has come down to us, is the final result of a literary activity that must have begun as soon as the organisation of the Order and the monastic life were firmly established. This was in all probability the case not long after the death of Mahāvīra. The earliest portions of the canon may, therefore, quite possibly belong to the period of the first disciples of Mahāvīra himself, or at the latest to the second century after Mahavira's death—the period of the Maurya Candragupta, in which tradition places the Council of Pāțaliputra
-whilst the latest portions probably be dated nearer the times of Devardhi.”47 Authenticity of the Canon :
Irrespective of the fact that the canon is the outcome of a literary activity well over a thousand years, it may be noted that it has embodied older traditions somewhat intact and without a change, on the basis of which we may not question its authenticity, which the Digambaras seem to do.
Scholars like WINTERNITZ and JACOBI put forth the following points to support the authenticity of the Canon.
(i) The evidence of the Mathurā inscriptions support the existence of different ganas, sākhās and kulas at the beginning of the Christian era, as given in the Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu. Thus the traditions embodied in this text go back to a period of roughly first century A.D. or even earlier.
(ii) In the Mathurā inscriptions, 48 there occurs a reference to one Aryyabaladina who is designated as 'vācaka'. This possibly proves the existence of the teachers of the sacred lore which was in existence as early as the beginning of the Christian era.
(iii) That there were no fundamental alterations in the canon may be proved by the fact that even the Svetāmbara texts refer to the rule and practice of nudity. Therefore, the flawless handing down of the material of the scriptures was strictly resorted to by the redactors.
(iv) There is, according to JACOBI, a great resemblance between the Jaina and the Buddhist traditions.
(v) “An argument of more weight" as JACOBI puts it, is the total absence of Greek astronomical references in the Jaina canon. According to
47. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., pp. 434-35; UPADHYE, Bphatkathākoša, Intr., p. 17. 48. E. I., Vol. 1, Inscr., Nos. III, IV and VII, pp. 382-86.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM him, Greek astronomy was introduced into India "about the third or the fourth century A.D.", and hence "it follows that the sacred books of the Jainas were composed before that time."49 Antiquity of the different parts of the Canon:
Inspite of this authenticity and antiquity of the canon as a whole, it is very difficult to date each and every text or even a group of texts on a chronological basis, as we get references to later texts in books supposed to be earlier in compilation,50
Only a few texts are ascribed to datable authors, as for instance, the Daśavaikālika to Sejjambhava (the fourth head of the Church after Mahāvira, a century after the latter's death),51 Pannavanā to Ajja Sama who is said to have lived in the fourth century after Mahāvīra's death,52 Anuyogadvāra to Ajja Rakkhiya (1st cent. A.D.), Nandi to Devardhi, the president of the second Valabhi council, and some Chedasūtras to Bhadrabahu (c. 4th cent B.C.). The oldest parts of the Canon :
Due to the absence of any other datable or reliable evidence, we have got to resort to other peculiarities in deciding the probable sequence of antiquity ascribed to different groups of texts in the Svetāmbara canon. The Angas :
The Angas have been taken to be the oldest parts of the Canon by many scholars. The reasons put forward in this connection may be summarised as follows:
(i) That this group of eleven texts was taken to be very important and essential for study, over and above the rest of the canon, may be proved from frequent references to it in other texts denoted by the words 'ikkārasa angāim ahijjhai'.59
(ii) The Digambaras also hold the twelve Angas—the Dvādaśāngi -in as high an esteem as the Svetāmbaras',54 and consent to the view that the ganadharas of Mahāvira knew the Angas as well as the Pūrvās.
49. SBE., Vol. XXII, pp. xl-xlii; WINTERNITZ, op. cit., pp. 432-34. 50. Smv. refs. to Uttarādhyayana, p. 64b; to Nandi, p. 93b; to Nisiha, p. 44a, etc.
51. Date of Dév.: 'The year 98 after the death of Mahavira'-WINTERNITZ, op. cit., p. 433, f. n. 2; see 'Daśavaikälika,--A Study, by Prof. PATWARDHAN.
52. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., p. 433; KLATT, I. A., Vol. XI, pp. 247-251.
53. Anuttar. (P. L. VAIDYA), p. 58, 69; Antag. (VAIDYA), p. 5; Uvāsaga, (HOERNLE), p. 67; Niryä, p. 36, etc., etc.
54. WEBER, I. A., Vol. VII, p. 29.

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(iii) JACOBI puts forth the evidence of language and the metres which, according to him, are archaic. He remarks, "I am of the opinion that the first book of the Acarängasútra and that of the Sūtrakṛtänga may be reckoned amongst the most ancient parts of the Siddhanta, the style of both works appears to me to prove the correctness of this assumption",55
24
For these reasons, we may take the Angas-even though 'parts of the Angas are decidedly quite young's, as the oldest portion of the canon, and until critical editions of each and every text of the Angas are available we may ascribe the same antiquity to the whole group rather than go on detecting different strata in every text, which, it should be made clear, would be a matter of years of critical research. We may, in the present state of our knowledge, at the most, take the Acäränga and the Sutrakṛtänga as the earlier texts of the Anga group, when thinking of the whole series of the Anga books.
The Mulasütras:
Next to the Angas, the group of three (Uttaradhyayana, Avasyaka and Daśavaikälika) out of the four Mülasütras-the fourth being the Pinda or the Oghaniryukti-, may be taken as having a comparatively lesser antiquity than the Angas.
We have already noted that one of these texts, the Daśavaikälika, is attributed to one Sejjambhava who is said to have succeeded as the fourth head of the Church, and who wrote the book for his novice-son Manaka, in the year 98 after Mahavira's death.
Another text of the group, the Uttaradhyayana, seems to be of as much antiquity and appears as "the oldest nucleus consisting of valuable poems-series of gnomic aphorisms, parables and similes, dialogues and ballads which belong to the ascetic poetry of ancient India, and also have their parallels in the Buddhist literature in part" 57
Irrespective of the fact that its chapters are "a compilation of various texts, which belong to various periods",58 the later antiquity of this work as compared with the Sütrakrtänga, is argued by JACOBI on the basis "of the fact that the Uttaradhyayana gives but passing references to various heretical faiths, while the former text gives details about them". In vindication of his opinion, the learned scholar remarks, "Apparently the dangers expect
55. SBE., Vol. XXII, Intr., p. xii; WINTERNITZ, op. cit., pp. 435-41. 56. Prof. L. ALSDORF in a private letter to me.
57. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., p. 466. 58. Ibid.

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ed from that quarter grew less in the same measure as time advanced and the institutions of the sect were more firmly established. Of more interest to a young monk seems to have been an accurate knowledge of animate and inanimate things, as a rather long treatise on this subject has been added at the end of the book" 59
The Avasyakasutra, however, has not retained its pure form inasmuch as it has come down to us only in a mixed state along with the Niryukti. It may therefore be admitted that it is very difficult to fix any date or ascribe roughly the possibility of a particular period of compilation to this text. For want of any other evidence or due to the absence of a critical edition, the material in it has been incorporated, in the present thesis, along with the previously mentioned texts of this group even though there is a possibility of getting information of a later phase of Jaina monachism in the text of the Avasyaka.
The probable dating of the fourth Mülasūtra-The Pinda or sometimes the Ogha niryukti-, will be discussed at a later stage when we come to the Niryuktis as a whole.
From the available evidence on which the above discussion regarding the possible dating of the Angas and the Mūlasūtras has been done, it may be said that these two groups of texts seem to reveal the state of Jaina monachism from about the times of Mahavira to roughly the fourth century B.C.
The Chedasūtras:
The group of six texts going under the name of the Chedasūtras 'did not, perhaps, form a group in the Canon until a late period, as it is not always the same texts which are placed in the group'.60
Amongst these six texts, only the three-Dasü, Kappa and Vavahāra -are frequently referred to as a single unit, and the tradition says that Bhadrabahu who "is said to have been the sixth Thera after Mahavira, and to have died 170 years after Mahāvīra's Nirvana,61 culled the material for these texts from the ninth Purvā.62 As we have no knowledge of the contents of the Pūrvās as they are said to be extinct long back, we have to
59. JACOBI, SBE, Vol. XIV, Intr., p. xxxix.
60. WINTERNIRZ, op. cit., pp. 461-62; "The Pinda-Nijjutti and Oha-Nijjutti are also occasionally classed among the Cheda-sutras'; Ibid., p. 465.
61. lbid., p. 462.
62. Ṛshimandalastotra, v. 166, in support of this quoted by SHAH, op. cit., p. 233, f. n. 7. BULL. DCRI.-4

...

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S. B. DEO accept the authorship of Bhadrabāhu for these texts, and ascribe them his date, till other decisive evidence is forthcoming.
One point regarding the Dasă (Daśāśrutaskandha) also called as the Āyāradasão, may be noted. That is regarding the eighth section in it which goes under the name of Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu. In this connection WINTERNITZ opines that only the portion called 'sāmācārī' dealing with rules of rain-retreat may be ascribed to Bhadrabāhu, and the other portions like the biographies of Tirthankaras and the list of ganas, śākhās, kulas and their heads, some of whom are persons posterior to Bhadrabāhu, may be later additions.63
Regarding the Nisihasutta we fail to get any clue regarding its author or date. It may, however, be noted that the forms of punishment dealt with in it, viz. parihāra and the ārovaņā are common with the Vavahāra in many a detail. More than that, WINTERNITZ remarks, on the basis of many similarities between Nisīha and the Cūlās of Acāranga, that 'probably both these works originated in one and the same earlier source'.64 He, however, takes this work as a later one.65
The fifth Cheyasutta called as Pañcakappa, being not extant now, one cannot say what material it contained. Instead of this text, sometimes the Jiyakappa of Jinabhadra who was perhaps earlier than the sixth century A.D.,66 is added to the list of the Chedasūtras. From the possible date ascribed to him, we may not attribute the same antiquity to this text as in the case of the Dasā, Kappa and the Vavahāra.
The sixth text termed as Mahānisīha 'which perhaps took the place of an earlier canonical Mahā-Nisīha that went astray', 67 has also been taken by WINTERNITZ to be a 'still later work than these two Nijjuttis (i.e. Pinda and Ogha)'. He goes to the extent of arguing whether 'in reality (it) can.... be attributed to the Canon with correctness'.
The reasons put forward by him in support of the above statement are the nature of the language as well as the material in it. References to Tantric matters and non-canonical literature suggest a later date to this text.68
63. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., pp. 462-64. 64. Ibid., p. 464-65. 65. Ibid. 66. Dr. UPADHYE expresses this view in a private letter to me. 67. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., p. 465. 68 Ibid., p. 465.

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The above discussion may be said to bring to prominence the comparatively greater antiquity of the four out of the six texts of the Chedasutras. We may not be wrong, therefore, in ascribing a period contemporary with that of Bhadrabāhu, to these four texts. The Rest of the Canon :
In the case of the rest of the groups of texts going under the name of the Upāngas, the Prakirņakas and the two miscellaneous texts, no clue for their possible date or even a tradition to that effect, can be had. The Upāngas :
The Upāngas consisting of a group of twelve texts, may be taken to be the result of an effort to have simply a parallel number of texts to those of the Angas. As a matter of fact, even though they are termed as Angas and Upāngas they fail to reveal any mutual relation between them, and "the connection is merely external”.69
We have already seen that only one text amongst these Upāngas, has been approximately dated, viz. the Pannavaņā which is ascribed to Ajja Sāma, who is said to have flourished in the fourth century A.D. according to some Svetāmbara Pattāvalis.70
Three other texts of the Upāngas—The Jambuddīva-Pannatti, Sūriya-P. and Canda-P.-deal with astronomical views of the Jainas. We have already noted JACOBI opining that Greek astronomy was introduced in India round about the third or the fourth century A.D. It is rather difficult to ascertain whether Greek astronomy had some influence in the formation of these texts.
Failing, therefore, to get any other evidence that can provide a clue to the dating of these and other texts, we may not be wrong in ascribing the Upāngas a period later than the Chedasūtras, even though there may be some portions of some texts in them which may be of a greater antiquity, The Prakīrņakas :
As the very designation suggests, the group of ten texts called as Paiņņas, are 'stray' or 'scattered pieces'. They deal with topics like proper and improper forms of death, the essential duties of the monk (āvassaya), confession and renunciation of faults, the offering of respects to the Arhat, Siddha, Sadhu and Dharma, information about the embryo, details about gods, and rules of behaviour in a gaccha or a unit of monks.
69. Ibid., p. 453; WEBER, 1. A., Vol. XX, p. 366. 70. See, KLATT, I. A., Vol. XI, pp. 247, 251.

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28
S. B. DEO Only one among these texts, the Causarana, has been ascribed to a particular author. One Virabhadda is said to have written it. But no details about him are available.
The Gacchāyārapainnaya deals with rules of monastic conduct pertaining to a group of monks, the relations with nuns and the mutual behaviour between the teacher and the disciple. WINTERNITZ remarks that this text "is an extract from the Mahānisīha and Vavahăra". 71
The Ganivijjāpainnaya is full of details about omens, karanas, muhurtas, nakşatras and such other matter, and our remarks in the case of the Paņņattis may be applied to this text as well.
Some more points regarding the Paiņņas may be noted :
From their contents, it does not appear that all these texts belong to one author.
Another thing is that the list of the Prakīrņakas has never been constant, and sometimes a greater number of texts is included in this group.72
From the nature of these texts discussed above, we may say that they belong to a later period—whether later than the Upāngas or not, it is very difficult to say.
The Two Miscellaneous Texts :
Finally, there remains a pair of texts, called Nandi and Anuyogadvära, which is not classified and hence not included in any other group of the canon.
Out of these two, the former is ascribed, by tradition, to Devardhi, the president of the Valabhĩ council. Scholars like CHARPENTIER73 and WEBER,74 however, are doubtful about this tradition inasmuch as the details given about the Canon in the Nandi differs from its present form. But WINTERNITZ seems to justify the claim of Devardhi when he remarks "But, then, do we possess the Canon in exactly the form in which Devardhi edited it?" 75
Besides the details about the canon, these two texts give sundry information on various topics like popular sciences, wrong beliefs, poetry, gram
71. Op. cit., p. 461. 72. See f. n. 3, on page 461, in WINTERNITZ, op. cit. 73. Intr. to Uttar,, p. 18. 74. 1.A., Vol. XXI, p. 294. 75. Op. cit., p. 472, f. n. 3.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
mar and the rasas etc. WINTERNITZ, therefore, puts them in the class of 'huge encyclopaedias'.
From their contents and the tradition about their author we may take the Nandi and the Anuyogadvāra to be later works.
Conclusions:
From the above discussion about the possible antiquity of the different parts of the Svetämbara Canon, we may arrange the groups in the order of descending antiquity in the following way:
29
The Angas, then the Mülasûtras, then the Chedasūtras and lastly the Niryuktis, Upangas and the rest of the Canon.
The Exegetical Literature:
Besides the Canon, the Jainas have an immense commentarial literature woven round the canonical texts. This literature embodies and refers to old traditions and variant readings. It also mentions certain texts which have become extinct by now.
Besides this, the exegetical literature is of importance from the point of view of social traditions, peculiar customs and practices mentioned in it, as also due to references to several religious sects, schisms and faiths. Thus they give us the social background to monastic practices and alterations in it, if any.
Over and above all these qualifications, the commentaries are essentially useful in properly understanding the texts of the Canon. Dating of this Literature as a whole:
The exegetical literature has been the creation of a number of centuries, and except for such commentaries which have been ascribed to datable authors, it is not possible to trace the period of each and every book in this type of literature.
The fundamental difficulty in dating the earlier types of commentaries is the late compilation of the Canon itself. WINTERNITZ remarks, "As the Canon was written down at so late a period, it is not possible to fix a definite line of demarcation between the canonical and the non-canonical literature. At all events the non-canonical literature already begins before the completion of the Canon, and it has continued through all the centuries down to the present day". In fact, we have already seen that some of the Niryuktis-viz. Pinda and Ogha, are included as texts of the Canon itself.
76. Op. cit., p. 475.

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30
S. B. DEO
Types of Commentaries :
The vast exegetical literature consists of four principal types. They are the Nijjutti, the Bhāsa, the Cunni and the Țikā. The characteristics of each type and their probable periods may be discussed as follows: (a) The Nijjutti:
This group of commentaries may be said to form the earliest existing type of exegetical literature. From the fact that some of the Nijjuttis were included in the Canon itself as finally settled in the Valabhi Council, we may say that Jaina monks had already started to write such explanatory literature before the sixth century A.D. Their Nature :
The Niryuktis, in many cases, are unintelligible without the help of commentaries (bhāşya) for they contain references which are merely suggestive. Sometimes they briskly pass over from one topic to another by mentioning merely key-words. “The Niryukti is in its main parts only a sort of an index, a collection of versus memorials meant to give an abbreviation of an extensive commentary, where all these tales and legends are told
לדיי.at length
Their Importance :
Inspite of their summary style, the Niryuktis are important from many other considerations. They contain lot of material regarding various schools and sects,78 schisms,79 historical and legendary persons,80 ecclesiastical history81 and rules of monastic discipline 82 All this matter is useful in the history of Jaina monachism. Niryuktis Available :
Besides the Pinda and the Ogha Niryuktis, we have Niryuktis available on ten texts of the Canon. They are the Niryuktis on:
(i) Acārānga. (ii) Sūtrakrtānga. (iii) Uttarādhyayana.
77. CHARPENTIER, Uttar. Intr., pp. 50-51. 78. Sutraks-N. vs. 33-35, 86-121. 79. Avaśyaka-N. vs. 779-80.
80. Sutraky-N. ref. to Jamāli v. 125; Abhaya v. 57; Sreņika v. 57; Govinda Vācaka in Dśv.-N. v. 81; Sthulabhadra Uttar-N. 91-100; Vajraswami. Avaśyaka-N. 764-773.
81. Same as Ref. 79 and 80 above.
82. Daśaśruta-N. vs. 60-86 regarding rain-retreat; Types of death in Uttar-N, 212-34

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
(iv) Avasyaka.
(v) Daśavaikälika.
(vi) Raibhäşita.
(vii) Kalpa. (viii)
Vyavahāra.
(ix) Dasäśrutaskandha, (x) Suryapradnyapti.
and
Three Main Types:
Among these ten Niryuktis, Dr. GHATGE finds out three principal types which are as follows:
(i) Those whose texts have been handed down to us without much later additions, as for instance, the Niryuktis on the Acäränga and the Sutrakṛtānga,
(ii) those where verses of the so-called Mülabhäşya are added to the original Niryukti either to explain it, or to supplement it, viz., the Daśavaikoälika-N., and the Avasyaka-N.',
and (iii) those which are now called by the names of Bhāṣyas and Brhadbhāṣyas where it is not possible to separate the original Niryukti and the later commentary on it', as for example the Niryuktis on the Nitha and other texts.
31
It will, therefore, be seen that many of the Niryuktis as handed down to us to-day are not expected to be in their original form as we get their material mixed with the original texts as well as with the Bhāṣyas.
Dating the Niryuktis:
The Jaina tradition attributes the Niryuktis to Bhadrabahu who is said to have died 170 years after the death of Mahāvīra.84
The tradition also says that the Oghaniryukti was compiled from the material in one of the fourteen Pūrvās.
Inspite of this support of the tradition, scholars like Dr. GHATGES and Muni PUNYA VIJAYAJI88 seriously doubt the authorship of Bhadrabahu.

Dr. GHATGE points out that the Ogha and the Pinda-N. seem to be an off-shoot of the Niryuktis on the Daśavaikälika and the Avasyaka respectively.
83. I. H. Q., Vol. 12, p. 270.
84. BHANDARKAR, Report, 1883-4, pp. 131ff.
85. Op. cit., Vol. 11, pp. 627-29; Vol. 12, pp. 273-74.
86. Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya Rajata Mahotsava Smaraka Grantha, 1941, pp. 184-201.

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S. B. DEO Granting, however, a comparatively earlier date for the Niryuktis on the Acāränga and the Sūtrakytānga, he comes to the conclusion that "the later limit for these works can be approximately settled with the help of a few considerations. We find that the Avasyaka-Niryukti is often quoted by the canonical works like the Nandi-Sūtra, the Anuyogadvāra and the Samavayānga which attained to their present form as early as the fifth century A.D., if not earlier. That the arrangement of the canonical works as settled in the Council of Valabhi included two Niryuktis as books in the group called the Mūlasūtras, as also the fact that the ten Niryuktis have for their basis the older arrangement of the canon into works called Angas and Angabāhiras lead us to suppose that they must be considerably older than the second council. The latest reference to a Jaina patriarch is to be found in the Daśavaikūlika Niryukti (v. 81), where it refers to Govinda Vācaka who lived in the 3rd century A.D. So we can put the collection of these Niryuktis between 300 and 500 A.D., a period which will explain all the references found in the various Niryuktis. But it is much more probable that the reference to Govinda is a later addition, in which cases we can put the collection a little earlier. 87
Muni PUNYA VIJAYAJI, after carefully examining the tradition which ascribes the Chedasūtras as well as the Niryuktis to Bhadrabāhu comes to the conclusion that the Chedasūtrakāra Bhadrabāhu was different from the Niryuktikāra Bhadrabāhu.
Moreover, in some of the Niryuktis we come across references to postBhadrabāhu persons.88
For the above reasons we may not be wrong in ascribing the Niryuktis to a period later than the Chedasūtras. (b) The Bhāsas :
The next category of commentorial literature consists of the Bhāşyas which are written in Prākrit verses, and are very much intermingled with the text of the Niryuktis proper.
Eleven books of the Canon seem to have been equipped with the Bhāșyas.89 They are:
(1) Avaśyaka. (2) Daśavaikālika.
87. 1. H. Q., Vol. 12, pp. 273-74.
88. Ref. to Sthūlabhadra in Uttar-N. vs. 91-100; Vajraswāmin and Arya Rakşita in Avaśyaka-N. vs. 764-773.
89. KAPADIA, H. R., The Canonical Literature of the Jainas, p. 187.

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(3) Uttaradhyayana.
(4) Vyavahara.
(5) Nisitha.
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
(6) Bṛhatkalpa.
(7) Pañcakalpa.
(8) Jitakalpa.
(9) Pañcamangalaśrutaskandha.
(10) Ogha-Niryukti.
and (11) Pinda-Niryukti.
Their Authorship and Date :
Most of these Bhāṣyas are anonymous. Only one among the above eleven, viz. that on the Brhatkalpa is said to have been written by Sanghadāsangani.
The date and the authorship of the rest is still not certain.
Their Importance:
We have already seen that the Niryuktis can be understood with the help of the Bhāṣyas. They not only explain but even supplement the information as given in the Niryuktis.
33
(c) The Cunnis:
The Cunnis form the third group of commentaries which are written in a language which is a peculiar mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit.
KAPADIA gives a list of Cunnis on as many as twenty texts of the Canon. Unfortunately very few of them have been published up till now, and a majority of them are still to be found deposited in various Jaina Bhandars in manuscript form,90
Their Date:
WINTERNITZ seems to ascribe the Bhāṣyas and the Curnis to a later date, when he remarks: "At a later date, these Nijjuttis were extended to form exhaustive commentaries in Präkrit (Bhäṣyas and Cürnis)."
On linguistic basis also we may ascribe the Curnis to a period later than the Bhāṣyas because the former are not written in Prakrit alone like the latter, but are a blending of Prakrit and Sanskrit.
BULL. DCRI.-5
90. Hence all the references from Cunnis are accepted in this thesis as are found in JAIN'S 'Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons.'
91. Op. cit., p. 483.

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S. B. DEO (d) The Tīkās :
The tīkā type of exegetical literature is abundant. It is written in Sanskrit and even upto the present age there are numerous Jaina scholars who produce commentaries on canonical texts.
The names of Haribhadra (8th cent. A.D.), Śīlānka (C. 9th cent. A.D.), śāntisüri (11th cent A.D.), Abhayadeva (11th cent. A.D.), Devendra (11th cent. A.D.), Maladhāri Hemacandra (C. 12th cent. A.D.), and Malayagiri stand foremost as commentators. Among them Abhayadeva and Malayagiri are prominent as the former wrote tīkās on nine texts (3 to 11) of the Angas, while the latter on six Upāngas besides those on Vyavahārabhāşya, Pindaniryukti, Byhatkalpabhāşya and Avaśyaka. Their Importance :
These tīkās are important not only from the point of view of the traditional way of explaining the texts of the Canon, but also from the stories they give to illustrate a particular point. They thus throw light on the social background which, in certain cases, reflects contemporary conditions as also change in monastic practices, if any. Inspite of the fact that many of such stories are of a legendary nature, they reveal a touch of the knowledge of human psychology at their basis.
It is, however, unfortunate that no critical edition of each and every tīkā is up till now available, and we have to depend on ordinary editions. Extent of Svetāmbara Literary Activity :
A survey of the Svetambara Canon together with its exegetical literature shows that the whole literature is the outcome of the literary activity extending over a period from the date of the Pāțaliputra Council upto the seventeenth century A.D.
In this period of well over a couple of thousand years, the Svetārnbaras have produced not only the Canon but also an abundant exegetical literature of equal importance, the probable periods for which we have tried to indicate in the above discussion. The Digambara Canon :
We have already seen that the Digambaras do not acknowledge the Canon as fixed by the Svetāṁbaras.
They, nevertheless, hold in high esteem the tradition about the twelve Angas and the fourteen Pūryās.92
92. Cf. Mül. 9, 65: 'Angāņi dasa ya donni ya coddasa ya dharanti puvväi'.

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35
(a) The Angas :
Irrespective of the fact that no exhaustive details about the list of the Angas as acknowledged by the Digambaras is available, yet it may be noted that there appear many similarities between the Angas of the Svetāmbaras and those of the Digambaras.
For instance, the name of the sixth Anga for both of these sects is identical--viz. Nāyādhammakahão.93 The three Prajnaptis, however, are included by them in the first section of the Dşștivāda.
Regarding the identity of the rest of the books of the Angas between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras, BÜHLER quotes an interesting incident. He says, “The list of the Angas which they (i.e. the Digambaras) gave me agreed very nearly with that of the Svetāmbaras. But they asserted that their Angas though bearing the same names as the Svetāmbara books, differed in substance. In order to test this assertion, I handed to the Pandits a copy of the Svetambara Bhagavatī, and they at once conceded that it was the same text which they used every day."94 (b) The Angabāhyas :
The second category of the canon of the Digambaras is called as the Angabāhyas or those texts which fall outside the Anga group. This collection of texts is also termed as the Prakirņakas and contains works like the following:
(i) Sāmāika (ii) Caturvimśatistava (iii) Vandana (iv) Pratikramana
(v) Daśavaikālika (vi) Uttarādhyayana (vii) Kalpa-Vyavahāra.
From the names at least, it appears that the first four are similar to the four sections of the Āvaśyakasūtra which goes as one of the Mūlasūtras of the Śvetāmbaras, while the fifth and the sixth correspond to the Mülasūtras of the latter. The seventh appears to be similar to the Chedasūtras of the same names of the “vetambara Canon.
93. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 473.
94. 1. A., Vol. VII, p. 29. The last part of Bühler's remark cannot be verified. The Digambaras do not possess any Bhagavati. The Pandita consulted by Bühler is perhaps misled by the opening salutation which is common to all Jainas.

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S. B. DEO (c) The Anuyogas :
Besides the above texts, the Digambaras have a classification of four texts going under the name of the Anuyogas. They also like to term them as "the four Vedas.” WINTERNITZ, however, designates it by a better phrase when he calls it as 'a substitute Canon.'95 Though this classification based on the subject matter is pretty old and adopted even in the Svetāmbara tradition, the enumeration of texts under each heading is only modern.
These Anuyogas are divided into four groups:
(a) Prathamānuyoga- In this group, works of legendary nature are included. They consist of the Padmapurāna, Trişaştilaksanap', Mahāp', Harivamśapo, and Uttarapurāņa.
(b) Karaṇānuyoga—Works regarding the nature of the universe, the planets etc., viz. Süryaprajnapti, Candrapo, and Jayadhavalā.
(c) Dravyānuyoga—In this category all works of philosophical nature are included. They are by scholars like Kundakunda (beginning of the Christian era),96 Umāsvāti,97 and Samantabhadra (8th cent. A.D.).
(d) Caranānuyoga-This contains works on the rules of monastic conduct like Mülācāra and Trivarnācāra of Vațţakera (c. beginning of the Christian era),98 and Ratnakaranda-Śrävakācāra of Samantabhadra. (8th cent. A.D.). The Basis of Co-ordination :
A study of the list of the texts forming the canon and its supplement as given by the Digambaras, brings to prominence certain points which may well serve as the basis for finding out a common ground for both these sects.
The following items may be noted in this connection:
(1) We have seen that the tradition about the Angas and the fourteen Pūrvās is common to both these sects, and they hold the Angas in equal esteem and reverence.
(2) Over and above the Angas, we have marked the similarity of the names of some of the texts of the Angabāhiras of the Digambaras and the Mūlasūtras and the Chedasūtras of the Svetāmbaras.
(3) In the case of the contents also, some of the texts of the Digambaras and the Svetāṁbaras possibly agree. Instead of looking to all similari
95. op. cit., p. 474. 96. UPADHYE, Pravacanasāra, Intr. p. XXII.
97. For his date, see WINTERNITZ, op. cit., pp. 578. He seems to be earlier than Siddhasena Diwākara.
98. WINTERNITZ, op.cit., p. 477.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
37
ties here—which we will have to do later on when we study monastic practices—a few similiarities may be noted here regarding Mülācāra and some of the Svetambara texts.
(a) Some of the verses of Mūlācāra and Daśavaikālika are almost similar in wording. 99
(b) The improper times for study are similar in Mülācāra and the Thāṇānga.100
(c) In the Acāravṛtti on the text Mūlācāra, the commentator Vasunandin says that Vattakera the author of Mülācāra, 'intended to give in his work a brief summary of the Ayāranga for his pupils.'101
(4) It may be noted that many authors are claimed to be their own by both the Digambaras as well as by the Svetambaras, as for instance, Umāswāti (called by Digambaras as Umāswāmin), Siddhasena Divākara and others.
From these similarities, it may not be difficult to find out the earliest monastic practices common to both these sects which may reveal the fundamental similarity of these two branches of one system.
The 'Loss' of the Canon :
In the light of the above similarities and fundamental ethical identity, the Digambara tradition about the loss of the canon appears in a quite different facet. In the words of FARQUAHAR we may say that, "The truth seems to be rather this, that during the time when the differences between the two sects were becoming more sharply defined, the Digambaras took so little interest in the sacred books that the Svetāmbaras were able to manipulate them in their own interest. The canon bears clear traces of this process of redaction. If this be the truth, we can have no difficulty in understanding why the Digambaras 'lost the Canon. The traditional date for the loss, 2nd cent. A.D., just gives the time for the process after the schism."102 And the dates given for the written codification of the Digambara Canon by Puspadanta (A. V. 633-83) also stand in favour of the above view.103
99. Compare Mül. 10, 121-122 to Dév. 4, 7-8, etc.
100. As a matter of fact there are many other similarities which are discussed in Chapter 2, Part III.
101. WINTERNITZ, op. cit., p. 577; The commentator's date is, however, between 10th and 13th centuries: Ibid, note 2.
102. An Outline of the Religious Literature of India, p. 121. 103. WEBER, I. A. Vol. XVII, p. 282; GLASENAPP, op. cit., pp. 92-95.

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S. B. DEO Later Digambara Works :
Inspite of this vagueness about the Digambara Canon, there arose a number of scholars among them who enriched their literature from all points of view.
The names of writers like Kundakunda, Umāsvāti and Vattakera, we have already noted. Later scholars like Siddhasena Divākara, Samantabhadra, Akalañka, Prabhācandra, Jinasena, Amitagati, Nemicandra, Aśādhara and others have also played their part in producing a literature upholding the Digambara views. Non-Jaina Sources:
It may be observed here that the history of Jaina monachism cannot be based solely on Jaina sources, even though they are of fundamental help in this matter. Many points in them need corroboration from texts of other contemporary faiths like Buddhism and Brāhmanism.
Apart from corroboration, these latter sources also supplement the information in many cases pertaining to Jaina monachism.
One thing, however, may be noted while handling these resources. The accounts of rival faiths are generally twisted and exaggerated. A careful synchronisation, therefore, is necessary while dealing with the Jaina and nonJaina sources.
A study of such synchronisation reveals a wonderful picture of action and reaction not only between the different sects, but also between the social environments. Each sect either kept fast to the traditions inspite of social pressure or bent before it.
The non-Jaina resources are mainly two and they are as under: (a) The Buddhist Sources:
The importance of the Buddhist sources may be said to be more than that of Brāhmanical ones, inasmuch as, these two faiths reveal many identities between themselves.
Both these monachisms originated in the eastern parts of India, both were led by the Ksatriya princes who were more or less contemporaries, and both were unhesitatingly against Brāhmanical ritualism and the supremacy of the priest class.
With this common basis and the added element of contemporaneity, Buddhist texts furnish us with many references regarding Jaina tenets and monastic practices. The Dĩgha Nikaga, Majjhima Nikāga, Anguttara Nikaya and Mahāvagga contain valuable information regarding the Nātaputta (Mahāvīra) which we shall study later on. The Thera and the Therīgāthas, reveal a

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
39
variety of reasons for renunciation which compares favourably with that found regarding Jaina monks.
Apart from this, the study of these texts and other details in the Vinaya Pitaka and especially the Pātimokkha, expose many similarities in Buddhist and Jaina monachisms concerning the vassāvāsa, uposatha, rules regarding residence and laws of monastic jurisprudence. These similarities and differences are valuable in deciding the magnitude of mutual borrowing between these two sects.
It should be noted, however, that inspite of the Buddhist references to Jaina tenets, the Jaina texts never condescended to take note of their rivals, and we nowhere find a direct reference to the Buddhists in the Jaina Canon. Later commentators, however, explain those terms or statements of criticism, as they thought them to be pertaining to the Buddhists. (6) Brāhmanical Sources:
A number of religious systems growing up in one region cannot be said to be without mutual impacts. This is also the case in the history of Brāhmanism.
The growth of thought as seen from the Vedas to the Upanişads reveals a change in the conception of religion and liberation. The Upanişads reveal an intellectual revolt regarding the ideas based on tradition and it is very difficult to know the exact repercussions between the Jaina and the Buddhist philosophies on the one hand, and this Upanişadic renaissance on the other. .. Apart from this element of revolt, Brāhmanical texts like the Purānas which are later than the Upanişads, refer to personages, which may possibly turn out to be Jaina. The Vishnu 104 and the Bhāgwata Purānas105 refer to Rşabha who used to go about naked, who compelled Indra to send down rain and who died in a conflagration. This description compares favourably with the Jaina account of their first Tirthankara of the same name.106
Besides the resemblance in the life-story of Rşabha, there is yet another similarity in the Brahmanical and Jaina accounts of Sumati. According to the Jainas, he is the fifth Tīrthankara. The Bhagwat Purāņa makes him the son of Bharata and adds that this Sumati will be "irreligiously worshipped by some infidels as a divinity."'107
104. See WILSON's edition, p. 163. 105. 5, 3-6.
106. Cf. Kalpasūtra, SBE, Vol. XXII, pp. 281-85; Mahāpurāņa of Puşpadanta, ed. Dr. P L. VAIDYA, Vol. 1, Sandhis 1-3.
107. WILSON, op. cit., p. 164 n.

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S. B. DEO
Moreover, the twenty second Tirthankara, Ariştanemi, is connected with the Krsna legend.
Thus, it may be said that Brāhmanical texts, though some of them are later in period, do mention some Jaina traditions.
The Brāhmanical sources, moreover, give reference to a number of schools, sects and their practices, which must have influenced other faiths also. The importance of these and their leaders is all the more important when we take into consideration the fact that Jainism suffered heavily at the hands of Brāhmanical leaders in South India. Epigraphical Sources:
The following are some of the important dynasties, the epigraphs and the traditions concerning which are consulted. (a) North India and Gujarat:
Dynasty
Period
Period
Epigraphs
or Traditions
or
Field of Influence
T
śiśunāga Nandas
Anga, Magadha, Kosala. Kalinga and Magadha.
Fall: 4th cent.
B.C. 4th-2nd cent. B.C.
Mauryas
E and T
(Khāravela) Ksatrapas
C. 2nd cent. B.C. C. 1st cent. B.C.
North India and South upto Mysore. Kalinga. North Deccan, Kathiawad, Malwa. North India as far as Pataliputra. Kathiawad, Mälwa, Punjab, U. P., Bihar, Bengal. Eastern part of Hyderabad.
Kušana
1st-4th cent. A.D.
Guptas
Călukya
(Vengi) Gangas
(Kalinga) Ráştrakūtas
Kalinga and northern Sarkars of Madras. Karnatak, Deccan, Gujrat.
4th cent.-6th cent.
A.D. C. 7th-12th cent.
A.D. C. 7th-15th cent.
A.D. C. 8th-10th cent.
A.D. C. 6th-13th cent.
A.D. C. 8th-12th cent.
A.D. C. 8th-10th cent.
A.D. C. 8th-12th cent.
A.D.
Guhila
Punjab, Rajputana and Kathiawad Bihar and Bengal.
Pālas
Pratihāras
Rajputana, U. P., C. I. and northern Gujrat. U. P., C. P.
Haihayas

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Epigraphs
Dynasty
Period
or
Field of Influence
Traditions
Cāhamānas
Punjab, Rajputana and Gujrat. Bundelkhand.
Candellas
69
Paramāras
Gujarat, Malwa and Rajputana. Rajputana, C. I.
Kacchapaghātas
C. 8th-14th cent.
A.D. C. 9th-16th cent.
A.D. C. 9th-13th cent.
A.D. C. 10th-12th cent.
A.D. C. 10th-14th cent.
A.D. C. 10th-13th cent.
A.D. C. 11th-12th cent.
A.D. C. 16th-18th cent.
A.D.
Solankis
(Calukyas) Senas
Gujarat, C. I. and S. Rajputana. Bihar and Bengal.
Gāhadvālas
U. P.
Mughals
North India and Deccan.
E
Deccan, C. I. Karnatak, Goa, and Mysore.
Around Madura, Trichy and Tanjore.
Karnatak and Mysore.
Deccan and Karnataka.
(b) Deccan, Karnatak, Mysore and South India : Sātavāhana
C. 2nd cent. B.C. Kadambas
C. 4th-13th cent.
A.D. Pandya
C. 2nd-10th cent.
A.D. Pallava
C. 3rd-9th cent.
A.D. Gangas
C. 5th-10th cent. (Western)
A.D. Calukya
C. 6th-10th cent. (a) Badāmi
A.D. (b) Kalyāņi
A.D. Rāştrakūtas
C. 8th-10th cent.
A.D Silahāra
C. 10th-13th cent.
A.D. Hoysala
C. 12th-14th cent.
A.D. Yādava
C. 12th-14th cent.
A.D. Vijayanagara
C. 14th-18th cent.
A.D.
C. 10th-12 cent.
E
»
Konkan and Deccan.
Karnatak and Mysore.
Deccan and C. I.
Mysore and Karnatak.
It would be clear from the above list that epigraphs are available right from the Mauryan upto the end of the Muslim period.
BULL. DCRI.-6

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S. B. DEO
The details and the interpretation of these and those of other minor dynasties will be done in chapters dealing with the picture of Jaina monachism as revealed from epigraphs and the growth of Jaina Church in India. Scope and limits of the thesis :
Having taken a survey of the material at hand and its drawbacks, the scope and limits of such a history of Jaina monachism may be indicated as follows:
(a) Inspite of the facts regarding the late codification of the Svetāmbara canon and the possibility of its original material having undergone some change, the thesis is based on the accepted opinion of the scholars regarding the antiquity of its different parts.
Not ignoring the opinion that each book contains older and younger portions, we have proceeded on the possible antiquity of a group as a whole, rather than dissect each and every part of an individual text. It may be made clear that unless critical editions of all the texts of the Canon are published, it is very difficult to carry out such a penetrating dissection. Till then, our task will be to present the picture of the development of Jaina monachism as revealed in the material at hand whose probable sequence has received the general approval of scholars. It is, at the same time, hoped that the probable periods assigned to these various texts may help the idea of having critical editions not only from the linguistic point of view but even from the point of view of other items like art and architecture, social habits and other details involved in them.
The scheme of the order of descending antiquity would be like this:
(i) The Angas and the Mūlasūtras may be said to depict the state of Jaina monachism from the sixth century B.C. to roughly the fourth century B.C. Making, however, a concession to the opinion that only some parts of the Acāränga and the Sūtrakstānga are the oldest among the Angas, we may take these two books as representing the oldest phase of Jaina monachism. Then we may study the development or otherwise as revealed in the other texts of the Angas, and lastly in those of the Mülasūtras.
As the Digambara works are not available at such an early date, we may not study their practices in this phase. Moreover, we have already seen that the Digambaras also hold in esteem the tradition of the Angas and the Pūrvás, and that their canon also contains some of the names of the Svetāmbara Mūlasūtras.
(ii) The second phase may be said to be revealed in the Chedasūtras, Niryuktis and the rest of the texts of the Canon. These texts possibly depict

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM the state of Jaina Church from C. the 4th cen. B.C. to the codification of the Canon at Valabhī.
In these various groups of the texts, however, the Chedasūtras may be said to represent the earliest portion (C. 4th cent B.C.) as compared with the rest of the books. The Niryuktis are attributed to C. 300 to 500 A.D. or even a little earlier. The Prakīrņakas may be attributed to a period later than the 3rd or 4th cent. A.D. on account of their astronomical details.
The earliest Digambara opinions may be said to be found in the works of Kundakunda (C. 1st cent. A.D.) and Vattakera (C. 1st cent. A.D.). We have, therefore, incorporated their material in this phase.
(iii) The third phase of Jaina monachism is based on all the postcanonical and commentarial works like the Bhāşyas, Cūrņis, sīkās and those of post-Valabhi Jaina writers. This phase, therefore, may be said to extend from the sixth century A.D. onwards.
Digambara works of this period depict their own practices.
(b) The limit placed for the history of Jaina monachism is the close of the sixteenth century A.D. when the influence of the Muslim rule in various parts of the country can be ascertained.
Moreover, with the advent of the eighteenth century, it may be said that the country came in contact, more or less, with the English, which opened up a new era, the effects of which on Indian religious life cannot be fully realised unless a few more centuries essential for 'a look back', elapse.
(c) Taking into consideration the importance of epigraphical sources, all information obtained in them has been included in a separate chapter so as to reveal, as far as possible, the connected picture of the development of Jaina monachism, as against that based on traditions, the texts of the canon, and the works of later writers.
(d) In dealing with the different rules of a monastic system which has been most conservative, repetition of material is unavoidable. It is only when exhaustive details of each phase are described that there is a likelihood of detecting a change or otherwise.
(e) Even though monachism implies a life away from society, the different monachisms in India have played no minor role in the development of social traditions of different people. The impacts of Jainism on society and vice versa, therefore, are studied in a separate chapter,

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CHAPTER III
THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF SAMANISM It was some fifty years ago that JACOBI remarked that "the origin and development of the Jaina sect is a subject on which some scholars think it safe to speak with a sceptical caution, though this seems little warranted by the present state of the whole question; for a large and ancient literature has been made accessible, and furnishes ample material for the history of the sect to all who are willing to collect it".1
Role of Modern Research :
Since JACOBI's remark a lot of valuable material regarding Jainism has seen the light of the day, the survey of which we have already taken. In the light of this material, we are perhaps in a better position to search the origin and the development of Jaina monachism. The Oldest Stratum of Research Material :
As indicated previously, the Canon proves to be of basic importance in this matter.
In the Canon itself, as we have already noted, the Angas possibly form the oldest portion. It may very well claim to depict the conditions of society and religion contemporary with Mahāvīra, who is said to have lived in the sixth century B.C.
The Existence of Monastic Communities :
Anga texts reveal the existence of a number of wandering communities the members of which, out of noble or trifle purposes, entered monkhood and gave up all contact with society.
The Sūtrakrtānga, for instance, refers to as many as three hundred and sixty-three schools which were current at that time, while the Țhāņānga3 gives as many as five divisions of the Samana class itself, viz., Niggantha, Sakka, Tāvasa, Geruya and Ajiva. The Aupapātika4 which is perhaps a later text of the canon refers to a number of other monastic communities.
1. SBE., Vol. XXII, p. i. 2. SBE., XIV, pp. 315-19; Acär. Comm. pp. 15-17; Smu. Comm. pp. 102-03. 3. p. 94a, 342b 4. pp. 170-77; See Amulyacandra SEN: 'Schools and Sects in Jain Literature'.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
45
Buddhist Corroboration :
The existence of these communities is corroborated by the oldest Buddhist texts also. The Anguttara-Nikāya,5 Milindapañhas and the SamyuttaNikāya’ refer to a number of wandering sects and faiths. Other Support:
Besides these Jaina and Buddhist literary evidences, the accounts of Megasthenes who visited India at the time of Candragupta Maurya, and the edicts of Asoka' reveal a number of ascetic groups at their time. The Basic Identity of these Communities :
Some of the features of monastic conduct were common to all these communities.
The members of such groups gave up worldly life, and severing all contact with the society, they wandered as homeless persons. 10
Being least dependent on society, they maintained themselves by begging food.11
Having no home, they led a wandering life,12 staying, however, at one place in the rainy season13 in order to avoid injury to living beings.
Lastly, they seemed to acknowledge no caste barriers, and hence consisted of various elements of the society. Prominence to the Samana :
Among all these numerous communities, a place of prominence was always attributed to a class of wandering mendicants called as the Samanas.
An attempt on the part of "the Jainas who use the term prior to the Buddhists”,14 reveals their efforts to raise the position of the Samaņa equal to that of the Brāhmaṇa, if not superior to him.
5 III, pp. 276-77. 6. SBE, XXXVI, Pt. ii, Intr. pp. xxiii ff.
7. III, pp. 238, 240; See N. DUTT, Early Buddhist Monachism, pp. 34 ff; Law, Buddhistic Studies, pp. 89 ff.
8. WILSON, Works, Vol. I, p. 324 quoted by RICE, I.A, Vol. III (1874), p. 158.
9 Collection of Prakrta and Skt. Inscri., Bhavanagar Arch. Deptt.; Junāgadh, Edict. No. 3: Bambhana samaņānam ......'; also Corp. Insc. Ind., Vol. L, HULTZSCH, Edn. IV, Ecicts of Girnar, Shahbazgarhi and Mansehrā.
10. 'Agārāo anagāriam pavvayai' compares favourably with the Buddhist 'Agarasma anagariyar pabbajati.'
11. Goyari, Bhikkhāyariya. 12. "Gāmāņugamam viharai'. 13. Vassā: Common to the Buddhists and the Jains. 14. RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 143.

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S. B. DEO
Not only in the ascetic community but in the field of intellectual activity also, the Samaņas were deemed to be equal with the Brāhmaṇa. "According to WINTERNITZ, all intellectual activities in ancient India were not confined only to Brāhmaṇas : there was not only Brāhmanical literature, but there was also the Paribbājaka, Bramaņa or ascetic literature. These two representatives of intellectual and spiritual life in ancient India are well recognised by the phrase 'Samanas and Brāhmaṇas' in Buddhist sacred texts, by reference to 'Samana bambhana' in Asokan inscriptions, and by Megasthenes distinction between Brāhmanai and Samanai."15 Sramana and Brāhmaṇa in Jaina Literature :
Some of the utterances in early Jaina texts also prove this effort of elevating the Samana and the idealisation of the qualities of rather than the birth as a Brāhmaṇa.
This insistance on the learning of the Brāhmaṇa is clear from the same epithet applied to Mahāvīra.16 Texts like the Uttarādhyayanal7 go eloquent in describing the qualities of an ideal Brāhmaṇa which were perhaps the same that were expected of a good śramana.
The equality of all those who had become monks is effectively borne out by expressions which say that even a low caste person who became a monk was honoured by the king.18
Thus the whole approach was against the caste superiority of the Brāhmaṇa and his ritualism, and a Samana and a Brāhmaṇa, both leading a spotless life, were placed on the same level. Mutual Reactions :
These communities which were numerous, but had a somewhat identical course of monastic life and a similar approach towards the then priestly class, could not possibly have remained in isolation from one another. There must have been mutual contact, and with that, an exchange of monastic ideas and practices between them.
The similarities between the Buddhist, Jaina and Brāhmanical practices has already been proved by scholars like JACOBI,19 Debates between members of rival sects, members of one faith going to another for further
15. UPADHYE, Bphatkathakosa, Intr. p. 13. 16. Uväsaga., HOERNLE, pp. 108, 127; Sūtrakr., SBE., Vol. XLV, p. 301. 17. Chapt. XXV. 18. Ibid, Chapt. XII: Story of the Candāla Harikeśa. 19. SBE, XXII, Intr. pp. XXII-XXIX.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
47 knowledge, and difference of opinion and of practice giving rise to the founding of new schisms and independent sects, are to be often met with, both in Jaina and the Buddhist texts. Thus mutual contact must have had some effect on the modification of practices of different sects. Epigraphical Corroboration :
Out of these numerous communities, however, only three have received, up till now, the support of epigraphy. They are the Jaina, Buddhist and the Ājīvika.20 Therefore it is very difficult to measure the extent of impact on these three systems by other numerous sects.
We may, therefore, restrict our investigation only to the two systems, viz., Jaina and the Buddhist, as the Ajivika, as is well known, was an offshoot of Jainism. Origin: a mystery:
The exact origin and the preparation of the background for the rise of Jaina and Buddhist types of monachisms still remain "wrapped in obscurity".21 Several fantastic theories were advocated by early writers on the subject.22 These pioneers went to the extent of denying even the independent existence of Jainism. The efforts of JACOBI, however, set at rest all these views as he most clearly proved that Jainism was older than Buddhism, as well as an independent monastic system. Jainism and Jaina Monachism :
Before studying the various theories regarding the possible origin of śramanism, it may be stated that the origin of Jainism and Jaina monachism was simultaneous as the former is purely an ethical system.23 The monastic organisation with an elaborate Church hierarchy was the outcome, possibly, of a later phase in which Jainism was spread in different parts of India and had, therefore, to organise itself. The Theories of Origin:
Without dealing with fanciful theories and the traditional Jaina view which advocates the existence of Jainism from times without beginning, we
20. E.I., Vol. 2, p. 272. 21. DUTT, op. cit., p. 47.
22. See BARODIA, History and Literature of Jainism; also, SHAH: Jainism in North India, pp. XVIII-XXI.
23. "Neither Jainism nor Buddhism are religions in the strict sense of the word. They are simply monastic organisations, orders of begging fraternities, somewhat similar tc Dominicians and Fransciscans in medieval Europe.”—Prof. KUMAR, J.A., Vol. 13, No. 1, p. 35.

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S. B. DEO
may consider here some of the more reasonable views regarding the origin of Sramanism.
1. "Kshatriya Protest":
GARBE, JACOBI and others advocate the theory which seems to attribute the origin of Jaina and Buddhist monachisms to the result of a protest by the Kshatriyas against the class exclusiveness of the Brahmins.
GARBE remarks, “These two pessimistic religions are so extraordinarily alike that the Jains were for a long time regarded as a Buddhistic sect, until it was discovered that the founders of the two religions were contemporaries, who in turn are simply to be regarded as the most eminent of the numerous teachers who in the sixth century before Christ in North Central India opposed the ceremonial doctrines and the caste-system of the Brāhmaṇas."24
JACOBI seems to support the above view when he says that "the monastic order of the Jainas and Buddhists though copied from Brāhmaṇas were chiefly and originally intended for Kshatriyas."25
The theory seems to contain a part of the truth but not the whole of it inasmuch as the Jaina texts do give vent to the denunciation of the Brahmins as well as their elaborate ritualism.
But it should also be noted that the tone of the whole assault--as in the Uttarādhyayana,26 is rather against the degeneration of the Brahmin priesthood as such, and not against the idealised Brahmin. As a matter of fact the Jainas liked to call their Tirthankara as a 'māhana' who, they seemed to imply, was a symbol of purity of conduct.
Secondly, it appears as a somewhat contradictory phenomenon, that these systems which are supposed to have originated as a protest against the supremacy of the Brahmins, should retain caste distinctions among themselves, as would be clear from the fact that some of the early communities like the Nāya, Sākyas and others which had connection with Mahāvīra and Gotama Buddha respectively were given some concessions regarding their entry to the order.27
24. R. GARBE, Philosophy of Ancient India, p. 12. 25. SBE., Vol. XXII, Intro. p. xxx. 26. Chapt. XXV.
27. FICK, (Social Organisation in Buddha's Time, p. 52), remarks that the Buddhists also "stood as great champions for the purity of blood by keeping the family pure....and not to allow it to degenerate through mixture with lower elements".

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
49
This attempt of making some castes superior to others, is further seen in the division of the society, found in some Jaina texts, into "high tribes (Jāti-Arya) and low tribes (Jāti-Jungiya), high trade (Kumma-Jungiya), high crafts (Sippa-Arya) and low crafts (Sippa-Jungiya).” JAIN,28 therefore, remarks that, "Inspite of caste-denouncing preaching and sermons, the Jains could not do away with the time-honoured restrictions of caste.”
It may also be noted that the Brahmins were also seeking new means of livelihood by that time. FICK is right when he says that the questions of caste and birth fall to the background "where the care for material existence drives out all spiritual interests."29
Thirdly, the tendencies to attack and even ridicule the ritualism of the Brahmins which are generally attributed to Jaina and Buddhist monachisms, may be said to have gathered momentum long before Gotama or Mahāvīra came to be. The same opinion seems to have been rightly pointed out by KUNTE when he says that "the tendencies to question the authority of the Vedas were shown long before Gautama Buddha succeeded in organising opposition to the Vedic polity, social and religious.'30 As we shall see later on the Upanişads also reveal this note to some extent.
For these reasons, it may be said that the Jaina and the Buddhist types of monachisms-irrespective of the fact that the founders of both these systems were Kshatriyas, and that the texts of these sects denounced the degenerated Brahmin priesthood-may not possibly be taken to be the outcome of solely the Kshatriya dissatisfaction. At the most we may say that this revolt against Vedic philosophy and ritualism which was gathering strength for centuries together previously, found the best expression through Mahāvīra and Buddha, besides some others. 2. "Organised Sophistic Wanderers":
Rhys DAVIDS seems to attribute the origin of the Sramanas to the influence of well organised sophistic wanderers.
He remarks, "In each of these widely separated centres of civilisation (i.e., not only in India but even outside), there is evidence, about the 6th century B.C., of a leap forward in speculative thought, of a new birth in
28. Life in Ancient India, p. 141; See, KUNTE, Vicissitudes, etc., p. 502. 29. op. cit., p. 247.
30. op. cit., pp. 407-08; BARTH in I.A. Vol. III, p. 330 does not subscribe to the view that Buddha was an antagonist of Brahmanism; MEHTA, Pre-Buddhist India, p. 329, f.n. 3 says that "such a revolt goes back to ancient times: it can be traced as far back As the celebrated hymn on Frogs". See AIYENGAR, 'Sramaņas', 1.A., Vol. X, p. 145,
BULL. DCRI.-7

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S. B. DEO ethics, of a religion of conscience threatening to take place of the religion of custom and magic.'31
Like the previous theory, this line of thought also cannot be accepted in toto for the following reasons:
(i) This theory first notes down the variety and the vast number of monastic communities all the world over in the sixth century B.C., and attributes their origin to an intellectual awakening. Then it seems to argue that this intellectual 'leap forward' is exhibited by the existence of numerous monastic sects. Thus the whole argument runs in a circle, and the cause and the effect are not clear.
(ii) Secondly, the period ascribed to this awakening, viz., the 6th century B.C., does not appear to be so exact. As a matter of fact, we have already seen that this revolt, whether sociological or religious, was not the result of a single century or the work of a single person.
The traces of awakening, as a matter of fact, may be seen even in the Brāhmanical Upanishads, some of the texts of which may well be earlier than the sixth century B.C. Regarding ritualism, sannyāsa and the nature of mokşa, the Upanishads may be said to reveal far advanced and changed views than those found in the Vedic period.
(iii) Lastly, one cannot say to what extent, Indian monachism or even intellectual thought of the sixth century was influenced by contemporary awakening outside or vice versa. One may even doubt whether foreign thought had any repercussions on India of the sixth century.
For these reasons, the theory is not acceptable, though it may be said that it does mention one fact, viz., the existence of numerous monastic communities and their divergence from the main system in the sixth century B.C. 3. "Brahmacūrin, the model for śramanism":..
Spence HARDY32 and KERN 3 hold that the Brahmacārin might have been the model for the Šramana system, on the ground that many of the qualities expected of these two were identical, to wit, celibacy, strict moral and physical discipline, and zeal for study.
Moreover, according to them, the institution of the Brahmacärin, seems to be older than the rest of the āśramas.34
31. op. cit., p. 289. 32. Eastern Monachism, p. 74. 33. Manual of Buddhism, p. 73. 34. Rgveda, V, 109-15.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
51 Inspite of the antiquity of the Brahmacãrin and his similarity with that of the Sramaņa, the theory may be said to contain the following drawbacks.
Two dissimilarities may be detected between the Brahmacārin and the Sramana:
(i) Firstly, the brahmacārin was a young person who went in search of a good teacher for the sake of obtaining new knowledge. He had to do all sorts of service to his guru and had to stay with the latter till his studies were completed. In some cases, the students settled permanently in the house of the guru. This element was totally absent with the śramaņas.
(ii) Secondly, in many cases the Brahmacārin entered married life after completing his studies. The Sramaņas, on the other hand, were expected to be celibate throughout their wandering life.
Thus, this theory does not seem to be plausible. 4. “Brahmacárin + Brahmavādin = śramana" :
The view which says that the śramana originated out of the blending of the qualities of the Brahmacărin and the Brahmavādin seems to be an extension of the previous theory.
In support of this theory, Durga BĦAGVAT says that, "The truth probably lies midway. The Gramana held the Brahmacārin as a model as far as practical life with all its moral aspects (such as aversion to luxury, observance of chastity) and the daily routine were concerned. For the intellectual pursuits and the means thereof, he was indebted to the Brahmavādin. The Sramaņa, therefore, is a combination of the student and the wandering master of the Brahman knowledge. He behaves like the one and thinks like the other. Many of the rules of the Śramaņas, therefore, can be traced back to the rules and habits of both the types of men."35
In reply to this view, it may be said that Brāhmanism, Jainism and Buddhism contain more or less common fundamental rules of ascetic morality, and it is very difficult to know the exact magnitude of mutual exchange or borrowing of rules that took place between these three monachisms.
As a matter of fact, Dr. DUTT pushes the idea still further when he remarks that "The Brahmanical sannyāsī, the Buddhist Bhikkhus and the Jaina Samanas all belonged to the same ancient society of wandering religious mendicants, and it is obvious that among all these sects there should subsist a certain community of ideas and practices."36
Many of the knowledge. nation of the stu
35. Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, p. 17. 36. Op. cit., p. 51,

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Thus an identity of a few monastic practices or philosophical thoughts need not necessarily imply an identical source.
5. "Śramanism: A degeneration of the ideas in the Upanishads":
Some scholars like DEUSSEN, trace the monastic philosophies of Jainism and Buddhism to the degeneration of the ideas in the Upanishads.
In this connection, the above scholar remarks, "Even Sankhyam and Vedānta are not to be considered as original creations of the philosophical mind, for the common basis of both and with them of Buddhism and Jainism is to be found in the Upanishads; and it is the ideas of the Upanishads which by a kind of degeneration have developed into Buddhism on one side and Sankhya system on the other."37
As against this view it may be noted that these two systems were antiBrāhmanical to the degree of not allowing any philosophical idea or roughly even the fundamentals of Brāhmanical philosophy to be the fore-runner of their philosophical views.
And lastly as Dutt rightly remarks, "religious mendicancy in India cannot, in fact, be traced to the materialisation of any one philosophic idea."38 6. "Copy of the Brāhmanical Rules of Sannyāsa”:
Scholars like JACOBI, BÜHLER and CHARPENTIER, make a more ambitious effort when they opine that Jaina and Buddhist rules of monastic life appear to be the exact copy of the rules for the fourth āśrama, i.e., sannyāsa in Brahmanism.
JACOBI after comparing the rules of these three systems, remarks, “.... We see thus that the germs of dissenting sects like those of the Buddhists and the Jainas were contained in the institute of the fourth āśrama, and that the latter was the model of the heretical sects; therefore, Buddhism and Jainism must be regarded as religions developed out from Brāhmanism not by a sudden reformation but prepared by a religious movement going on for a long time."39
BÜHLER seems to strike the same note when he says that, "the five great vows, most of the special rules for the discipline of the Jaina ascetics are copies, often exact copies, of the Brāhmanical rules for the penitent."40
37. "Outlines of Indian Philosophy", L.A., Vol. XXIX, p. 397. 38. Op. cit., p. 50. 39. SBE., Vol. XXII, Intr. p. xxxii. 40. Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 15.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM CHARPENTIER also joins their rank when he opines that, “....it is strange characteristic of these sects (Jaina and Buddhist), so far as we know of them, that they adopted in their ascetic practices and in their whole mode of life the rules which had already been fixed by their Brahmin antagonists.":41
The real solution to this problem lies in the antiquity or otherwise of the Sannyasa Aśrama of Brāhmanism.
According to N. N. Law the traces of the āśrama theory can be detected even in the early Vedic works. He remarks that we do get evidence of the existence of "the student (brahmacārin), the householder (grihastha) and the person who renounced the world (muni or yati).... in the earliest Vedic works.":42
Inspite of this, however, one cannot take for granted that this theory of the four āśramas was rigorously worked out at that time. For, it is only in the Svetāśvatara Upanishad43 that one gets a reference to the 'atyāśramin'. Moreover, in the Brhadāranyaka Upanishad44 we find Yajnavalkya joining the fourth aśrama (i.e. sannyāsa), without undergoing the third. It would be clear from this instance that this theory of four āśramas was possibly still without a proper sequence in its different stages, even in the oldest of the Upanishads.
In this connection SHARMA says, “In the oldest Upanishads, there is evidence of only the first two or three āśramas, viz., that of a student, that of a householder, and that of a yati or muni. According to the Chandogya Upanishad, a man reaches the summum bonum, even in the stage of a householder."45 It seems from the above observation that the theory of the four āśramas was still incomplete in practice and perhaps no demarcation between the third and the fourth stage was possibly made as these last two stages necessarily implied the abstention from worldly activity.
Apart from the then incompleteness of the theory, some utterances in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa46 and the Taittirīya Upanishad47 do not seem to be favourable even to the adoption by a person of sannyāsa.
41. CHI., Vol., I, p. 150. 42. Studies in Indian History and Culture, p. 3. 43. VI, 21. 44. Brh. Ar. 4. 5. 45. Har Dutta SHARMA, History of Brahmanical Asceticism, P.O., Vol. III, No. 4, p. 15. 46. XIII. 4. 1. 1: Praise of householdership. 47. I. 11. 1: Progeny must not be broken.

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S. B. DEO
Comparatively later works like the Dharmasútras, 48 and Epics49 and the Arthaśästra50 distinctly reveal views against sannyāsa.
Taking into consideration, therefore, the facts that the aśrama theory was perhaps still in the making in the period of the older Upanishads, that the stages in it were possibly not followed in a definite sequence, and that the sannyāsa āśrama was not looked at with favour in some of the Brāhmanical texts, we cannot say whether Jaina and Buddhist monachisms originated out of it, and CHARPENTIER even doubts whether "the theory was ever on a great scale adopted in real life in India."51
7. "Magadhan Religion : Indigenous Stream of Thought":
A view somewhat opposite to the previous one is advocated by scholars like OLDENBERG, DUTT and UPADHYE. The gist of their theory is that śramanism seems to have developed out of the non-Aryan east Indian indigenous element which did not see eye to eye with the Western Aryans who were not very favourable to monastic life.
UPADHYE says, "Before the advent of the Aryans in India, we can legitimately imagine that a highly cultivated society existed along the fertile banks of the Ganges and Jumna, and it had its religious teachers. Vedic texts have always looked with some antipathy at the Magadhan country where Jainism and Buddhism flourished; and these religions owe no allegiance to the Vedic authorities. The gap in the philosophical thought at the close of the Brāhmaṇa period has necessitated the postulation of an indigenous stream of thought which must have influenced the Aryan thought, at the same time being influenced by the latter ......I have called this stream of thought by the name "Magadhan religion."... We should no more assess the Sāmkhya, Jaina, Buddhistic and Ajīvika tenets as mere perverted continuations of stray thoughts selected at random from the Upanishadic bed of Aryan thought current. The inherent similarities in these systems, as against the essential dissimilarities with Aryan (Vedic and Brahmanic) religion and the gaps that a dispassionate study might detect between the Vedic (including the Brāhmanas) and Upanishadic thought-currents, really point out to the existence of an indigenous stream of thought". 52
48. Apastambha: II, 9, 9.; Baudhāyana: II, 6, 29. 49. MBh., Utterance of Bhima in XII, 10. 20.
50. Punishment for those who renounce the world without providing for their wives and sons in Arthaśāśtra, II, 1 (p. 48 of Shāma SHASTRI's ed. Mysore, 1909).
51. Op. cit., p. 151. 52. Brhatkathākośa, Intr. p. 12; also Pravacanasāra, Pref. pp. 12-13.

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55
DUTT, after making a survey of monastic tendencies right from the Vedic to the Upanishadic period comes to practically the same conclusion. He says, "the impact of Aryan thoughts, ideas, speculations of philosophy, on the imperfectly Aryanised communities, without the characteristic Aryan institutions, seems to me to have given birth to Buddhism itself (if an approximate chronology were needed) to a class of men answering to the Brāhmaṇas in Aryan society, who went about in a missionary spirit, dealing in philosophic speculations, teaching the uninstructed, and gaining honour and reputation wherever they went.... This seems to me the true origin of the śramaņas. ... They occupy a more distinguished place in the literature that originated in the East-in the Buddhist Pitakas and Jain Angas. 'It is in the East', says an ancient Buddhist tradition, that the Buddhas are born'”.53
DUTT bases his argument on the following observations :
(a) It is very difficult to know the exact attributes of the "muni” who is described as one girdled with wind and wearing garments soiled with yellow hue, as given in the Ķig Veda (X, 136).
(b) The "muni” of the Aitareya Brāhmana (VI, 33) is taken to be an insane man by his sons when the former is reciting some mantras.
On this point DUTT remarks, "If Aitasa is the type of the æg Vedic Muni, he is surely not the homeless Sannyāsi, yati or paribbājaka". The ‘muni' of the Upanishads "approaches more and more to the latter type till he is identified with the Paribbājaka".
(c) The Vrātya of Atharvaveda also does not resemble the paribbājaka.
On account of these reasons, he comes to the conclusion that "the Vedic hymns, therefore, which may be said to constitute the earliest and purest Aryan elements in Indian culture, do not mention clearly the condition of religious mendicancy”.54
(d) Moreover, the theory of the four-fold āśramas also was not fully developed and rigorously executed in the period of the early Upanishads. Apart from this, the whole trend of Brāhmanical literature, with the exception of some of the later Upanishads, did not favour religious mendicancy.
53. Op. cit., p. 67; See pp. 53 ff.
54. Op. cit., p. 58; 'Asceticism was at a discount in the Vedic age'--ALTEKAR, Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, p. 414.

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S. B. DEO For these reasons, he concludes that "the institution of Sramanism grew up among the imperfectly Aryanised communities of the East, spread, flourished and became highly popular, and with the remarkable elasticity which is characteristic of Brahmanism, was later affiliated to the Aryan system of life, becoming the fourth āśrama".
The gist of the problem is that those who regard the fourth stage of Brāhmanism to be late and coming from outside, naturally trace Jainism and Buddhism as due to Magadhan substratum, while those who believe that sannyāsa is older than these two, naturally derive Jainism from it.
From the survey of these different theories regarding the origin of śramanism, one fact comes to prominence; and that is that each of them stresses a particular factor. All these factors are as follows:
(1) Kshatriya protest, (2) Organised Sophistic wanderers, (3) The qualities of the Brahmacārin, (4) The qualities of the Brahmacārin and the Brahmavādin, (5) Copy of the Brāhmanical rules for Sannyāsa, and (6) The existence of Magadhan religion in the eastern parts of India.
Conclusion:
It may be noted that each of these elements may be said to have—to some extent, if not solely_helped the formation of the great wandering community of the Sramaņas. The Śramaņas did reveal anti-Brāhmanical feelings as they were dissatisfied with the degenerated Brahmin priesthood. They resembled the sophistic wanderers only because they also led a wandering life with a missionary zeal. They presented similarities with the Brahmacārin as well as the Brahmavādin to the extent of having a few similar moral qualifications. Their life and that of a Brahmin Sannyāsi was perhaps identical due to the fact that both these modes of life were based on the principle of least dependence on society. And lastly, they were predominantly Magadhan inasmuch as they seem to have originated first in Magadha, adopted the local language, influenced the local people and then spread out to the other parts of India.
On the whole, it appears, therefore, that Sramanism was the outcome of the blending of all these elements-indigenous and borrowed.

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PART II
CHAPTER I
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO JAINA MONACHISM
Whatever be the verdict of research, the Jainas attribute a remote antiquity to their religion. According to their statements, Jainism has been revealed again and again by various Tirthankaras whose chief mission in life was to propogate right knowledge (samyag jñāna), right faith (samyag darśana) and right conduct (samyag caritra) to the people steeped in ignorance about the reality. Rşabha:
Risaha or Usabha was the first among the twenty-four Tirthankaras. According to Jaina accounts he was born in Kosalā, and was the son of Kulakara Nābhi and queen Marudevi.'
Getting all the education which a prince needed, Rşabha lived as a prince for two millions of pūrvă years, and six millions three hundred thousand pūrvā years as a king.
As a king, he acted more as a founder of civilisation than as a despot not caring for the welfare of the subjects. King Rşabha taught his people the seventy-two arts (bāvattarim kalão), among which writing was the first, arithmetic the most important, and the science of omens the last. As against these seventy-two arts of men, he taught sixty-four arts to women as well. He introduced the arts of cooking, sculpture and pottery painting. He started the institution of marriage, and taught the people how to dispose of the dead.
At last, being disgusted with worldly life, he gave away his kingdom to his hundred sons, and renounced the world under an Asoka tree after pulling out his hair (loya) in four handfuls.
After two thousand years which he spent in bodily mortification and meditation, he got the kevalajnāna (omniscience). After becoming a kevalin, he had several disciples who were divided into eighty-four Gaņas, each of which was headed by a ganadhara.
He had a following as indicated below : Monks
... 84000 --headed by Rşabhasena. (2) Nuns
.. 300000 - headed by Brāhmisundari. (3) Laymen
.. 305000 - headed by Sreyāṁsa. (4) Laywomen
554000 -- headed by Subhadrā. BULL. DCRI.-8
(1)

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S. B. DEO
(5) Those knowing the 14 Pürvās
(6)
Those possessing the avadhi knowledge (7) The Kevalins
(8) Those who had the power to transform themselves
(9) Those of vast intellect
(10) Those who had reached perfection
(a) Males
(b) Females
(11) Those who were in their last birth
4750
9000
20000
20600
12650
Fabulous as the total would appear, we have no other evidence to check this number of the followers of Rsabha. After creating such a formidable following, Reabha ended his life on the mountain Aşțăpada after fasting for six and a half days without taking even water.1
20000
40000
20900
Evaluation of his career:
From the work he did as a king, it appears that he acted as a reformer and an inventor of civilised modes of human life. His undergoing the various stages of life as a prince, as a married man, as a king and lastly as a monk, seems, at present, a model on which the asrama theory was advocated later on, and expressed beautifully by Kalidasa in the Raghuvamsa.
That he did not fail even as a religious preacher is amply borne out by the enormous number of his followers. Even though we have no historical evidence whatever in this connection, the figures at least imply one possibility, and that is regarding his success in winning a respectable number of disciples.

Non-Jaina Evidence:
Visņu Purāṇa2 and the Bhagavata Purāņa refer to a certain Rṣabha, whose life-account resembles more or less to that given in the Jaina texts. The details regarding his parents, his elder son Bharata and his wandering in a naked state may be said to be identical with the Jaina account.
It may, however, be noted that these references though of a supplementary nature, coming as they do from the non-Jaina sources, are of a very late phase as compared with the enormous antiquity given to Rsabha by the Jainas. Moreover, the account of the Purāņas has not always been corrobo

1. The above account is based chiefly on Kalpasūtra, SBE., XXII, pp. 281-5; also Mahapurana of Puspadanta, Ed. P. L. VAIDYA, Sandhis 1-3.
2. See p. 39 above.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
59 rated by historical evidence.3 Over and above these considerations, the gap that the Jainas put between Mahāvīra and Rşabha is fabulously long. The Successors of Rşabha:
Twenty three Tirthankaras are supposed to have followed Rşabha. As no historical evidence whatever, has come forward to prove their historicity we may dismiss them, except the last two, as the products of tradition the antiquity of which, however, may be said to go back to a couple of centuries prior to the Christian era as attested by the Mathurā inscriptions.
It will, however, be not out of place here, to see what the non-Jaina and Jaina traditions have to say about a few among them.
The Jaina tradition makes all these Tīrthankaras as the product of pure Kshatriya race. Another point regarding them is the difference of opinion about the nineteenth Tirthankara-Mallīwho according to the Svetāṁbaras was a woman, to which the Digambaras do not agree.
We have already noted the Brāhmanical references regarding Rşabha. Along with Rşabha, some other Tirthankaras are also referred to. For instance, the Bhāgavata Purāņa mentions Sumati. About him it is said that he "will be irreligiously worshipped by some infidels as a divinity" 5 On this account, it may be that this Sumati was the fifth Tīrthankara who was the son of Bharata.
Another Tīrthankara called Ariştanemi (the 22nd in the list), is connected with the Kșshna legend.
Inspite of such references and the traditional accounts about them, it is not possible to accept the historicity of these twenty-three Tirthankaras, for the distances between them as well as their longevity is not only given
3. "But what value belongs to these myths of the Purāņas about Rşabha ... it is wholly impossible to decide"-JACOBI, I.A., Vol. IX, p. 163; Citing the authority of the Mathură Inscriptions, or of the antiquities found at Dhārāśiva (Hyd.), and Dhank (Kathiawad), as Shree K. P. JAIN does in J. A. IV, No. 3, p. 90, also does not seem convincing about the historicity of Rşabha.
4. Nāyā, Chapt. 8. 5. WILSON, Vishnu-Purāna, p. 164n.
6. Shree K, P. JAIN makes out a case in favour of the historicity of Ariştanemi on two grounds: (i) As the historicity of Krshna is admitted, the same 'privilege' cannot be denied to Ariştanemi. (ii) On the basis of a certain grant found in Kathiawad, published in the Times of India of 19th March 1935, p. 9, and deciphered by Dr. Prān NAIH, he says that this grant belonging to king Nebachandnezaar I (c. 1140 B.C.) or II (c. 600 B.C.) of Babylon mentioning Nemi, goes to prove his antiquity. (J.A. IV, lii, pp, 89-90). It may be noted in this case that the tentative date neither for Krshna nor for the king can as yet be fixed.

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60
S. B. DEO in unbelievable numbers, but also in a descending sequence which gives the whole an appearance of a deliberate planning of mythology rather than a sound historical chronology. JACOBI, therefore, rightly remarks that beyond Pārsva, everything is "lost in the mist of fable and fiction". Pārsvanātha:
Irrespective of the fact that even the longevity attributed to Parśva100 years—seems to be a part of the whole sequence, yet "the moderation of the Jainas upto the time of Pārsva is the most remarkable as after that they far outstrip all their compeers in the race of absurdity, making the lives of their Tirthankaras extend to thousands of years, and interposing between them countless ages, thus enabling us to trace with some confidence the boundary between the historical and the fabulous”. 9
Therefore, even though he is said to have flourished 83000 years after the death of the twenty-second Tirthankara, the gap of 250 years between him and Mahāvīra, and his longevity of a hundred years, do not seem to "transgress the limits of probability".10 The gap between him and Mahāvīra makes Pārsvanātha belong to the 8th cent. B.C.11 His Life-story:
Pārśva was born of king Āsasena of Vārāṇasi and his queen Vāmā. Leading his life for thirty years as a house-holder, he renounced the world. Undergoing a preliminary period of eighty-three days of hardships and bodily mortification, he led the life of a monk for nearly seventy years, and finally attained Nirvāṇa on the Sammeta Sikhara (in Bengal). His Field of Influence :
Among the chief cities which he is said to have visited were Ahicchattā, 12 Amalakappā,13 Hatthiņāpura,14 Kampillapura,15 Kosambi,16 Rāyagiha,17
7. See Kalpasūtra, SBE, xxii, p. 280; also Ibid., text, pp. 186-88. 8. Loc. cit.
9. Rev. STEVENSON, Pref. to the transl. of Kalpasūtra, p. xii, quoted by JACOBI, op. cit., p. 162.
10. LASSEN, 1. A., II, p. 261.
11. CHARPENTIER, CHI, i, p. 153; Prof. Hirālāl JAIN, says that the caves at Dhäräsiva belong to the Pārsva period, vide his intr. to Karakandu Cariya, ref. to by K. P. JAIN, J. A., IV, 3, p. 90, f. n. 7.
12. Acār. N. 335; see also Kalpa. comm., p. 167; mod. Rămnagar in Bareilly: CAGI, p. 413.
13. Nāyā. II, p. 222; along the way from Masār to Vaiśālī, in Shahabad Distt., GEB., p. 24ff.
14. Identified with an old place in Mawana Tahsil in Meerut: CAGI, p. 702. 15. Identified with mod. Kampil in Farrukhabad Distt., GEE., p. 18. 16. Nāyā, II, 10, p. 230; mod. Kosam near Allahabad, CAGI., p. 709. 17. Näyā; = mod. Rajgir in Bihar.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
61 Sāgeya18 and Savatth7.19 From this it seems that he wandered chiefly in the modern provinces of Bihar and U.P. The Followers of Pārsva :
Pārsva seems to have collected a good number of adherents to his faith. The Kalpasūtra says that he had 16000 monks under Aryadatta, 38000 nuns under Puşpacūlā, 164000 laymen headed by Suvrata, and 327000 laywomen, the chief among whom was Sunandā. Besides these he had a number of monks as his disciples who were well-versed in the Pūrvās, and endowed with various supernatural powers, as also those who were destined to obtain liberation in that very birth.20
Among the royal followers may be mentioned king Paesi21 who was converted by Kesi,22 a disciple of Pārsva, prince Akkhobha,23 and the parents of Mahāvīra 24 Besides these, some of his distinct disciples were Kālāsavesiyaputta,25 Gangeya,26 Udaya Pedhālaputta, 27 Pundarīya,28 Pārsvā the nun,29 Mehila, Anandarakkhiya, Kāsava and others.30
These followers were termed as 'pāsăvaccijjā therā'.31
Buddhist Evidence :
Apart from the Jaina references to the followers of Pārsva, the Buddhist texts also refer to them. It may be noted that on these references JACOBI finally proved the pre-Mahāvīra antiquity of Jainism.32 These texts besides giving the details about his religion called as 'cāujjāma dhamma,' as we shall
18. Ibid., II, 9, p. 229;= Ayodhyā. 19. Ibid., II, 9, 10, p. 229; mod. Sahet-Mahet, CAGI, p. 469. 20. SBE., xxii, p. 274; also Smv. pp. 316, 65a, 101b, 103a, 104b.
21. Mention in the Payāsisutta of the Dighanikāya. It may be noted that the king was contemporary with Kesi who was a contemporary of Mahāvīra.
22. Uttar., 23. 23. Atgd., p. 6. 24. SBE., xxii, II, 15, 16 (p. 194). 25. Bhag., p. 99aff. 26. Ibid., pp. 439ff. 27. Stkr., II, 7 (pp. 419ff); Thân., p. 457.
Nāyā., Chapt. 19.
Thān., p. 457b. 30. Bhag., 2. 5. 31. Thān. p. 457b; Bhag. pp. 136ff, 247b.
32. SBE, xlv, pp. XIV-XXI; I.A., IX, pp. 158-63; also see CHARPENTIER CHI, i, p. 153; DASGUPTA, Hist. of Ind. Phil. i, p. 173.

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S. B. DEO see later on, refer to his disciples like Upāli,33 Abhaya,34 Siha,35 Asibandhakaputta,36 Saccā and Patācarā.37 Pārsva's Religion:
The religion of Pārśva was called Cāujjāma dhamma38 or the four-fold religion consisting of abstinence from himsā (pāņāivāya), untruth (musavāya), stealing (adiņņādāņa) and possession (bahiddhādāņa). The followers of Pārsva were allowed to put on clothes.
Other aspects of his religion are revealed by the practice of repenting for the transgressions done, as resorted to by the parents of Mahāvīra. They also practised fasting upto death by lying upon a bed of Kuśa-grass.39
The practice of giving up all clothing in order to practise the life as a Jinakalpika monk towards the end of one's career is also referred to in the case of Municandra who was the follower of Pārsva.40
It may be noted that certain Buddhist texts seem to refer to a similar fourfold religion though they attribute it to the Nātaputta (Mahāvīra). The phrase used there is 'cātuyāma samvara samvuto',41 which according to JACOBI42 refers to the religion of Pārśva. Church Organisation :
We have already seen that Pārsva had around him a respectable number of followers divided into monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen. His monk disciples were divided into eight groups, each of which was headed by a ganadhara. The names of these ganadharas were Subha, Subhaghosa, Vasittha, Bambhayārī, Soma, Siridhara, Virabhadda and Jasa. 43
That he did not neglect the order of nuns is also proved by the mention of several of his nun-followers under Pupphacūlā.
33. Majj. N. I. Upali Sutta. 34. Ibid. I. Abhayarājakumāra Sutta. 35. Mahāvagga VI, 31. 36. Sam. N. iv, 317ff. 37. Jätakas, III, 1. 38. Nāya. pp. 139, 218; Thān, p. 457b; Bhag. p. 455a; Uttar. 23, 12; Rayap, sú. 147. 39. Acãr. II, 15, 16 (p. 194). 40. Avaśyaka-C. pp. 285, 291. 41. The Sāmaññaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikāya, p. 57 (PTS). 42. L.A. IX, p. 160; SBE, xlv, pp. XX-XXI.
43. Smv. p. 13b: The commentary says that even though the number is eight both in Than, and Paryūşanākalpa, yet in Avaśyaka it is ten. Therefore, these two must have been short-lived, Smv. comm. p. 14b; also Kalpasūtra, comm. p. 169.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM Other details regarding the Church organisation are lacking. The only thing to be noted is that these monks led a wandering life, except in the rainy season, to keep contact with the laity. Evaluation of Pārsva's Order :
In the light of the evidence as noted above, it appears that Pārsva based his order on sound and broad principles of morality, the implications and the details of which were understood by his disciples who were of quick understanding and of a marvellous self-control.44
His insistence on Ahimsā may be said to be a reaction to the practices of animal sacrifices current in his contemporary society.45 Thus he raised a voice of dissent towards such generally approved customs in the society.
Moreover, he kept the doors of his Church open to all people, irrespective of caste, status or creed and thus insisted on the equality of birth.
In order to do this, he was equipped more than anybody else, as by birth he belonged to the royal race among the Kshatriyas. His contact and connections with these powerful ruling magnates must have helped a lot in the spread of his Church. It is unfortunate, however, that many of his royal followers cannot be identified with certainty.46 The interval between Pārśva and Mahāvīra :
Of the interval of 250 years between Pärśva and Mahāvīra, we have no knowledge, and it is very difficult to say whether, after Pārsva's death, his religion was in a flourishing condition or otherwise.
One thing, however, may be noted, and that is pertaining to the existence of the followers of Pārsva's system even in the time of Mahāvīra. Among the various important disciples of Pārśva mentioned before, many came in contact either with Mahāvīra himself or with his chief disciple Goyama Indabhūi. It is interesting to note that at Tungiyā,47 as many as five hundred
44. Uttar. 23, 26-27; Thän. pp. 201-202; Mül. 7, 114-33. also JACOB's f.n. 3, on p. 122 of SBE. xlv.
45. Niryā. (VAIDYA). p. 39 refs. to pašubandha, yajna, yūpa, etc.
46. In this connection, it may be noted, that Prasenajit who was the father-in-law of Parśva is tried to be identified with the king Senajit, a ruler of the southern Pañcala mentioned in the Puranas: See PARGITER, Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad. pp. 127, 146.
47. JAIN, Life in Ancient India, p. 345, has the following note on Tungiyā: "The Jain pilgrims identify Tungiya with the town of Bihar. Probably it may be identified with modern Tungi situated two miles from Bihar-Prācina Tirthamälā, Pt. 1, p. 16 introduction".

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S. B. DEO
disciples of Pāráva (pāṣāvaccijjā therā) met Mahavira, and accepted his fivefold dharma (pañcajāma dhamma) which was but an extension of the fourfold religion, as we shall presently see.
64
Mahāvīra :
The gap between Pärsvanatha and Mahavira, possibly, saw the rise of innumerable sects and subsects in the religious life of India. This is evidenced by the mention of as many as three hundred and sixty-three sub-divisions of the four principal schools in the Sutrakṛtänga.49 Besides these schools, the Aupapätika50 refers to a number of monastic communities who differed from each other in the peculiarity of ascetic conduct.
Inspite of this vast number of sects, it may be noted that these were not water-tight compartments which seldom came in contact with one another. On the other hand, "we have to imagine a time when there was no organised religion or established Church in the country to interfere with the freedom of speculation by imposing upon its adherents its professed dogmas, and when conversion implied, in the case of a learner or truth-seeker, no more than a transition from one mode of self-training to another, which he deemed more suitable to his temperament. Nor even in the case of a layman did it ever demand that unflinching devotion or that profession of blind faith which leads men by imperceptible steps to harbour bigotry, to become religious fanatics, and to shut the gates of benevolence upon every stranger fellowbeing who is a stranger" 51
Inspite of this individualistic setting of religious frame which BARUA advocates, it may be noted that in the society of Mahavira's time, such liberty and broad-mindedness were lacking. He had, therefore, to assert the equality of birth and status as against the claim to superiority by birth in a Brahmin gotra. It may be made clear here, that Mahavira was not against the Brahmins as a whole. But he was against the demoralised priestly class which went to the extent of not only chaining the society by the rigid framework of the caste-system, but also limiting the powers of the king. Therefore, we find the Jaina texts52 depicting the ideal qualities of the Brahmin and designating their samanas as brahmana as well. It is wrong, therefore, to look at Mahabrāhmaṇa
48. Bhag. pp. 136ff.
49. SBE., xlv, p. 315; Stkṛ. ti. pp. 208ff.
50. pp. 170ff; for detailed expl. of these, see A. SEN's "Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature'.
51. BARUA, Hist. of Pre-Buddhist Phil., p. 385.
52. Uttar. XXV.

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65 vira as anti-Brāhmanical, as also the representative of the Kshatriyas alone in this ideological revolution, the seeds of which, as we have seen elsewhere, were sown long before his advent.
Against this background it would be better for us to note his life-story and then to evaluate his career. His Life-story:
Vardhamāna ‘Mahāvira' was born at Kundapura or Kundagrāma.53 His father's name was Siddhārtha who belonged to the jnātr Kshatriyas. His mother was Tisalā who was the sister of king Cetaka, the ruler of Vaiśālī and belonging to the Licchavī Kshatriyas. Thus on the father's as well as on the mother's side he belonged to the royal Kshatriya stock.
An incident regarding the birth of Mahāvīra, which, it may be noted, is accepted only by the “vetāmbaras, cannot be ignored. It is said that Mahāvīra was first conceived in the womb of a Brahmin lady called Devānandā, but was later transferred to the womb of Tisalā Khattiyānī as "Tirthankaras are not born in the Brahmin families'.54 Even though the whole incident has been discredited by the Digambaras, the Bhagavatīsūtra puts this episode in the mouth of Mahāvīra himself. The incident described there is that of Devananda and Usabhadatta, the original parents, coming to see Mahāvīra when the latter was famous as a preacher. On seeing Mahāvīra, milk flowed from the breast of Devanandā due to the strong motherly love she bore towards him. Goyama asked his Master the reason of this, upon which the latter admitted that he was the son of Devānanda. The text goes on to say that these original parents of Mahāvīra accepted the order of their Jaina son.55
Curious enough, the tradition about this transfer of the womb goes back to the beginning of the Christian era or even earlier, as it is found depicted in one of the Mathurā sculptures.56
To return to our subject, after his birth, Mahāvīra grew up and was in due course married to Yasodā and had a daughter called Anojjā or
53. Vaisali has been identified with Basarh: Distt. Muzaffarpur, and Kundagrāma with Basukund by Nando Lal DEY, G.D. p. 107; See also, GHATGE, Age of Imperial Unity, p. 413.
54. Kalpasútra, JACOBI, p. 225; Smv. p. 89a; Thān. p. 523b; Acār. II, 15, 4-5 (pp. 190-91).
55. Bhag. pp. 457-48: (9.33): This may be one of the causes of his having Brahmin disciples.
56. ASR, XX, pt. IV, 2-5; Regarding this transfer of womb, CHARPENTIER remarks, "The Digambaras seem to hold the more sensible opinion"-CHI, i, p. 158.
BULL, DCRI.--9

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Priyadarśanā from her.57 Then, at the age of thirty, he decided to renounce the world. So taking the permission of his relatives, Mahāvira renounced the world after tearing off his hair.
For the next twelve years he underwent a course of rigorous bodily mortification at the end of which he attained omniscience. Then for the next thirty years he led the life of a wandering missionary, and obtained Nirvana at the end of his life of seventy-two years,58 at a place called Pāvā.59
an 21
Death of Mahāvīra :
Scholars are not unanimous regarding the date of the death of Mahavīra. The traditional date given in 527 B.C.60
There arise serious difficulties, however, in accepting this date as it hardly makes room for the religious activity of Buddha who was said to be a contemporary with Mahāvīra, and whose death as fixed by scholars is 477 B.C. This means that Mahāvira died when Buddha was only thirty years old and had yet to get disciples.
Another date based on the Parisistaparvan of Hemacandra,61 comes to 467 B.C. to which both JĀCOBI62 and CHARPENTIER63 agree, as it can enable us to see various activities of Mahāvīra in relation to some other historical personalities, in their proper sequence.
C. J. SHAH and others, however, like to give it a bit wider range, i.e., C. 480-487 B.C., as it, according to him, "seems more reasonable and more in keeping with the contemporary historical atmosphere and with certain events of Candragupta's own life.”64
Instead of entering into details about these various theories, we may say that the traditional date cannot be relied upon, and, therefore, the dates as advocated in the last two theories may safely be accepted as they seem to be historically sound in the present state of our knowledge.
57. The Digambaras do not subscribe to this view. They say that Mahāvīra was not married
58. Ācār. SBE. xxii, pp. 189-202; Kalpasūtra, pp. 217-70. 59. Mod. "Pāvāpuri' in Patna District: GHATGE, op. cit., p. 415.
60. JACOBI, Kalpasūtra, Intr. p. 8; also Vicärasreni of Merutunga, quoted by SHAH, Jainism in North India, pp. 27-28. See also, K. B. PATHAK, who supports this date 1.A., XII, p. 21.
61. 8, 339. 62. JACOBI, op. cit., pp. 6ff. 63. CHI. i, p. 175. 64. SHAH, op. cit., p. 31.

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67
Mahāvīra's Itinerary:
We have seen that at the age of thirty, Mahāvīra embraced monastic life. During his forty-two years of wandering life he is said to have visited the following places.
Before entering into details, we may make two parts of his itinerary. The first twelve years he wandered as a non-kevalin, and the places he visited were: Alabhiya
Between Sävatthi and Rājagiha.65 Atthiyagama
- Hatthigāma along the road from Vesāli to
Pāvā.66 Avattagama
Unidentified. Bahusalagagāma Bambhanagama Bhaddiyā
Modern Monghyr.67 Bhogapura
Between Pāvā and Vesāli.68 Campā
Campanagar or Campāpur near Bhāgalpur. 69 Chammānigama
Unidentified. Coraga Sannivesa
Possibly Choreya in Lohardugga distt., Bengal.70 Dadhabhūmi
- Dalabhum in Sighbhum distt. in Bengal.71 Gāmāya Sannivesa
Unidentified. Gobhūmi
Gomoh (?) 72 Hatthisisa
Unidentified. Jambusanda
Jambhigaon in Hazaribagh distt., or somewhere
near Pāvāpuri73 Jambhiyagāma
Unidentified. Kalambuka Sannivesa Kālāya Sannivesa Kayalisamāgama Kayangala
Kankajol in Santhal Pargana in Bihar.74 Kollāga Sannivesa - Unidentified.
65. RAY CHOWDHURY, op. cit., p. 160. 66. Law, B. C., Mahavira: His Life and Teachings, p. 33. 67. Rahul SANKRITYAYANA, Vinaya Pitaka, p. 248n. 68. Suttanipata, V, 1, 38. 69. GEB., p. 6. 70. Index Geographicus Indicus, p. xxv. (BARNESS). 71. JAIN, op. cit., p. 278. 72. Ibid., p. 285. 73. Ibid., p. 289. 74. Rahu) SANKRITYAYANA, op. cit., p. 213n

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Kosambi
Kumārāya Sannivesa Kummagāma
Kummaragüma Kundaga Sannivesa Küviya Sannivesa Lādha
Lohaggalā
Majjhimā Pāvà
Malaya
Mendhiyagama
Mihilä
Moraga Sannivesa
Mosali
Nālandā
Nandiggāma
Nangalā
Palayagama
Pattakalaya
Pedhalagāma
Pitthicampä
Punnakalasa
Purimatala
Rayagiha Salisisayagāma
-
-

1 1 1 1 1
—
S. B. DEO
Kosam, thirty miles south-west of Allahabad.75 Unidentified.
""
""
39
99
Mod. districts of Hoogly, Howrah, Bankura, Burdwan and the eastern portions of Midnapore.76
75. CAGI., p. 709.
76. Ibid., p. 732.
77. Imp. Gaz., Vol. III, p. 475.
78. Distt. Gaz. Patna.
Lohardaga in the Bengal district which forms. the central and north-western portions of Chota Nagpur.77
Päwäpuri, 7 miles to the east of Bihar town in Bihar,78
South of Patna and south-west of Gaya, in Bihar,79 Unidentified.
Janakapur within Nepal border,80 Unidentified.
39
Bargaon, 7 miles north-west of Rajgir in Patna distt.81 Unidentified.
""
99
In Sighbhum distt. in Bengal?2
Unidentified.
33
Purulia in Bihar 83
Rajgir in Bihar. Unidentified.
79. Muni KALYANAVIJAYA, Śramana Bhagwan Mahāvīra, p. 381.
80. CAGI., p. 718.
81. Ibid., p. 537.
82. JAIN, op. cit., p. 322.
83. Ibid., p. 324,

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69
Sānulaţthiyagama Sāvatthi Seyaviyā
unidentified. Sahet-Mahet on the Rapti.84 Either Satiabia or Basedita : the latter 7 miles from Sahet-Mahet.85 Siddhanagrama in Birbhum distt.86 Singhbhum in Bengal.87 Unidentified.
Hilly place near Chunar in Birzapur distt.88 Unidentified.
Siddhatthapura Subbhabhūmi Subhoma Succhitta Sumangalagāma Sumsumārapura Surabhipura Suvannakhalaya Tambāya Sannivesa Thūņāka Sannivesa Tosali Unnaga Vācāla Vajjabhūmi Vāluyagāma Vārāṇasī Vayaggama Vesāli
To the north-west of Patna (?) 89 Dhauli or nearabout in Orissa. Unidentified.
-
Birbhum (?) 90 Unidentified. Benares. Unidentified. Basarh in the Muzaffarpur district of Bihar.91
After his attainment of the Kevala Jnana, he is said to have spent fourteen rainy seasons in Rāyagiha and Nalandā, six in Mihilā, four in Vesāli and Vāņiyagāma; two in Bhaddiyā and one each at Alabhiyā, Paniyabhūmi, Sāvatthi and Pāvā. From the identification of a few of these places, it appears that the field of influence of Mahāvīra roughly formed the modern provinces of Bihar and some parts of Bengal and U.P. It may at the same time be noted that "the list is neither exhaustive nor chronological, though covering broadly the forty-two years of his itinerary."92
84. CAGI., p. 469. 85. DEY, Geogr. Dict, p. 184. 86. History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 22, Quoted by JAIN, op. cit., p. 334. 87. Imp. Gaz., Vol. XII, p. 529. 88. SANKRITYAYANA, Majj-N. p. 61n. 89. JAIN, op. cit., p. 343. 90. Ibid., p. 350. 91. CAGI., p. 507.
92. GHATGE, op. cit., p. 415; Shree K. P. JAIN, on the authority of Harivamsapurāna tries to prove that Mahāvīra had toured extensively in Rajputana, Punjab, South

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Followers of Mahāvīra :
At the time of the death of Mahāvīra, he had a large community of monks and layfollowers. He had Monks
14000 - under Indabhūi Nuns
36000 - under Candanā Laymen
159000 - under Sankhasataka Laywomen
- 318000 - under Sulasā and Revatī. Besides these he had quite a respectable number of monks having supernatural powers, of those who knew the Pūrvās, of debators and others. 93 Royal Patrons :
The birth of Mahāvīra in a semi-royal Kshatriya dynasty of the Nayas from his father's side, and his contact with the Licchavis from his mother's side, put him in a very favourable position, and we see him winning around him a strong royal support in the cause of the spread of his religion.
The Jaina texts mention a number of kings, queens, princes, princesses, ministers and merchants as the disciples of Mahāvīra. Kings like Kūņiya, 94 Cetaka,95 Seņiya, 96 Pajjoya,97 Dadhivāhana, 98 Udāyaņa,99 Virangaya, Virajasa, Sanjaya, Sankha, Kāsivaddhaņa100 and others were said to be his devout followers.
Queens like Prabhāvati of Udāyana,101 Mrgāvati and Jayanti of Kosambi,102 queens of king Śreņika and Pradyota 103 and princesses like Candanā, 104 the daughter of the king of Campā, were among his followers.
India, and north-western countries like Kamboja and Vālhika (JSB. XII, i, p. 17). But the text is certainly late, and the idea there is possibly an after-thought. It probably describes the spread of Jainism contemporary with itself. Regarding the ref. to Mahāvīra's visit to Sindhu-Sovīra (Bhag. pp. 556ff), JAIN rightly remarks: "It is quite possible that in later times, the Jainas did come in contact with the people of Sindhu-Sovira and to prove that their connection with that part of the country was not new, the story of Mahāvīra's visit seems to have originated".-Life in Ancient India, p. 261.
93. Kalpasūtra, SBE, xxii, pp. 267-68. 94. Aup. pp. 44-46. 95. Avas. C. II, p. 164. 96. Näyä, p. 146; Than, p. 4586; Uttar. XX. 97. Bhag. sū. 442. 98. Avas. C. II, p. 207. 99. Bhag. pp. 556ff. 100. Thān. p. 430b. 101. Avaśyaka. p. 299. 102. Bhag. 12. 2. 103. Avas. C. p. 91; Atgd. 7, p. 43. 104. Bhag. p. 458b.

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71 Princes called Atimukta,105 Padma,106 grandsons of Seniya, Megha, Abhaya and others107 were said to have joined the Church of Mahāvira. Historical Identification :
It may, however, be noted that only a few among these kings can be identified, and that there were some who were claimed by the Buddhists as belonging to their own sect.
According to the Jaina texts, Mahāvīra was connected with many of these kings through his maternal uncle Cetaka, king of Vesali. This Cetaka was said to have seven daughters who were married to the following persons: 108
Names: Prabhāvati Padmāvati Mșgāvati Śiva Jyeshțhā
married to Udayana
Dadhivāhana Śatānika Caņda Pradyota Nandivardhana,
brother of Mahāvīra, Became a nun married to Bimbasara
King of: Sindhu Sovira Campā Kausambi Avanti Kundagrāma
Sujyeshțhā Cellaņā
Magadha.
Of these, Udayana has been the hero of a number of Sanskrit romantic stories and is mentioned in both the Buddhist and Jaina literature, with the difference that the name of his consort appears as Vāsuladattă, a corruption of Vāsavadattā.109 There is, therefore, sufficient ground for acknowledging the historicity of this person who has been immortalised in various stories and accounts.
Regarding Dadhivāhana, SHAH remarks, "Considering the importance that Campā enjoys in the Jaina annals there is nothing strange if one assumes on the authority of the Jaina literature that the family of Dadhivāhana had a living interest in the Jaina doctrines". 110 Moreover, the daughter of this king, Candanā, was said to be the chief nun of Mahāvira. There is nothing wrong, therefore, if we take this king as a historical person.
105. Atgd. 3rd Vagga. 106. Niryā. p. 32. 107. Ibid., p. 33; Nāyā. Chapt. 1; Avas. C. p. 115. 108. Avaśyaka. p. 676. 109. Rhys DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 4; Avaśyaka. p. 674. 110. Jainism in North India, p. 93.

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S. B. DEO
Out of the rest, the last in the list, i.e., Bimbisära is important as he was none else than the famous king of the same name belonging to the Sisunaga dynasty. But we shall deal with this king later on when we deal with this dynasty as a whole.
It will be clear from the above discussion that only a few of these kings can definitely be identified and "late Jaina tradition, without much historical support, however, brings nearly all the kings of north India in those days in relation to Mahavira by describing their queens as the daughters of Cetaka, the maternal uncle of Mahavira".111
Religion of Mahavira:
We have already referred to the facts about the existence of the followers of Pärsva in the time of Mahāvīra, and about the religion of Pārsva as followed by the parents of Mahavira.
Against this background, we may say that the religion advocated by Mahavira was not a creation of his own. The only thing he did was the organisation of moral and disciplinary aspects of the then existing Jaina Church. That he stood for a stricter code of discipline of the body and of the mind is evident from his inclusion of the fifth vow of celibacy to the aggregate of four vows of Pārśva.
The explanation offered by the Jaina texts in support of the inclusion of the vow of celibacy is as follows: The Uttaradhyayana says that "the first saints were simple but slow of understanding, the last saints prevaricating and slow of understanding, those between the two, simple and wise: hence there are two forms of the Law. The first could but with difficulty understand the precepts of the Law, and the last could only with difficulty observe them, but those between them easily understood and observed them."112
It would, however, be wrong to suppose that Pärsva did not advocate celibacy. What he did was that in the vow of aparigraha (non-possession) he included the vow of celibacy. This indirect implication of non-possession could easily be understood by the followers of Pārsva who were "simple and Mahāvīra's disciples, on the other hand, "being prevaricating and
111. GHATGE, op. cit., p. 415. In the light of the above statement, compare SHAH'S remark, "Practically all the most important sixteen Mahajanapadas had, in one or the other capacity, come under the influence of the Jaina Church".-Op. cit., p. 110.
112. Uttar. 23, 26-27; Than. pp. 201-202; Purima ujjujaḍā u vankajaḍā ya pacchimā | Majjhima ujjupannā u teņa dhamme duha kae || 26 Purimaņam duvvisojjho u carimāņaṁ duranupālao | Kappo majjhimagānam tu suvisojjho supālao || 27 ||–Uttar.

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slow of understanding ..... could only with difficulty observe" the vow of non-possession. Hence he had to include the fifth vow of abstaining from all sexual acts in clear terms.
On this, JACOBI remarks, "As the vow of chastity is not explicitly mentioned among Pārsva's four vows, but was understood to be implicitly enjoined by them (i.e. P.'s followers), it follows that only such men as were of an upright disposition and quick understanding would not go astray by observing the four vows literally, i.e., by not abstaining from sexual intercourse, as it was not expressly forbidden.—The argumentation in the text presupposes a decay of morals of the monastic order to have occurred between Pārśva and Mahāvīra, and this is possible only on the assumption of a sufficient interval of time having elapsed between the last two Tirthankaras. And this perfectly agrees with the common tradition that Mahāvīra came 250 years after Pārsva."113
Another distinguishing feature of the reformed code of Mahāvīra was the introduction of the practice of nudity. It is said that he wore clothes for a period of thirteen months after renunciation, and after that he went about naked. 114 Pārsva, his predecessor, is said to have allowed an under and an upper garment to his followers.115
Inspite of the fact that Mahāvīra himself told his disciples that 'mae acelate dhamme pannatte' (I have laid down the practice of nudity),116 we find that the first Tīrthankara, Rşabha also, according to both the Jaina and non-Jaina accounts—as we have seen elsewhere, went naked in a later stage of his life which may be described as 'avadhūta' in which one is indifferent to the body and public condemnation.
The same point may be noted from the story about the Brahmin Somila who stole off the divine garment of Mahāvīra to make profit out of it. This story, even though late, 117 tends to bring to prominence the possible view that as he was undergoing hardships for twelve years with complete non-attachment for the body, "it (was) but natural that in a state of forgetfulness as this, Mahāvīra was not conscious whether or not he was dressed”.118 It may be remarked that celibacy and nudity are closely related
113. JACOBT, 'SBE., xlv, p. 122, f.n. 3. 114. Kalpasūtra, SBE., xxii, pp. 259-60. 115. Uttar. XXIII, 13. 116. Thăm. p. 4606. 117. Kalpasūtra, Kalpalata Vyākhyā, pp. 131ff; See Guņacandra, 'Mahaviracariyar',
118. SHAH, op. cit., p. 25. BULL, DCRI.--10

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S. B. DEO
from the point of view of controlling the senses and non-attachment to bodily pleasures and external needs.
Another practice made compulsory, the details of which we shall see later on, was that of Pratikramana (the confession and condemnation of transgressions). It may be noted that this practice was not an invention by Mahāvīra, but the only element he added was its compulsion on all, irrespective of the fact whether a fault was done or not. It was made an item of daily routine. The disciples of the Tirthankaras from 2 to 23 also did it only when a fault was committed. These disciples were not of a forgetful nature. The followers of the first and the last Tirthankaras, on the other hand, were of a fickle mind (calacitta) 119 and hence pratikramaņa was made compulsory. The typical phrase used in this connection was 'caujjāmão pañcamahavvaiyam sapadikkamanamh dhammam padivajjai',120
External Influence?
Regarding this tightening of morals, scholars believe that Mahāvīra must have been greatly influenced by similar practices of other contemporary sects. JACOBI says that, "the rigid rules formed no part of the ancient creed of Jainism and Mahāvīra might have borrowed them from the Acelakas or Nirgranthas the followers of Gosala with whom he is said to have lived for six years" 121 On the other hand, we find CHARPENTIER saying exactly the opposite. He remarks, "Not only was his (Gosala's) doctrine, although differing on many points, mainly taken from the tenets of Mahavira; but his whole mode of life also, in its insistence on nakedness and on the utter deprivation of all comforts, bore a close resemblance to that of the Jainas",122 Before giving any verdict on the extent of borrowing or copying as took place between the Ajivikas and the Jainas, it would be better to see the relations between Gosäla and Mahāvira.
Gosala and Mahavira:
Gośāla, the son of a Mankhali (picture-exhibitor), was born at Saravana in the cow-pen of a Brahmin (hence named go-śala). When come of age he also practised the same profession as that of his father. While at Rayagiha, he saw people paying respect to Mahavira, and so Gosāla requested Mahāvīra to enlist him as his disciple.
119. Mul., 7, 114-33a.
120. Bhag. p. 99aff: Story of Kalasavesiyaputta; also pp. 248a, 455a; 791b. 121. SBE., xlv, p. xxxii; See also Mrs. STEVENSON, Heart of Jainism, pp. 59, 185; BARUA, Jour. of Deptt. of Lett. (Cal.), ii, pp. 17-18.
122. CHI., Vol. 1, p. 162.

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75
Once, while they were touring together, Gosāla happened to see a sesamum plant, and he asked Mahāvīra whether the plant would thrive or die. Mahāvīra replied that the plant would perish, and it happened likewise. Further on, Gosāla teased a certain ascetic called Vesiyāyaṇa who tried to burn him with tejoleśyā, but Mahāvīra saved Gosäla from it.
While on the way back, Gosāla created a difference of opinion regarding the sesamum plant, and he severed his connections with his teacher. Then acquiring the tejoleśyā by the way as laid down by Mahāvira previously to him, Gosāla proclaimed himself as the head of the Ājivikas, and told the people that he was the Jina.
Making Sävatthi as the chief centre of his activities, Gosala once came to stay in the house of his laywoman follower. Mahāvira also happened to be at Sāvatthi where he denounced the claim of Gosāla to be the Jina. Gosāla, learning this, got wild and tried in vain to burn Mahāvīra with the tejolesyā. This led to further debates and the hitting by magical powers by Gosāla. Mahāvīra declared that Gosāla would die within a week due to the recoil of the magical power on him. Due to that Gosāla, falling ill, gave himself up to drinking and incontinency. Then, when his end was near, he called his followers and told them that Mahāvīra was really great and that he had harassed him out of revenge.123
Gosāla advocated the theory of niyativāda or fatalism, and started the practice of nudity and austerities in his sect also.124
One thing is clear from the above account, and that is the existence of close relationship between Mahāvīra and Gosāla and the former's earlier career as a teacher. The efforts of the Jaina texts in often refuting the doctrines of the Ājivikas but not even mentioning their far greater contemporary, Buddha, go to imply the close contact between the leader of the Jainas and that of the Ājivikas. But this close relationship had a limit. For, as GHATGE remarks, "Though it will be going too far to regard Mahāvira as a pupil of Gosāla, and assume many points in the Jaina creed as borrowed from the Ajivika sect, it is quite probable that the rules about diet current among the Jaina monks may have come from the code of the Ājivikas, and some significance must be attached to the coincidence of Mahāvira giving up his garment in the year of his meeting with Gosäla".125
123. Bhag. pp. 659a-696a; Uväsaga: HOERNLE's App. 124. Ibid. 6, p. 44; Bhag. pp. 369bff; Thān. p. 233b; Aup. sū. 41. 125. op. cit., p. 414.

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Evaluation of the Role of Mahāvīra :
From the account of his career as seen above, Mahāvīra appears more as a reformer than as the founder of a sect. "By the very nature of the case, tradition has preserved only those points of Pārsva's teachings which differed from the religion of Mahāvīra, while all other common points are ignored. The few differences that are known make Mahāvīra definitely a reformer of an existing faith, and the addition of a vow, the importance of nudity and a more systematic arrangement of its philosophical tenets may be credited to his reforming zeal". 126... ..."What he did was, in all likelihood, the codification of an unsystematic mass of beliefs into a set of rigid rules of conduct for monks and laymen. A decided inclination towards enumeration and classification may be attributed to him.”127
That he had a winning personality, an organisational skill, and the drive of a reformer can be seen from the several royal followers he could win over for the spread of his Church. Not only royal persons but even people of all classes joined his ranks. In this case it may be noted that his ganadharas (chief disciples) were all Brahmins.
Comparing his role with that of Buddha, JACOBI remarks, "Mahāvīra plays a part wholly different from that of Buddha in the histories of their Churches. His attainment to the highest knowledge cannot be compared to that of Buddha. The latter had to reject wrong beliefs and wrong practices before he found out the right belief and the right conduct. He seems to have carved out his own way,-a fact which is easily recognised in all Buddhist writings. But Mahāvīra went through the usual career of an ascetic; he seems never to have changed in opinion nor to have rejected religious practices, formerly adhered to. Only his knowledge increased as in the process of his penance the hindrances to the higher degrees of knowledge were destroyed until it became absolute. His doctrines are not spoken of in the Sūtras as his discoveries, but as decreta or old established truths (parṇatta)”. 128
JACOBI's remark seems to minimise the role of Mahāvīra. But it need not. For, it may be said that if one is on the right path in his search for the Absolute, one may have no necessity to discard wrong beliefs, etc. The test is whether Mahāvīra attained the Absolute or not. If he did, then how he did, is immaterial. And what type of this knowledge of the Absolute
126. Ibid., p. 412. 127. Ibid., p. 420. 128. 1.A., SX, p. 161.

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was, it is very difficult to say or compare with that of Buddha, without ourselves being in a similar position.
When once he got such a knowledge, Mahāvīra chose to express his knowledge in the people's own language-Ardhamāgadhi.129 Besides the local people, he could absorb en mass the whole following of Pärśva in his Church, as the former had taken that system as his basis for reformation. Thus with old traditions and new zeal of a reformer he led a touring life coming in contact with all, irrespective of caste or creed or status. This contact led to the building up of a strong laity which showered upon him extraordinary devotion, and went to the extent of deifying him.130 The Ganadharas:
Mahāvīra had built up an excellent cadre of his chief disciples (gañadharas) numbering eleven in all, each of whom had several junior disciples under him.
The following information is available about them : 131
Name
Caste
Gotra
Place
Brahmin
Goyama
Gobbaragama
Brothers
Kollaga Sannivesa
1. Indabhūi 2. Aggibhūi 3. Vāubhui 4. Viyatta 5. Suhamma 6. Mandiya 7. Moriyaputta 8. Akampiya 9. Ayalabhāyā 10. Meijja 11. Pabhāsa
Moriya
Bhāraddaya Aggivesāyana Väsittha Kāsava Goyama Hariāyana Kodinna
Mihila Kosala Tungiya Sannivesa Rāyagiha.
129. Aup. p. 146; Smv. p. 60b.
130. For epithets of Mahavira like 'devayam ceiyam' etc., Aup. pp. 26-41; Uva. (HOERNLE), p. 109.
131. For further details, Smv. pp. 696, 83a, 84, 86a, 89b, 96a, 97b, 100b; JACOBI, SBE., xxii, pp. 286-87.

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S. B. DEO The Career and work of the Gañadharas :
All these ganadharas were well-versed in the Twelve Angas and the fourteen Purvās. Most of them died at Rāyagiha after a fast of one month.
Unfortunately, nine out of these eleven gañadharas died in the very life-time of Mahāvīra. The two to survive were Indabhūi Goyama who was the pet disciple of his Master, and Suhamma. The first died twelve years after Mahāvīra, and the latter twenty years after Mahāvīra's death.
Suhamma became the head of the Church after Mahāvira, and "the Nirgrantha Śramaņas of the present time are all spiritual descendants of the monk Suhamma".132 From the set formula at the beginning of the several Jaina canonical texts, Suhamma appears to have narrated these, as he had heard Mahāvīra tell them, to his disciple Jambu.133
One point regarding these ganadharas may not be ignored, and it is the fact that all of them were Brahmins. It may suggest two things. First, that among the Brahmins also an ideological revolution was taking place which is seen clearly in the Upanishads—as we have remarked elsewhere134 - which made them give up the traditional grooves of thoughts advocating ritualism. Or, secondly, it may mean that inspite of Mahavira's organisational ability and contact with the lower classes of the society, it was the intelligentia which included predominantly the Brahmins, that helped him in the spread of his faith. Even though, therefore, he advocated the principle of "spiritual democracy” in keeping open the doors of his Church to all classes and castes, it was the intelligent class who was not full of blind faith but was spurred by the firmness of conviction which it could express with convincing arguments, that furthered the cause of Mahavira.
ident Chartion Mah
The Schisms :
Inspite of his drive for reformation and the organisation of discipline in the Church, Mahāvīra had to face schisms in his own life-time. In all, eight principal schisms took place upto the origin of the major DigambaraSvetāṁbara division. Out of these the first two occurred in Mahāyira's life
time.
akkhāyar
etc. ...... upto .....
132. Kalpasūtra, SBE, xxii, p.
133. 'Suyam me ausar tena bhagavayā evar evam khalu Jambu'.
134. See Part I, Chapt. 3

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM The account of the schisms is as follows: 1. Bahuraya :
It was rather unfortunate that the first rift in the Church was due to Mahāvīra's son-in-law Jamāli.135 He was also the son of his eldest sister Sudamsaņā.
Fourteen years after the attainment of kevala jnana by Mahāvīra, Jamāli started this school at Sávatthi. He maintained that before a particular act is completed its results begin to take place.136 2. Jivapaesiya :
This schism originated with Tissagutta in the city of Usabhapura, sixteen years after the attainment of omniscience by Mahāvīra.
It advocated the view that the soul does not pervade all the atoms of the body, an opinion contrary to that held by Mahāvīra.
The followers of this schism were pardoned and readmitted as they came to know the wrongness of their view.137 3. Avvattaga :
This originated 14 years after the death of Mahāvīra, and it was started by Aşādha at Seaviyā. They held that there was no difference between a monk and a god.
They were enlightened by Balabhadda of Moriya Varnsa.138 4. Samuccheiya :
Assamitta started it at Mihilā, 220 years after Mahāvīra's death.139
He held the opinion that the results of the good or the bad actions are immaterial since all life comes to an end sometime.
They, however, realised their mistake through Khandarakkha and were pardoned. 5. Dokiriyā :
This was led by Ganga 228 years after the death of Mahāvīra. It originated at a place called Ullugatira.140
135. For his account, Bhag. pp. 461ff 136. Avasyaka. mūl. bhä. vs. 125-26; Vrtti, pp. 402-05. 137. Ibid., v. 127, pp. 405-06. 138. Ibid., v. 129, pp. 406-08. 139. Ibid., Vs. 131-32, pp. 408-09. 140. Ibid., vs. 133-134, pp. 409-10.

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S. B. DEO He held that two opposite or contrary feelings like hot and cold could be experienced simultaneously. 6. Nojiva :
This was also called as the Terāsiya and its founder was Rohagutta. It was started at Antarañjiā, 544 years after Mahāvīra's Nirvana.
Rohagupta advocated the existence of a third principle called Nojiva besides Jiva and Ajiva.141
The Kalpasūtra says that Chalua Rohagutta, a disciple of Ajja Mahā. girī founded this schism,142 and that the Vaišeșika philosophy arose out of it.143 7. Abaddhiya :
After a period of 584 years since the death of Mahāvīra, Gutthāmahila started it at the city of Dasapura.114
He held that the karmic atoms simply touch the soul, but do not bind it.145
It may be noted that all these schools never attained the status of a serious schism, but ultimately merged in their original Church.
But the eighth schism which finally brought about a serious rift in the Church was the Digambara-Svetāmbara partition. Digambara-Svetāṁbara Split:
The traditional accounts regarding this schism differ with these two sects. They are as follows: Sretārbara Version:
The Svetāmbaras relate the story of a certain Sivabhūti, who, 609 years after the death of Mahāvīra, founded a sect called as 'Bodiya' in the city of Rathavīrapura.146
This Sivabhūti had won many battles for his king, and the latter showered honours on him. Naturally Sivabhūti became very proud and used to return home late at night. When once he came late at night, his mother, on the complaint by her daughter-in-law, refused to open him the door, and
141. Ibid., vs. 135-40, pp. 411-15. 142.SBE., xxii, p. 290. 143. Kalpasūtra, Kalpalatā Vyākhyā, p. 229b. 144. Identified with mod. Mandasor in C.I.: CAGI, p. 726. 145. Avašyaka-bha. vs. 141-144; Vrtti, pp. 415-18. 146. Ibid., vs. 145ff; vștti, pp. 418-26.

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81 asked him to go to any place the doors of which he was likely to find open. Getting wild, Sivabhūti entered such a place which, however, turned out to be a monastery. He asked the head priest, to initiate him but the priest refused to do so, whereupon Śivabhūti himself plucked out the hair and wandered as a monk.
After some time, this self-initiated monk Sivabhūti happened to come to the same place. The king, his former friend, came to know of his arrival, and sent him a valuable garment as a gift.
Sivabhūti's superior protested and disallowed him to use such a garment. When Sivabhūti did not listen to his advice, the teacher tore off that garment and used it as a mattress. Getting wild and excited, Sivabhūti gave up all clothing and went about naked. His sister Uttarā also followed him and she also became naked. But when the courtesans of the city complained that nobody would go to them seeing the ugly nature of the feminine body, Sivabhūti disallowed his sister to accept nudity. Two other persons called Koundinya and Kottavīra became Śivabhūti's disciples. Thus nudity was started by the Bodiyas under Sivabhūti. Digambara Account:
The Digambaras relate a different story in this matter. They say that in the reign of Candragupta (Maurya), Bhadrabāhu predicted a terrible famine in the country of Magadha, for a period of twelve years. Hence a part of the community migrated to South India under his leadership, while the rest remained in Magadha.
When after sometime, the leaders met together at Ujjenī, the famine was still there, and hence they allowed the monks to wear a piece of cloth (ardhaphālaka) to hide shame while on the begging tour. But even when the famine was over, those monks refusd to give up the use of the piece of cloth. The conservative element protested against this. And, thus these Ardhaphālakas proved to be the forerunners of the Svetāṁbaras.147
The final separation, however, came later on due to Candralekhā, queen of king Lokapāla of Valabhīpura. It is related that these Ardhaphālaka monks were invited by her. But seeing them neither clothed nor naked, the king was disappointed, and the queen, therefore, asked them to wear complete clothes. Thenceforth, the Ardhaphālakas began to put on white clothes and came to be called as Svetapatas.148
147. J.A., VIII, i, p. 35; GLASENAPP, p. 357; PREMI, 'Darśanasāra', p. 60.
148. J.A., XI, ii, pp. 6-7; Brhatkatha of Harişena 131; 'Svetapatas', ref. in an epigraph of the period of Kadamba Mrgeśavarman: L.A., VII, No. 37, pp. 37-38. BULL. DCRI.- 11

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Corroboration for the Dig. Account:
The following points support the Digambara account:
(1) The Magadha famine and the migration of Bhadrabahu is referred to in a Śravana Belagola epigraph of c. 600 A.D.149 It may be noted, however, that only the incident of migration and not its after-effects are referred to in this epigraph.
(2) In the Thananga,150 Mahavira tells Goyama, "I have laid down. the practice of nudity (mae acelate dhamme pannatte)." It may be noted that neither the Acäränga nor the Kalpasütra texts refer to the story of Somila Brahamana. That is found only in the commentaries.
(3) Even the Svetärbara texts refer to two modes of monk-lifethe Jinakappi and the Therakappi, some among the former accepting nudity and thus trying to copy the Jina.
(4) The inscription of Kharavela of Kalinga (c. 2nd cent. B.C.) refers to the image of the Jina which he brought back from Magadha as it was carried away by the Nanda king,151
(5) Regarding the sculptures on the Udayagiri and the Khandagiri caves, it may be noted that, "Only the Tirthankaras are represented nude, and even they are occasionally shown dressed, if the scene is intended to represent some scene of their human life."152
Svetambara Arguments:
As against these points, the points in favour of the Svetämbaras are: (1) The story of Somila does indicate only the state of unattachment to the bodily care by Mahavira.
(2) Scholars are still not unanimous regarding the date of Bhadrabāhu, for there were more than one Bhadrabāhus in the Jaina Church.
(3) From the rules regarding clothing as given in the Angas, no compulsion is evident regarding nudity. The only factor that is stressed is non-attachment to the body as well as to clothing.
(4) Even the Jinakalpikas used clothing.
149. E.C. II, No. 1; Vol. IV, p. 22; I.A. III, pp. 153-58; For Life of Bhadrabahu Ibid; Also I.A., XXI, p. 157.
150. p. 460b.
151. E.I., Vol. XX, pp. 80:.
152. Mon Mohan CAKRAVARTI, Notes on the Remains on Dhauli and in the Caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri, p. 2.

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Modern Scholars :
(i) HOERNLE believes that the idea of Digambaratva may be due to the influence of the Ājīvikas who were also the advocates of nudity.153
(ii) Mrs. STEVENSON holds-"The probability is that there had always been two parties in the community: the older and weaker section, who wore clothes and dated from Pārsvanātha's time, and who were called Sthavira-kalpa (the spiritual ancestors of the Svetāmbaras); and the Jinakalpa, or puritans, who kept the extreme letter of the law as Mahāvira had done, and who are the forerunners of the Digambaras."154
Conclusions :
The conclusions can best be summarised in the words of Dr. GHATGE.155
“The traditional accounts of the origin of the split are puerile and the outcome of sectarian hatred.156 They, however, agree in assigning it to the end of the first century A.D., which is quite likely. The evidence of the literary writings of the Svetambaras and early sculptures goes to show that most of the differences between the two sects were of slow growth and did not arise all at one time.
Attempts to explain the origin of this split are mainly based upon only one divergent practice, that of wearing a white robe or going naked, which has given the two sects their names. The split is sometimes traced to differences between the practices of Mahāvīra and his predecessor Pārsva, or the more austere life of his pupil Gosāla, or to the events caused by the great famire in Magadha which occurred at the time of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta, causing the migration of a section of the community to the South. In all probability, Gosāla's teaching has nothing to do with this later division and is firmly repudiated by both sects. The teachings of Mahavira and Pārsva on the use of clothes and the practice of nudity were somehow reconciled in the lifetime of Mahāvīra. Orthodox teaching allowed option, producing two modes of behaviour known as Jinakalpa and Sthavirakalpa, but some sections of the community may have preferred the one to
153. ERE, 1, p. 267: ELLIOT in 'Hinduism and Buddhism' (p. 112) says--"Nudity as a part of asceticism was practised by several sects in the time of Mahävira, but it was also reprobated by others (including all Buddhists) who felt it to be barbarous and unedifying".
154. Heart of Jainism, p. 79; also JACOBI, SBE, xlv, pp. 119-29; P. L. VAIDYA, Uvasaya", notes.
155. Op. cit., pp. 416-17. 156. See, SHAH, op. cit., p. 70.

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the other, and isolated groups insisting on the harder course of life may have well existed from the very beginning.
When the first council was held at Päțaliputra to compile the canon, a group, given to a more severe mode of life, appears to have repudiated it, perhaps due to the migration "to the coast" caused by the famine. Along with such a group there must have also existed others holding views which combined the opinions of both the sects in various ways. With their disappearance, in course of time, the two sects found themselves in sharp contrast and finally fell apart. By the very nature of the case, no precise date can be assigned to this process."
The quotation, though lengthy, brings out the real basis of the schism, and points out to the impossibility of fixing a tentative date for this schism which was the result of an evolution going on for a long time.
Regarding the history of Jainism in general, in the post-Mahāvīra period, it should be noted that "the spread of Jainism was more a case of successive migration than a continuous expansion."157 Hence it would be better for us to see its spread dynasty-wise after dividing India into two major divisions-North and South.
North India:
We have already seen that Mahavira's field of activity was the eastern part of northern India, and that he had connections with several kings of the traditional list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas.
The Sisunagas:
Out of these kings, the Jaina texts often refer to Seniya Bambhasara. This Seniya is to be identified with the Bimbisara of the Sisunaga dynasty. According to the Jaina tradition, his wife was Cellana who was the daughter of king Cetaka, the maternal uncle of Mahavira.
That this powerful king had come under the influence of Mahāvīra is amply borne out by his debate with a Jaina monk as given in the Uttaradhyayana158 which resulted in an event in which "the lion of kings.... together with his wives, servants, and relations, became a staunch believer in the Law." The Trisastisalākā10 also depicts an occasion in which the king together with his wife Cellana came to pay homage to Mahavira. Besides these, many of his other wives and sons joined the order of Mahavira.100
157. GHATGE, op. cit., p. 417.
158. Chapt. 20.
159. X, 6-11.
160. Nāyā., Chapt. 1; Anuttr. 1, 2; Atgḍ. 16-26; Bhag. 4, 6.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM Bimbisāra was followed by his son Kuniya or Ajāyasattu who was born to Cellaņā. Kūņika has also been frequently referred to as a devotee of Mahāvīra. The Aupapātika gives a graphic description of his visit to Mahāvira's sermon. Regarding this king the Buddhists and the Jainas differ inasmuch as the former discredit him by saying that he murdered his father and then ascended the throne. The Jainas, however, admit that he harassed his father by imprisoning him, but they seem to twist the account and show that Kūņiya repented for it when it was too late because his father, misunderstanding his son's purpose, had already taken poison. 161 The account of the Buddhists, perhaps, hints that this king was not favourable to them, while that of the Jainas, which softens down his behaviour, seems to be the outcome of Kūniya's devotion to their faith.162
Anyway, this king reigned at any important epoch in Indian history, inasmuch as "it was during the reign of Ajātaśatru that both Mahāvīra and Gautama, the great teachers of Jainism and Buddhism respectively, are said to have entered Nirvāņa."163 And, from the Jaina account and Buddhist denunciation of him,164 it appears that his affinities leaned heavily towards Jainism.
The successor of Ajātaśatru was Udāyi. According to the Jaina accounts, this king also was a devout Jaina. He is credited with the building of a Jaina temple at Pāțaliputra.165 That he did not pay merely a lip-sympathy to Jainism is proved by the account which says that he practised fasts after the manner of a Jaina layman. Moreover, the very circumstances of his end which made him face death at the hands of a dethroned prince, who had come with a Jaina ācārya, in the disguise of a Jaina monk, make it evident that the Jaina monks had a free access to his palace without any trouble.166
Tlus these three major kings of the Siśunāga dynasty seem to be the followers of the Jaina faith. Of course, no epigraphical evidence is available
161. Hemacandra, Trişasti, p. 161-164.
162. "Mahāvira survived his hated rival Gosala for 16 years, and probably witnessed the rapid progress of his faith during the reign of Ajātaśatru who seems to have been a supporter of the Jains, if we may infer that gratitude is the motive which leads them to make excuses for the horrible murder of his father, Bimbasära."-CHARPENTIER, CHI, i, p. 163.
163. RAYCHAUDHARI, Pol. Hist. of Anc. Ind., p. 215.
164. Ajātaśatru gives orders for the killing of the Buddha at the instance of Devadattā: Rhys DAVID and OLDENBERG, Vinaya Texts, part iii, p. 243.
165. Trişaşti, VI, 181. 166. Ibid., 1864.

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to corroborate these facts, but the mass of traditions around them, and the fact that even the Buddhist texts claim the first and the last king among the three mentioned above, tend to suggest that these kings who were great and powerful, did their best to establish the indigenous religions firm in Magadha as far back as the sixth-fifth century B.C.
The Nandas:
The successors of the Siśunāgas were the Nandas, and the Avaśyakasutra167 makes the first king the son of a barber from a courtesan.
The very fact of their non-Brahmin origin tends to lend support to Jaina accounts of them which show that they were Jainas.
The Khāravela inscription, however, tends to suggest that they had invaded Kalinga and had carried off the image of a Jina. This does not mean, however, that the Nanda empire pertained only to these two provinces. According to RAYCHAUDHARI, “Several Mysore inscriptions state that Kuntala a province which included the southern part of the Bombay Presidency and the north of Mysore, was ruled by the Nandas."168
Inspite of this wide expanse of the Nanda empire, it is difficult to say in what parts they helped Jainism to flourish. The following, however, are the points to be gathered regarding them from the Jaina sources.
(i) The subodhikā tīkā169 on the Kalpasūtra, says that the ininister of the ninth Nanda was a certain Sagadāla who was a Jaina, and who was the father of a famous Jaina ācārya Sthūlabhadra. As the ministership of the Nandas was awarded in a hereditary fashion, 170 Sthūlabhadra's brother succeeded his father, while Sthūlabhadra joined the Jaina order of monks.
(ii) We have already referred to the Khäravela inscription which says that that king in the twelfth year of his reign brought back the image of the Kalingajina stolen away by the Nandarāja from Kalinga to Magadha (nandarāja-nītam ca kalingajina sannivesam... gaha-ratanāna padihārehi).171 This shows that not only the Nandas were devotees of Jainism, but that at their time Jainism was somewhat an established religion of a community in Kalinga.
167. p. 690. 168. Op. cit., p. 235. 169. p. 162. 170. Avaśyaka, p. 692. 171. BARUA, I. H. Q., XIV, pp. 259ff.

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87 This fact gets corroboration even in the Jaina texts. For instance, the Vyavahārabhāşya172 says that there was a certain king Tosalika who was particular about guarding a Jina image in the city of Tosali. References to Mahāvīra's visit to Tosali are also to be met with.173
(iii) That the Jaina monks had the trust of the king in them can be seen from the incident that Cāņakya exploited the services of a Jaina in the revolution which he so successfully brought about in the overthrow of the Nandas.174
Inspite of this picture of the Nandas and their feeling about Jainism, it is surprising to note that the Jaina accounts are silent over the state of their religion in the other parts of the Nanda empire besides Magadha and Kalinga. It may be that these two provinces were still their strongholds and that they did not care much for consolidation in regions beyond the land of their own birth. The Mauryas :
The successors of the Nandas were the mighty Mauryas who were perhaps the first emperors of a large part of India.
The origin of the Mauryas seems to have been with Candragupta, who according to the Jaina accounts, was the son of a peacock-tamer (moraposaga).
We are, however, concerned here more with the affinity of the first king Candragupta towards Jainism. According to the Jaina tradition, in the reign of the king, Bhadrabāhu predicted a famine of twelve years in Magadha, and migrated to South India with a number of disciples, the chief among whom was Candragupta.175
Scholars are not unanimous either regarding this tradition about Candragupta or that about Cāņakya who according to Jaina texts died a death by Samlehanā or fast unto death.176 RICE,177 NARASIMHACAR178 and
172. 6, 115ff. 173. Avašyaka, pp. 219-20 (Agamodaya Smt. Ed., Bom. 1916-17).
174. NARASIMHACAR, EC, II, Intr., p. 41. Moreover CHARPENTIER remarks-'Jainas do not share the bad opinion of these kings which was held by the Buddhists. This fact seems to suggest that the Nanda kings were not unfavourably inclined towards the Jaina religion."--CHI., p. 164. Also see JRAS, 1918, p. 546; JBORS., XIII, p. 245.
175. RICE, Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 3-4: Authority of Rājāvalikathe; also Brhatkathäkośa of Harisena (931 A.D.): 131; (Ed. UPADHYE).
176. Santharaya Painnaya, vs. 73-75. 177. Op. cit., pp. 2-10; I. A., III, pp. 153-58. 178. Inscr. at śr. Bel. pp. 36-40.
Jaina religTRICE, Mysakosa of Ha vs. 73-7. 153-58

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SMITH179 accept the tradition of Bhadrabāhu's migration to the south with Candragupta, while FLEET180 and others doubt it. We have already referred to the epigraph of c. 600 A.D., which refers to the migration of Bhadrabāhu to the south.181 Apart from this, the mention of 'sarmanes' by Megasthenes182 who visited the court of Candragupta sometime between 305-297 B.C.,183 may be taken as a sufficient proof of the ascendancy of Jaina monks under Candragupta. Unless, therefore, any contradictory evidence comes to light we may not challenge the Jaina affinities of Candragupta.
Moreover, the silence of Brahmanical sources may mean three things. First that he inay not have patronized Brāhmanism or that he was an orthodox Brahmin himself, or that they did not know much about his end as he is said to have died far away from his capital, i.e., at Śravana Belgola. RAYCHAUDHARI184 and SHAH185 maintain that "the epithet Vșshala applied to him in the Mudrārākshasa suggests that in regard to certain matters he did deviate from strict orthodoxy."
If, therefore, we accept the view that Candragupta was a Jaina, then it may be said that he not only made Jainism firm in north India, but also had a hand in spreading it to the Southern parts of his empire as he was one of the pioneers to go there along with Bhadrabāhu and others. Bindusāra :
Bindusāra was the successor of Candragupta. It is difficult to say anything about his affinities or otherwise towards Jainism as the Jaina sources are silent about him. SHAH,186 however, says that "he must have extended his dominions so as to cover at least some portions of Mysore. .... It may not be unlikely that, in addition to the Kshatriya ambitions of mere conquest, Bindusāra might have been actuated by filial motive in acquiring Mysore, a place rendered sacred by the last days of his father Chandragupta". But in the light of the reference from Buddhist Mahā. varsa which he quotes in the next paragraph and which says that Bindusāra was of Brahmanical faith, it is very difficult to maintain the view about his possibility of being not at least antagonistic to Jainism.
179. OHI., pp. 75-76; JAYASWAL, JBORS., iii, p. 452. 180. 1.A., XXI, p. 156. 181. E. C., II, No. 1. 182. McCRINDLE, Invasions of Alexander, p. 358. 183. BANERJI, Prehistoric, Ancient and Hindu India, p. 84 184. Op. cit., p. 295, f. n. 2. 185. Op. cit., pp. 135-38. 186. Op. cit., p. 139.

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Aśoka:
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Asoka, the first sovereign ruler of India, succeeded Bindusära. He distinguished himself by not only consolidating the empire but also by exhibiting a superb piety which may be said to rest on ethical principles common both to Jainism and Buddhism.
The broad-based liberalism so evident in his edicts has led some scholars187 to believe that he was a Jaina, while there are others who say that he was a Buddhist.188
89
From the edicts themselves, scholars like KERN opine that "His inscriptions with a few exceptions, contain nothing particularly Buddhistic",180 For the emperor says that "whosoever praises his own sect or blames other sects-all (this) out of devotion to his own sect-if he is acting thus, he rather injures his own sect very severely" 190 "All sects must on all occasions be honoured" 181 That he was benevolent to all is proved by his instructions which are applicable to the samaņas, niganthas, ājīvikas and others.
Taking into consideration his broadmindedness and his insistence on Ahimsă, SHAH192 opines, "What we venture to suggest is this, that as years went on Aśoka came more and more under the influence of the teaching of Buddha, became less and less sectarian, and tried to inculcate in his subjects the Dharma which embraced the moral precepts and dogmatic tenets common to other religions, though, as Rev. HERAS rightly observes, he was 'especially influenced by the Jaina doctrines as regards sacredness and inviolability of life"".
Some scholars go to the other extreme and accuse Aśoka of being a bigot. According to Haraprasad SASTRI,193 Aśoka's stoppage of animal sacrifices and his appointing of the Superintendents of morals (Dharma Mahamatya), "was a direct invasion on the right and privileges of the Brahmanas", who getting restless due to this trespass paved the way for the entry of the staunch Brähmanical Sungas.
BULL. DCRI.-12
187. K. P. JAINA, JA., Vol. V, No. 3, p. 81; Vol. VI, No. 1, pp. 9-16; No. 2, pp. 53-60; Vol. VI, No. II, pp. 43-50; Vol. VII, No. 1, pp. 20-25; FLEET, JRAS., 1908, pp. 491-92.
188. HULTZSCH, CII, Intr., p. xlix.
189. KERN, Manual of Buddhism, p. 112.
190. HULTZSCH, CII, p. 21.
191. Junagadh Ed., Bhavnagar Inscr., Edict 12.
192. Op. cit., p. 140.
193. JPASB, 1910, pp. 259-60.

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S. B. DEO Strange enough, Jaina literary evidence is silent over the state of Jainism under Asoka's rule. Though no doubt we get a reference194 to Candagutta, Bindusāra and Asogasiri who were said to have surpassed each other regarding the prowess and the extent of their empire, yet, "as the historical records of the sect have very little to tell us of the reign of Candragupta and his son Bindusāra, and perhaps even less of the great Asoka, it seems probable that they had already in the 3rd cent. B.C. begun to lose their foothold in Eastern India". 195
Under these circumstances, it cannot definitely be said that Aśoka was either a staunch Buddhist or a mild Jaina, or a benefactor of the Ājīvikas. The only thing we can say is that he was perhaps too broadminded to set himself within the framework of a particular sect.
Anyway, it is definite that no evidence is available from his career that he harassed the Jainas. It is probable, therefore, that they maintained their place in the society if not at the royal court.196 Kunāla :
The Jaina texts197 give an interesting account about this son of Asoka. It is said that in the city of Pādaliputta there was a king Asogasirī. His son was Kuņāla who was given the province of Ujjenī for his maintenance (Kumārabhuttīe). When the prince was eight years old, Asoga sent a message that the prince should be taught quickly (śīghramadhiyatām kumārah). The step-mother of the child, however, gave an anusvāra over 'a' which made the order as 'sīghramandhiyatām Kumāraḥ' (quickly make the prince blind). When the prince saw the order, he himself took out his eyes. After some time, Kuņāla pleased the king and asked him to hand over the kingdom to his son Sampai who was in his previous birth a disciple of Arya Suhasti. The emperor granted the request and Sampai was made the viceroy of Ujjenī, who afterwards conquered the whole Dakkhinavaha.
Besides this, "the reality of the existence of Kuņāla is established by the combined testimony of the Purāņic and Buddhist works (which represent him as the father of Sampaļī) as well as the evidence of Hemacandra and Jinaprabhasūri, the well-known Jaina writers" 198
194. Brh. kalp. bhā., Vol. III, 3276-3278. 195. CHARPENTIER, CHI, Vol. 1, p. 166.
196. "Any attempt to prove a greater interest on his part in the welfare of the Jains must fail, unwarranted as it is by the scriptures of the Jains themselves".--Ibid
197. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. III, 3275-76. 198. RAYCHAUDHARI, op. cit., p. 350.

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91
Two things, however, may be noted : that Kuņāla never succeeded Asoka, and that Ujjeni rather than Pāçalīputra was coming into prominence. Samprati and Daśaratha :
With the passing away of Asoka, two of his grandsons seem to have come to prominence-Samprati and Daśaratha. It is not clear as to what the relations between these two were, and Jaina and Buddhist traditions even omit the name of Dasaratha. But his historicity has been attested by his dedication of the caves to the Ājivika sect on the Nāgārjunī Hill. 199
It may, therefore, be possible that both these grandsons of Asoka ruled simultaneously, Samprati at Ujjain and Dasaratha at Pāțalīputra.
Out of these two, Samprati was said to be a great patron of Jainism. We have already referred to the episode connected with his birth. When after his rise to kingship, he came in contact with the famous Jaina pontiff Arya Suhastin at Ujjain, the latter told him regarding the story of the former's previous birth. Hearing that, Samprati became devoted to the Ācārya and accepted the vows of a Jaina layman.
He is said to have given clothes to the monks, opened food-centres for the poor, and asked the cooks to give all the remnant of the food to the Jaina monks. He paid the cooks for this as otherwise the monks were not likely to accept food from the king as it was not allowed to them.
Thus the monks obtained profuse articles of food and pieces of clothing. Then Arya Mahägiri told Arya Suhastin that it was likely that the king had ordered the people indirectly in this connection. Arya Suhastin, however, out of affection for his disciples, allowed the monks to accept these, upon which Ārya Mahāgiri threatened him with separation of the sambhoga, i.e. severing connections and not having common meals or reading of scriptures. At last Arya Suhastin came to know his mistake and stopped the monks from taking advantage of the bounty of the king.
Samprati invited all his vassals and explained them the Jinadharma. Thus, festivals and worship of the Jina images began to be celebrated in all the countries round about Ujjain. He also asked his feudatories to prohibit killing of living beings in their regions, and make the touring of monks safe.
The king used to send his spies in the garb of Jaina monks to the border regions. Thus he made the regions of Andha, Damila, Maharatta and Kudukka safe for the Jaina monks.200
199. I. A., XX, pp. 361ff. 200. Brh. kalp. bhā Vol. III, 3275-89; JACOBI, Parisistaparvan, p. 69.

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It may be said, therefore, that Samprati furthered the cause of Jainism with perfect zeal, and though the sphere of the Mauryan activity shifted from the eastern parts of our country to somewhat western or central India, he opened up further regions in the south for the spread of Jainism, the beginnings of which were probably already made by his great-grand-father, Candragupta.
That Jainism had an overwhelming influence in the royal court is proved by the relations of Suhastin with Samprati.
Another point to be marked is the distribution of clothing to monks by Samprati. From this it appears that the monks who were patronised by Samprati were possibly the Svetāmbara Jainas, if at all a conclusion can be drawn from the BỊhatkalpabhāşya which may be taken to belong to a later period than that ascribed to Samprati. This view seems to be corroborated by the fact that the Digambara pațțāvalis omit the name of Suhastin.201 Mrs. STEVENSON further remarks that Arya Mahāgiri left the region and went to Daśārņabhadra in disappointment of his failure to win over the monks to a stricter discipline of monastic life, seeing that the king was completely won over by Arya Suhastin.202
From the career of these three famous kings of the Mauryan dynasty we may say that out of these three, the first and the last are said to have taken a direct part in the spread of Jainism not only in Magadha, but to the parts west of Magadha as well. With the advent of Asoka, Jainism seems not to have missed royal patronage, but it counted more upon lay patronage and could mantain it, due to the liberal policy of Aśoka. With the stepping in of Samprati, however, Jainism took an aggressive role and spread to Central India, the Deccan and as far as Kudukka (Coorg) in South India.
Before we take up the development of Jainism in other parts of India, we have to go back to Kalinga again where the great Chedi king Khāravela, in the 2nd cent. B.C., raised the status of Jainism to that of a state religion.
Before entering into the details about the career of Khāravela, it may be noted that inspite of SHAH's remark that on architectural and sculptural grounds the Hāthigumphā caves may well claim an antiquity going upto the 4th cent. B.C.,203 the inscription of Khāravela is the first definite proof for the history of Jainism in Kalinga.
201. KLATT, 1.A., XI, p. 251; also HOERNLE, Ibid., XXI, pp. 57-58. 202. Op. cit., p. 74.
203. Op. cit., p. 150. It may be noted that architectural stylistic evidence is not always a very correct standard for forcing a conclusion,

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM Kharavela ;
We have already referred to the fact that the carrying away of a Jaina image by the Nanda king from Kalinga presupposes the existence of Jainism in an established form even before the times of the Nandas.
The Udayagiri and the Khandagiri hills which are strewn with caves for the monks, and some of which contain inscriptions in the Brāhmi script which may go back to the Mauryan age,204 prove to be a sufficient evidence of the flourishing condition of Jainism in about the second third century B.C.
Before, therefore, entering upon the discussion about the inscription of Khāravela, it would be better to study other minor details.
Out of the several caves, the Satghara, Navamuni, and Ananta caves are important inasmuch as they contain images of and symbols pertaining to the Jaina Tīrthankaras. The Rānigumphā cave sculptures exhibit the procession of Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third Tīrthankara. Besides these serpent-hoods connected with Pārsva, worn-out Jaina images of other Tirthankaras with their lānchanas and deities are also to be found. The Inscription of Khāravela :
This contains seventeen lines, but these prove to be of immense importance to the history of Jainism in Kalinga. The contents of the inscription show that it is a biographical sketch of the great king who was a devout Jaina.
The inscription opens with the salute to the Arhats and the Siddhas in the typical Jaina tradition (Namo Ar(i) hamtānam Namo sava-sidhānam). Then the account begins with the story of his life right from his fifteenth year. At the age of twenty-four he came to the throne and did many works which were of immense use to his subjects. But besides these, the points of importance from our point of view are the following:
(1) In the 6th year of his reign he performed Rājasūya.
(2) In the eighth year he attacked Magadha, the reports about which caused a consternation in the heart of Demetrios who took a retreat.
(3) He gave gifts to the Brāhmaṇas after the previous incident.
(4) He broke up the confideracy of the Tramira (Dravida) countries, and terrified the kings of the Uttarāpatha as well.
204. Ibid.

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S. B. DEO (5) He made the king of Magadha, Bahasati-mitra, to bow down to his feet. Then he set up the image of the Jina of the Kalinga which had been taken away by king Nanda to Magadha.
(6) "In the thirteenth year, on the Kumārī Hill where the wheel of conquest had been well-revolved i.e. the religion of Jina had been preached), he offers respectfully royal maintenance, China clothes and white clothes (vāsāsitāni) 205 to (the monks)";
(7) He brought about a council of the wise ascetics and sages from various quarters;
(8) He caused to be compiled the sevenfold Angas of the sixty-four letters which had been lost in the period of the Mauryas,
(9) He realised the nature of soul and body. The following observations may be made on the above points :
(i) Even though he was a devout Jaina, he, perhaps, did not like to leave the traditional grooves of Kshatriya life, inasmuch as he did the Rājasūya ceremony. He also gave gifts to the Brāhmaṇas. It may mean, therefore, as is the case in most of the cases of royal patronage in India, that even though Khāravela had a strong affinity for Jainism, he was not antagonistic to other sects. In fact he styled himself as 'sava-pāsanda-pūjako' -the worshipper of all sects.206
(ii) From the account of his conquests, he seems to have weilded influence over Magadha, as well as terrified other kings, as far south as the Pāndyas. Inspite of this, however, it is not known what he did regarding the spread of Jainism in these regions.
(iii) That he was a devout Jaina is evident from his winning back the Jina image which was taken to Magadha by the Nanda king. Besides this, he accepted the vows of an uvāsaga and ultimately realised the distinction between Jiva and Deha.
(iv) The reference to the 'moriya-kāla-vocchinna' (destroyed in the reign of the Mauryas) sacred texts, perhaps, hints to the tradition of the great famine in Magadha in the reign of Candragupta, and his migration to the South with Bhadrabāhu. So also his reference to the assembly of wise ascetics and sages possibly echos the tradition about the Council of Pataliputra under Sthūlabhadra. Thus, the inscription goes to confirm the traditional accounts of the Jainas regarding famine, councils and the loss of the Canon.
205. JAYASWAL & BANERJI, E. I., Vol. XX, pp. 80, 89. 206. JBORS., iv, p. 403.

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Náydd in Kalingof the
(v) Another point to be noted is regarding the Jina-image. On the evidence of this inscription, we may say that image worship—which has been referred to in one of the Angas (Nāyādhammao207) regarding the worship of Jiņapadimā by Dovaī—was prevalent in Kalinga as well as in Magadha right from the Nandas who were the predecessors of the Mauryas. It means, therefore, that Jainism must have been in a flourishing condition there in pre-Mauryan times, and was possibly introduced there by Mahāvīra himself, as the Jaina texts refer to his visits to Tosalī, as we have seen elsewhere.
(iv) Khāravela's defeat of Basahati-mitta (=Pusyamitra,) 208 tends to suggest that the former tried to check the reviving Brāhmanical influence in Magadha.
(vii) If we take the reading of JAYASWAL and BANERJI to be corl'ect,209 then, line fourteen may be said to refer to the distribution of white clothes to the monks. Then, in this case, one may say that it tends to show the existence of the Svetārbara monks in Kalinga in about the second century B.C., if not earlier.
(viii) Another interesting reference is that where the inscription refers to 'kāya-nisīdīyāya yāpa-ñāvakehi .......210
In this connection, it would be better to quote JAYASWAL,211 as this line according to him "gives information of highest importance to history". He says
"Yāpa-ñāvakas (Skt. Yāpa-jñāpakas) 'the teachers of yāpa', cannot be identified without reference to the history of Jainism. The Bhadrabāhucarita in giving the history of Jainism immediately after the teacher Bhadrabāhu, a contemporary of Candragupta, says that amongst the numerous disciples of Bhadrabāhu who worshipped the bones of their master a school called Yāpana-Sangha arose and that they finally decided to remain without clothes. The Yāpana-sangha flourished in the south as they prominently appear in Carnatic inscriptions.212 They are now extinct. Muni
207. See Chapt. XVI. 208. SMITH, JRAS., 1918, p. 545; RAYCHAUDHARI, op. cit., pp. 373ff. 209. Op. cit., p. 89. 210. Ibid., p. 80.
211. JBORS., Vol. IV, pp. 338-90; see also Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 233 for changes in the reading of the line. This, however, does not alter these two phrases under discussion
212. See I.A., VI, pp. 24-27; VII, pp. 33-35; XVIII, p. 309; XII, p. 11; E.I., IX, No. 6; JA., IX, ii, p. 69; E.I., XVIII, p. 177; see UPADHYE's article on the Yapaniyas in BUJ, Vol. 1, pt. VI, May 1933, pp. 224-231; MORAES, Kadamba Kula, p. 252.

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S. B. DEO
JINAVIJAYA is of opinion that some tenets of theirs bore affinity to the Digambara school and some to the Svetāṁbara. In view of this opinion the Yāpana school marked the stage before the great schism. Our inscription shows that Yāpa which gave the name to the school consisted of certain pious practices.
...... The professors of yāpa were at the Kāyya-Nishidi on the ‘revered (arahite) Kumāri Hill'. That his Nishidi was a Nishidi of the Arhat is proved by the next line. In this volume of the Journal (IV, 96) I drew attention to the technical meaning of the Jain Nishīdī ‘resting place', a 'iomb'. The Nishīdī at the Kumārī Hill was not an ornamental tomb but a real stupa, for it is qualified Kāyya, corporeal (i.e. having remains of the body). Thus it seems that the Jains called their stupas or chaityas Nishidīs. The Jaina stupa discovered at Mathurā and the datum of the Bhadrabāhucarita saying that the disciples of Bhadrabāhu worshipped the bones of their Master, establish the fact that the Jainas (at any rate the Digambaras) observed the practice of erecting monuments on the remains of their teachers. ...."
Inspite of this alleged identity of yāpa with the yāpaniyas which JAYASWAL wants to bring out, it may be noted that neither literary nor epigraphical sources are available of such antiquity, as ascribed to the Khāravela inscription, to corroborate the existence of Yāpaniyas in the second century B.C.
(viii) That the members of the family of Khāravela were also influenced by the king's devotion to Janism is clear from the erection of a Jina temple and the building of some caves by Khāravela's chief queen for the sake of the Kalinga Samaņas.213
(ix) It is likely that at the time of invading Magadha, Khāravela might have conquered Bengal and eastern Bihar as well. The existence of Jaina monuments in these parts of our country tend to suggest a strong Jaina influence in this region.
Strange enough, the Jaina literary tradition is markedly silent about their great patron, Khāravela. It is difficult to explain why the Jaina traditions which mention without fail even rival kings, should have made Khăravela insignificant by complete absence of any reference to him.
This much about Khäravela. The effects of his zeal for Jainism paved the way for the maintenance of the faith for a long time. This has been
213. E.l., Vol. XVII, p. 159.

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corroborated by an inscription in the Nayamuni cave214 in the UdayagiriKhandagiri hills which is dated the eighteenth year of the reign of Udyotakesarī. It mentions a certain śubhacandra, a disciple of Kulacandra, an ācārya of Desigana, Graha kula of the Arya samgha. Scholars attribute it a date round about the 10th cent. A.D.
Another inscription in the Lalatendu Kesari's cave refers to the fifth year of the reign of Udyotakesari. It is named after the king of the same name belonging to the Kesarī dynasty (c. 7-12 cent. A.D.). It contains a group of naked images of the Digambara sect.215 Besides this, 'decayed tanks and decayed temples were caused to shine'.
It may be noted that from these two inscriptions it seems that the Digambaras were more prominent in this region during the tenure of the Kesari dynasty.
This patronage to Jainism in general seems to have lasted even upto the sixteenth century A.D., as according to GANGULY,216 Pratāpa Rudra Deva of the Sürya dynasty had a great leaning towards Jainism.
Along with Kalinga, Bengal also seemed to have come under Jaina influence. The Pahārpur copper-plate of the Gupta year 159 (478-79 A.D.) denotes the existence of the Digambaras in Bengal as the epigraph refers to Acārya Guhanandi of Nandi Sangha,217 Jaina Tirthankara images of about 500 A.D. were found out in the mound in Mainamati village in Bengal.218 Further, Hiuen Tsiang who visited India in the 7th cent. A.D. says, "The naked Nirgranthas are the most numerous" 219
We have briefly sketched the position of Jainism which shows that Jainism was prevalent in some form or the other in Kalinga upto the sixteenth century A.D. Let us now see the state of Jainism after Khāravela (i.e. 2nd century B.C.) in central and western India.
We have already referred to the fact that Samprati Maurya introduced Jainism in various regions in India. His younger brother sāliśuka is credit
214. Ibid., p. 166; ASI, Ann. Rep. 1902-03, p. 40, a.
215. E.I., 13, pp. 166-67; Acc. to Hiuen Tsiang (7th cent. A.D.) Kalinga was one of the chief seats of the Jainas; BUHLER, Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 40. f. n. 1.
216. Orissa and Her Remains, p. 19; acc. to K. P. JAIN, who quotes from Dathavamso (II, 72-91), Guhaśiva, king of Kalinga (c. 400 A.D.) was converted to Buddhism; hence the Nirgranthas left Kalinga (JA, XII, ii, p. 69).
217. JA., XII, ii, p. 72-74. 218. K. P. JAIN, Ibid., quoting from B. C. LAW Volume, pp. 218-219.
219. E.I., XX, p. 60. BULL. DCRI.-13

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S. B. DEO ed with the spread of Jainism in Saurāṣtra as well.220 From this it may be remarked that Jainism had its followers throughout north India by about the 2nd century B.C.
We have also noted the remark of CHARPENTIER who opines that the Jainas had already in the 3rd century B.C. begun to lose their foothold in eastern India. Samprati had made Ujjain as his capital, and the Jainas seemed to predominate more in Malwa, Mathura and central India.
Before 'studying the Mathura inscriptions, it would be better for us to see the state of Jainism in north India in post-Khāravela and pre-Mathura period.
Round about the first century B.C., according to tradition, there arose a great figure called Vikramaditya of Ujjaini who was said to have been converted to Jainism by Siddhasena Divākara, a famous Jaina teacher.221 Regarding the predecessor of Vikramaditya, Gardabhilla, the Jainas have an episode which depicts him as one who abducted the sister of the famous Kālakācārya. The latter sought the help of the Scythian kings in this matter. CHARPENTIER is against treating the whole story lightly, for he points out that the Kālakācāryakathā222 refers to the Scythian kings as Sāhānasāhih which is identical with the title 'Shaonano Shao' appearing on the coins of the Kushānas.223
A certain Kālaka is also said to have gone to king Sātayāņa (sātaváhana) at Pratişthānapura, where on account of the convenience of the king Kālaka changed the date of the Paryusaņa festival from the 5th to the 4th of Bhādrapada.224
Contemporary with these persons were Pādalittasūri and Vajraswāmin. The former is said to have gone to Mānyakheța (mod : Mālkhed), to cure the headache of a certain king Murunda of Pāțaliputra,225 while the latter is credited with the spread of Jainism to the south where the Buddhists were dominant.226 Padalipta was endowed with the power of flying through the air and he is said to have impressed the king, and founded the famous Satruñjaya. Besides this, a certain king Devapāla of Kumārapura was said
220. JBORS, XVI, pp. 29-31.
221. KLATT, I.A., XI, pp. 247, 251; Mrs. STEVENSEN, op. cit., p. 77; SHAH, op. cit., p. 187; EDGERTON, Vikrama's Adventures, Pt. 1, Intr. p. lviii.
222. v. 27; see also BỊh, kalp. bha. Vr 943; Nis. C., 10, p. 571ff. 223. CHI., i, p. 168. 224. Kālakācāryakathā, v. 54. 225. Prabhāvaka, 59. (Padaliptaprabandha). 226. Parisistaparvan, XII, 311, 388.

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to have been converted to Jainisa, and Arya Khapuța, so the story goes, defeated the Buddhists in a debate at Bhrgukaccha (mod : Broach).
There is, however, little epigraphical evidence to support this picture of the prosperous and aggressive state of Jainism in the first century B.C. in the region covered by the Deccan, Gujarat and Malwā. One thing, however, seems certain, and that is that Jainism, inspite of its change of the field of activity, was confident enough to secure royal patronage in the beginning of the Christian era. This prosperous state supported by a devoted laity which exhibited its faith in the building up of Stüpas, statues, votive tablets and dedicatory images, seems to bear out HAVELL's remark that, "The epigraphical records....show that until the second or third century A.D., practically all royal and private benevolences were bestowed upon Jaina and Buddhist institutions, and that patronage of Brāhmaṇas, as such, and of Brāhmanical deities did not begin until after that time" 227 Antiquities and Epigraphs of Mathurā :
From about the 2nd century A.D. Mathurā seems to have formed part of the Kushāna empire. Statues and inscriptions of the famous kings of this dynasty are found here. It may, however, be noted that these inscriptions do not belong only to the Scythian period, but several earlier ones have also been traced which tend to suggest that Jainism was in a flourishing condition in this region right from the second century B.C., or even earlier
The earliest inscription on linguistic and palaeographic ground according to BÜHLER, is that which describes the gift of an ornamental arch (pāsādatorana) by a certain layfollower (sāvakāsa) named Utaradāsaka who claimed to be a disciple of Samana Māharakhita.228 The inscription itself does not contain the date, but according to the same scholar mentioned above, the inscription may well go back to the 2nd cent. B.C.
Next in antiquity are two epigraphs one of which, however, is incomplete229 as it mentions only "mahārāja mahākshatrapa...ma...' Besides these only an invocation of Arhats and the words quoted previously are to be found on the Jaina image. The other 230 clearly refers to the time
227. Aryan Rule in India, p. 14 228. E.I., Vol. 2, Ins. No. 1; also LUDERS List, Ibid., Vol. 10, p. 17. 229. LUDERS, op. cit., No. 83.
230. E.I., Vol. 2, p. 199, No. II; LUDERS List, No. 59; another inscription referring to the same king; CUNNINGHAM, ASR, III, p. 30, No. 1; the gift of a tank, a reservoir, etc., by a Brāhmaṇa of the Saigrava gotra,

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of 'Svāmisa Mahakshatrapasa Sodasasa savatsare (42). This sodāsa has been dated by RAYCHAUDHARI to about the 1st cent. A.D.231
Then we come to the group of inscriptions which directly express the regnal years of Kanishka,232 Huvishka 233 and Vasudeva234 (1-2 cent. A.D.).
After the Kushāna epigraphs, there come those which belong to the Gupta period,235 and lastly one which belongs to the eleventh century A.D.236
Without going into the details of the Gupta and later inscriptions, we shall restrict ourselves here with the inscriptions upto the Kushāna period.
The following points may be noted from their study:
(i) No. 47 of LUDERS list237 mentions the setting up of an image at Vodva (?) Thūpa by a female lay-disciple Dină in the year 79.
In this connection, it may be noted that literary, epigraphical and archaeological evidences corroborate each other. As for the literary evidence, the Vyavahāra Bháşya238 refers to a jewelled thūba at Mahurā, due to which ill-feeling spread between the Jainas and the Buddhists, which ultimately resulted in the defeat of the Buddhists. People at Mathurā were said to be devoted to Jina images which they installed in their houses.239 This goes well with the find of several Jina images as well as a Jaina Stupa at Mathurā due to the excavations carried out by scholars like CUNNINGHAM in 1871, GROWSE in 1875 and by Drs. BURGESS and FUHRER in 1887-96. Only "during the season 1889-90 when the Jaina Stūpa and the western Jaina temple belonging to the Digambara sect were exposed, 80 images of Tirthankaras, 120 pieces of stone railings, many miscellaneous sculptures, and numerous inscriptions, of which 17 belong to the Indo-Scythian (Kushāna) period, from the year 5 to the year 86, were exhumed."240 This is enough to give us an idea of the flourishing condition of Jainism in this region in the early centuries of the Christian Era.
231. Op. cit., pp. 446ff.
232. E.I., i, p. 381, No. 1; Ibid., p. 391, No. 19; ASR, III, p. 31, No. 4; E.I., IX; pp. 239-41; LUDERS, 79.
233. E.I., ii, p. 206, No. 25; LUDERS, 80; E.I., X, p. 7; LUDERS, 35, 41, 42, 46, 56. 234. LUDERS List, No. 60, 66, 68, 72, 76. 235. E.I., Vol. ii, p. 198, Nos. XXXVIII-XI. 236. Ibid., No. XLI, p. 198. 237. Also E.I., ii, No. XX, p. 204. 238. 5. 27ff; Brhatkathākosa, 12, 132. 239. Brh. kalp. bha. II, 1774ff. 240. SMITH, The Jaina Stūpa and other Antiqities of Mathura, Intr., p. 3.

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101
(ii) That Jainism was receiving support especially from the trading and lower classes of the society is evident from the fact that the devotees came from such classes as the treasurers, 241 the perfumers,242 workers in metal,243 the members of a gosthi (committee), 244 village headmen,245 wives of caravan leaders,246 merchants,247 wives of dancers,248 goldsmiths, 249 and also courtesans.250 Sometimes the whole community consisting of the four orders contributed an image for the use of all.251 Thus a strong, organised body of the lay-followers maintained the spirit and the existence of the Jaina Church.252
(iii) That the monks and the nuns were active in propogating their faith is evident from the fact that a majority of these dedications were done at the instance or advice of a religious teacher, either male or female.
(iv) The order of nuns seemed to have been well-organised and well supported as they played their part in inducing the laywomen to dedicate images and votive tablets (āyāgapața).
(v) From the various Ganas, Kulas, sākhās and Sambhogas, it appears that the Jaina Church was grouped in minor units with a proper set of hierarchy over them. The monks are referred to with the honorific title ajja (ārya), the disciples as antevāsi, antevāsikini (i.e. anteväsini) and śiśīni, and a reference to the vācaka is also to be met with.
(vi) The dedications are not only to Mahāvīra but even to other Tirthankaras like Rşabha and Pārsva. This tends to lend support to the traditional view that before Mahāvīra there were many other Tirthankaras. Besides this, the discovery of several images of the Jinas shows that idol
241. E.I., Vol. ii, p. 205, No. 23. 242. ASR., III, p. 34, No. 16; LUDERS, 76. 243. LUDERS List, No. 54; also 53. 244. Ibid. 245. Ibid., No. 48. 246. Ibid., 30. 247. Ibid., 24. 248. Ibid., 100. 249. Ibid., 95. 250. Ibid., 102. 251. Ibid., 57.
252. "The inscriptions of the Scythian period are in the majority of cases Jaina and Buddhist and if epigraphical evidence is to be relied upon solely for the reconstruction of the history of our sacred literature then we must admit that Brahmanism was not a popular or a flourishing religion in Mathura or the western part of the U. P." -BANERJI: 'The Age of the Imperial Guptas', p. 113.

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worship was firmly established among the Jainas in this period, and the monks were indirectly encouraging the people to have images and stūpas.
We have seen up till now that by the end of the second century A.D., Jainism spread in Kalinga, Magadha, Malwa, Mathura and Ujjain. Besides these regions, its existence in Gujarat and Kathiawad is evidenced by the inscription of Jayadāman's grandson in a cave at Junagadh which refers to Kevalajnāna, a technical term denoting omniscience among the Jainas.253
Before, however, we go to western India and Gujarat, we shall see the state of Jainism under the powerful Gupta empire. It would be better for us to treat Gujarat, western India and Rajputana separately as they have long been known to be centres of Jainism.
The Gupta Empire :
The period from the extinction of the Kushānas upto the advent of the Guptas is one about which we have scanty material not only regarding Jainism alone but also pertaining to the history of India as a whole.
The rule of the Guptas has been looked upon by many scholars to be the period of the consolidation of Brāhmanism.254
It would, however, be wrong to suppose that the Guptas were fanatical Vaishnavites. On the contrary, it would be better to call them the best exanıples of religious toleration because they did not seem to suppress other faiths.
This tolerant spirit of the Guptas has been evidenced both by literary as well as by epigraphic corroboration. For instance, the Kuvalayamālā of Udyotanasūri255 (s. 700) refers in its introductory verses to a certain Torarāya and his guru Harigupta belonging to the dynasty of the Guptas. This Tora king has been identified with the Hūņa king Toramāna (death, first decade of the 6th cent. A.D.). Harigupta also has been identified with the Harigupta of a copper coin bearing the name, by CUNNINGHAM. It may therefore, be said that the Guptas were not certainly anti-Jaina.
This can further be evidenced by a few epigraphs belonging to the reigns of Kumāragupta and Skandagupta which go to prove that Jainism also flourished modestly side by side with Brāhmanism and Buddhism.
253. E.I., XVI, 239; LUDERS' List, 966: Date lost. 254. DANDEKAR, A Hist. of the Guptas, pp. 185-86. 255. Article of JINAVIJAYA in JSS, III, pp. 169ff.

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103 When we come to Kumāragupta (414-55 A.D.) we have, first, the Udayagiri cave inscription 256 of G.E. 106 (= 426 A.D.) which belongs to his reign, and refers to the dedication of an image of Pārśva with "the expanded hoods of a snake and an attendant female divinity," by Sanghala, a disciple of Gośarman of Arya kula. Another inscription from Mathurā speaks clearly of the 'paramabhattārakamāhārājādhiraja rīkumāragupta', and mentions the installation of an image by a lady Śāmādhyā at the instance of a Jaina guru who belonged to the Kottiya gana and Vidyadhari säkhā.257 From these inscriptions we may conclude that "Jainism had many adherents and patrons about this time. It was still lingering in Mathura, but the days of its prosperity were obviously gone."258
Coming to the reign of Skandagupta (455-67 A.D.), we have the famous Kahäum pillar inscription 259 of the Gupta year 140 (= 460-61 A.D.). It tells us that a man named Madra dedicated five images of the ādikartřs or Jinas on a stone pillar in the village of Kakubha in the modern tahsil of Deoriya in the Gorakhapur district. The five images have been identified by PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI260 with those of Ādinātha, Santinātha, Neminátha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra. They are all naked standing figures. Besides these "other Jaina sculptures of the period have reached the museums at Mathura, Lucknow and Allahabad, while some might be lying unnoticed throughout the U.P. and C.I., as were those of Kathiawad."261
Besides the Brāhmanical inscriptions of the Guptas, there are a number of others belonging to the different kings of this dynasty, which throw light on the religious toleration of these kings towards Buddhism as well.262 A superb example of this can be had in the Bilsad inscription of Kumāragupta's reign which speaks of the worship of Kärtikeya Mahāsena Swami, while Buddha, Śiva and the Sürya are glorified in the Mankuwar, Karamdande and Mandasor inscriptions respectively.263 Regarding Skandagupta, RAYCHAUDHARI264 remarks that, "The emperor continued the tolerant policy of his forefathers. Himself a Bhāgavata or worshipper of Krshņa-Vishnu,
256. BANERJI, op. cit., p. 106; FLEET, CII, iii, No. LXI, pp. 258: I.A., XI, p. 310. 257. E.I., ii, No. XXXIX, p. 210. 258. DANDEKAR, op. cit., p. 192: Same view by BANERJI, op. cit., p. 102.
259. FLEET, op. cit., iii, pp. 66-7, No. XV; The term Adikartr is used in the sense of a Jina in Kalpasūtra, SBE, xxii, p. 225. See also CUNNINGHAM, ASI, i, pl. XXIX.
260. I.A., X, P. 126. 261. SANKALIA, Jaina Iconography, A Vol. of Ind. and Iranian Studies, pp. 337-338. 262. See, DANDEKAR, op. cit., pp. 190-91. 263 Ibid., p. 100. 264. op. cit., p. 580.

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he and his officers did not discourage followers of other sects, e.g., Jainas and devotees of the Sun. The people also were tolerant. The Kahāum inscription commemorates the erection of Jaina images by a person, 'full of affection for Brahmins. "265
This remark is amply corroborated by the find of the copper-plate at Pahārpur in the Rajshahi district of Bengal, dated G. E. 159 (= 478-9 A.D.), and falling in the reign of Buddhagupta. It records the gift of land by a Brāhmana couple for the maintenance of worship in a Jaina Vihāra presided over by Guhanandin at the village of Vatagohali.266
Even a century after the fall of the Guptas, Yuan Chwang describes the existence of naked Jaina mandicants in the temples of north Bengal.
With these references with us, we may say that Jainism was prevalent in the Gupta period, though it was not in a flourishing condition as in the previous period. But as the Pahārpur plate shows, it had vitalising energy enough to win sympathy even among the Brahmins. Therefore, even though it lacked a direct royal patronage, it had firm roots in the masses. HAVELL, therefore, seems to be justified, when he remarks, "The capital of the Gupta emperors became the centre of Brahmanical culture, but the masses followed the religious traditions of their forefathers, and Buddhist and Jaina monasteries continued to be public schools and universities for the greater part of India."267
Very little is known regarding the history of India in general in the half century that followed the Guptas. Harsha who succeeded the Guptas in North India after a century or half, even though of strong Buddhist affnities gave grants to Jainism also.268
In the post-Harsha period Jainism spread rapidly to Rājputānā, Gujarāt, Central India and Karnatak. Before studying the development of Jainism in Gujarat, we shall see how far various royal dynasties of north India helped Jainism.
During the post-Gupta period Jainism prospered under the rule of the Gurjara-Prathihāras, Gáhadvālas, Candellas and the Kalacūris in Rajputāna, the U.P., C.P., and C.I., while Bihar and Bengal were predominantly Buddhist under the Pälas and the Senas. Orissa, which was once a centre
265. “The Gupta sovereigns had imbibed in themselves the true spirit of Hinduism, namely, remarkable tolerance towards other religions."-DANDEKAR, op. cit., p. 190.
266. BANERJI, op. cit., pp. 107-08. 267. op. cit., p. 156. 268. GLASEN APP, op. cit., p. 46.

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of Jainism, turned into a Hindu centre. This does not, however, indicate that Jainism was completely wiped out from either Bihar, Bengal or Orissa, in the post-Gupta period.
The Pratihāras:
Inspite of their Brahmanical affinities,200 it need not be supposed that the Kanauj Pratihāras suppressed other sects. As a matter of fact, we come across two Jaina inscriptions belonging to the period of the Pratihāras one of which is inscribed on the pillar of a Jaina temple at Deogarh in the Lalitapur subdivision of the Jhansi District of U.P. It refers to the reign of Bhoja in which a certain man called Deva, a subject of the Mahāsämanta Vishnurāma, who was a feudatory of Bhojadeva, erected a pillar in S. 784 (862 A.D.). The same place contains "the ruins of an extensive group of Jain temples..... with a large collection of naked Jaina figures."270
Besides this, there is another Jaina record belonging to the reign of Vatsarāja, dated V. S. 1013, and found at Osia (32 miles north of Jodhpur). It refers to the construction of a Jaina temple,271 From these stray epigraphs and the existence of archaeological remains, it may be said, that Jainism. did flourish under the Pratihäras of Kanauj.
Regarding the Gurjara Pratīhāras in Gujarat and Rajputana, we shall study the position of Jainism when we discuss Jainism in that region.
Candellas:
105
Under the Candellas whose seat of kingdom was Jejabhukti (Bundelkhand), and who ruled from c. 9th cent. A.D., onwards,272 Jainism seems to have prospered on a large scale, for several inscriptions and magnificent temples still bear witness to it.
Several kings of this dynasty favoured the building up of Jina temples. For instance, the Khajuraho Jaina temple inscription mentions that a certain Jaina layman gave gifts to the Jinalaya in the form of a garden (vățikā). This Jaina gentleman was "held in honour by Dhangaraja."273
269. SMITH, JRAS., 1909, p. 256; Three of the kings of this dynasty are described as "worshippers of Bhagavati". The seal of Mahipala, the 10th king, bears an image of Bhagavati, even though he is said to be a devotee of the Sun.
270. CUNNINGHAM, ASI, X, pp. 100-01.
271. BHANDARKAR, D. R., ASI, WC, 1907, Sect. XI, p. 15.
272. RAY, Dyn. Hist. of N. India, Vol. II, p. 736.
273. E.I., I, pp. 135-36.
BULL. DCH-14

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Coming to the reign of Madanavarman, we have as many as five Jaina inscriptions: (1) Khajuraho Jaina Image Inscription:
Dated : 1147-48 A.D.;
Mentions only Śreșthin pānidhara.274 (2) Horniman Jaina Image Inscription:
Dated : V. S. 1208 (1150 A.D.). Dedication of an image by the Sreşthin Maula of the Graha
pati family of Mandilapur.275 (3) Mahoba Jaina Image Inscription:
Dated: 1155 A.D.
Dedication of Neminātha image by Rūpakāra Lakhana.276 (4) Khajurāho Jaina Image Inscription:
Dated: 1157-58 A.D.
Image of Sambhavanātha set up by a certain Sadhu Sālhe.277 (5) Mahoba Jaina Image Inscription:
Dated : 1163 A.D.
Refers to the dedication of a Jina image.278 In the reign of Paramardi also we have Mahoba image inscription inscribed on a broken Jaina statue dated 1168 A.D.279
From the localities of these inscriptions, it seems that Khajurāho and Mahoba were two great centres of the Jainas under the Candellas. This has been corroborated by the excavations at Khajurāho carried out by CUNNINGHAM as early as 1874-77, which yielded a large number of standing and squatted naked Jina figures.280 Gähadvīlas (c. 1075-1200 A.D.) 281 :
Even though a majority of the epigraphs found so far of this dynasty of Vārāṇasī and Kānyakubja are Brāhmanical in nature, yet, the existence of Jainism among the mass of the population is evidenced by a number of
274. Ibid., pp. 152-53. 275. JRAS. 1898, pp. 101-02. 276. ASR, XXI, p. 73. 277. E.I., I, p. 151. 278. ASR, II, p. 448, No. 25. 279. ASR, XXI, p. 74.
280. Ibid., X, pp. 16-17; For Mahoba as well as Khajurāho, see Ibid., Vols. I, III, VII, X.
281. RAY, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 548.

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107 archaeological remains in the form of broken Jaina temples and images found in this region.282 It may be, therefore, that the kings of this dynasty were tolerant of Jainism. Kacchapaghātas of Rajputana and C. India :
The various branches of this dynasty ruled from c. 950 to 1125 A.D.283 Out of these, we have evidence of the existence of Jainism under at least two branches: (a) Kacchapaghātas of Gwalior :
A fragmentary Jaina image inscription dated 977 (A.D.) contains only the name of the king Vajradāman, which proves that the king was not unfavourable to Jainism even though temples of Vishņu and Siva are also found belonging to his period. 284
Coming to the reign of Mahīpāla, we have the Sāsbahu inscription (1093 A.D.) which mentions a certain 'Yaśodeva Digambarārka.'285 Probably the same person has been also termed as "Nirgranthanātha" in the Gwalior fragmentary inscription (1104 A.D.).286 But it is strange to note that this 'nirgranthanātha' composed the record at the setting up of a linga. If the term is to be understood as the name of a Jaina person then it possibly suggests the degree of religious toleration the Jainas exhibited during this period. (b) Kacchapaghātas of Dubkund :
A certain inscription found on a pilaster of a Jaina temple now turned into a mosque, falls in the reign of Vijayapāla of this branch. Dated 1043 A.D., the epigraph begins with a salutation to the Siddhas and refers to a certain Maheswarasūri of the Kāmyaka gaccha. It then tells us that this ācārya died in 1100 V. S. after which Sadhu Sarvadeva wrote a praśasti.287
The Dubkund stone inscription288 (1088 A.D.) gives a more clear-cut statement about the condition of the Jaina Church. Starting with an invocation to the various Tirthankaras and also to the Srutadevatā, the inscription tells us that two Jaina traders who were friends of the king Vikramasimha (1070-1100 A.D.), took a prominent part in the building up of a Jina temple at the instance of a certain Vijayakīrti of the Lāțavägata Gana. The
282. See ASR, Vols. I, II, VII, X. 283. RAY, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 835. 284. JASB., XXI, p. 393-400. 285. I.A., XV, pp. 33-46. 286. Ibid., pp. 201-2. 287 I.A., XIV, pp. 8-10. 288. E.I., i, pp. 232-40.

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king also gave a grant of land for the purpose of worship and maintenance of the temple, as also for the oil for the lamps and for anointing the bodies of holy men. It thus shows that the Jainas had mustered strength due to royal patronage and were in a flourishing condition. Haihayas of Tripurī:
Inspite of the predominance of Hindu monuments under the Haihayas who ruled in the U.P. and C.P. from about the beginning of the 9th cent. A.D., to about the first quarter of the thirteenth century,289 widespread Jaina remains in these regions show that along with Brāhmanism with its various cults, Jainism was also in existence. Images of Jaina Śāsanadevīs, Tirthankaras and other Jaina sculptures found at Sahagpur, Jura, Jubblepore, and Bahuriband290 are a sufficient testimony to the Jaina affinities of at least a section of a people in this region under the rule of the Haihayas.
Faramāras of Gujarāt, Mälwa and Rājputānā:
As in the case of the Haihayas, so also among the Paramāras, there were several kings who were the devotees of Siva. Inspite of this, however, we have a number of epigraphical and literary evidences which goes to prove that the kings of this dynasty indirectly patronised Jainism during their rule in Mālwā and Rajputānā between the 9th and the 14th cent. A.D.
For instance, the Kalyan (Nasik Distt., Bombay) plates of Yaśovarman,291 give an eulogy of the Paramāra king Bhojadeva (c. 1010-55 A.D.), during whose reign the former got a town called Selluka from the latter. Now in the village called Muktāpali in the Audrahädi-vişaya, the Sāmanta the illustrious Rāņaka Amma of the Ganga family, being convinced of the Jina dharma through the preachings of the Svetāmbara Ācārya Ammedeva, gave some land at Mahişabuddhikā, the holy tirtha of Kālakāleśvara (10 mls. from Kaļvan, Nasik Distt.). Along with this, the local commercial community granted the income of fourteen shops, two oil mills and flower-gardens to the temple of the Jina in the Svetapada country (equivalent to the northern portion of Nasik Distt.). The temple was dedicated to Munisuvrata.
From this, it seems that especially the trading and the inidddle classes had an affinity for Jainism and that some members of it had sought the goodwill of the Paramāra Bhojadeva also.
289. RAY, op. cit., Vol. ii, pp. 816-17. 290. See Mem, of Arch. Sur. of Ind., No. 23 (1931), by R. D. BANERJI. 291. E.I., XIX, pp. 69-75.

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109 Coming to the reign of Arjunavarman, we find that he patronised great poets who have been claimed to be theirs by the Jainas. These three persons were Madana, Bilhana and Asādhara.
Regarding the first who was the royal preceptor (rājaguru) of Arjunavarman, RAY,292 on the authority of Jaina literary tradition, says that Madana was "taught by Aśādhara", who was the famous Digambara Jaina writer.
Bilhana was "another luminary in Arjunavarman's court, who is described as Mahāpandita in the royal grants. He served the Mālava prince as his Sandhivigrahika, and is referred to as Mahākavi in Jaina tradition". 293
More famous than these two was Ašādharā, the writer of Jinayajnakalpa, Trişastismộti, Sāgāradharmāmsta and Anagāradharmāmsta. Regarding him, RAY remarks that, "The third scholar was the Jaina Asādhara, whose father Salakhana (Sallaksaņa) is probably to be identified with the person of that name who appears with the title rājā as Mahāsandhivigrahika of Arjunavarman in one of his Bhopāl grants. The Jaina tradition records that Madana was a pupil of Asādhara".294
That even the successors of Arjuna, viz. Devapāla and Jaitugi were not unfavourable to Jainism can be proved from the fact that under the former the same Madana continued to be the royal priest, while under both these kings, Āsādhara could get leisure and patronage enough to complete all his four masterly works. The Modi stone-inscription 295 (V. S. 1314) of the reign of Jayavarman II found in a Jaina temple shows that Jainism was having a reputed and a respectable existence under the Paramāras in Central India and Rajputana.
We have up till now studied the fortunes of Jainism in North-India except Gujarat. As remarked elsewhere, Gujarat has been still a centre of Jainism, and hence it would be better for us to study the rise and growth of Jainism in this province separately.
Gujarat and Kathiawad :
The associations of Jainism and Gujarat have been, according to Jaina literary sources, a matter of remote antiquity. It is said that Neminātha, the 22nd Tirthankara renounced the world in Kathiāwād.296
292. Op. cit., II, p. 897. 293. Ibid., p. 899. 294. Ibid. 295. Ibid., II, p. 903. 296. See SANKALIA, 'The Great Renunciation of Neminātha', IHQ., June, 1940.

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Coming to the historical period, we may not be wrong in supposing that "the first wave of Jainism passed over Gujarat-Kathiawad when Bhadrabahu went to the south in the 4th cent. B.C."297 We have, however, no literary or epigraphic evidence to corroborate the statement.
A more definite proof of the Jaina contact with Gujarat can be had in the Junagadh inscription of the grandson of Jayadāman,298 the Kşatrapa ruler, which refers to 'Kevalajnăna', a purely Jaina technical term signifying omniscience. Along with this, in the Bāwā Pyārā caves at Junāgadh we find Jaina symbols like the Swastika, Bhadrāsana, Nandipada, Minayugala and others which resemble with those found on the āyāgapatas at the Jaina Stupa at Mathurā.299
Another indication of the early Jaina settlements in Käthiāwād is evidenced by the Jina images found at Dhank in Gondal State. Scholars have identified them with the figures of Adinātha, śāntinātha, Pārsvanatha and Mahāvīra. These Tirthankaras are endowed with their lāñchanas and Śāsanadevīs.300 The images are naked. SANKALIA remarks in this connection, "Do they therefore belong to the Digambara sect or to the time before which the differentiation between the sects was not so rigid, about 300 A.D., a period which is suggested by the period of the sculptures?"'301
Coming to the early medieval period we have scanty evidence to study the state of Jainism in Gujarāt. But it may be noted that the Gujarāt branch of the Pratihăras had two kings named Jayabhatta and Dadda whose titles vītarāga and praśāntarāga betray traces of Jaina influence. Even though it would be wrong to suppose that they were Jainas--for they were devotees of Surya, these titles which are exclusively applied more or less to the Jaina Tirthankaras, show that these kings must have been influenced by Jainism to some extent, or that the local Jaina community may have conferred these titles on the benevolent kings.
Unfortunately no archaeological information under the Gujarāt Cālukyas regarding the prevalence of Jainism is available, while under the Rāstrakūtas of Gujarät, the existence of Jainism is evidenced by the Rāştrakūța copper-plate of A.D. 821 falling under the reign of Karkarāja Suvar
297. SANKALIA, Archaeology of Gujarat, p. 233. 298. E.I., XVI, p. 239; the exact wording is ‘kevalijñāna samprāptānām'.
299. BURGESS, Antiquities of Kacch and Kathiawad, pl. xviii, fig. 3; SMITH, ASI, XX, pl. xi.
300. For details about iconography, see SANKALIA, op. cit., pp. 166-67, 301. Ibid., p. 167.

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111 navarşa, 302 mentioning the Sena Sangha, a branch of Mūla sangha, and the existence of Jaina temple and monastery (vasahikā) at Nāgasārikā (mod. Navasāri). In the absence of any archaeological or literary evidence, it is difficult to measure the full extent of Jaina influence in this region. But it seems probable that the Digambara Jainas held the ground upto the advent of the powerful Śvetāmbara Jainism under the Cālukyas of Anhilapāțaka.
Before going to the Cālukyas, it may be noted that Valabhi, which is known from traditional sources to be a stronghold of the Jainas after their exodus from Magadha, is scarcely referred to be so in the inscriptions. "This non-confirmation by epigraphical evidence, let alone archaeological, is really surprising. Among the latter material are a few images.''303
As remarked above, Svetāmbara Jainism found keen patrons in the Cālukya dynasty. It will be better for us, therefore, to see their account king by king.
All the three inscriptions of Mūlarāja, noted by RAY,304 reveal nothing peculiar regarding Jainism during his reign. On the contrary they reveal him as a devotee of Siva.
Along with Mūlarāja, some of his late successors like Bhīmadeva and Jayasimha seem to have been Saivites. Regarding the former, it may be noted that inspite of his Saivite leanings, he never came in the way of Jaina followers as is clear from the fact that he allowed his minister Vimala to build the excellent Vimalavasahi at Abu.
Regarding the latter, Jayasimha, it may be said that even though he is said to have built the temple of Rudra Mahākāla at Siddhapur and also the magnificent lake Sahasralinga at Pāțan, he was a great friend of the famous Jaina scholar Hemacandra. According to the latter, the king is said to have worshipped Neminātha on his way back to Aṇhilvāda from Somanātha,305 and also erected a temple of Mahāvīra at Sidhpur. Debates between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras were held. The Digambaras were represented by Kumudacandra, and the Svetāṁbaras by Hemacandra and others.306 The very fact that Kumudacandra had to come from Kar
302. E.I., XXI, pp. 136 and 144. 303. SANKALIA, op. cit., p. 235. 304. Op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 942-43. 305. Dravyäśraya, XV, 69-75. 306. Prabandhacintamani, pp. 97-104.

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ņāțaka shows that the Digambaras were losing hold in Gujarat. This was further wiped out by their defeat in this debate, and this may be corroborated by the absence of Digambara epigraphs and the scanty number of their temples in Gujarat.
Hemacandra wrote a Prākrit grammar for the king. Inspite of this, Hemacandra could not completely win over the king to Jainism, and on one occasion Jayasimha went to the extent of forbidding the Jainas to raise up flags on their temples.307
Kumārapāla, the successor of Jayasimha elevated the position of Jainism still higher, and in his reign it became the state religion. Kumārapāla in his pre-Jaina days was a devotee of Siva and he had "a new stonetemple built in the place of the dilapidated wood-temple of Siva-Somanātha in Devapattana".308 It seems, however, possible that after the death of Jayasimha, "Kumārapāla's elevation to the throne was to some extent aided by the powerful Jaina party in Gujarat”,309 as throughout his life Jayasimha did not look with favour towards Kumārapāla.310 It may be, therefore, to compensate for the help the Jainas and particularly Hemacandra did to him, that Kumārapāla showed strong affinity towards Jainism.
The services rendered by Kumārapāla to Jainism were of a distinctive nature. Besides offering liberal royal patronage to Jaina temples311 and teachers, he proclaimed amārighosaņā throughout his kingdom and prohibited the killing of living beings on certain days.312 Besides these, there is epigraphical evidence to show that his feudatories also prohibited animal slaughter.313 SANKALIA, therefore, rightly remarks that, "to this day, due
307. CHITRAO, Madhyayugīna Caritrakośa, p. 834; For details about the relations between Hemacandra and Jayasimha, see Chapt. III of 'Life of Hemacandra' transl. from BUYLER'S German into English by Manilal PATEL
308. BUHLER, op. cit., Engl. Tran. pp. 29, 46; "A Saiva teacher, Devabodhi by name .... is supposed to have been a spiritual adviser to Kumārapāla even after his conversion"-Ibid., p. 46; For grants to Siva under his reign, see Bhav. Inscri. pp. 158-60; E.I., II, pp. 421-24; Ibid., XX, p. 47, No. 312; Bhav. Inscri. pp. 186-93; Ibid., pp. 184-85; E.I., XI, pp. 47-48.
309. RAY, Op. cit., Vol. ii, p. 976 310. Ibid.
311. He built temples at Palitānā, Girnar, Tāranga, etc., for a Jaina Vihāra with Pārsvanātha image at mod. Jalor, see E.I., XI, pp. 54-55.
312. Dravyāśraya, XV, 34.
313. Kiradu stone pillar-inscription of Mahāvāja Alhaņadeva (c. 1153 A.D.), Bhav. Inscr. pp. 172-73; Ratanpur stone inscription of Girijādevī, the Mahārājni of Punapākşadeva (Naddulă Cahamāna): Ibid., pp. 205-07.

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113 principally to this order passed 800 years ago, Gujarat is still mainly vegetarian. Jaina temples etc., were built as a matter of course" 314
It seems, therefore, that in his later years, the king became much influenced by Hemacandra,315 on whom he conferred the title of Kalikalasarvajna.
Inspite of this, however, it is difficult to say whether Kumärapāla was a thorough Jaina. For, even the Jaina sources admit that he worshipped Maheswara, and the epigraphs corroborate it.316 On the other hand, Rasamälä quotes an instance of the Sisodia queen of Kumarapala who committed suicide as her husband insisted on her accepting Jainism. RAY318 goes a step further when he remarks that Kumarapala accepted Jainism only as a token of gratitude for the help the Jainas did in his attaining to kingship, as also to get financial stability to the state treasury from this wealthy class.
Whatever be the motives of Kumarapala in embracing Jainism, it is certain that Jainism was greatly benefited by him. At the same time it may not be forgotten that "Kumarapala may have championed Jainism, but he did not neglect the cause of Saivism",319
With the exit of Kumarapala a reaction was set upon the royal patronage to Jainism, for his successor, Ajayapala, was a devout Saiva and an enemy of Jainism. He is said to have destroyed Jaina temples,320
Inspite of this onslaught, Jainism seems to have flourished under Jaina ministers and rich merchants. Amongst these, the names of Vastupāla and Tejapāla stand out in bold relief. Both these ministers of the Vaghelas, a branch of the Solankis, built magnificent temples at Abu, Girnar and Satrunjaya, and several epigraphs stand testimony to their Jaina allegiance. Besides this, popular support to Jainism is evidenced by
314. Op. cit., p. 236.
315. See Kumarapalacarita, Sgs. V. ff. also Kumarapalapratibodha of Somaprabha. Veraval Stone Inscr. of A.D. 1169.
316.
317. A. K. FORBES, Rās., Vol. i, pp. 192-93
318. Op. cit., Vol. ii, pp. 996-97.
319. SANKALIA, op. cit., p. 221; "Despite these extensive activities in the service of the Jaina-doctrine and to the advantage of the Jainas, Kumārapala did not completely forget the old cult of his family"-Life of Hemacandra, Engl. Transl., p. 46.
320. Prab.-Cint. p. 154.
321. Bhav. Inscri., Solanki Dyn. No. II, p. 174; No. XI, p. 214; No. XII, p. 218; E.I., viii, p. 200; GUERINOT, Ep. Jaina, Nos. 471-74; 479-80; etc. It may also be noted that Vastupala had also installed the images of the consorts of Surya: See Wat. Mus. Rep., Rajkot, 1923-24, 18, List No. 516.
BULL. DCRI.-15

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S. B. DEO Jaina temples at Talājā, Āmarana (Nawānagar State), and at Cambay the construction of which took place in this period.
Prevalence of Jainism in Rajputana can be attested by the epigraphs of the Cāhamānas,322 Cudāsamas, 323 Guhils,824 Rāwals,325 Rāthods, 326 and the rulers of the Sürya dynasty.327 It may, however, be noted that even though these kings did not seem to have come in the way of the lay-devotion to Jainism, many of them were devotees of Surya and Siva. As noted elsewhere, the Rāştrakūțas of Hastikundi also helped the spread of Jainism to some extent, to which the 10th cent. Jaina temple at Jodhpur by Vidagdharāja, and the Bijāpur stone inscription of Dhavala informing us about the renovation of the Vidagdharāja temple in the tenth century, stand testimony.328 Several Jaina scholars like Haribhadra, Udyotanasūri and others flourished and enriched the literature of the Jainas.
It may, however, be noted that the Jainism that flourished under the Cālukyas in Gujarat was predominantly Svetambara. The very fact that Kumudacandra had to come from the south to debate with Hemacandra and others, and the scantiness of Digambara epigraphs and monuments in Gujarat corroborate the above statement. The Digambaras were concentrated mainly in the south, and the same case as in the story of Kumudacandra, i.e., sending the Digambara representative from the south to the north for preaching, took place again under the Sultans of Delhi also, as we shall see later on.
The Deccan :
It is difficult to say anything regarding the state of Jainism in the ancient period, at least from c. 4th cent. B.C., to the beginning of the Christian era, in the Deccan.
We have already referred to the fact that several inscriptions found near Mysore, speak of the reign of the Nandas over Kuntala. The identification of 'Nav Nanda Dehra' with Nander on the Godāvarī by RAYCHAUDHAR1329 and the view advocated by KETKAR that Paithan was the southern
322. NAHAR, Vol. i, 700, 827, 839, 852, 876, 899, 943, 944. 323. Inscri. of Kathiawad, Nos. 30, 32. 324. Ibid., No. 56. 325. NAHAR, I, 722, 726; III, 2140, 2155, 2446-47, 2494, 2499; 2505; 2509; 2531. 326. Ibid., I, 743, 904. 327. Bhāv. Inscri., Sürya Dyn. Nos. II, VII, X, XI, XII. 328. E.I., X, pp. 17-24. 329. Op. cit., p. 235.

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115 capital of the Nandas,330 tend to suggest that Deccan also formed a part of the Nanda Empire. However, we have no other evidence either literary or archaeological, of this period to show that these kings who had taken away the Jina image from Kalinga and whose ministers according to the Jaina evidence were Jainas, spread Jainism in the Deccan as well.
Coming to the Mauryas, we have the traditional account of the migration of Candragupta with Bhadrabāhu, to the south. It is difficult to say what path this famous pair of guru-sisya adopted in their journey towards the south. It may be that they could have made a halt in the Deccan had they found that the Deccan rather than Sravana Belgoļa, was a favourable ground for Jainism. Even though the Gacchācāravrtti331 says that Bhadrabāhu and Varāhamihira stayed for some time at Paitthāņa (Paithan), it is not clear which Bhadrabāhu is meant.
The same want of evidence is to be found in the reign of the great Aśoka. Even though Deccan seems to have been a part of his empire, the state neither of Jainism nor that of Buddhism in the Deccan can be clearly visualised. If at all anything could be said, it is that the Mauryan Emperor was more liberal towards Buddhism as is perhaps attested by the Buddhist caves in the Deccan (3rd cent. B.C.), rather than towards Jainism.
Jaina literary evidence, as seen elsewhere, credits the spread of Jainism from Ujjain to the Deccan and to the southern countries to Samprati,332 the grandson of Asoka. But here also, we have no other evidence to corroborate this Jaina tradition.
The successors of the Mauryas, viz., the Sungas, do not seem to have held their sway over the Deccan, and until we come to the Sātavāhanas we have no definite material regarding the history of the Deccan in general.
Regarding the king Sālivāhaņa the Jaina literary tradition says that this king ruled at Paitthāna. It seems that Ārya Kālaka tried to influence the king inasmuch as the former changed the date of the pajjosana festival from the fifth to the fourth day so as to suit the convenience of the king who was busy on the fifth day.333 Epigraphical records, however, tend to show that the Sātavāhanas were not Jains, but were Brāhmanical as is proved by the sacrificial record at Naneghat in Poona district, and not antagonistic to Buddhism as is evidenced by the inscriptions in the caves at Näsik.
330. Quoted by NAIK, A.V., Arch. of the Deccan (Mss.), p. 46. 331. p. 93.
332. These countries were Andhra, Dravida, Kudukka (Coorg), Mahārāsýra, and Surāstra: Byh. kalp. bhä., Vol. III, 3278-3289.
333. Prabandhacintamani, I, p. 17; BHANDARKAR, Early Hist. of the Deccan, pp. 29-31,

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S. B. DEO Coming to the Kshatrapas, we find that Nahapāna was a patron of Buddhism over and above the rest of the faiths. His inscriptions at Junnar, Kārle and Nāsik, and his construction of caves and cells for monks at Năsik, show that he had a high affinity for Buddhism rather than for Jainism.
It may, however, be noted that the Jaina literary tradition speaks of a certain king Murunda of Paitthāna whose headache was cured by Padalittasūri.334 According to Sten KONOW, Murunda is a Saka word denoting the sense of 'a lord.°335 We have no other definite corroborating evidence to show whether Pädalitta with the help of this king spread Jainism in the Deccan.
Regarding the state of Jainism or even its existence under the Abhīras and Traikūţakas, the successors of the Sātavāhanas, we have practically no evidence. On the other hand, Fa Hien's (5th cent. A.D.) account depicts the majority of the Buddhists over other faiths.336 Later on, according to the statements of Hiuen Tsiang (7th cent. A.D.), Deccan seemed to have been replete with numerous heretical sects.337
Coming to the Vākāțakas, we find that they were Brāhmanical rather than Jaina. For instance, Pravarasena "performed many sacrifices including the Vājapeya, Brhaspatisava and the Aśvamedha which he performed no less than four times.''338
It is only when we come to the Cālukyas and their successors that we can have a more clear picture of Jainism both in the Deccan and the Karņātak than we could have in the reign of the previous dynasties.
Under the western Cālukyas of Badāmi, we have both epigraphical and archaeological evidence to prove that Jainism was in a flourishing condition in the Deccan in the early medieval period (c. 500-950 A.D.).
The following Jaina records of the Badāmi Călukyas are known:
(1) Altem Copper-plates-Kolhapur State, Refers to Sāmiyāra, a feudatory of Pulakeśin, who built a Jina temple in §. 411 in Alaktakanagara with the permission of Pulakesin, and granted lands to it.339
334. Pinda-N. 498. 335. JAIN, Life in Anc. Ind. p. 393. 336. 1.A., Vol. 40, p. 211. 337. Ibid., Vol. 7, p. 291. 338. NAIK, op. cit., p. 71. 339. I.A., Vol. vii, p. 211.

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117
(2) Aihole Inscription, Bijapur District; Dated S. 556-Refers to the Poet Ravikirti, whose patron was Pulakesin Satyäśraya, who built a Jina temple.340
(3) Lakshmeshvar Inscriptions, Dharwar Distt.: Undated. A certain king of the Sendra family, granted land to Sankha-Jinendra,341
(4) Lakshmeshwar Inscription (ii)-Dated S. 610: mentions Vijayaditya who gave a village to his father's priest who belonged to the Devagana of the Mülasamgha, for the benefit of the temple of Sankha Jinendra at Pulikara,342
(5) Adür Inscription, Dharwar District: Undated. Reign of Kirtivarman II; grant of land by an unnamed chief to a Jinalaya.343
(6) Adür Inscription (ii)-Reign of Kirtivarman I; refers to the grant of rice-land to the Jinendra temple. The priest Prabhācandra acquired this grant.344
Besides these records, we have caves at Badāmī (c. 650 A.D.) 345 with images of Tirthankaras, those at Aihole (c. 700 A.D.) with the figure of Mahavira and other Jaina symbols like makaras and dvārapālas, the caves of Dharašiva (c. 600-650 A.D.) in the Hyderabad State,347 with Tirthankara images-all these reveal a prosperous condition of Jainism in the Deccan in the 7th century A.D.
Under the Răştrakūtas whose different branches ruled in Gujarat, Rajputānā, and the Deccan, we have a flourishing state of Jainism, as some of the kings of this dynasty were devout Jainas themselves. For instance, Amoghavarsha had great leanings towards Jainism which is evidenced by the fact that Jinasena, the writer of Adipurana, was his preceptor. Moreover a certain Jaina mathematician called Mahāvīrācārya, the writer of Ganitasarasangraha, who was a contemporary of Amoghavarsha, calls him as the follower of Syadvāda.348 Amoghavarsha seems to have granted land for a Jinalaya at the request of his subordinate Bankeśa.349 "It would seem
340. E.I., Vol. vi, 4. 341. I.A., Vol. vii, 106.
342. Ibid., 112.
343. Kar. Inscr. 1. 4.
344. L.A., xi, 69.
345. ASWI, I, pp. 25-26.
346. Ibid., p. 37.
347. Ibid., III. p. 4.
348. ALTEKAR, Räṣṭrakūtas and their times, p. 88.
349. E.I., vi, No. 4.

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that he was often putting his Yuvaraja or the ministry in charge of the administration, in order to pass some days in retirement and contemplation in the company of his Jaina gurus."
1350
Inspite of this, it may be noted that Amoghavarsha was also a devotee of the Brahmanical goddess Mahalakshmi in order to please whom he cut one of his fingers so that she may avert a calamity that was to befall him.351
Krshna II, another king of the Räṣṭrakūtas, had Gunabhadra, the compiler of the last five chapters of Adipurana, as his preceptor.352 The same king gave a grant to the Jaina temple at Mulgund.353
Indra III, the successor of Krshna II, was also a patron of Jainism, as is evidenced by his building a stone pedestal for the bathing ceremony of Santinätha,354
The last king of the dynasty, Indra IV, is said to have accepted death. in the typically Jaina fashion called Sallekhanä (i.e., fast unto death),355
Besides these, we come across other kings in this dynasty who were influenced by Jaina tenets. For instance, the Kadaba copper-plate dated S. 735, says that king Prabhutavarsha (i.e., Govinda III) on the request of one Cākirāja, granted the village of Jalamangala to a Jaina monk Arkakirti on behalf of the temple of Jinendra at Silagrama, in remuneration for his having warded off the evil influence of Saturn from Vimaladitya, the governor of Kunungil District.356
Even the feudatories of the Raṣṭrakūṭas were influenced by Jainism. inasmuch as the Raṭṭas of Saundatti,357 Bankeya the governor of Banawasi358 and his son, and Srivijaya,359 a general of Indra III-all these were patrons of Jainism.
This royal patronage did not result simply in temple-building and grants of land. Far more important than that was the rise of a number of Jaina scholars who wrote masterly works on Logic and enriched various
350. ALTEKAR, op. cit., p. 89.
351. Sanjan Copper-plates, E.I., Vol. XVIII, p. 248; ALTEKAR, op. cit., p. 88.
352. JBBRAS, XXII, p. 85.
353. Ibid., X, p. 192.
354. ASR., 1905-6, pp. 121-2.
355. E.C., ii, No. 133; also I.A., XXIII, p. 124.
356. E.I., Vol. iv, p. 340.
357. JBBRAS, 10, 194.
358. Ibid., vi, p. 29; KIELHORN's List, No. 74. 359. E.I., X, p. 149.

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119
branches of literature. Some of these writers were Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Vidyānanda, Māņikyanandin, Prabhācandra, Jinasena, Gunacandra and Pampa.360 It may be noted that Digambara Jainas were in the ascendency in the south in this period.
Coming to the Late Medieval period (c. 950-1300 A.D.) in the Deccan, we have to see whether Jainism flourished or not under the Kalyäņi Cālukyas, Yádavas and the Sīlāhāras.
The following important Jaina records of the Kalyāni Cālukyas may be noted:
(i) Parbhani Copper-plate: Hyderabad State: Date: Ś. 888: Grant of a village for the shrine śubhadāma-Jinālaya to the poet Somadeva by Arikesarin III.361
(ii) Saundatti Inscription, Belgaum Distt.: Ś. 902: Grant to a Jina temple by Rätta śāntivarman, a feudatory of Cālukya Taila II.362
(iii) Huli Inscription, Belgaum Distt.: S. 966: Construction of a Jina temple and grants to it during the reign of Someśvara 1.363
(iv) Arasibidi Inscri., Bijapur Dist.: Ś. 969: Akkādevi, during the reign of Someśvara I, granted land to the Jina temple at Vikramapura, 'for the maintenance of the establishment and of the attached friars and nuns, among whom special mention is made of Nāgasena Pandita of the Hogarī Gaccha of the Vārasenagaña of the Müla Sangha.°364
(v) Balagamve Inscri., Mysore State: S. 970: Grant by a private person to a Jaina temple when Mahamandaleśvara Cāvundarāya, a subordinate of Someśvara I, was holding Balligāve.365
(vi) Mulgund Inscription, Dharwar Dist.: S. 975: Reign of Somesvara I: Refers to a Jaina Sandhivigrahādhikāri Baldeva who gave an estate to Nayasena as trustee for the supply of food to a basti.366
(vii) Gowarwad Inscription: Dharwar Distt.: S. 993 and 994: Somesvara II: His mahamandaleśvara Laksma granted some estates to the Jaina
360. For details, see ALTEKAR, op. cit., pp. 409-11; For details about cave temples like Ellura and others belonging to this period, see NAIK, op. cit., pp. 358ff.
361. SMHD., 2. 33 (No. 7). 362. JBBRAS., 10, p. 204. 363. E.J., XVIII, p. 174. 364. Ibid., XVII, p. 122. 365. I.A., Vol. IV, p. 179. 366. E.I., XVI, p. 54.

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temple at Annigere; also grant of land by General Rachideva for the cult of Kalideva and the Jinas.367
(viii) Gudigere Inscription: Dharwar Distt.: S. 998: 'Records that Srinandipandita, a Jaina Guru acquired possession of some fields which were under the control of the Jaina temple called Anesejjaya-basadi which was built by Kurikumahādevī, the younger sister of Cālukya Cakravartin Vijayaditya Vallabha at Puregere and gave 15 mattaras out of these lands to his disciple Singayya which the latter allotted for the purpose of providing food for the Saints at Guļigere. Grant by the same teacher to the temple of the god Bhuvanaikamalla śāntināthadeva.'368
(ix) Lakshmeśvara Inscription, Dharwar District: Cāļ. Vik. Era 6: Reign of Vikramāditya VI: Feudatory Eremayya made a grant to Jaina cult under the care of Narendrasena of Sena gana of Mula Sangha.369
(x) Konnur Inscri.: Belgaum Distt.: S. 1009: Vikramāditya II: a grant by Nidhiyamagāmanda to a Jaina temple.370
(xi) Kannur Inscri.: Cā. Vi. 37: Reign of Vikramaditya VI: grant of land to a Jaina temple of Pārsvanātha by a Brahmin officer.371
(xii) Terdal Inscription, Sangli State: $. 1045: Grant by Mandalika Gonkidevarasa to Neminātha. Reign of Vikramāditya VI.372
(xiii) Huli Inscri.: Belgaum Distt.: No date: Vikramaditya VI: Construction of and grants to a Jina temple.373
(xiv) Hunasikatti Inscri.: Belgaum Distt.: S. 1054: Someśvara III: grant by Mahāmandalesvara Mārasimhadeva to the god Ekasāleya-Pārsvanātha 374
(xv) Huli Inscri.: Belgaum Distt.: S. 1067: Jagadekamalla II: Grant by Nīmana to the Jaina temple, and for the maintenance of the
ascetics.375
(xvi) Kalhoļi Inscri.: Belgaum: 5. 1127: grants at the order of Ratta Mahāmaņdaleśvara Kārttavīrya IV, for a Jaina temple.376
367. Ibid., XV, p. 339. 368. L.A., XVIII, p. 38. 369. E.I., XVI, p. 59. 370. JBBRAS., X, p. 287. 371. ASI., A.R., 1930-34, p. 242. 372. J.A., XIV, p. 15. 373. E.I., XVIII, p. 202. 374. I.A., X, p. 132. 375. E.I., XVIII, p. 174. 376. JBBRAS., Vol. X, p. 220

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121 These inscriptions give us a fair idea regarding the extent of royal patronage to Jainism under the later Cālukyas of Badāmi. It seems therefore that not only the kings themselves of this dynasty, but even their feudatories and their officers were liberal towards Jainism. Another point to be noted is that they patronised the Digambaras, and not the Svetāmbaras.
This tide of popularity and patronage seems to have ebbed considerably under the Kalacuryas, for under Bijjala who was a devout Saivite, we get the majority of the grants to Saiva temples.377
The setback to the Jainas seems to have hung heavily on them even under the Yādavas, but perhaps, not so complete as under the Kalacuryas, for we do get a few Jaina inscriptions under the Yādavas. For instance:
(i) Anjaneri Inscription: Nasik Distt.: S. 1063: Grant of two shops to the temple of Candraprabha by Seunacandra of the Yādava race. 378
(ii) Bijapur Inscri.: S. 1119: Commanders of Jaitrapāla made a grant to a sage Candrābharaṇa.379
(iii) Bijapur Inscri.: S. 1179: grant of land by Karasideva to a Jaina temple, now turned into a mosque.380
(iv) Belur Inscri.: Mysore State : $. 1193 : Kūci Rāja built a Jina temple, gave grants of land, shops and arecanut gardens to it: His guru, Padmasena Bhattāraka of Pagab-gaccha of the Senagaņa of Mūla Sangha.381
(v) Belgāmi Inscri.: Mysore State : $. 1216 (or 1218): Grant of lands to Jaina temples and to basadis.382
The Silāhāras of Kolhapur also seem to have patronised the Digambara Jainas as would be clear from the following epigraphs :
(i) Honnūr Inscrip. Kolhāpur: No date : Grant of land and of a house by Ballāļa and Gandarāditya for the provision of food to the ascetics : Basaại built by Bammagāvunda of the Punnāga-VỊkshamūlagana of the Mūlasangha.383
377. We have, however, instances of patronage to Jainism: Thus, Recarasa, minister of Kalacurya Ahavamalladeva, gave grants to Jina temple: E.C., VII, Shik. 197: GUERINOT, op. cit., 408; K. P. JAINA remarks, "Most of the kings of this dynasty patronised Jainism"-JA., xi, ii, p. 28.
378. L.A., XII, p. 126. 379. INKK, p. 146, No. 17. 380. ASI., AR, 1930-34, p. 224. 381. E.C., XI, p. 45 (Dg. 13). 382. ASI., AR., 1924, p. 124.
383. I.A., XII, p. 102. BULL, DCRI.--16

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(ii) Kolhapur Pārávanatha Temple inscrip. S. 1058: Creation of Basadi by Mahāsāmanta Nimbadevarasa,384
(iii) Kolhapur inscription: S. 1065: Grant by Mahamandaleśvara Vijayadityadeva for the worship of Pārsvanatha.385
We have taken a survey of the condition of Jainism from the Nanda period upto the end of the Silāhāra dynasty in the Deccan. Such a survey shows that till the advent of the Calukyas of Badami, we have little information of the flourishing condition of Jainism. With the entry of the Calukyas and the Rastrakūtas, however, Jainism got ample royal patronage and munificence from officers and merchants. It may, however, be noticed that Jainism was not the only religion in the field, for, along with it, Brahmanism and in earlier phases Buddhism also flourished in the Deccan. The wonderful sense of religious toleration which seemed inherent in Indian kings thrived all religions, and "in the Deccan itself the revival of Hinduism did not in the least affect the prospects of Jainism; it continued to be the religion of a strong minority throughout our period (750-1000 A.D.)" 386
Karnatak, Mysore and Vengi:
The contact of Karnatak and its adjoining regions with Jainism is associated with the migration of the Digambaras to this locality, with Śravana Belgola as its centre.
From Bhadrabahu to the advent of the Gangas in about the second century A.D., we have but a hazy picture of Jainism in south India. Tamil works like the Kural, Silappadikcāram and Manimekalai387 which, according to some scholars, belong to the early centuries of the Christian era throw but a dim light on the condition of Jainism, and nothing beyond probabilities and conjectures can be had from them.
Regarding the position of the Jainas in the Sangam period (c. 2nd century. A.D..) AIYENGAR and RAO,388 on the authority of the works mentioned above, say that the "fervent manner in which Jaina beliefs and morals are depicted, the copious references to Jaina centres of learning and the description of the society in general, leave no doubt in the minds of the readers of the epics, the impression, that the religion of the Arhat was
384. E.I., XIX, p. 30 (No. 4a).
385. Ibid., III, p. 209.
386. ALTEKAR, op. cit., p. 269.
387. For their dates, see Ancient India by S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, pp. 360, 380; DIKSHITAR, Studies in Tamil Lit. and Hist., p. 83.
388. Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 46-47.

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embraced by large and even increasing numbers of the Dravidians". The same scholars point out the comparative simplicity of Jaina worship, the exclusive character of Brahmanical rites and the perfect organisation of the Jaina community as the causes that must have led to the Jaina hold over the country in that period.
The creation of the Ganga kingdom (2nd-11th cent. A.D.) through the active agency of Simhanandin who gave refuge to two forlorn princes from the North,389 in about the 2nd cent. A.D., laid a firm foundation for the prosperous career of Jainism under the Gangas. It became a state religion due to which the Jaina monks giving up their traditional seclusion from the political affairs, came out in the role of king-makers and royal
advisers.
Simhanandin was not satisfied simply with giving them a kingdom, but he guided the princes regarding the principles of policy inasmuch as he warned them that "if they did not approve of the Jina Sasana, if they seized the wives of others, if they ate honey or flesh, if they formed relationship with the low....if they fled from the battlefield, then, their race would go to ruin!'390 Thus the great ascetic set within proper limits the principle of Ahimsă in conformity with kingly duties.
The marvellous feat of cutting asunder a stone pillar by a single stroke of the sword given by Simhanandin to Kongunivarman, has been interpreted by SALETORE as the removal or doing away with the Buddhist influence in Karnatak symbolised in the existence of the Buddhist monuments near the place of the meeting of Simhanandin and Kongunivarman. He remarks, "Buddhist influence still held its own in the south for some time to come and it was evidently this which the great Jaina teacher overcame with the help of his royal disciple. Kongunivarma's demonstration of physical strength brought about it, indeed, 'sovereignty' to the Jainas; and the reward which he secured for this remarkable feat was a kingdom" 391
Besides Kongunivarman, his successors were also Jaina patrons. For instance, Avinīta had his preceptor in Vijayakīrti at whose instance the king gave grants of land to the Jina temples. The same king has been described
389. E.C., II, 397, p. 169; MAR, 1921, p. 26; 1923, p. 115; SII. II, p. 387. 390. SALETORE, Medieval Jainism, p. 12.
391. Op. cit., p. 16.
392. Studies in South Indian Jainism, RAMASWAMI and ATYANGAR, pp. 110-111; KRISHNA RAO, Gangas of Talkad, p. 227.

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as one "in whose heart the Supreme Jina footprints are fixed”. 393 The assertion by RICE that Pūjyapāda, the famous Jaina scholar, was the guru of Durvinita, the successor of Avinīta, however, has been exploded by SALETORE,394
Sivamära I (670-713 A.D.) also liberally helped the spread of Jainism and granted lands to Jina temples.395 Other kings of this dynasty like Sripuruşa Muttarasa Prthvikonguņi 11,396 Śivamāra 11,397 Ereyappa,398 Prince Duggamāra, Mārasimha,399 and Răcamalla, 400—all these were devout patrons of Jainism, who, coming under the sway of Jaina tenets, built magnificent basadis, temples and establishments for the Jainas.
Not only the kings but even their feudatories and ministers fostered the cause of Jainism, and out of these, the figure of Cāvundarāya minister of the Ganga Räcamalla (IV), and the builder of the colossal image of Gommateśvara at Śravana Belgo!a, stands out prominently.401
It may not, however, be supposed that these kings were exclusively Jainas, for they gave grants to other sects like Brāhmanism also. Hence SALETORE remarks, “.... The Ganga kings....notwithstanding their liberal attitude and patronage of the Hindus, still continued to foster the cause of Jainism to which alone their House had owed its origin as a political factor in the land”.402
Another dynasty that liberally patronised Jainism was that of the Kadambas (c. 3rd cent. A.D.). The following are some of the Jaina records of this dynasty :
(1) Ruler: Kākusthavarmā: middle of the 5th cent. A.D.: 403 Records grant of land to a certain Srutakīrti for the purpose of worship to Jinendra.404
393. E.C., VII, sh. 6, of c. 1060 A.D. 394. Op. cit., pp. 19-23. 395. MAR, 1925, p. 92. 396. E.C., IV, Ng. 85, p. 135. 397. Ibid., II, 415, p. 180. 398. MAR, 1932, pp. 240-41.
399. For his erecting of basadis and manastambhas, and his fast unto death: E.C., II, 59, pp. 12-14.
400. His guru was Vajrapāņi Pandita of Draviļānvaya of the Mūlasangha: E.C. VÌ, Mg. 18, p. 61.
401. E.C. II, 175, 176, 179: For the support by princes, queens and feudatories of the Gangas, see: E.C., II, 150; IV, Ng. 32; VI, Chik. 160; VII, Sh. 6, 10; Shik. 120; VIII, Sb. 140; IX, Nel. 60, etc. etc.
402. Op. cit., p. 30. 403. MORAES advocates it: See Kadamba Kula, pp. 71-72. 404. I.A., Vol. vi, p. 24.

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(2) Ruler: Mrgeśavarman, grandson of Kākusthavarman, who ruled between 475-490 A.D.: 405 Grant records that in the third year of his reign, the king granted some fields for the cleaning of the Jina temple and for the image-worship with ghee.406
(3) Same ruler: 4th year of his reign: The village granted was to be shared equally by the Svetapatas, Nirgranthas, and the Arhat.407
It may be noted that the inscription is important inasmuch as it reveals the existence of the Svetāmbaras in the south under the Kadambas, to whom this king of the dynasty treated equally with the Digambaras (Nirgranthas).
(4) Same ruler: 8th year: The king built a Jinālaya, and granting lands for it handed it over to the Kūrcakas for their maintenance.408 It may be noted that these Kūrcakas were naked ascetics.
(5) Ruler: Ravivarman: He passed orders for the celebration of the festival of Jinendra for eight days from the full-moon day of Kārtika out of the revenues of the village Pumkhețaka granted for that purpose. The ascetics were also to be supported during the four months of the rainy season, and the people were asked to perform worship of the Jinendra.409
(6) Ruler: Ravivarman: grant of land to the Jina temple 410
(7) Same ruler: Grant of land by the king's brother Bhānuvarman for the ablution ceremony, to the Jainas.411
(8) Ruler: Harivarman: grant of a village to the Kūrcakas under Vārişeņācārya, in the 4th year of his reign: Purpose of the grant was to anoint the Arhat with butter and for the purpose of feeding the Kūrcakas.412
(9) Same ruler: 5th year of his reign: Grant of a village at the request of his feudatory, Bhānusakti of the Sendraka family, for the use of the Aharişti Sramaņas under Dharanandi,413
(10) Ruler: Devavarman: grant of land to the Yāpanīya sect of the Jinas.414
405. MORAES, op. cit., p. 71. 406. I. A., Vol. VII, pp. 36-37, No. XXXVI. 407. Ibid., p. 38; No. XXXVII. 408. FLEET, 1. A., vi, p. 25. 409. Ibid., VI, p. 27. 410. Ibid., pp. 29-30; also JA., xii, 2, pp. 71-72. 411. 1. A., VI, p. 29. 412. Ibid., p. 31. 413. Ibid., p. 32.
414. Ibid., VII, pp. 34-35. For details about the Yapaniyas, see UPADHYE, BUJ., 1, pt. VI, May, (1933), pp. 224-31.

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From the above records it may be said (i) that a number of sects had arisen among the Jainas in South India in this period.
(ii) That a class of naked ascetics called the Kurcakas was in existence, and
(iii) That the Svetapațas were also in South India.
Over and above this it may be noted that inspite of this exuberance of liberality towards Jainism by some Kadamba kings, they were essentially Brāhmanical. For instance, Mrgeśavarman who gave grants to Jainism, is also referred to as "honouring gods, Brāhmaṇas, priests and the learned; ever making gifts to chief Brāhmaṇas”.415 Inspite of this, as MORAES remarks, "Jainism was really a popular religion in the Kadamba Empire and that there were many people who were worshippers of Jinendra”.416...."Jaina mathas were established in all parts of Karnatak. The inscriptions speak at length about the Jaina monastery at Kuppațūr, and give a short genealogy of the gurus. We learn from the records that queen Malaladevi patronised this institution. At Bhandavapura there was another famous matha. The flourishing city of Beļagāmi also contained a representative Jaina population and there existed a Jaina monastery."417
Coming to the Eastern Cālukyas of Vengi who were a branch of the Cālukyas of Badāmi and who reigned from 624 A.D. onwards418 with Vengi as the seat of their kingdom, we find the following information regarding their attitude towards Jainism:
Reign of Vishnuvardhana I:
- In the Timmāpuram Plates, he is spoken of as a Paramabhāgavata or a great devotee of Vishnu.419
His queen Ayyana Mahādevī, "favoured the Jaina monks of Kavurūri Gana with a shrine called Nadumbivasati at Bejavāda, i.e. Bezwāda". 420
Inspite of these instances, it is not possible to dogmatise about the exclusive religious affinities of this king and his queen, for the Indian kings have been known to be patrons of several sects at one and the same time.
415. 1. A., VII, p. 38. 416. Op. cit., p. 35. 417. Ibid., pp. 252-53. 418. VENKATARAMANAYYA, The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi, (ECV) p. 57. 419. E.I., IX, p. 317. 420. ECV., p. 63.

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Reign of Vijayaditya II (806-846 A.D.):
This king was a devotee of Siva and he erected several Saiva temples,421
Calukya Bhima I:
Built temples of Siva.4
Amma II:
Patronised both the Hindus and the Jainas for he gave grants to the Śaiva monks of the Kālāmukha sect as well as Jaina ascetics of the Nandi and the Adḍakaligaccha.
Vimaladitya:
He was probably converted to Jainism in his later age.424
127
Rājarāja I:
Devoted to the worship of God Siva, but not narrow-minded, hence liberal to all sects.425
Regarding the religious conditions under the Eastern Călukyas, VENKATARAMANAYYA remarks that of the three sects, viz. Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism, "Buddhism at one time dominant throughout the land was already decadent. Its monasteries once teeming with thousands of busy monks, were practically deserted when Hiuen Tsiang visited the country in the first half of the 7th cent. A.D.; and a few that still lingered within the old walls remained there more on account of their love of the sacred relics enshrined in the holy stupas than for the propogation of the Dharma... No wonder that the numerous records of the period do not even remotely allude to the religion of the Buddha.
"......The Jaina monks were very active......The deserted images met with in the ruined village sites all over the country show that the Jaina settlements were numerous, and an appreciable section of the people paid homage to the Arhats and Tirthankaras......Several inscriptions of the Eastern Cälukya monarchs and their subjects record the construction of basadis and temples and register the gift of lands and money for their maintenance. Jainism, however, never attained the position of the state religion.
421. Ibid., p. 90.
422. Ibid., pp. 142-43.
423. E. I., VII, p. 177 ff; ix, p. 47 ff; xii, p. 161.
424. ECV., p. 216. 425. Ibid., p. 239.

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S. B. DEO Hinduism was the national religion of the Telugu country throughout the Cālukya period."426
Another dynasty that helped the cause of Jainism more vigorously was that of the Hoysaļas. According to epigraphical evidence the very creation of this dynasty was the work of a Jaina monk. According to SALETORE, "it was an example of a religion in the pre-Vijayānagara days which demonstrated the importance of the fact of even religious leaders aiding materially the creation of proper political environment necessary for the resuscitation of the life of the country".427
The traditional account of the rise of this dynasty is connected with the help of a Jaina sage.428 It was in the fitness of things, therefore, that the Hoysaļas should have given a wholehearted support to Jainism. This is corroborated by several epigraphs of this dynasty. For instance, Vinayāditya was under the influence of the Sudatta Vardhamāna. Another sage Säntideva was the guru of Vinayāditya II due to whose blessings the king could expand the glory of his kingdom,429 and after whose death the king erected a memorial in his honour.430 The king was also under the influence of Abhayacandra to whom he granted land.431 The religious zeal of the king, therefore, resulted in the erection of several temples and basadis for the Jainas,
The successor of Vinayāditya was Ereyanga who was also a disciple of Gopanandin, who was a great debator and logician. To him the king granted a village.432 It is said in one of the epigraphs that Gopanandin "caused the Jaina religion which had for a long time been at a standstill, to attain the prosperity and fame of the time of the Ganga kings".433 It may mean that even though Jainism was in existence in pre-Gopanandin period, it lacked energy, vigour and the appearance of a living religion. This consciousness of assertion might have been poured into Jainism by Gopanandin who was a great scholar.
During the short rule of Ballāl I also, Jaina monks were respected. It is said that this king was cured of his illness by Cārukīrtimuni.434
426. Ibid., pp. 288-89. 427. Op. cit., p. 60.
428. RICE, Mys. and Cg., p. 95; E.C., VIII, Sb., 28; IV, Ng. 38, 39. For a detailed discussion of this episode see SALETORE, op. cit., pp. 62ff.
429. EC., II, 67. 430. Ibid., VI, Mg. 17. 431. MAR, 1927, pp. 43-44. 432. EC., V, Cn. 148. 433. Ibid., II, 69. 434. Ibid., 258.

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The next king Vishnuvardhanadeva, inspite of his devotion to the Jaina sage Sripala Traividya Deva35 alias Vādibhasimha, was converted to Vaishnavism sometime about 1116 A.D., according to RICE.436 The cause of this conversion was "the influence of the great ācārya Rāmānuja who, to escape persecution at the hands of a Cola king had taken refuge in the Hoysala country". SALETORE, however, maintains that Vishnuvardhana was still a Jaina as late as 1133 A.D. as he named his son Vijaya Narasimha after the god Vijaya Pārsvanatha whose temple was built by one of his generals.438
The successor of Vishnuvardhana was Narasimha I who does not seem to have done much for Jainism. However, a reference to his visit to Sravana Bēlgola occurs in one of the inscriptions.439
His son Vira Balläla I, however, proved to be a worthy king and he increased his realm as well as his patronage to Jainism. His preceptor was Vasupujyadeva of the Nandi Sangha under whose influence the king granted villages for Jaina purposes.440
Out of the remaining kings of this dynasty, Narasimha III was a devout Jaina and his guru was Mãghanandi. It seems, however, that the importance of the dynasty was fast decreasing, as the king was called simply as Mahamandalācārya.441 The end of the dynasty was approaching, and the influence of Jainism on Vira Ballāla III, is not certain.442
Further South:
We have already seen that the Tamil literature of the early centuries of the Christian era shows great influence of Jaina ideas and principles. Yet, Jainism could not fare better under the rule of the royal dynasties of the south like the Pandyas, Pallavas and the Cholas. Though a few cases of their patronage to Jainism are not lacking, yet, later kings of the Pandyas and the Pallavas helped the wiping out of Jainism from South India under the influence of Saivite teachers. Of the Cheras, it is said that three kings
435. Ibid., V, 17; Cn. 149.
436. Op. cit., p. 99.
437. Op. cit., p. 79.
438. Ibid., p. 80.
439. E.C., ii, 349.
440. Ibid., V, Ak. 1; Cn. 146; MAR, 1926, pp. 50-51.
441. Ibid., ii, 334.
442. For other grants of the Hoysalas for Jaina purposes, see: E.C., ii, 178, 181; Malavalli 31; iv, Ng. 7; v, Ark. 98, Hasan 130; Belur 124, 125, 126; Arsikere 55, 141; Canna 146, 148, 150; Hassan 57, 58, 112; vi, Chikm. 160, 161; Kadur 36, 69; Mudg. 22; xii. Tumkur 9, etc.
BULL. DCRI.-17

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of this dynasty round about the beginning of the Christian era and a couple of centuries after it, had a Jaina guru, and the Jainas continued to be their spiritual heads righ upto the 5th cent. A.D.443 GUERINOT444 mentions a couple of inscriptions which go to prove that some kings of the Cholas were not unfavourable to Jainism as they granted lands in favour of Jaina temples.
It was, however, under the Pāņdyas and the Pallavas that Jainism had to face tough days. Before their conversion to staunch Saivism, they were probably not unfavourable to Jainism. UPADHYE remarks in this connection, that "the kings of Conjeepuram were patrons of learning: since the early centuries of the Christian Era upto the 8th century A.D., from Samantabhadra to Akalanka, we hear that Jainism was being propogated round that place. It is not improbable, therefore, that the Pallava kings at Conjeepuram, during the first centuries of this era, were patrons of Jaina religion and were themselves Jainas by faith". 445 In fact Kāñci and Madurā were great Jaina centres. It is said that the Digambara scholar Samantabhadra converted king Sivakoți of the Pallavas, a Saiva devotee, to Jainism by showing him a miracle, 446 and that in the 7th century A.D. Akalanka defeated the Buddhists in a debate after which a certain king Himaśītala drove them away to Ceylon.447
Brāhmanical leaders like Kumārila and Sankarācārya (8th century A.D.), and the Saivites under Nānasambara Appara (7th century A.D.), Sundaramūrti and Māņikka Vācakara (9th century A.D.), however, led a compaign against Jainism which resulted in the conversion of many Jainas. All these in collaboration with the Vaishṇava Alvārs effectively checked the spread of Jainism. 448
Royal patrons also sided with these faiths. Mahendravarman of the Pallava dynasty embraced Saivism, and the Pandyas of Madurā followed them. All considerations of religious toleration were set aside and Mahendravarman destroyed a large number of Jaina monasteries.449 "But what is surprising is not that contemporary Śaiva and Vaishnava Saints should have pictured darkly the Jainas in their religious works, but that the traditionally generous Hindu mind should have portrayed in a series of frescoes on the walls of the Golden Lily Tank of the well-known Minākshi temple at Madurā,
443. J.A., XII, 2, p. 74. 444. Op. cit., Nos. 167, 171, 478. 445. Prv. Intr., p. XIIII. 446. GLASENAPP, op. cit., p. 62. 447. Ibid. 448. See ArYANGAR and RAO, op. cit., pp. 70ff. 449. SMITH, EHI, p. 472.

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131 the darker and sadder side of the struggle between the vanquished Jaina leaders and the exultant Hindu reners of the tenth and the eleventh centuries. Here on the walls of the same temple are found paintings depicting the persecution and impaling of the Jainas at the instance of Tirujñānasambandhar. And what is still more unfortunate is that even now the whole tragedy is gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at that famous Madurā temple !"450 Vijayanagara :
Due to this persecution, Jainism was weakened but not wiped out. It was now devoid of all its previous glory. Nevertheless it found a few patrons among the Vijayanagara rulers.
For instance, Bukkarāya I is said to have brought about a reconciliation between the Jainas and the Vaishṇavas. The point involved was about the use of five drums and Kalasa by the Jainas. The very fact, however, that the latter had to come to a settlement with the Vaishnavas in no way honourable to the Jainas, shows that their position had weakened considerably451
Several inscriptions stand testimony to the constant feuds between these two sects.452 However, Bukka cleverly managed to reconcile both sides. His feudatories and subordinates453 as also minor dynasties helped the cause of Jainism to some extent. But tottering Jainism never seemed to gain ground as would be clear from an epigraph of 1638 A.D.454
This epigraph refers to the reign of Venkatādri Nayaka of Belur, in which a certain Huchchappa Deva stamped a liñga on the pillars of the Vijayapărśvanātha basadi of Haleyabidu, and Vijayappa, a devout Jaina, erased that linga. This was a sufficient cause for a flare up. On the petition from the Jaina leaders, the Mahāmahattu of Hālebiļu after due consultations with others gave the following judgment: "Having (first) caused vibhuti (ashes) and vīlya (betel-leaf) to be offered (according to Saiva mode of worship), you (i.e. the Jainas) may perform the worship, decorations, illumi
450. SALETORE, op. cit., p. 279. 451. L.A., XIV, p. 233. 452. E.C., ii, 334; viii, Ti. 197; IX, Ma. 18, etc.
453. Baicapa, minister of Harihara II, E.C., VIII, Sorab, 152; SII., i, 152; Irugapa (II) nephew of minister of Harihara II, E.C., ii, 82; vii, p. 115; Devarāya (I), E.C., xi, Hiriyur 28; Devaraya II, GUERINOT, op. cit., Nos. 619, 620.
Minor Rulers : Cangalva : GUERINOT, op. cit., 241, 661; Kongalva, Ibid., 188-90, 590; Princess of Kärkal, 680, 688; Kalase Kings, E.C., VII, Shimoga 114; Cântara, Ibid., VIII, Nagar 60; GUERINOT, 197, 203, 226; E.C., VIII, Shik. 103; Shim, 116! etc,
454. E.C., V, Belur, 128,

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nations, ablutions and other Jaina ceremonies of this Vijaya-Pārsvanātha". The judgment needs no comment whatever, as it clearly subordinates the status of the Jainas!
Before undertaking the study of Jainism under the Muslims, it would be better for us to see the salient features in the development of Jainism in general in India, and the nature of royal patronage offered to it from time to time. Religious Toleration :
Right from Asoka, we find that several kings in India of varied dynasties were patrons of different faiths besides their personal one. Asoka himself, inspite of his strong Buddhist inclinations, ordered in his edicts that all sects were to be given due respect, and he deemed it unfit for anybody to say that his own sect was the proper one.
Coming to Khāravela we find that even though he was a Jaina, he performed Brāhmanical sacrifices at the time of ascending the throne, and later on, in his inscription, he clearly states that all sects were to be looked after equally.
Mathurā monuments and inscriptions show that side by side with the Jaina monuments, Buddhist religion also flourished, and they seldom came in violent conflicts with each other.
The Guptas who were definitely Brāhmanical, did not come in the way of the followers of Jainism. Not only that they did not forbid others to give grants to Jainism.
Similar instances regarding the Candellas, Călukyas, Haihayas, Paramāras, Rāştrakūtas and others have been cited to show that in the North, royal patronage was never fanatic to the extent of suppression and abolition of other sects.
In the Deccan as well as in Karnāțak and Mysore, the same story is repeated. For instance, the Kadambas though Brāhmanical in faith, gave magnificent grants for Jaina purposes.455 Amoghavarsha of the Rāştrakūtas, though a Jaina, was also a devotee of Mahālakshmi.956 The Belur inscription457 of Jayasimha (1022 A.D.) tells us that Akkādevi practised the rituals
455. Kadamba Krşhnavarman performing Aśvamedha gave grants to Jaina temples: 1.A., vii, 34.
456. E.I., XVIII, p. 248. 457. I.A., XVIII, 274.

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of the Jina, Buddha and Ananta. We have several inscriptions which begin with an invocation to the Jina and to the Vishnu.458 Followers of Jinendra gave grants to Śiva temples and vice versa.459
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Effects of Royal Patronage:
Such a popular and royal support seemed to have influenced the mode of outlook of the Jaina monks. Casting away all their traditional seclusion from politics, the Jaina sages assumed the role of king-makers in the case of the Gangas and the Hoysalas. Thus they showed "that religious tenets were to be subordinated to political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake.460
Centres of Learning:
Royal patronage and popular support gave a good opportunity to Jaina monks to establish various centres of learning, monasteries, Bhāṇḍāras and temples. This resulted in a vigorous literary activity by scholars like Bhadrabahu, Devardhi, Hemacandra, Uddyotana Sūri, Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, Jinasena, Akalanka, Pujyapada, Prabhäcandra and Vasupujya-Siddhantadeva. Debates and discussions were carried on with rival faiths as well as between the Digambaras and the Svetämbaras.
Mixing with Local Population:
Besides royal patronage, the Jaina leaders of both these sects were shrewd enough to lay a firm foundation of their hold over the middle and the trading classes in the society. Besides the sacred texts of Jainism, we have ample evidence of the Mathură evidence-as noted elsewhere-to show that Jainism recruited followers from these classes. The monks kept constant contact with these and thus were able to build up a solid organisation of Jaina laymen, especially in Rajputānā and Gujarat.461
458. FLEET, I.A., iv, p. 179: Inscri. dated 1048-49 A.D.; Salutation to Jina and Sambhu: E.C., V, Belur, 128 (1638 A.D.); Salutation to Jina Adi Varaha and Sambhu: Ibid., VI, Koppa, 47 (1530 A.D.); Ibid., Mudgere 67 (1278 A.D.).
459. E.C., VII, Shimoga, No. 40 (c. 1180 A.D.); E.C. V, Channa, 221, (1235 A.D.); starting a sattra for Brāhmaṇas in a Jinālaya; E.C., VII, Shik. 8 (c. 1080 A.D.); Brāhmaṇas offering a field to Jaina monastery in 902 A.D., JBBRAS, X, 193; Śaiva grant to Jainas: I.A., X, 188. In North India, we have a Buddhist boasting that he built a thousand temples for Śiva: I.A., XV, p. 304; other acts of toleration by king Mahipāla, at Sāranath (V.S. 1083): I.A., XIV, p. 140; Kumārapāla, a Saiva in early career; Karka Suvarnavarsha of the Guj. Rastrakūtas, himself a Saiva, gave fields to Jaina Vihara at Naosārī: E.I., XXI: Surat Plates (821 A.D.).
460. SALETORE, op. cit., p. 7.
461. See RAY's remark regarding Kumarapala, op. cit., ii, pp. 996-97.

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S. B. DEO
Similar was the case in the south. For we have several inscriptions which describe donations by the settis or merchants and other similar trading and middle classes in the society. SALETORE remarks, “The Jaina leaders showed the practical side of their philosophical teachings by securing the allegiance of the most important section of the middle classes-the Vira Baņajigas and the commercial classes, whose financial aid was of inestimable value for the cause of Anekāntamata."462
The Jainas even went a step further in this attempt of identifying themselves with the local people in various regions. For, as we shall see later on, several Gacchas of the Svetambaras, and numerous samghas and other Church units of the Digambaras were named after place names. The Sandera, Palliväla and other gacchas of the Svetāmbaras, and the Dravida, Kāñcī, Koļuttūra samghas of the Digambaras were named after place-names either in the North or in the South India.
Besides this, the Digambaras adopted the Kannada language as their own and produced a literature which not only showed their zeal but also their wise policy of preaching the people in their own mother-tongue.
With all its liberal-mindedness, royal patronage tended to be fickle and fanatical in some cases. For instance, the rise of sectarianism under the Saivites nourished by royal patronage put the Jainas in a humiliating background as the methods of the Saivites sometimes seemed to be drastic in the spread of their religion.463
Along with this thinning of the ranks of the Jainas due to religious persecution, another factor that brought slackness in their activities was the emergence of wealthy mathas as a result of the showering of lands and other gifts to Jaina establishments. The original standard of non-possession and poverty was set aside, and the preceptors went to the extent of acquiring lands granted to the temples for their own purposes. A single instance in this case is sufficient. For instance, an inscription dated $. 998 records that Śrinandipanditadeva, a Jaina guru, acquired possession of some fields which were under the control of the Jaina establishment called Anesejja-basadi which was built by the younger sister of Călukya Vijayāditya Vallabha. This guru gave fifteen mattaras of land out of the whole to his disciple Singayya.464 Besides this we have several instances in which oil mills, income of the
462. Op. cit., p. 173.
463. Ref. to the Minākşi temple frescoes is already made; see MORAES, op. cit., pp. 253-54, for the account of Ekānta Ramayya under Bijjala, and the gathering storm of Vira-Saivas under Basava.
464. I.A., XVIII, p. 38.

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135 shops, etc., were attached to various Jaina establishments, which possibly prepared the ground for corruption.465 Jainism under the Muslims :
The ebbing tide of the Jaina influence was further weakened by the ever encroaching waves of Muslim aggression. The glory of Madurā was laid down bare and looted by Malik Kafur, general of Allāuddin Khalji. Later on with the complete liquidation of the Vijayanagar Empire, religious toleration had no meaning, and with the advent of the Imperial dynasties of Muslims at Delhi, all indigenous religions including Jainism had to face a creed far more aggressive in spirit, policy, and execution.
That even among such rulers Jainism could get a few supporters speaks highly of the calibre of Jaina monks.466 Muhammad Ghori, for instance, is said to have invited and honoured a Digambara monk at the request of his Begum.467 Allāuddin Khalji is said to have honoured an able Digambara ācārya who went all the way from the South to North India to explain Jaina tenets to the king.468 The same king is also said to have honoured a certain Svetāmbara Ramachandra Sūri.469
Other instances of Muslim liberality were those of Firuz Tughlaq who honoured a Svetāmbara monk Ratnasekhara, 470 and that of Muhammad Tughlaq who received the Digambara monk Simhakīrti.471 Among the rulers of the Sur dynasty, we have Sikandar Sür who honoured Viśālakirti, a Digambara monk, who had come all the way from South India.472
It was, however, in the reign of Akbar that we have somewhat more information about the contact of the Jainas with the Muslims. Epigraphical evidence shows that a Svetāmbara Acārya Hīravijaya had a great influence over Akbar, due to which the latter prohibited animal slaughter near Jaina holy places, freed these places from taxes, and gave the ācārya a title of Jagadguru.473 Besides him, Akbar is said to have come in contact with other Jaina ācāryas called Jinacandra,474 Bhānucandra475 and Siddhicandra.476
465. E.V., iv, Krşhạ., No. 3. 466. GLASENAPP., op. cit., pp. 68-69. 467. Ibid. 468.JSB., i. 4, p. 109 469. GLASENAPP, op. cit., p. 66. 470. Ibid. 471. Car. Hist. Rev., iv, p. 85. 472. Ibid., pp. 78-81.
473. NAHAR, Prāchina Jaina Lekha Sangraha, Vol. i, 750, 826, 856, 980; ii, 1628, 1794, 1796; Inscri, of Käth, 107.
474. E.I., ii, pp. 61-64; NAHAR, op. cit., i, 771, 786; ii, 1196; iii, 2592. 475. I.H.Q. 1933, March, pp. 137-40.
476. CHITRAO, op. cit., p. 809.

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S. B. DEO
Jehangir drew orders for the protection of Satruñjaya, and conferred the title of Mahātapā on Vijayadeva Sūri.477 Another Jaina monk called Jinasimha Sūri was given the biruda "yugapradhāna" by the same emperor.478
The successors of Jehangir, Shah Jehan and Aurangazeb though least enthusiastic about non-Islamic sects, seem to have maintained at least the previous grants. The former drew a farmán for the protection of Satruñjaya479 while the latter granted the region around Satruñjaya together with its revenue to śāntidāsa, the Jaina jeweller at his court.480
With all these cases of royal patronage, it should be noted that this courtesy was fickle and ever-changing. An inscription of Akbar's period refers to the damage done by the armies of the emperor to the pinnacle of a Jaina temple, and says further that it was repaired some twenty years afterwards. The very gap required for repairs shows that the Jainas were possibly not sure of the vagaries of the emperor.481 In the reign of Jehangir, we find that a peculiar practice--in a few cases-was started regarding the writing of the name of the emperor on the head of Jina images.482 NAHĀR483 adds a note regarding this which says that "some people told emperor Jehangir - that the Jainas had written his name under the feet of their sacred images. The emperor got angry to hear this. So the Jains in order to please him wrote his name on the head of the images!" No comment is necessary on this incident!
Effects of Muslim Rule on the Jaina Church :
Terror of Muslim aggressors, loss of countrywide contact with co-religionists, widespread events of forced conversions, and the era of destruction and demolition under the Muslims had a weakening effect on the Church organisation of the Jainas. The disintegration of the Church followed and small groups called Mandalas under the authority of a Mandalācārya were formed.
These Mandalācāryas later on turned despotic and the sense of unity and integrity was lost. This tended to introduce regional changes in monastic practices, and various discrepancies crept into it.
477. NAHAR, op. cit., i, 750, 772, 837; ii, 1460. 478. E.I., ii, pp. 61-64; NAHAR, op. cit., i, 771, 787. 479. GLASENAPP, op. cit., pp. 68-69. 480. Ibid. 481. NAHAR, op. cit., ii, 1782. 482. Ibid., 1578-84. 483. Ibid., p. 131, f.n.

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137 Another reason that brought about a change in monastic life was the entry of all classes of people into the Jaina Sangha. "In the beginning of their advent, these Bhattārakas or Mandalācāryas served the cause of Jainism rightly well by diffusing the Jaina tenets and by converting people from all classes of society. These converts were put into various folds according to their different localities and occupations. Consequently the oneness of the Sangha disappeared and small folds or Upajātis took its place. Each Upajāti was attached to a particular sect of Bhattāraka and had its own customs and manners."484
Still another effect of the Muslim rule was ideological. It may be that the non-idolatrous philosophy and practice of Islam had its parallel in a similar sect of the non-idolatrous among the Svetāmbaras of Gujarat in about the 16th cent. A.D. Conclusions :
From the survey of the historical background to the spread of Jaina monachism in different parts of India under different dynasties as attempted above, a few generalisations seem possible which may be summarised as follows:
(i) The spread of Jainism seems to have taken place in successive phases of migration rather than in a continuous connected chain of events.
(ii) The Digambaras seem more restricted to the south, while the Svetāmbaras to the north India.
(iii) For the maintenance of their influence, the Jaina monks built up a strong and faithful organisation of the laity by keeping constant touch with the middle and the trading classes.
(iv) Another reason for the existence of Jainism upto the present day may be ascribed to "the inflexible conservatism of the Jaina community in holding fast to its original institutions and doctrines.''485
(v) This "inflexible conservatism”, however, under changing circumstances bent, but did not break, with a spirit of accommodation without revolutionising the very essentials of religion and of moral discipline.
484. J.A., XIII, No. i, pp. 16-17.
485. CHARPENTIER, CHI, i, p. 169. BULL, DCRI.-18

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PART III
CHAPTER I
THE ANGAS AND THE MÜLASŪTRAS
Introduction :
Accepting the generally approved opinion of the scholars regarding the comparatively greater antiquity of the Angas and the Mülasutras over and above the rest of the texts of the Svetambara Canon, as well as the high esteem shown by the Digambaras to the titles and similar classification of these texts and traditions regarding their antiquity, an attempt is made in this chapter to present the picture of, perhaps, the earliest phase of Jaina monachism.
The different facets of monastic life are studied item by item.
The Angas and the Mülasūtras of the Svetāmbara canon refer to several congregations of monks that moved from place to place during the eight months of the year. Not only their leader Mahāvīra, but his immediate disciples also led a wandering life with a vast number of their own disciples. Their chief mission was to instruct the people regarding the tenets of pure life which was a step towards escaping the cycle of transmigration.
CHURCH: Persons not qualified to enter the Order :
The monks were persons of high moral standard and self-control. To maintain this standard, certain qualifications were expected of those wishing to join the order, even though church life was proclaimed to be open to all, irrespective of caste or status.2
1. Ajja Suhamma wandered with his five hundred disciples : Naya. pp. 1,220; "Dhammaghosă nāma therä ... bahuparivārā', ibid., p. 163; 'Therā samosadhā parisă niggaya', Ibid. p. 198.
2. Citta and Sambhūta: Cāņdālas, Uttar. Chapt. 13; Robbers entering the order, Ibid. Chapt. 8.

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140
S. B. DEO The following persons were disqualified to enter the order3 : (1) a child under eight years (bāla), (2) an old person (vudpha), (3) an eunuch (pandaä), (4) a sick person (vāhiä), (5) a person devoid of limbs (jungiä), (6) a timid person (kiva), (7) a person of dull intellect (jaqda), (8) a robber (teņa), (9) an enemy of the king (rāyāvagārī), (10) a mad person (ummatta), (11) a blind person (adaṁsaņe), (12) a slave (dāsa), (13) a wicked person (duttha), (14) a stupid person (mūpha), (15) one who is in debt (anatta), (16) an attendant (obaddha), (17) a servant (bhayaë), (18) a kidnapped person (sehanipphediya), (19) a pregnant woman (guvviņī), and (20) a woman having a small child (or a young girl?) (bālavacchā).
Causes of Renunciation :
Except these, therefore, the rest of the persons could enter the order due to all sorts of reasons. Many a people renounced the world as they were full of disgust for worldly life (samsārabhaya-udvignā). Sometimes, the
3. Thān. text (p. 164b) gives but three persons out of these (viz. 3, 4 and 6), and comm. p. 165a gives this list; It may be noted that the 4th type is also interpreted as 'vātika' which means a sexually defective person : lbid. p. 164b; The Buddhist Mahavagga disqualifies the following persons for the order :-a soldier, the diseased, a thief, a breaker of prison, a robber, one who was branded, a debtor, a slave. Those who were below twenty years were not to be given upasampadā, and those below fifteen were not to be initiatedpp. 108-09 (N. K. BHAGWAT'S Ed.).
4. Bhag. comm. says that normally nobody below eight years was ordained, but Aimuttaya, being of exceptional nature, was ordained at the age of six : p. 219b.

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141
wife took to nun-life when her husband became a monk. Similar was the case regarding mother and son. Many times, the persons impressed with the teachings of Mahāvīra took to monk life.
Besides these the Sthānānga6 gives the following causes of renunciation :
(1) chandā--renunciation on account of one's own free will for it, (2) rosā—due to anger, (3) parijuņņā—due to poverty, (4) suviņā-due to enlightenment in a dream,
paçissuta-on account of the fulfilment of a particular vow, (6) sāranitā—due to sudden remembrance of former birth, (7) rogiņītā-due to illness, (8) aņādhitā—due to humiliation by somebody, (9) devasannattī-due to enlightenment by the gods, and (10) vacchāņubandhitā-renunciation due to affection for one's son
who had already renounced the world.
Besides these, various methods were adopted to induce a person to become a monk. In this connection practices like creating trouble due to which a person became a monk (tuyāvaïttā), taking a person elsewhere and making him renounce (puyāvaittā), mutually interdependent or conditional renunciation by a pair of friends (sangārapavvajjā), and renunciation due to listening to religious instructions (akkhăta-pavvajjā), were also current. There were some people who took to monk life either to maintain themselves (ihaloga), or to obtain good food as well as to have a paraphernalia consistting of disciples around them (puraöpadibaddhā), or as a solace in lonely or orphaned life (vihagagai), or to get rid of debt (moyāvaitta), or on account of dainty food (parivuyāvaittā), or by becoming brave as a lion (sīhakhaïyā).8
The Ceremony of Renunciation :
Inspite of such varying motives of renunciation, the process of renunciation was carried on with full gravity and sincerity for every item in it.
5. Father renouncing owing to sons' renunciation: Uttar Chapt. XIV. 6. p. 473b. 7. Thăn. p. 128b; also p. 276ab. 8. Ibid.

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S. B. DEO The Jñatādharmakathānga gives details about this ceremony from which it is clear that the function was carried on in all pomp depending on the status of the person wishing to enter the order.
The following is the account of renunciation of a prince called Megha :
When, after his coronation, the prince determined to renounce the world, his parents summoned a barber (kāsavaä) and asked him to cut the hair of the prince so as to suit his renunciation (nikkhamaņapāügge aggakese). These hair were received by his mother in a piece of cloth having the symbol of a swan (hamsalakkhana) over it. They were afterwards kept in a jewelled box.
After the hair-cut, Megha was bathed with silver and golden pots, and was asked to put on the choicest garments and ornaments. Then preparing a luxurious palanquin (siviä), he was seated in it along with his mother and his chief nurse who had held the rayaharana (broom) and padiggaha (almsbowl) brought from a shop (kuttiyāvana).10 All of them sat facing the east. Then that palanquin was carried by the relatives and servants of Megha to the temple called 'Gunasilaä' outside the city of Rāyagiha.
On reaching there, the parents of Megha requested Lord Mahāvīra to admit their son to the order as he was disgusted with worldly life (samsārabhaüvvigge). Then Megha, going a few steps to the north-eastern direction, took out all his ornaments which were received by his mother in a garment bearing the sign of a swan. His mother wept bitterly to see her son taking out the ornaments, but at the same time she advised him to exert well (jaīyavvam jāyā) and be careful in monklife (no pamāëyavvar). Then the parents, after bowing down to Mahāvīra, returned home.
Then Megha himself tore out his hair in five handfuls (pañcamutthiyam loyam), and perambulating round the Lord requested him to initiate him as his own disciple. The Lord consented to it and did likewise.
The details of the occasion differed only in point of the festive element in the ceremony. Those who could not celebrate it with pomp resorted to a simpler procedure. In this case, however, the king of that particular city promised the person, who wanted to renounce, all help not only regarding the function itself but regarding the maintenance of the dependents of that person as well.
9. of Megha, Chapt. 1., pp. 30-33; of Sthāpatyāputra, Chapt. 5, 70-72; of Mallī Chapt. 8, 117-119; of Udayana, Bhag. pp. 619 ff; of Kärttika, Ibid. pp. 738ab, etc.
10. Also in Bhag. p. 620a.

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143 The Church Hierarchy:
The person entering the order was introduced as a 'seha' (disciple), and was kept on probation either for six months, or four months, or for a week.11 During this period his sole duty was to master the tenets of monk life, the proper execution of which made him fit for confirmation (uvatthāvanā).12
The confirmation made him a regular member of the order and from this stage as a seha or antevāsī,13 he aspired to rise higher in the church hierarchy. (a) Seha, Antevāsi, Sāmanera:
Four types of antevāsīs are referred to in the Sthānanga.14 They are (1) pavvāyaṇantevāsī nāmam ege, no uvaţthāvanantevāsī-he who has
been initiated by a particular ācārya but not confirmed by him; (2) one who has been confirmed by an ācārya but not initiated by the
same ācārya; (3) one who has been initiated as well as confirmed by the same
ācārya; and (4) dhammantevāsi-one who has become the disciple of a particular
lācārya purely for religious instructions.
The antevāsin had to show implicit faith in, and perfect obedience to, the ācārya.
(b) Thera:
As the very designation suggests, the thera was a person elder not, only in age but also in 'paryāya' (standing as a monk). This paryāya was also expressed by terms like 'ahārāiniya'15 and 'omaráīņïya. The former was applied to a person of greater standing, and the latter to a monk who occupied a junior position in the group.16
11. Thăm, p. 129b; 12. Ibid. p. 240a.
13. Näyā. p. 163; The Thān. comm. p. 242b explains it as 'guroh samīpe vasturn silamasyāntevāsi'.
14. p. 240a; The śrāmanera is referred to in Skty. 1, 4, 2, 13 (p. 277); Seha and Antevāsī in Bhag. pp. 11a, 382a.
15. Acar. II, 3, 3.5 (p. 146) ; Thän. p. 240a; The term 'rāīniya' has been explained by Than. comm. as ratnāni bhāvato jñānädīni taih vyavaharati iti rātnikah paryāyajyeşthaḥ iti'. See also Dáv. 8, 41; 9, iii, 3; Nāyā. p. 34.
16. Thera mentioned in Acar. II, 1, 10, 1 (p. 113); Uttar. 27, 1; Dsv. 8, 33; Dźv. Cū. 1, v. 9; Anttr. p. 58; Antg. p. 31; Vivaga.. pp. 26, 77; Bhag, p. 382a.

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S. B. DEO
The junior monks were expected to give perfect respect to the elders. The former were not allowed to go ahead of or along with the superiors. The junior monk had to stand up in respect when the thera was coming. No act such as kicking the bed of the superior, occupying his seat, having a higher seat than his, or breaking his assembly,-in short, anything that was likely to show disrespect to the elders, was ever allowed.17
The Sthänānga gives a list of ten kinds of theras, which, it may be noted, takes into consideration not only the church-meaning of the word but also the popular meaning, as will be clear from the following: 18
(1) gāmathera (2) ratthathera
7 those who managed the affairs of the village,
the nation and the city; (3) nagarathera (4) kulathera
those who managed the affairs pertaining to the (5) ganathera (6) sanghathera
kula, gana or the sangha; (7) pasatthārathera the teacher; (8) suyathera
one well-versed in the Samavāyānga etc.; (9) jāithera
one who is sixty years old; (10) pariyāyathera one who has twenty years' standing in monk
hood. It seems, therefore, that the last three in the list had a definite position and designation in the church hierarchy. No mention, however, of the duties of a thera or his other qualifications are to be found in the Anga texts.
nention, however, of the dutie
(c) Uvajjhāya:
The upādhyāya was the chief instructor of a group of monks.19 He gave the reading of the sūtra to the younger monks, and where there was a distinction between the text and its deeper meaning, the students approached the ācārya to get that meaning explained.
It may be noted that earlier texts like the Ācārānga and the Sūtrakrtānga do not give any details about the qualifications or the duties of an upādhyāya. (d) Āyariyaüvajjhāya:
It is not clear whether this phrase denoted two officers-áyariya and uvajjhāya-, or simply one officer. The commentators are also not explicit
17. Smu. p. 59ab. 18. p. 516a.
19. Thān. comm. p. 140a : 'upetyadhīyate'smādityupadhyāyah'; For ref. to upādhyaya : Bhag. p. 382a; Than. p. 142b; Acar. II, 1, 10, 1 (p. 113); II, 3, 3, 4 (p. 146).

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145
in their explanation when they say—'ācāryopādhyāyasya acaryopādhyāyayorvā',20 or ācāryeņa saha upādhyāyah ācāryopādhyāyaḥ 21 It is not clear, therefore, whether the rules regarding his privileges (aïsesa), and his leaving the gana, pertained to one officer—the ācāryopādhyāya, or to two officers.
Anyway, this person had five privileges,22 according to which he was allowed to wipe and clean his feet in the monastery, to ease nature in the monastery, to wait upon somebody or abstain from doing so, to live alone in the monastery for a night or two, and to remain outside the monastery for the same period.
For five reasons, he could leave the gaña. If he was unable to keep up the morale and the spirit of the whole group regarding moral discipline and essential duties (ānam vā dhāraṇam vā), if he was unable to wield control over the other members of the gana, if he was unable to recollect and explain the sacred lore to the disciples at the proper time, if he was attached to a nun belonging either to his own gana or to another one, or if he was unable to pull on due to his friends or relatives leaving the gana—then under any one of these circumstances he could leave the gaña.23
No mention either of the qualifications or of the duties of this officer is to be found. (e) Pavatti :
Even though mentioned along with other officers, 24 no details are given regarding the Pravartin. The commentator explains him as25—
Tapaḥsamyamayogeşu yo yogyastatra tam pravartayati / Asaham ca nivartayati ganataptikaraḥ pravarti tu //
From this it appears that he was a person who busied himself with the promotion of penance and the practice of self-control. (f) Āyariya:
The ācārya was the head of a group of monks, and stood as the ideal in respect of proper moral behaviour and as the store of knowledge to his disciples.26
20. Than. comm. p. 331b. 21. Bhag. comm. p. 232a. 22. Thān. p. 329ab. 23. Ibid. p. 331b. 24. Ibid. p. 142b; Acār. II, 66, 33; 67, 7; 80, 31. 25. Thän. pp. 143b, 144a.
26. Acārya ref. to in Bhag. p. 382a; Dšv. 8, 23; Thān. p. 142b; Acar. II, 66, 33; 66, 7; 80, 31.
BULL. DCRI.-19

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S. B. DEO
The qualifications expected of him were more of a moral nature according as they are given in the texts. According to these texts, an ācārya was a person who was endowed with the five-fold ācāra (jñānao, darśanao, căritra", tapao and viryăcāra),27 equanimity of mind, character and intellect.28 Being such a qualified person, all the members of the group under him were expected to show complete respect to him.
The Sthānānga29 refers to several types of acāryas which were as follows:
(1) those who simply initiated a person (pavvāyaṇāyarite), (2) those who confirmed a disciple (uvatthāvaņāyarië),
(3) those who did neither of the above two things, and (4) those who did both these things.
The privileges30 of an ācārya and the reasons of his leaving the gaña31 were the same as those noted in the case of the ācāryopādhyāya.
Besides these, the ācārya was a person who could manage to get the requisites needed by the members of his gana. He also protected the requisites already acquired by the gana previously.32
(g) Gani:
The commentators explain this person as one who had a gana (gano yasya astīti).33 This is, however, a very incomplete explanation, and we fail to get the qualities of a ganin which can distinguish him from an acārya. It is not clear whether he was the same person as the ācārya.34
The qualities that were expected of him were mainly of a moral nature.35 It was said that a ganin had to equip himself with the eightfold ganisampad :
(a) Ācārasampad:
(1) to be always mindful of good conduct, (2) to be devoid of pride of high birth etc.,
27. Acar. comm, pp. 4-5; Thăm, comm. p. 140a. 28. Dév. 9,16. 29. p. 239b, 240a. 30. Ibid. p. 329ab. 31. Ibid. p. 331b. 32. Ibid. p. 385b. 33. Ibid. p. 143b, 144a, 34. He is equated with the acārya: Thān. comm. p. 422b. 35. Dáv. Cú. 2, v. 9: 'bhāviyappă bahussuö'.

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(3) to lead a wandering life, (4) tranquillity of mind.
(b) Śrutasampad:
(1) to be well-versed,
(2) to be acquainted with the canon,
(3) knowledge of the texts of other sects,
(4) reciting the Sütra properly.
(c) Sarirasampad:
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
(1) to have a proportionate body,
(2) to have no such limbs as would evoke shame,
(3) to possess all limbs,
(4) to have a well-built form.
(d) Vacanasampad:
(1) to have a pleasant voice,
(2) to have an attractive way of exposition,
(3) to be devoid of extreme views,
(4) to have clear, unambiguous speech.
(f) Matisampad:
(e) Vacanäsampad:
(1) giving reading after knowing the calibre of the student, (2) explaining the text according to the standard of the novice, (3) giving the reading again to the student if he did not understand it,
(4) explaining the meaning with proper references.
Based on the fourfold division of reason: avagraha, ihā, apäyä, and dhārana.
(g) Prayogasampad:
(1) knowing one's ability in debate, (2) knowledge of the Nayas etc.,
(3) knowledge of the surroundings (ksetra), (4) knowing the nature of the debator,

147

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(h) Sangrahasampad:
(1) knowledge of the proper place for the younger monks (bālādi
yogyakşetra), (2) knowledge pertaining to the requisites,
(3) pertaining to the proper time of study or begging, and (4) pertaining to the rules of proper moral conduct and self-control
(vinaya).36 No other details regarding this officer are given in the Anga texts.
(h) Ganahara:
This term was applied to the chief disciple of the Tirthankara. No details about him are to be found in the texts proper. The commentaries explain him, besides being the 'jinaśisyaviśeşah', also as the 'aryikāpratijāgarako' i.e., the protector of the nuns. He is also described as one who was priyadharmā (one who likes a religious mode of conduct), dşdhadharmā (firm in religion), sjuka (straightforward), sangrahopagrahakusalah (one who is able to increase not only the following but also to manage to secure the necessary things for his followers), sūtrārthavid (well-versed in the sacred lore) and gaņādhipati (head of the group of monks).37
It is not clear whether there was any distinction between the gañin and the ganadhara for the former was also equated with the gananāyaka which implied the ganadhara.38
isan but also ll-ver
(i) Ganīvaccheiya:
As in the case of the rest of the officers, the exact nature of this officer also is not clear. First of all, nowhere his qualifications are given, and in the second place, the texts are silent about his duties.
Only the commentaries explain him as the head of the part of the gana.39 Terms Connected with Church Life:
Along with these various designations in the church hierarchy, various terms connected with the conferring of authority or the dismissal of an officer
36. Thān. p. 422b.
37. Thān. comm. pp. 143b, 144a; Ref. to ganin: Acār. II, 66, 33; 67, 7; 80, 31; Thăn. p. 142b.
38. Ibid. comm. p. 140a.
39. Ibid., p. 245a: 'desosyastīti ganāvacchedakah yo hi tar gļhītvāgacchāyaştambhāyaivopadhimärgaņādinimittam viharati'.

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are referred to. For instance, 'uvasampaya' meant placing oneself under the control of a guru, the appointment to a particular post was called 'anuņņā”, (or better, the conferring of authority), 'vijahana' signified the leaving of the jurisdiction of a particular superior officer, and 'uvaṭṭhāvanā', denoted the final consecration of a novice under probation.
Comparison with other systems:
The ācārya and the upadhyaya are to be found in the Brahmanical ast well as the Buddhist church hierarchy. The 'samanera' and the 'thera' are to be met with in the Buddhist church as well. The 'ganadhara' is rare in Brahmanical church hierarchy, but the 'ganapati' is referred to frequently, if not always in the sense of a person holding office in the Church.
The process of 'pabbajjä' and 'uvasampaya' in the Buddhist Church had its counterpart in the 'dikkha' and 'uvaṭṭhāvana' of the Jaina Church.
42
Even though the Buddhist Chuch had an elaborate galaxy of many other officers like the samaṇerapesaka, sanghabhatta (ration-officer),43 civarabhājaka (cloth-distributor) 44 and others, the Jaina Church was content to have a hierarchy mainly looking to the moral aspect of the monks. It may be that the Jaina Church was not full of ideas of organising churchlife on a corporate basis.
The gaṇāvacchedaka, the pravartin, ganin and the ganadhara, therefore, seem to be designations peculiar to the Jaina Church hierarchy.
Church Units:
Under these officers the monks were grouped in various units. Although the various units referred to in the Angas are not explicitly explained so as to reveal their mutual relations, these units may be said to hint at administrative groups under various officers. It may, at the same time, be noted, that in explaining these units, we have to depend on the interpretation of commentators who are far removed in time taking into consideration the antiquity of the Añga texts themselves. It is possible, therefore, that they explain the units from contemporary conditions.
40. Than. p. 139a; comm. pp. 139b and 140b explains 'anunna' as 'adhikaradanam', 'upasampat' as 'jñānādyartham bhavadīyo ahamiti abhyupagamaḥ'; 'vijahana' as 'parityagaḥ'; Upasampada in Uttar. 26, 5-7.
41. Chedopasthapana was absent in the period between the 2nd and the 23rd Tirthankaras: Than. comm. pp. 167b.
42. Cullavagga, VI, 21. 43. Ibid. VI, 21, 1.
44. Ibid., VI, 21, 2.

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The following were the units :
(a) Gana :
The gaña seems to have been the largest unit. In antiquity also, it was said to go back even to pre-Mahāvīra Tirthańkaras.45
The gana is explained by the commentators as 'samānavācanākriyaḥ sādhusamudāyaḥ' (a group of monks having a common reading).46 Other explanation of the gaña is 'kulasamudayah' (group of kulas).47 But it is interesting to note that the commentators equate it with the 'gaccha' which finds place in the later parts of the Canon,48 but nowhere in the Angas proper. A more definite statement is to be found in the commentary on the Bhagavatī49 which says that the gaña was formed of three kulas.
Thus the texts themselves are silent over the nature of the gana. Inspite of this, however, we come across rules regarding the reasons that made a monk change his gana, and the persons qualified to look after a gana.
Persons endowed with six qualities were deemed fit to manage the affairs of a gana. They were expected to be persons full of faith (sadąhī), truthful (sacce), well-controlled (mehāvī), capable (sattimam) devoid of quarrels with, or ill feeling towards, anybody (appādhikarana), and learned (bahussuya).50
The monk was not allowed to change his gana within six months.51 A monk doing so was termed as the 'gānanganiya'.52 But, the monks were allowed to go to another gana for all sorts of subjective reasons. The reasons were as follow553 :
(1) to gain higher knowledge (savvadhammā rotemi), (2) to practise a stricter mode of conduct (egatitā roëmi egasya ņo
roëmi), (3) to get doubts dispelled (savvadhammă vitigicchămi), (4) to practise the 'egallavihārapadimā,' (5) to acquire requisites (savvadhammā juhuņāmi ?).
45. Smv. pp. 54, 61, 66, 68, 69, 71, 84, 86, 88, 90 for the gaņas of various Tirthankaras; Gana in Bhag. 231b; Thän. p. 352a; Uttar. XVII, 17.
46. 'Som. comm. p. 14b. 47. Than. comm. p. 516a. 48. Ibid., pp. 3316, 340a, 386a etc. 49. comm. p. 382b. 50. Than. p. 352a. 51. Svm. pp. 39ab, 40b. 52. Uttar. 17, 17. 53. Thăn. p. 381a: Interpretation by Muni KEVALAVIJAYAJI.

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Under all these circumstances, however, he had to take permission of the guru before leaving the gana.
(b) Kula :
The monk was expected to owe allegiance to the kula of which he was a member. We have already seen that the kulas formed the gana.
No details regarding this unit are to be found in the texts of the Angas or even the Mülasūtras. The commentators, however, explain it either as a group of disciples of a particular ācārya (egāyariyassa santai),54 or equate it with anvaya or gaccha.55
(c) Sambhoga:
Even in the case of the sambhoga the texts fail to give any explanation, but give rules regarding the formation of this group.
The sambhoga is explained by the commentators56 as 'ekamandalikabhoktstva', by the Dictionary57 as 'a group of monks bound together by identical sāmācāri and taking food together', and by JACOBI58 as 'a group of monks begging alms in one district only'.
The formation of the sambhoga allowed the following concessions to its members :
(1) Uvahi-pertaining to exchange of requisites, (2) Suä-regarding common reading and study of the sacred texts, (3) Bhattapāņa-exchange of food and drink, (4) Añjalipaggaha-showing respect to each other, (5) Dāyaņe-sending disciples for further study to another monk of
the same sambhoga, (6) Nikāye-calling another monk of the same sambhoga for the sake
of exchange of foodstuffs, requisites, and disciples etc. (7) Abbhutthāņa-getting up in respect,
der,
54. Bhag. comm. p. 382b. 55. Uttar. comm. p. 168b; Thān. p. 516a. 56. Uttar. comm. p. 333a; Thān. p. 139a. 57. Paiyasadda, p. 1062.
58. SBE, Vol. XIV, p. 167, f.n. 1. (Uttar, 29, 33); Sambhoga mentioned in Acār. II, 66, 12; II, 106, 20. 24 (See SCHÜBRING, Die Lehre der Jainas, p. 160); Thān. 139a, 300a, 444a; Svm. p. 21b; Uttar, 29, 33.
JACOBI seems to be right for we do get epigraphical evidence, though of a later period, showing that bhoga was a territorial unit and the officers in charge of it were called as 'bhogikas-See, SANKALIA, Archaeology of Gujarat, pp. 196-97.

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(8) Kiäkammassa karane-saluting each other,
(9) Veyavaccakarane-attending the ill,
(10) Samosarana-going to the festival in honour of the Jina, or to the latter's religious lecture,
(11) Sannisijjä-occupying the seat while discussing religious matters with another ācārya of the same sambhoga (?); (12) Kahäë ya pabandhane-pertaining to religious stories.59
It may be noted that breach of discipline made a monk liable for expulsion from the sambhoga. If somebody saw a monk doing a transgression, or the superiors heard about it from trustworthy person, or if the transgressor had thrice committed the offence and had again repeated the same, then at the fourth time he was driven out of the sambhoga (visambhogiyam karettaë).00
A survey of the officers of the church hierarchy and the units in the church may be said to reveal a somewhat unorganised state of Jaina Church, and no definite statements either of the qualifications or of the duties of the various officers as also the minimum number for the formation of the groups are to be found in the Anga texts.
Monastic Jurisprudence:
The monks were generally said to commit transgressions due to the following reasons. They did so either out of pride (dappa), or carelessness (pamāda), or inattention (anābhoge), or under influence of bodily pangs (äüre), under calamities (avatī), or in a place which had a mixed group of heretics and others (sankinna), or due to unexpected circumstances (sahasakkara), or out of fear (bhaya) or hatred (paösa),61
Under all these circumstances, and normally as well, the monks who were of good conduct, good family, good caste and self-control reported or confessed their faults before the guru (alocana). The person before whom this alocana was to be done was one who himself was of a good conduct, and was able to expose the transgressor and make him confess his fault. In case the transgressor was unable to undergo the whole prayaścitta at one time, then the guru divided it into suitable periods. He also did not tell others the faults confessed by the transgressor before him.62
59. Smv. p. 21b.
60. Than. p. 139a; For such details, see, Smv. comm. pp. 22b, 23a; also p. 444a, where actions inimical to the acarya, upadhyaya, thera, kula, gana, sangha, and against the rules of naņa, damsana and caritta, made a monk liable for expulsion from the sambhoga.
61. Bhag. p. 919ab; Than. p. 484a. 62. Ibid.

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This confession of faults was to be done not in a way as to create sympathy in the mind of the teacher so that he might give less prāyaścitta (ākampaïttā). The monks were not allowed to go to another guru who was well known for his liberality in giving less punishment (aņumāņaīttā). Confessing only those faults which were seen by the teacher (jam dittham), confessing only the major faults (bāyara) or only the minor ones (suhuma), confessing in a way as was not likely to let the ācārya hear properly (channa), doing so in a very loud voice (saddāülayam), confessing the same fault before different ācāryas (bahujana), doing so before a person who was not wellversed (avvatta), and confessing a fault before the guru who had done the same fault himself (tassevi), all these were deemed as faults of improper alocanā.63
Besides älocanā, there were nine kinds of prāyaścittas. They were : 64 (1) Padikkamaņa - condemnation of the transgression, (2) Tadubhaya - confession and condemnation, (3) Vivega - giving up transgressions,65 (4) Viüsagga - making kāyotsarga, (5) Tava - undergoing fasts, (6) Cheya-cutting of the paryāya or seniority, (7) Mūla — re-consecration, (8) Anavatthappā — temporary expulsion, (9) Pārañciya -- expulsion from the order.
Inspite of these various prāyaścittas, the texts of the Angas fail to give concrete examples of the execution of these rules of monastic jurisprudence. Only in the case of the last two prāyaścittas some details are given. The eighth prāyaścitta was prescribed for committing the theft of co-religionists, or of heretics (teņam), or striking somebody with a slap (hatthātāla).66
The pārāñcita was threefold : (a) duttha, (b) pamatta, (c) annamannam karemāņe.
63. Ibid. 64. Ibid., also 355b; Bhag. p. 920b; comm. pp. 920b ff.
65. The Aup. comm. explains it as 'aśuddhabhaktādivivecanam' (p. 78) and the Päiyasadda as 'parityāga' (Giving up of transgression?) (p. 1001).
66. Thān. p. 162b. BULL, DCRI.-20

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The first was committed when a monk harassed or condemned the ācārya or the ganadhara or the sacred canon, or had intimacy with a nun, or murdered the king or had illegal connections with the latter's queen.
The second was committed by a monk who was extremely careless regarding rules of food and sleep (pañcamanidrāpramādavān).
The third was done when the monk indulged in homo-sexuality.67
Besides these, masturbation, sexual intercourse, taking a night meal (rāibhoyaņa) and accepting food from the host or from a king were deemed as major faults (anugghātimā).68
The way of dealing with the transgressor who had again committed a fault while he was undergoing a punishment for a previous one, was called ‘ārovaņā”.69 In this case, it seems, the punishment was increased either by a month (māsiyā ārovaņā), or by thirty-five days, (sapañcarās māsiyā), or by forty days, or by two months, or by sixty-five days, or by three or four months. The maximum period was of six months. No details, however, regarding the faults under which this increase was made, or regarding the treatment given to the transgressor, are to be found.
The 'sañjoyaņā pāyacchitta' was prescribed in the case of the commitment of more than one transgression pertaining to one item: as for instance, committing two different transgressions regarding food.
The 'paliüñcana' was the confession of a fault with deceit, or the hiding of the real fault.70
The method of purifying the transgressor was called the 'parihāravisuddhi'.71 The commentator72 explains it as follows:
In a group of nine monks, four underwent the 'parihāra', the other four waited upon them (anuparihārika) and the ninth acted as the guru.
67. Ibid. comm. pp. 162b-164b. It may be noted that these explanations are based on the commentaries. The texts proper do not give such details. They only refer to the various punishments.
68. Ibid., comm. p. 162b; 311a. 69. Smv. p. 47b. Thān. pp. 199a-2006; 325a. 70. Ibid., pp. 1992-200b.. 71. Ibid., p. 167b; Bhag. 348b, 893b, 909a ff. 72. Bhag. comm. pp. 351-52; Thān. comm. p. 168ab.

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The undergoing of 'parihāra' involved fasts of various magnitudes in different seasons for a total period of six months. The fasts were arranged as follows:
Fasting
Season
Minimum
Average
Maximum
Winter
fast upto the
10th
sixth meal
Summer
4th
6th
8th
Rainy Season
8th
12th
The pārihärika took 'ācāmla' (ayambila) at the breaking of the fast, while the guru did 'ācāmla' every day. Thus, when the first four monks completed this fasting for six months, the next four undertook it, and the first four waited on them. After six months, the last--who had acted as the guru-did so for six months, and all the rest waited upon him. Thus the whole group was purified in eighteen months. TOURING:
Bound by these rules, the monk led a touring life throughout the eight months of the year, i.e. except the rainy season. The reason behind this was the discipline of not getting attached to any particular place or family. Therefore, instead of staying at one place, he wandered from village to village (gāmāņugāmam dūíjjamāņe) 73 with a mission of preaching.
While touring, the monk was to be attentive and was not to talk much.74 No company either of a heretic or of a householder was to be sought.75 In order to avoid difficulties regarding requisites, the monk had to equip himself with all his requisites.76
73. Vivāga. p. 77; Acar. II, 3, 1, 6. 74. Ibid., I, 8, 1, 20 (p. 82). 75. Ibid., II, 1, 1, 9 (p. 90). 76. Ibid., II, 1, 3, 8 (p. 96).

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No attempts at killing living beings, deliberately or otherwise, or harassing them, were allowed.77 He had, therefore, to avoid watery regions, or shaky bridges or muddy places.78 Normally, he avoided that path which was infested with robbers, Dasuga (Dasyu ?), Milakkhu or such other aņāriya people.79 He was to avoid such regions which were not friendly or which had no king or where anarchy prevailed,80 or where the army was encamped. The avoidance of politically unsafe regions or army camps was advocated due to the likelihood of people suspecting the monk to be a spy.81 With a view of not getting involved in them, the monk avoided skirmishes and playgrounds.82
The proper road, according to the Sthānānga, was that along which a cart, a chariot or any other vehicle generally went; or that on which elephants, horses, asses, camels, cows and buffaloes went; or that which was resorted to by men and women; or that which was scorched by the sun's heat, or lastly, that which was ploughed or worked upon (sastrapariņata). Along such a road, the monk walked looking forward to a distance of four cubits (jugamāyam).83 In the case of forests, the monk was to avoid such as could not be crossed with certainty in one or at the most in five days.84
Water Travel :
No water travel was allowed to a monk or a nun in a boat bought or repaired by their host. In other cases, they were allowed to enter a boat with the permission of the owner. Then, going apart, they scanned their requisites, wiped the whole body, gave up the householder's food (sāgāram bhattam), and then stepped into the boat carefully. No part in either making the boat move, or piloting it, or pulling or pushing it, was to be taken by the monk. So also, he was not allowed to stop the leakage of the boat.85
If the boatman threw him into the water, then the monk was allowed to forego his requisites due to their weight, and was allowed to swim to the shore. Then standing on a clean spot, he waited till his body got dry. He was not allowed to wipe it or shake it for quick drying.86
77. Ibid., II, 3, 1, 6-7 (p. 137); II, 3, 3, 13 (p. 147); Dsv. 5, 12. 78. Ibid., 5, 65. 79. Acār. II, 3, 1, 7-9 (pp. 137-38). 80. lbid., II, 3, 1, 10 (p. 138). 81. Ibid., II, 3, 2, 16 (p. 144); Stk. 1, 3, 1, 16 (p. 263) 82. Dšv. 5, 12. 83. Acār. II, 3, 1, 6 (p. 137). 84. Ibid., II, 3, 1, 11 (p. 138). 85. Ibid., II, 3, 1, 13-21 (pp. 139-41). 86. Ibid., II, 3, 2, 2-7 (pp. 141-42).

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In case the monk had to cross shallow water, then wiping his whole body so that living beings on his body might not get hurt, he carefully crossed it without touching anybody else. If his feet got soiled due to mud, he was not to clean them by walking over the grass.87
Five great rivers, the Ganga, Jaunā (Yamuna), Saraű (Sarayu), Erāvati and Mahi, were not to be crossed by the monk either twice or thrice within a month.88 But if there was trouble from the king, or a famine was current, or if somebody threw him into the river, in cases of floods or change of its course by the river, or due to danger from uncivilised people (aṇāriya), he was allowed to cross these rivers.89
Stay in Rainy Season:
It has already been noted that the mode of touring involving a stay for one night in a village and for five nights in a town came to an end during the rainy season. The reason for not undertaking any touring in the rainy. season was that such a stationary mode of life was helpful in abstaining from inflicting injury to vegetation-beings which grew up immensely in this season. It may be noted that for the same season, no touring was to be done at night any time throughout the year.
Nobody was allowed to tour in the rainy season except under calamities which we have already noticed regarding the crossing of the five great rivers. Along with these, the monk was permitted to go to another place in the rainy season for the following five reasons: 90
(1) näṇatthayää-in order to learn a particular text which was known. only to an acarya who was undertaking a fast unto death,
(2) carittaṭṭhayae-in order to prevent one's going astray in a dangerous place,
(3) damsanaṭṭhayaë-for the spread of the faith,
(4) ayariyaüvajjhāyā vā se visumbhejjä-if the acarya or an upadhyaya was dead,
and (5) ayariyaüvajjhāyāņa va bahitä veävaccaṁ karanatäte-to wait upon the ācārya and the uplidhyaya if they were putting up in a region where. there was no rain.
87. Ibid., II, 3, 2, 9-13 (p. 143).
88. Than. p. 308b; For a similar Buddhist list, see Cullavagga IX, 13. 4. 89. Than. p. 308b.
90. Ibid. See Mahāvagga III, 4, 2 ff., in the case of the Buddhist monk.

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This stay at one place began when fifty days of the actual rainy season (savisarāië māse vaikkante: i.e., the month of Jyeștha and twenty days of Aşādha) had elapsed. It ended on the fifth day of Bhādrapada.91 Nobody was allowed to spend two rainy seasons at the same place.92 The monks were, however, allowed to prolong their stay for five or ten days after the end of the rainy season if the road was still full of many living beings and was not as yet free from mud.93 RESIDENCE:
The monk had to select a residence which was free from the crowd94 of people and hence was conducive to study and meditation. For this purpose, he normally put up in gardens or temples (ceiya) outside the city.95 Along with these, lonely places like the cemetery, deserted houses, mountain caves and potter's workshops were also resorted to.96
Whatever be the nature of a lodge, the monks were not allowed to enter or occupy it without the permission of the owner. First of all he had to see whether that particular place was suitable to him or not. Then he approached the houseowner to seek permission for that particular lodge if it fulfilled his requirements.97
Unfit Lodgings :
The monk was not allowed to live in lodgings used by the householders, or those containing fire and water, those having a common passage both for the monks and the householders, in which acts like massaging each
91. Smv. p. 81a. The Buddhists began it on the full-moon day of Aşadha and ended it on the full-moon day of Kārttika: Mahāvagga, III, 2, 2.
92. Dév. Cú. 2, 11. 93. Acār. II, 3, 1, 4-5 (p. 137).
It may be noted here that among the Brāhmanical sources, the Sankhalikhitadharmasitra refers to the rule "ürdhvam vārşikābhyām naikasthānavāsi" (ABORI, VII, p. 128) (Date of this Dharmasútra: between 300 B.C., to 100 A.D.: KANE Ibid., p. 105). While commenting on the passage 'Bhikṣārthi grāmamācaret (Yajñavalkyasmrti, III, 58), the Mitäksara, remarks:
"Bhiksāprayojanartham grāmamāśrayet praviśet na punah sukhanivāsärtham. Varşākāle tu na dosah. Urdhvam, vārşikābhyām māsābhyām naikasthānavāsīti sankhasmaraņāt. Sasaktau punarmāsacatustayaparyantamapi sthātavyām na ciramekatra vasedanyatra varsäkālāt. Srāvanadayaścatváro māsā varsākāla iti devalasmaranāt. 'Ekarātram vasedgrame nagare rātripancakarn. Varşabhyo'nyatra varsāsu māsāṁstu caturo vased'iti kānvasmaranāt." For Buddhist rules about Vassa, see Mahāvagga III.
94. Acār. II, 2, 2, 6 (p. 126). 95. Viāga, p. 77; Antg., p. 41; Amttr. p. 67; Uttar. 9, 4; 18, 4; 23, 4, 8; Nāgā. p. 69. 96. Acār. I, 7, 2, 1 (p. 64). 97. Ibid., II, 7, 2, 1-14 (pp. 173-77).

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other's body either with ghee or with perfumes, or sprinkling the body with water, or the practice of sexual acts were done by the householder and his wife.98 Places visited by women, beasts and eunuchs,99 those frequented by heretics, 100 containing cobwebs and eggs, 101 appropriated by force or stolen from somebody else by the present owner,102 specially white-washed, decorated, besmeared with cow-dung or built for use solely by the monks, 103 where seeds, flowers and other articles containing life were scattered, -all these were deemed unfit for the monks.
Reasons Behind These :
It may be noted that the reasoning behind the justification of the nonuse of such places was based on the fundamental rules of ethical conduct of the monks, as will be clear from the following discussion.
The house containing seeds, cobwebs, eggs, etc., if occupied, offered a ground for himsā which was the major fault to be avoided by the monk.
The place which was raised up from the ground level, and accesss to which could be had only by resorting to a platform or a ladder, was likely to be the cause of a serious fall for the monk which crushed the living beings on the ground.
The monk living with the members of the family of a householder, if nursed by them in his illness, was likely to get attached to them and go astray. Moreover, the daughters and other ladies in the house were likely to force him to have sexual intercourse with a view to have a healthy child. 104
In the case of the places where worldly activities or actions pertaining to fire and water were carried on, the monk was likely to get interested in such activities which were unbecoming for him.
In their zeal to furnish the monks with lodging, the householders were likely to do all sorts of major injuries to the living beings (mahāsāvadyakriyā). Hence, such places were not to be accepted by the monks. Moreover, such specially made lodgings were likely to create a feeling of gratitude and attachment towards the houseowner in the mind of the monks.
98. Ibid., II, 2, 3, 5-12 (pp. 131-32). 99. Nāya. p. 76; Bhag. p. 758b. 100. Acāra. II, 2, 2, 2, 8 (p. 127). 101. Ibid., II, 1, 1 (p. 120). 102. Ibid., 103. Ibid., II, 2, 1, 3 ff (pp. 121 ff). 104. Ibid., II, 2, 1, 12 (p. 124).

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Lonely Life:
In order, therefore, to avoid all these faults which were against the spirit of monk life, the monk was advised to stay in deserted houses, or burial places or under the cover of a tree. 105 It was said that by living alone, the monk was able to practise concentration (samāhië) and avoid quarrels (kalaha), passions (kasāya), and anger (tumantume), and was able to acquire a high standard of self-control.106
In spite of the mention of the 'uvassaya'107 (monastery), and the 'vihāra',108 the general tone of opinion favoured a lonely mode of life free from the contact with the society around.
CLOTHING AND NUDITY :
The question of clothing and nudity may be said to have centred round the ideas connected with nirgranthatva (bondlessness) and aparigrahatva (non-possession).
Early texts like the Acārānga109 mention the fact that it was Mahavīra who started the practice of nudity after a period of thirteen months after his renunciation. The Sthānānga110 also refers to the fact, and puts it in the mouth of Mahāvīra who is said to have remarked, 'maë samaņāņam ....acelate dhamme pannatte..... The same view is expressed by the Daśavaikālika111 which disallows all efforts of bodily decoration to the monk as he is ‘nagiņa' (naked) and tonsured (munda). The Uttarādhyayana112 also lays down nakedness as the sixth parīsaha.
Inspite of such constant references to nakedness, it may be noted that the rules about clothing did not seem to make it a compulsory item as will be clear from the following citations :
"They are called naked, (nagiņā) who in this world, never return (to worldly state), (follow) my religion according to the commandment."
--Ācār, I, 6, 2, 3 (Transl., p. 56).113
105. Uttar. 2, 19-20; 32, 16; Stkr. 1, 4, 1, 1 (p. 271). 106. Ibid., 29, 39. 107. Acār. II, 1, 2, 7; II, 1, 10, 6; II, 2, 2, 6; Näyä. p. 175, 225. 108. Uttar. 30, 17. 109. 1, 8, 1, 3 (p. 79). 110. p. 460b. 111. 6, 65; 4, 2, 1. 112. SBE, XLV, p. 9. 113. All translations given from JACOBI, SBE, XXII.

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161 “To a mendicant who is little clothed (acela),114 and firm in control (parivusië), it will not occur (to think): My clothes are torn (parijuņņe), I shall beg for (new) clothes, I shall beg for the thread (suttam); I shall beg for a needle (süïm), I shall repair them or stitch them; I shall put them on (parihissāmi); I shall wrap myself in them (pāüņissāmi)."
-Ibid., I, 6, 3, 1 (JACOBI, p. 57). "Know further, that after winter is gone and the hot season has come, one should leave off the used-up (garment of the three), being clad with an upper (santaruttare) and an under garment, or with the undermost garment (omacelaë), or with one gown (egasāde), or with no clothes (acele) - aspiring to freedom from bonds...”
-Ibid., I, 7, 4, 1 (p. 69); I, 7, 6, 1 (p. 71).
-Also, Sūtrakrtānga, 2, 1, 56 (p. 354). "To a naked (acela) monk, the thought occurs ... I cannot leave off the covering of the privities. Then he may cover his privities with a piece of cloth (kadibandhanam dhārittaë).”
Ācār. I, 7, 7, 1 (p. 73). "The various outward marks (linga) (of religious men) have been introduced in order that people might recognise them as such .... Now the opinion (of the Tirthankaras) is that knowledge, faith and right conduct (nāņa, daṁsaņa, cāritta) are the true causes of final liberation (and not the outward marks)."
-Uttar. 23, 32-33. “ 'My clothes being torn, I shall (soon) go naked', or 'I shall get a new suit', such thoughts should not be entertained by a monk. At one time he will have no clothes, at another he will have some; knowing this to be a salutary rule, a wise (monk) should not complain about it.”
-Uttar. 2, 12-13. From all these citations it is clear that the monk was asked not to be very particular about the use of clothes. The chief motive behind his use of clothes was to cover the privities or to protect himself from severe cold
114. It is interesting to note that later commentators explain 'acelatva' as the use of a few and used clothes, and not as complete nudity-See Thän. comm. pp. 467b-468b: "Just as a man wearing a tattered and old garment is called naked in the popular sense of the term, in the same way, a monk wearing less garment, which is old and tattered is called Acela. A beggar also uses such clothes, but the monk uses them on account of religious considerations."
fişat cela acela'-JSB, Vol. 12, No. 2, p. 31. BULL, DCRI.-21

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etc. Under no circumstances was he allowed to get attached to or to aspire for new clothes. Thus 'freedom from bonds' was the main idea behind the practice of nudity. 115
This non-attachment could, therefore, be followed even with the use of clothes without getting attached to them. 116 Therefore, the Acārānga lays down that "(the monk) should beg for (clothes) which he wants, and which are permitted by the religious code (ahesanijja); he should wear the clothes in the same state in which they are given him; he should neither wash them nor dye them...."117 The same idea is manifested by the rule which did not permit a monk to lodge a complaint in case his clothes were torn off by thieves. 118
Why to Wear Clothes?
Once this attitude of non-attachment towards clothing was adopted by the monk, he could use clothes for three reasons :
(1) to avoid shame (hiripattitam), (2) to avoid disregard from the people if they feel so on seeing the
monk's distorted limbs (duguñchāpattitam), and (3) to put up with the various parişahas (parisahavattiyam).119
Number of Clothes :
In all, three clothes120 were to be used by the monk. Out of these three, two were to be of linen which were used as under-garments (antarijjagam), and the third, made of wool, as an upper garment (uttarijjagam). The stouter and the younger elements in the community wore only one garment, while the older ones used two.121 Under any circumstances, limita
115. The Thänānga gives five advantages of nudity: (1) no trouble of examining the clothes (appă padilehana); (2) lightness in movement (lāghavië pasatthe); (3) naked appearance creates faith in others (rūve vesāsite); (4) thus he can carry into practice the law of the Jina which prescribes less requisites (tave anunnāte), and (5) he can have complete self-control (viüle indiyaniggahe)-pp. 342b, 343a: The Commentator attributes it to the Jinakalpikas.
116. "Mucchã pariggaho vutto'--Dév. 6, 21. 117. I, 7, 4, 1 (p. 68); See Abhidhanarājendrakośa, Vol. 1, pp. 188-89. 118. Acar. II, 3, 3, 16 (p. 148). 119. Thăn. p. 138a.
120. Acar. I, 7, 4, 1 (pp. 67-69) : See f.n. 3, p. 67; the 'Tecivara' of the Buddhists: Sanghātī, Uttarāsanga and Antarāvāsaka: Mahāvaggā, VIII, 14, 2.
121. Acar. I, 7, 4, 1; Bhag. p. 374b ref. to the Colapattaga also.

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163 tion to the number of clothes was binding, and no lavishness or stock-piling of clothes was ever allowed. In the hot season, the monk was to give up the used-up clothes and had to put on either one or no garment.122
Material, Proper and Improper :
The monk was allowed to accept clothes which were made of wool (jangiya), silk (bhangiyam), hemp (sāņayam), palm-leaves (pottagam), cotton (khomiyam), of arhatula (tūlakadam), or any other of such types (tahappāram).123 The Sthānānga, 124 however, gives the fifth type as that which is made of tirida bark. The commentator remarks that even though these five kinds were allowed, only those of cotton and wool were to be used normally. In case, these two were not available, then, only the other types of clothes could be used.125
Clothes which were bought, (kītaṁ) washed, (dhoyam) dyed (rattam), cleaned or perfumed for the sake of the monk, or those which were made of fur (āiņāņi), fine ones (sahiņāņi), beautiful ones (sahiņakallāni), prepared out of goat's hair (ayāņi), of blue cotton (kāyagāņi), of ordinary cotton (khomiya), of finer cotton (dugullāņi), made of patta, made of malaya fibre (malayāņi), of bark fibres (pattunnāņi), of muslin (amsuyāņi), of silk (cīņamsuyäni), or those which were known as Desarāga, Amila, Gajjala, Phāliya and Kāyaha; blankets (kambala), cloaks (pāvarāņi); plaids (āiņapāüraņāņi) of Udda, Pesa, embroidered with Pesa fur (pesalesāņi), made of the skin of black (kinha), blue (nīla) or white (gora) deer; golden plaids (kaņagāni), plaids glittering like gold (kanagakantāni), interwoven with gold (kaņagapatřāņi), strewn with gold (kaņagakhaïyāni), touched or shaded with gold (kanagaphusiyāņi); tiger skins (vagghāni), or ornamental clothes (ābharaṇāņi), or such as were set with ornaments (abharanacittani)—all these were deemed unfit for the monk.126
122. Acar. I, 7, 6, 1 (p. 71). The Buddhist monk was allowed to put off his sanghăți only when ill, or when crossing a deep river: Mahāvagga, VIII, 23.
123. Acār. II, 5, 1, 1 (p. 157). 124. p. 338ab. 125. The text also prescribes these three: Ibid. p. 138a.
126. Acar. II, 5, 1, 3-5 (pp. 157-58): Cf. Buddhist: Pāmsukūlika (made up of rags) and Gahapatika (given by the house-holders): Durga BHAGWAT remarks: "As the bounty of the laity increased, the Pārsukulika fell into the background and soon it was made a rule that no Bhikkhu was to take a vow of wearing Pärsukulika alone"-Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, p. 146.

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Where to Obtain Proper Clothes :
The monks had to seek proper clothing from the householders only within a distance of half a yojana, and nobody was allowed to go beyond this limit normally. 127
How to Get Them?
After seeking the permission of the guru, the monks went in search of proper clothing. The main source for them was the devoted householders. Going to them, they told the householder the specific type of clothing they wanted. When such a clothing was obtained, they scanned it to see whether it contained living beings or any other impurities. They were allowed to get such clothes as were not needed by the householder.128
Whatever was offered was to be accepted there and then after inspecting it. No future promises regarding clothing were to be accepted.129 The monks were also allowed to reject such clothes as were not fit for them, or as were not likely to last long.130
Under particular vows, the monk put restrictions on himself regarding either the quality of the cloth, or the nature of the donor, or the way in which it was offered, and so on.131 In this case it may be noted that many of the rules regarding clothing were identical with those of food.
Using the Clothes :
No washing or cleaning of clothes either with ground drugs or with water was allowed. The monks, however, were allowed to dry their clothes on a heap of ash or of bones after carefully examining them.132 The monk was neither allowed to dye his clothes nor use coloured clothes. In case, however, he did not get proper clothing then he was permitted to sew different pieces together.133
Jinakappiyas and Therakappiyas :
The monks either followed the Jinakappa (or the mode of life resembling that of the Jina), or the Therakappa (corporate or group life).134 Even
127. Acar, II, 5, 1, 2 (p. 157). 128. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 6-9 (pp. 158-59). 129. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 10 (p. 159). 130. Ibid. II, 5, 1, 11-15 (pp. 160-61). 131. Thān. p. 251b. 132. Acār. II, 5, 1, 17-23 (pp. 162-63). 133. Ibid. II, 5, 1, 1 (p. 157). 134. Thān. p. 167b.

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165
though these terms are not expressly referred to at all places in the Angas, yet the commentators explain certain references pertaining to nudity, etc. as peculiar to the Jinakappiyas.
The Jinakalpika monk had less requisites with him, inasmuch as he ate food in the hollow of his hand, carried a broom, led a life secluded from the rest of the members of his group, and wore no clothing.135
OTHER REQUISITES :
Besides clothing, the monk used other articles like alms-bowl (pāya), blanket (kambala), and broom (pāyapuñchana) for the sake of the proper practice of self-control or out of a sense of shame (sañjamalajjatthā).136
The set of these requisites was called 'bhandaga'137 which was divided into 'aupagrāhika' (supplementary) and 'ogha' (of general use). Inspite of such division the monk had to restrict himself to a limited number of requisites and had to wander as light as the wind (laghubhūtavihārin) 138 without any attachment for such requisites.
The oft-repeated set of requisites in the text of the Angas139 is 'vattha, pāya, kambala and pāyapuñchana'. Out of these, we have already seen the details regarding the vattha or clothes. Pāya : (Bhāyaṇa140 or Padiggaha241)
The pātra or the alms-bowl was made either of gourd (lāü), or of wood (dāru), or of clay (mattiyā).142 Along with the pots which were used or owned by the householders,143 the pots bought for the monk, or those made of iron (aya), tin (tau), lead (sīsaga), silver (hiranna), gold (suvanna), brass (rīriya), an alloy of gold, silver and copper (hārapuda), pearl (mani), glass (kāya), mother of pearl (kaṁsa), shell (sankha), horn (singa), ivory (danta), cloth (cela), stone (sela) or leather (camma), or those which were specially polished, etc. for the monk, -were not allowed for use by the monks. 144
135. See JACOBI's note, SBE, XXII, p. 57, f.n. 2; But as we shall see later on, even the Jinakalpikas wore clothes.
136. Dóv. 6, 20. 137. Uttar, 24, 13; Bhag. 749b. 138. Dév. 3, 10; Also Stkr. I, 1, 1, 2 (p 235). 139. Acāt. I, 2, 5, 3 (p. 23); I, 6, 2, 1 (p. 55); Dáv. 6, 20; Bhag. p. 291a, 309b, 689a. 140. Tbid. 139a. 141. Näyā. p. 29; Dśv. 5, ii, 1. 142. Acar. II, 6, 1, 1 (p. 166); Thān. 138a. 143. Stkr. 1, 9, 20 (p. 304); Dsv. 6, 53. 144. Acār. II, 6, 1, 1-3 (pp. 166-67); Dśv. 6, 51-53.

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S. B. DEO Those who were young and stout (thirasanghayaņe) were allowed to use only one pot. In order to acquire such a pot, nobody was allowed to go beyond a distance of half a yojana (addhajoyaņamerāö).145
Other rules regarding the seeking of pot, the unfit bowl and the way of approaching the householder were the same as in the case of clothes.146
As in the case of clothes, so in accepting a pot the monk imposed limits on himself under special vows which restricted his choice of the bowl pertaining either to the donor, or to the type of the bowl or the way in which it was given.147
It seems that the pots which were used at the time of renunciation were sold in shops (kuttiyāvana). 148
Kambala :
This was a blanket used by the monks to cover themselves either as a protection from cold, or as a cover while sleeping.149 No other details are to be found about it.
Pāyapuñchana :
This was a broom and is equated by the commentators with the rajoharaņa. 150 It was used in wiping lightly the places over which the monk wanted to sit, stand or lie down, so that living beings may not get killed.151
Its bristles were made out of five kinds of material-either of the hair of a goat (uņņië), or that of the camel (uțțite), or of hemp (sānate), or of pounded grass (paccāpicciyate), or of the pounded muñja grass (muñjāpiccite).152 Its handle was made of wood (dāru),153
Other articles, besides these principal four, were the following:
145. Acar. II, 6, 1, 1. 146. Ibid. II, 6, 1, 1-9 (pp. 166-68). 147. Thān. 251b. 148. Nāyā. p. 29.
149. Than. comm. p. 339a: but more than that it was an article with which the internal and external dirt was wiped. Internal in the sense that with the rajoharana the monk showed kindness to beings and was thus free from the dirt of the thoughts of himsā.
150. Bhag. p. 374b. 151. Thăn comm. p. 305a; Nāyā. p. 29 (text); Bhag. p. 374b. 152. Thān. p. 338b. 153. Ibid, comm. p. 339a, v. 3.

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167
Muhapatti :
It was a piece of cloth154 tied over the mouth and nose by the monks to prevent small insects from entering their mouth and getting killed.
It may be noted that this article gets reference frequently in somewhat later texts of the Anga series. Its subsidiary importance is hinted by its absence in the fourfold list of the principal articles used by the monks 155
Gocchaga :
The 'gocchaga'156 was a piece of cloth used in cleaning the alms-bowl. No other details regarding this can be had.
Besides this, the Bhagavati also mentions the latthi or the stick used by the monks.157
The articles which the monk had to keep with him, have been noted above. Besides these, we come across a number of others which he used for a temporary period and returned to the owner when his job was done.
Bedding and Seats :
In the texts we frequently come across the phrase 'pāļihāriyam pīdhaphalagasejjāsanthāragam'.158 The meaning of the phrase is 'returnable stool, plank, bedding and mat'.
These articles were to be obtained from the householder and were to be returned to him after the monk had finished his work with these.
The actual bedding of a monk consisted either of grass, stone or a wooden plank. On the bed of grass the monk lay down after carefully inspecting the absence of any living beings. Then wiping his body he slept over it keeping such a distance from others as was not likely to make his limbs touch those of others.159
154. Nāyā. p. 164; Bhag. 139a; Uttar. 26, 23: Vivāga. p. 8.
155. SCHÜBRING remarks: "It is characteristic of the dependence of the Jainas on Brāhmanical model, that the mouthpiece that they (Brahmins) did not know, is not mentioned in the series of articles"-Die Lehre der Jainas, article 145, (Tr. by MARATHE for me).
156. Uttar. 26, 23; comm.: pätrakoparivarcyupakaranam. Bhag. p. 374b. 157. p. 374b.
158. Näyä. p. 76; Bhag. 134b; Ācār. II, 3, 1, 2 (p. 136); II, 7, 1, 4 (p. 172); Stkr. 2, 2, 76 (p. 383).
159. Acar. II, 2, 3, 25-27 (pp. 134-35); Uttar. XVII, 14; Bhag. 126b; Thān. p. 157a.

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While accepting bedding from the householder, the monk had to be careful in taking only such articles as were free from eggs or living beings. Under peculiar vows he could restrict his choice regarding the quality of the bedding (santhāraga) to be accepted.160 The plank of wood was used in the rainy season. Otherwise, high beds were strictly forbidden.161
Such articles as the 'sūi(needle), 'pippalaga' (razor?), 'kaņņasohanaga' (ear-picker), 'nahacchedanaä' (nail-parer) were to be returned to the owner immediately and no exchange of these with other monks was allowed without the permission of the owner.162 Articles like umbrellas, chowries and shoes were not allowed.163
BEGGING AND FOOD :
The practice of ideal conduct being dependent on pure food begged in a pure way, the monk had to be very careful regarding its acquisition. Out of the Angas, the Acārānga, and among the Mülasūtras, the Daśavaikālika, give a number of rules for begging food. How to go out?
Taking with him his complete outfit, the monk started at a proper time to beg alms.164 Along the tour, he did not keep company either with householders or heretics,165 and walked in a quiet and unexcited way, 166 looking to a distance of a yuga before him.167 When not to go?
If there was heavy rain, thick mist, high gale or a crowd of insects flying in the air, then the monk was not allowed to go for begging.168 So also, he was not to choose such a time when the food was either not prepared or was already distributed, or when the people were engaged in milching the cow. 169
160. Acar. II, 2, 3, 13-21 (pp. 132-4). 161. Uttar. XV, 4; XXI, 22; Dsv. 6, 55-56. 162. Acār. II, 7, 1, 4-5 (p. 172).
163. Stk. 1, 9, 18 (p. 303); Dśv. 3, 4; Thān. p. 233a and comm. p. 234a forbid five kinds of skins: that of a goat, ram, buffalo, deer and cow. It may be noted, however, that a certain merchant called Dhana (Nāyā. p. 158) is said to have given shoes (ovāhanāö), umbrellas (chattaga) even to the Nigganthas.
164. Ācār. II, 1, 3, 6 (p. 96). 165. Ibid. II, 1, 1, 7 (p. 90). 166. Ibid. II, 1, 5, 1 (p. 99). 167. Dšv. 5, i, 2-3. 168. Ibid. 5, i, 8; Acār. II, 1, 3,9 (pp. 96-97). 169. Ibid. II, 1, 4, 3 (p. 98).

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169 The Way of Begging :
Normally, he was to beg at all houses irrespective of the status of the occupants. Yet, he was advised to prefer noble families in order to get pure food.170
Under special vows which the monk undertook, he begged in peculiar ways. Besides restricting his choice to a particular type of food, or to a peculiar donor, or to a special odd time 171 he went at different houses in the following ways:
(a) He went begging food successively at four houses forming the corners of an imaginary box (peļā),
or (b) he did so, so that the houses begged at, formed the shape of a half-cut box (ardhapețā),
or (c) he went in a zigzag way (gomūtrikā),
or (d) to houses at great distances from one another so that his begging resembled the unregulated flying of a gnat (patangavīthika),
or (e) he visited the houses in a spiral line like the turn of a conch (sambūkāvarta), either from the centre outwards, or towards the centre,
or (f) he went straight on and then returned a-begging (āyatamgatvā-pratyāgata).172
The road he chose was to be devoid of mud, living beings, wild animals, pits, uneven ditches, embers, ash, pillars, bridges and cowdung.173 Houses of courtesans, scenes of quarrels and fights, playgrounds, the lodgings of officers and kings were to be avoided at all cost.174 So also he was not allowed to visit the houses of his relatives before undertaking the begging tour with a view to acquire specially prepared dishes.175 If a house was closed, then he was not to open or peep through the doors or crevices of bath-rooms.176 He was not to transgress the limits set up by the householder to the monk's entry (aïbhūmi), and within that limit also he was not to jump over or drive aside a goat or a child.177 He was not to hurry up
170. Ibid. II, 1, 2 (p. 92); Dév. 5, i. 14. 171. Uttar. 26, 32; 30, 20-21. 172. Ibid, 30, 19; Thān. 365b. 173. Dśv. 5, i, 3-7; Acār. II, 1, 5, 2-4 (pp. 99-101). 174. Dáv. 5, i, 9, 12, 16. 175. Acär. II, 1, 4, 4 (p. 98). 176. Ibid. II, 1, 6, 2 (p. 103); Dśv. 5, i, 22-25.
177. Ibid. 5, i, 22-25. BULL. DCRI.-22

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in order to overtake others to get food but was to wait till the rest had their turn.178
Proper and Improper Food:
It may be noted that even though the Sütrakṛtänga179 refers to the forty-six faults pertaining to improper begging of food, nowhere, either in the Angas or in the Mülasütras, they are given at one place under systematic categories. It may only be noted that these were grouped into the faults pertaining to
(a) udgama-preparation of food,
(b) utpadana-the ways adopted in obtaining food,
(c) eṣaṇā -pertaining to the method of accepting food, and (d) paribhoga way of eating food, its quantity, etc.
These divisions were not watertight and in many cases these divisions contained faults of varying nature.
The following ways of offering food to the monk were improper :
(1) food given after upsetting the eatables or other things on the ground (parisäḍejja bhoyanam),18
(2) given by the donor by crushing living beings under his or her feet (sammaddamāņi pāņāṇī),181
(3) given after pouring the articles in another pot, or mixing them with 'sacitta' things, or after taking bath (ogāhaittā),182
(4) food given with a ladle, hand or pot soiled with previous injurious activity (purekamma), or wet with water, or covered with dust, salt, hariyālā, hingulaă, manosilā, añjaņa, red earth (geruä), vanniya (yellow earth), sediya, soratthiya,183 and pittha (floor),
(5) food offered after the consent of only one out of its many owners, 184
178. Acar. II, 1, 5, 5 (p. 101); Dśv. 5, ii, 10-11.
179. 2, 2, 13 (p. 364); Uttar. 24, 12.
180. Dśv. 5, i, 28.
181. Ibid. 5, i, 29.
182. Ibid. 5, i, 31.
183. These are various kinds of earth, Dáv. 5, i, 32-34; Acār. II, 1, 6, 4-6 (pp. 103-04). 184. Dśv. 5, i, 37.

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171 (6) food offered by a lady who keeps aside the sucking child,185 (7) food given after setting aside the lid or breaking the seal,186
(8) food given after taking the pot down from the oven at the sight of the monk, or after doing any other fire activity like kindling the fire, extinguishing it, inserting or taking out fuel, fanning the fire, etc.,187
(9) food given after climbing the terrace or a high place by means of the ladder,188
(10) food offered after plucking a lily or any other flower.189
The following types of articles were not allowed to the monk : (1) food specially prepared for him (uddesiya),190 2) cold unboiled water, 191
articles meant to be given away in charity (dāņaţthā), 192 (4) articles given away to acquire merit (punnatthā),193 (5) meant to be given to beggars (vanimaţthā),194
food meant only for the monks (samanatthā),195
food involving sinful activity (āhākamma),196 (8) food purchased specially for the monks (kiyagada),
food which was a mixture of pure and impure things (pui), (10) food brought from a distance (āhada), (11) supplemented (ajjhoyara), (12) brought on credit (pāmicca), (13) mixed with unacceptable things (misa),197 (14) mixed with flowers and fresh seeds, 198 (15) placed on living beings, or on water, or anthill (uttingapa
(9)
naga),199
(16) Bulbs (kanda), roots (mūla), fruits (palamba), cut vegetables, fresh cucumber (tumbāga) and jinger (singabera), barley powder (sattu
185. Ibid. 5, i, 43. 186. Ibid. 5, i, 45-46. 187. Ibid. 5, 8, 61-64. 188. Ibid. 5, i, 65-69. 189. Ibid. 5, ii, 14-15. 190. Acār. II, 1, 6, 8 (p. 104); Dév. 5, i, 55. 191. Acar. II, 6, 2, 1, 2 (pp. 169-170); II, 1, 7, 7 (p. 107). 192. Dśv. 5, i, 47-48. 193. Ibid. 5, i, 49. 194. Ibid. 5, i, 51. 195. Ibid. 5, i, 53. 196. Acar. II, 1, 9 (p. 111). 197. Dšv. 5, i, 55. 198. Ibid. 5, i, 57-58. 199. Ibid. 5, 1, 59-60.

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cunna), sesamum cake (sakkuli) and treacle (phaniya) or such other food kept for sale and covered with dust (raëņa pariphāsiya); various fruits, sugar cane (ucchu), rice-wash (cäülodaga);200 lotus-roots or any part of a fresh lotus, sprouts of trees (pavāla), green vegetables, tilaparpațikā, sprouts of Neem tree, rice-cake, cold water (viyada) or imperfectly boiled water (tattaṇivvuda), fruits like Kavittha, Mäülunga or Citron, Bihelaga, and such other raw articles,201
172
(17) imperfectly pounded and cooked food,202
(18) food given out of respect or prepared out of material forcibly stolen and bought by the householder; prepared for a fixed number of people; offered in a festival in honour of the dead; articles kept on a high place; of doubtful purity; prepared for the guests and the sick; cooked by the person who had given lodging to the monk (sejjāyara), and cooled down by means of a fan,20
203
(19) juice of raw fruits, blossoms of anything, raw rice, honey, liquor, ghee, curds, molasses, oil, etc., pulp of plantain or coconut, etc.,204
(20) royal food (rayapinda),205
(21) food dripping with ghee, etc.,208
(22) food from a festival (sankhadi),207
The Acaranga, the Daśavaikälika and the Bhagavati Sütra mention certain phrases, the meaning and interpretation of which has created difference of opinion among a few scholars. For instance, the first 208 refers to "bahuätthiëna maṁsena vā maccheņa vā", the second mentions"bahuätthiyam poggalam animisam va bahukantayam", and the third210 cites the incidence of Mahāvīra asking Revai Gāhāvaiņi to offer him the 'kukkudamarisa' and not the 'duve kavoyasaira'.
200. Ibid. 5, i, 70-75.
201. Ibid. 5, ii, 18-24.
202. Acär. II, 1, 1, 1-6 (pp. 88-89); also II, 1, 8 (pp. 108-110). See Bhag. p. 300a for similar amplified list.
203. Acar. II, 1, 1, 11-14 (pp. 90-91); II, 1, 6, 9 (p. 104); II, 1, 3, 5 (p. 96); II,
1, 6, 10 (p. 105); II, 1, 7, 1 (p. 105); II, 1, 7, 5 (p. 107); II, 1, 9, 3 (p. 112).
204. Ibid. II, 1, 8, 1-15 (pp. 108-110).
205. Dáv. 3, 3.
206. Ibid. 8, 57.
207. Acar. II, 1, 2, 3 (p. 92).
208. II, 1, 10, 6.
209. 5, i, 73.
210. p. 686b.

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173
Some scholars, ignoring the explanation of the commentators, hold the view that these phrases refer to the eating of flesh. The commentators, on the other hand, explain the words pudgala' and 'animişa' as varieties of fruits,211 the 'kapotaka' as 'kūşmānda' or a pumpkin, the 'mārjāra' as a kind of gas (vāyuvišeşa) 212 or a vegetable called 'virālikā' and the 'kukkutamāmsa' as 'bījapūraka katāha'.213
The question can be rightly solved if one takes into consideration the fact that Mahāvīra was the principal advocate of Ahiṁsā. It was he who denounced the sacrificial practices of contemporary society and declared that all beings, great and small, desire to live. In the light of the role of Mahavira, therefore, it is correct to fall in line with the commentators.
Right since the times of Mahāvīra todate --- all these 2500 years -- the Jainas have been known for their scrupulous practice of Ahimsā. No other sect--nor even the Buddhists - has been so vigilant about non-violence. This tradition which has been a matter of everyday practice with the Jainas suggests that the words should be interpreted in the way the commentators have done.
Even apart from considerations of the traditional advocacy of Ahirsā by the Jainas, one has to admit that a word is likely to have two meanings and hence we may not be wrong if we accept as correct the explanations by the commentators.
Proper and Improper Donors :
As we have already seen, the monk visited all the houses irrespective of the status of the families residing in them. He went to beg food to such places where he was not known.214 If he frequented the same houses, then the people were likely to remark 'that (men become monks) because they will not work and are wretched. 215
He was, therefore, to approach only "unblamed (ädugunchiä), uncensured (ägarahiä) families, to wit, noble families (uggakula), distinguished families (bhogakula), royal families (rāïņnakula), or ksatriya families, or families of the Ikşvākus and Hari, those of cowherds, barbers, merchants,
211. See Dév. (Ed. ABHYANKAR), p. 28 (Notes). 212. Ibid., Bhag. p. 691a. 213. Ibid. 214. Stkr. 1, 7, 27 (p. 296). 215. Ibid, 1, 3, 1, 6 (SBE, XIV, p. 262).

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carpenters and weavers."216 At another place, however, the same text disallows a monk to accept food from ksatriyas, kings, messengers and those born in royal families, whether the members of such families were either inside or outside the house, or when they invited the monks for food.217
Along with these, he was not allowed to accept food from those who had given him a lodging218 as there was a likelihood of the latter preparing special food for the monk and thus creating ties of obligation.
The Return :
With these rules of food in his mind, the monk sought alms within an area covered by half a yojana 219 Within this limit he begged food without creating intimacy with the householders by telling them stories,220 or taking shelter of a pillar,221 etc.
Thus he returned to the monastery with the food and showed it to his guru. Then he reported and confessed his transgressions, if any, before the guru, and inquiring whether anybobdy else was in need of food he ate that food which remained after giving to the needy. No food was to be wasted on the ground, and the monk consumed all food in the company of other monks without having any clothing.222
In case, the monk became hungry while on the begging tour, then finding out a lonely and desolate place or the shelter of a wall, he cleaned the place well. Then washing his hands well, he consumed food there with due permission of the owner of that place.223
In case he came across certain impurities in the food, or accepted impure food through inadvertance, he found out a place free from living beings and deposited the food on that place.224 For the same purpose, he was allowed to question the nature of the food of which he was doubtful, to the donor, and in some cases, was permitted to taste a little amount of sour articles to see whether they are fit or unfit for him.225
216. Acar. II, 1, 2, 2.
217. Ibid. II, 1, 3, 10 (p. 97); Does it signify that the text makes a distinction between ordinary ksatriyas and royal families?
218. Ibid. II, 2, 3, 4 (p. 131); Bhag. 231a; Dśv. 3, 5: 'sāgāriyapinda'. 219. Acar. II, 1, 2, 5 (p. 93); Bhag. p. 291b, 292a. 220. Dśv. 5, ii, 9. 221. Ibid. 6, 57-60. 222. Uttar. 1, 35; Dév. 5, i, 84-97; 5, ii, 1; Acar. II, 1, 10 (pp. 113 ff). 223. Dźv. 5, i, 82-83. 224. Ibid. 5, i, 82-83; Acar. II, 1, 10, 6; Näyå. p. 164, 225. Dév, 5, i, 56. 76. 78. 79.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM If the food obtained in a single round was not sufficient for his maintenance, then the monk was allowed to undertake a second round.226
Ideal Quantity :
The ideal quantity of food to be consumed by the monk was thirty-two morsels (kavala), each of the size of a hen's egg (kukkudiandapamāna). Besides this, eating such eight morsels was called 'appāhāra'; consuming twelve morsels was termed as 'avaddha'; sixteen morsels, 'dubhāga'; twentyfour morsels 'patta', and thirty-one morsels as 'kiñcūņa.' Any monk who ate less than the normal quantity of thirty-two morsels was not called pakāmarasabhoi (excessive eater).227
The Time for Eating :
Generally the monks took food in the third porisi (i.e., roughly a prahara) of the day. He could change the time if he had undertaken a vow to eat food at an odd time in the day.228 Nobody was allowed to eat food at night (raibhoyana), as also to preserve food overnight or accept such, or make a store of food.229
The Mode of Eating :
The monk consumed food in the begging pot. He was not allowed to make use of the householder's pots. While eating food, he was not to combine various articles for enriching its taste, or eat only the good one, or shift the morsel from one side to another for extracting a better taste.
He was not to be greedy or attached to any food, but was expected to eat food only for the maintenance of his body.230
The Purpose of Eating :
On account of six reasons, the monk was supposed to take food. They were : 231
(1) veyaņa --- to lessen the pangs of hunger,
(2)
veyāvacca -- to be able to wait upon the elders and the sick,
226. Ibid. 5, i, 22.
227. Thān. comm. p. 149a; Bhag. 292a; Sufficient to maintain oneself: Uttar. 6, 7; 8, 11.
228. Ibid. 26, 32. For various vows regarding this: Stkr. 2, 2, 72 (p. 379).
229. Bhag. 291b; Stkr. 1, 2, 220 (p. 255); 1, 6, 28 (p. 291); 1, 7, 21 (p. 295); Uttar. 16, 7-8; 17, 15-16; 19, 30; Dév. 3, 2-3.
230. Acār. 1, 7, 6, 2 (p. 71). 231. Than. p. 359a.

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(3) īriyatthāë — to maintain a proper mode of walking, (4) sanjamatthāë - to maintain self-control,
(5) pāņavattiyāë - to maintain life, and (6) dhammacintāë - to practise religion.
For six reasons, he was to give up food : (1) ātanke -- in illness, (2) uvasagge -- in case of trouble from the king or divine trouble, (3) titikkhaņe—for the practice of bearing bodily pangs, (4) bambhaceraguttīte - for the maintenance of celibacy, (5) pāņidayātavaheum -- for the protection of living being, and for
undergoing a penance, and (6) sarīravuccheyanatthāë — for the giving up of the body.
In short, the whole set of these rules was reduced to three categories. According to those, a monk was to accept such food as was 'navakodiparisuddha'i.e., free from the acts of killing beings, cooking or buying the food oneself, or causing others to do so, or consenting to others doing so—; dasadosavivajjiya' - free from the tenfold faults like doubting the purity of food, etc.; 'uggamuppāyanesaņāsuparisuddha' – free from the faults of preparation, acceptance and begging.232
General Evaluation of The Rules:
The survey of these different rules may be said to reveal the ethical basis of the whole superstructure of rules. The sole aim of these rules was the non-injury to living beings and the non-attachment either to food or to a particular family or house.
The Dasavaikālika233 describes beautifully the mode to be adopted by the monk while begging. It is said that a monk should obtain food in the same way as the bees do without getting attached to a particular flower or without causing harm to it. While extracting juice from the flower the bee not only maintains itself but also sees that the flower does not wither. Thus the monk also should see that he gets food without getting attached to the food or without troubling the householder. Hence the monk was asked to visit all places where he was not known. The various peculiar
232. Bhag. 293a: comm. p. 294a; Thān. p. 452a; Such stray references to a few of these 42 faults occur also in Thān. pp. 159a, 320a, 460b, 487a; Bhag. p. 231a 291ab.
233. 1, 2-3.

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177 modes of begging, like choosing a particular method of begging, or a particular time, or a peculiar type of food, or donor, may be said to imply the factor of non-attachment which a monk was not normally likely to develop in the event of his regular visits to particular houses.
The element of ahiṁsā was foremost in these rules which made a monk forego not only raw, powdered and vegetable food, but even that which was given with a wet hand or pot, or with a ladle besmeared with other impure articles. Not accepting cold unboiled water, not traversing over mud or bridge or rain-water or ash, etc., implied the effort in the strict practice of Ahimsā. The rule of not taking food at night was also adopted due to these considerations.
A keen foresight was shown regarding hissā in such rules as not accepting food from pregnant women, or that given from a high place. In such cases the donor was likely to get bodily trouble. The food specially done for the monk was also likely to involve himsā and it was likely to contain foodstuffs full of condiments which were harmful to the controlled mode of monklife. With the same view, the monk was not allowed to visit the places of his relatives beforehand.
It is indeed remarkable to note that inspite of the prevalence of nonvegetarian practices of the then contemporary society, Jaina monks advocated and practised vegetarian habits. In this case, the instance of Ariştanemi,234 who renounced the world knowing that several animals would be killed in the marriage feast, would remain unique for all times to come.
The description of a normal size of the morsel of food in terms of a hen's egg need not be taken to mean anything more. Trying to seek more significance in that than necessary would be against the very traditions of Jainism.235 Similar references from other texts have already been discussed.236 It is a tribute to the Jaina monks that they had to undergo strict discipline regarding food even under abnormal circumstances like famine or illness.237
Contemporary rival sects like the Buddhists also were not strict about the vegetarian habits. In this connection, Durga BHAGVAT remarks, "The
234. Uttar. Chapt. 22. 235. See Die Lehre der Jainas, art, 154 for a different view. 236. See pp. 172-73 above.
237. For deviations of the rule, see Nayā. p. 80, where Selaga is said to have taken wine and flesh in illness; Vivāgasuya (p. 53) mentions a doctor who prescribed meat-eating to all including the samaņas; Acar. II, 1, 4, 1 (p. 97) forbids monks to go to such festivals where meat is served.

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Buddhists had, like their contemporaries, strong notions about the purity and impurity of food. However, like other Titthiyas they had no objection in receiving food from outcastes, pregnant women, etc., neither did they refuse things like fish, rice-gruel etc., as other ascetics did. They could take animal food as well. The only precaution taken was that a Bhikkhu was forbidden to eat flesh of a beast purposely killed for his sake, and the flesh of useful animals as horses, elephants etc., and of other animals like dogs etc."238
Parallel practices in Brāhmanical system also are to be found. In this connection, the instances of Bhāradvāja and Viśvāmitra,239 who saved their life by eating animal flesh, may be noted. From such instances, "it seems pretty clear that in earlier days there was no restraint upon eating meat, though in the time of Manu it was not considered lawful to eat any flesh which had not been sacrificed".240
ITEMS OF DAILY ROUTINE:
Before entering upon a detailed discussion of every item of the daily routine of a monk, we shall first note down the general programme of his daily life as given in the Uttarādhyayana.241
After sunrise, during the first quarter of the first porisi), he inspected and cleaned his requisites and paid respect to the superiors. Then asking the ācārya whether there was any work for him, the monk did the thing which his ācārya asked him to do. Otherwise, he indulged in studies.
In the second porisī he did meditation, in the third he begged and ate food, and in the fourth he again studied.242 Then paying reverence to the elders, and doing the 'pratikramana', he inspected the lodging. Then he did ‘kāyotsarga', and reflected upon the transgressions he happened to do on that day.
In the first quarter of the night he studied, in the second he meditated, in the third he took to sleep and in the fourth he again studied.
238. Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, pp. 147-48. 239. Manu, 10, 106 ff. 240. PHEAR, I.A., Vol. IV, p. 130. 241. Chapt. 26.
242. Goyama at the time of breaking the fast upto the sixth meal (chatthakkhamanapăranagarinsi) studied in the first porisī, in the second he meditated (jhānam jhiyāyai). and in the third, 'aturiyamacavalamasambhante muhapottiyam padilehei, bhāyaṇāïm vatthāim padileheī, bhāyaņāim pamajjai, bhāyanais uggahei......'-Bhag. p. 139a,

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Thus, it seems that the chief items of his daily routine were 'padilehana' (scanning of requisites), study (sajjhāya), 'āloyaņā' (confession of faults), 'goyarī (begging food), kāüssagga' and 'padikkamana' (condemnation of transgressions).
Padilehana :
All articles which a monk used were scanned by him in order to see whether there were any living beings.
He inspected first his alms-bowl, then mouthpiece (muhapattī), then his duster (gocchaga). Taking the broom in his hand, he then scanned his clothing. Standing erect, he held his cloth firmly and inspected it first leisurely (aturiya), then spread it, and at last wiped it (pamajjījja). Then without shaking it (anaccāviya) or crushing it (avaliya), he spread it, in such a way as to make the folds disappear and to avoid friction of its parts against each other (anāņubandhimamosali). Then, folding it in nine flaps breadthwise and in six flaps lengthwise (chappurimā nava khodā), he removed living beings, if any, by spreading the cloth on the palm of his hand (pāņivisohanam).
Carelessness in the beginning (ärabhadā), in joining the corners of the cloth (sammaddā), in folding it (mosalī), in shaking out the dust (papphodaņā), in spreading it out (vikkhitta) or in sitting upon the haunches (veīyā), was not allowed. So also, holding the cloth loosely (pasiļhila), or at one corner (palamba), letting it flap (lola) or come in contact with another thing (mosā), or shaking it in many ways (anegarūvadhuņā) or committing a mistake in counting the folds, all these were deemed as faults.243
'Padilehana' was not to be too lengthy or too short (anūņāiritta). The monk was not permitted to do it while talking with others, or while gossiping, or while taking or giving instructions.
As the period of the 'pādas' of the 'porisi' differed with different months, "in the quarter of year comprising the three months Jyeşthāmüla, Āşādha and Srāvana, the morning) inspection is to last six digits (beyond 44 pauruşi); in the second quarter, eight; in the third, ten; in the fourth, eight",244 (or 30, 40, 50 and forty minutes respectively).245
D
.
243. See also Than. p. 361b. 244. Uttar. 26, 13-29: Transl. based on JACOBI, SBE. XLV. pp. 143 ff. 245. Ibid., JACOBI, f.n. 1, p. 144.

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Aloyanā:
We have already noted the details regarding alocană under 'monastic jurisprudence'.
Padikkamana :
Pratikramana was the condemnation of one's transgression before the guru. It was done either daily (devasiya), nightly, (rāïya) fortnightly (pakkhiya), four-monthly (cāümmāsiya), or yearly (samyacchariya).
The Sthānānga gives sixfold pratikramaņa, which was done either after easing nature (uccāra), or after removing bodily dirt like cough etc. (păsavana), or done at day or at night (ittariya), or at the time of undertaking a fast unto death (āvakahië), or regarding particular transgressions (jamkincimicchā), or at the end of sleep (somaņantite).246
Begging :
We have already seen the rules regarding begging of food. The Uttarādhyayana247 refers to six reasons of abstaining from begging which, it may be noted, are the same as given in the Sthānānga.
Kāüssagga :
Kāyotsarga was a bodily posture in which the monk stood motionless for some period, reflecting on the transgressions he had committed, or else he meditated upon auspicious types of reflections. This was deemed essential for the proper training of the mind, with a view to develop an attitude of non-attachment for the body and its comforts.
Jhāna (Meditation or mental attitude):
Meditation was fourfold. It was ārta, raudra, dharma-, and śukla. 248 The first two types were considered inauspicious, while the last two auspicious.
The 'ārta dhyāna' was of four types according as it was based on ideas of taking revenge, or the yearning for non-separation from pet persons or things, or that in which a person desired that other people should also suffer (āyanka)-or bad thoughts under illness, and 'nidāna' or remunerative hankering, like thoughts about enjoying sexual pleasures.
246. p. 379b; Nāyā. p. 81, 'devasiya padikkamana'. 247. 26, 35. 248. Thān. 188a; Bhag. p. 923a,

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The four lakṣaṇas of arta dhyāna were, 'kandanata' (lamenting), 'sotaṇata' (meekness under contact with unfavourable things), 'tippanata' (to be so sorry as to shed tears in illness), and 'paridevaṇata' (to give out harsh words indicative of pain).
181
The 'raudra meditation' was fourfold, according as it pertained to thoughts regarding himsā, untruth, theft, or the protection of worldly property.
It was distinguished by the severity of passions (osanna) or by the thoughts pertaining to injury of all kinds, or by the inclination towards hirmsa due to ignorance of the proper tenets of religion, or by constant, lifelong thoughts about himsā (amarananta).
The 'dharma-dhyana' was also fourfold. It pertained to the proper understanding of the thoughts about proper religious conduct (āṇāvijate), or thoughts regarding calamities in this and the next world (avāya), or reflections about the result of karman (viväga), or thoughts pertaining to the nature of the world in general.
The four lakṣaṇas of 'dharma-dhyana' were the liking for religion, the inborn affinity for it (nisaggarui), liking for the study of scriptures (sutta), or liking for contact with pious people (ogädharui).
The four 'älambanas' (or supports) of this kind of meditation were reading the scriptures (vāyaṇā), asking the difficulties (padipucchaṇā), reading the text again and again (pariyaṭṭanā) and reflections about it (anuppehā).
The four 'anuppehäs' (reflections) concerning this dhyana were the thoughts about the lonely nature of an individual in this world, the transitoriness of the world, the feeling of no refuge except in religion, and the reflections about the real nature of the world (samsäräņuppehä).
The 'sukla dhyana' was also fourfold. It consisted either of reflections regarding the origin, existence and destruction of various matters according to the Nayas (puhuttavitakke saviyārī), or the oneness of the soul (egattavitakke aviyāri), or the state of the stoppage of mental, vocal or physical action (? suhumakirite aniyatți), or the attainment of the state called 'sailesi' in which all activity is stopped (samucchinnakirië appaḍivātī).
The four lakṣaṇas of this dhyana were the stability or the unperturbed state of mind inspite of alluring efforts by divine beings (avvahe), noninfatuation (asammohe), the intellectual insight into the real nature of the soul (vivega), and the attitude of non-attachment to the body or to anything else (viüssagga).

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S. B. DEO The four 'alambaņas' of this meditation were forgiveness (khantī), non-attachment (mutti), non-deceit (ajjava) and modesty (maddava).
The four 'aņuppehās' of this dhyanā were as follows:
(1) not to think that samsāra is eternal or that there are no chances for liberation (anantavattiyāņuppehā)
(2) such thoughts as 'everything has a change of state' (vippariņā. māņuppehā),
(3) to think that worldly life is inauspicious (asubhāņuppehā), and
(4) thoughts pertaining to the nature of the kaşāyas or passions (avāyāņuppehā).
Samāhi (Concentration) :
For the proper practice of the auspicious types of meditation a good concentration was essential. Hence, efforts for developing such concentration 249 were to be done by the monk.
Samāhi was based either on viņaya (modesty), or on suya (scriptural study), or on tava (penance), or on āyāra (proper conduct).
The first was revealed in listening to the instructions of the guru wholeheartedly (aņusāsijjanto sussūsai), grasping the rules completely (samma sampadivajjaï), devotedly following the scriptural injunctions (veyamārāhayas), and in not being proud of oneself (attasampaggahië).
The second consisted in studying the texts with a view to get mastery over them (suyam me bhavissaitti ajjhāïyavvam bhavai), or with a view to develop concentration (egaggacitta), or with the intention of establishing oneself in religion (appāņam thāvaīssāmi), or, lastly, to stabilise others in religion (thiö paraṁ thāvaissāmi).
The tapaḥsamādhi consisted in doing penance not for any worldly aim (ihalogatthayāë), or for securing other-worldly aim, or for fame or repute (kittivannasaddasilogatthayāë). The principal aim of penance was to be the destruction of karman (nijjaraţthayāë).
The 'āyārasamāhi' was the perfect carrying-out of monastic conduct not for any worldly aim, or for any other-worldly aim or for fame. The sole purpose behind it was to be the annihilation of karman.
There were supposed to be twenty causes that led to the disturbance of proper concentration. They were quick walking, not wiping the place of
249. Dáv. 9, IV, 3-11.

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occupation or the apparatus, or wiping them badly, using big residences and seats, humiliating the elders, being inimical to the elders, killing living beings, getting angry frequently and quickly, backbiting, giving out doubtful statements, raising pacified quarrels, accepting food from the besmeared hands of the donor, not cleaning the hands and the feet after returning from easing nature, studying at odd times, creating new quarrels, studying loudly at night or using the language of the householder, bringing about a rift in the gaña, taking food frequently, and not properly following the rules of begging.250
The avoidance of these faults was essential for proper concentration and proper meditation which a monk had to practise daily.
Sajjhāya (study) :
Out of all the rest of the items of daily routine, study formed a very important article of routine in the life of the monk.
We constantly get references to various monks and nuns who had studied the eleven Angas (ekkārasa angāi ahijjaī).251 That there were debates between the monks of rival sects is also proved by the debate between Suka and Sthāpatyāputra.252 It is remarkable to note that a wide latitude was allowed to the disciples regarding asking difficulties as is attested by the question-and-answer form of the Bhagavatī which depicts the conversation between Mahävira and Goyama Indabhūi.
nswer form of garding asking difficulties that a wide latitude
Proper Time for Study:
It has already been seen that the first and the fourth porisī of the day were deemed fit for study.253
But on some occasions study was not allowed. The following were such occasions254 :
(1) ukkāvāte - the fall of meteors, (2) disidāghe - when the quarters are ablaze, (3) gajjite -- when there is thunder, (4) vijjute - when there are flashes of lightning,
250. Smo. p. 37b. 251. Nirya. p. 32; Vivāga. p. 80; Nāya. p. 42, etc. 252. Näyā. pp. 76 ff. 253. Uttar. 26, 12.
254. Than. p. 475b; some of these in Acar. II, 1, 3, 9 (pp. 96-97) "On the appearance of a beast used in agriculture, a frog, a cat, a dog, a snake, an ichneumon, or a rat, the reading of the Veda must be intermitted for a day and a night"--PHEAR, India According to Manu, 1.A., Vol. IV, (1875), p. 132.

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(5) nigghate - when there are thunder-roars of supernatural
beings in a cloudless or cloudy sky, (6) jūyate - when moonlight and twilight appear simultan
eously, (7) jakkhālitte - when goblin-lights appear in the sky, (8) dhūmitā -- when the sky is smoky, (9) mahita - when there is mist, (10) rataügghāte — when the sky is full of dusty gale, (11) candovarāte - eclipse of the moon, (12) sūrovarāte - eclipse of the sun,
(13) padane -- if the king or any other prominent person dies, and (14) rāyavuggahe -- if there is warfare, or divine trouble.
Besides these occasions, the first days (pratipadā) of Aşādha and Kārttika, and full-moon-days of Āśvina and Caitra, were improper days. Study before sunrise or after sunset, at mid-day or at midnight was not allowed.255
Ten nakşatras were said to be conducive to the increase of knowledge. They were, migasira, addă, pussa, the three puvvā nakşatras, mūla, assesā, hattha and cittā.256
The place of study 258 Besides these, or blood (sonite).
The Place of Study:
The place of study was called nisīhiyā.257 It was to be devoid of living beings, eggs and cobwebs.258 Besides these, such places where there were pieces of bones (atthi), or of flesh (mamsa), or blood (sonite) or any such other impurities (asutisāmante), or the place which was close to the funeral ground (susāņasāmante),259—all these were unfit for study.
The Method of Study:
Generally the upādhyāya or the elderly monk (thera) 260 gave instructions to the younger monks. They sat before him at a respectable distance.261
255. Than. p. 213b. 256. Ibid., 525b. 257. Acar. II, 9 (p. 179). 258. Ibid., II, 2, 1, 1 (p. 120). 259. Thān. p. 475b-476a. 260. "Therānam antië ... ahijjai' Anttr. p. 63. 261. Acār. II, 9, 2 (p. 180).

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The main items of study were recital of the sacred texts (vāyaṇā), questioning about the difficulties (pucchaṇā), repetition of the text (pariyattana), thinking over it (anuppehä), and indulging in religious discourses (dhammakahā).262
For five reasons the sacred texts were to be read:
(1) to equip the students with scriptural knowledge,
(2) to increase students or followers,
(3) for the dissipation of karman (nijjarā),
(4) for the clear knowledge of the culture and traditions (?),
and (5) to save the knowledge of the texts from extinction (avocchittinayatthayate),263
For five reasons, sutra was to be taught:
(1) for the sake of knowledge (ņāņa),
(2) for the sake of faith (damsana),
(3) for good conduct (caritta),
(4) in order to free others from mithyätva (wrong belief), and (5) in order to expose the real nature of things.264
The Sthānanga refers to six types of debates (vivaya),265 ten ways of exposition of a sutra, and the Samavāyānga refers to the eighteen livis (scripts) and seventy-two arts. It may, however, be remarked that the latter were more of a popular nature, and the monk was not concerned with these. Therefore, many of the popular sciences like reading of dreams (sumina), the science of planets (bhauma), magic spells and witchcrafts (manta and vijjā), the science of interpreting the throbbing of the limbs (anga) physiognomy or reading the marks on the body etc., were called as 'papaśruta' or sinful sciences, and hence deemed unfit for the monk,208
Relations of The Guru-Sisya:
The relations between the teacher and the taught were to be cordial and modest. To maintain such relations, therefore, those who were immodest (avinita), attached to forbidden food or to dainty dishes (vikrtipratibaddha),
262. Uttar. 30, 34; Than. p. 349a; Näyā. p. 34.
263. This is not clear.
264. Than. p. 350b.
265. Ibid., p. 364b. 266. Ibid., p. 481a.
267. Also referred to by WEBER in I.A., Vol. 18, pp. 372-73.
268. Smv. p. 49a.
185
BHLL, DCRI,-24

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186
S. B. DEO
those who were not of a calm nature (avyavasita),269 those who were wicked by nature (duşta), dullards (mūdha), and firm in heretical belief (vuggãhiya) 270 were deemed unfit to be students.
For the proper guidance the sişya as well as the guru were to be of pure tendencies. A disciple without a guru was like a needle without the thread which was likely to be lost easily.271 The obligations of the guru could be repaid by bringing him on the right path if he went astray.272
A good disciple was expected to show implicit faith in and respect to the ācārya. He was, therefore, not to sit too close, or at the back, or at the sides, or in front of the guru, but was to sit at a distance from him.273 He was not to speak unasked, or to interrupt the sermon of the guru, or indulge in back-biting (piţthimamsam na khāejjā). He was not to laugh at the faltering or the slip of the tongue of the learned superior.274 Showing contempt to the guru out of pride, anger, deceit or mistake, taking the ācārya to be raw and dull, and remain sitting while he was speaking to the disciple, were deemed as acts of an unworthy disciple 275 Along with these, going ahead of the teacher, or along with him, eating good food without showing it to the ācārya, saying, 'Do you not remember?' while the ācārya was giving a sermon, breaking the assembly to which the guru was lecturing by saying, “it is time for begging now, kicking the bed of the guru or sitting upon it, or occupying a higher seat than that of the guru, and not answering the calls of the superior at night, all these were qualities of an unfit novice 276
Bad company led to the development of bad tendencies. Hence the monk was disallowed to go to the place of study along with the heretics, householders and with such monks as were not careful about food.277 Devoid of such contacts, the novice developed modesty and faith, and he always honoured the guru by bowing him with folded hands and begging his pardon in case a transgression was done.278
This observance, it may be noted, was not onesided. The guru had also to see that his student was not going astray. In cases of illness, the
yed to go to the placre not careful about he always hon
269. Thăn. p. 165b. 270. Ibid., p. 165b: Comm. p. 166a. 271 Uttar, 29, 59. 272. Thăm. p. 118a. 273. Uttar. 1, 18 274. Dśv. 8, 44-50; Uttar. 1, 40-41. 275. Dfv. 9, i, 1-2; 9, ii, 20; Uttar. 1, 20-21. 276. Smu. p. 59ab. 277. Acar. II, 1, 1, 8 (p. 90). 278. Dáv. 9, i, 12; 9, ii, 17-20.

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187 ācārya took fatherly care of his student. Thus both of them were bound to one another by ties of obedience and affection.
The Avasyakas:
Besides these, other items referred to are the six essential duties. It may, however, be noted that the Anga texts do not give details about it, and they are to be found in the Avaśyakasūtra, which belongs to the Mülasutra category.
These six āvaśyakas279 were: (1) sāmāyika-moral and mental equanimity of mind, (2) caturvimśatistava-offering prayers to twenty-four Tirthankaras, (3) vandanā-paying respect to the superiors, (4) pratikramaņa-condemnation of transgressions, (5) kāyotsarga-motionless posture of and non-attachment for the
body, and (6) pratyākhyāna—self-denial.
Thus the whole day of the monk was spent in various duties which were of a rigorous nature and no possibility was afforded to him to go astray if he led his daily routine in a normal manner. PENANCE AND FASTING:
Penance mainly consisted of fasts of various magnitudes. It was divided into two main types.
One of these types was called external (bāhira) penance, and the other internal (abbhintara). These were further divided, each into six subdivisions, which were as follows.280
(a) External Penance:
(1) anasaņa--fasting, (2) üņoyariya-eating less than the normal, (3) bhikkhāyariyā—begging food (in a peculiar way), (4) rasapariccāya-giving up dainty food, (5) kāyakilesa—mortifying the body,
279. Uttar, 26, 2-4; 29, 8-13. 280. Than. p. 364b; Smu. 11b; Uttar. 28, 34; 30, 8. Bhag. 292a, 921a.

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188
S. B. DEO and (6) samlīņayā-control over the senses, or using a lonely place of stay,
devoid of women, eunuchs and animals.
'Anasana' was either temporary (itvara), or that ending in death. The former consisted of fasts either upto the fourth (caüttha, i.e., one day's fast), or sixth (chattha i.e., two days' fast), or eighth (atthama), or tenth (dasama), or twelfth (duvālasa) meal etc., or the fast for six months (chammāsa) 281
'Ūņoyariyāl consisted of refraining from all sorts of spicy food as also from eating more than 32 morsels each of the size of the hen's egg. Eating less than the normal or one's fill was the motto.
'Bhikkhāyariyā'—It consisted of imposing certain restrictions upon oneself regarding the mode of begging, or the nature of the donor, or the quality of food, or the way in which food was offered.
'Rasapariccaga-Giving up spicy food, or things like milk etc., (kshirādayastatparityāgo).
'Kāyakilesa'--It consisted of the practice of various bodily postures like thāņātite' (kāyotsarga), 'ukkuduyāsaņite' (sitting in a squatting position), 'vīrāsaņite' (sitting as if one is occupying a chair), 'mesajjite' (sitting in a way in which the soles and the buttocks touch the ground), dandātite' (lying like the staff), 'langadasātī' (lying without letting the back touch the ground), 'godohitā' (sitting as when milching the cow), ‘palitankā' (sitting in a padmăsana posture), 'addhapalitankā (placing one foot on the thigh), and standing facing the sun with arms held up.282
"Samlīņayā'-Living with perfect self-control in a pure and lonely residence, which is in all likelihood devoid of any temptations.
The internal penance was as follows: (1) pāyacchitta-punishment for transgressions, (2) viņaya-modesty, (3) veävacca-service to others.
281. Stkr. 1, 2, 1, 14 (p. 251); 2, 2, 72 (p. 379).
282. Thān. p. 300b, 397b; Stkr. (transl.) pp. 251, 397; Bhag. 367a, 433a; Dśv. 3, 12; Näyä. pp. 42, 146, 163, 173, 199.

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189
(4) sajjhāya-study,
(5) jhăna-meditation,
and (6) viüssagga-indifference or non-attachment to the body.
'Pāyacchitta' was tenfold, consisting of aloyaņā, padikkamaņa, tadubhaya, vivega, viüssagga, tava, cheya, müla, anavatthappā, and pārañciyā. All these have been explained elsewhere.
'Viņaya' consisted of perfect self-control, and purifying the mind by means of proper knowledge etc.
'Veävacca' made it compulsory for the monk to wait upon and go to the help of the āyariya, uvajjhāya, thera, tavassi, gilāņa, seha, sāhammiya, kula, gana and the sangha.
'Sajjhāya'-study. “Jhana_Meditation.
'Viüssagga'-It consisted either of giving up food, or the care of the body, or the four passions
Fasting:
Out of all these, it may be noted, fasting had a prominent place in the life of the monk. Various instances are referred to of persons who were "emaciated like the joint of a crow's leg and covered with a network of veins” 283
Besides restricting oneself to the articles begged (dravya), or to the place (kşetra), or time (kāla), or the mental state (bhāva),284 various fasts of different magnitude were practised either in the form of a line (sedhitava), or a square (paryāyatava), or a cube (ghana).285 No deceit in the practice of these was allowed,286 and the monks were disallowed to undertake improper types of penance without knowing full well the effects of these (bālatava).287
283. Uttar. 2, 3; Mrgāputra, Harikeşa Bala and Jayaghoşa fasted for a month: Ibid. 12, 35; 19, 25; 25, 5; Fasting of Mahāvīra: Acar. II, 15, 22 (p. 199); I, 8, 4, 4 and 7 (p. 86) etc.
284. Uttar. 30, 14-24. 285. Ibid., 30, 10-11. 286. Dśv. 5, ii, 46-49. 287. Bhag. p. 164a.

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190
S. B. DEO Proper Diet:
The following system prevailed in the case of those who did shorter fasts throughout their life: 288
Fast
No. of Liquids
allowed
Explanation
Caüttha
د
Chattha
ده
1. Ussetime 289_water used in fermenting
wheat etc. (?). 2. Samsetime-wash of vegetables. 3. Cāüladhovaņe-wash of rice. 1. Tilodaë-wash of sesamum. 2. Tusodaëwash of chaff. 3. Javodaë-wash of barley. 1. Āyāmate-rice-liquid. 2. Sovirate-Gruel. 3. Suddhaviyade-Boiled water.
Atthama
ده
Proper Places:
The proper places for the performance of fasting and religious postures were to be such as were free from eggs, living beings, women, children, beasts, or householders; also those which did not contain fire or water; places like the playground, etc.,-in short, such as were not likely to distract the mind or were not the favourite places for worldly activities.290 The Padimas:
The pratimās were long-term practices of bodily mortification which were based on fasting, meditation and peculiar bodily postures.
The following pratimās are mentioned in the Anga texts: 291 (1) Bhaddā, (2) Subhaddā, (3) Mahābhaddā, (4) Sayvaöbhaddā, (5) Bhadduttarā, (6) Javamajjhā
Candapadimā, (7) Vaïramajjhā
288. Thān. p. 147a. 289. Liberty is not taken with the 'ta-śruti' which occurs in many canonical texts. 290. Acār. II, 2, 1 ff. (pp. 120 ff). Uttar. 32, 4. 291. Thān. pp. 64b, 195a, 292a, 385b, 453a, 518b, etc., Smv. 21b, 96a; Bhag. 123ab.

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191
(8) Moyapadimā -(a) Kuddiyā
(b) Mahalliyā (9) The twelve Bhikkhu padimās: māsiyā, domāsiyā, tio, caüo, pañcao,
chao, sattao, padhamā sattarāïndiyā, doccā sattoo, taccā sattao,
ahorāïyā, and egarāïyā. (10) Sattasattamiyā, Atthatthamiya, Navanavamiya, Dasadasāmiyā. (1) Bhadda-It consisted of the practice of kāyotsarga for four pra
haras facing every direction. It was thus completed in two days
and two nights. (2) Subhadda-The commentator is unable to explain this, and he
remarks 'adrstatvena tu noktā'. Mahābhaddā—Practising kāyotsarga for a day and a night facing each of the four directions. It was completed in four days
and four nights. (4) Savvaöbhaddā--Practising kāyotsarga for a day and a night fac
ing each of the ten quarters. It was finished in ten days and
ten nights. (5) Moyapadimā-It was either lesser (khuddiyā) or greater
(mahalliyā). It pertained to bodily excreta or dirt (praśravaņavişayā), and was practised outside the village either in autumn or in summer. If a monk started it after taking food, then he had to perform a fast upto the fourteenth meal (caturdaśabhaktena samāpyate). If he started it without taking meals, then it was completed by a fast upto the sixteenth meal. This was the prac
tice adopted in the lesser type of moya. The greater moyapadimā resembled the lesser one in all details except that the monk made a fast upto the sixteenth meal if he started it after taking his meals. Otherwise, he made a fast upto the eighteenth meal.
(6) Candapadimā—In this, the monk either increased or decreased
the number of morsels of food according to the increasing or decreasing digits of the moon. It was of two types: Javamajjhā and
Vaïramajjhā. The former was that in which the monk took only one morsel of food on the first day of the bright fortnight, and went on increasing the morsels so that he took fifteen morsels on the full moon day. Then taking the same number of morsels on the first day of the dark fortnight, he decreased the number by one morsel every day, and took only one morsel on the new moon day. Thus it resembled the following figure:

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192
S. B. DEO
15
The vaïramajjhā was quite the reverse of the previous one. In this, 15
the monk took fifteen morsels on the first day of the dark fortnight and went on decreasing the number so that he took only one
horsel on the new moon day. Javamajjhā
Then taking the same quantity on the next day, he increased it, and ate fifteen morsels on the full-moon day. It was, therefore, like the following figure: 202
Another way of practising these pratimās i
15
was the carrying out of fasts of various magnitudes in a particular period. According to this method the following pratimās were carried
out in the following way: 293 Vaïramajjhā
15
Savvaöbhaddā:
(a) Khuddiyā-Fasting: 1st to 5th meal complete in: 75 days.
1 2 3 4 5 3 4 5 1 2 5 1 2 3 4 2 3 4 5 1 4 5 1 2 3
Arrangement of fasts.
(b) Mahalliyā—1st to 7th meal : 96 days.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 5 6 7 1 2 3 4
Arrangement of fasts.
292. Than. comm. p. 65b.
293. Ibid., pp. 293ab.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
193
Bhaddottarā;
Fasting
Period
(a) Khudda-5th to 9th
175 days
5 7 9 6 8
6 8 5 7 9
7 9 6 8 5
8 5 7 9 6
9 6 8 5 7
Arrangement of fasts.
(b) Mahatī—5th to 11th meal : 392 days.
5 6 7 8 9 10 8 9 10 11 5 6 11 5 6 7 8 9 7 8 9 10 11 5 10 11 5 6 7 8 6 7 8 9 10 11 9 10 11 5 6 7
11
7 10 6 9 5 8
Arrangement of fasts.
The Twelve Bhikkhu Padimās:
(1) Másikī
(a) Periodone month;
(b) Food--one datti of food and one of drink; (c) Begging Time either in the first, middle or the last porisī, but
never twice a day; (d) Mode of Begging--according as chosen by oneself; not the
normal one; (e) Mode of Life-complete control over the senses and putting
up with bodily troubles. BULL. DCRI.—25

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194
(2-7) Domāsiyā upto Sattamāsiyā:
In the practice of these pratimas, the period of the previous pratimā was taken into consideration, and the number of the dattis of food and drink increased by one each, and in the 'sattamäsiya padima,' the monk took seven dattis of food and seven of drink. This set of the first seven pratimas was completed in seven months.
(8) Padhama Sattaräïndiya:
(a) Period-one week;
(b) Food-one datti of food and one of drink;
(c) Place outside the village;
S. B. DEO
(d) Postures-'uttānāsana' (facing the sun), 'pärśväsana' (lying on one side), 'nișadyäsana' (sitting with closed legs).
(9) Docca Sattaräïndiyā:
It was the same as above in period-i.e., the week of the previous sattaräindiya was counted. In this, the monk took two dattis of food and two of drink. Bodily postures were the 'dandasana' (lying straight like the staff), 'lakuṭāsana' (hands and feet touching the ground but the rest of the body above it), 'utkuṭukāsana' (sitting in a squatting position).
(10) The Tacca Sattarāïndiya:
Period was the same as above, but the asanas were the 'godohanikasana', vīrāsana, 'ämrakubjāsana' (remaining in a curved position like the mango).
(11) The Eleventh Pratimā:
Lasted for a night and a day.
(12) The Twelfth Pratimä:
It lasted only for a night.

The Precautions:
In carrying out these pratimas, the monk had to choose a suitable place free from living beings or a crowd of people. Such places were the 'agamagiha' (halls and water-places: comm: 'sabhäprapadi') 'viyadagiha' (open houses) and 'rukkhamūlagiha' (places under the tree). He was also allowed to do these in a secluded region in the monastery.294
294. Ibid., 157a; Antg. mentions the burial ground (susana) as the place for egarāïyā paḍimā: p. 18,

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195
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM The practice of the pratimās was to be done with perfect care. Any mistake in the last pratimā was said to lead to long illness or hysteria.295
The monk intending to practise the pratimās separated himself from the other members of his group (egallavihāra). He could speak with them only on four occasions, to wit, to ask for something (yācaṇī), to ask the proper road (pucchaņi), to give consent to something (aņuņņavaņi), and to give reply to a question (puţthassa vāgarani).296 Total Period:
As the period of the previous pratimā was taken into consideration when practising the next one, the whole group of twelve pratimās was finished in seven months, three weeks, one day (i.e., night and day), and one night. Other Padimās:
Besides these, there were four other paļimās. They were:
Name
Period
No. of alms
No. of dattis
Sattasattamiyā
49 days
196
One on first day and seven (each of
drink and food), on the seventh day. The same procedure for 7 weeks. One to eight. One to nine. One to ten.
Atthatthamiyā Navanavamiya Dasadasamiyā
64 days 81 days 100 days
288 405 550
Major Fasts:
There are mentioned a number of fasts of various designations which were as follows: (a) Ayambalavaďdhamāna:
This was a penance in which a single āyambila food was taken once a day. Ayambila meant pure food like boiled rice which was not mixed with anything else. The āyambila was followed by a caüttha fast, then the monk took two āyambila meals, then again the caüttha and so on, till he attained the hundredth āyambila meal. The whole penance was completed in fourteen years, three months and twenty days.297
295. Thān. p. 147b. 296. Ibid., p. 183b. 297. Amtg, p. 52.

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196
S. B. DEO (b) Gunarayana :
It was a penance in which various fasts were done as given in the following order: 298
Month
Magnitude of the fast
Bodily posture
1st
.....
4th
fast
At day, looking at the sun with
a squatting posture; at night, vīrāsana.
2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th
7th
8th 9th 10th 11th 12fth 13th 14th 15th 16th
6th fast 8th fast 10th fast 12th fast 14th fast 16th fast 18th fast 20th fast 22nd fast 24th fast 26th fast 28th fast 30th fast 32nd fast 34th fast
(i.e., fast upto the 34th meal).
(c) Kaņagāvali:
It was similar to the 'Rayaņāvali' given below, with the difference that this penance replaced the sixth fast with the eighth. The total period required for completing it was five years, nine months and eighteen days.299
(d) Muttāvali :
This consisted "of a series of fasts from fourth upto thirty-fourth, but from a fast until sixth meal, there (was) an intervening caüttha in each case." The total duration was three years and ten months.300
298. Bhag. pp. 123b-125b; Antg. p. 31; Nāyā. p. 42; Anttr. p. 58. 299. Amtg. p. 47. 300. Ibid., p. 52: See Edition by P. L. VAIDYA, Notes, p. 154.

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(e) Rayaṇāvali:
This penance contained four series (parivādi). The breaking of the fast in the first series was done by accepting all flavours (savvakāmaguniyam); in the second, the monk was allowed to do so with food devoid of ghee etc., (vigaïvajjam); in the third, food without articles like gram etc., (alevădam); in the fourth, he broke the fast with ayambila (ie., simple, unmixed, boiled rice).
All the four series were completed in five years, two months and twenty-eight days,301
(f) Savvaöbhadda:
(i) Khuddaga (Lesser)
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
It had also four series, each requiring hundred days to finish. The four series were completed in one year, one month and ten days.
6
5
4
3
2
(ii) Mahalayam (Greater) :
It was similar to the previous one but was more extensive (1-7). The whole, consisting of four series, required two years, eight months and twenty days to complete.302
(g) Sihanikkiliya:
1 2 3 4 5
3 4 5 1 2
5 1 2 3 4
2 3 4 5 1
4 5 1 2 3

197
301. Ibid., p. 45. 302. Ibid., pp. 49-50.
Arrangement of fasts.
The name of this penance was said to resemble the mode of walking of a lion. It is characteristic of the lion that he looks back often while going ahead. (Hence the the term 'Simhävalokana'). In the same way, the monk practising this penance, undertook the practice of the previous fast again, before undertaking a fast of the next higher magnitude: for instance, 2, 3, 2, 4, 3, 5, and so on.

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S. B. DEO
(i) Greater :
In this series the fasts were from one to seventeen. The period required for one series was one year, six months and eighteen days. The whole was completed in six years, two months and twelve days. (ü) Lesser :
The fasts were restricted to the magnitude of two to ten. The whole was completed in two years and twenty-eight days.303 The Kanagāvalī:
1
1
2
3 3 3 3 0 3 3 3 3
3 3 3 3 0 3 3 3 3
3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 0 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
33 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
33 SUPERNATURAL POWERS:
The monks were forbidden to make use of supernatural powers, or to indulge in the practice of popular sciences based on omens and superstitions.
303. Ibid., p. 48.

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199
The Sūtrakrtānga lays down the following practices as unworthy of monkhood :
"Interpretation of the marks of women, men, elephants, cows, patridges, cocks, ducks, quails, of wheels, parasols, jewels; the art to make one happy or miserable, to make a woman pregnant, to deprive one of his wits; incantations, conjuring; oblations of substances; the martial acts; the course of the moon, sun, venus and jupiter; the falling of the meteors; great conflagration; divination from wild animals, the flight of crows, showers or dust, rain of blood, the vaitālī and ardhavaitālī arts, the art of casting people asleep, of opening doors, the art of Cāņņālas, Sabaras, Draviďas, Kalingas, Gaudas, Gāndhāras; the spells for making somebody fall down, rise, yawn, for making him immovable, or cling to something; for making him sick, or sound; for making somebody go forth, disappear (or come).304
The above view is supported by the Uttarādhyayana305 also when it forbids the use of spells, roots, fortune-telling and superstitious rites in monk life.
Inspite of this, however, it seems that in a society which was full of such practices, monks could hardly remain aloof from these. This may be proved from the references to the leśyās. The Bhagavatī refers to Gosāla who was well-versed in the science of omens and who could foretell the prosperity or otherwise of the people,306 That Mahāvira himself knew the tejoleśyā (power to burn others which is the result of penance), is evident from the incident in which he saved Gosāla when the latter teased a certain ascetic Vesiyāyaṇa who tried to burn him,
It was said that if one accepted the kummāsapinda for a period of six months, and practised during that period fasts upto the sixth meal and exerted himself by standing facing the sun with arms held aloft, then one could acquire tejoleśyā.307 The Sthānanga308 however, describes three ways of acquiring this power : by mortifying the body (āyāvanatāte), by restraint of anger (khantikhamāte), and by fasting without taking water (apāņagenam tayokammeņam).
Besides this, the threefold transformation of the physical body 'viüvvaņā),309 the jakkhāvesa310 (being possessed by the supernatural beings like
304. Stkr. 2, 2, 27 (p. 366). 305. 8, 13; 15, 7-8; 17, 18, 20, 45. 306. Chapt. 15, also Näyā. p. 1 'sankhittaviülateüllese'. 307. Bhag. p. 666b; Gosāla burnt Mahāvīra's two disciples, Ibid., pp. 678a, 687b. 308. p. 147b. 309. Ibid., p. 104b. 310. Ibid., p. 47b; Bhag. pp. 190a.

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the yakşa), flying up into the air,311 and similar other practices are also referred to. An element of legendary supernaturalism and popular superstition can be detected in the thirty-four excellences (aïsesa) of the Tirthankaras and the interpretation of the ten great dreams of Mahāvīra.312
It may also be noted that the three out of the five kinds of knowledge (nāņa), endowed the monk with superhuman powers. The 'ohināņa' endowed him with clairvoyance, the 'manahparyāya' with thought-reading and the ‘kevala' made him omniscient.313
The acquisition of such and other supernatural powers was termed labdhis.314 DEATH:
The monk always yearned to escape from the cycle of births and rebirths, and the sooner he reached the end of worldly existence the more he was glad. The whole outlook of life being that of non-attachment, the monk put the body to the rigour of mortificatory practices, sustaining it so far as it served his purpose of a religious life: in fact, he was more particular about minor living beings than himself. That is why CHARPENTIER remarks that Mahāvīra "seems in reality often to care much more for the security of animals and plants than for that of human beings": 315 A monk took recourse to voluntary death with the permission of his teachers when he found that he could no more sustain his body.
Various forms of death are to be found in the Angas. They are as follows:
(a) Bhaktapratyākhyāna :
It consisted of total abstinence from food and drink. In this form of death, the monk scanned a proper place free from living beings either in a village or in a forest. Then he spread the bed of straw over it and, by giving up food and drink, he put up bravely with all the pangs of the body, at the same time keeping his mind free from worldly thoughts. Even though insects, mosquitoes and ants bit him, he lay down quietly. He was not allowed to
311. Ibid., pp. 793-94 ref. to Vijjācāranas and Janghācāranas who could fly up in the air. The former power could be acquired by fasting upto the 6th meal incessantly, and the latter by fasting upto the 8th.
312. Than. p. 60ab, 499ab; Bhag. 710ab.
313. Smv. 66a, 73b, 145b, etc.; Rāya., p. 30; Antg., p. 25; Vivāga., pp. 6, 17, 25, 77; 78; Niryā. pp. 3, 35 etc.; Näyä. p. 44 where Mahāvīra knows the thoughts of Mehakumāra; Seeing things in another city: Bhag. pp. 191-92.
314. Ibid., pp. 348ab. 315. CHI., Vol. 1, p. 162.

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move his limbs under any circumstances. Thus, "after the āśravas have ceased, he should bear (pains) as if he rejoiced in them. When the bonds fall off, then he has accomplished his life" 316 (b) Ingitamarana :
In this form of death, the monk did not lie on a bed of grass, but on a bare piece of ground free from living beings. Moreover, he was allowed to make movements of his limbs only according to the rules of ‘samitis' and ‘guptis.' He was allowed to walk when he was tired of lying, sitting or standing. But, he did all these activities without taking food with the noble intention of meeting such an 'uncommon death'.317 (c) Pāövagamana :
This consisted in standing motionless like a tree without any food till death overtook the monk. On a place free from the living beings, he stood bearing the pangs of hunger or thirst.318 (d) Samlehanā :
The Uttarādhyayana319 refers to 'sakāma' or the wise man's death (pandita-marana) as it was met with one's will for it. Death against one's will (akāma) was that of an ignorant man (bāla). The former consisted of the three types described above 320
Besides these, there was a mode of death going under the name 'samlehaņā”. This was quite a planned scheme of mortification as a prelude to fast unto death.
The maximum period of mortification was twelve years, the average one year and the minimum of six months.
The period of twelve years was subdivided into various periods. In the first four years the monk abstained from dainties (vigaï-nijjūhanam kare). In the second phase of four years, he practised various kinds (vicitta) of fasts. In the ninth and the tenth year, he ate 'ācāmla' at the end of every second fast (egantaramāyāmam). In the first half of the eleventh year, he
316. Acār. I, 7, 8, 7-10 (p. 75-76) ; The following order is given in the Nāyā. pp. 164-65, and the Bhag. p. 321a-(1) Scanning the place, (2) Spreading the grass bed, (3) Facing the east, (4) Salute to the Arhat, (5) Decision to give up food.
317. Acār. I, 7, 8, 11-18 (pp. 76-77).
318. Ibid., I, 7, 8, 19-23 (p. 77). On the rendering of the Prākrt term 'pāövagamana' as 'pädapopagamana' by commentators, JACOBI (Ibid. p. 77, f.n. 1) remarks, "This etymology, which is generally adopted by the Jainas, is evidently wrong; for the Sanskrit prototype is the Brāhmanical prāyopagamana"; Naya, pp. 44-45; Bhag. p. 126b, 685a.
319.5, 2-3; also Bhag. p. 118a, 624ab; Thán. 93b, 175a; Stkr. 2, 7, 18 (p. 429).
320. Ibid., 5, 32. BULL. DCRI.-26

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did not practise very long fasts (naïvigittham), while in the latter half of the same year he practised severe fasts (vigittha tava). During the whole. of the eleventh year, however, he maintained himself only on a measured quantity of 'äcämla'. In the last, i.e. the twelfth year, the monk either fasted for a day and then took 'ācāmla' on the next day, or abstained from 'ācāmla' even on the second day, and broke his fast only after a fortnight or a month. Thus he went on till his death.321
Improper Types of Death:
A number of other types of death are referred to in the Sthānanga and the Samaväyänga. The former322 cites as many as twelve kinds of death. condemned by Mahavira and hence unfit for ideal monks. These forms were:
(1) valāyamarana death by falling a prey to the parisahas and thus going astray, (samyamānnivartamānānāṁ parisahādābādhitatvät maranam);
(2) vasattamaraṇa-death by going under the influence of the sense-organs (indriyānāṁ adhinatām .... gatānāṁ.... maraparh);
323
(3) niyāṇamarana-death324 with the desire of achieving some worldly aim in the next birth (rddhibhogädiprärthanänidānam, tatpurvakaṁ maranam);
(4) tabbhavamarana that death at the time of which the person does a karman due to which he gets the same rebirth;
(5) giripadana-fall from a mountain;
(6) tarupadana-jumping from a tree;
(7) jalappavesa-drowning oneself;
(8) jalanappavesa-entering fire;
(9) visabhakkhana - eating poison;
(10) satthovädane-stabbing oneself to death;
(11) vehäṇasa-death by hanging; and
(12) giddhapatthe-exposing oneself to the vultures, etc.
321. Uttar. 36, 249-54; See Than. comm. pp. 95ab, 96a; Naya. pp. 46, 157, 200.
322. pp. 93b, 94ab; some of these in Acar. II, 10, 13 (p. 182): In Brahmanism also the penitents who have attained the highest state of asceticism are recommended starvation: Apastamba Dharmasutra (SBE, Vol. 2, pp. 154, 156) quoted by BÜHLER, Indian Sect. of the Jainas, p. 16, f.n. 5; See also Uttar. 36, 266; Näyä. p. 171.
323. Ibid., p. 206; See also Bhag., pp. 624a ff. p. 118b.
324. Nāyā. p. 174.

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Th.
It may be noted, that the last two were permitted only on rare occasions under which one found it hard to maintain one's celibacy (silarakşaņādau).
The same text says that Mahāvīra had laid down only two forms of death as proper for the monks. They were the 'bhattapaccakkhāņa' and the ‘pāövagamaņa.' Both these were divided into 'nīhārima' and 'anīhārima.' The former denoted death in a place of habitation, while the latter in a cave etc., (girikandarādau).
Another classification325 was threefold: the 'bālamarana', 'pandiyamarana' and 'bālapandiyamarana.' The first was the death of the fool, i.e., one who was not self-controlled; the second that of an enlightened and self-controlled person, and the last that of the partially controlled (samyatāsamyata). These three were subdivided each into three types according as the leśyās (soul-tints) were in an impure state (thita), or were not working out a bad effect (asankilittha), or were undergoing purification (appajjavajātalese).
The same list is continued in the Samavāyānga326 which gives as many as seventeen types of death. Besides the above types, the following kinds of death are mentioned:
(1) avīï (frequent death), (2) āyantiya327 (3) ohi-marana (4) antosalla marana (death with an inner dart of sin unconfessed),
(5) kevali-marana (death of an omniscient one), and (6) chaümattha-maraņa (death of a person devoid of omniscience).
It may be noted here that such division was perhaps not based on a scientific basis as it could be increased on any scale by including many other types of death in it.
Peculiar enough, the texts do not mention the funeral rites of the monk anywhere in detail. Instead of that, they merely give examples of different persons who met death by the approved modes of death for a Jaina monk.328
325. Thān. p. 175a. 326. p. 33a. 327. Not clear.
328. Mahāvīra's parents died by fasting unto death: Acar. II, 15, 16 (p. 194); Meha does pāövagamana: Näyā. pp. 44-46; Mallī, Ibid. p. 120; khandaga: fast unto death: Bhay. pp. 126b. The oft-used phrase is:
'apacchimamāranantitasaṁlehanäjhūsanajhusite
bhattapānapadiyakkhitte păövagate-Thän. 17la. On the death of Meha, other monks performed kayotsarga and took his requisites to the guru. It is not stated how the body was disposed of.--Nāya. pp. 45, 165.

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S. B. DEO Moral Discipline and Self-Control:
The fundamental vows which formed the very basis of monk life were a group of five vows (mahavvaya) which were as follows: (a) Savvāö pāņāivāyāö veramanam
Abstaining from injury to living beings, either small (suhuma) or great (bāyara), mobile (tasa) or immobile (thāvara).
For the perfect practice of this vow, the monk had to take precautions pertaining to his movement (iriyā samite), mental thoughts (maņam parijāņai), speech (vaïm), deposition of his requisites (āyāṇabhandanikkhevaņāsamite), and inspection of his food and drink (aloïyapāņabhoyanabhos).
(b) Savvāö musāvāyāö veramanam:
The renunciation of all types of lies either in anger, greed, fear or in jest (hāsā).
This was properly followed by speaking after deliberation (aņu vïï bhāsī), knowing and giving up anger, greed, fear and mirth.
(c) Savvāö adinnādāņāö veramanam:
Giving up stealing (lit., that which is not given), of any article at any. place.
This was properly carried out by restricting to limited alms (aņuviï miöggahajāï), asking the permission of the superior before consuming food or drink (aņunnaviya pāṇabhoyanabhor), taking possession of a part of a ground for a fixed period (ettāvatāva oggahanisīlaë), renewing the permission after the period of the previous one had elapsed (abhikkhaṇam abhikkhanaṁ oggahaņasīlaë), and begging for a limited ground for one's co-religionists (mitoggahajātī ..... sāhammiësu).
(d) Savvāö mehuņāö veramanan:
Abstaining from sexual intercourse either with divine beings, human beings or with lower animals.
It was properly followed by not discussing matters concerning women (itthīņam kahamkahaïttaë), not contemplating over forms of women (itthinam ... indiyāim), not recalling to mind former sexual pleasures (puvvarayāim puvvakiliyāim sumarittaë), not drinking or eating too much, or taking spicy dishes (atimattapāṇabhoyanabhoi ..... panīyarasabhoyanabhoi), and by not accepting a bed used by women, animals and eunuchs (itthīpasupandagasamsattim sayaņāsaņāïm sevittaë).

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205 (e) Savvāö pariggahāö veramanar:
The renunciation of all possession and attachment, little or much, small or great, pertaining to either living beings or to lifeless things.
This vow was properly followed when the monk refrained from enjoying the pleasures of hearing, seeing, smelling, tasting and feeling. 329
The Daśavaikālika330 adds the sixth vow to this list: (f) Savvāö rāïbhoyaņāö veramanar : ............
Abstaining from taking a night meal.
All these vows were to be practised in the thrice threefold way, inasmuch as, the monk was not to transgress these himself, or cause somebody else to do so, or consent to others doing so, either mentally (maņeņa), vocally (vāëņa) or bodily (kāëņa). Ahiṁsā:
We have already noted that the whole basis of the rules of begging and food was ahimsā. For its practice, monks and nuns were not allowed either in sleep or otherwise, to touch, or break, or scratch, or shake by means of anything either a lump of earth, or a wall (bhitti), or a stone, or a clod, or a dusty garment, or the body 331 For the same reason, the monk cleaned his requisites, 332 did not tour in the rainy season, 333 examined his requisites (paờilehaņa),334 scanned the places of easing nature (uccărapăsavana) 335 used boiled and strained water,336 did not do any fire activity,337 did not fan anything,338 walked carefully, avoided watery regions,339 and covered his face or the place where his sneezing, or yawning, or vomitting was likely to spread.340 Not only that, he had to be careful in not hurting the feelings of others by his speech or behaviour. 341
329. Acar. II, 15; (pp. 202 ff); Smv. p. 44a; Thän. p. 290a; Antg. p. 36.
330. Chapt. 4; Uttar. 30, 2; Thān. 460ab; Smv. 46a; Nāyā. pp. 45, 74; Bhag. 571a; See also Dív. Chapt. 6.
331. Ibid., Chapt. 4; 8, 4-5. 332. Ibid., 8, 17. 333. Ibid., 6, 27-46. 334. Bhag. 139a; Uttar. 26, 22-31; Thān. 361b.
335. Dsv. 8, 18; Thän. 380a; Uttar. 24, 17-18; Acār. II, 10, 1-22 (pp. 180-83); Stkr. 1, 9, 12 (p. 302); 1, 9, 19 (p. 303); 2, 2, 23 (p. 364).
336. Dív. 8, 6-7. 337. Ibid. Chapt. 4. 338. Ibid. 4, 10. 339. Ibid. 8, 10-11; also Chapt. 4. 340. Acar. II, 2, 3, 28 (p. 135). 341. Dśu. Chapt. 7.

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The reason behind that was that "all living beings desire to live and not to die. Therefore, the nigganthas give up killing of living beings" 342 This generous outlook led not only to mere justice but to equanimity or samatā i.e., the control of one's passions towards all. The same note of identity of the individual soul with others is beautifully expressed by the commentary to the Daśavaikālika: 343
‘Eka eva hi bhūtātmā bhūte bhūte vyavasthitaḥ / Ekadhā bahudhā caiva dịśyante jalacandravat //
'Soul is one even though it resides in many living beings. It is just like the single (reflection of) the moon in a (quiet) pond which becomes manifold (when the water is disturbed).' Guttis and Samüïs :
The proper channels of acquiring such equanimity which was the basis of ahimsā, was the practice of five samitis and three guptis.344
The five samitis were those which prescribed carefulness regarding movement (iriyā), speech (bhāsā), begging (esaņā), receiving and keeping the things necessary for religious purposes (āyāṇabhandanikkhevana) and deposition of bodily excreta (uccārapāsavaņakhelasinghānajallaparitthāvaņa).
The three guptis345 consisted of control over the mind (mana), speech (vāk) and body (kāya). Endowed with these, the monk controlled his passions (kaşāya) like anger, pride, deceit and greed, and put up with all sorts of troubles.
The tenfold religion of the monk consisting of forbearance (khanti), non-attachment (mutti), non-deceit (ajjava), modesty (maddava), carefulness in actions (lāghava), truth (sacca), self-control (sañjama), penance (tava), non-possession (citāta) and celibacy (bambhacera),346 made a monk fit to put up with the twenty-two troubles (parisahas).
342. Ibid. 6, 11. 343. p. 41.
344. Bhag. 121a, 775b; Thān 343a; Smu. 10a, Uttar. 24, 1-2; 20, 40; Vivaga. pp. 15, 80; Antg. p. 17; Stkr. 2, 2, 13 (p. 364).
345. Thăn. 111b; Smv. 8a; Dév. 3, 10; Uttar. IX, 20-22; 34, 40; 11, 4-9. For a detailed description about proper and improper speech : Dśu. Chapter VII; Acār. II, 4, 1, 1 (pp. 149 ff); Seven kinds of bad speech : Thān. p. 403b; Condemnation of the five great personalities leads to rebirth and no liberation : Ibid. p. 321a.
346. Same ideas repeated elsewhere : Seventeenfold samyama : Thān. p. 279b; Smu. p. 31: twenty-seven qualities of a monk : five great vows, fivefold sense-control, control of four passions, verbal control, physical and mental control, knowledge, conduct, faith, putting up with trouble and bearing the pangs of death : Ibid. p. 46a; sixfold pramāda or faults: Thān. p. 360b.

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207 Self-control:
The twenty-two parīsahas pertained to the troubles to which a monk was often subjected to.347 They were the troubles due to hunger (digañchā), thirst (pivāsā), cold (siya), heat (usiņa), mosquitoes and flies (damsamasaya), nakedness (acela), dissatisfaction with the objects of control (arati), women (itthi), wandering life (cariyā), places of study (nisīhiyā), lodging (sejjā), abuse (akkosa), death (vaha), asking for something (jāyaṇā), not to get what is wanted (alābha), illness (roga), pricking of grass (taṇaphāsa), bodily dirt (jalla), kind and honourable treatment (sakkārapurakkāra), knowledge and reason (pannā), ignorance (annāņa), and equanimity (sammatta).
Sabalas (Major Faults):
The following were supposed to be the major transgressions of monk life: (1) masturbation, (2) sexual intercourse, (3) taking food at night (rāïbhoyaņa), (4) eating food prepared for the monk by committing himsā
(āhākamma), (5) accepting food from him who has given residence (sejjāyara), (6) accepting specially made (uddesiya) and bought (kiyagada) food, (7) violating the vow of pratyākhyāna34% again and again, (8) changing the gaña within six months, (9) crossing navel-deep water thrice in a month, (10) practising deceit thrice in a month, (11) accepting royal food (rāyapiņda), (12) doing injury to living beings deliberately, (13) stealing, (14) telling a lie deliberately, (15) doing study or kāyotsarga in an unfit place, (16) deliberately stepping over a stone-slab or a clod of earth or a piece of wood containing living beings, (17) sitting over a piece of ground containing seeds etc., (18) deliberately eating roots and bulbs, (19) crossing navel-deep water ten times in a year, (20) practising deceit ten times in a year, and (21) eating food with a hand wet with cold water.349 Celibacy:
A well-controlled mind led to the practice of ideal celibacy. The monk was asked not to look at females or walk along with them. He was not allowed to be alone with a woman, or to use beds slept over by them, or tell stories regarding them, or to look at them, or to remember former enjoyments, or to eat spicy food, or eat too much, or gaze at wall-paintings of women. He
347. Uttar. Chapt. 2; Smv. p. 40b.
348. Pratyakhyāna was ten-fold: anāgaya, aïkkanta, kodisahiya, niyantiya, sägāra, anagara, parimānakada, niravasesa, sākeya and addhāya; pertaining to the period or the quantity of a particular item given up.
349. Smu. p. 39ab.

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was asked to remain aloof from a woman even if she was disfigured and hundred years old for "they are to monks what a cat is to a chicken" 350
All efforts of bodily toiletting and decoration were to be avoided. Therefore, the monk was not allowed to take bath, or clean his teeth, or use flowers and scents, or fan his body 351 He was to carry the dirt on his body life-long and no attempts of external purity were encouraged.352 Use of purgatives353 or of enema, applying collyrium, playing dice, 354 and going to all sorts of recreation like dramas etc.,355 were the forbidden items of monk life.
To repeat, in short, for the maintenance of celibacy the monk was asked to avoid the following things:
(1) Using beds and seats enjoyed by women, eunuchs, and beasts, (2) to tell stories only to women, (3) to look at the forms of women and contemplate over them, (4) to sit together with a woman on one seat, (5) listening to the singing, laughing or any other sounds of women
by remaining behind a curtain or a wall, (6) recalling to memory past enjoyments, (7) eating well-dressed food, (8) eat or drink excessively,
(9) to get attached to sounds, colours, tastes, smells or touches, and (10) to put on ornaments.356
The monk was forbidden to use for religious postures places used by the householders with the reason that the women in the house were likely to force him to have sexual intercourse.357 In cases of emergencies, however, he was allowed to enter the royal harem for protection. These cases were:
(1) If the city gates were closed, or encircled on all sides and the
samaņas were unable to go out for food or water,
350. Stkr. 1, 4, 1, 5 (p. 272); Uttar. 16, 1-10; Thān. 444a; Smv. 151; Dśv. 2, 4. 7-11; 8, 54-58; Eighteenfold celibacy: Smu. p. 33.
351. Dšv. 3, 2-3; 61-64; Smv. 35b; Thän. 460b; Stkr 1, 9, 13 (p. 303), 2, 2, 73 (p. 380), etc. (transl. pp. 295 ff, 302-03, 380, 405).
352. Uttar. 2 37; Acar. II, 13, 1-23 (pp. 286-88), forbids nailcutting, washing the body, dressing the hair, etc.
353. Dśv. 3, 9. 354. Ibid. 3, 4; Stkr. SBE, XIV. p. 303. 355. Acar. II, 11, 1, 18 (pp. 183-85); Stkr. (transl.) p. 305.
356. Uttar. XVI, 1-10; Thān. p. 444a; Smu. p. 15a; Some of these in Stkr. 1, 4, 1, 5 and 13 (pp. 272-73).
357. Acār. II, 2, 1, 12 (p. 124); Stkr. 1, 4, 1, 30 (p. 275).

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(2) If articles like a plank, a stool etc., were to be returned, (3) If the monk was afraid of a horse, elephant or a wicked fellow,
(4) If somebody held him by the hand and took him there by force, and (5) If the gardens and other places were occupied by the people be
longing to the royal harem.358
Loya :
One aspect of the non-decoration of the body and of self-control was the peculiar practice of loya, or the uprooting of the hair on the head and beard in five handfuls. The typical phrases used in this connection were 'munde bhavittā agārāö anagāriyam pavvažo®359 or 'pañcamuthiyam loyam kareï'. 360
From the description of Meha's renunciation as given in the Jñātādharmakathānga361, however, it is gathered that Meha's head was shaved by a barber, and only four-finger high (or over a space measuring four angulas?) (caürangulavajje) hair were left on his head (nikkhamaņapāügge aggakese). Then he uprooted these in the presence of Lord Mahāvīra.
This loya was done either after two, three or four months, and was carried on at daytime, preceded by a fast.362
Illness :
The proper control over the sense-organs led to proper conduct regarding food and other items. Any excess was said to lead to illness, and the ten causes of illness as given in the Sthānanga363 may be said to imply the same. It is said there that constant sitting (accāsaņāte), frequently sitting on an uncomfortable seat, improper food (ahiyāsaņayāë), excessive sleeping (atiņiddăë), constantly keeping late hours (atijāgaraņeņa), checking the calls of nature or not letting out cough, etc. (uccāraṇiroha and pāsavaņaņiroha), long journey (addhāņagamaņa), improper food (bhoyaņapadikūlatāte) and excitation of passion (indiyatthavikovanayāte) generally lead to illness.
358. Thān. pp. 311b-312a.
359. Sm. 37a; Thăn. 46a 176b, 307a, 400b; Uttar, 19, 13; 20, 41; 22, 24; Antg. p. 37; Dév. 4, 18; Acar. II, 15, (p. 189); Stkr. 2, 2, 73 (p. 380) ; Vivāga. pp. 15, 78; Anttr. pp. 62, 68, etc.
360. Nāyā. p. 218; Bhag. 430b, 620a. 361. Chapt. 1.
362. Smv. 57; It may be noted that the Brāhmanical and the Buddhist ascetics did shave their heads, but they did not uproot their hair : See Har Dutt SHARMA, Hist. of Brahmanical Asceticism, P.O., Vol. III, No. 4, p. 76.
363. P. 446a. BULL. DCRI.--27

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The Acārānga364 says that Mahāvīra did not take medicine when he was ill. The Sthānānga,365, however, refers, along with other details, to aüveya which had the following eight branches :
(1) kumārabhicce - pertaining to the diseases of children, (2) kāyatigicchā - diagnosis of the body, (3) sālātī - pertaining to the treatment by means of a small salākā, (4) sallahattā — surgery, (5) jangolī - pertaining to snake-bite and poisoning, (6) bhūtavejjā - science of quelling the trouble of semi-divine
beings, (7) khāratanta - pertaining to making a person sexually fit, (8) rasātane - medicines and elixirs for longevity.
Inspite of these details and such others pertaining to the fourfold disease, fourfold diagnosis, and fourfold doctors,366 it is not clear whether they implied popular practices, or were those allowed to the monks. On the contrary we find that an ill monk was allowed to take three dattis (unbroken offerings) of the vikrtis (like ghee, etc.) 367 We have already noted the case of the royal monk Selaga who took wine as medicine.368 But it may be noted here, that such cases were exceptions rather than the rule. The normal course was to put up bravely with the pangs of disease if it was beyond cure.
Service:
Not only the ill but even the superiors were to be waited upon by the monks. In this respect it may be noted that the monks were asked to serve the ācārya, upādhyāya, sthavira, tapasvin, glāna, śaikşa, sādharmika, kula, gana and sangha.369
Thus, the life of the monk was to be a dedication not only to his comonks but also for the needs of the Sangha. Hence, it expected him to be meek and devoid of any pride for his caste, knowledge or penance. However, he was not allowed to do worldly service to the householders or even salute them.370
364. I, 8, 4, 1 (p. 86). 365. P. 427b. 366. Ibid. p. 265a; also Nāyā. p. 144 for similar description of the physicians. 367. Thān. p. 138a. 368. Nāyā. p. 80.
369. Uttar. 30, 33; Bhag. pp. 558ab; Thān. p. 473b; for a somewhat different list, Ibid. p. 408b.
370. Dív. 3, 6; 8, 30; Dév, cù. 2, v. 9.

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211
Sāmāyārī:
Sāmācāri was the correct mode of behaviour by the monks under ten categories. They were371 : (1) āvaśyaka, it was done when the monk wanted to leave a place
or a person's company due to some work, (2) naişedhikī, same as above, but when entering a place, (3) aprcchanā, asking the permission of the elders before doing any.
thing, (4) pratiprcchanā, permission for that which is to be done by some
other person, (5) chandanā, offering whatever others need, (6) icchākāra, carrying out one's own duty, (7) mithyākāra, condemning oneself for transgressions, (8) tathākāra, giving consent at the time of a promise, (9) abhyutthāna, getting up in respect to the elders.
(10) upasampad, remaining under the control of a teacher. Summary :
In short, the monk had to lead a very rigorous life set within limits of various rules of moral conduct.372 The typical ideal placed before him was that of the tortoise373 which kept within control all its limbs. He was, therefore, to be unattached (amama), propertyless (akiñcaņa), bondless (chinnagantha), unaffected by passions like a copper or brazen vessel which does not retain water, uninfatuated or pure like the conch, going ahead in self-control like the pure soul which goes up, unattached to any place like the wind, independent like the sky which has no support, well-controlled like the bhārunda bird, brave like the elephant, full of fortitude like a bull, unexcited like the sea, lustrous like the sun (due to penance and knowledge), unaffected like pure gold, possessing forbearance like the earth, and unattached like the lotus petal which does not retain water.374
"It was no wonder, therefore, that mothers tried to prevent their sons from taking to monk life which was dry like the morsels of sand, uncrossable like the Ganges when tried to be crossed against the current, or like the sea which is difficult to be crossed with the help of human arms. In short, it was
371. Uttar. 26, 2-7; Thăn. 499a; Bhag. 920b.
372. These are often referred to as 'mula-gunas' and 'uttara-gunas' (Bhag. p. 893b), or by the phrase : 'caraṇakarana.'
373. Näyā. Chapt. 4. 374, Thăn. p. 459b.

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as sharp as the blade of a sword, the improper use or carelessness in the handling of which led to grievous results.375
GENERAL REMARKS:
A survey of the rules of monastic conduct as given in the Angas and the Mulasūtras, reveals the following characteristics of early Jaina
monachism.
Church:
(1) Even though various officers are mentioned, no details regarding their qualifications, standing in monkhood, duties and mutual relations are to be found. Though seniority is expressed by words like 'ahārāïniya' and 'omaraiņiya', the texts fail to give further details about them.
(2) The set of the ten prayaścittas, though mentioned alike in all these texts, is seldom seen to take a clear shape, inasmuch as no concrete examples of the application of all these punishments is found. The texts do not give details about the way in which these punishments were undergone.
(3) Similar is the case regarding the church units. The exact relation between the gana and other units like the kula and sambhoga is not very clear. The quorum necessary to form these and the qualifications of the members joining these, etc. are not exhaustively dealt with. It may, however, be noted that the gana and the sambhoga are equipped with many rules. It may, therefore, be said that these were two important units. The absence of the gaccha- which later on wiped out the gana-is remarkable.
(4) People from all ranks joined the church.
Moral Discipline:
From the various minute rules about moral discipline like the five great vows, the rules about speech, celibacy, bodily mortification, etc. these texts seem to provide a firm moral basis for the church in its infancy. Upon this firm foundation of moral discipline and equality of caste and of status, the church seemed, as we shall see in the next chapter, to spread out its activities. It is, therefore, due to this creation of a foundation that the rules of moral discipline predominate in the Angas and the Mülasūtras.
375. Nāyā. p. 28; The non-attachment of the monk has been very beautifully expressed by the parable of the dry gourd (Ibid. Chapt. 6). When it is coated with mud (karman), it goes down to the bottom of the water (hell); devoid of it (karma-nirjarā), it comes up (= attains liberation). The gourd represents the jīva.
This process of coming up gradually due to the disintegration of the mud-coating has its parallel in the 'kṣapakaśreni' which is the progress of the soul from the bad to the ideal stage: Dśv. 4, 14-25.

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Food:
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Purity of food being essential for a perfect body with pure mind, several rules about it are to be found in these texts. It may, however, be noted that the famous forty-six rules, even though mentioned, are not found treated systematically at one place. The treatment though exhaustive in the Daśavaikälika is in no way an effort of a systematic grouping of various rules.
213
It may, however, be noted that even though considerations of ahimsā were predominant, some of the rules reveal a knowledge of social etiquette as well.
Penance :
From the various penances, it seems that practices of bodily mortification were held in high esteem. These reveal a high standard of asceticism and self-control.
Requisites:
The rules about clothing in these texts do not seem to be particular either about nudity or about clothing. The sole principle behind the wearing of clothes was the unattached attitude towards all sorts of clothing and the body.
Other requisites were the alms-bowl, broom and blanket. No details of their measurements, etc. are found.
Study and Daily Routine:
Study formed an important part in the monk's life, hence numerous rules pertaining to it are to be found in the texts. It may, however, be noted that no curriculum was fixed.
Among the other items of daily routine, the avaśyakas are seldom given as much importance in the Angas as they possess in the Mülasūtras.
If at all a distinction is to be made between the earlier Angas (Acaranga and Sütrakṛtänga) and the later Angas, it may be noted that these two Angas possibly reveal an earlier stage than the rest of the Angas do. For, the former seldom reveal a system of the prayaścittas or the rules regarding church hierarchy and other items of church life. The Sthānanga and the Samaväyänga give such rules, while the rest of the Anga texts reveal a sociological background to Jaina monachism for they give stories about people embracing Jaina monk life, the various sects, the actual tours of Mahāvīra and his occasions of contact with the mass of the people. Thus we see that if the Acaränga and the Sütrakṛtänga furnish details of the rules of monastic discipline, the other texts reveal the actual working of these in relation to the society.

On the whole, we may say that the Angas reveal the Jaina church in its infancy, though trying to organise itself gradually. The picture of an organised and a widely spread church will be revealed in the next chapter.

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CHAPTER 2
THE CHEDASŪTRAS, NIRYUKTIS AND THE REST OF THE
TEXTS OF THE CANON
Introduction After the Angas and the Mülasūtras come the rest of the texts of the Canon. Among these, the Chedasūtras may be taken to be the oldest portions. Then come the Niryuktis and the remaining texts of the groups called the Upāngas and the Prakīrņakas.
Our task will be to note down the information regarding various aspects of monastic life as revealed in these texts. THE CHURCH:
The religious zeal of Mahāvīra, his ganadharas and followers must have led, in a short time, to the spread of Jainism, not only in Magadha but outside the birth-place of Jainism itself. The more the monks went out, the more they came in contact with new people, new customs and peculiar local atmosphere, and a necessity of organising the Church on a solid basis, was perhaps felt. The following details as revealed in the Chedasūtras and later on by the Niryuktis, may be said to support the observation made above. But before making any other general observations, it would be better to take a glimpse of the Jaina Church as depicted in these texts.
Initiation : Persons Fit to Enter Order :
The list of eighteen personsdisqualified for the Church seems to have remained unchanged, and the same persons were disallowed entry to the Church.
The Chedasūtras refer here and there to persons not allowed to enter monkhood, as for instance, the BỊhatkalpa? which lays down that the impotent
(paņdaä), the timid (kīva) and the sexually defective persons (vāja) should be initiated. Among the persons who were deemed difficult to convert were the wicked-minded (duttha), the ignorant (mūdha) and persons of un
1. Thân. 3, 202 2. 4, 4.

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215 sound mind (vuggāhiya).3 The persons devoid of these defects were said to be easy to convert (sussannappā). The minimum limit of the completion of eight years for entry to monkhood is to be found in the Vyavahāra Sūtra also.
Nobody was allowed to initiate or confirm (uvatthāveï) unfit persons, and if one did so, he had to undergo a punishment for that. The monk was also forbidden to initiate a man or a woman in order to exploit service out of him or her later on.
No doubt, the rule did exist that an auspicious day and time was to be selected for the ceremony of initiation (pavvajjā), but no exact details are to be found in the Chedasūtras as are available in the later texts like the Prakīrņakas.
The Ganividyāprakīrņaka? lays down the following rules regarding the renunciation ceremony (niskramana) of a person :
Improper
The rest.
Days: Muhurtas :
Nakşatras :
Śravaņa, Dhanisthā
Punarvasu.
Karana :
Proper Monday, Thursday and Friday. Pratipadā, Pañcamī, Daśami,
Pūrņimā, Ekādaśī. Uttarā, Bhādrapadā,
Uttarāşadhā, Rohiņā. Bava, Bālava, Kaulava, Vanija
Nāga and Catuspada. Purusa When the lagna is of calarāśi
(moving sign); or lagna of Mithuna rasi, or when the candra or moon is in conjunction with the nakşatra at one's birth.
Sakuna : Lagna :
3. Byh. kalp. 4, 7: I.A. Vol. 39, p. 264 where 'vuggāhiya' is rendered as 'who has a fixed idea.' It may be translated as 'quarrelsome persons' (from 'vyudgraha', quarrel).
4. 10, 16f. 5. Nis. 11, 84-85. 6. Vav. 7, 4. 7. Vs. 8-10, 22, 26, 44, 46, 48-54, 61, 63, 66.
8. No proper historical study of astronomy and astrology is yet made. But it seems from references in inscriptions that details as given above probably came into existence at a much later period.

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S. B. DEO Besides this, it lays down that the decorating and the procession of the person wanting to enter order should be done on the days expressed as nandā' and 'bhadrā.'
Such and other details which are perhaps the peculiarity of later texts are found to be absent in the Chedasūtras, even though the fundamental rules regarding this ceremony seem to have remained unchanged.
Normally, no person was allowed to enter order in the rainy season. But in case he was found to be of exceptional abilities and knowledge, then such a person was initiated even in the rainy season.
The Confirmation:
The distinction between pavajjā and uvaţthāvanā was that the former simply enlisted the candidate into the order, and after a reasonable period of probation in which his conduct was noticed, he was confirmed into the order (upasthāpanā) by giving him the five great vows and other rules of monastic conduct.10 This period of pupilship or probation lasted for six months at the maximum, four months on an average, and the minimum was a week.11
If a candidate proved himself fit for confirmation then the ācārya and the upādhyāya were not to make delay. In case they did so deliberately or out of inadvertance, then they had to undergo either'cheda' or 'parihāra '12 Obtaining initiation in one group and going to another ācārya for confirmation was also allowed to monks.13
No details regarding the actual process either of initiation or of confirmation pertaining to the ceremonial aspect of it can be had in the Chedasūtras or the Niryuktis. It may be, therefore, that those items remained unchanged, and perhaps were the same as given in the Angas.
Church Hierarchy:
Once confirmed the candidate became a recognised member of the Church and had to conform to the rigorous discipline of the Church in general and to that of his immediate superior in particular.
9. Daśāśruta-N. 86. 10. The Sütrakrtănga-N. refers to the 'pavvāvana' and 'sikkhāvana'-v. 127 11. Vav. 10, 15. 12. Ibid., 4, 16; see Appendix 1. 13. Ibid., 7, 6-7.

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Before his final consecration and perhaps after it, the newly-entered candidate had to go through an intense course of study, and had to carry out the orders of his guru.
Seha, Anteväsi and Khuddaga :
These three words stood for the person who was undergoing a period of studentship. As has already been seen, the period of candidature or noviciate (seha) lasted for either six months or four months or a week. (cham.māsiya, cāümmāsiya and sattaraïndiya respectively).
The disciple was to reveal his devotion to the guru, by helping him to acquire new requisites or looking after the old ones, or lending requisites to those who were in need of them (upakaraṇotpadanatä). He behaved with his guru in perfect modesty and waited upon him (sahāyatāvinaya). If somebody condemned the guru, then it was the duty of the disciple to refute the person and establish the proper position of his guru (varnasañjvalanatā). He behaved so as to keep the morale of the company and tried his best to acquire new candidates for the Church, to help the newly-initiated ones, to help the sick and to pacify quarrels.14
217
The Vyavaharasutra refers to the four types of antevāsī (associate, one living near the guru).15 It seems that a distinction was made between them on the basis of 'uddesanā' (instructions or explanation), and 'vāyaṇā' (reading), for some of them were 'uddesaṇantevāsī' but were not 'vāyaṇantevāsī,' others were 'vāyaṇanteväsî' but not 'uddesaṇantevāsī.' There were some, on the other hand, who belonged to both of these categories, ie, they received the reading as well as the explanation thereof from the guru. The fourth category consisted of 'dhammantevāsī.'
Another word denoting the studentship was khudḍaga.16
Thera:
As the word itself suggests, the thera was an elderly monk who had enough standing in monk life. That the thera was not simply an old monk but had also other qualifications is clear from his three categories referred to in the Vyavahārasutra. According to it, a monk of sixty years was called 'jaïthera,' one well-versed in the Sthānanga and the Samavāyānga
14. Daśāśruta. 4th Dasa; the qualities of an ideal pupil are described by various illustrations in Avasyaka-N. v. 749.
15. Vav. 10, 13.
16. Ibid., 10, 16-17.
17. 10, 14.
BULL. DCRI.-28

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was termed 'suyathera,' and he who had twenty years of monk life was designated 'pariyāyathera.' Thus, considerations of age, learning and standing as a monk may be said to be at the basis of this classification. The word 'thcrabhūmī' perhaps shows that the position of a thera was not only based on age but also on qualifications. Another rule which says that if the monks have forgotten the 'āyārapakappa' (rules of monastic conduct) then they should be allowed to restudy it and then should be installed in a higher office',18 goes well with the above observation.
The theras occupied a position of respect. That they played an important part in the group of monks is revealed by the fact that the junior monks had to seek permission of the theras before doing important activities of daily routine, as we shall notice. Along with these responsibilities, they enjoyed certain privileges also. They were allowed to take rest while others begged for them, and to use skins if on account of old age their limbs brushed with each other. They were also permitted to deposit their requisites with a house-holder or a companion in case they were unable to carry these. 19
Uvajjhāya :
The upadhyāya was a person who had at least three years' standing in monkhood to his credit (tivāsapariyāya). He was a person who knew the etiquettes of monastic conduct (āyārakusala), who was well-controlled, expert in the sacred lore and its exposition (pavayanakusala, paņņattikusala), and knew how to induce people to the fold (sangahakusala).
The minimum academic qualification of this officer consisted of at least the knowledge of āyārapakappa. Nobody who did not possess these qualifications was appointed to this office only because he had completed three years' standing in monkhood.20
The chief duty of an upādhyāya was to give instructions to the younger monks in the group. It seems that he had no other administrative work and he was the head of the educational side of a group of monks as well as of nuns.21
The Niryuktis give fanciful derivations of the words uvajjhāya and ujjhā. According to one niryukti,22 the letter 'u' stood for 'upayoga
18. Ibid., 5, 17. 19. Ibid., 8, 5. 20. Ibid., 3, 3-4. 21. Ibid., 3, 12, lays down uvajjhāya as one of the three protectors of nuns. 22. Avaśyaka-N. 1002.

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karaṇam', while the letter ‘jjhā' denoted 'dhyānakaranam'. Thus according to this explanation the word 'ujjhā' signified a person who did meditation with perfect consciousness. In the same way the word 'uvajjhāya' implied a person who dissipated the karman by means of abstaining from sin by the practice of conscious meditation.23
The work of teaching, so peculiar to the upādhyāya, is also stressed by the niryuktis which say that the upādhyāyas were so called because of their instructions to others.24 Such being the noble duty of an upādhyāya, a salutation to him was said to lead to enlightenment.25
Another division of the duties of a teacher (sikkhaga', perhaps the same as upādhyāya) was based on the basis of his being either a teacher of lore or a teacher of practice.26 The teacher giving instructions either gave the reading of the text, or explained it or did both these duties. The other category consisted of one who taught, not only in precept but in practice, the mūlagunas and the uttaraguņas (the principal and subsidiary rules of monastic conduct).
Ayariyaüvajjhāya :
The next officer in the Church hierarchy, superior to the upādhyāya, was an ācāryopādhyāya.
The main difficulty regarding this post is that it is very difficult to say whether these were two separate persons as ācārya and upādhyāya, or a single person carrying the whole designation. In this connection SCHUBRING27 remarks, "Between the āyariya and the uvajjhāya stands this person. The commentaries (Vav. 4, 11 f) understand by this mostly two persons (com
23. Ibid., 1003: ‘upayogapúrvakaṁ pāpaparivarjjanato dhyānārohaņena karmāpanayantityupādhyāyah'.
24. 'uvaïsanti jamhā uvajjhāyā teņa vuccanti', Ibid., v. 1001. 25. Ibid., 1004. 26. Sūtrakrtānga-N.vs. 128-129:
Sikkhaga (teacher)
gahane (instructions)
āsevaņāë (practice)
sütre (text)
arthe (meaning)
tadubhaë
(both)
mulagune (fundamental five vows)
uttaragune (subsidiary five vows)
27. Die Lehre der Jainas, article 141.

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pare Than 329b; Bhagavati 232a) and in few cases where the word is used in the plural, perhaps this view is correct (Vav. 1, 34). But there is no room for any doubt when we take into consideration the fact that according to Vav. 7, 15f. 3, 3-7, for becoming an uvajjhāya, a man with special qualities must have at least three years' experience as a monk, and on the basis of the plan of studies given in Vav. 10, 20 ff. he must at least have the knowledge of āyārapakappa; for an āyariyaüvajjhāya five years experience and the knowledge of the suyakkhandha and dasā-kappa-vavahāra".
Thus the Vyavahārasūtra treats him as a single person, superior to the uvajjhāya in point of standing in monkhood (paryāya), as well as in study, as he was expected to have studied the three Chedasūtras–Dasā (Daśāśrutaskandha), Kappa (Brhatkalpa), and Vavahāra (Vyavaharasutra).23
In case, a person had forgotten these texts, then he was asked to relearn the 'āyārapakappa', and then he was installed in the office of the ācāryopādhyāya.29 If no other proper person was available, then a person who was fit for that office but whose standing in monkhood was cut short (nivuddhavāsapariyāë) due to some transgression committed by him, was reinitiated the same day, and made the ācāryopādhyāya. But he had to show good conduct and had to earn the confidence of other monks.30 Thus conduct by the person as well as confidence in him by others were the chief items that were taken into consideration, and the principle of not imposing an officer unpopular to the rest of the members of the Church was very wisely carried out.
It is difficult to say what were the duties of this officer. It is possible that he acted as an ācārya when the latter was absent, and as an upādhyāya when the real upadhyāya was busy with something else. Thus he seems to have served as a link between the ācārya and the upādhyāya.
Along with these duties he had five privileges (aïsesa) on account of his important position. They allowed him to clean his feet in the monastery, or ease nature in the monastery, or ask the disciples to do service to him, or stay either in or out of the monastery for one or two nights.31 He was not taken to be a transgressor of ideal conduct if he did these five acts, while others were taken to be so.
28. Vav. 3, 5. 29. Ibid., 3, 10. 30. Ibid., 3, 9, 31. Ibid., 6, 2.

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Great moral qualifications were attached to this post, and it was seen that the person did not take undue advantage of his privileges. Thus, if the ācāryopādhyāya broke the vow of celibacy while holding the office, he was debarred from accepting any post throughout his life. If, however, after leaving his office he acted thus,32 he was suspended for three years.33 If he became worldly (avadhāvaï) without leaving his office, then he was not allowed to hold office again throughout his life. If he happened to do so, after leaving his office, he was suspended for three years.34 Another disqualification that made him unfit throughout his life for that post, inspite of his being well-versed, was his being always a liar (musāvāï), deceitful (mai), impure (asui) and sinful (pāvajīvī).35
Gaņāvaccheżya :
After the ācāryopādhyāya came the gaṇāvacchedaka as is clear from the fact that he was a person having eight years' standing. Besides this, he was expected to be conversant with the Sthānānga and the Samavāyānga. 36
The designation makes it clear that this person was the head of a part of the gana, and was perhaps the immediate subordinate to the ācārya.37 It is not very clear as to what were the duties assigned to this person.
Along with the duties, he had some privileges also, and he was allowed to remain either inside or outside the monastery either for a night or two.38
These privileges, it seems, were the outcome of the confidence placed in him regarding his moral behaviour. If he proved to be unworthy of it and committed an offence against celibacy while holding the office, then he was dismissed and barred from holding office throughout his life (jāvaj
32. 'gaņāvaccheïyattam anikkhivittä'.
33. Vav. 3, 16-17. The wording is 'tiņni samvaccharāņi tassa tappattiyam no kappaï ayariyaüvajjhāyattam uddisittaë va dhārettaë vå'.
34. Ibid., 3, 21-22 35. Ibid., 3, 25. 36. Ibid., 3, 7.
37. SCHUBRING remarks, "Ganivijjā 40,76 also deals with ganahara and gaņāvaccheïya. The latter is lower in rank, but according to his name he is superior to a part of the gana". (Footnote 2, p. 161: 'But Acārānga II, 79, 3 describes something to the contrary because according to it gañadhara is the leader of a group living separately from the gana, and in this group ganadhara represents the gamin. Ganavaccheïya is described here as the gacchakāryacintaka').-Die Lehre der Jainas, article 140 (Transl. by Mr. MARATHE).
38. Vav. 6, 3.

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S. B. DEO jīvāë). If, on the other hand, he did so after leaving his office then he was suspended for three years.39 It was for the purpose of checking his conduct as also for safety that he had always to live in the company of two others normally, and with three others during the rainy season.40
In case a ganāvacchedaka while holding the office became worldly (ohāëjjā), then he was disallowed to hold a position of authority throughout his life. But if he did so after leaving the reins of his power, then he had to face suspension for three years.41 Persons who were liars, of deceitful nature, or of sinful or impure tendencies were deemed unfit for this post even though they were well-versed.42
Great care was taken in appointing a person to this office. Persons who had forgotten the āyārapakappa owing to idleness were disqualified for office. Those, on the other hand, who had forgotten it owing to illness, were asked to restudy the text and then were re-appointed to the post. In the case of old monks who had forgotten the text, they were asked to take lessons even from younger monks for making themselves qualified for the post and were given the concession of studying while lying down if they were unable to learn it in a sitting posture due to weakness or age.43
Āyariya :
In line with that of the gaņāvacchedaka, the qualifications required for becoming an ācārya were eight years' standing in monkhood and the knowledge of Sthānānga and Samavāyānga.44 Besides these, an ideal moral conduct was expected the more in this person as compared with others, as he was the supreme head possessing over-riding powers.
The moral aspect of this office is seen stressed in practically all the texts whenever they happen to refer to the qualifications of this person. The Avaśyakaniryukti45 described an ācārya as one who exhibited the proper fivefold conduct (āyāra) consisting of knowledge (nāņa), faith (darisana), good behaviour (cāritta), penance (tava), and fortitude (viriya). At other place, the ācārya is compared to a lamp which, while shining by itself, gives light to others. 46
39. Ibid., 3, 14-15. 40. Ibid., 4, 3; 4, 8. 41. Ibid., 3, 19-20. 42. Ibid., 3, 24. 43 Ibid., 5, 17-18. 44. Ibid., 3, 7. 45. V. 998. 46. Dasav-N. 31: 'Dīvasamā āyariyā dippanti param ca dīvanti'.

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223 The Vyavahārasūtra47 refers to not less than eight types of āyariyas. It appears from that that the following were the types:
(1) Those who only initiated a monk but did not confirm the candidate (pavvāvanāyariya, and uvatthāvanāyariya),
(2) Those who simply confirmed the candidate but did not initiate him into the order,
(3) Those who did both the above two duties, (4) Those who did not do either of the activities,
(5) Those who explained the text to the student (uddesanāyariya), but did not give reading of the text to him,
(6) Those who did only the work of giving reading (vāyaņāyariya),
(7) Those who did both these jobs, and (8) Those who did not do any of the above two activities.
It seems, therefore, that the ācārya had not only to look to the spiritual aspect of the Church but also to the work of instructing the younger monks, which was perhaps the fundamental duty of the upādhyāya. The same view may be said to be revealed in the classification of the ācārya in two categories as given in the Sūtrakstānganiryukti48 which differentiates between the ācārya who initiated a candidate to the order (pavvāvanto), and one who gave instructions to him (sikkhāvanto). The latter is further divided into two divisions : one who gave instructions in theory (gahane) and another who taught how to put these rules into practice (āsevane).
Besides these duties, the ācārya, it seems, was looked upon as the sole responsible person who had to take utmost care regarding the maintenance of ideal conduct by the disciple-monks. Not only the monks, but the nuns also were under his supervision and he was looked upon as one of the three protectors of the nuns.49 All the important items of daily routine were to be done only after the permission of the ācārya.
It should be noted that the qualifications required for the post of an ācārya as well as for that of the gaṇāvaccedaka were the same. Not only that, but the conditions for suspension and debarring the person from office50 were also identical. In spite of this, in reality, the ācārya seems to have been superior to the ganāvacchedaka and the latter had equal qualifications
47. 10, 11-12. 48. V. 130. 49. Vav. 3, 12. 50. Ibid., 3, 9, 13, 23-29.

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on the merits of which he could perhaps succeed the ācārya, if need arose. It is, however, difficult to say, what exactly the relations between these two persons were.
Other Officers:
Besides these oft-mentioned officers the Cheda-sutras refer to others also, and we get different lists put in different orders or sequence.
Vāyaga:
The Brhatkalpa51 refers to the vācaka.
Three persons were deemed unfit for this office. They were, firstly, persons devoid of manners (avinië), secondly, those who were fond of dainties (vigalpadibaddha), and lastly those who refused to make atonement for their offence or transgression (aviosaviyapāhude).
From the designation attributed to this person, it seems probable that his duty was to give reading (vāyaṇa) to the younger monks. The dictionary, however, equates him with an upadhyāya. But we have already seen that even among the ācāryas, there was a class which was termed 'vāyaṇāyariya', and there were also the 'gahanasikkhagas'. Hence the position of this officer in the Church hierarchy is not clear.
Pavatti:
The Bṛhatkalpa54 mentions him next to upādhyāya.
The name pravartin suggests that this officer looked after the proper management of a group of monks. It seems, therefore, probable that the ācārya looked to the spiritual aspect, the upadhyaya (and perhaps the väcaka) to the educational aspect, and the 'pavatti' to the administrative aspect of the group of monks.
Ganahara:
As the name suggests, he was the head of a group (gana) of monks.
It is not possible to say whether the ācārya and the gapadhara were the same persons or not. If he were to be a separate officer in the Church, then
51. 4, 5-6.
52. Translated in I.A. Vol. 39, p. 264, as 'one easily excited'; see also footnote 36 on the same page.
53. Pääsadda, p. 944.
54. 4, 15.

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225 the Vyavahara sūtra, which gives the qualifications of other officers, would have also given the same regarding the ganadhara. But, if on account of this absence of the statement of qualifications of a ganadhara we take him to be identical with the ācārya, then we cannot account for the separate mention of gañadhara along with the ācārya and others in the list as given in the Brhatkalpa.55 The Vrtti56 by Malayagiri on the Avaśyaka also fails to give the difference between the ganadhara and ācārya when it explains the former as the head of a group of monks and nuns.
Gani :
The same difficulty as in the case of the ganadhara is to be found regarding the ganin. The Bịhatkalpa57 mentions him separate from the ācārya, but the duties ascribed to him do not seem to have been different from that of either the gañadhara or the ācārya. In this connection SCHUBRING remarks that the Ganividyā is connected with the duties of the gain on the horoscopic and calender basis. We see him here calling the members of the gana together for this or that activity (ganasangahaņam kujjā), the sehaņikkhamana vratopasthāpana, and we also see him fulfilling the task of āyariya.58
The qualifications expected of a ganin are dealt with exhaustively in the Daśāśrutaskandha.59 These, it should be noted, are the same as given in the Sthānānga, and which we have already noticed. These expected a high standard of morality together with bodily and mental fitness blended with administrative skill.
It may be noted that even among the gaņins, a sort of seniority existed as is perhaps denoted by the word 'jitthagani’60 (Sk. jyeştha-ganin) used to specify Indabhūī, the chief ganadhara of Mahāvīra. It is also possible that the term was used simply to show honour to him as the Chedasūtras do not seem to refer to any such ganin, either jyeștha or kaniştha.
55. 4. 15.
56. P. 311a where it is stated: ‘ganam-sadhvādisamudāyalaksanaṁ dhārayitum sīlamasyeti ganadhārī'.
57. 3, 14; ‘gani' in Pinda–N.v. 315, equated with ācārya by Malayagiri, Vritti, p. 98a.
58. For details see, Die Lehre der Jainas, article 140, transl. by Mr. MARATHE; The Daśāśrutaskandha-N. equates him with ganadhara :
'Ayārammi ahīë jam não hoï samanadhammo ü / Tamhā āyaradharo bhannaï padhama ganitthānaṁ// 27
Ganasangahuvaggahakārai gani jo pahū ganadharo ü/ ... 28. The Niśītha, 14, 5 and 18, 25 ascribes the duties of an āyariya to the gani.
59. Fourth daśa.
60. Avašyyaka-N. 556. BULE. DCRI.-29

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Vasaha :
Another officer designated by this term is to be found in the Ogha
Niryukti,61
He is not to be found in the Chedasūtras like the Nisitha, Kalpa or Vyavahāra.
S. B. DEO
The niryukti refers to him next to the thera, and the explanation given of the term 'Vrsabha' by the commentary is 'vaiyāvṛtyakaraṇasamarthaḥ.' Thus from this explanation, it seems that this person was stout enough and his duty was to wait upon the ill. It may be that this post was not equivalent to that of any other administrative one, and was purely honorific (vrsabha bull) designation.
The Problems of Seniority and Succession:
These officers in the Church heirarchy were bound by explicit rules of seniority and succession, and the various groups of monks had to abide by these.
The term used to denote seniority, as we have already noted in the Angas, was rainiä, and the same term is to be found in the Chedasūtras also. This seniority (paryaya) was based on the number of years spent in the Church as a monk. Those who were juniors were termed 'omarainiya'. Considerations of learning rather than of age were also taken into view in assigning seniority to some persons. Another expression that denoted subordination was 'puraö kaṭṭu' which meant that a monk or a nun lived under the authority of somebody else."
63
In order to avoid the conflict between age and seniority, certain rules had to be framed to avoid bad feeling between different members of the Church. With a view, therefore, to put this into practice, the 'ayariyaüvajjhaya' waited for four or five days if during that period another monk older in age completed his studies. Then he first confirmed the elder and then the younger even though the latter had completed his studies earlier. It may, however, be noted that the margin left for the completion of studies. was not much as that would otherwise have made him not very eager in
61. V. 125.
62. Vav, 4, 24; Brh, kalp. 3, 19-21; cf. Than. 240a; also in Ogha-N. 414; Avadyaka
-N. 671.
63. Ibid., 713.
64. Vav. 4, 11.

'Jaïvi vayamāïëm lahuö suttatthadharaṇāpaḍuö / Vakkhanaladdhimar jo sacciya tha ghippaë jittho//

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completing his studies. At the same time due consideration was shown to age by this rule, and the superiors who deliberately confirmed (uvatthāvana) the younger person earlier than the older, even though both had completed their studies, had to undergo the punishment of 'cheda' or 'parihāra.'65
If two monks of different 'paryāyas' wandered together and if the monk with greater paryāya had no disciples while the other with less paryāya had, then the latter with his disciples had to remain under the control of the former who had greater paryāya to his credit.66
If both had disciples, then also, those of less paryāya had to remain under the authority of him who had greater paryāya. In the case of the disciples of the monk of greater paryāya, however, remaining under the authority of another guru of lesser paryāya than their own was not compulsory. 67
No two monks or officers of the Church, of equal paryāya were allowed to stay together as equals or as companions. The difference between authority based on paryāya was to be observed compulsorily by a pair of either monks or officers,68 in order to facilitate the smooth working of the Church and in order to avoid the conflict of age and learning regarding seniority, and the Church showed keen foresight, knowledge of psychological factors and wisdom in these rules.
Inspite of these rules of seniority, the ācārya was allowed to appoint his successor if the former was seriously ill, or had entered householdship again. But in order to have no occasion for favouritism by which there was a chance of unfit persons stepping into the office, the rest of the monks were given supreme powers to ask the newly appointed successor to quit office if they thought that he was unfit for the post. If he relinquished the office, well and good; then he was not to undergo any punishment for that. But, if inspite of the request of the rest of the monks, he persisted to hold on, then that person had to undergo 'cheda' or 'parihāra'.69 Thus, it may be said that the working of the Church was based on purely democratic lines even in the modern sense of the term.
Beside such cases of compelling a person to quit office, normally also various officers had to undergo suspension for transgressions committed. We have already seen that if a monk after leaving his gana committed an offence against celibacy, then he was suspended for three years and he was
65. Ibid., 4, 15; also see Appendix 1. 66. Ibid., 4, 24. 67. Ibid., 4, 25. 68. Ibid., 4, 26-32. 69. Ibid., 4, 13-14.

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S. B. DEO debarred from holding any office like that of the ācārya or the gaņāvacchedaka. If, after these three years of suspension, he behaved well and was well-controlled in the fourth year then only he was deemed fit for the office. If a gaṇāvacchedaka did the same offence while remaining in the office, then he was debarred from holding any office throughout the rest of the life. The same was the case regarding the ācāryopādhyāya. But if he did so after first laying down his authority, then he was suspended for three years and was deemed fit for office if in the fourth year he was found to be of a cooled and normal behaviour.70
That was regarding the violation of celibacy. But if a monk became a worldly person (ohāyar) after leaving the gana, then he was suspended and was taken to be qualified for any office three years after his re-entry to monkhood, and that too if his behaviour was normal in the fourth year. If, however, the gaṇāvacchedaka and the ācāryopādhyāya did the same fault without leaving their office, then they were disqualified for any office throughout their life. If, on the other hand, they did so after leaving the office, then they were suspended for three years.71
Suspension (cheya: cheda) was also carried out in the case of a monk who wanted to join another gana in order to avoid atonement for an offence committed by him. In this case, the monk had to undergo five days' suspension (pañcarāïndiyāim cheyam kattu) and then was readmitted to the same gana if the latter consented to it (ganassa pattiyam siyā).72
The Church Groups :
Bounded by these rules of seniority and suspension, the monks were divided into different groups under various ācāryas. Gana :
The gana was the biggest group in the Church, and according to the Byhatkalpa, it seems to have comprised several sambhogas.73 It was under the leadership of an ācārya or ganin.
Changing the Gaña:
We have already seen that the Sthānānga74 allowed a monk to change his gana for all sorts of subjective reasons, and that a person changing his
70. Ibid., 3, 13-17. 71. Ibid., 3, 18-22. 72. Brh, kalp. 5, 5.
73. Ibid., 4, 18-20; sambhoga, not a new term as it is found, as we have already seen, in the Mülasūtra: Uttaro. 29, 33.
74. P. 381a.

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229 gana often within a period of six months was called 'gānanganiya.' The Chedasūtras repeat the same rule and changing one's gana within six months was looked upon as a 'sabala' or a major fault.75
Besides this periodical limit to the change of the gaņa, another check to the tendency of changing it was that the monk had to secure the free consent of his superior before doing so. This rule was compulsory for all and even the officers of the Church hierarchy who wanted to do so had first to lay down their office in the present gana and then go to another gana.76
One of the reasons of changing the gana was the obtaining of alms jointly with members of another gana (aņņam ganam sambhogapadiyāë uvasampajjittānam viharittaë). In this case also, the monk had to seek permission of his superior and he had to see that he was going to the other gana which had strong faith in the Dharma (jatthuttariyam dhammaviņayam labhejjā). The same was the rule in the case of the officers who wanted to change the gaņa for the same reason.77
On the grounds of making an advanced study also, it seems, a monk was allowed to change the gana and go to another gana. But he was allowed to do so only after giving proper reasons for it; otherwise he could not change his teacher.78
A monk, who had committed an offence and refusing to atone for it wanted to go to another gana, had to undergo five days' suspension (pañcarāïndiyāim cheyar),79 as has been noted. Confession of faults before the superior was compulsory and the monk had to undergo a penance as "imposed by tradition" (suëņa patthavië). The monk who failed to carry out such an expiatory penance was not admitted back to the gana.80
Nobody was allowed to go to a gana of less standing from that of a greater standing (vusarāīyāö ganāö avusarāïyam ganam ?):81 and in case somebody did it, then he had to undergo a punishment for that (cāümmāsiyam parihārațțānam ugghāïyam).82
If after entering some other gana, the monk was asked by somebody regarding his superior then he was to tell the name of that superior who
75. Daśāśruta., 2nd Daśā. 76. Brh.kalp. 4, 15-17. 77. Ibid., 4, 18-20. 78. Ibid., 4, 21-24. 79. Ibid., 5, 5. 80. Ibid., 4, 25. 81. The Dictionary meaning of 'vusiraiya' is 'well-controlled' Păiyasadda, p. 1019. 82. Nis. 16, 15.

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had the greatest standing (paryāya) to his credit. If he was asked regarding the 'kappa', then he told the name of the well-versed one in the group, or else he said that he was ready to remain under the control of him to whom he would be handed over.83
Besides the change of a gaņa, monks were allowed to withdraw for some period their membership of a particular gana. In case a monk wanted to practise the 'egalavihārapadimā' (the paļimā or monastic standard in which a monk lived alone for performing a penance), then he ceased to take part in the daily affairs of the gana, after taking the permission of the guru. On his completing the padimā, he was allowed re-entry only after confession (āloëjjā) of faults, if any.84 In case a majority of monks wanted to live separately (egayaö abhinicăriyam cāraë), then they could do so only after the permission of the elders (thera), otherwise they had to undergo suspension (cheya) or isolation (parihāra).85
Those who wanted re-entry or had come from another gana after committing moral faults, were first to undergo confession and condemnation of faults, had to determine not to repeat those faults again, to undergo a prāyaścitta for it, and then be the members of their old gana or a new one.86
The person who was punished with either the 'anavatthappa' or the 'pārañciya' could be consecrated again at the express desire of the gana (ganassa pattiyam siyā), irrespective of the fact whether that punished person had followed the life of a householder or not after his dismissal. Thus a vote of confidence in him by the rest of the members of the gana was taken to be a sufficient qualification of that person for his claim to re-entry to his old group.
Along with this power of re-admitting a person to the gaña, the right of driving out (nijjūhana) a person from the gaña was also exercised by the members of a gaña. Those who refused to atone for their offence or were of loose character were expelled from the gaña. Consideration, however, was shown to those who were ill, and they were not expelled till they were free from disease.87 Kula:
The kulas formed a gaña (ganah kulānām samudāyaḥ),88 and it seems that it was under the authority of some junior ācārya who was in turn under
83. Vav. 4, 18. Transl. as suggested by Muni KEVALAVIJAYA. 84. Ibid., 1, 25-27; 6, 10-11; 7, 1. 85. Ibid., 4, 19. 86. Ibid., 6, 10-11. 87. Ibid., 2, 6-17.
88. Aup. Comm. p. 81; according to the Bļh.kalpa., a gana comprises several sambhogas.

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the control of the chief ācārya who was the head of the gana consisting of several kulas. Every monk was expected to do service (veävacca) to his kula. Comparatively later texts, like the Samstärakaprakīrṇaka,90 lay down the rule which makes it compulsory for every monk to beg pardon of the members of a kula and a gana before lying over the 'Santhara' for undertaking a fast unto death. No further details are available regarding the kula.
Sähä:
The Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabahu, some portions of which are later than the Chedasūtras, mentions a number of Sākhās. It may be noted that the Chedasūtras do not mention anything regarding the Sākhās; so also the Niryuktis.
From the Kalpasūtra, it appears that, the Sākhās were "the lines which branch off from each teacher". JACOBI says, "It is not quite clear what is meant by Gana, Kula and Sākhā. Gaṇa designates the school which is derived from one teacher; Kula the succession of teachers in one line; Sakha the lines which branch off from each teacher " 91
It seems that such branches not only adopted the names of persons from whom they started but also the names of places where they originated.
Gaccha:
As compared with the Angas, the gaccha comes to more prominence than the gana in the Niryukti period, and it should be noted that the commentators always explain the 'gana' as the 'gaccha', in later days." Not only in the commentaries, but even in the later parts of the Canon consisting of the Prakirṇakas, the gaccha has found its way.
From the explanation given of a gaccha by the commentator in the Aupapātika, it is not clear whether there was any limit to the member
89. Vav. 10, 34.
90. 4 v. 104.
91. Kalpasūtra, SBE., XXII, p. 288, fn. 2.
92. See end of this chapter.
93. Ogha-N. Comp. p. 211a; Ganin, head of a gaccha, equated with ācārya in Avasyaka-N. pp. 353ab.
94. Than Comm. pp. 241b, 331b, 353a, 381a.
95. As for instance, the Gacchacāvaprakirnaka deals with the good and bad gacchas. It should be noted that the Kalpasūtra does not mention the gaccha.
96. P. 86.

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ship of a gaccha, for it is explained there as the 'ekācāryaparivāraḥ' i.e. the following of one ācārya. The same is the case in one of the Prakirnakas," which explains a gaccha as consisting of monks of different age (sabālavṛddhākulam gaccham). The Chedasūtras like Vyavahara, Nisitha and Bṛhatkalpa seldom speak of a gaccha, and it may be, that with the spread of Jainism, smaller groups than the gana were found to be more convenient both for Church administration and for the purpose of touring life.
232
That every monk had to owe allegiance to a particular gaccha is clear from some verses in the Oghaniryukti which compare the monks, living outside the gaccha, with fish out of water. The corporate life was essential for the maintenance of and mutual control over perfect moral behaviour, and for keeping the unity of the Church intact.88 Only the pratyekabuddhas, the jinakalpikas and those following the pratimas were allowed to stay outside the gaccha.99
The gaccha, according to the Aupapätika100 was under an ācārya, while according to the Gacchäcära101 the sûri was the sole support (medhi alambaṇam) of a gaccha. Suri seems to be a later term for the ācārya as we seldom find it in the earlier portions of the Jaina Canon. That officer looked after the spiritual aspect of the group, and the members of a gaccha had to conform to the rules of behaviour as expected of every member, 102
Thus it would be clear that the institution of the gaccha came into prominence in the Upangas, the Niryuktis, and later texts of the Canon like the Prakirņakas, even though the Chedasütras gave prominence to the gana.
Gumma:
This was a part of the gaccha (gacchaikadeśa) and was under the control of an upadhyāya,103
97. Gaccha. v. 22; the Avasyaka-N. speaks of three hundred members of a gaccha under the gandhara of Mahavira: v. 597.
98. Ogha-N. 116-117; 488.
99. Ibid., 125.
100. P. 125.
101. V. 8.
102. The Gacchacara mentions many moral qualities of a good gaccha:
Good gaccha: vs. 51-75; 77-84; 86-87; 90; 98-100; 102, 104, 105, 117, 123, 127, 130-131. Bad gaccha: vs. 50, 76, 85, 88-89, 91-97, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106-116; 118-122; 124-126; 128-129; 132-134.
103. Aupa. p. 86; It may be a territorial unit: from Sk. 'gulma'..

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Phaddaya:
The phaddaya (spardhaka ?) was still a smaller unit (laghutaro gacchadeśa eva) and was under the authority of gaṇāvacchedaka.104
233
It may be noted here that, according to the Aupapätika, the ganavacchedaka was the head of a smaller unit than the one under the upadhyāya, and it is, therefore, possible that the former was subordinate to the latter. But, as we have already seen, the Vyavahärasūtra expects identical qualifications for the posts of the acārya and the gaṇāvacchedaka hinting that both these persons were of equal calibre and in no way subordinate to the upadhyaya.
SCHUBRING 10% remarks, "One does not gather the impression that what is meant by gaccha, gumma and phaḍda are technical divisions although the commentator speaks of gaccha, gumma and phaḍdaä as being subordinate to ācārya, upadhyāya and gaṇāvacchedaka respectively".
Sambhoga:
We have already seen that this unit is mentioned in the Angas. This group is mentioned often in the Chedasūtras also. The Niryuktis-especially the Oghaniryukti-give several rules regarding the attitude to be adopted by monks towards monks of different sambhogas.
The sambhoga, according to the Aupapātika, 108 was a group of monks following one sāmācārī or rules of conduct peculiar to every group. The purposes for which such groups were formed have been already noted as given in the Sthänänga. The membership of a sambhoga was through admission, and that admission had to be repeated when a monk wanted to enter another sambhoga or if he desired to change the gana.107 .107 Not only for the purpose of common meals and study but even for the purpose of confession and service, the group acted as a compact unit.108
For those who wanted to join a particular sambhoga after leaving their previous one, the permission of the ācārya was obligatory. It was only when he permitted and when the candidate underwent a prayaścitta, that he was readmitted to a sambhoga. The members of a particular sambhoga were not to severe all connections abruptly with the members of

104. Ibid.
105. Die Lehre der Jainas, article 140; Transl. by Mr. MARATHE.
106. P. 74; Ogha-N. v. 691.
107. Vav. 7, 1.
108. Ibid., 5, 19; saying that there are no duties pertaining to a sambhoga was a fault and the monk had to undergo prayaścitta for it: Nis. 5, 63.
BULL. DCRI.-30

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another sambhoga. But they were to let them know the faults in their conduct, and give them a period for improvement. If they regretted for their misbehaviour then the connections were not severed.109
The institution of sambhoga seems to have flourished not only during the period of the Chedasūtras but also at the time of the Mathurā inscriptions110 which are attributed to the early centuries of the Christian era. Not only that, but even the Niryuktis, which are roughly assigned to the fourth century A.D., also mention it.
Mandali:
The mandalī was another group of monks formed for various reasons.
If a monk was seriously ill, then a group was formed in order to nurse him by turn. Besides this, for other reasons such as helping a very older or young monk, a novice who did not know proper rules of conduct, a prince unable to beg food on account of his tenderness, and for the sake of helping a guest-monk, a mandalī was formed.111 The monk who was attached to such a group and who ate alms together with other members of the group was called 'mandalīüpajīvakah '.112
This group of monks was headed by an old monk well-versed in the execution of rules of monastic conduct (gītārtho ratnādhikaḥ alubdhah). Such a thera was called 'mandalīthera '.113
It seems, that the mandali was not a group in the technical sense as in the case of a gana or a gaccha. It may perhaps be better to assign it the modest position of a co-operative unit. RULES OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE :
The members of various groups were bound to one another by ties of duty and mutual help. Of course, the junior monk was expected to show implicit obedience and modesty to the superior, and the thirty-three ‘āsāyaṇas '114 may be said to be nothing else than rules of etiquette and obedience to be followed by the 'seha' or novice.
Walking, standing or sitting in front of, or close to, or in line with the guru, performing alocanā earlier than the elder, opening conversation
109. Vav. 7, 1-2. 110. E.I., Vol. X, LÜDERS' List. 111. Ogha-N. 553. (also comm. p. 183b). 112. Ibid., 522, 547. 113. Ibid., 561; comm. p. 185a, 186a. 114. Daśāśruta., 3rd Daśā.

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with a visitor earlier than the guru, not heeding the call of the guru, exchange of food with others or exhibition of food, addressing the senior in a singular term or hating him, interrupting the sermon or congregation, showing carelessness towards the requisites of a guru,—all these were taken as signs of disrespect to the elder and the disciple had to undergo confession, condemnation and punishment for such transgressions.115
But besides these general rules of conduct, the Chedasūtras show a definite planning and process of execution of the rules of monastic jurisprudence as we shall presently see.
Monastic Jurisprudence :
We have already seen that the Angas116 do mention the principal ten prāyaścittas and the exact cases where the last two punishments were brought into play.
The "procedure towards a transgressor" (vavahāra) was fivefold.117 It was either based on the Canon (āgame), or tradition (suë), or law (āņā), or charge (dhāranā) or on the custom handed down (jie).
The elaboration of this fivefold vavahāra is to be found in the Chedasūtras where concrete cases are cited and different prāyaścittas are prescribed for them. Especially the last four-cheda, müla, aṇavatthappa and pārañcia--come to prominence.
(a) Cheda :
As the term suggests, cheda meant "the loss of a part of the monk's ecclesiastical rank among his brethren, which dates from his second reception, the definitive consecration to the vow ".118 The ācārya was the person who decided whether a particular transgression was to be punished with 'cheda' or 'parihāra'.
The minimum cut in the paryāya was of five days (pañcarāïndiyāim cheyam).119 This cut increased with persons in authority for an upādhyāya had the minimum cut of ten days, and an ācārya fifteen days.
Apart from considerations of authority, the period of reduction was also based on the duration during which the transgressions were repeated
115. Ibid., also Nis. 16, 38; 19, 24; 16, 13-14; 10, 1-3; Ogha-N. 609.
116. Than. p. 162b-164a: aloäna, padikkamana, tadubhaya, vivega, viüssagga, tava, cheda, müla, anavatthappa and pärancia.
117. Vav. 10, 2; see also L.A. Vol. 39, p. 267, fn. 45. 118. SCHUBRING: 1.A., 39, p. 262 fn. 25; 'paryāyacchedanam Aup. comm. p. 78. 119. See Appendix 1, for these cases; Jīt. vs. 80-82; bha. 2280-87.

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(santara cheya). In this connection, SCHUBRING, says, "If a monk persists in his fault through half a month, his seniority, will, according to a probably late scale given in the Cürni, be reduced by two and a half months, as the minimum for a monk is five days (for an uvajjhāya ten, an ayariya fifteen), the maximum six, twelve and eighteen months respectively "120
(b) Parihara :
Parihara or 'isolation' has been greatly dealt with in the Brhatkalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitha, even though it does not occur in the traditional list of the ten prāyaścittas.
This parihāra punishment lasted either for one month (masiyam), or for four months (cäümmäsiyam),121 even though the maximum is given as six months in one of the texts of the Chedasūtras.122
It seems that the parihara was twofold: either it was ugghäïya or anugghäïya. These terms are explained by SCHUBRING as follows: "The expressions ugghaiya and anugghäiya that appear here denote. conditional sentences passed on persons for transgressions. They represent the intervention of a period (udghāta), in which the punishment is softened or made mild between the different periods of expiation, perhaps also the pronouncement of the sentence and its carrying out "123
The monk who was undergoing the parihāra tapa was completely isolated and other monks were not allowed to exchange food or other requisites with him.124 No eating of food with him in a common vessel was allowed. Not only that, but such a pārihārika monk was not even to be invited by others for the purposes of seeking alms jointly and then divide it. One who did so had himself to undergo parihāra for one month.125
Due consideration, however, was shown to the transgressor undergoing parihara if he fell ill. In such cases, the gaṇāvacchedaka had to wait upon him for which the patient had to undergo a minor punishment in addition to the parihāra (ahālahusaë nāma vavahāre). Under no circumstances, however, service could be denied to him.126
120. I.A., Vol. 39, p. 262, fn. 25.
121. See Appendix 1 for such cases. 122. Vav. Uddesa 1.
123. SCHUBRING, Vavahara- und Nisiha- sutta, (Leipzig, 1918), pp. 9-10. 124. Vav. 2, 28-30.
125. Nis. 4, 112; See Appendix 1.
126. Vav. 2, 6.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM If a majority of monks were undergoing the parihāra, then the minority of monks who were free from fault, could not share common meals with them for one month after their parihāra tapa was complete. But they could have verbal contact with them. They could even live together for six months, but no common meals could be shared within that period or one month after it.127
(c) Müla :
Complete cheda led to mūla'. In the mūla, the monk lost all his period of monkhood right since his entering the order, and he had to begin anew his career as a monk (punarvratopasthāpanam) 128
It should be noted that the Chedasūtras like the BỊhatkalpa, Vyavahāra and Niśitha seldom refer to it, while the Jītakalpa does not furnish much details about it as it does in the case of ālöyaņā and other forms of prāyaścittas. In the Angas also, we do not find details about it, and the Sthānānga gives cases only of the anavațţhappa and pārañciya.
(d) Anavatthappa :
This is explained by the commentary as 'acaritatapovišeşasya vrateșu anavasthāpanam'. When the whole paryāya was wiped out, then, before the monk was reinitiated, a period was given to him in which he had to make sincere efforts for qualifying himself for re-entry to monkhood. If he failed to do so, then he was not allowed to enter monkhood again.
Three cases of anavatthappa (“ temporary excommunication") are given in the Brhatkalpa 129 The persons who stole something belonging to their co-religionists, or belonging to persons of another sect, or who struck others with a fist, had to undergo anavatthappa.130 (e) Pārañciya :
This was the final and the greatest punishment inflicted on the transgressor. It denoted the expulsion of the monk from the order and thus putting an end to his life as a monk.
Such persons who were of a criminal nature (duttha), indifferent to rules of behaviour (pamatta), and sodomites had to undergo this punishment. 131
127. Ibid., 2, 27-28: Interpretation by Muni KEVALAVIJAYAJI, 128. Aup. comm. p. 78; Jit. 83-86: bha. vs. 2288-2300. 129. 4, 3; also Jit. 87-98: bhā, 2301-2410. 130. See Appendix 1 for details. 131. Brh.kalp. 4, 2; Jät. 94-101: bha. 2463-2585.

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S. B. DEO It should be noted that pārañciya, samukkasaņa and nijjūhana were different terms.
The first denoted final driving out of a person from the order of monks, the second implied the expulsion of a person holding office if he lost the confidence of his followers, and the third term represented the omission of a person from a particular gana or a group of monks.
Besides these ten prāyaścittas, circumstances arose which required a different mode of punishment. For instance, if a monk practising austerities “goes out of the service of the elders and there perchance commits a fault, and the elders hear of it, either coming themselves or hearing it from others, then one may proceed towards him in the lightest way" (ahālahusaë nāma vavahāre).132
The principle underlying these rules of monastic jurisprudence was based on the sound view of giving all concessions to the guilty to refute the charges levelled against him. Therefore, it was laid down that the church officers should put more faith in him who. confessed the fault of his own accord, than in some others who reported the fault to the elders. For it was said that the procedure of dealing with the transgressor was based fundamentally on truth (saccapaïnnā vavahārā). 133
The Executors of Punishment :
This being the case, the necessity of having a head-supervisor above a group of monks was all the more necessary and no monk was allowed to wander or remain alone. If while wandering from village to village, the leader of a group of monks died, then the monks were immediately to select and appoint another head. Those who chose to remain without a superior over them, had to undergo 'cheda' or parihāra '.134
It should be noted that these executors of judgment, in the persons of the ācārya and the upādhyāya, were also bound by certain rules. Deliberate postponement of confirmation of a novice, the violation of morals either when holding office or after leaving it, and refusing to leave office when others demand for it were looked upon as grave offences, and the Church officers had to undergo a more severe punishment than ordinary monks. So also calling an 'ugghāïya' fault as 'aņugghāïya' and vice versa,
132. Byh.kalp. 5, 53; Engl. Transl., 1.A., Vol. 39, p. 267; see fn. 45 on the same page, where according to the Cūrni the 'ahälahusao' is explained as being a fast of five days of the nirvikstika mode.
133. Vav. 2, 24-25. 134. Ibid., 4, 11-12.

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239 or giving punishment for an ugghäïya when anugghäiya was committed or vice versa, made a person liable for punishment.135
Cases of Quarrel and Misbehaviour:
Another duty of the superiors was to see that no contact was kept with those who had separated themselves owing to a quarrel (vuggahavakkanta ?). Those who gave food, drink, eatables or chewables, clothing and other requisites, residence or instructions to those who had fallen out owing to a quarrel had to undergo the 'parihara' punishment.136 This indicates that the monks were not always a contented and peace-loving community under all circumstances.
Along with quarrels, kidnapping (avaharaï) of others's disciples (seha) was looked upon as a fault as that was likely to give rise to illfeeling and quarrel when the novice belonged to an ācārya of another gana or to a heretical creed, respectively,137
External Relations of the Church:
As in the case of the internal management, so in the matter of external relations, the monks had to abide by certain rules.
(1) Relations with persons in authority:
To avoid political controversies entering into church affairs, the monks were forbidden to make friends with (attikarel), or show profound respect to (accikarei), or use for one's purpose (atthikarei) the king, or king's bodyguards (räyärakkhiyam), or the protector of the city (nagararakkhiyam), or of the trading centre (niggama), or of the country (desa),128 or of the village (gama), or of the boundaries, or of the forest.139
Along with this, monks were disallowed to go frequently to enemical regions140 and in cases of revolution (rajjapariyatța), the monks were asked to obey the laws of the former king till a new successor was selected. When the latter was selected they were asked to obey the new king.141
It would be clear from the above rules that the Church was shrewd enough to abstain from any political entanglement, and sought quietly to spread its hold on the masses with political neutrality.
135. Nis., 10, 15-18. 136. Ibid., 16, 16-24. 137. Ibid., 10, 11-12. 138. Ibid., 4, 1-18. 139. Ibid., 4, 40-48. 140. Ibid., 11, 71.
141. Vav. 7, 22-23: Interpretation by Muni KEVALAVIJAYAJI.

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(ii) Relations with laymen:
Inspite of the fact that the devoted laymen were of immense help to monks in times of difficulty or otherwise, the relations of monks and householders were friendly but not verging on affinity and excessive dependence.
Monks were allowed to seek food, requisites and lodging from them, but no contacts of intimacy were allowed. The monks, for instance, were disallowed to eat food in the vessels of the householders (gihi), or put on their clothes, or carry their seats or make diagnosis of their illness or treat them. 142 No worldly advice or activity was ever allowed to the monk.
So also, undue pressure on laymen so as to make them enter the order was not allowed, and a monk who either initiated or confirmed (uvatthāvei) a person unwilling or unable to practise monklife, had to undergo four months' isolation (parihāra).143
(iii) Relations with nuns :
The junior monks rarely came in contact with the nuns and the rules regarding their attitude towards nuns were strict.
Monks could go to the nunnery only after the permission of their ācārya who gave it only on sufficient grounds. After seeking permission, the monk was expected to enter the nunnery in a proper manner. If he entered it in an improper manner (avihië), then he had to undergo punishment. So also, keeping a stick, or a staff, or a broom, or a mouthpiece, or any other requisite in the path of the nuns made a monk liable for punishment.144
The nuns could see monks only for the purpose of study. No common begging, or partaking of food, or initiating for one's purpose, or exchange of requisites was allowed between monks and nuns.145 Telling lot of stories at odd times in the company of women,146 or gazing at, or pondering over the forms of women was not allowed.
Taking the help of a heretic or a householder and making them stitch a sanghadi for a nun, or massage the feet of a nun was deemed a fault for which a monk was liable to punishment.147
142. Nis. 12, 10-13. 143. Ibid., 11, 84-85. 144. Ibid., 4, 24. 145. For further details, see chapter on the Order of Nuns". 146. Nis. 8, 10. 147. Ibid., 12, 7.

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(iv) Relations with persons of other faith (annaütthiya) :
To maintain the integrity of the Church and purity of monastic conduct, monks were not allowed to have any contact with heretics.
Giving food to a heretic or liking to do so, or accepting it from him, . eating food encircled by female heretics, requesting a heretic for food and sharing a common meal-all these were taken to be faults.148
Along with food, monks were not permitted to exchange requisites with them. Asking them to carry one's requisites, or getting a stick or a bambooneedle or an avalehaniyā cut or made by them, was not allowed. 149
No common stay was permitted to a monk with a heretic and he was asked to be away from him even in the rainy season 150
Bodily contact, of course, was not encouraged under any circumstances, and the monk who got his feet massaged by a heretic had to undergo four months' parihāra.151
Teaching or reading with hereties the sciences of omens, astrology, spells, magic and other popular practices, architecture, gambling, etc. was not allowed. Speaking harsh words to a heretic was not permitted as it was liable to lead to a quarrel.152
Even in minor matters contact with the heretic was avoided. The monk was disallowed to make a heretic prepare either a foot-path, or a bridge, or pingoes, or a curtain, or perform any activity pertaining to a needle, a razor, a nail-cutter or an ear-cleaner, for his own purposes.153
Thus, it may not be wrong to conclude that the heretics were to be treated along the same lines as persons with loose morals, and all contact was to be avoided with them.
Touring:
As we have already seen, the monks and nuns led a wandering life during the eight months of summer and winter, and were forbidden to do so in the rainy season.154
148. Ibid., 3, 1-12; 15, 75-78; 16, 36-37; 12, 41. 149. Ibid., 1, 40; 12, 40; 15, 79-98. 150. Ibid., 10, 46. 151. Ibid., 15, 13-65. 152. Ibid., 13, 12-29. 153. Ibid., 1, 11-18.
154. Bļh.kalp. 1, 36. BULL. DCRI.-31

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It seems that they had to wander in groups and nobody was allowed to tour alone. Even the ācāryopādhyāya and the gaņāvacchedaka had to do so accompanied by one and two monks respectively.155
Limits of Wandering:
Monks and nuns were forbidden to travel beyond Anga-Magadha in the east, upto Kaušāmbi in the south, upto the district of Sthūņā in the west, and northwards upto Kuņāla.156 These limits roughly enclose between them the provinces of Bihar, portions of Uttar Pradesh and borders of Orissa and West Bengal. The concession, however, given to the monks to wander in those regions wherever Jaina faith prevailed, tends to point to the growing spread of Jainism beyond these limits.157
Unfit Regions:
Places where anarchy prevailed or rebellion took place, or where barbarous (anāriya) people like the Dasuga (Dasyu ?) or the Milakkhú (mleñcha?) lived,-as for instance in the country called Lādha-, were to be avoided by monks. 158
Entering into and coming out of the following ten great cities twice or thrice in a month was taken to be a transgression: Campā, Mahurā, Vāņārasī, Sāvatthi, Sāëya, Kampilla, Kosambī, Mihilā, Hatthiņāpura, and Rāyagiha.159 A monk who did so had to undergo punishment for that.160
Period of Stay:
As against the rule of the Acārānga which required the monk to stay for a night in a village and five nights in a town (nayara), the Brhatkalpa161 permitted a monk to stay for a month in summer and winter in places like a village, a free town, etc. which were without houses outside. If such places were enclosed, and there were some houses inside as well as outside the enclosure, then they were allowed to stay one month inside and another month outside the enclosure.
ussappanti";
see also Age of Imperial Unity,
155. Vav. 4, 1-4. 156. Brh.kalp, 1, 51.
157. "Jattha nănadamsanacārittäin pp. 417-18.
158. Nis. 16, 26; Brh.kalp. 1, 38. 159. Nis. 9, 19. 160. See Appendix 1. 161. 1, 6-7.

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Water Journey:
The Acārānga allowed boat travel.162 But the five great rivers—Gangā, Jaüņā, Sarayū, Erāvati and Mahī,163 were not allowed to be crossed in a boat or swum twice or thrice within a month. The Chedasūtras simply repeat the rule, but go a step further in ascribing a definite punishment for violating the rule.
Getting into a boat for bad purposes, entering into or encouraging transactions of a boat, pushing it into water from the ground and vice versa, helping in taking out a grounded boat, acting as a boatman, pulling or stopping a boat by a rope, taking out water in a boat by means of a pot, covering the leakage with the hand, foot, leaves or bamboo, and carrying the boatall these were deemed faults. 164
Further details are to be obtained in the Niryuktis as will be clear from the following account.
Beginning the Tour:
Before undertaking a tour, the monk asked permission of his guru. If at that time, the guru was asleep, then the monk awakened him. But even when after awakening him, he indulged in meditation, then the monk waited till his meditation was over and then sought permission. If a monk had forgotten to take permission, then he returned and took the guru's permission before undertaking a travel.165
How to Ask the Way:
If a monk did not know the proper way, then he asked it to two gentlemen belonging to his own faith. In case they were not available, then he inquired about it of the people belonging to other sects. He had to refrain from asking the way to old people on the ground that old people are said to be generally of a forgetful nature. Children were supposed to be always of playful mood and women and eunuchs were taken to be ignorant about roads. Hence a monk was not to ask about the way to them.
The monk approached a middle-aged person (majjhima), and asked him the way. In case such a person was not available then he could approach an old person with strong memory or a youth of good nature. The same order was to be followed in cases of women and eunuchs.
162. II, 3, 1, 14 (p. 139).
163. Than, 308b; Also in Nis. 12, 42; The Brh.kalp. replaces Kosiy, in the place of Eravatī: 4, 27.
164. Nis. 18, 1-20 165. Ogha-N. 9.

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S. B. DEO A person nearby was to be asked regarding the road. If he did not care to reply, then he was not to be asked again. A cowherd who stood at a distance in a field, was not to be approached as it was likely to involve injury to living beings and there was fear of getting injured due to thorns, etc.166 Proper Road:
A road which was free from living beings was to be adopted while touring. Therefore a dry and dustless road was preferred to all the rest. In case, however, such a road was not available, then the monk was allowed to go along a muddy road.167
Walking over a bridge made of one log or of many logs of wood without resting on anything, or over one from which dust fell down while walking, was not allowed. 168
Rain and Mist:
The monk was not allowed to tour in rain or mist. But if, while he was travelling, rain set in, then he took shelter in a nearby house. If, however, he had gone far ahead, then he took resort to a deserted house or a tree. In cases of torrential rain, he climbed a dried up tree. If a sudden flood overtook the place, then he was allowed to go by a bridge or cross it.169
Touring under Calamities (aśiva):
The monk in normal circumstances did not remain alone. But in cases of trouble from divine deities (asiva), or in famine (omoyariä), or danger from the king (rāyabhaya), or general excitation in the region (khuhiä), or in the practice of fasting (uttamattha), or when he lost his way (phiņiä) or when he was ill (gilāņa), etc., he had sometimes to face lonely life.170
In the first four cases, the monk left the place immediately before these calamities took place and sought habitation elsewhere.
Illness, Old Age and Touring:
The ill and the old were allowed to stay at one place at least for a period of five days as that was taken to be the minimum period required for
166. Ibid., 9-21.
167. Ogha-N. 23-25: for details about muddy and dusty roads, and the types to be avoided: Ibid., Comm. pp. 29b, 30a. A pāyalehaniya' was used to take out the mud from the feet: See under Requisites.
168. Ibid., 31. 169. Ibid. 28-30. 170. Ibid., 7.

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245 recovery. They were allowed to extend their stay for ten or fifteen days more, if necessary. 171
Trouble from Robbers:
If, while searching for a proper residence for the rainy season, members of the advance party were kidnapped by thieves, then the monks wrote some letters on the road (akkhara), or purposely scattered their garments (parisādana) so as to give a clue to those who searched them afterwards 172 Water-travel:
In cases of emergency or unavoidable circumstances, a monk was allowed to go through water. While doing so, however, he was first to choose to cross over with the help of firm stones kept in the water. If such a device was not available then he first wiped his feet and then entered water. He crossed the way either through water flowing over stones, or flowing with a little amount of mud (mahusittha), or over sand (vāluā) or over thick mud (kaddama). He was to choose the way in the order given above.173
If the water was navel-deep (nābhipramāņa), then he followed the laymen. The water containing animals, etc. compelled him to walk in between householders, and he tightened his colapatta in order to avoid it flowing away with the force of the water. There being no householder whose help could be taken, he tested the depth of the water by means of a stick called Nālikā which was four angulas more in height than his own. Then binding all his requisites together, with the mouths of the begging bowl and other utensils downwards (adhomukha) and the latter too bound with a piece of cloth (cira) so as to become his support, he crossed the water.
Coming out, he stood at the bank till the colapattaka stopped dripping water. In case the place was full of trouble (sabhaya), he went to some other place by holding the cloth in his hand and did not allow it to touch the body due to the fear of killing the water-bodies (sarīrakstāpkāyavirādhanābhayāt).174
While travelling in a boat, he did not get into it first but did so when some people had already entered it. Having done the 'pratyākhyāna', he sat neither at the front nor in the middle, nor in the passage. But he occupied one of the side portions (pāsa) of the boat and indulged in the 'ņamokkāra.' At the time of getting down also he got down in between some people, i.e.,
171. Ibid., 165. 172. Ibid., 247. 173. Ibid., 32-33. 174. Ibid., 35-36.

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neither first or last. Then coming to the bank, he did kāyotsarga for a period of twenty-five ucсhvāsas.175
If the water was crossable he was allowed to cross it by means of a gourd (tumba) 176
Cases of Fire:
If while touring conflagration followed a monk, then he waited till it went ahead. If, on the other hand, it approached towards him, then he stood on a wet place or on a grassless region. If either of such places was not available, then he covered his body with skin (katti) or enveloped himself with a wet blanket (nantagaüllana), or crossed over the fire by means of shoes (tadigādidevaņayā).177
Storms and Gales:
If a storm burst over him, he stood on the side of a mountain (ņiämba), or in a bower (vaņañiguñja) and protected himself. If the place was full of danger, he covered himself with a blanket (kappa), etc. in such a way as to prevent any corner of it from hanging (alambamāņa), as that led to injury to the wind-bodies due to its fluttering.178 Reasons of Prolonging Stay:
As in the case of leaving a place, the reasons for prolonging the stay at one place were also more or less the same. If a monk wanted to go to another place and if there was divine trouble (aśiva), or famine, or trouble from the king or from barbarous people along the way, then he continued to stay at the same place. In cases of sudden floods or illness or death of an ācārya also he cancelled his tour. If the region which he wanted to visit was deserted, then also he postponed his going there. In the rainy season he never travelled. 179 LIFE IN THE RAINY SEASON :
With a view of not inflicting injury to living beings in the overgrowth of vegetation in the rainy season, the monk spent the four months of the rainy season (vassā) at one place.
175. Ibid., 36-37: The Commentary gives some beliefs regarding the place which the monk should not occupy. For instance, the monk was not to sit at the front because that was the place occupied by the goddess of the boat, etc. If he remained behind alone, then the boatman caught him for the fare! Comm. p. 33b.
176. Ibid., 38. 177. Ibid., 39. 178. Ibid., 40. 179. Ibid., 111.

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247
The rules regarding life in the rainy season are to be found in the Daśäśrutaskandha180 and the Kalpasūtra (of Bhadrabāhū). When did it Begin?
Mahāvīra began this practice of rain-retreat when "a month and twenty nights of the rainy season had elapsed."181 This became a rule with the followers of Mahāvīra and they seem to have kept up the practice. It may, however, be noted that the Niśitha182 forbids a monk from touring even in the first showers (padhamapāüsammi). He was allowed to begin this stay at one place during the rains, earlier than this period of one month and twenty nights after the rains set in, but under no circumstances was the monk permitted to begin it later than that.183 Wandering in the Rainy Season:
Movement was allowed only on the grounds of inner spiritual necessity, or in cases of bringing medicine, etc. to the ill. But in that case also, the monks were not to go beyond four or five yojanas.184 Seeking Residence:
In all, three residences were allowed to monks and nuns, out of which two were to be used only on occasions and the third was to be used regularly. The monks had to go to the other two alternate lodgings in order to verify whether somebody else had occupied them.185
The Niryuktis186 give ample details about the mode of searching out a residence and obtaining it for use in the rainy season.
In searching out a lodge, the monks took into consideration the facilities which a place offered to them. The help of a physician, the easy procuring of medicine and other articles required for the ill, etc. stood foremost in the list.187
The ācārya consulted all his disciples regarding the place of stay. Then an advance party was sent to verify the facilities or otherwise of that particular place, in order to avoid inconvenience regarding study, alms or easing nature. 188 For this purpose the party consisted of three, five or seven persons
180. 8th Daśā. 181. Kalpa. Sāmācāri 1, p. 296. 182. 10, 40-43; also Than. 183. Kalpa. Samā. 8, p. 297. 184. Ibid., 62, p. 310; half yojana or 144 yojana; Daśā. N. 74. 185. Kalpa-Sāmā, 60 pp. 309-10. 186. Daśā-N. vs. 60-86; Ogha-N. 128. 187. Dasa-N. 67. 188. Ogha-N. 128-130; Daśā-N. 68.

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and only those who were ripe in knowledge and perfect in monastic conduct were sent.189 In case such well-versed persons were not available, then even a novice (agītārtha) was sent after being instructed in the sāmācārī (proper mode of conduct). If even such a novice was not to be had, then a monk who was on fast was asked to go after breaking his fast. As a last resort a pair consisting of a young and an old monk was sent in search of a proper lodging.
The work of the advance party was to search out proper places of securing water and the places for rest. They verified whether there would be trouble from animals or thieves.190
Having reached a particular place, the party divided itself into groups in order to have complete information of the various localities in the town. The first group wandered early morning, the second at mid-day and the third in the afternoon. They accepted only little food so that when come together they possessed sufficient food. While on the begging tour they inquired about milk, molasses, ghee, curds, etc. which were required in cases of illness. Thus they could come to know the devoted families and the antagonistic ones, and find out places for easing nature, etc. as well.191
Then the party returned with their impressions of that place and reported their views to the assembly of monks. Then the ācārya considering the opinions of all his disciples, came to a decision regarding the place. It was but natural that those who were greedy of food voted for a place where food was abundant, while those who were studious preferred a place fit for their purpose. But the ācārya used his discrimination and chose a place which, in his opinion, was likely to keep up the morals of the group and where all facilities and requirements could be fulfilled. Besides these items, he took into consideration the age and the state of health of the different members of the groups 192
The monks avoided places the road leading to which was full of thieves, beasts or mosquitoes, where there were famine conditions or divine trouble, where there were relatives of the newly initiated who tried to divert him from monkhood, or where there were bad women or enemies. The places which did not provide facilities for easing nature, which were burnt by fire or were deserted, were infested with mlecchas or tāpasas or heretics, where people were in a habit of eating lot of green vegetables, and where the king performed human sacrifice, were deemed unfit for stay.193
189. Ogha-N. 139-42. 190. Ibid., 143. 191. Ibid., 144-52. 192. ibid., 158-164: It may be noted that the group is termed a "gaccha". 193. Ibid., 132-33.

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249
Having come across a proper residence, the monks entered it either in the first or in the second quarter (poris) of the day. Then they carefully scanned and swept it clean. If it was time for begging then a pair of monks remained behind for sweeping and the rest went for begging food, 194
If, while on tour, rains began, then the monk stayed at the same place where he happened to be at that time. Staying there, he requested the physician there to protect him from idleness or dullness and asked the chief of the village to protect him. After doing this, he stayed at the house of either a layman, or a benefactor, or a prominent person in the village, or at the house of the owner of the village. Then imagining his own staff (danda) as the acarya, he performed the sämäcäri before it.195
The Period of Stay:
The period of stay at one place ceased five or ten days after the rainy season.196 The Dasaárutaskandhaniryuktil97 puts it more clearly when it says that it starts from the full moon day of aṣāḍha and ends on the tenth day of märgasirşa. This, however, was not clearly stated to the owner of the lodge and at the end of every five days the monks got the permission of stay extended by five days. Thus they pulled on for the first fifty days and for the rest of the seventy days of the rainy season they definitely told regarding it to the owner. The reason behind this was that if in cases of calamities the monks had to leave the place immediately, then the owner suspected them of telling a lie if they had already told him about their prolonged stay there definitely.198
The monks were allowed to continue their stay at the same place after the cessation of the rains, if there was profuse mud along the road or if the rains still continued.199
Corporate Life:
Nobody was allowed to remain alone in the rainy season. The ācāryopadhyāya and the gaṇāvacchedaka had to spend the 'vassäväsa' in the company of two and three other persons respectively.200
194. Ibid., 182.
195. Ibid., 113-114.
196. Nis. 2, 50; after the closure of rains: Ogha-N. 128.
197. Ibid., v. 66.
198. Dasa-N. 69-72.
199. Ibid., 62.
200. Vav. 4, 5-8.
BULL, DCRI.-32

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The monk inquired with the people whether any of his other co-religionists were staying there. If the person questioned did not know that, then on coming across monks belonging to his own sambhoga he saluted them and questioned them about their well-being. In case there was a sick monk, he offered all help to him and also suggested some medicines,201
Begging of Food in the Rainy Season:
During the four months of the rains monks and nuns did not go beyond a yojana and a krośa to seek alms. If, however, there was a big river in between which was difficult to cross, then they were not allowed to cross it and go further.202
Before entering upon the begging tour, the monks took permission of their superior. On account of the fact that the monks practised fasts of various magnitude during the rainy season, they told about the direction in which they wanted to go for begging, so that it served as a clue for their search if they fainted or fell down somewhere due to weakness.204
The 'sthavirakalpika' monks begged even if there was little rain, after putting on a lower and an upper garment. But in cases of profuse rain they did not go out for begging.205 The case was different for those "who ate food in the palms of their hand" (pänipadiggähi) i.e. the Jinakalpikas.' They did not go on the alms-tour even when there was a small sprinkle of rain, and they covered their food to save it from rain drops by means of the palm of their hand, or held it under the armpit, etc. and consumed it in a place free from showers.20
Quantity of Food Consumed:
The quantum of food taken in by a monk depended on the magnitude of the fast he undertook, or on the number of dattis (unbroken pourings) he decided to accept, or on the number of houses he decided to visit.
201. Ogha-N. 64-69.
202. Kalpa. sāmā. 9-13. Such rivers like the Erävati near Kunala, which had less water and hence could be crossed 'by putting one foot in the water and keeping the other in the air', were allowed to be crossed if it fell within the region of a yojana and a krośa. 203. Ibid., 46 (p. 306). 204. Ibid., 61 (p. 310). 205. Ibid., 31 (p. 302). 206. Ibid., 28, 30 (p. 301).

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1. Based on Fasts:
Magnitude of fast.
Food and Drink allowed.
No. of alms-rounds
allowed.
(i) Eating one meal on
every second day.
Water used for making wet
flour, or sesamum, or rice.
Two allowed if food was
not sufficient.
(ii) ..... every 3rd day.
Water-wash of sesamum,
chaff, or barley.
Three.
(ii) ... every 4th day.
Sour gruel, pure
water.
(hot)
Three.
(iv) More prolonged.
Hot water with no rice.
More than three.
(v) Total abstinence from
food.
Filtered hot water limited
in quantity but sufficient.
(vi) Normal, i.e. eating one
meal a day.
All permitted drinks,
2. Based on Dattis :
Either five dattis of food and five of drink, or four of food and five of drink or vice versa, plus one datti of salt for preserving his meat. He was not allowed to beg again. 3. Based on the number of houses :
Monks and nuns who restricted the number of houses which they visited for the sake of getting food, were allowed to go to a place "where rice was cooked if it was the seventh house from their place of stay."207 Nature of Food Accepted :
Monks and nuns accepted only such food as was cooked before their arrival.208 So also they did not eat it so long as their body was wet.209
Accepting food for and giving it to a sick monk was not allowed unless permitted by the ācārya.210 Monks in good health were not to accept milk, butter, ghee, curds, oil, sugar, liquor, meat or honey.211
207. Ibid., 20-27. (pp. 298-301). 208. Ibid., 33-35 (p. 302). 209. Ibid., 42 (p. 303). 210. Ibid., 14-16 (p. 297). 211. Ibid., 17 (pp. 297-98).

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Requisite in the Rainy Season :
We shall presently see that the number of 'aupagrāhika' (of occasional use) requisites was doubled in the rainy season.212
But besides the usual articles consisting of garment, alms, bowl, blanket and broom, the Kalpasūtra213 and the Daśāśrutaskandhaniryukti214 prescribe three more pots to be used only in the rainy season for the purpose of depositing excreta, urine and cough.
The monk was allowed to ask for only those requisites to the householder which were of use to him and which were already in the possession of the householder. If he asked anything which the layman did not have, then there was a possibility of the householder stealing or buying that article for the sake of the monk who, however, could not accept such.215 Residence :
Besides the mode of stationary life in the rainy season, the monk had to take resort to some sort of residence or place of shelter during winter and summer also. We have alreay seen that he was allowed to stay for one night in a village and for five nights in a town. It may be noted that the Chedasūtras permit a monk to stay at certain places for a period of one or two months.216
The Chedasūtras corroborate the rule laid down in the Angas which asked a monk to obtain permission from the owner before occupying a residence.217 That was compulsory even when they had to stay in the streets. They had to seek permission of even the widowed daughter of the owner if the former stayed with the latter. Proper and Improper Residences :
Such places as contained scattered corn of different types, or jars of wine or of water, where fire activity (joī) was carried on either at day or at night, where there were scattered lumps of flesh (piņda), or milk (khīra), or curds (dahi), or butter (navanīä), or oil (tella), or ghee (sappi), or molasses (phāņiya), or sakkuli or sihiriņī, or where there was grass (tana) or which were full of cobwebs or wall-paintings, were deemed unfit for the monks.218
212. Ogha-N. 726: Comm. p. 217b. 213. Kalp. Sāmā. 56 (p. 308). 214. V. 84. 215. Kalp. Sāmā. 19 (p. 298). 216. Brh.kalp. 1, 6. 217. Vav. 8, 10-11; 7; 20-21. 218. Bệh.kalp. 2, 1-12; 4, 28-31; 1, 6-34.

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253
In a place which had more than one exit, the monks were allowed to stay in separate rooms. In this case, however, a well-versed monk inquired about these monks on every third day and stayed with them at night.219 If in cases of emergency the monks had to stay there, then they reported themselves every morning and evening to their guru. The monks were always expected to stay in the company of well-versed (gītārtha) elders, and no lonely life under normal circumstances was allowed. It may be noted that accepting lodging in condemned families (duguñchiyakulesu) was not allowed.220
Miscellaneous Rules :
Monks and nuns had to give accommodation to their co-religionists, and refusing to do so was deemed a transgression of church discipline.221 But they were not allowed to permit either a known or an unknown layman (uvāsaga) or any other person to stay in their upāśraya either for a full or a half night.222
Staying outside the monastery was not allowed and the monk who remained outside the lodge for three nights had to undergo a punishment for that.223 If accommodation was not sufficient then they were allowed to go elsewhere either for study of for sleep, with the express permission of their guru,224
Further details are seen developed in the Niryuktis, and especially so in the Oghaniryukti. Even though they cannot be said to bring any radical change in the fundamental principles about the acceptance of a lodge by monks, they reveal, as will be seen in the next paragraph, a fine sense of social etiquette blended with supreme efforts to maintain the same standard of monastic rigour of life as revealed in the Angas.
tails are seenough they want the ac
Ideal Residence :
The monk was not allowed to accept too extensive or too small (vitthinnā' and 'khudduliya') a lodging. The rule cannot be said to be peculiar to the Niryukti period, but the reasoning behind it is marvellous.
The faults involved in accepting an extensive lodging were that such places being generally resorted to by guards, merchants, beggars (kārpaţika),
219. Vav. 6, 4-7. 220. Nis. 16, 29. 221. Ibid., 17, 121-22. 222. Ibid., 8, 12. 223. Ibid., 10, 13: See Appdendix 1. 224. Vav. 1, 21.

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or unmarried couples (vantha), were unfit for study or other religious duties of a monk. If no account of the presence of such people the monks postponed the reading and the study of the texts, then they were likely to forget their religious lessons. Moreover, the monks getting bashful due to the presence of such people were likely to delay to ease nature and fall ill, or else they had to go a long distance for that and were likely to commit himsā of living beings. If at night they scanned the ground by hand if they had to go to ease nature, then people were likely to suspect them as thieves, or as eunuchs, or as persons having an appointment with a lady. In an extensive lodge it was difficult for a monk to get help from others if women or eunuchs kidnapped him seeing his healthy body.225
The dangers of accepting a very small residence were that it left a scanty space for a monk to move about. In that case, he was likely to fall down frequently over the bodies of others which proved a sufficient cause for quarrel which ended even in the breaking of the requisites of the monk.226
The proper residence (pamāṇajutta) was supposed to be that which afforded for every monk a space measuring at least three hands (ekkekkassa ü tihatthasanthāro) for sleeping purposes and which made it possible to have a distance of twenty angulas between the bedding and the pots or requisites of a monk.227 This was considered to be the ideal distance between the bedding and the other essential things of a monk, as pots kept too close to the bed were likely to be broken by the monk if he moved his limbs in his sleep. If, on the other hand, they were kept at too long a distance from the bedding, then it was difficult to save them from mice and cats (majjāramūsaga).
The Method of Sleeping:
If they happened to obtain a very extensive lodge, then the monks reserved three sleeping places (i.e. three times bigger) (santhāragabhūmitigam) for the guru, and the rest of the monks had only one of normal size for each. In such an extensive (runda) lodge, they slept scattered so as to leave no room for any householder to sleep in between 228 If, however, the place was small, then they kept their requisites in the middle and slept around
225. Ogha-N. 217-24. 226. Ibid., 225. 227. Ibid., 226-227: 'bhāyanasamthärantara jaha visam angula hunti'. 228. Ibid. 202. "rundāë pupphaīņņā"
comm: yadyasau vasatirvistirņā bhavati tataḥ puşpāvakīrṇaḥ svapanti --puspaprakaravadyathāyatham svapanti yena sāgārikávakāso na bhavati.-P. 82b.

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255
it. If the lodge was quite according to their needs then they slept in a row (avalyā). The monks accepted the space allotted to them by the elderly monks (sthavira), and kept their bedding (santharaga) there.
The distance between two monks was such as did not give any chance of bodily contact between them. Then taking the permission of the guru the monk slept on his left side and contacted or stretched his limbs very carefully like the hen (kukkuḍipāyapasāraṇam) 230 He was to be particular even regarding the sighs (nissäsa), and held his nose firmly to avoid giving out a long sigh.231 Normally a monk was expected to sleep without a cover, but if he was unable to do so then he was allowed two or three covers (päüne....tinni).232
Proper Company in the Residence:
With a little digression regarding the mode of sleeping in a proper residence, we shall now see what sort of surroundings and companions a monk was expected to have around him when he decided to stay at a particular place.
The monks were normally not advised to seek residence at night or evening as it raised many difficulties in the proper scanning of the place. Moreover, at such odd times, the monks were likely to come across wild beasts, thieves, or courtesans.
If they could not get lodging in the morning, then they stayed in empty houses (sunnaghara), or in a temple (deüla), or in a garden (ujjāņa). If householders came to the same place, then they hung a curtain (cilimiņi) and carried on their religious duties.233
Generally, the monk sought shelter with those of a religious trend of mind. He was allowed to live with a laymen (sanni) without women. Fail
229. Ibid., 'madhye påtrakāņi kṛtvā mandalya päráve svapanti'-comm. p. 82b.
111111
口
The same text, however, (v. 232, p. 92a) lays down the process of
||||||
sleeping in a small lodge as "ussisabhāyaṇāïm majjhe".
If the ground there was
uneven, then all the pots were kept in that deeper spot. If there was no place to deposit the pots on the ground, then they were hung up by means of a thread (ovaggahiö doro tena ya vehāsilambaṇayā).
230. Ibid., 205.
231. Ibid., 206. 232. Ibid., 209. 233. Ibid., 192-99.

O

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ing to get such a person, he was advised to live with a person of auspicious turn of mind but having no women with him. If such a fellow had women, then the monk stayed separately in an outhouse. As a last resort, he was to go to an empty house.234. He avoided the company of nuns and persons of loose moral behaviour.235
How to Leave the Lodge ?
Having got an ideal lodge the monks were asked to seek permission of and bid farewell to the owner of the house before they left the place. If the monks failed to do so, then it was feared that the householder might lose faith in them, or might take the monks to be devoid of manners and proper etiquettes, or might not lend them his lodging again. If by chance robbers attacked the place which the monks had left without the knowledge of the owner, then there was every possibility that the latter might suspect the monks to be in league with the robbers. In order, therefore, to save themselves from these suspicions and to acknowledge with gratitude the help given to them by the householder, the monks had to take their leave of the householder.
Two precautions were taken by the monks at the time of asking permission to go. They were not do so by taking up all their requisites to avoid lamentations of the householder's wife (sijjātarī) or the doubts creeping up into the mind of the householder due to the monks' sudden decision to go. Seeing the householder crying, people were likely to suspect the relations between the monks and the householder, and thus condemn the former on that account.
The monks never disclosed the exact day of their departure as that was likely to make the members of the family of the householder give up all of their everyday duties on that day and indulge in the preparation of special food for the departing monks.
Right from the day an advance party was sent by the ācārya for searching out the next proper stop, the ācārya lessened his contact with the houseowner. He recited the following verses in order to let the householder know that his party intended to leave the place soon :
“Sugarcanes have grown up, the gourds are plump, the bulls have gained strength, and the villages are free from mud.
“The roads contain less water and the earth is dried up. The proper time for a wandering life has come for monks.
234. Ibid., 105.
235. Ibid., 108-110; for the method to deal with such a person in case a monk happened to stay with him: Comm. p. 58ab.

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"The śramaņas, birds, clusters of bees, groups of cows and the autumnal clouds have no fixed residence".
Thus the householder came to know about the monks' intention to leave the place. Then performing the pratikramana and the necessary duties (avasyaka) in the evening, the acarya told the householder that he and his. party had decided to leave the place next morning. A religious sermon was preached to the householder and his family.
257
Early next morning, they did both the 'suttaporisi' and the 'atthaporisi' or simply the former. If the next stop was too distant, then they started early morning without doing the scanning of the pot, etc. (pāyapadilehana). Sometimes they started even at sunrise but that depended on the distance at which they had to make the next halt.
The Method of Starting the Tour:
Some among the group walked ahead, some in the middle and some at the end of it. If the advance party came to the village where an intermediate stop was predecided by the company of the monks, then young monks were sent for alms and the rest of the party looked after their requisites. If such a village was found out to be deserted or burnt down or devastated by enemy, then a monk was kept there and the rest of the group went ahead. This monk waited for those who followed. If the village was completely deserted then nobody waited there and the vanguard left the place after making a sign (rikkha) on the road so as to serve as a clue to those who followed. If the village was in good condition, then a pair of monks was kept outside the village to meet the party following them, or else an ironsmith was requested to show the residence to the monks who came late.236
Thus the cycle of touring began again with all its vividity coming to a stop only in the four months of the rainy season.
Clothing (Vattha, Cela):
The clothing of the monk was expressed by words like the vattha, cela, civara, pacchāga and kappa.
The Purpose of Using Clothes:
Clothes were used for the sake of six reasons. They were to be put on for the protection of the body from grass, etc. (tagrahananivāraṇārthaṁ),
236. Ibid., 166-180. BULL, DCRI-33

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for avoiding to take resort to fire in cases of cold, etc. (agnih tatsevānivāraņārtham), for the sake of the practice of Dharma-and Sukla meditation, for the protection of the ill, and lastly for covering the dead.237
How to Obtain Clothes :
As in the case of other articles, the monk had to depend on the piety of the laymen for obtaining clothes. He was forbidden to buy clothes or make somebody to buy them for him, or accept bought clothes,238 He was also not allowed to request a person again and again for clothes either in a village or in the road.239 If somebody offered him clothes placed on living beings then he rejected them.240
Another interesting feature in the acceptance of clothes is revealed in the rule which made monks accept clothing according to their rank (ahārāîniyāë).241 This perhaps indicates the practice of the distribution of begged clothing by the superior to his subordinate monks, according to their ranks and wants. It may be noted that this practice bears a close resemblance to the practice of kațhina242 (distribution of clothing) among the Buddhists.
Kinds of Clothes Allowed :
The monks were allowed to use five kinds of clothes; to wit, those of a camel's hair (jangië), of linen (bhangië), of hemp (sāņaë), of wool (pottaë), and of tirīța (tirītapaţte).243 Number of Clothes Allowed :
The monk was allowed three clothes,244 two of which were of cotton and one of wool (uņniya) 245
Besides these, the Brhatkalpa refers to the celacilimiliyam' which was "a covering for the clothes.''246 From the Bhāşya on the text, however, it appears that it was used as a curtain for residences having no doors.
237. Ibid., 706. 238. Nis. 18, 21-64. 239. Ibid. 240. Ibid. 241. Brh.kalp. 3, 19-20. 242. Mahāvagga, VIII, 99. 243. Brh.kalp. 2, 29.
The list is the same as in Than 138a, 338a; the Acārānga list as transl. by JACOBI comes to this: wool, silk, hemp, palm-leaves, cotton and Arkatula: SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 158.
244. Brh. kalp. 3, 15-16; Ogha-N. 669, 675. 245. Ibid., 705. 246. 1, 18: 1.A. Vol. 39, p. 260.

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259
Size of Clothing :
The size of clothing differed according to different individuals (ātmapramāņa), and the commentary to the Oghaniryukti247 explains the proper size to be that which covered the shoulders and remained on them. It was two and a half hands in length.248 Any shortening or lengthening of clothes was not allowed.249
Clothes of the Jinakalpikas and the Sthavirakalpikas :
It may be noted that the number of three clothes (pacchāgā) was common for both the Jinakalpika and the Sthavirakalpika monks.250
But besides these three coverings, the monks of the Sthavirakalpa mode of life used one more piece of cloth called the Colapatta.251
The purpose of using the colapatta was either to conceal one's distorted penis in case it was so,252 or to avoid it being affected by an attack from vātika (?), or in case the monk felt ashamed to go about naked, or to hide one's abnormally long penis, or lastly to avoid getting passionate at the sight of women.253
The size of the piece was such that, on being folded once (duguna) or twice (caügguna), it got reduced to a square piece with each side measuring one hand in length. Both the young as well as the old monks put it on, and the former donned it by twice folding the piece, while the older members of the community put it on by folding it only once. The youthful monks wore a broader colapatta while old monks put on such a one as was smaller in breadth 254 Unfit Clothes :
The monks were disallowed the use of complete pieces (kasiņa) of cloth. They were allowed to wear only torn clothes or pieces of clothes.255 So also such clothes as were unfit for monks and had no capacity for lasting long were to be avoided. Decorative clothes as were embroidered with gold,
247. P. 213b. 248. Ibid., 705. 249. Ibid., 727. 250. Ibid., 669. 251. Bhag. 37b; Ogha-N. 34, 35, 670, 721.
252. The Comm. on the Ogha-N. p. 216a mentions that among the Southerners, the practice of cutting the penis and putting a ring over it was to be found.
253. Ogha-N. 722. 254. Ibid., 721. 255. Bșh, kalp. 3, 7-10; Nis. 2, 22-24.

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etc. were deemed unfit for monks.256 Cloths kept for the rainy season (padhamasamosarana) were not to be accepted, but such as were kept for the rest of the year were allowed.257 Obtaining such clothing going under the category called 'jāyaṇāvattha' or 'nimantanävattha "258 which consisted of four kinds250 was not allowed, and a monk had to undergo punishment for these transgressions.
Colouring the Clothes:
No colouring or discolouring, of uncoloured or coloured clothes respectively, was allowed.200 It may be noted that the Avasyakaniryukti to the sukkambarā samanā' (white-clothed monks).
refers
Washing of Clothes:
It may be noted that even though the Acaränga and the Nikitha Sutra,263 which belong to the groups called the Añgas and the Chedasūtras respectively, do not allow the washing of clothes, the Pinda-264 and the Ogha-niryuktis give great details about it. The following account is based on the above two texts.
Time for Washing:
Clothes and other requisites were washed and cleaned a little before the rainy season began.
Articles Essentially Washed:
In cases of shortage of water the pot and its other accessories (pāyaṇijjoga) at least, were to be washed.
Besides the päyanijjoga, the nissejjäs, the santhäragapatta, the uttarapaṭṭa, the colapatta, the muhapotti, and the rayaharana were to be washed and cleaned.
256. Ibid., 7, 10-12.
257. Brh. kalp. 3, 17-18; Nis. 10, 47.
258. Ibid., 15, 99.
259. Ibid.
260. Ibid., 18, 21-64; also Acara. II, 5, 2, 1 (p. 163).
261. V. 357.
262. II, 5, 1, 17 (p. 162).
263. 18, 21-64.
264. Vs. 23-34. 265.
349-57.

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261 The Order of Washing Clothes :
The clothes of the ācārya were washed first, then those of the upādhyāya, then of the monk on fast, then those of the ill, then of the newlyordained and lastly one's own.
The reason given for the priority to ācārya's clothes was that an ācārya clad in soiled clothes evoked condemnation in the society. The clothes of the newly-ordained were washed before one's own to avoid his mind getting apathetic towards dirty clothes.
Among the different types of clothes, those which consisted of a single unstitched piece of cloth were washed first, then those which were darned, and last of all such as were darned as well as stitched.
Preparation for Washing :
Before actually washing the clothes, the two upper clothes were kept apart for three days so that all the lices, etc. clung to the rest of the clothes or to the body; or all clothes were kept away for three days; or they were hung from above so as to reach the body so that the lices, etc. clung to that. Then the insects, etc. were carefully removed. Instead of doing each of these three acts for three days, each act was done only for one night also.
The Water Used in Washing :
If there was shortage of sufficient water, then the monks took rain water as fell down from the roof. Then it was exposed to the sun to make it lifeless. Such water was not gathered in their own pots by the monks but they did it in broken dishes, etc. borrowed from the householders. Then salt (kşāra) was put into it to make it lifeless. The rain water was to be accepted only when the rain stopped.
The Mode of Washing :
The clothes were not to be hit over a slab of stone or beaten by a stick. They were not thrown often in profuse water but were gently cleaned by means of hands.
Drying the Clothes :
Those clothes which were 'paribhogya' (constantly used) were dried up in shade, while those which were 'aparibhogya' were dried in the sun. A constant watch was to be kept over them to save them from being stolen. The monk had to undergo a purificatory punishment (kallāņam) for this act of washing, after it was complete.

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S. B. DEO Objections to Washing Refuted :
The washing of clothes in other seasons was refuted on the grounds that the monk tended to become loose in morals, as, seeing him neatly dressed, he was likely to be approached by women.
Another objection raised was that washing involved injury to living being. But this was refuted by the argument that even unwashed clothes gave rise to living beings and hence they were in constant danger of being killed. Hence any activity that was done in consonance with the spirit of the rule was taken to be valid.266
Vindication of Washing:
Washing of clothes was justified on the grounds that, if they are left unwashed,
(1) they become heavy,
(2) dirt gets into them firmly by means of the spray of rain drops in the rainy season,
(3) they get more worn out, and new ones cannot be accepted in rainy season,
(4) dirty clothes got wet in rainy season give rise to an overgrowth (panaka) which leads to himsā,
(5) soiled clothes retain wetness for a long time leading to indigestion and illness,
and (6) people generally condemn one wearing soiled clothes, and for not knowing the rule (5) above.
Stitching of Clothes :
From the rule which laid down that 'a monk who asks for needle to stitch clothes and in reality stitches a pot with it, has to undergo a punishment for it',267 it seems that the monks stitched torn clothes. The rule in the Oghaniryukti268 which lays down that stitched clothes were to be washed the last of all, also goes to support the above view.
266. "yo hi sūtrajñyāmanusrtya yatanayā samyak pravartate sa yadyapi kathancitprányupamarddakārī tathāpi na asau pāpabhāk bhavati, näpi tiyraprāyaścittabhāgi, sūtrabahumānato yatanayā pravartamānatvāt".-Vrtti to Pind-N. p. 12b.
267. Nis. 1, 31; Ibid., 1, 47-56; stitching improperly was taken to be a fault.
268.356; The Ganividyāprakirņaka lays down the rule that stitching (sīvana) should be done on the kittikă and višakhā nakşatras.-vs. 36-37.

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263 Getting one's clothes stitched by a heretic (annaütthiya) or by the house-owner (gāratthiya) was strictly forbidden. Taking out long threads from cotton, and having long ends to one's sanghāļi (gown) were also deemed transgressions.269
Use and Exchange of clothes :
No exchange of clothes was allowed without taking the consent of the gani, but clothes were to be given to those who were unable (physically) to procure them.270
Giving only one or more than three padiyāņiyas (?), or binding the pieces of clothes together, giving them more than three knots (?), and using excessive clothing for more than one and a half months were treated as transgressions.271
Clothing and Nudity:
A monk who put on clothing among those who did not put it (acela) or vice versa had to undergo punishment.272 At least among the Svetāmbaras, nudity did not seem to have any compulsion about it, for, even though the Byhatkalpa273 describes the Jinakalpasthiti (or the stage of a "naked monk”:274 as translated by SCHUBRING) as the fifth step in a monk's life, yet even the Jinakalpika monks used clothes as is proved by the statement in the Oghāniryukti which allowed three clothes (pacchāgā) to them.275
Requisites (Oggaha):
The list of essential requisites of a monk in the Angas consisted of clothing (vattha), almsbowl (pāya), blanket (kambala) and the broom (pāyapuñchana), and the whole mode of denoting the purity of these articles was expressed by the phrase 'ahāpadirūvam uggaham ogiņhittā' i.e. 'accepting the proper requisites'. The acceptance of such articles of use was regulated by some very general rules.
The Chedasūtras and the Niryuktis refer to a number of other articles besides those found in the Angas, and even those which are to be found in the Angas are dealt with in details.
269. Nis. 5, 12-13, 24. 270. Ibid., 18, 21-64. 271. Ibid., 1, 47-56. 272. Ibid., 11, 87-90. 273. 6, 11. 274. 1.A., Vol. 39, p. 267. 275. V. 669.

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The Begging Bowl (pāya):
Out of all the requisites of a monk, the alms vessel formed an essential article. Material :
Pots made out of either gourd (lāü), or wood (dāru) or earth (mattiyā) were permitted,276 and there seem to have been no concessions allowed in this matter, and the position remained unchanged. Pots made of any other material such as iron, copper, lead, glass, silver, gold, jewel, ivory, horn, skin or shell were strictly disallowed, and a monk making, using, or holding such pots had to undergo an expiatory penance for this.277 Besides this, the monks were forbidden to use pots "pitched inside"278 (antolittayam). Whence to Secure the Begging Bowl :
The chief source of obtaining the pot was the laity. The monk himself was forbidden to make pots for himself, as also he was disallowed to accept pots and other requisites from condemned families 279 (duguñchiya kula). Number of Pots Allowed :
Holding an excessive number of pots was deemed a transgression and the monk had to undergo a prāyaścitta for it.280 If monks and nuns wanted to have more bowls, then they could not do so without the permission of the owner.281 Time for Obtaining :
The monk was to accept it only in broad daylight, and accepting it either at night or at twilight was a fault.282 Securing, Use and Returning of the Pot:
Neither a monk nor a nun was ever allowed to accept the begging bowl without first taking the permission of the guru.283 So also they were not to take any article without the permission of the owner.284
276. Nis. 1, 39; Brh. kalp. 5, 14f. 277. See Appendix 1. 278. Brh, kalp. 1, 17. 279. Nis. 16, 28. 280. Ibid., 16, 39; also Appendix 1. 281. Vav. 8, 15. 282. Byh, kalp., 1, 45ff. 283. Ibid., 1, 39-42. 284. Vav. 8, 6.

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265
Once obtained, the monk was expected to handle the pot very carefully. Breaking it,285 or expanding the mouth of the pot (?), having more than three tundiyas, binding it improperly, giving it only one or more than three ties (bandha), using a pot with many ties for a period exceeding one and a half months; 286 using unfit ones or unstable ones; discolouring the coloured pot and vice versa; polishing it with oil, ghee, butter or fat; besmearing it with powders and paints; washing it either with hot or cold water so as to give it a new appearance, or with the intention of removing foul smell; drying the pot on a place full of living begins and often asking for a pot in a congregation of people by (suddenly) rising up,287 all these were taken as faults and the monk had to undergo a punishment for these.288
No exchange of the begging bowl was allowed without the previous sanction of the gani for it.289 But a monk was expected to give a bowl to novices—male or female, or to an old monk or nun who were unable (asakka) to procure it for themselves.290 Not only exchange, but along with it even buying and borrowing of pot, or making somebody else to do so for the sake of the monk, or accepting such a pot for the obtaining of which these activities are done, all these were deemed transgressions of monastic rules.291 No transactions regarding the pot with a heretic or a householder were allowed.292 Cleaning or using the alms bowl purely for enhancing personal beauty was disallowed.293 Size of the Pot (pāya or bhāyaṇa) :
The medium size (majjhima pamāņa) of the pot was such as to make it fit in a thread three vihatthis and four angulas in length, held in a squarish position (samacaürarsa). Anything which was more or less in size than this was taken to be the utkrsta or the jaghanya respectively.294 Qualities of an Ideal Pot:
Such pots as were (perfectly) round (vatta), of symmetrical build (samacaüransa), of permanent ownership of the monk (thāvara: comm. ‘na parakiyoparaskaravad yācitaṁ katipayadinasthāyi'), and of polish
285. Nis. 2, 25-26. 286. Ibid., 1, 41-45. 287. Ibid., 14, 8-45. 288. See Appendix 1. 289. Nis. 14, 5-7; 14, 1-4; 16, 25-29. 290. Ibid., 14, 7. 291. Ibid., 14, 1-4. 292. Ibid., 1, 39. 293. Ibid., 15, 153-54.
294. Ogha-N., 680-83. BULL. DCRI.----34

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(vanna) were recommended for use to the monks. The vessel which was uneven in surface (hunda), which suddenly got dried, contracted and wrinkled (vāyāïddha), and which was broken or had a hole (bhinna) was taken to be unfit for use 295
Different reasons were attributed for justifying the good and bad qualities of a pot. For instance, a symmetrical pot was said to be beneficial as it led to respect by the people; a pot devoid of scratches of nails, etc. was said to assure fame and good health for the user; a stable pot led to the stabilization of the monk; and a pot having a good appearance (varna) led to the acquisition of knowledge by the monk.296
Like the good qualities, certain defects in a pot were also said to indicate either misfortune or loss of career. A pot uneven in shape led to moral degradation, that which was variously coloured (sabala) led to forgetfulness (cittavilutti), that which had an unstable (duppate) base was said to make a monk shaky in morals, that which was very flat at base (paümappale) indicated trouble, a pot with a hole foreboded the possibility of a boil (vaņa) to the possessor, and that which was burnt either inside or outside, suggested death for the user.297
The Mouth of the Pot:
The mouth of the pot was expected to be so large as to allow one's hand to get in without touching the rim (uttha) of the pot. The purpose behind it was that the donor should not get any trouble in offering the food to the monk.298
Purpose of Using a Pot:
The begging bowl was to be used mainly for the protection of living beings (chakkāyarakkhaṇatthā). Besides this, in cases of illness, as also for the sake of the young (bāla) and the old, for the novice under instruction, the monk-guests, and for those like the princes who were new to monk life, the pot was used, and it was found to be of use in all these circumstances.299
Coating the Pot (leva):
Another interesting feature not to be found in details in earliest texts, was the process of coating the pot.
295. Ibid., 686. 296. Ibid., 687. 297. Ibid., 688-89. 298. Ibid., 690. 299. Ibid., 691-92.

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267 The view that 'coating the pot is not permitted by the Jina' is refuted at the outset300 by the author of the Niryukti who seems to opine that this process is quite in keeping with the tenets of the Jina. This necessity of refuting all the objections raised perhaps suggests that the coating of the pot was then still looked upon as a new practise and that there might have been a class of monks who did not favour it. Anyway, we come across illustrations of those who had to face trouble as their pots were not coated.301 The Purpose of Coating :
Two reasons were put forth to uphold the coating of the pot. The first was that articles of food kept in a non-coated pot were likely to become unfit for eating, and the second was the fear of people condemning a monk with a bad, uncoated pot.302 The Pots to be Coated :
Both new and old pots were to be coated. Those that were old were to be shown to the guru and his opinion was sought regarding it. If he consented, then and only then were the pots to be coated. Similar was the process with regard to the new pots. Nobody was allowed to coat the pot for decorative purposes.303
The Coating Material :
The coating material consisted of the oil used for lubricating the wheels of a bullock-cart.304 If that was made of bitter oil (kadugandha), then that was not to be accepted as it did not properly get fixed to the pot. If, on the other hand, the leva consisted of mitthatilatella (sweet sesamum oil), then it was to be accepted.305 The bitterness or otherwise of that oil was to be tested by the monk by smelling it.306 The excellent coating material consisted of sesamum oil (tila), the medium one of atasi, and the oil of mustard (sarsapa) was ranked lowest in the list. The pot was never coated with butter, ghee, molasses, fat or salt. 307
300. Ibid., 372; bha. 192. 301. Ogha-N. 373-74. 302. Ibid., bha. 196-97. 303. Ogha-N. 377, 380; bhā. 202. 304. Called 'vangan' in Marathī. 305. Ogha-N. bha. pp. 140b-141a. 306. Ogha-N. 386. 307. Ibid., 406.

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Securing the Coating Material :
Permission of the owner of the cart was to be asked before taking the oil from the cart-wheels.308 Oil from a cart which was standing on grass or seeds, which was ready for the journey, which was yoked, which was moving on, to which a calf was tied or near which a calf was grazing, under which a dog was tied, or which was kept in water, was not to be taken. Considerations based on commonsense were at the back of these rules, as for instance, going near the calf or dog tied to the cart was likely to make them wild, while oil from a cart placed in water or on living beings offered a ground for injury to living beings while taking the oil.309 Time for Bringing the Coat:
The coating material was not to be brought at night, or when there was a great stormy wind blowing, or when a great mist prevailed.310 Proper Time for Coating the Pot:
Before undertaking the coating of the pot, the monk had to do a caüttha fast, and then taking the permission of the guru, the pots were coated early morning so that they might get dry during the rest of the day.311 Krttikā and Viśākhā were deemed the proper nakṣatras for coating the pot.312 The Process of Coating :
Taking the cart-oil in a pan (mallaga), covering it with ash and closing it with a piece of cloth, the monk came back to the monastery. Then asking pardon before the guru for transgressions, if any, committed during the walk (iryāpathika), he inquired whether anybody else wanted the coating. If nobody else was in need of it, then he poured the oil on a piece of cloth and strained it. Then taking a piece of cotton (rüya), he applied the paint to the pots he wanted to coat, and rubbed the material well over the pot by means of a polishing stone called 'ghattaka."313 Drying the Pot:
When the pot was coated, it was spread over with a spray of ash (chāra) so that no insects stuck to it, and covering it with a piece of cloth,
308. Ibid., 376; bhā. 198-99. 309. Ogha-N. 387. 310. Ibid. 311. Ogha-N. 379; bhā. 203. 312. Ganividyaprakirnaka 36-37.
313. Ogha-N. 381-94. Such stones, most suitable for the purpose, were said to be amply available at Bhogapur, a town situated in between Pāvā and Vesālī: Pinda-N.v. 15; comm. p. 9b.

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269
it was kept in the sun for drying. Then the ash was washed, and again another coating was given over the pot.314 The Number of Coatings :
The minimum number of coating was one, the average two, and the "maximum was five 315
Proper Period of Drying :
In winter, the pot was kept out for drying except in the first porisi (quarter). In the fourth quarter it was to be kept inside in shade for drying. In summer, drying was done anytime except the half of the first and the half of the last porisī of the day316
Binding the Pot:
If the pot gave way, then a new one was allowed. But if a new bowl was not available then the old pot was tied in different methods called 'mudrikābandha,' 'gomūtrikābandha' or 'stenakabandha.'317 Other Accessories of a Pot:
Besides the pot itself, the Oghaniryukti refers to a number of other articles connected with the begging bowl. All these articles were designated by the term 'pāyanijjoga'.318
Pattābandha (pätrakabandha) :
It was a piece of string used to bind the pot. It varied in size according to the size of the pot. It was so tied as to make the ends (koņa) remain four fingers (caturangula).319
314. Ogha-N. 394-6. 315. Ibid., 400. 316. Ibid., 398.
317. Ibid., 402-05: Figures illustrative of these are to be found in the Ogha-N. (commentary, pp. 145b, 146a).
Mudrikābandha →
X
Stenakabandha →
IX X X
318. Ibid., 674. 319. Ibid., 693.

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Pāyatthāvana (pātrakasthāpana):
This was meant to protect the pot from dust. It was prepared out of wool (ūrņāmaya), and was a squarish piece with the length of four angulas.320 The pot was kept over it and hence it served the purpose of a base for the pot.
Gocchaga (gocchaka):
This was a small broom used in cleaning the pot-clothes (patala). Its threads were made of wool, and its measurements were the same as those of the 'pātrakasthāpana. '321
Pāyakesariyā (pātrakesarikā) :
It was also called 'pāyapadilehaniā,322 and was explained as 'pātrakamukhavastrikā.'323 Its size was the same as that of the pātrakasthāpana, i.e. four angulas, and it was made of cotton (khomiyā). It was used for cleaning the pot (pāyapamajjanaheüm). Each pot had one pāyakesariyā.324 The difference between the gocchaga and this article was that the former was used in cleaning the patalas or coverings of the pot, while the latter was of use in cleaning the bowl itself. The nuns were not allowed to use a rolled (asavențayam) pāyakesariyā.325
Padala (patala):
These were used to protect the alms-vessel (pātrāvaraña). They were pieces of cloth two and a half hands in length and sixty-three angulas in breadth, so that they were sufficient enough to cover not only the pot but even the shoulder of the monk. It means that the monk put them on in such a way as to cover a portion of the body and he kept the pot inside the patala.
The purpose of these pieces of cloth was to avoid flowers, fruits, dust, and the excreta of the birds from falling into the alms-vessel,
The number of patalas varied with different seasons. In summer a monk could use three to five patalas, in winter the number was four to six and in rainy season it was between five to seven.
220. Ibid., 694-96.
321. Ibid., This dust-brush or gocchaga is mentioned in the Anga also: see Bhagevati 374b; also to be found in the Brh. kalp. 3, 15; also in Mülasūtras: Uttaradhyayana 26, 13.
322. Ogha-N. 694. 323. Ibid., comm., p. 212a. 324. Ogha-N. 695-96. 325. Bļh. kalp. 5, 43; SCHUBRING renders it as "handle", 1.A. Vol. 39, p. 266.

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271
They were soft, fine, thick and smooth to touch (masrna), and were to be folded three, five or seven times so that the sun was not visible through them, and, probably, the light did not reach the food in the bowl.326
Rayattāna (rajastrāņa) :
This was another article to wipe the pot clean. It was moved round the pot in a slanting fashion, and it took away all the dust accumulated over the pot by mice, etc. It was also meant to wipe the rain-drops over the pot. In size, it varied according to the size of the pot.327
Besides the begging bowl and its accessories, there were other pots also.
Mattaya (mātraka) :
This was used only by the Sthavirakalpika monks, and the Jinakalpika monks used only the pāya.328 The size of this pot was explained in two ways. It was either of the capacity of the 'māgadhika prastha' (i.e. the prastha measure used in Magadha), or else it was of that size which could contain food sufficient for a monk who had travelled a distance of two gavyūtis.329 This pot was used mainly for the purpose of depositing the (rare) things for the ācārya both normally as well as in the rainy season. Besides this, articles fit for the ill, or for the guest, or very scarce articles like ghee, etc. were accepted in the mattaya.330
The use of a small mattaya was said to lead to the condemnation by the people, who, seeing the pot of the monk overflowing with eatables, took the monk to be a greedy fellow. More than that, the pot when overflowing, put off the cover over it, and dust easily got in, or the food trickled down on the ground, thus involving death of the living beings below it.331
Mallaya :
This pot was of use for depositing mucus or cough. So also, if, while taking food, a monk came across a thorn, etc. in the food, then that was thrown in the mallaya 332 From the rule which required the monk to bring
326. Ogha-N. 679-702. 327. Ibid., 703-04. 328. Ibid., 679. 329. Ibid., 714. 330. Ibid., 716. 331. Ibid., 715. 332. Ibid., 565.

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the coating for the pot in the utensil of a householder, this mallaya did not seem to form a regular requisite of a monk.
Kamadhaya :
The Oghaniryukti333 mentions this, but it is not clear what exactly it means. It was a pot used by monks, perhaps, as a substitute for the mattaga. No other details giving its shape and purpose are to be found.
Rayaharana (rajoharana):
This article is mentioned in the Angas,334 as we have already seen. It was also called 'pāyapuñchana 335 or 'pāyapuñchaņaya.'336
Purpose of Rayaharana :
It was a broom the sole purpose of which was the wiping of the places where a monk wanted to sit or lie down or where he wanted to lengthen or contract his limbs,337 so that the living beings might not get injured.
How it was Made:
The bristles of the broom were made either of the sheep wool (oņnië), or of camel wool (oţthië), or of hemp (sāņaë), or of balbaja grass (babbāpiccië), or of muñja grass (muñjapiccië).338 The Oghaniryukti, however, mentions the first two types, and adds the third type as that made from the blanket ends (kambala).339
The handle was made of wood (dāru). The Chedasūtras are at variance in this matter. The Brhatkalpa340 allows a monk to use a broom with a wooden handle, while the Niśītha 341 forbids him to do so. It seems that the handle was covered with nisejjā 342 (piece of cloth) in three rounds.
The top of the handle was expected to be thick (nibida), the middle part stout (sthira), and the ends were to be smooth (mrdu). The woollen ends (daśikā), as well as the cloth covering the handle were to be without
333. 199, 675; bhā. 36. 334. Bhag. 374b. 335. Nis. 2, 1-8. 336. Ogha-N. 511. 337. Ibid., 710. 328. Brh, kalp. 2, 30; similar in Thān. 338b. 339. Ogha-N. 709. 340.5, 45-46. 341. 2, 1-8. 342. Ogha-N. 724-25; 270; Pinda-N. Vrtti, p. 13b.

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273 knots (ajjhusira). The handle covered with the nisejjā was to be such as to pass through the cavity formed if the first finger is kept on the thumb. The wool-ends were to be tied firmly to the stick by thrice rolling the thread round the stick-end and then giving it a knot.343 Total Length of the Broom :
The wooden handle was twenty-four angulas and the threads (daśikā), eight angulas in length. The length of either the stick or the woollen ends was allowed to be varied but the aggregate length was not to exceed thirtytwo angulas.344 Improper Use :
Using a broom which was more in length, or having fine threads, or giving it only one tie (bandha), or more than three times, binding it in an improper way (avihië), or binding it in a kandūsaga way (?), holding it loosely, or using it as pillow (ussisa-mula), or breaking it were taken to be transgressions, and a monk had to undergo a punishment for these.345.. Muhañantaga (mukhānantaka) : 346
This was also called 'muhapottī,347 and explained in Sanskrit as 'mukhavastrikā.
Its Purpose :
This piece of cloth was tied over the mouth to keep away all insects or dusts getting into it. So also, while sweeping the monastery this mouthpiece was tied over the mouth for the same purpose, 348 Its Size :
The mouthpiece was either four angulas in breadth or it was of that size which made it possible to have a knot at the back. Only a single mouthpiece was allowed for each monk.349 Danda:
A variety of sticks is mentioned in the Oghaniryukti.350 They are the Latthi, Vilatthi, Danda and Vidanda.
343. Ogha-N. 707; comm. p. 214a. 344. Ogha-N. 709. 345. Nis. 5, 67-77; see Appendix 1. 346. Ogha-N. 288, 628. 347. Ibid., 511, Nis. 4, 24; also, Bhagavati 139a; Uttar. 26, 23. 348. Ogha-N, 712. 349. Ibid., 711; Comm. pp. 214, 215a.
350.730; Comm. p. 218a; Pinda-N. v. 46; Danda and Laţthi: See Nis. 1, 40; Bhag. 374b. BULL, DCRI.-35

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S. B. DEO Size and the Use of Each :
The yaşti was of the height of a man (ātmapramānā), and was used in tying the javaniyā (curtain). The viyaşti was four angulas more than one's own height and served the purpose of uvassayabāraghattani (closing the entrance of the monastery ?). The danda was as high as the arms (bāhupramāņa), and was used while on the begging round. The vidandaga was upto the armpit in height (kaksāpramāna), and it was used in rainy season to protect oneself from the rain.351
The sole purpose for which a yaşti was used was to protect oneself from animals like dog, etc. or as a support in muddy, uneven or watery regions.352
Qualities of a Staff :
Raw, coloured or variously coloured wooden, bamboo and cane sticks were disallowed.353 A stick with one joint (pava) 354 was praised, that which had two joints led to quarrel; that with three joints led to gain, with four to death, with five to warding off of quarrel along the road, with six to disease, with seven to health. That stick which was four angulas at the base and eight angulas at the top was said to be of good use in dispelling wild elephants. That which had eight pavvas led to loss, that with nine led to victory and that which had ten joints led to the acquisition of everything.
Besides this number of joints, a stick which was curved, eaten up by worms, of variegated colours, burnt up, dried at the top, of uneven distance between different joints, broken, of rough colour, slender at the joint, whose eyes (acchi) had not come out, thick, unstable, or which was not likely to last long (asārajaradhā), was condemned. On the other hand, such a one as had fully grown and thick joints, which was oily, smooth to touch, stout, having soft and round pavvas was said to be beneficial to the monks.355 BEDDING:
The bedding or Santhāra consisted either of grass, or of a plank of wood, or of a slab of stone,356
351. Besides these, the commentary to the Ogha-N. (p. 218a) mentions Nalika which was four angulas more in height than one's own, and was used to verify the depth of water (jalathāö) in rainy season; for 'Danda' and 'Vidandaga', see Pinda-N. Comm. p.19b, footnote.
352. Ogha-N. 739. 353. Nis. 5, 25-33. 354. 'Per in Marāthī. 355. Ogha-N., 731-39. 356. Daśāśruta., 7, 9; 'Santhāraga' in Bhag. 374b.

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275
Bed of Straw :
The bed of straw was to be received from the householder only after carefully examining it.357. So also, when leaving the place, monks and nuns returned the bed of straw to the householder. They were to hand it over to him only after somewhat changing it (vigaraṇam kațţu).358 Bed of the Plank of Wood (phalaga):
During the rainy season (vāsāvāsa), the monks slept on a plank of wood.359 In cases of illness in summer and winter, the plank was used for sleeping. It was so light as could be carried to a distance for three days. For an old monk, it was brought even from a distance of five days.360 Slab of Stone :
Even though mentioned, no details are found about it in the Chedasūtras, and the Niryuktis also describe in details the above two types more than this. It may be that this was not much in normal use. When to Accept Bedding :
As in the case of other requisites, the returnable bedding was also to be accepted in daylight. But the monks and the nuns were allowed to receive at night or evening only a single bed of straw which was examined previously.361 Use and Return of the Bedding :
The 'sejjā-santhāraga' was to be accepted only after the free consent of the householder 362 In case the monk returned it and wanted it again, then also he had to take the consent of the householder for obtaining that returnable (pāļihāriyam) bedding 363 If the bedding was lost, then he had to search it out.364 If he failed to do so, he had to undergo a punishment for these offences. Unfit Bedding :
Beds used by the householder were deemed unfit for the monk and he had to undergo a punishment for using these 365 So also, beds specially
357. Brh.kalp. 1, 44. 358. Ibid., 3, 25-27. 359. Vav. 8, 2; mentioned in Pinda-N. v. 46. 360. Vav. 8, 3-4. 361. Brh.kalp. 1, 44. 362. Nis 2, 50-59. 363. Ibid., 5, 23. 364. Ibid., 2, 50-59. 365. Ibid., 16, 1-3. (See Appendix 1).

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made or purposely fashioned (saparikamma) for the sake of the monk were not to be used.366
Coverings and Bed-sheets:
The kambala or the blanket was used, as we have already seen, in the period of the Angas also. Besides this, the Oghaniryukti mentions other articles. They were called 'paṭṭakas'. Both the santhara and the uttarapatta were three and a half hands in length, and one hand and four angulas in breadth,367
The 'abhyantaranisadyapaṭṭaka's was a piece of cloth which was spread over the blanket (kambala) with a view to save lice (satpadi), etc. from getting crushed in between the body and the kambala. This piece was made of cotton (khomiya) and was one hand in breadth. It had no threadends (dasika).
The purpose of these pattakas was to save the living beings as well as to save one's body from dust, etc.
Use of Skins (camma):
The monks were allowed to possess "untanned" (salomäïm: hairy) skins. They were to use these only for one night but not for many nights. They were not allowed to possess or obtain complete (kasina) pieces of skins but only incomplete ones. Moreover new skins were not to be accepted but only those which were used (paribhutte)."
In contrast to this, however, we find that another Chedasútra, the Nisitha,370 forbids the monks and the nuns to use these untanned skins. The Oghaniryukti permits a monk to cover his body with skin (katti) to save himself from fire,371
Pidhaga (Seat):
This does not occur in the list of requisites as given in the Oghaniryukti. But, as we have already seen, it was one among the group of four articles described in the Angas as "pidhaphalagasejjäsanthāraya" so often.
366. Ibid., 5, 60-62.
367. Ogha-N. 723.
368. Ibid., 724-5.
369. Brh.kalp. 3, 3-6. 370. 12, 5.
371. Ogha-N. 39; so also shoes in fire: Ibid.

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277 A monk was, however, forbidden to sit over a seat of either grass (tana), or of palāla (a kind of grass), or of chagana (cow-dung), or of wood (kattha) covered over by the cloth of others. If he did so, he had to undergo a punishment for it.372
TL:
Chatta (Umbrella):
This is mentioned in connection with the theras or older monks.373 The Oghaniryukti, however, mentions the "vāsattāņa" and says that it was of use also in hiding oneself from the thieves.374 No further details are available about it.
Pāyalehaņiä (Mud-cleaner):
In winter and summer, the monk wiped his feet with the rajoharaṇa. But in the rainy season, he had to take resort to other articles to clear the mud from his feet. This purpose was served by the 'pādalekhanikā’.375 It consisted of the sticks (?) of the trees like the Vata or Udumbara or Plakşa. If no such tree was available, then it could be made out of the Cincaņikā or Ambilikā.
Its length was twelve angulas, and breadth was one angula. It was thick and soft, and both the ends of it were sharp. Holding it in the middle, one end was used in clearing away the living beings (sacitta) and the other for clearing the acitta beings.
Every monk possessed one such mud-cleaner in the rainy season.
Other Miscellaneous Articles :
The Chedasūtras mention a number of other articles which a monk used on certain occasions only, and which he obtained from the householder.
These articles were as follows:
Sūi (needle), pippalaga (razor), naha-ccheyanaga (nail-cutter), kannasāhenaga (ear-cleaner),376 veņusūïyam (bamboo-needle), avalehaniyā377 (a dust-brush), and the cammapaliccheyanaya378 (the skin-cutter).
stenakädibhayopete
'varşātrāņam
372. Nis. 12, 6; mentioned in Pinda-N. v. 46. 373. Vav. 8, 5.
374.30; comm. p. 31a, 'sa bhaye' grhadau varşākalpam prāvrtya vrajati.
375. Ibid., 26-28. 376. Nis. 1, 15-18; 2, 10-17. 377. Ibid., 1, 40; 5, 15-22. 378. Vav. 8, 5.

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Obtaining these articles for sinful purposes (anatthāë),379 or in an improper manner (avihīë),380 or putting them to some other use than that for which they are acquired,381 returning them either earlier or later than promised,382 giving these to others after obtaining them purely for one's own use,383 or returning these to the owner in an improper way,384_all these were transgressions of ideal conduct, and a monk had to undergo punishment for these 385
The Oghaniryukti,386 however, says that the skins (camma), skin bags (cammakosaë), the skin-cutter (cammacchedaņa), the yogapattaka, and the curtain (cilimilī) were the ‘aupagrāhika' (supplementary) requisites of a guru only. Ogha and Aupagrāhika Requisites :
The requisites are classified in the Oghaniryukti387 into two divisions. Those articles which were essential or of general use were called 'Ogha',388 while those which were used occasionally for the protection of self-control were called 'Uvaggahaüvahi'.389 Jinakalpika and Sthavirakalpika :
The above two types of requisites were different in number according to whether the monk belonged to the Jinakalpika or the Sthavirakalpika mode of life. The Ogha requisites of a Jinakalpika monk were twelve in number:
(1) patta (the bowl) 390 (2) pattābandha (the thread)
379. Nis. 1, 19-22. 380. Ibid., 1, 23-26. 381. Ibid., 1, 31-34. 382. Ibid., 5, 15-22. 383. Ibid., 1, 27-30. 384. Ibid., 1, 35-38. 385. See Appendix 1. 386.728. 387. 667; A passing reference to these in Uttar. 24, 13; no details. 388. Ogha.-N. comm. p. 208a: "Oghopadhirnityameva yo grhyate".
389. Ibid., "avagrahāvadhistu kārane apanne samyamārtham yo grhyate". It should be noted that the number of these aupagrāhika articles was to be doubled in the rainy season for the sake of personal safety as well as for the protection of self-control. -Ibid., 726; comm., p. 217b.
390. It may be noted that the Jinakalpikas did not necessarily use it for alms, as is perhaps hinted at by the word 'pānipadiggahiya', i.e., using the hand as the alms-bowl: (Vav. 9, 41).

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279
(3) pāyaţthavana (the base) (4) pāyakesariyā (dust-cleaner) (5) padalāïm (the pot-covers) (6) ravattānam (dust-wiper)
(7) gucchao (dust-brush) (8-10) three pacchāgā (clothings)
(11) rayaharanam (the broom) (12) muhapatti (the mouthpiece).
The necessary requisites (ogha) of the monks of the Sthavirakalpika mode of life were fourteen in all, consisting of the twelve above, plus the mattaga (i.e. the earthen vessel) and the colapatta (i.e. the loin-cloth).391 The Best, Mediocre and Inferior Requisites :
Besides the division of the requisites into essential and supplementary, those which were taken to be of less importance (jaghanya), of average importance (madhyama) and of primary importance (utkrsta) are described for the monks following either the Jinakalpa or the Sthavirakalpa practice.
The utkṛṣta upadhi of the Jinakalpika consisted of three clothings and the vessel. The madhyama upadhi consisted of the pātrakabandha, patalāni, rajastrāņa and the rajoharaņa. The jaghanya upadhi was the gocchaka, pātrakasthāpana, mukhavastrikā, and pātrakesarikā.392
The utkrsta upadhi of a Sthavirakalpika was the same as that of a Jinakalpika. The madhyama upadhi consisted of the patalas, the rajastrāņa, pātrakabandha, colapattaka, rajoharana and the mātraka, while the jaghanya category consisted of the pātrakasthāpana, pātrakesarikā, gocchaka and the mukhavastrikā.393
General Characteristics of These Requisites :
These essential requisites were to be of pure source and acquisition (uggamaüppāyaṇāsuddha), devoid of the faults of begging (esaņādosavajjiyam), such as could be examined in broad day light, i.e. having no secrecy about them (pagāsapadilehaņam), and such as could be of help in the practice of self-control (jogāņam sāhanatthayā). The monk was to carry these without hatred or attachment towards them (appaduttho amucchio),
391. Ogha-N. 668-70. 392. Ibid., 672. 393. Ibid., 673.

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and they were to be utilised for the sake of the purification of the soul (ajjhatthavisohië),394
Aparigrahatva and Requisites:
The use of these requisites was upheld on the grounds of their being the 'dharmopakarana' which were allowed to be used by the Jinas for the sake of purification of the soul (ajjhatthavisohi).385
The sanction for the use of such dharmopakarana could as well be justified on the grounds of the words in the Daśavaikälika,306 which laid down that "it is attachment that is called 'parigraha' or possession".
Begging and Food:
After securing a proper residence, the next important item of a monk's life was the obtainment of pure food. We have already seen how arduous was the framework of rules of begging (gocari) which a monk had to face, and how the rules were based principally on the basis of ahimsa and purity. of conduct.
The Chedasútras also give sundry rules about proper begging and the nature of pure food. Before comparing them with those of the Angas and the Mülasūtras, it would be proper to note down various rules as given in the Chedasūtras.
The Method of Begging:
Taking with him all the necessary requisites, the monk went on the begging tour. He walked with perfect control over his senses, taking care not to trouble the living beings at any time.
He went from door to door but did not stand, sleep, sit or nap inside the house. He could do so only when he wanted to support another monk who had become feeble on account of severe penance (tavassi), or one who was very old (jaräjuņņa), or one who was ill (vähië),307
He begged with perfect gravity of mind and was not allowed to recite even four or five strophes (caugahaṁ vā pañcagaham vā),398
394. Ibid., 742-46.
395. "Ajjhatthavisohië uvagaranamh bähirath pariharanto / appariggahitti bhanio jinehim telukkadamsihim //
-Ibid., 745.
396. 6, 21: Muccha pariggaho vutto.
397. Brh.kalp. 3, 22.
398. Ibid., 3, 23-24.

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281 Time for Accepting and Eating Food :
The food was to be obtained in broad day light. It was not to be secured in twilight.399 Not only that but a monk who praised night meal (rāïbhoyaņa) or appreciated somebody else doing so, had 'to undergo a punishment for that.400
No preservation of food was encouraged, and the monk who ate food acquired in the early quarter of the day, later on in the day, had to face expiatory punishment.401 Thus, not only obtaining but eating of stale food by a monk was not allowed.402
If by ignorance, he happened to eat food before sunrise or after sunset, then no sooner he saw that the sun had arisen or had set than he stopped eating and cleaned his mouth and vessel (padiggaha). Then he was not declared to be guilty (nāïkkamai), but if after knowing full well the situation as being unfit for meals he continued to eat, then he had to undergo four months' unshortened penance (cāümmāsiyam parihāratthānam anugghāïyam).403
Regional Limits of Begging :
Carrying food beyond a distance of one half yojana (addhajoyanamerão),404 was not allowed. This means that the food which was obtained was consumed within that regional limit.
Places Unfit for Begging :
Newly occupied villages (gāma), settlements (sannivesa) and habitations (nivesa), or newly opened mines of iron, copper (tambāgara), lead (taü), gold (hiranna), diamonds (rayaņa), etc.405 granaries (kotthāgārasālā), treasuries (bhandāgāra), or water-places (pānasālā) or big kitchens (mahāṇasasālā) 406 were to be avoided in seeking food.
Accepting food and drink at the coronation celebrations of kings, as well as obtaining it when the kings were engaged in some work in the uttarasālā (recreation hall), or in the horse stable (hayasālā), or elephant stable (gayasālā), or counsel-hall (mantasāla), or secret places (gujjhasālā,
(paccogilamane)
399. Ibid., 1, 43. 400. Nis. 11, 72-73; (See also Appendix 1). 401. Ibid., 12, 30; 11, 78-9. Brh.kalp. 4, 11.
402. The Brh.kalp. does not allow monks and nuns to reswallow vomited (uggāle) food at night: 5, 10.
403. Ibid., 5, 6-9; See Appendix 1. 404. Nis. 12, 31; Brh.kalp. 4, 12. 405. Nis. 5, 34.
406. Ibid., 9, 7. BULE. DCRI.-36

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or rahassasālā), or in the private apartment (mehuņasālā), was not allowed.407
Obtaining food in an army camp (senam boat409 was not permitted.
sanniviţtham),408 or in a
Unfit Donors :
Food was not to be accepted from him who gave residence to the monk (sejjāyara). Under certain circumstances, however, a monk was allowed to accept food from "the harbourer" (sāgāriya), or that given by his servants. The rule was that "if a harbourer's food is prepared as with regard to honoured guests (sāgāriyassa pūyābhatte uddesië ceïë pāhudiyāë), intended (for them, and) looked upon as a present (to them, if) an article belonging to the harbourer is destined (for them, and) held at their disposal, (food and article) as regular gifts-be it the harbourer or his servants (parijana), or be it neither the harbourer nor his servants, but an honoured guest of his, who gives them-one may let him give (it) for another monk, (but) one may not take anything for oneself, (But) if the gift is not regular, one may, if an honoured guest of the harbourer give it, let him give (it) for another monk and likewise take it for oneself”.410
Mixing up (samsaţtham karentaë) of the harbourer's alms, accepting them or approving anyone doing so was not encouraged.411
Not only that, but food was not to be accepted from a person who stayed under the protection of the 'sāriya' or 'sāgāriya' (one who gives lodging to the monk), even when the former cooked separately or otherwise in the same house or elsewhere. Supposing that the guest wanted to give food to the monk, the latter was not allowed to accept it in the presence of the owner of the house as there was a likelihood of the owner mixing up his food in it, or a possibility of the owner feeling sorry on account of the monk not accepting his food. Articles from the shop in which the owner of the lodge was a partner (sāhāraṇavakkayapaüttā) were not to be accepted by the monk. So also, if the owner of the house was a partner in any food cooked by his guest, or servant, even though the latter stayed outside, then that food was deemed unfit for the monk.412
407. Ibid., 8, 13-17. 408. Brh.kalp. 3, 34. 409. Nis. 18, 17-20. 410. Brh.kalp. 2, 19-28; Transl. I.A. Vol. 39, p. 262. 411. Ibid., 2, 14-18. 412. Vav. 9, 1-26.

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283
If the lodge given to the monk was owned by persons more than one, then the monk was not allowed to accept food from the principal owner (egam tattha kappagaṁ thavaïttā avasese nivvisejjā).413
Besides the sejjāyara, some other persons were not to be approached for alms by the monk. He was not allowed to ask persons of the royal harem to bring food, etc. for him outside the harem, or to consent to such a person to hand over his alms bowl to him so as to get it filled with food from the harem.414 It may be noted that this rule was in conformity with the regulation which disallowed a monk to eat royal food (rāyapinda).
To his relatives (näyavihirh) a monk could go only with the permission of the elders (thera), and accompanied by a well-versed monk (bahussuë babbhāgame) if he was still unripe in knowledge (appasuya appāgama). Having gone there in the company of a learned person, he was to accept only that which was cooked before his arrival (puvvägamaneṇaṁ puvvaütte),415
The monk was disallowed to seek food from those who were either starting for or returning from land, water (naï) or mountain journey (girijatta),416
Certain families which were taken to be of condemned nature (duguñchiyakuläïm) 417 were not to be approached for food. It may be noted that such families were marked out not because of their low birth or position in society, but because of their sinful activities and lax morality. This is perhaps the basis of another rule which disallowed a monk from accepting food, drink, etc. from those who were of non-vegetarians habits ('mamsakhāyaṇā', 'maccha-khāyāṇā' and 'chavikhāyāṇā'),418
Avoiding, therefore, all these people, the monk begged food at such houses the inmates of which were of normal behaviour. The devoted families. which always helped the monk (thavana kula) were to be approached frequently but not incessantly so as to tire them out. Without creating good feeling in them, without asking them, or without knowing about them anything, the monk was not allowed to approach them,419
Fit and Unfit Food:
The principal category of unfit food was that which contained living beings, or which involved the killing of living beings in its preparation. The
413. Brh.kalp. 2, 13.
414. Nis. 9, 4-5.
415. Vav. 6, 1. 416. Nis. 9, 12-17. 417. Ibid., 16, 27. 418. Ibid., 9, 10. 419. Ibid., 4, 22.

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S. B. DEO technical phrase denoting such category of food was 'adhākarmika' (āhākammiä) which is not to be found newly used in the Chedaśūtras or even in the Niryuktis.
Such 'ādhākarmika' food was, therefore, prohibited.420 Along with that, any articles of food containing living beings, as for instance, raw palm fruit or mango, raw sugarcane, roots, bulbs, seeds, etc. were not allowed.421 Even articles placed on live substratum were disallowed.422 In case the monk happened to accept food in which a living being fell, he tried to take it out, and then ate it or deposited it on a region (thandila) free from living beings.423 If he obtained food devoid of living beings but otherwise unclean (anesaņijja), then he gave it to his disciple who was not till then ordained (sehatarāë aņuţthaviyaë). But if there was no such person with him, then he deposited the food on a place devoid of any impurities (bahuphāsuë).424
Eating of stale (pariyāsiya) food was not allowed, and we have already seen that a monk was not permitted to preserve food upto the fourth porisi, of the day. Hence any stale articles like the pippalī, or powder of pippalī, singabera or powder of singabera, bila or salt (lona) were disallowed.425 Stale food generally gave rise to bacteria due to chemical action or fermentation and hence the rule.
Water was to be drunk as was previously boiled and made lifeless by somebody else. Normally, the nine vikstis-milk (khīra), curds (dahi), butter (navanīya), fat (sappi), oil (tella), molasses (phāniya), honey (mahu), flesh (mamsa) and wine (majja), -were not to be eaten, and their use was restricted, it seems, only in cases of severe illness in rainy season. The ‘agrapiņda?426 and the 'nivedanapiņda 427 were not allowed. So also such
420. Daśā. 2nd Daśā. 421. Brh.kalp. 1, 1; Nis. 10, 5-6; 12, 4; 15, 5-12; 16, 4-12.
On the rule disallowing monks to eat raw, unbroken palm-fruit, JAIN remarks: "The first section of BȚhatkalpa-sutra which prescribes the eating of broken or unbroken, raw and ripe palm-fruit (tala) or the fibres (palamba) for the Jaina monks and nuns, leads us to the olden days of famine in Magadha when Bhadrabāhū migrated to Nepal, These precepts indicate the hardest days through which Jain monks and nuns had to pass and how they had to live on raw palm-fruits and fibres of the trees for their subsistence." -Life in Ancient India, p. 36.
422. Nis. 17, 126-29. 423. Brh kalp, 5, 11. 424. Ibid., 4, 13. 425. Nis. 11, 91. 426. Ibid., 2, 32-36. 427. Ibid., 11, 81.

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285 food as was full of impurity was not permitted to a monk.428 The rule of the non-acceptance of anything given with a wet hand or pot, remained the same.429
If the king gave food, etc. as a present (nīhada ?) 430 to the people like actors, etc. or to caretakers of horses, etc. or to controllers (damaga) of horses, etc. or to caravan leaders, massagists (abbhangāvayāņa), umbrellaholders (chattaggahāna), or holders of bows (dhaņu), swords (asi) and other weapons, or chamberlains (kañcuïjja), or door-keepers (dovāriya), or to dwarfs and maid servants like the cilāïya, vāmanī, vadabhī, babbarī, paüsī, joniyā, palhaviyā, isiņi, thārugiṇī, laüsī, lāsī, simhalī, ālavi, pulindi, sabari and parisiņi,431 then the monk could not accept it.
The rest of the rules which did not allow the monk to accept food from a feast (sankhadi), or that brought from a distance beyond three houses,432 or food meant for the beasts or for the ill, or for the guest;433 food prepared for people of loose morals (pāsattha);434 or acts like praising the donor either before (pure santhava) or after getting food, 435 eating deliberately such food as involved the undergoing of major or minor prāyaścittas, 436 the acceptance of rāyapinda, or dhāïp., or dūïp., nimittap., ājīviyap., antaddhānap., koha-p., māna-p., māyā-p., lobha-p., vanīmaga-p., tigicchā-p., vijjā-p., manta-p., joga-p., cunnaya-p.,437 or that which involved the faults described in the Daśavalikālikasūtra,438-are repeated in the Chedasūtras with the difference that the latter prescribe definite punishments in cases of transgressions.
Regarding the vikệtis the rule was that the monk could not accept more than three dattis of them for the ill. He was not to carry them from village to village, as also not to strain them, or ask somebody else to do so, or accept strained vikệtis.439 Eating the vikstis not given by the ācārya or upādhyāya made a monk liable for punishment.440
428. Ibid., 1, 58. 429. Ibid., 4, 39. 430. The dictionary meaning is 'taken out': Païyasadda, p. 518. 431. Nis. 9, 20-28. 432. Ibid., 3, 13-15. 433. Ibid., 9, 6.
434. Brh.kalp. 4, 14; The Bhasya refers to them as being the followers of Pārsva, but we are prompted to take the word to mean such heretical monks who are loose in behaviour and in the practice of the rules of monastic life.
435. Nis. 2, 38. 436. Ibid., 10, 19-27. 437. Ibid., 13, 60-74; all these are explained in the previous chapter. 438. See previous chapter; Nis. 17, 123-32; 19, 1-4; also Appendix 1. 439. Nis. 19, 1-7. 440. Ibid., 4, 21.

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Quantity of Food and Mode of Eating:
After having acquired the proper articles of food, the monk showed them to his äcārya, and then ate that which was allowed by him. As we have already seen, no preservation of food till the last quarter of the day was allowed.442
The rule about the normal (pamänähär!) quantity of food consisting of thirty-two morsels (kavala), each of the size of a hen's egg (kukkudiända), and such other details as given in the Angas,443 are to be found in the Chedasūtras444 also.
S. B. DEO
The normal time of eating food was of course the day and no night meal (raïbhoyana) was allowed.445
The proper mode of consuming food was that in which the monk ate food not for taste but for the maintenance of the body. Hence, eating only tasty food (subbhim subbhim bhunñjal) 447 was deemed a transgression of ideal monastic conduct. Frequent requests to the householder for food, and throwing food on the earth or on the bed, or up in the sky, made a monk liable for punishment.448
Miscellaneous Rules:
Exchange of food was not allowed without the permission of the guru. Under all circumstances giving food to or accepting it from a person of loose morals (pasattha) was not encouraged.449 Consideration, however, was shown to the weak and the ailing, and the acarya gave more food to them if there arose a danger of their collapse.450
The Niryuktis, besides referring to the above rules,451 give details regarding the actual execution of the faults and the exceptions under which
441. Ibid., 4, 20.
442. Brh.kalp. 4, 11; 5, 49.
443. Bhag. 292a.
444. Vav. 8, 16.
445. Brh.kalp. 1, 43; 5, 6-9.
446. Dasa. 5th Daśā.
447. Nis. 2, 43-49.
448. Ibid., 16, 33-35.
449. Ibid., 15, 79-98.
450. Ibid., 10, 36-39; Brh.kalp. 4, 26; Vav. 2, 6.
451. For instance: not accepting food from a house having low doors, or having no doors, or the doors of which are blocked by a person standing, or if they are blocked by a carriage or by a big pot: Ogha-N. 476; that which is given with a wet hand: Ibid.,

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287 these rules were set aside. It would not be out of place here to study some of the rules regarding this as given in the Niryuktis.
The Mode of Begging :
After performing the necessary duties, the monks went in pairs on the begging tour.452 Permission of the ācārya or, in his absence, of his immediate subordinate was essential before undertaking the alms-round; otherwise monks had to go in search of him who had gone out without seeking permission or without telling his co-monks.
The general rule was that the monk went on the begging round equipped with all his requisites. The normal outfit consisted of the alms bowl, the mātraka (small pot), the patalas, the broom (rajoharana), staff (danda), and the pair of clothings so put on as to cover the pots as well as the shoulder.453 The mātraka was necessarily to be there in order to accept something scarce, or something required for the guru or for the ill.454 Or else, he accepted solid food in one pot and liquids in another.455
Unfit Places :
In the begging tour he avoided three kinds of places which were either injurious to himself (atmopaghātika), or were contrary to the rules of the scriptures (pravacanopaghātika), or those that were likely to lead to the breaking of self-control (samyamopaghātika).456 These three categories included wild animals, places adjacent to shaky walls or holes, places full of living beings and sites of easing nature, bathrooms, etc. which were danger spots for a monk.
Nature of Pure and Impure Food :
The Pinďaniryukti deals with hair-splitting distinctions of the fundamental forty-six faults of begging and the purity of alms.
489-93; not eating food for the sake of increasing personal beauty: Ibid., 494-501; depositing impure food on a pure place: Ibid., 503; not to accept food from a sankhadi: Ibid., 84; food given in charity: Ibid., 86; food rich with oil, etc.: Ibid., 89; the reasons for eating food: Ibid., 579-80; the circumstances under which food is to be given up: Ibid., 581-82; taking the permission of the acārya before going on the begging round: Ibid., 239-41; unfit donors: Ibid., 467-68; the faults of uggama, uppāyana and esaņā: Ibid., 502; reasons for eating food: Pinda-N. 662; for giving up food: Ibid., 666; nature of improper food: Daśavaikälika-N. 116; proper begging: Ibid., 241.
452. Ogha-N. 411. 453. Ibid., 701, 454. Ibid., 425-6. 455. Ibid., 251. 456. Ibid., 462-66.

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The importance of the purity of food was impressed by the following verse:
Nivväņam khalu kajjam nāņāïtigam ca kāranam tassa /
niyvāņakāraṇānam ca kāraṇam hoï āhāro //457
The meaning of the verse is that good food is the cause of knowledge, faith and conduct which are again the cause of liberation.
This purity of food was maintained by avoiding the forty-six faults of seeking food. It has already been observed that these faults are not entirely new to either the Chedasūtras or to the Niryuktis, as they are to be found in the Mülasūtras also. But it would not be out of place here, to see whether the Pindaniryukti adds some details to them or whether it amplifies them.
These forty-six faults458 were divided into four categories which were as follows:
Udgamadosas (Uggamadosas) :
These were sixteen 459 in number and they pertained to the acts involved in the preparation of food. They were
(i) Adhākarman460 (āhākamma):
"That action which involved injury to living beings. The principle behind this rule was the identity of one's own soul with other souls, and injury to other souls was deemed good as injury to one's own soul. Hence the monk neither accepted such food himself, nor consented to others doing such activity, nor made others do so. Hence all those who had direct or indirect contact in this affair were taken to be transgressors.461
In order to illustrate the proper behaviour and utmost care to avoid committing this fault, a story is given in the Pindaniryukti,462 which goes like this : There was a certain village by name Sankula where people did not at all grow rice. Therefore, Jaina monks did not stay at that place for a long
457. Pinda-N. 69; see also Vrtti by Malayagiri, p. 178ab. 458. Ogha-N. 576-78. 459. Pinda-N. 92-93.
460. For a detailed explanation of this oft-repeated term, see Vitti by Malayagiri on Pinda-N. pp. 35a, 37a.
461. Ibid., vs. 111ff. 122: The illustrations given in this case are those of a prince and his friends who plotted against the king when the latter punished all who had taken direct and indirect role in it, and secondly that of a king who sacked all people-good and bad—who lived in the settlement of Bhils who frequently rebelled against the king.
462. 162-67.

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289
time as they were unable to procure rice-soup (śālyodana) for their guru. A devotee of the monks came to know of this, and from the next year he began to grow rice in his field. When the monks came there, the devotee thought that if only he were to offer rice to the monks, then they would not accept it thinking that it was specially prepared for them. Hence, the devotee distributed rice to all his relatives and asked them to prepare and offer rice-soup to the monks. Now, when the monks went on the begging tour, they heard several people talking about the specially prepared rice-soup, and the children saying, "O mother, give us the soup prepared for the monk!". Knowing this, the monk did not accept that soup.
Thus the monks were to be very careful about the adhākarmika food. Subtle differences are given about it, and it is sometimes difficult to grasp the proper point behind them.
Not only eating ādhākarmika food, but accepting an invitation for it, going to attend such meals, entering the house to accept such food, and forwarding one's alms bowl for that purpose, were taken to be transgressions of ideal conduct.463
The reasons behind the non-acceptance of adhākarmika food were that it was against the Law of the Jinas, that one transgression led to another and other monks also copied it, that adhākarman led to mithyātva (wrong belief), and lastly that the adhākarmika food being generally prepared for guests, etc. contained lot of ghee or oil which led to either illness or breaking of self-control by the monk.464
Various stories in the Pindaniryukti refer to the non-vegetarian habits of the mass of the people around the monks. It was but natural, therefore, for the monks to inquire about the nature of the food and to verify whether the food offered was of pure nature or otherwise. If a monk got a profuse quantity of a certain article of food which was not the normal food in that country, and if only a minority of the people in the town offered it to him out of respect, then the monk had a good ground for doubting the purity of the food and he made inquiries about the nature of the food offered. Due to this inquiry from the monk, those who were of a simple nature gave out the facts, while in the case of others the monk came to know about it from their facial expressions.465
463. Ibid., 182. 464. Ibid., 183-88.
465. Ibid. 204-05; An illustration showing to what extent this inquiry can be taken by foolish monks is furnished by the story of a certain monk who inquired about the place from which rice was brought. The lady offering it did not know about it and she asked him to go to her merchant-husband. The latter said that he brought it from Magadha.
BULL, DCRI.-37

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If inspite of his inquiries the monk happened to accept ädhäkarmika food with his mind pure and without doubts about it, then he was not taken to be a transgressor of the ideal conduct.166
290
(ii) Auddesika (uddesiya):
It was that food which was specially cooked for the monks, etc. besides the normal requirements of the members of a particular family.467 Such food was not to be accepted by the monks.
This auddesika food was divided into 'ogha' and 'vibhäga.' The former was again subdivided into three categories: uddista", kṛta" and karma" ogha. If in a marriage feast (sankhadi), food was prepared on a large scale and if the owner ordered his people to distribute it for achieving merit to those who sought alms, and if a lady offered the food in the same state, then it became 'uddista"; if she added curds, etc. to it, then it became 'krta°; and if she again prepared modakas for such purposes, then that food became 'karma". All these forms were unfit for a monk.
The vibhāga auddeśika was fourfold. Such food as was reserved for the sake of all who came to ask for it was called 'auddeśika'; that which was to be given only to the pakhandins (heretics) was called 'samuddeśa'; that given only to the śramaņas was 'adeśa', and the food offered only to the nigganthas was called 'samãdeya.
Therefore, not accepting food given in charity, or food promised in future, or accepting food after some time so as to allow some period to the householder for the preparation of food, were the rules which a monk had to carry out in order to avoid the fault of accepting auddeśika food.
(iii) Putidoṣa (püïdosa):
According to this,460 the utensils besmeared with unfit articles of food, or transfer of articles from a clean pot to an impure one, such food as was stirred with a ladle besmeared with ädhäkarmika food, and articles of food
So the monk decided to verify whether the field where that rice was grown in Magadha was pure. Thinking that the built road must have been prepared specially for somebody by somebody and hence unfit for the monk, he started by a wrong path to Magadha, lost his way and had to face lot of troubles in the forest along the path. Ibid., 198-200.
466. Ibid., 207-11; story of the monk Priyankara about this.
467. Ibid., 219-42.
468. Ibid., 227-29: These are again divided each into 'uddista",' 'kṛta" and 'karma".' Further subdivisions consist of 'chinna"' and 'acchina" which are again classified into 'dravya', 'kṣetra", 'kala" and 'bhava.' Ibid., 231.
469. Ibid., 243-70.

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291 having close contact with particles of fire, steam (termed as 'sūkşmapūti'),all such pots and food inside them became unfit for the monk. 470
For three days after the execution of adhākarman in a house that particular house was considered impure, and the monk did not go to that place to beg alms. If perchance the alms-bowl of the monk became impure due to impure food, it was first purified and then food was accepted in it.471
The monk inquired whether there was any marriage ceremony or a feast to the community (sanghabhatta). If he received a reply in the affirmative then he suspected 'pūtidoşa' there and did not beg alms at that place for three days after the feast had taken place.472
(iv) Miśra (mīsa):
This 473 was threefold. The 'yāvadarthika' were those foodstuffs which were cooked together both for charity as well as for family requirements. The 'pākhandimiśra' was that which was prepared for both the heretics and the members of a family. The 'sādhumiśra' was that which was cooked both for the monks as well as for householders. All these three types were not allowed to the monk. Not only that, but if such food happened to come to the monk through exchange or transfer from person to person, he was not to accept it.
The pot in which such food was taken through inadvertence by a monk became fit for further use only when it was washed thrice.474 The process of cleaning consisted of washing the pot with fingers or with dry cowdung, then washing it with water thrice, and then drying it in the sun.475
(v) Sthāpanā (thavaņā):
Food kept on impure regions or undergoing change in its nature was not allowed to be accepted by the monk.476 The sthāpita food was either 'svasthāne sthāpita' (kept on the oven), or 'parasthāne sthāpita' (kept elsewhere). Each of these divisions was further divided into 'anantara' and 'parampara'. That which was kept reserved for a monk and which did not undergo a change-like ghee—was called 'anantarasthāpita', while those articles of food which underwent a change--milk becoming curds—were called ‘paramparāsthāpita.'
470. Ibid., 250-57. 471. Ibid., 268. 472. Ibid., 270. 473. Ibid., 271-76. 474. Ibid., 271. 475. Ibid., 276. 476. Ibid., 277-84.

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. S. B. DEO (vi) Prābhrtika (pāhudiya):
If a certain householder asked his son to wait till the monks came so as to enable his mother to give food to both, then the monk was not allowed to visit such a house to avoid this fault.477
The possibility involved in this case was that the child tried to drag the monk to his house so as to secure food earlier for himself. (vii) Prāduşkarana (pāöyara):
That food which was exposed to light deliberately, or exhibited purposely, (prakāśakaranena prakațikaranena ca yaddīyate) was deemed unfit for the monks.478
If somebody made holes to the wall or enlarged the door or opened up the roof of the house or kept a luminous lamp near the food, then that food was taken to be unfit for monks. Food which was prepared on an oven outside the house was also not allowed.
An exception to this rule allowed monks to accept such food as was kept in light by the householder for himself. But it was not to be such as was kept directly near the flame of a lamp or fire.479
If by chance a monk happened to accept such food then he deposited it on a clean spot and wiped the pot. He could accept other food in the same pot without washing it. (viii) Krīta (Kīya):
According to this item, a monk could not accept food from one who had bought it or brought it on exchange for the sake of the monks.480
That food which was obtained by telling religious stories, or by posing as a great ācārya, or by the skill of one's art, or on the strength of one's high birth, status or family, fell under the category 'ātmabhāvakrīta' and was not allowed to a monk. So also if somebody brought food for the monk by showing pictures, etc.481 that was also not allowed for monks. (ix) Prāmitya482 (pāmicca):
Anything brought on credit was disallowed to monks. An interesting story of the results of this fault is to be found in the account of Sammati who
477. Ibid., 285-91. 478. Ibid., 292-305.
479. Ibid., 299: 'tatraivāpavādamāha-ātmarthikṣtar tadapi kalpate, navaram jyotihpradīpau varjayet.'
480. Ibid., 306-15.
481. Story of a mankha (picture-shower) Devašarman who obtained ghee, etc., for the sake of monks by showing pictures to the people: Ibid., 310-11.
482. Ibid., 316-22.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM used to bring oil on credit for her brother Sammata who had become a monk. She, being unable to pay off the debt incurred on this account, had to become a maid-servant in the house of the merchant from whom she had brought the oil on credit. When her monk-brother came to know of it, he converted the merchant to good faith and obtained his consent to the renunciation of his sister. 483 (x) Parivarttita (pariyațțiä):
Food brought on exchange for some other article by the householder was not to be accepted by the monk.484 (xi) Abhyāhrta (abhihada):
All articles of food which were brought from a long distance were to be avoided by the monk. Anything that was brought from a distance beyond three houses was called 'grhāntara' and was not accepted.485
483. Ibid., 317-19.
484. Ibid., 323-28: Story of Lakşmi who brought on exchange rice-soup for barleysoup from her rich brother's wife and gave it to the monk. A quarrel arose between the two couples on this account, ending in renunciation by all.
485. Ibid., 329-46; The flair for details and divisions is revealed in the following scheme:
Abhyahrta
Acirna
Anācīrna
Niśithābhyāhsta
Noniśīthābhyāḥrta
Svagrame
Paragrame
Grhäntare
Nograhāntare
Svadese
Videse
Jalapathenabhyāhrta
Jalaparthemauryahrta
Sthala
strana
(Nāvāë)
(Udupena)
Janghabhyam
Padbhyam
Jalao
Sthala
cưâubena)
Jaigha
Paco
(Nāvāë)
(Udupena)
Jangha
Pado

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(xii) Udbhinna486 (ubbhinna):
Anything that was given after breaking the seal or lid covering it was not fit for the monks as it involved injury to living beings. It was either 'pihitodbhinna' i.e. given after breaking the lid, or 'kapātodbhinna' i.e. given after breaking the wall, etc. covering it.
S. B. DEO
It may be noted that the monks following the sthavirakalpa mode of life accepted such food as was kept in a storage jar, the lid of which was opened every day as there was less chance of injury to living beings in this case due to its being in use every day by the householder,487
(xiii) Mālāpahṛta
(malohada):
The monk was forbidden to accept anything given from a high place. It was either 'jaghanya' in which case the article kept on a high place could not be seen even when one raised the heels of one's feet, or 'utkṛṣṭa' in which case it had to be brought down by climbing a ladder and had to be taken down from the terrace.489
Besides the possibility of injury to the donor while taking out such food, it was likely that the donor falling down took the monk to be the cause of the whole affair and hence he or she was likely to get angry towards the monk.
In case of permanent wooden staircase or strong slab of stone, however, the monk was allowed to accept that which was given by the donor after climbing it. If the donor standing on a stool, etc. tried hard to drag out something and then gave it to the monk, then the latter did not accept it.
(xiv) Acchedya490 (acchejja):
Such food as was taken by force from others and offered as alms was not to be accepted by the monk. An illustrative story in this connection as told in the Pindaniryukti is that of Jinadāsa who took by force all the milk of the cowherd Vatsarāja and gave it to the monks. The cowherd became angry and intended to kill the monks, but was pacified by the latter with great difficulty.
486. Ibid., 347-356.
487. Ibid., 356.
488. Ibid., 357-65.
489. Story of Vasumati who was bitten by a snake when she tried to take out things hung up, in the case of 'jaghanya'; story of Vasundhara who fell down the ladder, illustrating 'utkṛṣṭa': Ibid., 359-60 and 362.
490. Ibid., 366-76.

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Sometimes thieves, taking pity on the monks, robbed others' articles in order to give them to the monks. But in this case also the monks were strictly forbidden to accept such articles.
(xv) Anisrsta (anisattha);
If food owned by two or more owners was offered, then the monk had to accept it only if the gift was given after the common and free consent of all the owners of the food.
This rule was adopted as a precaution against the creation of ill feeling between the different owners.491
(xvi) Adhyavapuraka (ajjhoyara):
If a monk accepted such food the original quantity of which was increased by the householder in order to be able to give it to somebody in charity, then he was said to have done the 'adhyavapuraka' fault pertaining to food.492
This increment in food was done either for those who sought alms given in charity (svagṛha-yāvadarthika-miśra), or for the sake of monks (svagṛhasādhu-miśra), or for the sake of heretics (svagṛha-pakhaṇḍi-miśra). All these three types were unfit for the monk.
The nature of the above sixteen faults may be said to arise out of the improper conduct on the part of the householders and not on the part of the monks.
Utpadanadosas (Uppāyaṇadosas):
These were also sixteen in number and pertained to improper ways of behaviour by monks in seeking food.
(i) Dhatri (dhai):
The monk was forbidden to act as a nurse in order to get food. He was not allowed to give opinion regarding the proper time of and the utility of feeding the child at a particular time. If his opinion proved wrong and the child fell ill, then the people held the monk responsible for that. No efforts of reinstating a dismissed nurse or finding fault with a newly appointed
491. Ibid., 377-78: Story of Manibhadra who gave all sweetmeat balls to the monks without consulting his other friends and had to face trouble.
492. Ibid., 388-91.

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S. B. DEO one, regarding her voice or way of treating the child, etc. were allowed to a monk.493
(ü) Dūtī (dūi):
Getting food by acting as a messenger or go-between.494 (ii) Nimitta:
Obtaining food by foretelling happenings, and by reading omens and bodily signs.495
(iv). Ājāva :
Acquiring food on the strength of one's caste, family, or art, etc.
Such practices as praising the qualities of that caste to which the donor belonged, or indicating one's own caste or kula, or suggesting one's qualifications as a wrestler, or showing one's skill in ploughing, etc, in order to obtain food, were disallowed to the monk.196
(v) Vanipaka (vaņāmaga):
The monk was not allowed to accept food by posing as a beggar or as a heretic. He was not permitted to obtain eatables by pretending to be a Buddhist among the Buddhists and as a Brāhmana among the Brahmanas, or by praising heretical practices.497
(vi) Cikitsā (tigiccha):
No activity pertaining to medicine or diagnosis was to be resorted to by a monk in order to acquire food. He was not to advise a person to go to the doctor or prescribe a medicine or examine the patient himself.
The business as a doctor was said to act both ways in the case of the monk. If cured, the patient sometimes proved to be the cause of the breaking up of self-control of the monk, like the tiger who killed the physician after getting cured by his medicine. If the patient took a worse turn then
493. Ibid., 410-27: Story of the monk Datta who accepted 'modakas' by pacifying the crying child.
494. Ibid., 428-34.
495. Ibid., 435-36 : Story of a monk who reported the arrival of her husband to a lady, and told her bodily marks to her husband. The latter got wild and the monk was in trouble.
496. Ibid., 437-42. 497. Ibid., 443-55.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM also it was attributed to the advice of the monk. Hence, in order to avoid both these, the monk was not encouraged to obtain food by acting as a physician.498
(vii) Krodhapinda (kohapinda):
Such food as was given by the householder to the monk out of fear for his power of penance, or power to curse out of anger, or owing to the monk's being favourite of the king, was not to be accepted.499
(viii) Mānapinda (māņapinda):
Food acquired by a monk out of his pride for personal ability, or when spurred by the ridicule of others regarding one's ability to secure something, was called 'mānapiņda'. 500
(ix) Māyāpinda:
Securing food by deceit was not permitted. In this connection the story of Āsādhabhūti stands as an illustration.
Once Aşādhabhūti acquired modakas thrice by changing his apparel in the house of an actor. The actor was pleased with this and that led ultimately to Āşādhabhūti's giving up monk life and marrying the daughters of the actor. But later on, when on one occasion, he saw them in a drunken and naked state, he again decided to become a monk. But the girls begged his pardon and he gave up the idea. Later on he worked in a drama depicting Bharata's renunciation and took again to monk-life in reality.501
(x) Lobhapinda:
Deciding to accept only a particular type of food out of great liking or greed for it even when other type of food was available, was deemed an unfit conduct for the monk.
In this connection, a very interesting story of a monk called Suyrata depicts him as going mad for the sake of getting modakas and wandering
498. Ibid., 456-60.
499. Ibid., 461-64: Story of the monk whom people gave food owing to their being afraid of his power to curse.
500. Ibid., 465-73: To what extent a monk can go in obtaining ordinary things is illustrated by the story of one Guncandra who being offended by a lady, humiliated her husband in an assembly and secured what he had baited for in the company of other monks.
501. Ibid., 474-80. BULL. DCRI.-38

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S. B. DEO
throughout the city at night by saying "simhakesara" (type of a modaka) instead of "dharmalābha" (may you obtain the Law!).502 (xi) Samstva (santhava):
Praising a person for getting food was not allowed to a monk. Praising was either 'pūrva' or 'paścāt. The former consisted in praising a lady by pointing out her resemblance to one's own mother, so that getting pleased she gave food to the monk.
The latter was the praising of the lady after getting food by saying, "O! You look like my mother-in-law".
Thus the words 'pūrva' and 'paścāt' denoted relations before and after the marriage of a person and pointing out resemblances in either of these two categories in order to please the person for the purpose of getting food.
In many cases, however, there was a likelihood of the donor getting angry due to the pointing out of such resemblances by the monk. Hence the monk was forbidden to do this.503
(xii-xiii) Vidyā and Mantra (vijjā and manta):
Obtaining food with the help of spells or magic was disallowed to monks.504 The distinction between 'vidyā' and 'mantra' was that the former was presided over by a female deity (strirūpadevatādhişthitā), while the latter by a male deity.
Many stories of different monks who adopted these methods are to be found in the Pindaniryukti.505
The basis behind the prohibition of these practices was that spell and magic could be used both ways, either for good or for bad purposes, and there was always a likelihood of the king or the people punishing the monks when their magic powers were exposed.
(xiv) Cúrna (cunna):
The use of powders so as to endow supernatural powers to the user was not allowed to the monks. In this connection the Niryukti refers to
502. Ibid., 481-83. 503. Ibid., 484-93. 504. Ibid., 494-99.
505. Story of a monk who managed to acquire lot of ghee, etc. for the monks through magic: 495-96; story of Padaliptasūri who cured the headache of king Murunda of Pratişthana by spells: 498.

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299
the story of two monks who used collyrium so that they could become invisible and steal the food of the king Candragupta for their own guru.506
(xv) Yoga (joga):
The application of coatings, etc. (lepa) with a view to be able to rise up in the air--as in the case of the story of Devasarman507—and astound and impress the people, and then secure food from them was deemed a transgression of ideal conduct.
(xvi) Müla (mülakamma):
Any acts of 'vasikaraña', or advising the people to get their sons and daughters married, or causing impregnation and abortion, and such other actions508 were forbidden to monks.
We have up till now seen the faults pertaining to the preparation and nature of food. Besides these thirty-two faults, there were ten others which went under the category 'grahaņaişanä'.509 Esaņādosas (esaņādosas): (i) sankita (sankiya):
Under this rule, the monk did not accept that food the purity of which he suspected.510
(ii) Mrakṣita (makkhiya):
Anything given with either a pot or a hand besmeared with impure or unfit articles, was not accepted by the monk. The 'Mrakṣita' was either 'sacitta' (living beings), or 'acitta' (lifeless thing). The former was divided into three categories according as the food was contaminated with earth bodies (prthivīkāya), water bodies (apkāya), or with vegetation (vanaspatikāya). The 'acitta' was either condemnable (garhita) or otherwise (itara). The former consisted of articles like fat, etc. and the latter consisted of ghee, etc. which were not always forbidden to monks. Thus the rule was that a monk should not accept anything that was given with a hand or pot besmeared with either curds or honey, ghee, oil or molasses.511
506. Ibid., 500: They were, however, detected by Canakya, who created smoke so that the collyrium from their eyes melted.
507. Ibid., 502-05.
508. Ibid., 506-12; In this connection we get references to monks who joined the torn yoni of women, as well as tore out the normal one.
509. Ibid., 520ff. 510. Ibid., 521-30. 511. Ibid., 531-39.

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S. B. DEO (iii) Nikşipta (mikkhitta):
That food which was placed on living beings was not permitted to the monk.512
was feared ti
(iv) Pihita (pihiya):
That which was given after breaking the seal, or the coating of earth, etc. was not accepted by the monk.513 (v) Samhrta (sāhariya):
Besides the considerations of injury to living beings as well as to the person while bringing food-in case the donor fell down, it was feared that the people were likely to consider the monk to be greedy if the donor brought food from a distance in a big dish. In case a lady offered food to the monk in a very small dish, then people were likely to take her to be very miserly, and peonles' condemnation was likely to change her affinities towards the monk. Hence, monks were forbidden to accept food brought from a distance.514 (vi) Dāyakadvāra (dāyaga):
See under 'unfit donors' below. (vii) Unmiśra (ummīsa):
big dish. In uk to be greedy it
The monk was forbidden to accept such food as was a mixture of living and lifeless things.515 (viii) Aparinata (aparinaya):
That which was not given with the consent of all the owners of the food516 was unacceptable to the monk. (ix) Lipta (litta):
As the monk had to wander from house to house for alms, he had to eat cold food. Moreover his clothes were to be washed only once a year, i.e. just before the rainy season. He could also not do anything with fire. For these reasons, even in summer, he suffered from indigestion. Therefore, butter-milk was permitted to the monks.517
512. Ibid., 540-57. 513. Ibid., 558-62. 514. Ibid., 563-71. 515. Ibid., 605-608. 516. Ibid., 609-12. 517. Ibid., 622.

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301 Some of the corns were taken to be 'alepa' (dry). Yavāgū, kangū takra and kāñji were 'alepa', while milk, curds, preparations of milk, oil, ghee, molasses and dates were called 'bahulepa'.518 '(x) Chardita519 (Chaddiya):
Food given in a careless way so that some portion of it fell down on the earth while serving, was refused by the monk, because hot or cold food falling on the ground lead to injury to living beings.
Besides this reason, however, the Pindaniryukti gives a very interesting story about the consequences of such careless offering of food:
A certain Jaina monk, called Dharmaghoşa while on the begginground stopped at the house of the minister Vārattaka. The minister's wife came out with ghee, sugar and soup for the monk. But while she was coming, a drop of soup fell down on the ground, seeing which the monk did not accept the alms. The minister who was watching the scene from a distance could not understand the reason of the monk's return. He, therefore, decided to remain at a distance and watch further.
Now, it so happened, that flies settled upon the drop of sweet soup. Seeing the flies, spiders came there to eat the flies. To devour the spiders, a chameleon rushed in. A cat attacked the chameleon, and a dog seized the cat. Other dogs fell upon the dog and it led finally to the fight between the owners of the dogs.
Seeing this, the minister was enlightened and praised the foresight of the Jaina monk !
Unfit Donors:
Fundamentally the list of unfit donors as given both in the Ogha-, and the Pinda- niryuktis does not seem to differ from that given in the Dasavaikalika, as the principles underlying them were the generally accepted tenets of-'ahimsā', least dependence on society, and purity of food. Yet, the Niryuktis give exceptions to these rules and amplify old rules as would be clear from the following discussion.
The following persons were disqualified to offer alms to the monk : 520 (1) Bāla: 'Child below eight years'. The monk, however, was allowed
to accept alms from a child if the latter was supported by an
518. Ibid., 623-5. 519. Ibid., 627-28. 520. Ibid., 572-604.

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S. B. DEO elderly person, or if the mother of the child was standing nearby and had already given her consent to the child offering the food.521
(2) Vțddha (vuddha): 'An old person'. The reason behind this was
that an old person was likely to give out saliva which was likely to get mixed up with the food. Besides this, there was a likelihood of the old person falling down while offering food.
If the old person was able to support himself or was helped by somebody else to do so, then the monk was allowed to accept
food from him. (3) Matta: 'Intoxicated or drunken person. This person was
likely to vomit on the clothes or requisites of the monk, and
hence the latter was not permitted to accept food from him. (4) Unmatta (ummatta): 'A madman'. A mad person was likely to
embrace the monk or break his pots. A monk, however, could
accept food from a mad person of an auspicious nature. (5) Vepamāna (thevira): 'One of a shaky body'. Such a person
often fell down scattering the food, with personal injury to himself. Hence, only when he was supported by somebody, he could offer food to a monk.
(6) Jvarita (javiä): 'A person having fever'. An ill person was likely
to fall down. More than that the monk was likely to get contagious fever owing to that; hence a monk was not allowed to accept food from such a person.
(7) Andha (andhillaä): A blind person'. People condemned the
monk who accepted food from the blind in case the latter fell down while offering alms. So, unless he was supported by his son and was devoted to them, monks did not consent to accept
food from the blind. (8) Pragalita (pagariä): A leper'. The monk was in constant
danger of contamination from such a person.
(9) Arūdha : 'A person wearing wooden sandals'. There was a
likelihood of such a person falling down while offering alms.
521. Story of the monks who pressed the child to give all food to them upon which the mother got angry and the people also condemned them for their greediness: Ibid., 579.

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303 (10) Haständu (hatthindu): "One whose hands were bound'. (See
below). (11) Nigadabaddha (niyalabaddha): 'One whose feet were bound with
fetters'.
In both these cases, it was difficult for the donor to offer alms. But if such persons were in a position to move without trouble and if there was no likelihood of their falling down,
then the monk was allowed to accept alms from such persons. (12) Vivarjita (vivajjiä): "A person devoid of some limbs. Besides
the possibility of such a person falling down while offering alms,
people condemned monks who accepted alms from such persons. (13) Trairāśika (terāsi): A eunuch'. Due to frequent alms-taking
from such a person there was a likelihood of the eunuch developing intimacy with the monk leading to the breaking of selfcontrol. Moreover, people suspected the very nature of such monks. Monks, however, were permitted to approach eunuchs
of auspicious nature for food. (14) Gurviņi (guvviņī): "A pregnant lady'. As there was a possi
bility of the pregnant lady having abortion or miscarriage while getting up to offer alms, monks were prevented from accepting alms from such women. It may be noted, however, that the 'Sthavirakalpika' monks did not accept alms from a lady far advanced in pregnancy, while the 'Jinakalpikas' did not accept
food from a lady from the day she was carrying. (15) Bālavatsā (balavaccha): 'A woman with breast-fed child'. If
a lady kept aside her child whom she was feeding, and got up to offer alms to the monk, then the child was likely to be attacked by a cat, etc. or it might cry. Hence it was not deemed proper for a monk to accept food under such circumstances.
The 'Sthayirakalpikas' accepted food from such a lady if her child was grown up enough as not to be attacked by a cat,
The 'Jinakalpikas', however, did not do so. (16) Bhuñjānā (bhuñjantī): 'A lady taking meals.' If after seeing a
monk, she got up and washed her hands, then it involved himsā of water-bodies and the monk was thus unable to accept alms from her. But if the monk approached her before she had begun
taking meals, then he could accept food from her. (17) Ghusulinti: “A lady churning curds'.

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(18) Bharjamānā (bhajjantī): 'A lady frying something'. (19) Kandayanti (kandantī): 'A lady pounding corn'. (20) Dalayanti (dalanti): 'A lady grinding corn'. (21) Piñjayanti (piñjantī): 'A lady clearing cotton'. (22) Pimşantī (pisanti): 'A lady pounding sesamum, etc. on a slab
of stone'. (23) Ruñcanti: 'A lady making rolls of cotton (?)'. (24) Kịntanti (kattanti): 'A lady cutting something'.
(25) Pramặdgati (pamaddamaņi): 'A lady clearing cotton again and
again'.
All these activities were said to involve injury to living beings, and the monks were disallowed to accept food from persons indulging in such activities. The exceptions to these rules, however, consisted of allowing a monk to obtain food from a lady who was grinding well-baked or lifeless (acetana) corn, or if the lady pounding corn had no remnants of pounded corn sticking to her pishel.
(26) Şatkāyayuktahastā (chakkāyavaggahatthā): 'A lady whose
hands are full of living beings'. (27) śramaņārthāya (samaņatthā): 'One who deposits living beings
on the ground for the sake of giving alms to the monk'. (28) Pādena avagāhamānā (ogāhanti): 'A lady who stepped over
living beings'. (29) Sanghattayanti (sanghattantī): 'A lady brushing her limbs with
other living beings'. (30) Arabhamānā (ārabhanti): 'A lady indulging in activities involy
ing injury to living beings'. (31) Liptahastā (littahatthā): 'A lady whose hands are besmeared
with objectionable material. (32) Liptamātrā (littamattā): 'A lady holding a pot besmeared with
material unfit for the monk'.
(33) Udvartayanti (uvvattanti): 'A lady pouring food from one vessel
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All these activities involved hiṁsā and trouble to living beings and hence a monk was not allowed to accept food from
the people who did these things. (34) Dadati (dinti) : 'One who gives food owned by many persons
without consulting them'. In this case such offers were likely to lead to quarrels and the servants or the daughters-in-law were likely to be beaten by their masters or mothers-in-law
respectively. (35) Caurita (coriya): Monks were forbidden to accept anything
from a thief who usually stole something of others. (36) Prābhrtikām sthāpayanti (pāhudiyam thavanti): 'A lady giving
food out of that which was prepared for the purpose of sacri
fice (bali)'. (37) Sapratyapāyā dadati (sapaccavāyā dalantī): 'One who gave food
after deliberately injuring the living beings'. (38) Uddiśya dadati (uddissa dalanti): 'One who gave food prepared
for a particular type of monks (aparasādhukārpaţikaprabhịtini
mittaṁ) (39) Abhogam dadati (ābhogam dalanti): 'Who deliberately gave food
unfit for the monk'. (40) Anābhogam dadati (anābhogam dalanti): 'Who inadvertantly
gave impure food to the monks'. A survey of this list of unfit donors would reveal that considerations of ahimsā, purity and social psychology were taken into account in forming these rules. The stories given in illustration of the rules, though perhaps imaginary or exaggerated to some extent, reveal a fine sense of avoiding public condemnation and the foresight of blending religious practices with social etiquette. The severity of the practice of these rules, was, however, relaxed by furnishing reasonable exceptions to them.
The Mode of Eating:
The fundamental purpose of eating food was to maintain the perfect balance of the body in order to practise self-control. The monk did not eat for taste. For this purpose he avoided the 'samyojanā doşa' which was twofold. The 'samyojanā' or the mixing up of different kinds of food, was either 'bāhyā (external)' i.e. the mixing up of sweet things with other articles while on the begging tour in order to have a better taste afterwards, or it was ‘abhyantarā (internal)' i.e. mixing up different articles either in the BULL. DCRI.39

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pot (patre), or in the formation of a morsel (lambana), or in the mouth (vadane), to have a better taste,
This latter 'samyojanā' was permitted to a monk who, after he had completed his meal, had a lot of ghee, etc. still remaining in the pot. As the monk was not allowed to throw it out, he was permitted to consume it by mixing it with other articles of food. In the case of ill monks and newly initiated royal persons also, this mixing up was allowed,-in the case of the latter, taking into consideration their newness to coarse food.
The Quantum of Food :
The normal quantity of the intake of food, as we have already seen, was thirty-two morsels each of the size of a hen's egg. Food less than thirtytwo morsels was called 'yātrămātram (fit to maintain body)'. That more than thirty-two morsels was called 'prakāmabhojana (excessive diet)'; and eating more than thirty-two morsels for several days together was 'nikāmabhojana (optimum diet)'. Partaking of food containing profuse ghee or oil was called 'pranītabhojana'.522
It appears that another system based on seasonal atmosphere was also followed. In severe winter the monk took one part (“bhāga" acc. to Vrtti) of water and four parts of food, in mild winter two of water and three of food, in extreme summer three of water and two of food, and in mild summer two of water and three of food. The sixth part of the belly was left empty.523
Articles of opposite properties like oil, curds, etc. were not to be mixed as it was not conducive to good health.524
Mental Attitude towards Food :
Attachment for food either for its taste or for its fragrance was taken to be a fault expressed as 'angāra', and condemning food for its bad taste was called 'dhūma'. Thus the monk was expected to be neither attached nor antagonistic to either good or bad food respectively, and we have already seen that the purpose for which he was to take food was purely of a different nature than the mere enjoyment of taste.525 How Many Times to Beg?:
Normally the monk begged once in a day. But we have seen that in cases of fasting in rainy season, or in case food obtained was scanty, then
522. Ibid., 642-45. 523. Ibid., 652.
524. Ibid., 649. 525. Ibid., 662.

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the monk was allowed to go abegging for the second round. For the sake of his ācārya, or for the ill or for the junior, he was allowed not only to beg many times but even at odd times.526
The Return;
The monks went in pairs (samghādaga) for seeking food and some were left behind in the monastery to look after the requisites.
Before the return of the monks, those who were left behind kept ready jars (bhāyaṇa) full of strained water. With that amount of water the ācārya and the newly ordained novice washed their feet with it after their return. The maximum number of pots that was to be kept ready was four and it was adjusted with the number of monks in a 'gaccha'. In order to save the water from dust or other small living beings, it was strained either with a bamboo basket (chabbaä : comm. vamsapitaka), or with the nest of a bird (sakunigrhakena ?).527 After doing it, the monks in the monastery studied till the rest of the party arrived.
The returning monks wiped their feet outside the monastery, performed the threefold ‘nisihiyā', saluted their guru, scanned their own places, and deposited the staff and other requisites there.528 After that, they did 'ālocana', showed their alms to the guru, wiped their own heads with the mouthpiece, and cleaned the pot. Then they recited at least three gāthās.
If a monk belonged to a particular ‘mandali' (group of monks), then he waited till the rest of the party arrived and then ate food with them. If, however, he did not belong to any 'mandali', then he showed the food to the guru and, after seeking his permission and distributing the food to guest-monks if any, ate whatever was left.529
Those who were undergoing expiatory penance, who were of loose conduct, as also those who were very young or very old took meals alone. No contact was to be kept with the person undergoing penance as punishment. The young and the old being unable to put up with pangs of hunger were allowed to take meals separately.530
While taking food, monks avoided the exit and the entrance of a place, and did not sit face to face with their guru. They were to sit at the southeastern, or north-eastern quarter from the guru. Too much distance was
526. Ogha-N. 414. 527. Ibid., 554-59. 528. Ibid., 509. 529. Ibid., 519-23. 530. Ibid., 548.

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to be avoided, and a place within the eye-range of the guru was to be preferred. In order to avoid scattering of food on the ground, they were advised to take it in a pot with a broad mouth and then eat it with a calm mind,531
Begging while on Tour:
We have seen the normal practice of begging when a monk happened to stay at a particular place. When the monks were on tour and had to make a stop at a distant place, then the procedure was as follows:
Monks started for the next stop in case the village which they came across offered scanty alms to them, or in case there was a likelihood of an attack from thieves. If at the next stop, the monks happened to meet their co-religionists, then the latter offered them food, and they ate it in a 'mandall' after performing 'alocana'. If the food proved to be insufficient to all, then the residing monks offered all their food to the guest-monks and went on the begging-round for the second time. Thus, food could be given to the guest-monks for three days.532
If a monk happened to come to a village alone, then he stayed out and made inquiries regarding the time for begging food there. If he was told that that was the proper time, then he sat down, wiped his feet, scanned his pot ('paya' as well as 'mattaya'), and then entered the village. If on entering the village he came to know that there were monks of his faith, then he went to them. If the monks fortunately happened to be belonging to his own 'sāmācāri', then he took food with them. Otherwise, he kept his requisites outside, saluted the monks and inquired about the nature of good and bad families in the village.
While on the begging-round he came to know the disposition of different families, the places of poor people, places where wild dogs and cows were, the families that despised the monk, and the places where food was offered with the sole purpose of acquiring merit.
The houses of the 'sthäpanākulas' thāvanākulah (disagreeable, despised or antagonistic families), were not to be pointed out by stretching the hand, or pointing the finger towards them. In case those houses happened to catch fire, or robbed by thieves, then the people were likely to be suspicious of the monk. Hence the monk was to recognise such houses by the fact that such places were situated generally near dilapidated houses or
531. Ibid., 550. 532. Ibid., 212-15.

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near gates, or there were different kinds of trees, etc. in or outside them. Along with these, the monks were to avoid the houses of the mleñchas, of the chimpakas (i.e. printer of cloth) and those of the mourners (sūtaka).533
DAILY ROUTINE:
Most of the time of the monk was spent, as we have already seen in the Angas, in study and meditation. The Chedasūtras and other texts more or less seem to repeat the same routine and give a few details regarding ‘pratilekhana', 'kāyotsarga' and 'ālocanā'. As we have already seen the rules regarding study, begging, etc. they are not repeated over here again.
Aloyaņā:
"Alocanā', or the reporting of the faults to the superior was compulsory for all.534 This confession was to be devoid of any deceit or hypocrisy, and insincerity in doing so made a monk liable for increased punishment. 535
Confession had to be done before an elder or a responsible person. The ācārya and the upādhyāyā were deemed the best persons for this purpose. Failing to get them, the monk had to do 'ālocanā' either before a well-read co-religionist belonging to the same 'sambhoga', or before a wellread monk of a different 'sambhoga' or before a person who had attained a position midway between a householder and a monk (sārūviya), or before a person of pure conduct (samyakbhāvita). If no such person was available then the monk went out of the village and facing either the east or the north, and folding the palms of his hands near the head, he said, "These are my faults. I have violated these items" (Evasyā me avarāhā, evai kkhutto aham avaraddho)'. Thus expressing his faults, he confessed before the Arhanta or the Siddha.536
Thus, only in extreme cases, the monks were allowed to perform 'ālocanā' before the Siddha. But, normally, monks and nuns of the same 'sambhoga' were allowed to perform 'ālocanā' between one another even when they had a superior present with them.537 If, out of a pair of monks, both had committed a particular transgression, then one of them acted as a superior and the other confessed his faults and underwent a punish
533. Ibid., 436-40.
534. 'Siśyeņa alocite aparādhe sati tadyogyam yatprāyaścittapradānam să viśodhiḥ. Alocanam alocanā aparādhamaryādayā locanam darśanam ācāryādeḥ alocanā.--Ibid., comm. p. 12a.
535. Vav. 1, 1-20; Nis. 20, 1-20. 536. Vav. 1, 34. 537. Ibid., 5, 19.

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ment. Then came the turn of the other. If all the members of a group of monks happened to commit a transgression, then one amongst them was selected to be a senior and the rest confessed and underwent a prāyaścitta (pāyacchitta), and then the senior faced the same procedure.538
The ācārya or the person before whom the monk wanted to confess was to be fully attentive to the procedure. Otherwise, there was a likelihood of the monks confessing in a hurried fashion and slipping over faults which they did not want to expose. Hence monks were disallowed to make 'ālocanā' before a guru who was busy with religious sermon or study, who was not attentive, who was ill-behaved and careless (pamatta), and who was taking food or answering nature's call (nīhāra).539
Another important feature that one comes across regarding 'ālocana? in the Niryuktis is the fact that in cases of hurry or emergencies, the monks performed 'ālocanā' in general or routine fashion (oghatah). This procedure was adopted when the monk was exceptionally tired, or if the guru was very busy with other duties,540
Padilehanā:
'Pratilekhanā' or the scanning of the clothes and other requisites was another important item of daily routine, as we have already marked in the Uttarādhyayana.
The Oghaniryukti541 discusses the difference of opinion regarding the proper time for 'pratilekhanā.' Some held the view that it should be done at the time of the rise of the sun after first doing the 'āvaśyakas' (āvassaya) or essential duties before sunrise. Others held that both the 'āvaśyakas' as well as the 'pratilekhanā' should be done immediately after sunrise. There were sone who favoured that period at which light was such as could enable the monks to see one another's faces. Others maintained that when the lines on the hand could be seen, then only 'pratilekhanā' was to be done. The Niryuktikāra holds the view that the proper time for the 'pratilekhanā' was after the performance of 'pratikramana' when light was ample.542
The time decided, the monk undertook the work of scanning his clothing to verify whether there were any living beings on them. Holding the
538. Ibid., 2, 1-4. 539. Ogha-N. 514-17; other faults are the same as marked in Chapter 1. 540. Ibid., 519. 541. Vs. 269-70.
542. 'pratikarmanapratisamāptau jñanadarśanacáriträrtham stutitraye datte sati eteşám mukhavastrikādīnāṁ pratyupekṣaṇāsamāptyanantaram yathā sūrya udgacchati eşa pratyupekşanakalavibhägaḥ-Ibid., 270.

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clothes firmly and sitting in a squatting position, the whole piece of cloth was scanned. The same process was again repeated by spreading the cloth in at slanting fashion, and living beings, if any, were then gently and carefully removed,543
The shaking (papphodana) of the cloth was done six times, thrice by holding the cloth in one position and thrice turning the cloth. The wiping (khoḍā) was done nine times.
This process was to be done very carefully and the monk had to avoid certain faults in doing so. The same faults, as given in the Uttaradhyayana, are to be found in the Oghaniryukti also.544
It should be noted that a change in the order of the items of scanning was allowed in cases of emergencies.545
There seems to have been a difference in the process of 'pratilekhana' as done by those who were on fast and by those who were not.
Those who were on fast (abhaktärthin), first scanned their own mouthpiece and the body, then examined the requisites of the guru, then those of one who was also on fast, then of a newly ordained monk as also of old monks. Then obtaining the permission from the guru by saying 'sandisaha icchäkarena ohiyam padilehemi', they scanned their alms-bowl (pāya), small pot (mattaya), and the rest of their requisites upto the 'colapattaga."
Those, on the other hand, who were not on fast, scanned their own. mouthpiece and body, then the 'colapaṭṭaga', the 'gocchaga', then the ties and coverings of the utensils, then the broom, then the 'mattaya', almsbowl, then the requisites of the guru, and then taking the permission of the guru with the words 'sandisaha ohiyam padilehemo', they scanned the other requisites like clothing and pots of the gaccha,546
Padikkamana and Käüssagga:
These two, i.e., the repentance for the transgressions done if any, and keeping the body motionless for some time, were essential items of monk life and are often mentioned.
After the scanning of the requisites and study, the monk did 'pratikramana' before his guru or any other senior. Those that were ill, old or very young performed 'käyotsarga' and 'pratikramaņa' on the same place,547
543. Ibid., 264; bha. 159-160. 544. Ogha-N. 265-67.
545. Ibid., 271.
546. Ibid., 627-30.
547. Ibid., 633-7.

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Tying the 'colapattaga' four fingers above the knees and four fingers below the navel, and keeping a distance of four fingers between his feet, he held the mouthpiece (muhapatti) in his right hand and the broom in his left, and keeping his hands loosely hanging down, he stood motionless and unperturbed even though a snake bit him or even if he had to face divine trouble,548
Thus, the whole day of the monk was spent in study and in doing other duties like gocarī (begging food), 'alocana,' 'pratikramaņa,' 'kāyotsarga', 'pratilekhana', 'dhyana' (meditation),549 and 'jinindatthava' (singing of the verses in praise of the Jina),550
STUDY:
Study formed a very important item in the daily routine of the monk. It was said that "the essence of the world is religion (dhamma), the essence of religion is knowledge (näna), the essence of knowledge is self-control (sañjama) and the essence of self-control is Liberation (nibbāņa)."551
Proper Places:
Proper atmosphere and surroundings were deemed essential for concentration in study. Places devoid of living beings, women and eunuchs were taken to be ideal for study as we have already seen in the Acaranga. These rules, it seems, remained unchanged in this phase also.
Persons Fit for Study:
We have already seen that the Sthänäñga disallowed persons of immodest nature, those attached to forbidden articles of food (vikritipratibaddha), of rash tendencies and of heretical affinities from being instructed. Besides these persons, it was not allowed to study with or give lessons to (väëï padiccheï vā) persons of lax behaviour (päsattha, osanna, nitiya) and of bad moral conduct. So also a monk was not allowed to accept reading from a heretic (annaütthiya) or a houseowner (gäratthiya),553 Along with these, study was not allowed with persons of condemned family (dugufichiyakula),554
548. Ibid., 510-12.
549. The same principal types of meditation as given in the Sthānanga and the Samavāyānga are to be found in the Aupapātika, pp. 82-84.
550. Ogha-N. 638.
551. Acara-N. 244.
552. Pp. 165b, 166a; also Bṛh. kalp. 4, 5-6.
553. Nis. 19, 25-36.
554. Ibid., 16, 30-32.

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313 Proper Time for Study:
The Vyavahārasūtra lays down a rule which forbids a monk from studying at odd hours (viïkitthāë kāle). On such odd occasions, monks did not study themselves but they were permitted to give reading (vāyaṇā) to others.555 Punishments were prescribed for those who studied at improper times (asajjhāie). Early morning, late evening, afternoon or mid-day (avaranha) and midnight (addharatta) were the four periods when a monk was not expected to study.556
The days on which no study was to be done are the same as those given in the Niśītha557 and the Sthānānga.558
Curriculum of Studies :
In spite of sundry details about study, the Angas and the Mülasūtras seldom give hint of a planned curriculum of studies for the new entrant to the church.
The Vyavahārasütra, on the contrary, gives a planned course of studies. According to it, no novice (khuddaga) was allowed to study the 'Āyārapakappa' (Ācāraprakalpa) before he was fully grown up (lit. before he had hair in the armpit, ‘vañjana'). Thus, it seems that regular study began only after a monk came of age. Then other texts were studied : 559 Standing as a monk
Texts to be studied : (pariyāya) : 3 years ..
Ayārapakappa. 4 years ..
Sūyagada. 5 years
Dasā, Kappa, Vavahāra. 8 years ..
Thāņa, Samavāya. 10 years
Viyahe (Bhagavatī). 11 years ..
Khuddiyāvimāṇabhattī, Mahalliyāvimānabhattī,559a Angacūliyā, Vaggacūliyā and Viyāhacūliyā.
555. Vav. 7, 10-14. 556. Nis. 19, 8-12. 557. Ibid.
558. Pp. 475b, 476a. Abhayadeva in his comm. to the Sthānanga says, "Svādhyāyo nandyādisūtravişayo vācanādih anupreksa tu na nişidhyate", i.e., the rules for 'asvädhyāya' pertain only to the Canonical texts.
559. Vav. 10, 20-33.
559a. According to SCHUBRING, 'khuddiyā Vimānapavibhattī' and 'mahalliya Vimāņapavibhatti': see, Vavahāra- und Nisiha-sutta (Leipzig, 1918), p. 36.
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12 years..
Arunovavāë, Garulovavāë, Dharanavavāë, Vesamanovavāë,
Velandharovavāë. 13 years ..
Utthāņapariyāvanië, Samutthānasuë, Devindovavāë,
Nāgapariyāvanië. 14 years ..
Tthimiņabhāvanā. 15 years
Cāraṇabhāvanā. 16 years
Asīvisabhāvanā. 17 years ..
Ditthivisabhāvanā. 19 years ..
Ditthivāya. 20 years ..
Savvasuyānuvāï (Master of the
Canon). It may be noted that all the texts in the list cannot now be identified, as for instance, the texts to be studied in the eleventh to the thirteenth year of monkhood. The course began with texts on ideal conduct and it was only after the monk had sufficient knowledge of them that he undertook the study of the three Chedasūtras like the Daśāśrutaskandha, Bșhatkalpa and Vyavahāra. Then the Sthānānga and the Samavāyānga, which are more of the nature of a compendium, were studied, which paved the way for the understanding of a technical and philosophical text like the Bhagavati. The study of Ditthivāya (Drstivāda) as the last item of the curriculum perhaps sug. gests the importance as well as the difficult nature of the text. Though we do not know much about it, it is quite likely that portions of it lay at the basis of the Sūtras on which commentaries like the Dhavalā and Jayadhavala are written.
Anyway, a glance at the systematic arrangement of comparatively difficult texts that were to be studied with advanced standing as a monk reveal a great planning effort on the part of the Church, not only for the general education of the monks, but also for the enhanced standard of academic qualification for any post in the church hierarchy. It may, perhaps, be taken to be a definite index of an organised church as well. Teachers :
The chief duty of an upādhyāya was to give instructions to the younger elements in the group, while the ācārya stood more as an embodiment of ideal conduct than as a teacher.
Inspite of that, however, we come across four types of acāryas, two of which are called 'uddesaņāyariya' (uddeśanācārya) (who gives instruc

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tions or explains the text?) and the 'vāyaṇāyariya' (vācanācārya) (one who gives the holy reading). The nature of these two types of the äcärya and their relations with the upadhyāya are not clear. It is likely, as noted elsewhere, that in the absence of the upadhyaya, these äcāryas carried out the duties of the former. It may be noted that there were some ācāryas who performed both the works, i.e. of 'uddesana' and of 'vāyaṇā', while there were others who were entitled to do only one of these two tasks.
In the Niryuktis, we often come across the words 'suttaporisi' and 'atthaporis' according respectively as the recitation was given by the upādhyaya or as the deeper meaning was explained by the äcärya. Another person who was denoted by the word 'giyattha' (gitärtha) was one who had made a thorough study of the sacred texts and who, it seems, was consulted very often regarding not only the difficulties in the texts but also on points of proper and improper 'ācāra'.
The Apparatus of Study:
The Nisithasūtra prescribes punishment for a monk who read only the "upper" portions of the texts without going through the "lower" portions. (hetthillaim samosaranaiṁ aväättä uvarilläim samosaraṇāim väči),500 The words 'hetthilla' and 'uvarima' perhaps indicate the existence of a book or at least a manuscript which was used as the basis for instructions to the monks, and these words may be taken to indicate the upper and the lower leaves of the ms.
A clearer reference to books is to be found in the Sütrakṛtānganiryukti,550 There it is stated that a 'dravyagatha' is that which is written down on the pages of a book (potthagapattagalihiyā).
We have already seen how the study of different texts from the Angas and the Chedasūtras, etc. was spread over a period of nearly seventeen years (three to twenty), for making a monk the master of the whole sacred lore (savvasuyänuvāï).
The Mode of Study:
There were definite rules regarding the proper mode of study. If a monk read a text, then he was expected to read it completely and was not allowed to read only the selected passages after his own liking. Reading only the upper portions, or doing so without proper sequence (apattaṁh väëî,
559b. Vav. 10, 12: See previous chapter also.
559c. Nis. 19, 17.
559d. V. 137.

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pattam na vāëi), reading only one out of the two identical (sarisaga) passages, or doing so in a low tone was not allowed.560
It seems that all attempts of deliberate obstructions in the reading of the texts arising out of loss of faith were suppressed, and the student was allowed to ask questions only in a restricted manner. He was not permitted to ask more than three questions (pucchā) regarding the 'kälikaśruta' (texts meant to be read at a particular time), and not more than seven queries regarding the text Ditthivāya (Drstivāda).561
With these restrictions imposed on them, the students, it seems, studied by sitting in a circular fashion (maņdalī).
Penance and Fasting :
It may be noted that the principal types of penance remained the same, for the same details regarding this item of monastic life, as given in the Angas, are to be found in the Chedasūtras and other texts of the Svetāmbara Canon
The two-fold division of penance, 562 the minor and major fasts,563 the details about 'padimās', 564 etc., even though referred to in the post-Anga texts, are the same and hence not repeated here again.
Supernatural Powers :
Inspite of the ban on the use of spells and magical powers by monks as given in the Acārānga, the post-Anga texts and the Niryuktis refer to a number of such practices resorted to by monks.
It was said that there were some monks whose nasal oozings (khela) had the power of curing all diseases. There were others whose bodily dirt (jalla), bodily excreta or sweat (vippa), and touch (āmosa) acted as remedies for bodily ailments. Some had wonderful memory inasmuch as they could reproduce the rest of the sūtra by hearing only one word, or one line of it. Their speech had the sweetness of milk (khira), honey or ghee. There were some who had the power of feeding hundreds of people without owning or knowing anything of cooking.565 Some could transform their forms (viüvvaņiddhipatta), and some could fly in the air (cāraṇa).566
560. Nis. 19, 17ff. 561. Ibid., 19, 9-10. 562. Dśv-N. 47-48. 563. Aup. p. 54; Pinda-N. 668; Acar.-N. 214. 564. Daśā. VIII; Vav. 9, 31-35; 10, 1; Avašyyaka-N.v. 496; Aup. pp. 54, 58. 565. 'Akkhữnamahāṇasī,' also in Avaśyaka-N. 766ff. 566. Aup. pp. 51-54; also Avaśyaka-N. 769.

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Various other feats of magic are to be found in the Niryuktis also. We come across a certain Sangamasūri who could spread light from his finger in order to show the entrance of the lodge to his disciples.567 The story of Padaliptasuri who cured the headache of king Murunda is too well-known to be given here.568
The same text refers to an interesting story of two novices who, by applying collyrium to their eyes, made themselves invisible and took away royal food of king Candragupta for their emaciated guru. Cāņakya, coming to know of it, spread small needles to detect their path and creating smoke by which the collyrium from their eyes was washed out caught hold of the monks. They were, however, let loose afterwards.569
Besides these, a number of other spells called 'moriya' (peacock-spell), 'naüli' (mungoose-spell), 'birāli' (cat-spell), 'vagghi' (tiger-spell), 'sihi (lion-spell) and 'ulugi (owl-spell) were used by monks.570
The astrological element seems to have come to prominence in the Prakirņakas which are texts of comparatively later date. The following superstitious and astronomical details regarding the various items of monk life are given in the Ganividyāprakirnaka : 571 Church Affairs : (a) Renunciation .. Proper days : Pratipadā, pañcami,
daśami, pūrņimā and
ekādasi. Proper tithis: Nandā Jayā and Pūrņā. Proper Nakşatras: Uttarā, Uttarāşādhā,
Uttarābhādrapadā,
Rohiņi. (b) Bodily decoration before renunciation
Proper tithis: Nandā and Bhadrā. (c) Fasting before renunciation
Proper tithis:
Pūrņā. (d) Tonsure
Proper Nakşatras : Punarvasu, Puşya,
Śravas, Dhanişthā. Improper Nakşatras: Krtţikā, Maghā,
Viśākhā, Bharani
567. Pinda-N. 427. 568. Ibid., 497ff. 569. Ibid., 500. 570. Uttar-N. 174. 571. Vs. 3-79.

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S. B. DEO .. Proper Nakşatras :
(e) Upasthāpanā
Uttarā, °Aşādhā,
Bhādrapadă, Rohiņi,
(f) 'Anujñā' for Gamins
and Vācakas, and the creation of a gana
Proper Nakşatras: Proper days :
Uttarā, °Aşādhā,
Bhadrapadā, Rohiņi. Thursday, Monday and
Saturday.
Touring : (a) Proper Nakşatras (b) Improper times
Puşya to Müla. Sandhyāgata, Ravigata,
Viddera, Asaggraha, Vilambi, Rāhuhata, and Grahabhinna.
If one started on the same nakşatra with which the sun was in conjunction, then one was supposed to meet a calamity.
In the case of the 'viddera', one's enemies were victorious.
In the case of 'vilambi', there was a possibility of one getting entangled in a debate.
In the frāhuhata', death overtook the touring monk.
In the case of the 'grahabhinna', the monk was supposed to get a vomitting of blood.
One was to start on tour when the birds were giving out delightful notes.
Fasting: Proper nakşatras for 'pādapopagamana' .. Puşya, Hasta, Abhijit,
Asvinī, Bharani. for performing general penance Ardrā, Aśleşā,
Jyeșthā, Mūla. » .. Maghā, Bharani and
the three Pūrvā
Nakşatras. Proper karanas
„ .. Sakuni and Işti. Proper days
„... Sunday, Tuesday and
Saturday, Proper muhurtas »
, .. Brahma, Valaya,
Vāyu, Vrşabha, Varuņa.

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Requisites : Coating, sewing and the distribution of clothing and other requisites were
to be done on Kfttikā and Viśākhā nakşatras.
Study: To start the study on nakşatras like the Satabhişak, Puşya, and Hasta.
Nakşatras which were supposed to be
Mrgasirşa, Ardrā, favourable for the increase in knowledge .. Puşya, Pūrvā, Mūla,
Hasta, Citrā, Aśleşā and Pūrvābhādra
padā. When the trees were full of flowers and leaves, one began studies.
Residence :
One was not to leave one's place when the birds were making sounds at the root of the tree. Illness : Food was to be collected for the ill on the Anurādhā, Revati, Citrā, and
Mrgaśīrṣa nakşatras. General :
The daytime was always looked upon as good for starting any work ; the night as very bad, and moonlit night as mediocre. Starting work on the pratipadā
.. no calamities. „ dvitīyā
calamity. tștiyā
success. » pancami
success without fail. saptami
very good. daśami
no trouble along the
way. , ekādaśī
.. good health and
success. trayodasi
foes are vanquished. Bad days
.. Caturthi, şaşthi, aştamī,
navamī, and dvādasi. No work was to be undertaken when the rāhu and the ketu were in conjunc
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On prasasta lagnas doing of good works was advocated.
The following was the ascending order of various items of increasing importance. They were to be taken into consideration while starting any activity :
Divasa → tithi → nakşatra karana -grahadina muhurta sakuna lagnanimitta.
It will be clear from the above details that astronomical and superstitious elements had an important part to play in the life of the monk.
DEATH AND FUNERAL RITES :
We have already seen the different types of good and bad deaths as given in the different texts of the Angas.
Chedasūtras :
The Niśīthasūtra condemns the same forms of death as the texts of the Angas do. The only difference is that a monk who praised such forms of death as the fall from a mountain (giripadana), or from a 'maru' (precipice), or from a 'bhigu' (lofty place), or from a tree (tarupadana), or drowning (jalapavesa), or entering fire (jalanapavesa), or eating poison (visabhakkhana), or killing by weapon (satthovadana), or hanging (vehānasa), or letting one's body to be eaten up by vultures (giddhapittha), or such other forms of improper deaths (bālamarana), had to undergo a punishment for that.572
Upāngas :
In the twelve Upāngas also we seldom come across new information regarding different forms of death. The same forms as in the Angas are to be found. The Aupapātika573 refers to 'bhattapaccakkhāņa' and the ‘pāövagamaņa'. These are further divided each into two types called 'vāghāima' (adopted on account of a calamity: comm.: simhadāvānalīdyabhibhūto yat pratipadyate), and 'nivväghāïme' (vyāghātavirahitar). Prakīrņakas :
Some of the texts of this group-'Bhaktaparijñā, Maranasamādhi and Samstāraka'-describe in detail some forms of death, though these are not entirely new to the Angas.
572. Nis. 11, 92. See Appendix 1. 573. Pp. 70, 178, etc.

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'Bhattapaccakkhāṇa':
Before undertaking this mode of death (Bhaktapratyākhyāna), the guru instructed the candidate on the 'pañcanamaskära' (salutation to the five great personalities: Arihanta, Siddha, Ayariya, Uvajjhaya and all Sāhus). He tried to imbibe on his mind the importance of the five great vows (pañcamahāvratas), equanimity, controlling of passions (kaṣāya), the ghastly nature of remunerative hankering (nidāṇa), and thus prepared him. to face bravely all bodily pangs due to the giving up of food and drink.574
Santhara :
The 'santhara' or the bed consisted of either a slab of stone, or grass or a piece of pure ground. The monk begged pardon of all before lying upon the bed. The head was either to the north or to the east.575
The Gaṇividya578 prescribes Sunday, Tuesday and Saturday as proper days, 'bambha, valaya, vaya and risaha' as auspicious muhurtas and pusya, hasta, abhijit, aśvini and bharani as the proper nakṣatras for entering upon 'päövagamaṇa'.
Niryuktis:
All the seventeen types of deaths are to be found in the Niryuktis. The Uttaradhyayananiryukti577 gives the list of these at one place: They are:
death.
321
(1) avici, (2) ohi, (3) antiya, (4) valāyamarana, (5) vasaṭṭamarana, (6) antasalla, (7) tabbhāva, (8) bala, (9) pandiya, (10) misa, (11) chaümatthamaraṇa, (12) kevali, (13) vehāṇasa, (14) giddhapiṭṭha, (15) bhattaparinna, (16) ingini, (17) päövagamana.
Out of these only the last three are described to be proper modes of
Like the Prakirņakas, the Uttaradhyayananiryukti refers to various persons who died a noble death not caring for physical pangs. Cases of lying upon a hot slab of stone, undergoing the pangs of thirst (as in the case of Dhanasamma), accepting death calmly while one's body was being eaten up by mosquitoes (like Samaņubhadda of Campā), and dying in caves (as the
574. Bhaktap. vs. 53-172: Examples of the horrible consequences of breaking the fast unto death are also depicted.
575. Marana-Samadhi, v. 346-49; Samstärake-p. 1-32, 34-43, 53, 89-93.
576. Vs. 21, 49, 55.

577. Vs. 212-34; The last three are referred to in the Acäränga-N. 280; samahimarana: 281; vāghaïyam maranam: 284; samlehanä: 287-89; pāyavagamana: 290-92; Bhattaparinnä in Ogha-N. 807.
BULL, DCRI.-41

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S. B. DEO disciples of Bhadrabāhu did on the mountain Vebhāra)-all these are recorded in short references.578 Disposal of the Dead :
No details are to be found in the Chedasūtras or other texts regarding funeral rites of a monk.
The Byhatkalpa gives only one rule regarding it which lets us know that the body of the dead was taken to a very clean place, (bahuphāsuë egante thandile) with the help of necessary material taken from the householder (sāgāriyasantië uvagaranajāë), and after the funeral was over that material was returned to the owner again.579
It seems that the dead was covered with a piece of cloth (kappa),580 and was carried by those who waited upon him in his illness. The Avaśyakaniryukti581 says that the body of Rşabha was burnt after death, and this might have been the general practice followed in the case of other monks also.
If a monk died (āhacca visambhejjā) in the street, he was removed to a place free from living beings, and his usable requisites were used by others with the permission of the guru.582
MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL:
We have already seen the wide basis of moral discipline that underlay the whole outlook in general, and every sundry rule of monastic conduct in particular, as revealed in the Angas.
The Chedasūtras and the Niryuktis refer frequently to the same fundamentals of monastic life as would be clear from the following details. Self-control :
Utmost self-control and the nipping in the bud the chances of the rise of passions was the motto of the monk. The three protections (gupti) pertaining to mind (mana), speech (vāk) and body (kāya), the five controls (samiti) regarding movement (iryā), speech (bhāṣā), begging (eşaņā), deposition and taking of requisites (ādānabhāņdanikşepana), and the deposition of bodily dirt (uccārapāsakhelasinghānajallapāriţthavaniyā) are mentioned,583
578. Uttana-N. 89-93. 579. 4, 24. 580. Ogha-N. 706; 'mrtasya upari dîyate kalpah', comm.: p. 213b. 581. Vs. 225-26; pp. 2005, 201a. 582. Vav. 7, 17. 583. Aup. p. 65.

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These items were essential not only for the maintenance of the vow of non-injury to living beings but also for the calmness of mind which was said to be the essence of monachism. The tenfold requirements consisting of forgiveness (khanti), modesty (maddava), straightforwardness (ajjava), non-attachment (mutti), mortification (tava), self-control (sañjama) truth (sacca), purity (soya), non-possession (akiñcana) and celibacy (bambha) insisted on the same ideals of monklife.584 Devoid of these, a monk practising penance was bound to be like a person who tried to bathe an elephant.585 Hence, deceit in the practice of self-control was to be avoided and an open mind in confessing one's transgressions was ever praised.586
The monk with a calm, open and unworldly attitude had to avoid all unbecoming activities like singing, dancing, imitating musical sounds by either mouth, teeth, lips, nose, armpits, hands, nails, leaves, flowers, fruits, seeds or grass,587 laughing with a wide open mouth (muhaṁ vipphāliya),588 getting attached to a fragrance 589 or to woodwork (katthakamma), painting (citta-k), calligraphy (pottha-k. ?), ivory work (danta-k.), or jewel work (mani-k.); getting fascinated with garlands (ganthima), leaf-cutting (pattacchejja), wells, tanks, streamlets and lakes, watery region (kaccha), thickets (gahana), bowers (nüma), forests (vana), groups of various trees (vana-vidugga), mountains (pavvaya), ranges of mountains, villages, cities, etc., or to village festivals (gāma-maha), horse-fights, elephant-fights, camel-fights, bull-fights or buffalo-fights; getting attached to sights of merrymaking, or getting interested in scenes of quarrels and battles, or places where people of different ages indulged in fun by wearing ornaments.590
Keeping aloof, therefore, from such scenes which were likely to lead him towards moral degradation, he was polite to everybody. In speech he was modest, and avoided lying, harsh speech, worldly speech and talk about pacified quarrels.591 Boasting about his own qualifications for the post of an ācārya (appano āyariättāë lakkhaņāïm vāgareï) 592 was deemed a fault and such a monk had to undergo punishment for it.
584. Dáv-N. 249; 349-50; Avašyaka-N. 1076. 585. Ibid., 301.
586. See the 33 'sabalas' as given in Dasa. 2nd Daśā; also Vav. 1, 29-32 for the confession of faults with an open mind.
587. Nis. 5, 36-59. 588. Ibid., 4, 27. 589. Ibid., 1, 10; 2, 9. 590. Ibid., 12, 16-28; 17, 134-151. 591. Ibid., 2, 18-20; 4, 25-26; 10, 1-4; 15, 1-4; Brh, kalp. 4, 1-2 and 13; Dév-N. 214. 592. Nis. 17, 134-8: See Appendix 1.

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Celibacy:
The mind so trained, seldom gave a chance to the revolts of the flesh. However, great care was taken to avoid occasions that were likely to flare up the passions. Not only actual masturbation or intercourse but any other attempts to that effect were deemed transgressions of celibacy.593 For, it was said that a monk averse to passions quickly attained liberation 594 Hence all efforts, direct or indirect, to seduce a woman were liable for punishment. 595
If with all these precautions, perchance a woman caught hold of a monk while he was on the begging round, then he tried to dissuade her by telling religious instructions, and the unwholesome effect of sexual passions. If, inspite of this, she persisted, then he escaped from her by telling that he would return after some time on giving up the vows. If, even after this, she persisted, then he threatened her that he would hang himself. Under extreme circumstances, he was asked to hang himself rather than succumb to her desires. 596 Sthūlabhadra who performed the miracle of staying with a courtesan for four months with unbroken chastity stands as an embodiment of unflinching self-control.597 Bodily Decoration:
Bodily decorations being one of the ways of showing bodily beauty to attract women, monks were strictly forbidden to use complete, new and dyed clothes,598 garlands of any kind, ornaments, excellent blankets, skins, or embroidered garments.599 They were disallowed to see their own reflection either in a mirror, or in oil; to wipe, massage or apply oil to or spray powder, etc. over their limbs; to clean the wounds, fashion the nails or moustache or eyelashes;600 to wash the limbs with hot or cold water; to clean teeth or take bath;601 to take purgatives or medicine for vomiting, and eat all sorts of medicines,602 Tonsure :
Besides these, the more effective way of controlling the mind and undoing the beauty, as we have already seen in the Angas, was the method of
593. Vav. 6, 8-9; Dasa. 2nd Daśā; Brh. kalp. 5, 1-4; Nis. 1, 1-9; 6, 19-77; 7, 79-91. 594. Acār-N. 177. 595. See Appendix 1. 596. Ogha-N. 421, 597. Uttar-N. 100-104. 598. Nis. 6, 19-23: It may be noted that these rules are in the Acar, and Dśv. also. 599. Nis. 7, 1-12; 17, 3-14. 600. Ibid., 3, 16-67; 13, 38-41. 601. Ibid., 2, 21; 15, 100-152. 602. Ibid., 4, 19.

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uprooting the hair, technically called 'loya'. Besides this term, other words used to denote the same process were 'munde bhavittä,004 and 'luttasira,05 The latter term suggests that besides uprooting the hair, cutting them with something was also allowed. This is more explicit from the rules as given in the Kalpasútra:
"Monks and nuns, who wear after the Pajjusan their hair as short as that of a cow, are not allowed to do so during their Pajjusan after that night (of the fifth Bhadrapada); but a monk should shave his head or pluck out his hair. Shaving with a razor every month, cutting with scissors every halfmonth, plucking out every six months. This is the conduct chiefly of Sthaviras during the rainy season."606
The Jinakalpikas' were allowed to uproot the hair at all times,607 Equanimity:
The strict avoidance of any efforts of bodily care led to the realisation of the importance of the spirit rather than of matter. The realisation of the importance of the spirit was the more when one identified individual soul with those of the rest of the beings,-and this exactly was the explanation of the appellation 'samana' (samamaņai tena so samano). The Sramaņa was to realise that misery was disliked by all, and hence he did not himself kill or make others do so or consent to other's doing the acts of injury to living beings. He was unattached to relatives and enemies alike. Firm like the mountain, unsupported like the sky, unattached to any single place like. the bee, modest like the earth, unattached like the lotus and light as the wind-these were the qualities expected of a monk.
This being the case, the monk took utmost precaution against injury to living beings. The mode of walking was also such as enabled him to avoid even small living beings.609 No movement at night was ever allowed.610 Fanning the body, taking out carelessly living beings from the almsbowl,612 doing any activity at the root of a living tree or at the base of a tree full of living beings (sacittarukkhamüla),613 making somebody to dispel
603. Avasyaka-N. 337. 604. Daśā.: 10th Daśā.
325
605. Ibid., 6th Daśā.
606. Kalpasūtra: Transl. JACOBI, SBE. XXII, p. 308; Nis. 10, 44.
607. Dasa.-N. 85. 608. Div-N. 155-57. 609. Ogha-N. 325. 610. Brh.kalp. 1, 47. 611. Acara-N. 170. 612. Nis. 14, 35-40. 613. Ibid., 5, 1-11.

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smoke (? gihadhūmam parisāļāveï),614 climbing a tree,615 or any place full of living beings,616 binding the beings by means of something,617 keeping the requisites or occupying shaky places618—all these were deemed transgressions and the monk committing these had to undergo a punishment for these.
It should, however, be noted that this practice of ahiṁsā was not the exhibition of physical meekness, for a monk who happened to enter the house of an unfriendly person was allowed to raise a cry for help in case the latter harassed him.619
A good amount of commonsense and a judgment of social etiquette blended with the principle of ahiṁsā are revealed in the rules guiding the mode of behaviour of the monk at the time of easing nature.
Normal time for easing nature was the third quarter (porisi) of the day. Then, seeking the permission of the superior, the monk went slowly without indulging in chit-chatting. He selected a place free from the visits of the people, where there were no chances of personal injury, no living beings or grass or holes or seeds. The minimum expanse of the place was one hasta and the average four hastas. The place was to be such as was burnt by fire to a depth of at least four angulas to assure the non-existence of living beings. Getting such a place, the monk cleaned the spot thrice. Then, holding the staff and the broom at his left thigh and the ‘mātraka' (pot) in his right hand, he cleaned his anus. Generally, places which contained living beings and which were likely to create prejudice in the mind of the people regarding the monk, as for instance, gardens, dung-heaps, burning places, uneven grounds, houses or places adjacent to their doors, houses in which a dead body was kept, or the heap of ash of the burnt body, pillars in honour of the dead, temples, mines, groves of trees, corn-fields, vegetable fields, flowery regions and car-garages, were avoided by the monk as that was likely to inflict injury to living beings which were numerous at such places, as also that was deemed contrary to social etiquette. 620 Service to the Needy:
The utmost precaution about non-injury to living beings and the identification of one's own soul with those of others naturally implied help and service to the needy, the ill and the superiors.621
614. Ibid., 1. 57. 615. Ibid., 12, 9. 616. Ibid., 13, 1-11. 617. Ibid., 12, 1-2. 618. Ibid., 14, 24-35; 16, 40-50; Ogha-N., 323. 619. Ibid., 423. 620. Ibid., 295-328; Nis. 3, 70-78; 4, 102-111; 15, 66-74. 62. Tenfold Veivacca” same in Vae. 10, 34; Thân. 473b.

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327 In cases of the ill, as in other cases also, the other monks were expected to give him food (bhaktadāna), drink (pāna), seat (āsana), help in scanning the requisites (upakaraṇapratyupekşā), wiping the feet (pādapramarjana), offering clothing (vastradāna), medicine (bhaişaja), help along the road (adhvani sāhāyyam), protection from thieves, etc. (duşțastenādibhyo rakşanam), and help in holding the requisites when the person entered the monastery (vasatau praviśatām daņdakagrahaņam).622
Giving aid to the ill and those emaciated due to penance was deemed a duty of the monk, failing which he had to undergo a punishment.623 The monk getting the news about another ill monk was expected to find him out, and had to make all efforts to secure articles for the ill. Making some unknown person to serve,624 as well as indulging in mutual service by monks and nuns belonging to the same 'sambhoga' was not allowed.625 In the latter case, however, the person entitled to do service was called 'veyāvaccakara' (vaiyāprtyakara). Failing to get such a person, monks were allowed to wait upon one another.
In case of serious illness, concessions to monastic rules were given, as for instance, the practice of using stale food (pāriyāsiä), ointments (ālevaņa), massaging of the body with oil or butter kept overnight, was allowed.626 A peculiar practice of drinking the urine by monks and nuns mutually in certain illnesses, was resorted to.627
The details about the way of approaching a doctor are to be found in the Oghaniryukti.628 According to that text a monk who was in a somewhat better condition, was taken to the doctor. Otherwise a group of three, five or seven monks went to the physician. It was said that if only one monk went to the doctor, then the latter was likely to take him to be the staffbearer of Death! If two went, then they were likely to be interpreted as the standard-bearers of Death. If four went, then that tended to give rise to the idea of corpse-carriers!
In order, therefore, to create good impression on the doctor, devoid of all these misgivings, three, five or seven monks went to the doctor by wearing clean garments and noting auspicious omens. If the doctor was taking food
622. Avaśyaka-N., p. 161b. 623. Bệh.kalp. 4, 26; Nis. 10, 36ff. 624. Ibid., 11, 86. 625. Vav. 5, 20. 626. Bļh.kalp. 5, 49-52.
627. Ibid., 5, 47-48: 'Moya', however, is translated in 1.A., Vol. 39, p. 267, as 'saliva'. Moya means urine.
628. Vs. 70-72.

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S. B. DEO or had put on only one garment or was cutting something at that time, then the monks did not approach him at that moment. Seeing him seated on a pure piece of ground and not on a heap of chaff, etc. the monks reported the condition of the patient to the doctor. If the doctor wanted to see the patient personally, then he was taken to the monastery. The ācārya, in order to avoid the 'lāghava dosa (inferiority)' involved in getting up at the arrival of the doctor, remained perambulating in the verandah till the arrival of the physician. Then the necessary medicines, etc. were given to the patient. In cases of emergency, the monks had to accept medicines at night and to make use of hides, cow-urine, etc.629
Forbidden Sciences :
Inspite of their acceptance of medicine, the monks themselves, as we have already seen, were forbidden to give medicine to, or make diagnosis of a sick householder. Along with this, monks were not allowed to foretell the future of anybody as that was likely to lead to misunderstanding and ill-will.630
Forbidden Company:
Along with matters which were forbidden to him, the monk had to avoid bad elements not only in the society but also in the order itself, and he was not allowed to give company to or accept it from one of loose morals and lax behaviour (ahācchanda).631 Bowing down to or praising such persons, condemning religion and glorifying irreligion, were looked upon as transgressions for which the monk had to undergo punishment.632 Bad company led to laxity in morals and that to the irresistible temptation of breaking the fundamental vows.633
Examples of Supreme Self-control :
Thus, the whole mode of monastic life consisted of a rigorous selfcontrol and moral discipline. The Niryuktis and the Prakīrņakas furnish numerous examples of cases of supreme bodily mortifications. Cilātiputta who remained motionless even when his body was eaten up by ants; 634 son
629. Pinda-N., 50ff. 630. Nis. 10, 7-8. 631. Ibid., 4, 28-37. 632. Ibid., 11, 9-10; 64-67; 82-83; 13, 42-59. See Appendix 1.
633. Nis. 12, 3 prescribes four months' 'parihara' for frequently breaking the vow of 'pratyakhyāna'.
634. Avaśyaka-N. 874.

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of Kurudatta who put up calmly with the fire kept on his head;635 Jannadatta and Somadatta who remained motionless, as they were practising 'päövagamana', even when they were carried to the sea by the force of water, all these depict supreme self-control. Besides these, patient endurance of the pangs of death through drowning or through the attack of a tiger, letting the body exposed to the onslaught of jackals or birds, putting up with the burning of the body and remaining motionless even when the body was being nailed, all these depicted supreme control over the senses.7
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS:
A survey of the rules of monastic conduct as given in the Chedasutras and the Niryuktis, leads us to certain observations regarding the development of Jaina monastic life in the post-Anga period, which may be summarised below.
The Church:
A marked change in the administration as well as in the outlook of the Church is revealed. Even though the officers referred to did not form an entirely new set of hierarchy, yet we find that definite qualifications pertaining to study, morals and administrative capacity required for different post were laid down.
In laying down the requirements for a particular post, a fine blending of age and learning was most wisely done in order to avoid bickerings and conflicts among the monks regarding seniority. We have already seen that age was given its due respect inasmuch as powers were given to the ācārya to postpone the confirmation of a well-versed younger monk, in case, another monk, elder in age, was likely to complete his studies in a short time. Learning had its importance as it was necessary for every post. It was made compulsory for older monks to relearn forgotten portions even from younger monks. Thus, a shrewd commonsense and a keen knowledge of human psychology was at the basis of these rules which tended to avoid conflict of power and learning and the jealousy which was the lot of those dissatisfied in the contest.
329
Another commendable and perfectly democratic effort was avoidance of imposing an unpopular and an unfit person as the head on a group of monks against their wishes. To avoid conflict and to further the
635 Uttar-N. 107. 636. Ibid., 108-109.
637. Santhāra. p. vs. 56-88.
BULL. DCRI.42

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smooth working and the integrity of the Church, such persons had to quit office if demanded by the followers.
The officers as well as the monks were bound by rules of monastic jurisprudence. Inspite of the fact that the set of punishments as given in the Chedasūtras is not new to the Angas, yet the former group together concrete cases in which these punishments were inflicted. Irrespective of the fact that the grouping of transgressions is not methodical, inasmuch as faults of varied nature are grouped together under one category of punishment, the Chedasūtras may well claim to be the symbol of efforts of planning and organisation on the part of the Church.
In these attempts of organisation, the Church seemed to have taken a somewhat liberal view of the whole matter. This would, perhaps, be clear from the fact that the Chedasūtras, especially the oft-quoted triad of 'Kalpa, Vyavahāra and Daśāśruta', seldom deals with the stricter forms of punishments like the 'mula', 'anavatthappa' and the 'pārañciya'. They deal more with the parihāra', and it may be that in its early stages the Church possibly executed these stricter punishments only on restricted occasions. Two possibilities may be there. First, that the standard of morality of the monks was so flawless as to give rare occasions for the execution of more severe types of prāyaścittas; or secondly, it may be that the Church did not wish to thin down its ranks by expelling monks, or did not think it proper to give cause for consternation among its ranks on account of the repetition of severe or ultimate punishments.
The basis of these rules consisted not only of the principles of Jaina religion and laws of moral behaviour but also of a keen study of social etiquettes and customs. For instance, the monk who took food from those who were starting for water-travel or any long journey had to undergo four-months' isolation (parihāra). The principle behind this seems to be that the people were not only likely to commit himsā, but if they offered food to the monk and afterwards were short of it during their journey, then they were likely to accuse and curse the monks for having accepted the food. So also the best way of avoiding impurity of food and social condemnation was not to accept food from condemned (duguñchiya) families.
The drive of the Church for a systematic organisation is marked in sundry rules concerning a majority of details of the organisational aspect. We get rules regarding initiation, probationary period, confirmation, seniority, and the qualifications and duties of different officers.
The executors of these rules, however, were not given despotic powers, for in cases of transgression, even the officers like the 'ganāvacchedaka' and others had to undergo punishment in an ascending order. Thus,

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331 a balance between the duties and the privileges ascribed to them and the misuse of these, was tried to be brought into practice.
The Church seemed to have consisted of different groups of monks forming various church units. Even though the 'gana', 'kula' and the 'sambhoga' were current in the period of the Angas, no definite laws regarding their membership, withdrawal, change and administration can be found in details. On the other hand, the Chedasūtras and the Niryuktis give all rules regarding these aspects of different units and groups. The 'gama' seemed to have been the most important unit in the Chedasūtras, but the Niryuktis betray the rising importance of the 'gaccha' as they refer to the latter more frequently. In fact, the Chedasūtras scarcely seem to refer to the 'gaccha' as an important unit. At the same time it may be noted that the importance and prominence of the 'gaccha' in the Niryuktis also seem to be minor if compared with that in the Prakirņakas a text from which group deals entirely with the 'gaccah'. This importance of the 'gaccha', as we shall see later on, was to eclipse completely the 'gana' in the postCanonical period.
Besides the 'gaña' and the 'gaccha', there arose, it seems, other units like 'gumma', 'phaddaga', etc. But it is very difficult to say whether these were units in the technical sense of the term. They cannot also be taken as being the signs of disintegration of the Church. As a matter of fact, they may well be interpreted as attempts at corporate life in small units due possibly to the expanse of Jainism on account of which it was perhaps not possible to have a large centralised unit under the direct control of a few seniors acting as representatives of the Church. Yet, it is interesting to note that śākhās' or branches, after the senior ācārya and his various disciples, arose in a good number as is evidenced by the Kalpasūtra.
As in the case of its internal administration, so also in the case of the external relations with persons in authority, heretics and the society in general, the Church was shrewd enough to forbid its members to have close intimacy with, as well as bitter hatred against, these. To avoid suspicion in the mind of the public due to close intimacy with the king or his officers, the Church disallowed its followers to worship, show intimacy with, influence or make use of these persons, and the monk who transgressed this rule was punished. On the other hand, in order to keep aloof from political turmoil, they were asked to obey the previous king till a new one was consecrated. Normally, they were not allowed to go to anarchical regions. Thus the Church kept strict neutrality and remained contented to work safely but surely for the spread of Jainism,
From the heretics and householders also, the monks were asked wisely to keep away. In the case of the former, the intention was to maintain the

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integrity of the Church and the purity of monastic life, while in the latter case it was possibly with a view to give less opportunity to the monk to be worldly as well as not to bore down the devoted laity with frequent visits.
Moral Discipline:
The fundamental tenets of moral discipline and self-control do not seem to have changed. This would be clear from the fact that the five principal vows (mahāvratas), the 'guptis' and the 'samitis', and the rules of mortification of body and of respect towards the elders are the same as those given in the Añgas.
However, the Church seemed to show a great deal of accomodative spirit in the actual practice of these rules, as would be clear from the alternatives afforded to monks in cases of emergencies and shortage of normal requirements. The monks were provided with a graded list of residences or places of easing nature in case they could not obtain such as was ideal for them. Besides this, exceptions to the general rules of accepting proper food were also introduced, as we have already marked in the Pindaniryukti. The same was the case in the rule which allowed the performance of 'alocana' in a routine fashion in emergencies.
Thus, the Church seemed to adjust itself to changing environments within as well as without. At the same time it did not transgress the spiritual and moral limits of its fundamental tenets. Besides allowing exceptions, what it did was to put the older rules within a framework of monastic jurisprudence and thus helped to have the scope of moral discipline stated in an explicit and legal code.
Social condemnation was highly feared, and rules like accepting food from condemned families, or from the king, or from the ill or lame persons betray it. Hence, besides the moral basis of rules of monastic behaviour, social manners and customs also seemed to play an important part. This was possibly the case due to the increased contact of monks with society, as well as due to newer regions to which Jaina monks had access.
Another feature so prominent to the Niryukti period may be said to be that pertaining to the somewhat more explicit statements about the 'Jinakalpika' and the 'Sthavirakalpika' modes of monastic life. The Angas are not so particular about it and only the commentaries bear out the distinction, if any, while explaining the texts. The Niryuktis, on the other hand, refer to these in clear-cut statements and explain in detail the difference between the two regarding the number of requisites, clothing, pots used, the practice of penance and the relation of such monks with the 'gana' or the 'gaccha'. It

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seems, therefore, probable that there was a respectable number of monks in the Jaina Church who preferred to follow a stricter life as laid down for the 'Jinakalpika' monks. It may, however, be noted that these two modes never seem to have attained the nature of a schism.
m
.
Study:
Study still remained an important factor in the monk's life. But what may be noted is the fact that with the organisation of the church a planned curriculum of studies was also necessitated and brought into execution. Different texts were to be studied in different years, and within the span of twenty years the monk was taught in such a manner as to be the master of the canon.
The upādhyāya remained the chief instructor, and he taught his disciples with the help of books as we have already seen in the Niśithasūtra.
The time, the place and other details pertaining to study do not seem to have changed. Food :
As in the case of other items, in the case of food also, the fundamental faults pertaining to improper food remained unchanged. The same forty-six faults were to be avoided by the monk.
But the Chedasūtras and the Niryuktis made an advance in this matter as compared with the Angas and the Mūlasūtras, inasmuch as the Chedasūtras set the rules within frames of jurisprudence and described concrete cases of transgressions and the punishments for these. The Niryuktis-especially the Pindaniryukti -amplify the forty-six rules with minute divisions and numerous possibilities of loopholes. They not only describe them, but give the justification for such rules, their background as well as exceptions to them. These not only stressed the purity of food but showed an adjustability to social environments as well. Thus, it may be said that though the fundamentals did not change, the implications, amplifications and exceptions to rules increased.
Requisites :
The formula of fourfold requisites consisting of almsbowl, broom, clothing and bedding, so often repeated in the Angas, seems to have given place to a number of other requisites as found in the Oghaniryukti.
Even though they were not fundamentally new, yet they were set within specific limits and the measurements of each and every requisite were laid down so as to bring uniformity.

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Another important advance pertaining to requisites was in the practice of washing clothes. The Acārānga strictly forbids it but the Niryuktis lay down great details regarding the purpose, the time and the method of washing. One of the reasons given in vindication of washing was that the ācārya was likely to go down in public esteem if he put on dirty clothes. Thus, social factors compelled the church to adjust itself to changing circumstances, and the Niryuktikāra is seen to try his level best to refute the argument of those who held that washing was against the Law of the Jina, and that it was likely to transform itself into an effort of personal decoration.
The process of coating the pot also came into prominence and the Niryuktis give great details about the nature of the coating, the place from which it was brought, the time, place and the method of doing the process.
Penance and Fasting :
The modes of penance and fasting did not undergo any change. We may, however, note that various types of fasts were undergone as punishments for respective transgressions.
The Upāngas-as for instance the Aupapätika-do mention a number of fasts but they are not new.
Supernatural Powers and Superstition :
The Acārānga disallowed a monk to indulge in magic or practice of popular sciences. But the Niryuktis refer to a number of feats of supernatural powers and magic practised by the monks.
It may mean two things. The monks, owing to powerful penance, had access to such powers; or they might have been influenced by contemporary environments which were possibly full of such practices carried on on a large scale by followers of other sects.
Along with magic and spells, the element of astrology also seemed to have come into vogue. The Prakirņakas which belong possibly to the later phase of the canon, are replete with references to constellations, omens and the position of the moon and other planets which were taken into consideration when the monk had to do certain activities.
On the whole, we may say that if the Angas depict the ideal conduct, the Chedasūtras and the Niryuktis illustrate the actual practice of it set within a framework of legal discipline of an organised church. And in doing so, they tried to make the code as comprehensive and exhaustive as possible, taking into consideration the loopholes of each rule that were likely to be practised by its followers, and the social etiquettes. At the same time, how.

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335 ever, they prescribed exceptions which were not likely to mar the fundamentals of moral discipline.
DIGAMBARA MONACHISM:
We have already noted the different theories accounting for the great schism in the Jaina church. It is not possible to ascribe one single reason to, or a definite date for, the origin of the schism from the sources at our disposal at present.
One thing, however, seems certain that the texts like the Mulācāra, Pravacanasara and others which are ascribed roughly to the beginning of the Christian era,638 depict a clear-cut mode of life of the Digambara monks, which, as the following discussion would bring out, does not seem to have been totally different from that of the Svetambara monks except on a few points. Before, therefore, entering upon a comparison between these two modes of monastic life, it would be better to take a survey of Digambara monachism as revealed in the texts mentioned above.
CHURCH:
Initiation:
The process of initiation was very simple and devoid of any pomp. The person wanting to renounce the world saluted the five great dignitaries (Siddhas, Jinas, Acāryas, Upadhyāyas and the Sadhus), and taking leave of his relatives and dependants he approached the ganin. Then saluting him, he requested him to admit him into the order. Obtaining the sanction of the ascetic community, he pulled out his hair and moustache and "adopted a form similar to that in which he is born (ahājāyarüvadharo)"-i.e. became naked. Accepting this mode of ascetic life, the person listened to his duties as a monk from the preceptor and, consenting to it, he became a śramaņa,639
Persons Fit for Monkhood:
The list of persons who were deemed unfit for monklife appears to have been the same among the Svetämbaras and the Digambaras,640
Incidentally, it may be noted that the Pravacanasära41 deemed him a fit person for monkhood, who "hailed from the three castes (varnas: comm.
638. See UPADHYE, A.N., Pravacanasara, Introduction, p. XXII.
639. Ibid., III, 1-7.
640. See Sannyasa-dharma by C. R. JAIN, pp. 24-25.
641. III, 15: This verse, however, is taken to be a later interpolation by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE.

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brāhmaṇa, ksatriya and vaiśya)" besides his having other physical and mental qualifications.
The Church Hierarchy: (a) Sāhu (Sadhu):
Having qualified himself for monkhood and taken to that life, the monk became a recognised member of the Church.
His chief duties consisted of showing respect to the elders, helping the co-monks without causing pain to living beings, carrying out perfectly the tenets of monastic conduct, and study,642
(6) Thera (sthavira) :
When the newcomer spent a considerable period in monkhood he attained the position of a sthavira. The commentary643 gives but fanciful explanation : 'yasmāt sthirāņi ācaranāni bhavanti iti sthavirah.' No other details regarding the qualifications of a sthavira are given. But he was a monk well-versed in the sacred lore and monastic traditions and was, perhaps, consulted on matters of moral discipline.
(c) Uvajjhāya (upādhyāya) :
The person who was well-versed in the twelve Angas as told by the Jina, and who gave instructions to the younger monks was called the upādhyāya.644 Thus he was solely in charge of instructions. (d) Āïriya (ācārya) :
He was a person, superior to the upādhyāya and was the ideal for others regarding proper monastic conduct.645 (e) Ganahara (ganadhara) :
The gañadhara was the head of a 'gama' or a group of monks. It is not clear what distinguished him from the ācārya for he is equated with the ācārya by the commentator.646 Elsewhere he is mentioned as being a person separate from the ācārya.647
642. Ibid., III, 47-52. 643. Mül. pt. I, comm., p. 135.
644. Ibid., 7, 10: upadiśati svādhyāyam tenopadhyāya ucyate; Ibid., pt. I, comm. p. 135: 'upetya asmādadhīyate upadhyāyah'; 4, 155; 4, 195.
645. Ibid. 646. Ibid., pt. I, p. 160; references to the ganadhara: Ibid., 4, 155, 186. 647. Ibid.

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(f) Suri:
The references to this officer are very scanty in the Mülācāra, and as the commentator equates him with the ācārya, it is difficult to say whether he was a different person. Possibly, he was not a different officer as the verse, which mentions him along with the upadhyaya, does not mention the ācārya who is generally referred to with the instructor.649
(9) Pavatta650 (pravartaka):
This officer is explained as being one who furthers the affairs of the sangha (sangham pravartayati iti pravartakaḥ),651 and no other details regarding his position, qualifications and duties are to be found in the text.
337
Besides these, there were two others who may not be taken to be officers in the proper sense of the term. The preceptor who offered initiation to a person was called 'pravrajyādāyaka', and he who helped a defaulter to reattain proper conduct was termed 'niryāpaka.'652
The Church Units:
Under these various officers the monks were grouped into different units as in the case of the Svetambara Church.
(a) Gana:
The gana was a group of three monks (traipuruşiko ganah),653 and was probably headed by the ganadhara.
(b) Gaccha:
It as a congregation of seven monks (sāptapuruṣiko [saptapurusako ?] gacchah).
The commentator is not clear when he defines the 'gaccha' in different ways at different places. At one place655 he seems to equate it with the 'gana' when he says-'gacche rşisamudaye cäturvarnya ramanasanghe vä saptapuruşakaḥ tripuruṣako va tasmin'. At another place,656 he explains it
648. Ibid., 4, 195. 649. Ibid., 4, 195.
650. Ibid., 4, 155.
651. Ibid., comm. pt. I, p. 135.
652. Prv. III, 10.
653. Mul. 10, 92; comm. pt. 1, p. 133.
654. Ibid., comm. pt. I, p. 133; 4, 153, 177, 185.
655. Ibid., pt. 1, p. 150.
656. Ibid., pt. I, p. 160. BULL. DCRI.-43

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as 'rşikulam adiryeşām to gacchādayah'. Elsewhere657 he refers to it as being a congregation of seven persons of all ages : 'vayovşddhāstapovȚddhā gunavrddhāstairākulo gacchastathaiva bālavşddhākule gacche saptapuruşasantāne'.
From the point of view of the number required for forming a unit, the 'gaccha' seems to have been a bigger unit than the 'gama' as the former required four members more than the latter.
(c) Kula :
This658 has been explained by the commentator as 'gurusantāna'.659 It referred to the school founded by a teacher and consisted of his immediate disciples. No other details can be had regarding it
Inspite of the fact that a monk was asked to carry out his duties towards his 'gaccha, '660 the text Mülācāra reveals a strong dissatisfaction at forming a 'gana', when it says, “Better marry than enter a gana. Marriage results in attachment, but the gana (leads to) the mine of miseries.''661 The latter implied the creation of a school with all its paraphernalia like disciples, etc. which became a cause of attachment for the guru at the time of his death. This utterance may be said to reveal the overwhelming growth of such groups in the early centuries of the Digambara Jaina Church. Church Jurisprudence :
The Mulācāra reveals exactly the same list of prāyaścittas as found in the Svetāmbara texts, except for two changes. It shows that the Digambara Church had 'parihāra' and 'saddhāņa' instead of the 'anavatthappā' and ‘pārañciya'. The rest of the prāyaścittas like 'ālocanā', 'pratikramana', ‘ubhaya', 'viveka', 'vyutsarga', 'tapa', 'cheda' and 'mula' were identical.
The 'parihara' has been explained by the commentator in two ways. It was either 'gaņapratibaddha' or 'apratibaddha. The former pertained to transgressions in the corporate life of a 'gana' by a member-monk, while the latter consisted of his transgressions in a country or surroundings which were foreign to him and in which he happened to be alone. 662
657. Ibid., pt. I, p. 307. 658. Ibid., 4, 166. 659. Ibid., pt. I, p. 143. 660. Ibid., 5, 192. 661. Ibid., 10, 92:
"Varam ganapavesado vivāhassa pavesanarn/
"Vivähe rägaüppattī gano dosāņamāgaro //-comm. pt. II, p. 137. 662. Ibid., 5, 165; see comm. pt. I, p. 290.

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339 The 'sraddhāna' was the giving up of sinful activities or passions by the transgressor, and his re-affirming the faith in the true religion.663
With all these ten types of prayascittas, it may be noted that the text under review or early Digambara texts fail to give concrete examples of transgressions and the rules regarding the prescription of a particular punishment in a particular case.
External Relations :
The attitude of the Church towards society in general and towards its followers in particular was as it should be, inasmuch as it expected that everybody "should confer benefits on all the Jainas whether practising the course of the duty of a householder or of an ascetic through compassion and without expecting anything in return, even though this involves slight sin". 664 It compares favourably with the dictum laid down in the Sthānanga which advocated the spread of one's religion by every monk. This may be said to be the proper attitude of a church aspiring to spread ambitiously. Touring :
With these units, officers, and religious zeal for the spread of the Church, the monks led a wandering life throughout the year except in the four months of the rainy season.
The Proper Road :
While leading a wandering life the monks abstained from all activities that were likely to inflict injury to living beings. In order, therefore, to avoid himsā while walking, they chose a road which was used by carts (sayaļa) and carriages (jāņa), by the palanquins (jugga), chariots (raha), elephants, horses, donkies, camels (odha), cows, buffaloes, by people in general, that which was scorched by the sun and which was ploughed-in short, that road which was entirely free from living beings.665
The Mode of Walking :
Along such a road, therefore, the monk travelled with perfect control over his movements (iryāsamita). He toured at day time,666 carefullly avoiding the beings and looking to a distance of a yuga (four hands) before him,667
663. Ibid., also comm. pt. II, p. 163. 664. Pro. III, 51: translated by UPADHYE. 665. Mül. 5, 107-09. 666. Ibid., 9, 18. 667. Ibid., 5, 106,

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He avoided plucking the grass, leaves, bark, bulbs and roots, fruits, flowers or trees. 668
Unattached to anything, he wandered as light and free as the wind
(vāda).669
The Period of Stay:
We have already referred to the fact that the monk had to stay at one place in the rainy season. But normally the monk stayed for one day in a village and for five days in a town.670 The four months of rain-retreat are seen to be interpreted by the commentator of Mūlācāra in various ways.
The first interpretation of the word 'māsa'671 was that the monk could stay at one place one month before the rainy season started, then the two months of the rainy season plus one month after it was over. Thus in all he stayed there for four months.
One reason given for his stay at a place a month in advance of the rainy season was that his stay was essential for the proper knowledge of the conditions around him (lokasthitijñāpanārtham). Another consideration was the strict practice of ahimsā which made it compulsory for him to restrict his movements, even before the actual downpour began, on account of slight overgrowth of vegetation all around (ahiṁsāvratapālanārtham). The cause of his stay for one month at the same place after the rains stopped was to redress the grievances of the laymen (śrāvakalokādi-sanklesapariharaņāya). Thus he had to act not only for his benefit but even for the benefit of the laity which had rendered all facilities to him during his stay there.
Another interpretation of 'māsa' was that the monk was allowed to wander one month and stay for one month in each stu except in the rainy season.
The third possibility was that in which the monk was asked to stay at one place during the rainy season and wander throughout the rest of the year on pilgrimage to different places.
On the whole, therefore, it seems that the monks were allowed to stay at one place for a period of one month during the eight months of an year excluding the rainy season.
668. Ibid., 9, 35-36. 669. Ibid., 9, 31. 670. Ibid., 9, 19 "gameyarādivāsī ņayare pañcahavasino dhīrā". 671. Ibid., 10, 18: comm. pt. II, pp. 104-105,

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REQUISITES:
While touring or otherwise, the Digambara monk had less requisites as compared with those of the Svetāmbara one,
Clothing and Nudity :
The Digambara monk remained naked (jahājāya).672 It was considered to be one of the essentials of monkhood (lingakappa) that a monk should remain devoid of clothing (accelakkam).
In this respect they differed from the Svetämbaras, and the texts under review strongly uphold the view. Clothing and other requisites were looked upon as property, the use of which disqualified a person to be a monk who was to be without any possession (pariggaha). The same feeling is expressed by the following verse from the Pravacanasāra673_-'If (you were to say) that it is (found) stated in certain texts that a monk accepts a piece of clothing and possesses a pot, (we are to ask) how can he (with these) be independent and without activities involving preliminary sin ? If he accepts a piece of clothing, gourd-bowl and anything else, necessarily there is involved harm unto living beings, and there is disturbance in mind.' Thus considerations of non-possession and abstaining from sin were at the base of this practice of nudity.
Broom :
As against the broom (rajoharana) of woollen threads used by the Svetāmbaras, the Digambara monks used one made of peacock feathers.
Five qualifications were attributed to this sort of broom. It was said that such a broom did not get soiled either with dust or with sweat (rajasedāṇamagahaņam), as also it had qualities like softness and non-injuriousness (maddava), tenderness (sukumāladā), and lightness in handling (lahuttam).
Pots :
The monks did not use any bowl for begging food. Instead of that they accepted food in the palms of their hand (pānipātra).674 It may be remembered that the Kalpasūtra describes Mahāvīra taking food in the palms
672. Ibid., 9, 15; 10, 17-22; Suttapähuda, 10-13; Bodhapähuda, 51-55; Pro. III, 25: Quoted by UPADHYE, Prv. Intr. pp. XXX-XXXII.
673. III, 3-5, 21; JAIN, C. R., Sannyāsadharma, pp. 45-46. 674. Mül., 9, 45-54.

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of his hand.675 It seems, however, that the monks carried a pot (kundikā). for water used after answering calls of nature.676 Bedding :
The bedding (santhāra) 677 consisted of either bare ground (bhūmi), or a slab of stone (silā), or a plank of wood (phalaga), or dry grass (tiņa).
Besides these the monk possessed nothing else and all other things or valuables like pearls, conches, skins, ivory and kambala (blanket) were deemed unfit for him.678
In handling all the requisites permitted to him, he was very careful and wiped the places of occupation with the feather-broom (picchikā) to avoid himsā.679 Residence :
The same rules as in the case of the Svetāmbaras were followed by the Digambaras also inasmuch as the monks were asked to avoid residences full of women, eunuchs, beasts and bad characters.680 Any places which were specially built for monks, places which were likely to make them passionate, regions which had no king or where the king was wicked, were avoided by monks.681
But the whole tone of thought seemed to favour the opinion that the monk should live a very solitary life away from the society. He was recommended to take resort to caves, or forests or roots of trees or deserted houses or burning grounds.682
Only such places as were favourable to the perfect practice of study, meditation and celibacy were to be resorted to.683 BEGGING AND FOOD:
Seeking an ideal residence, the monk went out to obtain proper food for the maintenance of the body.
675. SBE. XXII, p. 260. 676. Mül. comm. pt. I, p. 19, 677. Ibid., 4, 172: comm. pt. I, p. 148; Bodhapähuda, 56. 678. Mul, Chapt. 1, comm. pt. I, p. 14. 679. Ibid., 5, 122. 680. Ibid., 9, 19; Bodhapähuda, 56: See UPADHYE, Introduction, Prv. pp. XXXI-II. 681. Mül. 10, 58-60.
682. Ibid., 9, 21-22; Bodhapähuda, 42, 51; even a 'matha' or a monastery was not allowed: Mül. comm. on 10, 18, p. 104 (pt. II).
683. Bodhapähuda, 57; C. R. JAIN gives the list of forty-six faults of improper residence, exactly after the fashion of the faults pertaining to food: op. cit. pp. 137-138.

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Time for Begging :
The monk was allowed to take food within a period of three ghatikās after sunrise and the same period before sunset (i.e. one hour and twelve minutes after and before sunrise and sunset respectively).684 Proper Donors and Food :
The same forty-six faults pertaining to donors and purity of food as are described in the Svetāmbara texts are to be found in the Mūlācāra also,685 and hence we need not repeat them here.
Besides the whole set of these forty-six rules, the purity of food was expressed in a suitable way and the monk was asked to accept such food which was pure in nine ways 'navakoțiparisuddha'. It was to be pure in three ways, to wit, mentally, vocally and physically, and be devoid of the faults of one's own doing, causing others to do these or consenting to somebody else doing these. The Purpose of Eating and Giving Up Food :
The reasons for which the monk ate food and gave it up were the same as those noted previously. The Mode of Eating :
We have already seen that the monk did not use alms-vessel. He, therefore, ate the food in the cavity of his palms in a standing position.686 He did not speak or ask for anything while on the begging tour, but simply suggested by his presence that he wanted food.687 He stood without taking shelter of anything like the wall, etc. and kept his feet at a distance of four angulas from each other. The entire space required for this purpose consisted of that region which his feet covered plus the place over which food might be scattered while eating, and this was expressed by the word 'bhūmitrika'.688
Irrespective of the taste of the food, the monks consumed as much food as was sufficient only to carry on the bodily activities (akkhamakkhaņamettam).689
684. Mül. 6, 73: 'Sūryodayāstamanayornādītrikavarjitayoh aśanakāle /
Trikadvikaikamuhurtāḥ jaghanyamadhyamotkrstāḥ// 685. Ibid., chapter 6. 686. Prv. III, 8; Mül. 1, 54; 9, 54. 687. Ibid., comm. on 9, 53. 688. Ibid., 1, 34.
689. Ibid., 9, 48-49: Literally it is 'suggestive of a trader who applies grease to the axle of his cart to carry his valuables to the desired goal. The saint, too, has to carry the

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The Quantity of Food :
The monk filled half of his belly with food, one fourth with water and one fourth with wind.690 This meant that he had half of his appetite caimed to keep him fit.
The Fourteen Impurities :
Nails, hair, living beings (jantu), bones, chaff, grain particles, pus, skin, blood, flesh, seeds, fruits, bulbs and roots were deemed impurities.
If the monk happened to come across blood, flesh, bones, skins and pus in the food then he did not eat the food, and underwent a prāyaścitta for it. If he found out living beings and hair, then he gave up that food. If he found that it contained nails, then he did not partake of the food and underwent a minor prāyaścitta for it. If he came across the rest of the impurities, then he took out those things and then ate the food.691
The Circumstances Under Which Food Could Not Be Taken:
If, while begging, a crow (kāga) happened to touch the monk, if his food was besmeared with dirt (mejjhā), if he vomited (chaddi), or if he was bound (rohana), if he happened to see his own or the other's blood (ruhira) or tears (assuvāya), or touch his body below the knees (janhuhitthā amarisam), or go by bending very low-even below his naval (ņābhiädhoniggamaņam), eat some forbidden article (paccakkhiyasevaņā), kill living beings (jantuvaho), if a crow took away food from his palm, if the food fell down on the ground from his hand, if a certain living being fell into the food from above, if he happened to see flesh, in cases of divine trouble (uvasagga), if a living being came in between his feet, if the person serving food happened to drop down the utensil (sampādo bhāyaṇāna), if the monk got calls of nature while eating food, if he happened to enter the house of a low-caste person (abhojagihapavesaņa), if he fainted or had to sit down, if something bit him, if he happened to touch the ground (bhūmisamphāsa), if bodily dirt was splashed (nitthuvaņam), if worms fell from his stomach (udarakimi), if he happened to take up something without permission of the owner (adattagahana), if somebody struck him, if the village was burnt, or if he happened to take up something from the ground
bodily cart containing the jewels of virtues to the city of self-contemplation, by greasing the axle of life with the food obtained by alms.' JAIN, C. R., op. cit., pp. 59-60.
690. Mül. 6, 72; the normal quantity was of 32 morsels, Ibid., 5, 153; the morsel or Kavala' consisted of 1000 rice-grains, Ibid., comm.
691. Ibid., 6, 65; The 'vikrtis': Ibid., 5, 155-157.

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by means of his hands or feet-then, under any of these circumstances, he had to go without food on that day.692
It may be noted that there was nothing wrong in these rules as most of them were connected with the purity of food as well as with the perfect practice of ahiṁsā. The touching by hand or foot the ground or portions below the knees was likely to make the hands dirty as well as contaminated with living beings which a monk was liable to injure. Other reasons like the burning of the village, or seeing somebody crying, etc. were suggestive of sorrow and it was likely to create hatred about the monk in the mind of the people if he sought to beg food on such occasions. Thus a combination of the principal tenets of the religion with the decorum of social etiquette may be said to be at the back of these rules. It may also be noted that
entering the Cāņdāla homestead was not accepted by the society and the monk also had to justify it on the grounds of purity.
Besides these, if the monk was touched by the Cāņdāla, or if there was death of a brother-monk, or if somebody left monk life or if a prominent personality died, then also the monk went without food. So also if there was trouble from the king or condemnation by the people, then under these circumstances, the monk did not take food.
DAILY ROUTINE:
Besides the important item of begging food, the monk's daily routine was spent mostly in study and meditation.
At sunrise he got up and paid homage to the five dignitaries. Then, carrying on studies for some time, he went to ease nature, and, washing his feet and carefully scanning his requisites, he went to pay respect to the Jina. After that he went on the begging tour when he was sure that the time of childrens' meals was over. Then, visiting the families irrespective of their economic position but avoiding the places where low-caste people or persons in mourning lived and such other places which were not fit to be visited by him, he ate food at a pure house in the proper way. Then washing his hands, feet and mouth and drinking water, he left the place and went to the Jina temple and confessed the faults, if any, committed by him. He took no night meals and hence slept after study and meditation.693
692. Ibid., 6, 76-82.
693. Ibid., comm. pt. I, pp. 261-2. BULL. DCRL-44

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This was in short the daily routine of the monk. But the most important and the carefully attended items of it were the six 'āvaśyakas' or essential duties: viz. the 'sāmāïka' or the equanimity of mind, 'caturviņśatistava' or the praise of the twenty-four Jinas, 'vandana' or salutation to the Arhats, Siddhas and the guru, 'pratikramana' or condemnation of the mental, vocal or physical transgressions, 'pratyākhyāna' or the determination to give up sinful activities, and 'kāyotsarga' or the practice of non-attachment to the body.694
It may be noted that these essential duties are not different from those described in the Svetāmbara texts. But it would not be out of place here to see some details pertaining to them as given in the Mülācāra.
(a) Sāmāîya :
It implied equanimity towards all beings, the practising of three 'guptis', the destruction of “kaşāyas' or passions giving up of inauspicious types of meditation like 'raudra' and 'ārta' and giving up attachment for the pleasures of the sense organs. It was done with folded hands in a standing posture with the mind fully concentrated.695
(6) Caüvīsatthava :
Keeping a distance of four angulas between his feet, and the body in a firm, unshaky position, the monk praised the twenty-four Jinas and besought them to help him in getting liberation.696
(c) Vandanaya :
The monk offered his respects to the ācārya, upadhyāya, pravartaka, sthavira and gañadhara with due modesty.
At the time of performing 'ālocanā' (confession of faults), asking questions, doing the āvaśyakas', study or worship and when atoning for an offence done, the monk bowed down to the superiors.
The distance between the worshipped and the worshipper was to be of the measure of one hand. Then scanning the purity of the body and clearly telling the superior that he was doing vandanā, the monk performed
its
694. Ibid., 1, 22-28; 7, 15. 695. Ibid., 7, 20-39. 696. Ibid., 7, 40-76.

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The following faults of improper vandanā were to be avoided : (1) anādsta
.. done without respect for the act, (2) stabdha
done with pride for one's learning, (3) pravişta
going too near the superior, (4) paripīdita
touching the parts below the knees, (5) dolāïta
shaking the body, (6) arkusita
touching the forehead with fingers, (7) kacchaparigata
moving the waist, (8) matsyodvarta
revolving the lower portions of the body
like a fish, (9) manodusta
bearing hatred towards the guru, (10) vedikābaddha
by keeping hands crosswise, (11) bhayena
out of fear for death, (12) vibhyatva
out of fear for the guru, (13) ;ddhigaurava
done with a view to attract the sangha, (14) gaurava
done with the intention of impressing one's
greatness, (15) stenita
doing it secretly, (16) pratinīta
doing it by becoming unfavourable to the
guru, (17) praduşta
bearing hatred, (18) tarjita
done after threatening the ācārya, (19) śabda
by giving up silence, or with deceit, (20) hilita
by condemning the teacher, (21) trivalita
.. bending the body, or contracting the
forehead, (22) kuñcita
placing the head between the knees, (23) drsta
looking at all quarters, or doing the act
properly only when the teacher looks at
the monk, (24) adşşta
sitting at a place beyond the eye-range of
the teacher, (25) sanghasya ?
with a view of not displeasing the sangha, karamocanam (26) alabdha
.. saluting after getting the requisites,

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(27) anālabdha (28) hina
(29) uttaracūlikā
with a view to obtain requisites, devoid of the true mode and implications
of vandanā; saying loudly at the end, 'I am bowing
down to you, Sir', doing it in an inaudible tone, doing it very loudly so as to mix one's
words with those of others, bowing down to all by simply turning the
head in all directions.697
(30) mūka (31) dardura
(32)
cululita
(d) Padikkamana :
The abstention from subjective or objective transgressions was called 'padikkamaņa. There were six types of it common with those of the Svetāmbaras, to wit: Daivasika
done at day time, Rātrika
done at night, Airyāpathika
regarding movement, Pākşika
fortnightly, Cāturmāsika
four-monthly, Sāmvatsarika
yearly. The determination consisted of abstaining from wrong belief (mithyātva), non-control (asamyama), passions (kaşāya) and movement (yoga). Before the 'padikkamana', 'ālocanā' or confession of transgression was done.698
After performing 'vandana' and scanning the place of sitting or by carefully wiping it with the peacock-feather broom, the monk confessed his transgressions before the guru by joining together his palms and by giving up all pride and secrecy.
It may be noted here that the Mülācara refers to the point, already noted from the Bhagavatisūtra, that 'pratikramana' was compulsory during the period of the first and the last Tirthankaras whether a fault was
697. Ibid., 7, 106-110. 698. Ibid., 2, 56-58: It was to be done with the simplicity and innocence of a child:
Jaha bālo jampanto kajjamakajjar ca ujjuyam bhanadi / Taha aloceyavvam māyāmosam ca mottuna //

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committed or not, while in the case of the rest of the Jinas, their followers performed 'pratikramana' only when a transgression was done, not otherwise.699 (e) Paccakkhāna :
It was of ten kinds: (1) Anāgata
doing a fast, for instance, earlier than it
should have been done, (2) Atikrānta
doing it later than the decided period, (3) Kotisahita
doing a fast taking into consideration one's
ability for it at that particular time, (4) Nikhandita
doing the fast at proper time, (5) Sākāra
doing different penances like 'kanakāvalī, etc. by paying attention to
different constellations, (6) Anākāra
performing fasts at will, (7) Parimāṇagata
resorting to fasting of varying periodical
magnitudes, (8) Apariseșa
.. practising fasts like the 'caüttha', etc.
lifelong, (9) Adhyānagata
fasting while crossing a forest, etc. (10) Sahetuka
fasting done with a purpose, as, for
instance, for the removal of divine
trouble. The mode of doing the 'pratyākhyāna' was to be pure in four ways. It was to be done in perfect modesty (vinayapratyākhyāna), with the utterance of the formula exactly in the same way, tone, order and sequence as told by the guru (anubhāṣāyuktao), without breaking one's vow under illness, trouble, hard labour, famine or in the forest (anupālanasahita'), and without anger or hatred (pariņāmaviśuddhi).700
(f) Kāüssagga :
It has been explained by the commentator to be the indulgence by a person in auspicious nature of meditation without movement of or attachment to the body. 701
699. Ibid., 7, 114-133. 700. Ibid., 7, 134-49.
701. Ibid.,.comm. pt. I, p. 491—'śarīrasyotsargaḥ parityāgah kāyotsargah sthitasya asinasya sarvăngacalanarahitasya śubhadhyānasya vịttih kāyotsargah'.

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It was done by keeping a distance of four angulas between the feet, with arms hanging down and maintaining the body stable without even the slightest movement.
It was performed mainly for the training of the body for the purpose of remaining aloof from sinful activities.
The duration of 'kāyotsarga' was different for different items as will be clear from the following table :
The maximum period The minimum period
one year antarmuhurta
..
54
Item
Period of kāyotsarga (1) Daily pratikramana
108 ucсhvāsas (2) Nightly pratikramana (3) Fortnightly pratikramaņa
300 (4) Four-monthly pratikramaņa
400 (5) Yearly pratikramaņa
500 (6) Punishment for violation of any of the five principal
vows (7) At the time of taking food (8) At the time of taking water (9) After return from the alms-tour (10) At the time of going to another village (11) At the time of going to the sacred places connected
with the Jina (12) After return from the place of study or monastery .. (13) After return from easing nature (14) Giving out bodily dirt (15) Beginning the reading of a text (16) After finishing a book (17) At study (18) At salutation (19) At meditation

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So, according to these periods fixed for different items, the monk practised 'kāyotsarga' in which he indulged in the 'dharma-' and 'sukla' types of meditations, avoiding the following faults : (1) Ghodaya
- standing like a horse with one foot raised
up or bending one leg, (2) Latā
- shaking one's body like a creeper, (3) Stambha
taking resort to a pillar, or standing with a
blank mind, (4) Kudya
- taking support of a wall, (5) Māla
- standing on a terrace or touching some
higher object with the head, (6) Sabaravadhū
- pressing the thighs together like the Sabara
bride, (7) Nigada
-- keeping legs wide apart, (8) Lambottara
- standing by bending the body (?), (9) Stanadrsti
— looking at one's breast, (10) Vāyasa
- looking at sides like the crow, (11) Khalina
- making sound of teeth like a bridled horse, (12) Yuga
- standing by stretching the neck like a yoked
bull, (13) Kapittha
- clenching the fists, (14) Śiraprakampita
- shaking the head, (15) Mūkatva
-making facial expressions and signs like the
dumb, (16) Anguli
- counting the fingers, (17) Bhrūvikāra
- contracting or expanding the eyebrows, or
tapping the ground with the foot, (18) Vārunīpāyi
- standing reeling like a drunkard, (19) Alokanam diśānām - looking at all quarters, (20) Grīvonnamana
-stretching out the neck, (21) Pranamana
- bending the body, (22) Nişçhīvana
-- spitting out the cough, (23) Angāmarśa
- touching the body. Avoiding all these faults and practising proper 'kāyotsarga', the monk meditated on right faith (darśana), right knowledge (jñāna), right conduct (cāritra), and on other qualities essential for monkhood.

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S. B. DEO Four forms of 'kāyotsarga' based on the bodily postures and the types of meditation were also practised. According to that, ‘utthitotthita' was that type of 'kāyotsarga' in which the monk did dharma-' and 'śukla' 'dhyānas' while standing up. The 'utthitanivista' was that in which he did 'ärta' and 'raudra' meditations in a standing posture. The 'upaviştotthita' was that in which the monk performed 'kāyotsarga' by sitting and indulging in dharma-' and 'sukla' meditations. Lastly, the 'upaviştanivista' was that in which he did 'ārta' and 'raudra' types of 'dhyānas' while sitting.702
MEDITATION:
There seems to have been no difference between the types of meditation and their subdivisions as given in the early Digambara texts under review and the Svetāmbara texts. The Mülācāra refers to the same types of meditation; and only the auspicious forms of it played an important part in the life of a monk inasmuch as they formed one of the items of his daily routine.703
STUDY:
Besides meditation and other essential duties, study formed a very important item of monklife.
Study or the acquisition of knowledge (jñānācāra) was eightfold according as it pertained to the proper time of study (kāla), or to the mental, verbal and bodily purity (vinaya), or to study as a special vow (upadhāna), or to the means of getting respect from others (bahumāna). The student was to mention only the proper person under whom he had studied. He recited the text in the proper way (vyañjana), knowing full well the meaning (artha), or with both these two items (tadubhaya).
was to mention in the proper way
items (tadubhaya
Proper Time :
The monk was expected to study in the first half of the night or second half of the day (prādoşika), two ghaţikās after midnight (vairātrika), and when cattle were let loose, i.e. early after sunrise (gosargika). In short, he was asked to study throughout the major portion of the day as well as the night.
Another interesting factor taken into consideration in fixing the period of the beginning and the close of his study was the shadow of the sun. He was normally asked to begin study when the shadow of the portion below
702. Ibid., 7, 150-86. 703. Ibid., 7, 197-208; 9, 115-18; 10, 5. 82. 83.

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353 his knees fell to a length of seven 'vitastis', i.e. immediately after sunrise. He closed his study at the same time in the evening.
It may be noted that this length of the shadow varied with different seasons, and the monk was to close down his study in the morning according to the following system:
Shadow of the leg below the knees.
2 padas 2 , + 4 angulas
2 = 3 padas 3 , + 2 »
+
+
+
Month. Aşādha Śrāvana Āśvina Kārttika Mārgaśīrşa Pausa Māgha Phālguna Caitra Vaišākha Jyeștha Aşādha
++
= 4 padas
W co Coc co CNN
1
1
== 3 padas
1
1 1
= 2 padas
1
The Improper Occasions of Study:
There were times when, owing to climatic difficulties or natural phenomena like the eclipse, etc. study was not permitted to the monks. It may be noted that the list of such occasions agrees with that given in the Sthānānga.
The Place of Study:
Such places as were likely to lead to mental disturbance or the violation of moral conduct were avoided by monks. Hence a place which contained blood, impurities or flesh within a distance of hundred hands were deemed unfit for study.
The Texts:
It may be noted that the rules regarding the stoppage of study were applicable only to the reading of the texts ascribed to the gañadharas, pratyekabuddhas, śrutakevalins and the daśapūrvins. All other texts like those dealing with the seventeenfold death, hymns in praise of the dignitaries, the essential duties and biographies of religious saints were allowed to be read at all times. BULL. DCRI.-45

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S. B. DEO The Method of Study:
The monk began the study of a text after seeking permission from the guru. He sat in the 'paryankāsana' or 'virāsana' posture. He had to undergo a fast up to the fifth meal (pañca) or perform kāyotsarga at the beginning or at the end of texts like the 'angas', 'śruta' (i.e. fourteen Purvas), 'skanda' (vastūni), 'prābhṛta' and 'deśa.'
Study consisted of 'parivartana' (repeating of the text), 'vācanā' (reading of the text), 'prcchana' (asking questions : but, according to the commentator, 'śāstraśravana' or devout listening given to the sacred texts), 'anuprekşā' (the twelve reflections) and 'dharmakathā' (the reading and singing of the biographies of great persons, and of the hymns respectively).704
While studying, he kept his mind calm and, for that sake, avoided taking food full of 'vikstis' (dainties) or 'āyambila' (sauviraudanädikam). He learnt the text without offending the teacher and did not disown the teacher after learning everything from him.705
Change of Guru for Further Study:
In case a monk wanted to approach another guru for higher studies, he took permission of the previous guru three, five or six times, and after getting his consent, he went to another guru in a group of four, three or two monks.
Nobody was allowed to go alone to another guru unless he himself was full of all ideal qualities of monkhood or accompanied by another learned monk. If he wandered alone, there was a likelihood of the people condemning his guru for having let his disciple alone, or he was likely to forget the sacred texts and go astray, and thus bring a blot on the Church. Moreover, he was likely to come across many dangers and difficulties. So his determination to live alone was not at all favoured.
While on tour, he did not stay at a place where none of the ācārya, the upādhyāya, the pravartaka, the sthavira, or the ganadhara was there. If he happened to find a book, etc. along the way then he handed it over to the owner or to the guru.
Having seen the disciple approaching, the ācārya received him by going seven steps towards him. He asked him about his welfare and other matters of monklife. Then he watched the behaviour of the newcomer for three days and noted his conduct regarding study, begging, bedding, easing
704. Ibid., 5, 196. 705. Ibid., 5, 70-89.

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355
nature, essential duties, and scanning the requisites. On the day of his arrival, the student took rest, and after a couple of days or so, he let the ācārya know the purpose of his coming.
Knowing the purpose of his arrival, the ācārya questioned him regarding his name, family, previous guru, his standing as a monk, the place from which he had come, his previous study, etc. If the student satisfied him, then only he was admitted by the new guru for advanced studies.
If, on the other hand, he failed to satisfy the new guru, quarrelled or stole something or did not show signs of concentration, then he was deemed unfit. He had to undergo prāyaścittas for transgressions committed, if any. If he refused to do so, then he was driven out.
It may be noted that the above procedure resembles with that adopted in changing the gaña for further studies as given in the Svetāmbara texts.
PENANCE AND FASTING:
The same division of penance into external (bāhira) and internal (abbhantara) is to be found in the Mülācāra706 also. These two types were further divided into six subdivisions. The only difference between the “vetāmbara and the Digambara texts is that the latter give a different list of the items of the external penance. Instead of the bhikṣācaryā and 'samlinata' of the Śvetāmbaras, they have 'vrttiparisankhyā' and 'viviktaśayanāsana.' The former meant the limiting of the number of houses to be visited for alms, or the number of morsels to be eaten, or the number of donors, 707 etc., and indirectly it may be said to be another name for ‘avamodariyā.' The 'viviktaśayanāsana' consisted in using a place of residence free from women, eunuchs or beasts (strīpašupandakavivarjitam sthānasevanam).
Other details regarding penance, e.g., the types of internal penance, 708 the different magnitudes of fasts, 709 the role of penance in purifying the soul, 710 etc. were the same. The monks had to put up calmly with snow-fall, the scorching heat of the sun, the frenzy of the gale, and the onslaught of rain. The ideal before them was the mortification of the flesh so that they became devoid of the plumpness of the cheeks (ālīņagandamamsā), the eye
grahah'-Mul.
706. 5, 148-49; also Tattvārthādhigamasutra, 9, 19; Bhävapähuda, 78.
707. 'grhadāyakabhājanaudanakālādīnām parisankhyānapūravako comm. pt. I, p. 279.
708. Ibid., 5, 163ff. 709. Ibid., 9, 44. 710. Ibid., 8, 56.

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brows became prominent (pāyaṇabhiüçīmuhā) and only the pupils of the eye remained (adhiyadacchā).711
It may be noted that the different kinds of fasts like the 'rayaņāvali', or the 'padimās' are not prominently mentioned in these texts.
SUPERNATURAL POWERS AND SUPERSTITION :
Superhuman powers which were the result of penance, are not to be met with prominently in the Mülācāra as they are to be seen in the Niryuktis which we have noticed.
C. R. JAIN, in his Sannyāsadharma,712 however, mentions a number of them. They are not different from those that are given in the Svetāmbara texts.
One such incident was about Kundakunda (C. 1st cent. A.D.). From his life written by Pandit PREMI based on the Jñānaprabodha, UPADHYE713 mentions that there occurs in that book a reference to Kundakunda's "dispute with Svetāmbaras on the mountain Girnār, in which he made the local deity Brāhmī admit that the Nirgrantha creed of the Digambaras was true.”
The element of astronomy seems to have been prominent in the early Digambara monachism as we have already seen regarding the position of shadows of feet that were taken into consideration while studying. The causes of non-study also contained climatic and superstitious elements, even though some of them had a basis of ripe commonsense.
DEATH :
Leading his life in the framework of arduous rules of self-control, purity and simplicity, the monk looked upon death as the penance for the end of worldly troubles. Yet he was not eager to end life in an improper way (bālamarana).
The proper ways of death (panditamaraņa), the improper types of it, and such other details about death and the way of entering upon it seemed to be the same as those given in the Svetāmbara texts.714
711. Ibid., 9, 64.
712. Pp. 143-48; Mül. (comm., on 10, 66), however, gives the following list of sinful sciences: māraņoccățanavaśīkaranamantrayantratantrathakaśāśtrarajaputrakokavätsyāyanapitspindavidhāyakam sūtram nāmsādividhayakavaidyasävadyajyotişaśāstrādiratam'.
713. Op. cit., p. VII. 714. Mūl. 2, 59. 74. 76. 103; 3, 120; 5, 152.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
357 MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL:
The fundamentals of moral discipline consisted of the fivefold ācāra, the twenty-eight principal virtues (mūlaguņas), the subsidiary virtues (uttaraguņas), the twelve reflections (anuprekşā), the twelvefold penance (tapas), nine kinds of celibacy, ten kinds of service (vaiyāprtya), the putting up with the twenty-two troubles (parīşaha) and perfect indifference to the body.715
Fivefold Ācāra :
It consisted of ideal behaviour pertaining to 'darśana' (right faith or belief in the validity of the tenets of the Jina devoid of doubts), 'jñāna' (right way of acquiring knowledge through methodical study), 'caritra' (right behaviour) consisting of the five great vows, the abstinence from night meal (rāïbhoyaņa), the practice of three ‘guptis' and five 'samitis', the carrying out of the five great vows with all their peculiarities and implications (bhāvanā), the tapas (the twelvefold penance) and the vīrya (bravely carrying out the controlled mode of monklife).716
Twenty-eight Mülagunas :
Besides the five great vows, 'samitis' and 'guptis', the monk had to carry out, as we have already seen, the six essential duties (āvassaya), the practice of tonsuring the head (loya), nudity (accelakka), no bath (anhāņa), sleeping on the ground (khidisayaņa), non-cleaning of the teeth (adantadhamsaņa), eating food by standing (thidibhoyaņa) and one meal a day (eyabhatta).717
The Twelve Reflections (anuprekşā):
The monk reflected over the twelve qualities of worldly life so as to imbibe on his mind its real nature and the way out of it.
These 'anuprekşās' were the impermanence of all things (adhruva), the feeling of no shelter other than Jina-dharma (aśaraņa), the principle of undergoing the effects of one's own karman (ekatva), the knowledge of the separate existence of the body and of the futility of the help from others in crossing the samsāra or facing death (anyatva), the truth of the misery of worldly existence (samsāra), the philosophy which advocated the noncreation of the world (loga) by anybody, the realisation that the life in hell
715. Bhävapähuda: 78-103: UPADHYE, op. cit., III, 5-73; Intro. p. XXXIV. 716. Mül. 5, 3-222. 717. Ibid., 1, 2-3.

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or as lower beings is definitely bad (aśubha), the cause of karmic influx (āsrava), the stoppage of that influx (samvara), the dissipation of karmic atoms (nirjarā), the utility of religion as the sole protector (dharma) and enlightenment (bodhi).
It would be clear from the above list that the fundamental basis of the moral discipline as followed by both the Svetambaras and the Digambaras was identical.
Besides this philosophical background, the monk, in everyday life, had to remain away from things and circumstances which were likely to break his vow of celibacy. For that, he had to abstain from taking excessive food (viülāhāra), or eating dainties (panīyarasasevā), the washing of the body (kāyasohaņa), the wearing of garlands, etc. (gandhamallāïm), the acceptance of exciting residence (sayaņasohaņa), contact with women (itthisarsagga), amassing of wealth (atthasangahaņa), remembrance of former enjoyments (puvvaradisarana), and fulfilling the demands of the senses (indiyavisayaradi).718
For the perfect maintenance of celibacy and self-control, the monk had to be completely indifferent towards the body. He was not allowed to take bath,719 wear garments, or clean teeth.720 He was to sleep on bear ground, and on one side.721 In illness, he was not permitted to take medicine but was asked to put up with physical pangs patiently, thinking that the words of the Jina were the only medicine.722
As an attempt towards the lessening of physical beauty, the avoidance of injury to living beings in the hair, and the practice of putting up with bodily trouble, the monks resorted to the uprooting of hair from the head, beard and moustache (loya).723
The best period for doing it was within every two months, the average within three and the maximum within four months. The practice consisted in pulling out the hair from the head, and on the chin by the hands at daytime.724 A fast of one day was done before 'loya.'
Along with these outward signs, the monk was expected to be pure at heart and ready to confess his transgressions before his guru (ālocanā).
718. Ibid., 10, 105-06; 11, 13-14. 719. Prv. III, 8. 720. Ibid., Mul. 9, 70-72. 721. Ibid., 1, 32; 9, 28-29; 10, 81; Prv. III, 8. 722. Mül. 9, 73-86. 723. 'Uppādidakesamaṁsuga' Prv. III, 5. 8. 724. The commentator says 'ahorātramadhye': Mul., 1, 29; comm., pt. I, pp. 36-7.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
359 While doing so he was to avoid the ten faults which we have already noticed as given in the Sthānānga.725
Keeping his mind calm and pure, the monk was ready to serve those who needed his help. He helped his seniors as well as his juniors, and showed proper respect to the nuns and laymen.726 Doing service to the ācārya, the upādhyāya, the ascetic, the ill, the monks, the kula, gana and sangha, he did his best to relieve those who were fatigued by long travel or those who were troubled by thieves, beasts, kings, floods, cholera or famine. He offered bedding, seat, residence and requisites to the ill and looked after their comfort.727
In short, his life consisted of service, self-control and purity, and the following verse may be said to bring out the essence of instructions to the monk.728
'Bhikkham cara vasa raŋŋe thovam jemehi mā bahu jampa / Dukkham saha jina şiddā mettim bhāvehi sutthu veraggam //
"Go on the begging tour, stay in a forest, eat but a little, speak only measured words, put up with misery, conquer sleep, practise friendship (with all) and non-attachment in an excellent manner."
COMPARISON BETWEEN SVETĀMBARA AND DIGAMBARA MONACHISM:
A survey of the rules of monastic conduct as given in the Svetāmbara and the Digambara texts reveals a number of similarities and a few differences between these two major sects of the Jainas, which may be noted below.
The basis of monachism consisting of rules of moral discipline were identical for both of them, with the only difference that the Digambaras were perhaps more strict in the literal practice of the vow of 'aparigraha' as they advocated it to the extent of practising nudity. In the case of requisites also, the same consideration prevailed and the Digambara monk carried only a peacock-feather broom and a 'kundikā' for water. Moreover, they slept on bare ground instead of on a plank.
This sort of moral discipline and 'aparigraha' (non-possession) led to some distinctions of their own. They preferred to use a broom more fine than
725. Ibid., 11, 15. 726. Ibid., 6, 187. 727. Ibid., 5, 192-195. 728. Ibid., 10, 4.

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the wollen one used by the Svetāmbaras though the principle behind it-viz., protection to and non-injury of living beings--was the same. Moreover, unlike the Svetāmbaras, they consumed food in the palm of their hand and hence went without the begging bowl.
The rules regarding proper food, purity of the donor and of the food, the quantity of food and the time for it were the same for both of them.
The Digambara texts of this period do not reveal a planned system of study of the different texts as the one seen in the Vyavahārasūtra which lays down a definite course of study spread over a period of twenty years. But, the times for study and non-study, the texts to be read, the way of doing it and the relations between the guru and the disciple did not differ much for both these sects. The device, however, of fixing the time of the study in different seasons based on shadow of the feet, as given in the Mülācāra may be said to be not perfect as slight differences in it were likely to be there.
The rules concerning meditation, penance, residence and fasting did not seem to have been different in these two sects.
It may be said that the Niryuktis of the Svetāmbaras refer to a number of supernatural powers of monks, but the Mülācāra is silent over the matter, and this perhaps indicates the increase in such practices in the later period (Niryuktis c. 4th cent. A.D.; Mülācārā c. 1st cent. A.D.) in the Jaina Church as a whole, or that may prove the dislike of such practices in the early Digambara texts.
In short, it may be remarked that the differences between these two sects, as revealed in their representative texts, pertained more to practice than to moral philosophy.
THE CONDITION OF THE DIGAMBARA CHURCH :
When compared with the condition of the Śvetāmbara Church as revealed in the Chedasūtras, the state of the Digambara Church as seen from the Mülācāra and other contemporary texts presents quite a different picture. The latter type of texts seldom reveal a planned and qualified hierarchy, the statement of rules of monastic jurisprudence, or concrete cases of transgressions and punishments.
Inspite of the fact that the Digambara texts also give a list of ten prāyaścittas the last two items of which differed from those in the Svetāmbara list, they seldom reveal traces of their execution so peculiar to corporate life. Even though the monk was asked not to live outside the 'gaccha', the trend seemed to favour solitary life.

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Even though some of the church units were common to both, the 'sambhoga' of the Svetämbaras seldom gets a reference in the Müläcära. Instead of that, the 'gaccha' and the 'gana' seemed to have the same prominence as revealed in the Niryuktis or even the Prakirṇakas.
The unorganised state of the Digambara Church may be attributed, perhaps, to the fact that they had to live in a foreign region and had to face new people. Hence they had to impress the people there more by their behaviour than by their Church organisation.
GANAS AND SAKHAS IN THE KALPASŪTRAT
(Order as in the Text)
Name
Aryanägila śākhā
Aryapadmila Aruajayanti
Aryatāpasi
GODASA GANA
39
دو
22
Four śākhās: (1) Tamraliptikä
(2) Kotivarsiyā (3) Pundravardhaniyā (4) Däsikharabhatikā
UTTARABALISSAHA GANA
Four śäkhäs:
(1) Kauśambikā
(2) Sautaptikä
(Pkt. Soittiya)
(3) Kautumbini
(or Kundadhari)

(4) Candanagari
..
..
Originator
Arya Nägila
Arya Padmila Arya Jayanta Arya Täpasa Godāsa
(Named after regions and towns)
Uttara and
Balissaha
(Named after the city)
Disciple of

Arya Vajrasena
729. It is believed that the Digambaras migrated to the South in about the 4th century B.C.
730. Kalpasūtra, SBE., Vol. XXII, pp. 288-294.
BULL. DCRI.--46
Bhadrabahu

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Disciple of
362
S. B. DEO Name
Originator Trairāśika sākha
Chaluka
Rohagupta * UDDEHA GANA
.. Arya Rohana Four sākhās: (1) Udumbarikā
(Pkt. Udumbarijjiyā) (2) Māsapūrikā
.. (Regional) (3) Matipatrikā * (4) Pūrnapatrikā
Six kulas: *(a) Nāgabhūta (b) Somabhūta (c) Ullagaccha
(or Ardrakaccha?) (d) Hastilipta (e) Nandika
(f) Parihāsaka UDUVATIKA GANA
. Bhadrayaśas Four sākhās: (1) Kampiyikā (2) Bhadrīyikā (3) Kākandikā (4) Mekhatāyikā Three kulas : (a) Bhadrayaska (b) Bhadraguptika
(c) Yaśobhadra * VESAVATIKA GANA (?) .. Kamarddhi Four sākhās : (1) Srāvastikā
.. (City-name) (2) Rājyapālikā (3) Antarañjikā (4) Kşemaliptikā

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363
Name
Originator
Disciple of
Four kulas :
(a) Ganika *(b) Maighika (?) (c) Kāmarddhika (d) Indrapūraka
..
Srigupta
CARANA GANA
Four sākhās: * (1) Hāritamālākārī (2) Sankāśikā (3) Gavedhukā * (4) Vajranāgarī Seven kulas:
(a) Vātsalīya * (b) Prātidharmika * (c) Hāridraka *(d) Puşyamitrika
(e) Mālyaka * (f) Aryacetaka * (g) Krsnasakha
MANAVA GANA
..
Rşigupta
Kākandaka
Four śakhās: (1) Kāśyapīyā (2) Gautamīyā (3) Vāśişthīyā (4) Saurāştrikā
..
(Regional)
Three kulas: (a) Rşiguptika (b) Rșidattika (c) Abhiyaśasa

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364
S. B. DEO
Name
Originator
Disciple of
*KAUTIKA GANA
Susthita and
Supratibuddha
.. Arya Säntisenika) .. Vidyādharagopala
Susthita and
Supratibuddha
..
Piyagantha
Four sākhās : *(1) Uccanāgarī
(2) Vidyādhari *(3) Vajri * (4) Madhyamikā
or Madhyamā (?) Four kulas: (a) Brahmaliptaka (b) Vātsalīya (c) Vāniya *(d) Praśnavāhanaka Aryasenikä śākhā Aryatāpasi » Āryakuberā Aryaşşipālitā Brahmadvīpikā ,
Arya Senika disciple of Arya śāntisenika . Tāpasa
Kubera Rşipālita Samita
Arya Simhagiri
Jātismara Vajra Vajrasena
Padma » Ratha
Aryavajrā Aryanāgilā Āryapadma Aryajayanti
Sākhās after regional names indicate the existence of the Jainas in Bengāl, parts of U.P., Central Gujarät and Saurastra.
[* See, Part IV for details.]

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CHAPTER 3
THE POST-CANONICAL TEXTS
Introduction
Upto now we have viewed a picture of the Svetämbara Jaina monachism as revealed in the earlier and the later portions of its Canon, as well as that of the Digambara monachism in its early phases.
The present chapter deals with the post-canonical literature of the vetāmbaras, consisting mainly of the Bhāşyas, Tīkas, Cūrnis and other independent works of Jaina scholars. Along with these are also included Digambara works of the early and the medieval periods.
On the whole, therefore, this chapter may be said to pertain to the study of Jaina monachism during the period from the Council of Valabhī to the end of the seventeenth century A.D.
THE CHURCH:
The spread of Jaina monachism over a very wide region of the north, central, western and southern India is evidenced by constant references to these parts in the post-canonical literature. It may, however, be noted that even the Bhāşyas did not like to go astray from the traditional list of the twenty-five and a half Aryan countriesinspite of this spread.
For instance, countries like Mālava, Mahārāştra, Lāța, Karņāța, Dravida, Gauda and Vidarbha are mentioned.2 Besides a mere mention of these, the post-canonical texts refer to the peculiar habits of the people and the state of Jaina monachism there. It was said that in the Damila (Dravida) country, Jaina monks could hardly get any shelter and hence they had to live under the trees.3 Tosali was a great centre of the Jainas and the Vyavahārabhāsya4 refers to the tradition of a certain king Tosalika who guarded an image of the Jaina. The same country was sometimes hit with torrential rains which damaged the crops, and hence the monks had to eat
1. Bịh, kalp. bha., Vol. III, p. 913. 2. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 382. 3. Ibid. vrtti, II, v. 1231. 4. 6, 115ff.

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palm-fruits to maintain themselves, 5 Dakkhiņāvaha (Dakşiņāpatha) was a region where the Jaina monks were warmly welcomed and were offered sumptuous alms. Another account gives the story of Arya Kālaka who went to Suvannabhūmi (Burma) to see his disciples there.?
The traditional account of the spread of Jaina monachism to different parts of India, however, attributes this spread to the religious zeal of king Sampaï (Samprati), the grandson of Asoka, who, having conquered Ujjain and the Deccan, opened up new venues for the Jaina monks in Mahārāştra, Saurāştra, Andhra and Kudukka (Coorg).8 This spread may be said to have led to "a definite feeling in the Jaina Church in the early centuries of the Christian era to know thoroughly the parts of the countries which were under the sphere of the Jain influence. This growth of geographical knowledge may be further seen in the Cūrņis and even the sīkās where an effort to record truly and scientifically the ethnological and geographical facts is observed”.9
Against this wider background an attempt to study the Jaina Church may now be undertaken.
Persons Eligible for Church-life:
In all, forty-eight persons (eighteen among men, twenty among females and ten among the eunuchs) were debarred entry to monastic life.10 The list did not differ from that found in the Canonical texts. Not only that but even later texts like the Ācāradinakara attributed to Vardhamānasūri (c. 11th cent. A.D.) 11 give but the same list.12
Inspite of these rules, the post-canonical texts reveal a number of cases in which exceptions rather than the rule itself, were followed. In this connection a very interesting episode of a child is to be found in the Avaśyakacūrni.13 There it is told that a child of six months was taken by the fathermonk for ordination. The mother complained to the king about this. The king was baffled and asked the mother to see whether the child would go to her. The mother called out the child but it refused to go. The father
5. Bph. kalp. bha., Vol. II, 1060f. 6. Nis-C. 15, p. 996. 7. Avaśyaka-C. II, p. 25. 8. Bệh. kalp. bha. vr. Vol. III, 3276f. 9. JAIN, J. C., Life in Ancient India, p. 246. 10. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. IV, 4365-66. 11. See WINTERNITZ, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 587, fn, 6. 12. See GLASENAPP, Der Jainismus, Guj. transl. pp. 344-5. 13. p. 391f.

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367 monk asked the child to hold the 'rajoharana', and it did. Hence the matter was decided in favour of the father.
The Niśīthacūrnil4 gives permission to the following six types of children who could be ordained:
(1) a child all the members of whose family wanted to join the order; (2) a child all the relatives except the father-monk of whom were
dead, (3) an orphan with right faith; (4) an orphaned issue of the sejjāyara;
(5) the issue of a raped nun; and (6) a child where there were chances of benefiting the kula, gana or
the sangha through state officers. The same considerations were shown towards a eunuch who was normally not allowed entry. But if he were dear to the king, or able to look after the welfare of the 'gaccha' in cases of royal disfavour, or an able physician who could look after the ill, then he was initiated. But, even then, by hook or crook he was to be driven out of the 'gaccha’.15
It seems, therefore, likely that the Church tried to please the ruling power, and avoided, as far as possible, enmity with the king. On the contrary, it did not lose any opportunity of getting benefit out of it for the spread of the Order.
Initiation and Confirmation:
When a person wishing to renounce the world came to the monks, only the 'gītārtha' (well-versed) among them was allowed to give him ordination.16 Before that, however, the candidate had to seek permission of his dependents for renunciation.
The candidate was asked various questions regarding his whereabouts and the motive of his renunciation. If he replied properly to these questions then only he was initiated (pavvāvana).
Then he did the 'loya' (uprooting the hair in five handfuls), and was given the 'Sāmāïka Sūtra' on his request.
After the "Sämāïka', he was given instructions regarding the lessons (grahaņaśikṣā) their practice (āsevanaśikṣā). This was called 'sikkhāvana'.
14. 11, pp. 717ff. 15. Byh. kalp. bha., Vol. V, 5172-89. 16. ibid., 5140.

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vagyha. Thathāvanā)), the novice
368
S. B. DEO If during the period of probation, the novice mastered the Sūtras, then only he was confirmed (uvatthāvanā) on an auspicious place either under a tree or in a caityagsha. This ‘upasthāpanā' was done on all days except the fourth and the eighth days of a fortnight, and an auspicious constellation was taken into account. If the candidate did not know the nakşatra of his birth, then that of the ācārya was taken into consideration on this occasion. Then, taking hold of the 'colapattaka' by the elbows and of the 'mukhapotikā' by the left hand fingers, as well as of the 'rajoharana', the candidate was made to repeat the five great vows, each one thrice.
If more than one candidate came for confirmation then the one who was the oldest in the group was confirmed first. If they were ksatriya princes then the one who was closer to the ācārya [in relation (?) āsannatara ācāryasya] was made the senior (ratnādhika). Then they perambulated round the ācārya who told them that he was their ācārya and somebody else was their upādhyāya. Till confirmed, nobody was allowed to go on the begging tour along with the other monks.17
The requisites offered were, first the clothes, and then the pots.18 These were acquired from any house. But articles like the broom were not easily available. In a few cases an intelligent candidate prepared them of his own accord. There were some who preferred to buy these requisites in a shop (kuttiāvana).
If possible, requisites for all the members of the 'śramanasangha' were bought by the candidate. But if he could not afford to do so, then at least seven sets-three for one's own use and four for the acārya and other respectable monks--were to be brought.
The cost of an ordinary man's requisites amounted to five rupees; that of a merchant who wanted to renounce, came to a thousand rupees, and that of a king to a lakh of rupees. These were the minimum prices which varied according to the coin-values in different regions and according to the nature of the demands of the persons having different status in society. Such shops, it was said, were many in Ujjeni and Rāyagiha.19
Church Hierarchy:
Having once entered the order and got confirmed as a monk, the candidate rose to different posts in the Church hierarchy more on account of his conduct and learning than on account of his age.
17. Ibid., Vol. I, 414, (p. 120); IV, 4357. 18. Ogha-N. vr. p. 108a. 19. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. IV, 4212-19.

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369 The Brhatkalpabhāşya refers at different places to different lists of officers all of whom, however, cannot clearly be explained. The lists as given are the following: (a) (1) ācārya, (2) upādhyāya, (3) bhikṣu, (4) sthavira, (5)
kşullaka 20 (b) (1) ācārya, (2) abhiseka, (3) bhikṣu, (4) kşullaka, (5) sthavira.21 (c) References to the (1) ācārya, (2) phaddagapaï spardhakapati),
(3) ganin.22 (d) Reference to the vụşabha.23
The Acārya:
The ācārya or the gañadhara was one whose duties and qualifications were the same as those given in the Chedasūtras. Along with academic and moral qualifications, he had to equip himself with administrative ability as he was the head of the gaccha.24
He was to be a person knowing regional etiquettes, and hence a person who had studied the canon was made to tour throughout various countries (dvādaśa varşāņi deśadarśanam kārayitavyah) for twelve years.25
The ācārya always occupied a position of respect in the gaccha. In cases of attacks by the robbers, an ordinary monk posed as an ācārya to save the real one.26 In cases of floods, fires, epidemics and famine he was to be saved at all costs, even at the sacrifice of other monks.27
It seems that he was equated with the gain or the ganapati or the sūri. But the gaṇin was also taken to be an upādhyāya sometimes.28
Inspite of the high standard of qualifications expected of an ācārya, there seems to have been a degradation of the ācāryahood in this period as is clear from the following verses:
"Without undergoing a proper kind of discipleship, some fools wander as wild elephants, posing as an ācārya, being in a hurry to be so.
20. Vol. II, 1447; III, 2407. 21. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4336. 22. Ibid., Vol. III, 2132-36. 23. Ibid., 2405, 2411.
24. Ibid., Vol. I, 708-09; an ācārya who could not take proper care of the gaccha was not to be obeyed; Ibid., Vol. II, vs. 936-38.
25. Ibid., Vol. II, (pp.) 379-80. 26. Ibid., Vol. III, 3005ff. 27. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4333-46.
28. Ibid. Vol. V, comm, on 5831, p. 1538. BULL. DCRI.-47

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"The ācāryatva of such persons is useless as that of a kundikä in the case of a parivrājaka. Just as the kundikä even though worshipped and saluted by the parivrājaka fails to answer to his questions, so also the false. ācāryas are of no avail.
370
"The pupils also hurry up (towards the ācārya), the ācāryas are also pleased quickly. Therefore, the world is virtually filled with such halfinstructed goblins!"20
Various prayaścittas were given to those who selected an unfit ācārya as well as to those who accepted such a post.
If he, who had not studied or had studied but forgotten the Chedasutras, was appointed the head of the gaccha, then
(a) he who appointed him had to undergo 'catvāro bhārikä mäsäḥ'; (b) he who accepted such a post had to face 'catvāro māsā gurukāḥ'; (c) if the post was given to an 'abahuśruta' and 'agitärtha,' then he who had appointed such a person had to face 'catvāro guravaḥ; (d) do....but a gītärtha......then 'caturguravaḥ';
(e) .... do.... 'bahuśruta' but 'agītārtha'....then 'caturguravaḥ';
(f) one who was 'abahuśruta' and 'agitartha' and accepted the post, then 'caturgurukāḥ');
(g)
(h)
....
....do....'abahuśruta' but 'gitärtha'....'caturgurukäḥ';
do....bahuśruta' and 'agitärtha'....'caturgurukāḥ'.
The Upadhyaya:
The duties of the upadhyāya consisting chiefly of giving instructions to young monks (sūtrapradātā) in the lessons of the sacred texts, seemed to have remained unchanged.
The Abhiseka:
He is explained as being one who knew both the meaning and the reading of the sutras, and was deemed fit for the post of an ācārya (ācāryapadasthapanärhaḥ).31 Sometimes, he was equated with the upadhyaya,32

29. Ibid. Vol. I, 373-75. 30. Ibid. Vol. I, 703-04. 31. Ibid. Vol. IV, 4336. 32. Ibid, III, 2405, 2411.

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371
The Vrşabha:
He remained junior both to the ācārya as well as to the upādhyāya as he had to get up out of respect to both these higher officers.33 We have already seen that the Oghaniryukti commentary explains him as being 'vaiyavrtyakaranasamarthah'.
The Pravartin :
He was junior to the ācārya but looked after the requirements of the members of a gaccha.34
It is difficult to make out the distinction between a bhikṣu (khuddaga) and a sthavira (thera). Whether the sthavira meant simply an old monk or whether he had an independent status in the Church hierarchy cannot be said.
The kşullaka was a young novice having a less standing as a monk than the sthavira who was advanced in age and who, therefore, occupied a position of respect in the hierarchy. Possibly a bhikṣu and a kşullaka were identical.
Church Units :
The monks were divided into the following units which, it may be noted, were not exclusive but were inter-connected with one another.
(a) The Gana :
The gana, as we have already noted, was a unit made up of many kulas (parasparasāpekşānekakulasamudayah).35
The exact strength of a gana was five. (ekaikasmin gana pañca pañca puruşā bhavanti).36 It may be noted that an earlier text, Mülācāra, belonging to the Digambaras, describes in its commentary the gana to be a group of three people.37 The maximum number of the members of a gaña was a thousand.38
That the monks were constantly in the habit of changing the gana is perhaps evident from remarks against it.39 This we have already marked in the canonical texts also.
33. Ibid. IV, 4459-68. 34. Ibid. I, 615. 35. Ibid, vr. on 2780, Vol. III. 36. Ibid. Vol. II, p. 430. 37. Mül. 10, 92.
38. Utkarşataḥ puruşapramāņam sahasraprthaktvam-Brh. kalp. bha. vr on 1443, Vol. II.
39. Niśithacūrni (Mss.) 8, refers to 'paragaộiccaya' or Øya-a monk or nun who keeps contact with members of another gana-Päiyasaddamahannavo, p. 671.

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The rules of changing the gana, the procedure of going to another gana and other details concerning it need not be repeated as they were more or less the same as those found in the canonical texts as well.
372
Inspite of these rules, it should not be ignored that the place of the gana was gradually being taken over by the gaccha. The commentators40 frequently equate the gana with the gaccha, and the tendency to equate the ācārya with the ganadhara and calling him the head of the gaccha also corroborates the dwindling importance of the gana.
(b) The Kula:
The kula was explained in the old traditional fashion, as being the unit which formed the gana (gaṇaḥ kulasamudayah)."
No other details regarding it can be had, and the commentators simply refer to the 'Nagendra' and the 'Candrakulas' as illustrations of it.42
(c) The Gaccha:
The gaccha, however, is seen to have become very prominent in the post-canonical literature so as to take the place of the gana.
It consisted of at least three monks (tigamäïyā gacchä). That consisting of four or five monks was considered to be of a normal size, and it was defined as the 'guruparivära' i.e. the following of a particular ācārya."4
The qualifications and the defects of a good and a bad gaccha have already been studied when dealing with the Prakirṇakas. In addition to those, the Bṛhatkalpabhäṣya gives the following:
(1) by living in a gaccha, the monk gets acquainted with unique knowledge;
(2) he gets stabilised in faith and conduct;
(3) due to the constant control of the acarya, the monk has a chaste life;
40. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. V, comm. on 5615, p. 1486; Ibid., p. 1513. Also JACOBI'S remark: "Modern gaccha appears to be equivalent to ancient gana"-SBE., XXII, p. 288,
f.n. 2.
41. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. I, 492-93;
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid. Vol. II, 1630; The gaccha has been referred to in the Pinda-N. bhā. 40; Samaräiccakahā 148; "Gacchavasa" Dharmasangraha 3.
44. Pañcavastuka as quoted in Päïyasadda., p. 358. 45. Vol. V, 5713-20.

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373 (4) there he acquires a liking for service and study; (5) he does not come in contact with women; (6) on the advice of the ācārya he controls his passions; (7) it was the order of the Tirthankaras that a gurukula should not
be left; (8) the newly-ordained gets a liking for religious life in a good com
pany; and (9) if he lives alone then bad thoughts crowd in his mind. Thus corporate life was more or less compulsory for the monks.
The ācārya looked to the upkeep of the morale of the members of the gaccha. If, inspite of repeated warnings, the disciples indulged in bad ways, then they were driven out of the gaccha. If, however, the monk or monks begged pardon for the offence, then they were expressly told that they were driven out with a view to avoid further moral decay, and then were readmitted to the gaccha after they had underwent the punishment of 'mäsalaghu.'
If the dissenters were in a majority, and they refused to fall out, then the minority kept them awake till late at night under some pretext, and when the dissenters slept, the minority left the place before the former awoke. 46
In cases of quarrels, the ācārya and the upādhyāya had to do their best to pacify the members involved in quarrelling. They were neither allowed to leave the gaccha in disgust without pacifying the quarrels, nor remain in it with a prejudiced mind.47
Normally the 'pārsvasthas' were not to be saluted. But in order to save the interests of the gaccha, one was allowed to do so to create goodwill in their mind.48
Monks were allowed to leave the gaccha if they thought that it did not follow a proper mode of life. That gaccha in which the members did not remind (sāraņā) their co-monks about their proper duties or lapses in them, where transgressions were not disliked (vāraņā) and where the recurrence of faults was not tried to be prevented by scolding the transgressors, was to be given up.49
46. Ibid Vol. II, 1272-73. 47. Ibid., Vol. V, 5750-83. 48. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4542. 49. Ibid. Vol. IV, 4464.

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Besides such reasons, a monk could leave the gaccha if he was wellversed and qualified enough to accept the 'Jinakalpika' mode of life, the procedure of which was as follows:
Before entering this mode of life, one had to study the 'Jinakalpācāra' and compare it with the normal mode of monk life. The monk had to practise the 'utkuțukāsana,' and sit or lie on bare slabs of stone, as he was required to do as a 'Jinakalpika' monk. Then, on an auspicious place, time, day, nakşatra and mental mood, on gathering the sangha or at least one's relatives, the monk accepted Jinakalpatva' at the hands of either a Tirthankara, or a ganadhara, or a 'caturdaśapūrvadhara' or a 'daśapūrvadhara.' If neither of these was available, the monk could do so under a banyan or an Asoka tree.
If the candidate accepting Jinakalpatva was an acārya, then he installed somebody else in his place to look after the gaccha. The newly appointed ācārya was asked to respect the opinion of those who deserved it. Then the previous ācārya left the place and went to a lonely place with his bowl and other requisites, if any, as it was left to him whether to remain naked or otherwise. The rest of the monks accompanied him to some distance to bid him. a farewell, and they returned when he could not be seen.50
The Growth of the Gacchas :
Inspite of frequent reference to the gaccha, the commentarial literature does not seem to refer to various gacchas with their names. The non-exegetical and the postcanonical literature, however, refers to such gacchas here and there. But the Praśastis refer to numerous gacchas.51 BÜHLER52 mentions the tradition which says that the eighty-four gacchas originated with the disciples of Uddyotanasūri in about the 10th cent. A.D.
In this connection, it may be noted that even though the gaccha as a unit appears to go back to the period of the Niryuktis, it is not to be found with any designation, either regional or personal, or with any peculiarity of monastic practice, till possibly the 9th or the 10th century A.D. on the evidence of epigraphical sources available at present.
Other Units :
Other minor units like the 'phaddaga,'53 'sambhoga'54 and the 'man. dalī55 even though referred to in the commentarial literature, seem to have
50. Ibid. Vol. II, 1363-77. 51. See the end of this chapter. 52. The Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 77. 53. Ogha-N. bhā. 111; Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. III, 2132-36. 54. Ogha-N. vr. p. 16a; Brh, kalp. bhā. Vol. II, p. 475; Vol. III, v. 3282. 55. Ibid., Vol. V, 5542.

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375
fallen to the background as the references to them are scanty as well as their explanations add no new information. And we get the references only to the Gaccha, śākha and the Kula in abundance in later literature,
Monastic Jurisprudence:
Texts like the Brhatkalpabhāsya, the Jitakalpabhāsya, the Mahāniśītha, the Cūrņis, and the Vimsativimśikā56 describe the same ten types of punishments which formed the basis of monastic jurisprudence in the canonical texts.
Inspite of that, however, these texts seem to bring to prominence an elaborate system of expiatory fasts like the 'caturlaghu,' 'caturguru,' 'māsalaghu,' 'māsaguru,' (which were distinguished further as 'kālalaghu' or ''guru,' and 'tapolaghu' or 'guru'), and the 'pañcarāïndiya' which the transgressor had to undergo for purification.
The Cūrņi to the Byhatkalpabhāşya (V, 359), according the SCHÜERING,57 explains 'vavahāra' (the procedure of treating the transgressor), as expiatory fasts of varied durations which were divided into nine categories like the following: Name of the punishment
Duration Nature of the fast Guruö
1 month
Atthameņa Gurugatarão
4 months Dasameņa Ahāguruö
6 months Duvālasameņa Lahuo
30 days
Chatthena Lahutarão
25 days
Caütthena Ahā-lahuo
20 days
Āyambilena Lahusao
15 days
Egaţthaņeņa Lahusatarão
10 days
Purimaddhena Ahālahusao
5 days
Nivvīëņa
These punishments increased with the degree of severity of the fault as will be clear from the following example: 58
As against the normal rule of not accepting a raw fruit, if a monk accepted it
in a settlement (niveśana), then he had to face 'catvāro laghavah'; in a pāțaka, then 'catvāro guravah'; in a row of houses,. . şadlaghavah';
56. 16, 12ff. 57. See I.A. Vol. 39, p. 207, fn. 45. 58. Brh, kalp. bha., Vol. I, 786.

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in a village,. . sadguravah; at the gates of a village,.. 'Cheda'; outside the village,. . 'Müla'; at the boundary of the village,. . 'Pārāñcika.'
Not only that, but the punishment increased with the post occupied by the person in the church hierarchy, as for instance :
Normally, monks were not to stay in a place full of seeds. But if they stayed there, then the following prāyaścittas were prescribed : 59 Designation Prāyaścitta
Nature Acārya 'Laghuko māsa' "Tapasā kālena ca
gurukah Upādhyāya
"Tapasā gurukah' Vrsabha
"Kālena gurukah Bhikṣu
'Tapasā kālena ca
laghukah.' With all this, however, details about the 'parihāra,' 'anavasthāpya' and the 'pārāñcika' are also to be found in the Byhatkalpabhāşya.
(a) Parihāra :
The 'parihāra,' as we have already seen, prescribed isolation of the monk who was given that punishment.
Other monks were not allowed to have a talk or a reading with, inquiries about the health of, salutation or rising up in respect to, scanning the requisite of, having company or an exchange of food and drink with the punished.60
It will be seen from this that the details are the same as those found in the Chedasūtras. (b) Cheda :
'Cheda' or 'cutting the paryāya of a monk' was prescribed for the following types of offenders : 61
(1) who was proud of his penance, (2) who was unable to carry out penances, (3) who had no faith in penance,
59. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3304. 60. Ibid. Vol. V, 5596-98; 6033-34; Jit. bha: 2110-56, (p. 180ff). 61. Ibid. 2280-87; Vin. 16, 13.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM (4) who could not control himself even with penance, (5) who indulged in sexual intercourse (pasangi), and (6) who frequently broke the 'uttaraguņas.'
(c) Müla :
This involved the complete wiping out of the paryāya of the monk, and he had to begin anew his career as a monk.
This was given in the following cases : 62 (1) breaking any one of the five great vows (pañca-mahā-vratas), (2) constantly breaking the 'mūla' and the ‘uttara-gunas, (3) accepting householdership or heretical faith out of pride, (4) causing impregnation or abortion (gabbhādāņe sādane vā).
(d) Anavasthāpya :
This was prescribed for the following transgressions : 63 (i) stealing the requisites of co-monks, (ii) slapping somebody with the hand, (iii) stealing the requisites of the monks of other faiths.
One who was punished with this sentence had to undergo various fasts upto the fourth or the sixth meal. At the breaking of the fast, he took ‘nirlepaka' food and drink. He remained in the gana practising this mode of life upto the maximum period of twelve years.
The monk so punished had to bow down to all. He lived in the company of other monks, but did so in one corner of the monastery, i.e. separated from the rest of the monks.
Neither he nor other monks spoke with one another. They did not discuss matters pertaining to the Sūtra. Nobody got up in respect to him. He was not allowed to scan the requisites of, or keep any contact with other monks.64 (c) Pārāñcika:
This has been explained in three ways in the Byhatkalpabhāşya.65 (a) pāram-tīram gacchati yena prāyaścittenāsevitena tat pārāñcikam:
the carrying out of which leads one to nirvāna;
62. Jāt, bha. 2288-2300; Vim. 16, 14. 63. Jit. bhā. 2301-2462; Vim. 16, 15. 64. Bļh. kalp. bhā., Vol. V, 5135-37.
65. Ibid. 4971. (comm.). BULL. DCRI.-48

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(b) śodheḥ pāram paryantamañcati yat tat pārāñcikam, apaścimam
prāyaścittam: The highest prāyaścitta; (c) yena tapasā pāram prāpitena añcyate: śrīśramanasanghena
pujyate tat pārāñcikam pārāñcitam vā abhidhiyate: the carrying
out of which evokes respect from the monks.
This prāyaścitta was divided into 'āśātanā' and 'pratisevanā', the latter being further sub-divided into 'duşta', 'pramatta' and 'anyonyakāraka.66
The 'āśātanā pārāñcika' was involved when a monk condemned the Tirthařkaras, or the Sangha or the Canon, or the ācārya, or the gañadhara or the 'mahardhika'.
The 'pratisevanā pārāñciya' had three subdivisions: 67 (a) Duşta: It was either 'kaşāyaduşta' or 'vişayaduşta'.
In the former case, the monk committed a deadly injury to his superior.
In the latter, he raped the nuns of his own or other sects, or the lady who had given him a lodging (sejjāyarī).
The 'pārāñcika' was also prescribed if the monk was involved in killing the king (rāyavahago), or enjoyed the queen (rāyaggamahisipadisevaö). (b) Pramattapārāñcika:
(1) Carelessness regarding passions, (2) Carelessness regarding improper talk (vikahā), (3) Carelessness pertaining to the sense-organs, (4) Carelessness in sleep.
(c) Anyonyapārāñcika: For homo-sexuality.
Other Division:
That by which the monk was expelled out of the kula was 'kulapārāñcika', that which called for his driving out of the gaña was 'ganapārāñcika', while that in which he was asked to go out of the Sangha was 'Sanghapārāñcika'.68
66. Ibid. 4971-84; Jit. bha. 2463ff. 67. Ibid. 2477ff.: This is to be found in Thăn, also: See Chapt. 1. 68. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. V, 5012.

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The Period:
One who was accused of 'äsätanā pārāñcika', had to fall out of the gaccha for a minimum period of six months and a maximum period of twelve months.
He who had to face the 'pratisevana päräñcika' had to fall out for a minimum period of one year and a maximum period of twelve years.
379
The Judge in the Case:
It was only the acarya who could pronounce the punishment of 'pārāñcika' against a monk.
Life under Punishment:
The defaulter had to lead a secluded life for twelve years. His mode. of life resembled somewhat to the rigour of the Jinakalpika life. If the ācārya had to supervise him, then he had to do so everyday. If, however, the monk fell ill, then the acarya had to wait upon him till the latter recovered. In the absence of the äcärya, either an upadhyāya or a gitärtha had to wait upon him.
Commuting the Punishment:
Under certain cases the punishment of the monk punished with pārāñcika, was commuted.
If such a monk was successful in pleasing the king who on account of that stopped giving trouble to the monks, then at the request of the king, the Sangha had the powers to commute the punishment of the monk. There was a set of rules regarding the proportionate lessening of the punishment. The Sangha could even go to length of setting the defaulter free from the blot by cancelling the rest of the duration of the punishment, if it was so pleased to do.
The Last Two Punishments:
The Jitakalpa and its Bhāṣya70 seem to refer to the fact that the last two punishments, viz. 'anavaṭṭhappä' and the 'parañiciya' went out of use after Bhadrabähu, the 'caturdaśapürvadhärin.'
It may, however, be noted that the Chedasûtras like the Kalpa, Vyava hāra and the Nisitha deal with these severe types of punishments in a summary way. They rather prefer to deal more with the 'parihära' and its
69. Ibid. 5032-57; Jit. bhā. 2578ff.
70. Jit. 102; bha. 2586-87.

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divisions. The Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya deals, in details, with various transgressions, the punishments for which varied from the 'caturlaghu' to the 'pārāñcika'. But, there too, the minor punishments for minor faults predominate. The view advocated by the Jitakalpa possily suggests the scarce use of severe types of punishments in a somewhat later phase of the Jaina Church.
Monks and Nuns:
Normally nobody was allowed to visit the nunnery without any reason. The reasons given for this prohibition were the following: 71
(1) the arrival of the monk was likely to disturb the peace and the ease of the mind of nuns if they were sitting without putting on all their clothes;
(2) an ill nun found it awkward to ease nature in the presence of the
monk;
(3) the monk's arrival was likely to delay the breaking of the fast by the nuns;
(4) that was likely to delay her in her begging round;
(5) same as above regarding study;
(6) the monk's presence was likely to lead to a discussion between the nun and the monk regarding their previous private life, and was likely to make the nun go astray.
But the acarya was allowed to go to the residence of the nuns,72
(1) to give proper requisites to them, or help them in getting a proper
residence,
(2) to stabilise the nuns if they were unable to put up with the 'parişahas',
(3) to confirm (upasthāpanā) a nun on probation,
(4) to give religious lectures,
(5) to pacify quarrels among them,
(6) to arrange matters of the nuns if their pravartini was dead. In this case the ganadhara gave them reading,
(7) if a nun was possessed by a supernatural being, then the ācārya went to quell that trouble by means of spells,
(8) if the residence of the nuns was burnt,
71. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. IV, 3693-3717.
72. Ibid. 3722-3801.

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381 (9) if it was damaged due to floods,
(10) if they complained of any trouble from the bad elements in the society while going to ease nature,
(11) if their son or any other close relative was dead, then to pacify them; in these cases, the gañadhara accompanied them to their relatives,
(12) if a nun was to begin fast unto death, (13) if she was to undertake any other long-term fast,
(14) if a nun was dead, then the sūri went to the nunnery to pacify other nuns for two or three days,
(15) if new monks came, they went to the pravartini to inquire about the devoted and adverse families in the town,
(16) if monks did not know that particular regional language then they went to the pravartini through whom they managed to get a residence,
(17) if a nun was bitten by a snake or was down with high fever or cholera or bile or asthma, or if they were troubled by the Mleñchas or by the Mālavas or by wild animals, then the gañadhara went to the nunnery,
(18) the king, or a prince, or a minister, or his son, a merchant or his son, a priest or his son-all these could go to the nunnery if they had become monks. This, it was said, was sufficient to impress the nuns that even such big personalities had joined the order,
(19) if relatives or the guards of a king came to the monastery to take back the prince who had renounced the world and who did not wish to rejoin householdership, then that monk-prince was hidden in a nunnery, where he pretended to be a sick nun and the rest of the nuns waited upon him. This was done, it is said, to avoid condemnation by the people who were likely to accuse Jaina monks of frequently taking to worldly life again,
(20) if a nun was seriously ill then the ācārya could go to the nunnery to inquire about her, and in dangerous cases to call a physician. If the ācārya knew something of diagnosis, then he was to examine her without looking to her face, breasts, thighs or private parts.
From the above items it seems that ties based on mutual help and duty between the monks and the nuns became more close those in the previous phases. This was possibly owing to the widening of the activities of the Church to win over royal and popular support as also to increase the spirit of unity between its two wings. For instance, one of the above rules allowed the monks to approach the pravartinī in case they did not know the regional language. Thus the monks approached the safer quarters for information rather than face the strangers there.

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S. B. DEO Two other items require consideration. The first is that the Church allowed persons like the kings and persons of high social status who had turned monks, to enter the nunnery. Even if the purpose behind it was to impress the importance of ascetic life on nuns through the examples of such persons, it may be said that this concession might have possibly led to a distinction between the privileges of the monks based on their previous social position. Of course, no evidence is available to force this conclusion. But it seems likely that the Church still favoured the higher classes to win over their support.
Secondly, the hiding of the reluctant prince-monk in the nunnery tends to reveal that the Church tried its best to avoid condemnation by the society if monks retook to householdership again. For this purpose it went to the extent of making the prince pretend that he was not only ill, but was even a nun!
Monks and Society:
The Bhāşyas reveal frequently the hostile feelings of the society towards some classes of the ascetics. It may be noted that they were not necessarily against the Jaina monks, but sects like the Caraka, Raktapata, Tāpasa, Pandaranga, Cakradhara and the Bodiya were not favourably looked at. As a matter of fact, various superstitious ideas were associated with the sight of these. For instance, the first three were said to forecast some evil, while the sight of the Pandaranga indicated starvation, that of a Cakradhara long touring, and that of the Bodiya the calamity of death.73
The Brhatkalpabhāşya refers to the story of the messenger of a king who postponed his visit to the court as he happened to see the Sramaņa on his way. The messenger, however, saw the king only when his minister explained to him that the Sramaņas were not unwelcome in that kingdom.
Inspite of that, however, we come across incidents in which the lower servants and the cowherds ridiculed the Jaina monks who were sometimes driven out by the householders on receiving the report by their servants.74
Festivals:
Normally monks were not allowed to attend festivals for the following reasons: 75
(1) expecting a great rush of monks, the people were likely to prepare food specially for the monks which was unfit for the Jaina monks;
73. Ogha-N. bhā. 82ff.; Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. II, 1451, 1548; III 2291, 2637. 74. Ibid. 2634. 75. Ibid. Vol. II, 1784-1815.

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383 (2) a novice, seeing the people paying respect to lax heretics, was likely to go astray;
(3) monks were likely to go astray by seeing women and actresses; (4) in the crowd, they were likely to have bodily contact with women;
(5) Some people coming in contact with monks, and hence taking bath after it, were apt to spread the belief that the monks were impure;
(6) a novice seeing the disciples of heretics wearing garments and ornaments, was likely to go astray;
and (7) there was every likelihood of quarrels between monks of different faiths.
Inspite of these drawbacks, they were allowed to attend festivals under the following circumstances:
(1) to worship the Caitya, (2) to instruct royal patrons and devoted laymen, (3) to debate with opponents attending the festivals, (4) to increase people's faith in religion through penance, (5) to ask the meaning of some sūtras which was doubtful, or which
was forgotten, (6) to find out proper disciples who would look to the gaccha, (7) for the spread of the fourfold sangha, (8) for the work of the kula, gana and the sangha, (9) for the spread and the prosperity of the religion,
(10) for knowing the welfare of other ācāryas, and (11) for the avoidance of the ridicule of religion.
The monks had to take great precautions, however, in seeking proper residence at such festivals, the places of giving religious lectures, and the proper places of begging food. They had to prevent their disciples from going to dramas, etc., and to avoid the company of women.
The post-canonical literature reveals a number of festivals of popular nature which were current in the society. The details and the names of these festivals will be studied later on when dealing with the social impacts on and by Jainism. It may, for the present, be noted that one of the important festivals was the Pajjosana. In this connection the Niśīthacūrni76 refers to the story of Ajja Kālaga who at the request of king Sālivāhana of
76. 10, p. 632ff.

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S. B. DEO
Païtthāņa changed the date of this festival from the fourth to the fifth day of Bhādrapada.
Relations with Heretics:
The Jaina monks were always asked to keep away from heretical monks, but cases of kidnapping the disciples of rival sects and their ācāryas seem to have been rampant as the BỊhatkalpabhāsya gives numerous details about the procedure to be adopted to recover these persons.
If a monk kidnapped a novice without either taking the latter's opinion or that of his Buddhist relatives, then he had to undergo 'caturguru'. But only if the disciple had come of age or had expressly consented to accompany the Jaina monk, then alone, the latter could take away the disciple without consulting his Buddhist relatives. The text, however, expressly states that this act was to be done only after taking into consideration the local Buddhist influence as well the religious tendencies of the ruling king.77
It seems, therefore, that the Jainas and the Buddhists were at loggerheads. This is also corroborated by the reference in the Vyavahārabhāsya78 which mentions the quarrel between these two sects over the Stūpa at Mathurā which ended in a victory for the Jainas.
Jaina monks were allowed to go only to holy places of pilgrimage, as at other places there was a likelihood of the heretics poisoning or killing them.79
We have already noted that in cases of attacks by thieves, the ācārya was saved by allowing an ordinary monk to pose as an ācārya. In case, the ācārya was kidnapped by a rival king, then those monks who were wellversed in the art of fighting and of magic and spells, used all their might to release the ācārya. If nobody knew fighting or spells, then the rest of the monks remained silent for a while and then raised up a cry for help. They remained silent to avoid direct struggle which was likely to result in the destruction of many lives. Then they requested the king to bring back their ācārya. If, on the message of the king, the rival king did not release the ācārya, then his disciples went to their guru with the permission of the king from whose region the ācārya was kidnapped.80
Thus these texts reveal a keen rivalry not only between different sects, but also between different royal patrons of Jainism.
77. Bịh. kalp. bha., Vol. V, 5095. 78. 5, 27f. 79. Byh. kalp. bha., Vol. III, 3139ff. 80. Ibid., Vol. III, 2789-91.

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Monks and Political Affairs:
Political tension sometimes affected the normal life of monks and nuns who were compelled to lead an irregular life.
In cases of war and the state of siege, monks and nuns had to stay in secret places. If such places were not available, then they stayed with the members of other sects like the Bodiyas or the Bhiksukas. In choosing such a company, they had to give preference to the 'asaucavädins' over the 'saucavādins' (who were particular about bodily purity). While staying with the latter in cases of emergencies, the monks were allowed to adopt some of their practices, but they had to take food away at a distance from them. No quarrels or study was done while actual war was on.81
385
If thieves or a general of the army attacked a group of monks, then such monks who were well-versed in the sacred lore tried to pacify the general. If he was not pacified then those who were masters of spells, tried to repel him by these means. If he was still not pacified, then those who could use the weapons of war resorted to the bow and arrow to defeat the general.82
If a monk was deadly against the rules of discipline, then the monks. went to the extent of inviting the help of the king to drive him out. Not only this, but the Church went a step further in this respect. It went to the length of advising the monks to dethrone a wicked king and install another in his place, in cases of emergencies. To support this view, instances of Arya Khaputa who used magic, Bahubalin who employed strength, Sambhüta who used supernatural power to burn (tejoleśyä), and Kälakācārya who took the help of foreign kings to punish an unfavourable king are mentioned. Thus the Church seems to have become more assertive.83
At the same time, to those who were favourable, Jaina monks showed all respect. For instance, the story is told of Samprati, the grandson of Aśoka, and a great devotee of Jainism, who sent spies in the disguise of Jaina monks to other lands. As a matter of fact, the Church should have protested against this. There is, however, no evidence of its having done so, as the king had opened up new regions to Jainism and had given facilities to the monks.84
If the king was unfavourable to the monks, he often stopped their food, expelled the monks from his kingdom, confiscated their requisites and de
81. Ibid. Vol. IV, 4818-20. 82. Ibid. Vol. III, 3021. 83. Ibid. Vol. V, 5592-93. 84. Ibid. Vol. III, 3287-89. BULL. DCRI.-49

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S. B. DEO prived them of their life.85 When their clothes and other requisites were taken away, the monks used rags thrown up on a dungheap (ucchūdha vippaïņņa), took up grass or fire to save themselves from cold, used pingoes instead of the 'pātrakabandha', put on barks instead of garment, used the 'pehuna' or the peacock-feather broom, covered themselves with skins (camma), and ate food either on the leaves of the palāśa (palāsapatra) or in the hollow of the hand (pāņi).86 In such a state, they travelled only at night and hid themselves either in a dense forest or in lotus ponds.87
Thus the monks had to face hard and easy days, and they had to adjust their practices to the environment. The Church also became liberal enough to allow its followers the necessary concessions under critical conditions.
TOURING:
The purpose of touring, according to the Brhatkalpabhāsya,88 is fivefold. It is essential for reasons of purity of the faith, the equanimity of the mind, acquiring mastery overy different languages, knowing different regions and of seeing the holy places. It may be remarked, therefore, that some of these reasons betray a wideness of outlook and the need to come in contact with new regions so essential for the spread of one's faith.
The Time for the Start:
Therefore, the monks were asked to look to the proper time for starting on their missionary tours. A number of good and bad omens were to be taken into consideration. The bad omens consisted of the sight of:
(1) one wearing dirty clothes or having a filthy body, (2) one who put on tattered clothes, (3) one whose body was besmeared with oil, (4) one of a curved body, (5) a dwarf, (6) one wearing red clothes, (7) the Caraka, (9) diseased person, (10) one devoid of limbs,
85. 86. 87. 88.
Ibid. 3121. Ibid. 3132-33. Ibid. 3136. Ibid. Vol. II, 1226-27.

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(11) the physician, and (12) one whose body was besmeared with ash or dust.
If any one of such persons was seen at the time of starting from the tour, then the tour was supposed to turn out fruitless.
On the other hand, if the monks happened to see or hear the following signs, then their tour was hoped to be successful :
(1) hearing the sound of a trumpet, (2) seeing a filled pitcher, (3) hearing the sound of a drum or of a conch, (4) seeing chowries and umbrellas, (5) seeing a vehicle, (6) seeing a monk, (7) seeing a devoted layman, (8) seeing flowers, or (9) modaks, or (10) curds, or (11) fish, or (12) a bell, or (13) flags.89
Besides these omens, the following items favourable for the ācārya (sūri) were taken into consideration :
(a) Favourable candrabala or tārābala, 90 (b) the tithi, karaṇa, and muhurta.
The fourth, sixth, eighth, ninth and the twelfth days of the dark and bright fortnights were taken to be favourable for tour.91
It may be noted here that many of these details are similar to that found in the Ganividyāprakīrņaka.
How to Start :
Looking to all these factors, the monks decided to start on their tour. The young, old and princely monks were to take only as much luggage with
89. Ibid. Vol. II, 1547-50; Ogha-N. bhā. 83-86.
The latter text adds the sights of a woman on the verge of delivery, of a dog crossing one from the left to the right side, of an aged virgin, and of a man bent down due to heavy load as bad omens.
90. Bịh. kalp. bha. Vol. III, 2894. 91. Vav. bha. p. 40a.

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S. B. DEO them as was possible for them to carry, while the rest of it was divided between the rest of the party.92
The exact time for departure depended on the distance of the next stop. Those who started at day time, rolled their garments right at the time of the morning ‘pratilekhanā'. Then performing 'svādhyāya', and tying their other requisites properly, they started in the afternoon.93
While touring, the 'agītārtha' monks were to be at the head of the party, then the 'vạşabhas', and lastly the 'gitārthas'. This order, however, was not fixed, for, in some cases, the 'vạşabhas' were at the rear, or at times they were at the back of the ācārya. 94
The ācārya was to be guarded at all costs. For this purpose, the monks never disclosed as to who the ācārya in the party was, as he was the person who was often subjected to the trouble from the king or from the thieves. To avoid this, an old monk posed as an ācārya and the latter moved about as an ordinary monk. It may be noted that such rules tend to reflect hard days for the Jaina monks.95
Halts along the Tour :
If while on tour, they came across a comfortable village then they stayed there for a day. The feeble among the party could prolong their stay for a couple of days more.
If, however, out of attachment for the place, the party decided to stay there for a longer period, then they had to undergo a prāyaścitta, the highest being that of pārāñciya for a stay of eleven days.96
Protection :
Along the tour, as well as in unsafe places of halting, the monks took perfect precautions for the safety of the whole group. In this connection it is interesting to note the story of a monk who killed three lions with his club while his co-monks slept in happiness.97
Countries Unfit for Touring :
We have already noted that the Chedasūtras allowed monks to wander "towards the east as far as Anga-Magadha, towards the south as far as
92. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. II, 1552; Ogha-N. bha. 87-88. 93. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. II, 1543-46. 94. Ibid. Vol. III, 2901-02. 95. Ibid. 3005-7; 3014-22. 96. Ibid. Vol. II, 1555-59. 97. Ibid. Vol. II, 2964-67.

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Kosambi, towards the west as far as Thūņā and towards the north as far as Kunāla.":98 Beyond this, the monks were not to go where anāryas and mlenchas lived.99
To this list the Brhatkalpabhāsya100 adds the Sindhu country. The commentator says,
"Sindhudeśaprabhịtiko yo asamyamvişayaḥ sa bhagavatā 'pratikęştah' na tatra vihartavyam."
In spite of this, the same commentator101 adds that “now-a-days monks follow the rule as formulated in the period of king Samprati which is, 'yatra yatra 'jñānadarśana-cāriträngupasarpanti tatra tatra vihartavyam?".
It seems, therefore, that the monks went to all regions wherever they found a congenial atmosphere for their faith.
Emergency Reasons :
Nobody was allowed to leave a good place simply out of pride. If he did so, then he had to undergo a prāyaścitta.
However, owing to calamities like the scarcity of alms, trouble from the king, constant illness, and famine, they were allowed to leave the place immediately.
The Bhāşyas102 constantly refer to the behaviour of monks under royal disfavour. In this calamity, the monks, if banished or starved by the king, were to leave that place immediately. If, however, he took away their requisites or intended to kill them, then the monks divided themselves in various batches and left the place.
Such calamities (aśiva) were said to be foreseen by the ācārya who interpreted various omens like the untimely blossoming of the trees, the shaking of the earth due to thunders, and cries of lamentations all around, as the fore-runners of these dangers.103
With all these calamities, however, the monks were allowed to travel through unfavourable regions on account of the following reasons :
(1) to visit an ācārya for important work,
98. Bsh, kalp. 1, 51. 99. Nis. 16, 26. 100. Vol. III, 2881, (p. 816). 101. Ibid. Vol. III, 3271, (p. 915). 102. Ibid. Vol. II, 1019-20; Ogha-N. bhā., vs. 15ff.
103. Byh. kalp. bha., Vol. IV, 4796-4800; The Ogha-N. bha. 25, gives different reasons of royal disfavour.

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(2) to go to another guru for further studies,
(3) to pacify one whose parents died on account of their son's renunciation,
(4) to give 'ālocana' to him who wanted to fast unto death,
(5) to nurse the ill,
(6) to honour the invitation of the ācārya,
(7) to pacify quarrels between monks and householders,
(8) to defeat the heretics,
(9) to pacify the king who had become unfavourable towards the monks,
and (10) to carry out works connected with the Kula, Gapa or Sangha,104
390
Not to Wander Alone:
Touring was said to be of three kinds :
(a) gitärtha-vihära: The touring of the 'Jinakalpikas' who were free to wander alone,
(b) gitärthaniśrita: The touring of a group (gaccha) of monks under the direction of the äcärya,
and (c) agitärtha": Wandering at will, unpermitted by the Jinas.
The first two, therefore, were the only permitted modes of touring. For the first also, a monk was required to possess high moral qualities and a solid grounding in the sacred texts.
From this point of view, the Jinakalpika, the 'Pariharaviśuddhika' (comm. 'one who practises pratimas), the Acarya and the Upadhyaya, were looked upon as the 'gitärthas'.
The other members of the gaccha, those who had left the gaccha due to a calamity, those holding minor posts in the Church hierarchy like the Pravartaka, Sthavira and Ganavacchedaka, and ordinary monks were grouped together as 'gitärthaniśrita'.
In the 'gitärtha' category itself, three degrees were marked out. The 'jaghanya" was one who had studied the Nikithasûtra; the utkrsta" was one who knew the fourteen Purvas; and the 'madhyama" was one who had studied the Chedasūtras,103
The monks were allowed to tour in a group under any of these three types of 'gitärthas', and normally nobody was allowed to remain or wander
104. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. III, 2784.
105. Ibid. Vol. I, 688-93.

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alone. Remaining alone was likely to make a monk go astray, lose his knowledge, faith and conduct. Hence if, except the 'Jinakalpika', 'gitärthas' wandered alone then they had to undergo 'caturlaghu' punishment, while if an 'agitärtha' wandered alone he had to undergo the 'caturguru.'106
Besides the moral loss, a lonely monk was likely to be led astray by heretics like the Kanāda, the Saugata and the Sänkhya, or by women, or householders or his former relatives. More than that, if he had any doubts regarding study, those were likely to remain unsolved.107
Improper Company:
A proper company was to be sought while touring, otherwise the monk had to undergo the following prayaścittas: 108
For touring with heretical nuns or eunuchs in a woman's attire at day time
37 37 23 at night With Jaina nuns at day time
39 39 39 at night......
.....
Going by a wrong way or by a short cut at day
at night
at day time
at night
92
39
In the proper company also, the monk had to choose the proper way, and had to follow the rules of walking (iryäsamiti). The following präyaścittas were prescribed for transgression : 109
Walking without 'iryasamiti'

(1) to go to another teacher for further study,
(2) to wait upon the teacher,
(3) to fetch medicine for the ill.110
106. Ibid. 694-95.
107. Ibid. 700-02.
108. Ibid. Vol. II, 886-888.
109. Ibid.
110. Ogha-N. bha., 28-29, pp. 20ab.
'Laghukaccheda'
or
'Gurukaccheda'.

'Mula'.
Exceptions:
Under exceptional circumstances and calamities, however, a monk was allowed to go alone. The following were such circumstances:
'Anavasthāpya'. 'Pārāñcika'.
'Masalaghu'
'Masaguru'
'Masalaghu'
'Masaguru'.

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S. B. DEO In cases of famine or other calamities, if a nun happened to be alone, then she was allowed to go to some other village only in the company of other women, or with a group of men and women, or with related males. 111
Touring and Rainy Season :
In the four months of the rainy season, however, the practice of staying at one place still continued, as it is so even now.
The monks discontinued this stay when the rains stopped. They were forbidden to leave the place earlier in normal circumstances. They were especially disallowed to go about on the 'kārttikī mahotsava' when people indulging in merry-making were likely to dislike the sight of a shaven monk.112 Thus, it seems that the Church was conscious of the habits and the opinions of the society around it.
Exceptions :
Under exceptional circumstances the monks could leave their place of stay even during the rainy season. These circumstances were the following:
(1) Asiva - Divine calamity, (2) Omoyariä scarcity of alms, (3) Rāyaduttha - trouble from the king, (4) Bhaä
fear (from the thieves), (5) Gelanna
coming to know the news about the illness of a
co-monk, (6) Abāhā
mental trouble, (7) Dubbhikkha - famine, (8) Dakaugha - flood.
It may be noted that under such circumstances as well as in attacks by the enemy, the monks were given concessions to leave the place immediately even in the rainy season.113
RESIDENCE:
We have already noted the procedure in searching out a proper residence as given in the Niryuktis. The Byhatkalpabhāşya repeats more or
111. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. V, 5934. 112. Ibid. Vol. II, 1449-1451.
113. Ibid. Vol. III, 2738-39; Ogha-N. bhā. 26. In this case, the instance of the Mālavas kidnapping the people from Ujjain is given.

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less the same rules while adding minor ones here and there, as will be seen from the following account. The Time for Seeking a Residence :
A party was sent in advance to search out a proper residence and that was done with the consent of all. After hearing the reports of the party, the ācārya decided to fix a particular place for the next stay. If the ācārya did not consult all, then he, as also the monks if they refused to carry out his decision, had to undergo a prāyaścitta called 'māsa
laghu'.114
The proper time for seeking a residence was the first half of this day. To avoid trouble from the police or wild beasts or prostitutes and others residence was not to be sought in the evening. If, however, they did not get any other, then the monks were allowed to enter a particular suitable place even in the evening. They had to go to a garden or an empty house or a temple early next morning.
Other rules regarding the reservation of the place for the guru, the space to be kept in between the two monks, the method of sleeping and the sequence of allotting space to different members of the gaccha were the same as those given in the Niryuktis.115
of the placed of sleepirere the
Proper and Improper Residence :
The principal rules like the non-acceptance of such residences as were full of women, eunuchs and beasts and which were likely to make a monk go astray, seem to have remained the same.116
The Brhatkalpabhāşya refers to nine kinds of residences :
(1) Kālātikrāntā - where a monk lived for a period exceeding the normal one,
(2) Upasthāpanā—that in which the monk had to return to the same place again (immediately),
(3) Abhikrāntā — that which had been formerly resorted to by heretics,
(4) Anabhikrāntā - that which was not resorted to by the heretics,
(5) Varjyā - that which had been originally built for himself by the owner, but later on handed over to the monks,
114. Byh. kalp. bhā. Vol. II, 1456-63; Rules regarding sending the party, its composition and other details: Ibid. 1479ff,
115. Ibid. Vol. IV, 4372-4412.
116. Ibid. Vol. II, 1496-97; Vol. I, 588-9; Vim. 13, 15-17. BULL. DCRI.—50

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(6) Mahāvarjyā - that where sinful activity or fire-activity was always being done for the sake of the Brāhmins,
(7) Sãvadyā - that which was made specially for the monks,
(8) Mahāsāyadyā - that which was made specially for particular sādhus,
and (9) Alpakriyā - that which was made for oneself by the householder, and was devoid of all faults.
In most of these, the monk was not allowed to stay for a longer period. If he did so, he had to face 'Māsalaghu'. For staying in residences represented by the categories (2), (3), (4) and (5), he had to undergo 'catvāro laghukā'; for (6), (7) and (8), 'catvāro guravah'. Only the ninth type was deemed pure for the monk.
In case there was lack of proper residence, the monk was allowed to obtain the above types of residences in the following order:
Alpakriyā, kālātikrāntā, upasthānā, abhikrāntā, anabhikrāntā, varjya, mahāvarjyā, sāvadyā and mahāsāvadyā.117
Places where there were paintings of objectionable nature like those of women or of deities, were to be avoided by the monks. If, however, the paintings were of mountains, rivers, creepers, swastika, etc. then he could stay there.118 So also, a residence specially prepared, cleaned, painted or thatched for the monk was not allowed. Only an ill monk could stay in the proximity of water in the absence of any other suitable place. In this case, a curtain (cilimilī) was to be put at that direction at which there was water, and only those who had to nurse the ill remained with the latter at such a place. Nobody was allowed to accept a lodging on an island or to go over to that place by a bridge.119
It may be noted that the monks transgressing the rules of residence had to undergo punishments right from the 'māsalaghu' upto the 'pārāñcika'. The severity of the punishment increased with the position of the monk in the Church hierarchy.120
That the rules took into consideration the local environments and customs is revealed by such rules which permitted Jaina monks to stay in the company of householders in the region called 'Kaccha' (modern:
117. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. I, 594-600. 118. Ibid. Vol. III, 2429-30. 119. Ibid. 2413-22. 120. Ibid. 2142-43.

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Cutch).121 Among these householders, weavers, potters and blacksmiths seem to have been favourite hosts of the monks.122
Supervision and Protection of Residence:
Having once accepted a residence, the monks inspected it at least thrice a day because of the possibility of unchaste women leaving their children there, or the robbers depositing stolen property, or a murderer leaving the corpse there.123
Apart from these possibilities, there was a likelihood of a courtesan entering the monastery. In that case, the monks requested her to go. If she persisted, she was bound and was handed over to the police next morning.
Having handed her over to the police, the monks requested the king to inflict on her the highest punishment as laid down for one who stole a necklace from the king's treasury (śrīgrha), for the prostitute had attempted to steal the jewel of celibacy from the monk. From this it appears that younger monks were sometimes accosted by courtesans,124
For such reasons, therefore, the monks were asked not to leave the residence empty when going to the begging round. An able and well-versed monk was left behind.
Reasons given for this show a minute observation of human psychology and a keen judgment of possibilities. For instance, it was argued that if all the monks left a particular place, then the owner was likely to become 'mithyāvādin', or some heretics or animals were likely to enter, or somebody die uncared for. Moreover, if all the monks went without asking the owner, then the latter was likely to take them to be ungrateful and discourteous, and once prejudiced the owner of the lodge was likely to stop their food. The public in general, also, was likely to ask them the reason of their all-out exit, and was likely to suspect that the monks were perhaps driven out. They therefore, refused to offer another lodge, and absence of a suitable lodge was likely to lead to acts of injury to living beings and the violation of celibacy by the monks. If an animal died uncared for in the deserted monastery, the people were likely to remark that the monks were living in a cemetery even though in the town !125
121. Ibid. Vol. II, 1239. 122. Avašyaka-c. p. 285; Tika (Haribhadra) pp. 484ff. 123. Brh. kalp. bha., Vol. IV, 4747-49. 124. Ibid, Vol. V, 4920-25. 125. Ibid. Vol. I, 544-46.

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S. B. DEO
If somebody entered the monastery with the intention of stealing the requisites of the monk and said that he wanted to listen to a 'dharmakathā', then the occupant-monk refused to do so on the pretext of headache.
If an army occupied the monastery, the monks requested the king or the general to evacuate it, or allow them to take out the requisites. If it was not possible to take out the whole luggage in one round, three or four monks stood in a line and threw out quickly their requisites by the system called the 'Kollūka paramparā', which has been ascribed by the commentator as peculiar to the country of Mahārāştra.126
If, in the absence of the majority of monks, the owner wanted to get the house coated with cowdung or paint, then those who were left in the monastery were to see that their requisites were not besmeared with the cowdung. If the workers for that job were males, then young monks could be asked to remain in the monastery. If, on the other hand, they were females, then only old monks were to be left behind.127
The Time for Going Out:
The Jinakalpikas who had separated themselves from the 'gaccha' for the performance of the 'padimā', etc. could go out of the monastery only in the third 'porisī' of the day. The 'gacchavāsins', on the other hand, could go out without any special reason in the same period. For the purposes of bringing medicine for the ill, carrying out the work of the superiors, easing nature, study, returning requisites and for performing 'caityavandana' they could go out at any time.128
Residence and Nuns:
Normally, the monks were not to come in contact with the nuns. They were advised to go to the forests if they did not get a proper residence.129
If, however, while on tour, the monks happened to come at a place with one gate and reached the place where nuns were living, they were asked to move on to the village if the time for begging had not set in by that time. If the monks were very much tired then they waited outside the village and an elderly 'gītārtha' was sent to the nunnery. The 'sthavira' going there performed the 'naişadhikī outside the lodge, hearing which either the nuns or the owner of the house came out. When the nuns came
126. Ibid. 571-79. 127. lbid. Vol. II, 1691.
128. Ibid. 1670-73; Vim. 16, 7, however, forbids a pupil to go beyond a limit of hundred hands from the lodge.
129. Byh. kalp. bhā. Vol. III, 2163.

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397
to know about the arrival of the monk, they were not to come out suddenly in a group. Only the 'pravartini' with some other old nuns came out. Then inquiring with bent head about their religious welfare, the monk asked whether the nuns had their begging round. Then they decided that the monks should beg in the half of the village and the nuns in the other half. Or the nuns begged in one row and the monks at another.130
In case the monks and the nuns did not get ideal residences, they took resort to such lodgings as were not on the same level. If the houses were on the same level then bamboo curtains were applied to the doors to avoid looking at the nuns.
When even such lodging were not available, the monks lived in a house which was situated at the side of, or along the way to, the nunnery. In this case, the monks were forbidden to go in the same direction in which the nuns went to ease nature, or to ease themselves in pots (mātraka), or go by making a loud sound.
If the monks failed to get even such lodging, then they were asked to select, as a last resort, the place which had its doors facing the nunnery. In this case, however, they closed the doors with bamboo or cloth curtains and went to ease themselves at a time different from that at which the nuns did so.
Normally, therefore, the monks had to select such a place where the roads of begging, touring and easing nature for both the monks and the nuns were separate 131 It may be noted that in extreme and exceptional circumstances, the monks and the nuns were allowed to stay in one house, their compartments, however, being separated by a curtain of cloth.132
It should not be ignored that the view upholding stay in the forest to avoid contact with women in general is strongly refuted by the commentator who upholds the stay of monks in villages and towns.
In this connection an interesting story is given in the Brhatkalpabhāşya 133 It is said that a certain messenger of king Murunda went to Puruşapura (Peshawar) with a message from his king. But seeing the monks (raktapattas) there and interpreting it as a sign of bad omen, he refrained from seeing the king for three days. The minister to the king of Puruşapura coming to know of it, told the messenger that the sight of the monks was not a bad omen in that country. The commentator adds at the end:
130. Ibid. 2208-10. 131. Ibid. 2274-89. 132. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3750. 133. Vol. III, 2290-94,

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S. B. DEO 'evamasmākamapi pārsvasthādayah tadiyasantatyaḥ ca ratthyādau drśyamānā na dosakārinyo bhavanti.'
The commentator, therefore, may be said to refer unknowingly to the fact that in some regions the monk was taken to be a sign of bad omen, while in other places he was not. On the latter observation he concludes that the monks and the nuns should stay in the cities as they were not deemed signs of bad omen. The solitary mode of life with ideas of least contact with the society, therefore, may be said to have fallen back by this time. CLOTHING:
We have already seen that the Śvetāmbara texts do not advocate complete nudity to symbolize the vow of non-possession (aparigraha).
The existence of the naked monks in the Cūrņi period, however, is indicated by a reference in the Avaśyaka-cürnil34 which says that the 'Uddandagas', 'Bodiyas' and the "Sasarakkhas' wandered as naked monks who ate food in the palms of their hands.
Inspite of the existence of these naked ascetics and the Svetāmbara opposition to nudity,135 an interesting reference is to be found in the Brhatkalpabhāsya 136 which may be taken to hint that nudity was the symbol of Jaina monks.
The reference comes in connection with the mode of behaviour of Jaina monks when they were likely to face an attack from the thieves. It is advised there that the monks should keep away all their requisites and clothing in a secret place and keep a vigil throughout the night. The reason for sitting naked was 'acelatālakṣaṇam jinalingamapratihatar'. Thus, nudity being the symbol of Jaina monks, the thieves were not likely to harm the naked monks.
The Vimsativimsikā, 137 which is attributed to Haribhadra, on the other hand, does not mention or prescribe nudity for the monks, but lays down the rule of using pure clothes free from faults.
How to Procure Clothes:
Normally the laymen were the chief source for the monk to acquire clothes for himself.
134. p. 169. 135. 'Svalpataravastră acelaka':: Byh. kalp. bhd. Vol. IV, (p. 1092). 136. Vol. IV, 4809. 137. 13, 11-14

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399
Whatever piece of acceptable clothing was offered to the monk, he had. to use it as it was. Various prayaścittas were prescribed for changing, cutting or transforming pieces of clothes from one quality to another. For instance, if a monk tried to transform:
(1) a best piece into a mediocre type, then he had to face 'masalaghu', (2).... do.... into an inferior type. then.... 'pañcarātrindiva',
(3) a mediocre one into the best type, then 'caturlaghu',
(4) ... do... into jaghanya, then 'pañcarātrindiva',
....
(5) .... an inferior one into the best, then 'caturlaghu',
(6) .... do into madhyama, then 'mäsika'.
The monk had to accept only such clothing as he had predecided to accept. If he violated his vow and accepted any other piece, then also he had to face prayaścittas.
The normal procedure was that a monk who was in need of clothing, told his requirements to the Pravartin (comm: trtiyapadasthagītārtha) who conveyed it to the ācārya. Then permitted by the latter, the monks went a-begging for clothes either in pairs or groups. The ācārya was never allowed to go for begging clothes.
The group had a gītārtha in it, and then it accepted that clothing as was acceptable for it. No threatening or bringing pressure on the householder was ever allowed. The monks made proper inquiries before accepting clothing regarding their ownership, previous use, etc. If they failed to do so then they had to undergo prayaścittas varying from 'pañcarätrindiva' to the 'masalaghu'.
The monks were to pacify the donor if the latter got angry due to their inquiries. They told him that they had to make inquiries as they were to accept only the pure and the acceptable pieces of clothes.
After scanning the clothes offered, and avoiding the faults of improper acceptance of clothes which, it may be noted, were more or less the same as those pertaining to the acceptance of food, the monks took all the clothes thus gathered to the guru, made 'alocanã', showed the clothes to the guru who handed over only the required pieces to the needy monks.138
The Method of Distribution of Clothing:
The monks and nuns had to accept that clothing which was given to them by their superiors.
138. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. I, 607-31.

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S. B. DEO
Such clothes as were strong and selected for himself by the guru were allowed to be used by him. Then the rest were distributed first to the novice, then to the ill, then to the well-read, then to one who could explain the texts very well, then to the old monks (jātisthavira), then to one who was practising a penance, then to him who did not know the language of that country, then to one who was endowed with special qualities (labdhi), then to one of the greater standing (paryāyaratnādhika) and lastly to him who was of less standing (avamarātnika).
Sometimes a different sequence was also followed in distributing clothing. According to this system, the ācārya got the clothing first, then the ill, then one who had no clothes, then the respected, then the pravartin, then the stahavira, then the ganāvacchedin, and lastly the well-read. The last four were the same in this system as in the previous one.
As is ordinarily natural to human nature, the monks seemed to quarrel between themselves for acquiring the best possible clothing for them out of the whole lot, and sometimes went to the extent of hiding the best clothes. The Byhatkalpabhāşya lays down various prāyaścittas in this case.139
Proper and Improper Clothing:
The principal rules concerning the proper and improper types of clothing for the monks remained more or less the same. But the Bhāsyäs and the Cūrnis give certain exceptions to and amplifications of these fundamental rules. 140
The normal rule was that clothing was to be used not for bodily decoration but for bodily protection. For this purpose the monks were disallowed to use complete and untorn clothes (křtsna). This 'krtsna' could be of four types:
(a) Dravyakrtsna: that which was made of valuable material,
(b) Kșetrakstsna: that which was rare in certain countries and hence valuable; for instance, the clothing from the eastern regions fetched high price in the country of Lāta,
(c) Kālakṣtsna: that which was of immense use in certain seasons,
(d) Bhāvakṣtsna: that which was valuable on account of colour and price. 141
139. Vol. IV, 4314-29. 140. See also Viñ. 13, 11-14. 141. Bịh, kalp bha. Vol. IV, 3884-86.

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401
According to the price also, there were different grades of clothes. The highest was that which had as its price one lakh of Pāțaliputra rupees (rūpaka), the cheapest was that which was valued at eighteen rupees, while the medium one stood in between these two.142
. Various prāyaścittas were prescribed for the monk who accepted complete pieces of clothes of various prices: Price
Prāyaścitta 18 Pāțaliputra rupees .. 'Catvāro laghavah'
'Catvāro guravah 49
Şadlaghavaḥ
'Şadguravaḥ' 999
'Cheda' 10000
'Mūla' 50000
'Anayasthāpya' 100000
'Pārāñcika'
20
500
100
Another Table : Price
Prāyaścitta 18 Pataliputra rupees .. Laghumāsao 20
'Caturlaghavaḥ
'Caturguravah' 250
Şadlaghavah' 500
'Şadguravah' 1000
'Cheda' 10000
'Mula' 50000
'Anavasthāpya 100000
Pārāñcika'
Another Table : 18 Pataliputra rupees .. 'Caturgūrū' 20
'Şadlaghu'
'Sadguru' 100
'Cheda' 1000
'Mula' 50000
'Anavasthāpya' 100000
'Pārāñcika'.143
50
142. Ibid. 3890.
143. Ibid. 3893-98. BULL. DCRI.-51

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S. B. DEO
The reasons for the prohibition on the use of full and valuable clothes. were based on commonsense. Such clothes were said to have the following drawbacks:
402
(1) They were generally heavy,
(2) There was always a likelihood of thieves attacking the monk wearing such garments,
(3) They required lot of water for washing which went against the rules of monastic behaviour,
(4) It was likely that there would be trouble from the guards. Here a story is told of an acārya who had to face the attack of thieves for a valuable kambala given to him by the king.
(5) The people condemned the monk wearing such garments.
Exceptions:
The monks were, however, given a wide latitude to conform to local habits and manners. For instance, it was said that the people of Thūņā (mod. Thaneshwar) 144 used clothes after cutting the ends (daśikā), and the monks were also asked to do so. On the other hand, in the Indus region the people did not cut the ends of the garments, hence the monks also were forbidden to do so.
In the city of Tamalitti145 in the country of Nemāli (mod. Nepal),146 and in the region called Sindhu-Sovīra, monks were allowed to use complete pieces of clothes as was the custom there.
In the country of Maharastra, monks were allowed to use complete pieces of 'nilakambalas' as was said to be the custom there in the winter.
Kings and royal persons who had taken to monklife, were allowed to use soft garments till they got used to coarse ones.
In cases of calamities and hard life, the monks sold their valuable clothes and provided for the maintenance of the gaccha,147
In the country of Golla148 the month of Caitra was very cold and the monks residing there were allowed to wear necessary garments to protect themselves from cold.149
144. CAGI., p. xliii, f.n. 2; for 'sadasa vastra' see Ogha-N. bhd. 13.
145. Identified with mod. Tamluk, CAGI., p. 732; See Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 3912. 146. Imp. Gaz., Vol. X, p. 274.
147. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 3900-17.
148. Identified with Goli in Guntur Distt., by JAIN J. C., Life in Ancient India,
p. 286.
149. Avasyaka-c. p. 274.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM. Certain clothes were to be used in certain cases. The 'uggahaņantaga' or the 'uggahapattaga' was not to be normally used. But in case a monk was suffering from 'bhagandara' (piles), he was allowed to use it as it was not likely to hinder his studies or evoke public condemnation. The bandage was to be washed frequently so as to avoid the wound becoming septic.150 The Style of Wearing Clothes:
In all, the monk put on one woollen and two cotton garments. He could not accept all the three of one type, otherwise he had to face punishment for that.
The cotton clothes were to be worn inside the woollen one. If the former was put over the latter one then it was taken as an effort of decoration on the part of the monk doing so.151
For putting on the clothes improperly, the monk had to undergo the following prāyaścittas : 152 Mula
For putting on an apparel like
that of an householder. Catvāro gurumāsāḥ
For tying the colapattaka (?); (ii) For arranging the ends of the
upper cloth on the two shoulders
so as to resemble the garuda bird; (iii) For placing the upper garment on
one shoulder (?); Catvāro laghavah
For covering both the shoulders
like a nun, Māsalaghu
(i) For tying the head with the gar
ment like a turban, (ii) For arranging the garment on the
shoulder so as to make it hang down like the tail of a cow.
(i)
The Number of Clothes:
The normal number of clothes was three. But if a monk was unable to ward off cold with three clothes, he was allowed to use seven clothes as the maximum, only after the permission of the guru.
150. Bịh, kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4102-04. 151. Ibid. 3665-67. 152. Ibid. Vol. I, 758.

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S. B. DEO The combination of these seven clothes consisted as follows:
(a) either three strong clothes, or (b) five : some strong and some of a weak texture, or (c) all the seven as old ones.
There was no fixed limit to the number of clothes used by the 'ganacintaka' (the administrator of the gaña). The rest of the monks were allowed to keep neither more nor less number of clothes than laid down.153
The 'Sthavirakalpika monk' used three clothes (two of cotton and one woollen), while the different categories of the 'Jinakalpika' monks used the the following number of clothes:
Jinakalpika
Pāṇipātra (dhāriņaḥ) (Using the hollow of the hand
for eating food).
Pratigrahadhāriņaḥ (Using a begging-bowl).
Aprāvaranā
(Naked)
Saprävaraņā (Wearing clothes)
Aprāvaranā
(Naked)
Saprāvaraņā (Wearing clothes)
4
Monks belonging to category (4) used either one, two or three clothes; those of category (2) used either one cotton garment, or one cotton and one woollen (i.e. two), or two cotton and one woollen (i.e. three) garments.154
That cloth was deemed good which was likely to last at least for a period of six months.155
The measure of the cloth used by the 'Jinakalpika' monks was such that in length it was two fratnis' or four hands, and in breadth it was one and a half hands.156 The length of the cloth used by the 'Sthavirakalpins' was either three and a half or four hands, and the breadth two and a half hands.157 Stitching and Repairs:
Stitching of clothes could be done with the due observance of rules for it, and only when necessary.
153. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3985-50. 154. Ibid. Vol. II, 1087. 155. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3967. 156. Ibid. 3966. 157. Ibid. 3969.

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405 Washing also was to be done for a sound reason, and not for the sake of decorating the body.
If the monks happened to get untorn cloth, then they were to tear it to the size they wanted. In tearing the cloth no himsā was supposed to take place.158 Emergencies:
Normally no exchange of clothing was allowed between the monks and the nuns. But it seems that when they were robbed of their clothes by the thieves exchange of clothes was allowed under very strict rules of proper conduct.
In this case, the monks and the nuns were allowed to offer clothes to one another through the youngest members of their respective groups. If such a one was not available, then the middle-aged could do so in the presence of either a sthavira or a sthavirā.159
In extreme cases of the shortage of proper clothing, the commentator goes to the length of advising the monks to put on the garments of other sects. He remarks:
'śākyādiveșeņa tadiya upāsakānāṁ yatibhyo vastradāpanāya prajñāpanārtham svayam vā grahaņam
vastrasyotpādanaṁ tadartham paralingam kartavyam/'160 If cotton clothing was not available, the monks were advised to get bark (valkaja), or 'pattavastra' (of tirīta) or the 'kauśikārā vastra'. In the absence of woollen cloth, he was allowed to have either first the bark-cloth, or secondly the 'kauśeya' or lastly the 'pattaja' cloth.161
On the whole, it may be said that the Church was alive to the different customs of different regions and it adjusted its rules regarding the clothing of monks according to the social environment around it. At the same time, however, it did its best to retain the fundamentals of the rules of proper clothing, simultaneously going a step further in giving more concessions than those in the texts of the Canon.
Requisites:
The Byhatkalpabhāsya162 gives the same list of requisites used by the Sthavirakalpikas and the Jinakalpikas as given in the Oghaniryukti, which
158. Ibid. 3919-51; 3992-98. 159. Ibid. Vol. III, 2976-88. 160. lbid. comm. on 2995, Vol. III. 161. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3668. 162. Ibid. 3962ff.

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S. B. DEO
need not be repeated here again. Not only that but even the 'utkrsta',
jaghanya' and the 'madhyama' number of requisites in the case of both of these modes of monastic life are identical in both these texts.
It may, however, be noted that the former text describes a number of other requisites which were used by the Jaina monks at that time.
Duplicates in the Rainy Season:
The monks had to stay at one place in the rainy season when it was difficult to procure requisites in case the older ones got out of use. For instance, the broom generally got wet owing to the monk's stay in the potter's house, and it was, therefore, difficult to use the wet ends of the broom. If the monk used wet broom then there was a likelihood of killing living beings with it.
So also in the case of the 'Colapatta' the same thing happened. Putting on a wet colapatta led to indigestion and fever, and there was, therefore, a strong need for the monk to have duplicates in the rainy season.163
Hence, the following articles were used by the monks in rainy season: 164
Dagala--A piece of stone or of brick (to clean the anus ?); Kūdamuha-A pot to deposit the medicines for, of the excreta of, the
ill;
Mattagatiga—Three pots for excreta, urine and cough; Leva-Coating for the pot; Pāyalehaniyā-A wooden apparatus to take out mud from the feet;
Santhāra-Bedding for sleeping as well as for protection to living beings;
Pīdha--A stool; Phalaga-A plank to sleep over; Duguna nijjogo Double the number of pots normally used.
Besides this provision for the rainy season, the following articles are mentioned as forming the requisites of monks during the tour: 165
(1) Talika -Shoes bound to the feet both at day and at night to save the feet from thorns,
163. Ibid. 4249-62. 164. Ibid. 4263-77. 165. Ibid. Vol. III, 2882ff.

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407
(2) Putaka-A kind of shoe meant to save the feet from having crevices due to cold,
(3) Vardhna-A stitching instrument to bind together the torn soles of the shoes,
(4) Kosaka—The protector of nails, made of leather,
(5) Kștti-A piece of skin-leather which was worn by the monks if their clothes were stolen by the robbers,
(6) Sikkaga (śikyaka ?)--Pingoes to be used for hanging the almsbowl when other requisities were stolen away.
(7) Kāpotikā-Same use as above, or to carry the ill monk, (8) Pippalaka-Razor; (9) Sūcī—A needle (to stitch clothes), (10) Arī—to stitch the soles of shoes, (11) Nakharadana-Nail-cutter,
(12) Kośa-Used in taking out that part of the skin where the snake had bitten a monk,
(13) Some medicines,
(14) Rare articles which were not available in the region where the monk wanted to go,
(15) Wholesome corn like 'sattu' which was good in hot seasons, (16) Everything that was needed by the ācārya, (17) Nandibhājana166_Pot used for begging (?), (18) Dharmakaraka-A pot with a straining arrangement for water, 167
(19) Paratīrthika upakarana--The requisites and an apparel of the heretics. Jaina monks were advised to put this on when they were in a heretical region in order to seek food and drink.
(20) Gulikā—It is explained as the 'valkala' by the Višeşacūrņi. These were to be used by the Jaina monks when they were touring in the region where the worshippers of Siva (Pandaranga) were predominant, as for instance, in the caves and mountains.
Another meaning suggested is that of a pill. In cases of shortage of water, the 'gitārtha' told the agītārtha that he had used a 'tuvaravşkşaguţikā' got from other travellers to purify water. Thus, he pretended that he used pure water so that the 'agītārtha' might not suspect the action of the 'gītārtha'.
166. Also Ogha-N. bha. 321 : 'Nandibhana.' 167. Also in Cullavagga, V, 13, 1.

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S. B. DEO The latter, however, made 'ālocanā' for this. It seems that to keep the mind of the novice free from prejudice, the 'gītārtha' went to the extent of telling him a lie! (21) Khola-It signified clothes dripped in milk (and then
dried) (?).
If while touring, the 'gītārtha' did not get pure water for washing clothes, he washed his clothes with any sort of water which, after washing, took the colour of milk in the dried clothes.
When the 'agitārtha' saw it, he was likely to have no doubt regarding the water used by the 'gītārtha' for washing purposes, as the water left behind by the latter had already took white colour of milk which resembled normal colour of water in which clothes are washed.
This was done to prevent the 'agītārtha' from losing confidence in the 'gitārtha' for laxity of behaviour ! It is interesting to note that a monk was allowed to wear a heretic's clothes in hostile regions. So also the action of the 'gītārtha' regarding ‘gulikā' and 'khola' speak for the attempt of the Church to preserve its moral appearance at any cost. The Begging Bowl:
Details regarding the begging bowl and the process of coating it are the same as those given in the Oghaniryukti, with this difference that the following prāyaścittas are given in the Brhatkalpabhāşya168 pertaining to the following faults. ‘Catvāro gurukāḥ-If a person, not knowing the details of the
chapter on 'pātraişanā' from the Ācārānga', was sent to bring the
lepa, 'Catvāro laghukāh'-if one who had studied it, but did not remember
the details about it, was sent, 'Māsalaghu'-(i) for coating the pots without the permission of the
ācārya,
(ii) for not taking the permission of the cart-owner for the oil, Catvāro laghukāḥ-(i) for taking the oil at night and using it at
night, (ii) for taking the oil when dew is falling, or when bulls or
calves are tied to the cart,
168. Byh. kalp. bha. Vol. I, 471-529.

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409
'Catvāro gurukah'-(i) for taking the oil when a dog is sitting under
the cart,
(ii) for coating the pot for decoration,
'Masika-(i) for accepting a mediocre pot when decided to accept
the best,
(ii) determining to accept the inferior but accepting the mediocre.
'Pañcaka'-(1) for accepting an inferior pot when decided to accept
the best,
(ii) for determining to accept a mediocre one, but accepting an inferior one,
'Caturlaghu'-(i) for determining to accept a mediocre one, but accepting the best,
(ii) for determining to accept the inferior but accepting the best,
The Cilimilika (Curtain):
This requisite, as we have already seen,160 was used to cover the entrances of the lodging without doors.
The details, however, are to be found in the Bṛhatkalpabhäşya,170 The following account of it is based chiefly on the above text.
Kinds of Curtains:
They were fivefold and were made either of yarn (sutta), or of strings (rajju), or of bark-pieces (vakka), or of bamboo (kadaga), or of sticks (danda).
Measurements:
The 'cilimilika' was supposed to be of the standard size when it was five hands in length and three in breadth. This size was uniform for the "aurika', 'ksaumika' and the 'valka' curtains.
The total quota of cloth secured for this purpose was such as could be sufficient for the requirements of all the members of the gaccha.
Each member of the gaccha was not necessarily given a separate. curtain. The practice of obtaining that quota of cloth which could serve the
169. Brh. kalp. 1, 18.
170. Vol. III, 2374ff; Vol. IV, 4804-17.
BULL. DCRI.-52

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purpose of several members of a gaccha as a single unit was also sometimes followed.
410
(athava yāvatyo gacchaṁ sakalamapi veştayanti tāvatyo grhyate, na pratyekamekaikasyā grahaṇaniyamaḥ iti).
The Distribution:
The gaṇāvacchedaka had the full quota of the total cloth in his control. He then distributed it according to the needs of each monk.
When to Use a Particular Type of Curtain ?
It was said that the 'cilimili' was an essential article of the 'gacchaväsins' or the 'sthavirakalpikas'.
The 'sutramay', 'rajjumayi', 'valkamayi' and the 'dandakamayï' curtains were to be used while on tour. The last, however, made of bamboo (kadaga), was used when the monks were not touring.
The Uses of a Curtain:
The following were the occasions when the 'cilimilika' was used:
(1) while doing 'pratilekhana',
(2) when studying,
(3) to avoid women gazing at the monks,
(4) to prevent foul smell getting in from a particular direction,
(5) to avoid sight of blood or fat,
(6) to avoid servants (ceta) peeping in,
(7) to protect oneself from flies and gnats,
(8) to enable the ill to ease nature,
(9) to prevent the ill from taking nearby objects like milk, etc.,
(10) to close the entrance with a bamboo curtain to prevent thieves and others getting in,
(11) at the time of giving medicine to the ill,
(12) to close the doors till the dead was not disposed of.
(13) to carry the dead by the 'dandaka cilimill',
(14) to prevent rain coming in,
(15) to spread wet requisites over the curtain for drying,
and (16) to prevent the ill from being the victim of spirits and ghosts. This was very often the case in the country called Golla.171
171. Ibid. Vol. III, 2378-81; See 'Cilimika' in Cullavagga VI, 2, 6. It has been translated as 'a carpet': SBE., XX, pt. III, p. 167.

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411
411 The Use of Skins:
We have already seen that the BỊhatkalpasūtra permitted the monk to make use of skins with hair. But such skins were not to be a complete (krtsna) piece. The reasons for the non-use of complete pieces of skins was that they led to pride, cruelty and indifference to animals. Moreover, the fact remained that a living being getting into such a shoe could not get out easily.172
The skins were generally used for various kinds of shoes as also to cover oneself if the clothes were stolen by robbers.
Such monks whose feet were delicate (asahu), who were on tour (viha), who were troubled by thieves and wild animals (sambhama), who were ill (atara), who suffered from leprosy (kottha) or piles (arisa), who had eye-trouble (cakkhudubbala), and who were young (bāla), were allowed to make use of shoes.
The following types of shoes are mentioned: 173 Egapuda - having one sole, Dupudādiyam having two or more soles, Khallaga - (a) 'ardhakhallaka': covering half the feet,
(b) 'samastakhallaka': covering the entire feet, Khaüsa - which covered the ankle (ghunţaka), Vagguri
- which covered the toes as also the foot, Kosaga
- which covered the toes to save them from getting
struck against stones, etc., Janghā -- which covered the whole thigh, Addhajangha - which covered half the thigh.
With all this, however, only the persons previously mentioned and those who had to walk quickly for some urgent work of the kula, gara or samgha, were allowed to use such shoes. This is clear from the various prāyaścittas laid down for those who used such shoes without any reason.174
Other articles :
Besides the requisites noted up till now, there were others which were used by monks occasionally or in certain regions.
For instance, if the monks happened to go to the Golla country, where people were very particular about purity, they were allowed to use the 'ghadimattaga', and not otherwise.175
172. Byh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 3856-61. 173. Ibid. 3847. 174. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3852-55.

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412
S. B. DEO In regions of excessive rain like the Konkaņa, Jaina monks were per. mitted to use an umbrella 176
The Oghaniryukti commentary177 refers to 'nālikā' which was a stick, four añgulas more than one's own height, used to test the depth of water in the rainy season.
Total Number of Requisites :
With all these various articles occasionally used by the monks, the list of fundamental articles used by the Sthavirakalpika monks remained unchanged, inasmuch as the BỊhatkalpabhāşya mentions the same list as that given in the Oghaniryukti.
The number of requisites, however, differed with different types of the Jinakalpika monks.
(1) Such of the Jinakalpika monks who went about naked and ate food in the hollow of their hand, used only two requisites: the 'rajoharana' and the 'mukhavastrikā';
(2) Those who wore clothes but ate food in the palm of their hand used either three, four or five requisites consisting of:
(a) 'Rajoharana', 'mukhavastrikā' and a cotton garment, or (b) 'Rajoharana', 'mukhavastrikā' and one garment of wool and one
of cotton, or (c) 'Rajoharana', 'mukhavastrikā', two clothes of cotton and one of
wool;
(3) Those who went about naked but carried a begging-bowl used the following articles:
(a) pātra, (b) pātrakabandha, (c) pātrasthāpana, (d) pātrakesarikā,
(e) patalakāņi, (f) rajastrāņa, (g) gocchaka, (h) rajoharana
(i) mukhavastrikā.
(4) Those who put on clothes and carried an alms-bowl, used the above nine articles besides one, two or three clothings.178
Fundamentals Unchanged :
Inspite of these distinctions and a variety of new requisites which the monk was allowed to use, even a later text like the Vimsativimśikā does
175. Ibid. Vol. III, 2369. 176. Avaśyaka-c. p. 366. 177. p. 218a. 178. Brh, kalp. bhā. Vol. IV, p. 1087.

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413 not seem to have changed its views regarding 'aparigraha'. The text explains 'ākiñcaņņa' as follows:
Pakkhīë uvamāë jam dhammovagaraņāïregena
Vatthussāgahanaṁ khalu tam ākincannamiha bhaniyam ||179
"That is non-possession which implies the non-acceptance of articles other than those sanctioned by religion, like the birds who keep nothing with them except their wings which are instrumental to their flying".
Begging and Food :
As more or less the same rules regarding this item of monastic life are to be found in the post-canonical works, only such rules as are described in details and somewhat new to the canonical texts are described below. Who was sent on the Begging Tour ?
As pure food begged in a proper way led to the perfect mode of monk life, only those who were well-versed were sent on the begging tour.
One who had not studied the chapter on 'pindeşaņā' in the Daśavaikālika was not allowed to go to beg food. One who had read it but was unaware of its meaning, was also deemed unfit for the purpose. He who had read it but had not understood it properly even when explained, or had no faith in it, or was not tested regarding it, was not allowed to go. So also a novice who was not confirmed (upastrāpita) was not permitted. Those who were not taught the 'sāmācārī (pratidinakriyākalāparūpā) were not sent on the begging tour.180 If these were sent, then, various prāyaścittas were prescribed.
The monks had to go in pairs or in groups. Nobody was encouraged to go alone, and more so a nun who was likely to be bitten by a dog or attacked by young men or enemies.181
Mode of Begging:
At the time of begging, the monk had to take all his requisites with him. If that was not possible he took at least the bowl, the staff, the pair of clothes, a small pot (mātraka), the patalas and the broom, all of which were termed 'āyārabhāndaga'.182 The shoulder and the pots were to be covered with the cloth.183 The mode described is the same as laid down in the canonical texts.
179. 11, 13. 180. Brh, kalp. bha. Vol. I, 531; Vol. II, 1265. 181. Ibid. Vol. V, 5933; Ogha-N. bhā. 221-22. 182. Ibid. 227. 183. Ibid. p. 213a; Ogha-N. 701,

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The various modes of peculiar begging under an 'abhigraha' (vow) as described in the Brhatkalpabhāşya184 are the same as those in the Uttarādhyayana.
The monk walked with a calm mind, following the rules of 'samitis' properly. If, however, he happened inadvertently to enter a house which had a wild dog or a cow, then he took shelter of a wall or repelled them with his stick.185
If the householders questioned about his rules, the monk was expected to explain them the faults of improper begging and of impure food. 186
Time for Begging :
The Oghaniryuktibhäşya says that the monks went out twice a day. They went out once for obtaining water, and at the normal begging time they sought food.
A monk, who was not on fast, had to beg only once a day. If food was insufficient, then he was allowed to undertake a second round. This concession, however, seemed to be very rare as otherwise he had to face a prāyaścitta for the number of rounds he undertook during one day without any reason.
Number of Rounds in a day
Prāyaścitta
Two Three Four Five Six Seven Eight Nine Ten Eleven
'Māsalaghu' 'Māsaguru' 'Caturlaghu' 'Caturguru' Şadlaghu' 'Sadguru' 'Cheda' 'Mula' 'Anavasthāpya' 'Pārāñcika'.
A monk undergoing a 'caüttha' or a 'chattha' fast was allowed to beg twice, while one practising an 'atthama' (eighth) fast could beg thrice. Those who fasted for a long period were allowed to beg for more than three times.187
184. Vol. II, 1649. 185. Ibid. (p. 503). 186. Ibid. 1602-08. 187. Ibid. 1697-1700.

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415
The young, the old, and those on fast were also allowed to beg earlier than the scheduled time for begging.
Proper and Improper Food:
The forty-six faults pertaining to improper food are to be found repeated in the post-canonical texts188 also, and hence they need not be cited here again.
Besides these, the same old rules about the non-acceptance of food from the person who gave lodging to the monks (sejjäyara),189 the non-eating of food kept overnight,190 the giving up of 'vikṛtis',191 and the non-acceptance of food from heretical ascetics12 are found to be repeated.
It may, however, be noted that the Bṛhatkalpabhäsya193 and the commentary on the Jitakalpal give a definite system of priyaścittas for the violation of the forty-six faults pertaining to begging:
Udgama Faults:
Fault
Adhakarma Auddesika
Misra
(Bādara) Abhyahṛta
Krta
Pūtika
Adhyavapuraka
Sthäpita
Prākaṭa
Prāmītya
Parivartita
Krīta
(Svagrāma abhyāhṛta)
Pihita

Mālāpahṛta
(Itvara sthāpita)
Sūkṣmaprabhṛtikāyam
For the rest of the Udgama dosas
188. Ibid. Vol. I, 533ff; Vim. 13.
189. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 3540-49.
190. Ibid. Vol. V, 6005.
191. Ibid. Vol. II, 1705-13; Ogha-N. bha. 18.
192. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. V, 5089.
193. Ibid. Vol. I, 532ff.
194. Jit. 35; bha. vs. 1087-1719.
::::

Prāyaścitta 'Catvāro gurukāḥ'
33
""
'Masaguru'
39
'Masalaghu'
""
33
99
""
33
33
39
""
"9
'Pañcarätrindinäni
97
37
'Catvāro laghukāḥ'

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S. B. DEO
Utpādana Faults:
Nimitta Māyāpiņa Cikitsāpinda Vacanasamstava Mūla For the rest of the Utpādanadosas
'Catvāro gurukāh' ‘Māsaguru' ‘Laghuko māsaḥ
'Catvāro laghukāh'
Eşaņā Faults:
'Pañcarāïndiya
'Catvāro laghukāḥ'
‘Māsalaghu.'
.. 'Catvāro laghukāḥ:
Māsalaghu'. 'Catvāro laghavah'
Lipta ‘Lipta' with articles like wine, excreta, flesh 'Lipta' with oil, ghee, etc. Purekarma Paścātkarma Accepting food containing powdered bulbs, roots, etc. Besides these, if he accepted food from a eunuch or a leper Accepting food from one who was doing activities like cutting, spinning and pounding If he ate in excess If he ate with hatred If he ate 'sadhūma' If he ate 'niskārana' If he took food in the festival of the heretics195 If he took with permission the fruit belonging to a heretic
the Bhogika the Grāma the Vanik the Goșthi the householder the police the king
::
'Caturlaghavaḥ
:::::
'Caturguru' "Şadlaghu' "Şadguru" 'Cheda' ‘Mula' 'Anavasthāpya 'Pārāñcika. '196
::
195. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. V, 5089. 196. Ibid. Vol. II, 906.

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417
Exceptions:
Ample exceptions to these rules about food are to be found in this phase of monachism.
Against the general rule of not accepting or eating food at night, the following exceptions were allowed: 197
(1) in cases of illness; (2) in cases of the unbearable severity of trouble from hunger, thirst
and weakness; (3) under the practice of penances like 'Candagavejjha' if that was
likely to lead to 'asamadhi'; (4) along travel.
In Mahārāştra, monks were allowed to take food along with the Kalpapālas or Kalāls, and in the country of the Indus, monks could take food with the washermen (rajaka). In the Konkana, people were said to be in the habit of eating various kinds of fruits and flowers, and in the Sindhu region people being predominantly of non-vegetarian habits, the monks were asked to adjust their mode of life with these surroundings.198
Sometimes the monks were forced by the king, wishing to ward off some calamity or to please some divine being, to take food at night.199
Under circumstances of siege of the place of residence, the monks were not allowed to beg out of the gates of the town if the guards suspected them. If, however, they assured them about the alms, then the monks were permitted not to go out but accept even impure food from them.200
If a monk happened to go to a settlement of robbers or to a deserted village where only flesh was available for eating, then the monk was allowed to partake of flesh as an exception to the general rule of not eating flesh.201
In the northern part of India (Uttarāpatha), people generally took food at night. If monks happened to travel there under exceptional circumstances like famine, then they had also to follow the local practice of eating food at night.202
Under sickness, the monks were allowed to take wine with the advice of the doctor. The commentator goes on to add that the monks should secure
197. Ibid. Vol. III, 2872-81. 198. Ibid. Vol. II, (p. 384). 199. Ibid. Vol. V, 4962-64. 200. Ibid. Vol. IV, 4826-30. 201. Ibid. Vol. III, 2906-11; Nis-C. p. 134.
202. Ibid. p. 139. BULL. DCRI.-53

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S. B. DEO
wine in such cases even by wearing other types of garments if it be necessary for that! (yadi svalingena na präpyate udḍāho vā bhavati tato lingabhedadikamapi kartavyam),200
As against these exceptions, cases of refusing to take advantage of such concessions were not wanting. The Avasyakacurns describes the story of one Jinadatta who refused to eat flesh even though prescribed to him by a physician. The Vyavaharabhäṣya depicts the tale of some five hundred Jaina monks who met death by fasting and let their bodies exposed to the jackals and vultures when they could not get food owing to a famine in
Kosala.
Way of Eating Food:
The rules about eating food were the same. The monk was not to consume food with attachment either for its taste or for its quality. No sound of teeth or of mouth was to be done while eating.206
The Jinakalpikas and the Sthavirakalpikas:
The following were some of the differences regarding food between the monks of these two modes of discipline:
(1) The Jinakalpikas ate food in the same 'porisi' in which it was obtained, while the Sthavirakalpikas were allowed to preserve it upto the fourth 'porisi."207
(2) The Jinakalpikas were not to go beyond the chief garden (agrodyänāt parataḥ) for obtaining food, while the Sthavirakalpikas were allowed to go to a distance of half a yojana for this purpose,208
(3) The Jinakalpikas never accepted food from a lady right from the day she had conception, while the Sthavirakalpikas could do so till she was very much advanced in pregnancy.
(4) The Sthavirakalpikas did not accept food from a lady whose child was being nourished on breast-feeding. The Jinakalpikas, however, did not do so till the child was old enough to be independent,209
(5) The Jinakalpikas had to beg and obtain food in the peculiar way they had decided to follow. The Sthavirakalpikas, however, begged food which was secured with the normal rules of 'pindeṣaṇā."
203. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 3413.
204. II, p. 202.
205. 10, 557-60.
206. Ogha-N. bhā, 289.
207. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. V, 5264-74.
208. Ibid. 5290.
209. Ogha-N. Comm. 165ab.

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419
Thus, in short, it may be said that though the fundamental rules about food remained the same, yet there was allowed a wide latitude for adjustment with local customs and social habits.
Penance and Fasting:
The same division of penance into internal (abbhantara) and external (bahira) is to be found in the various commentaries210 and the works of later Jaina writers.211 In the story literature of the Jaina commentaries and romances, casual references about these are abundant.
Besides these, fasts of minor magnitude viz., 'caüttha,' 'Chattha,' 'atthama,' 'dasama' and 'duvālasa' were current also in the post-canonical period, and even now there are hundreds of Jaina monks who practise fasts of such magnitudes.
One thing, however, may be noted regarding the length of the fasts. The commentaries seem to hint that fasts of peculiar nature and of longer periodical length were fast disappearing as early as the times of Abhayadeva. While explaining the different 'pratimas' he says that the 'subhaddā paḍimā' is 'apratītā' (not clear).212 Regarding 'egavali' penance also the commentator adds: 'na anyatropalabdheti na likhita.' This may, therefore, suggest that the practice of some of the 'padima' types of fasts and penances had gone out of vogue at his time.
The same view is corroborated by the Vṛtti of Malayagiri on the Pindaniryukti.213 There he opines that the maximum length of a fast can be six months, and adds: 'parato bhagavadvardhamānasvāmitirthe tapasaḥ pratişedhāt.'
Vidhiprapa, (14th cent. of Vikrama era), clearly states that the members of the Kharatara gaccha do not practise penances called the 'māņikkapatthāriya,' 'maüḍasattami,' amiyaṭṭhami, 'avihavadasami,' and others, as these fasts are not permitted by the Agama. Besides these, penances like the 'egāvali,' 'kanagavali,' 'rayaṇāvali,' 'muttävali,' 'gunarayana,' and 'simhanikkiliya' (which we have already come across in the Angas and the Aupapātika), being very difficult to follow in these days, are not described in the text (te sampayam dukkara tti na damsiya),214
210. Ogha-N. bhā. 168.
211. Samaraiccakaha, pp. 107-8, (Modi's Ed. 1935)
212. Aup. comm. p. 59.
213. p. 178a.
214. Aup. p. 29.

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Such remarks reveal a gradual decrease in the practice of harder types of penances though the commentaries, cūrņis and later works refer to the fundamentals of the internal and the external penances.
Inspite of this, however, we come across stray instances of long term fasts undertaken by different persons.215
In this respect, it may be noted that fasts unto death (samlehaņā), 'pāövagamana' and 'bhattaparinnā'216 are also referred to in post-canonical works and commentaries. As late as in 1945 a Jaina nun in Poona made a fast of 42 days which ended in her death.217 In the rainy season, the monks still make short term fasts constantly during the four months.
Supernatural Powers:
As compared with the texts of the canon, the books which are of a commentarial nature as well as full of stories of legendary and romantic type refer to a number of magical practices resorted to by monks in general.
Especially the Țikās and the Cūrnis are full of such material. In this connection it may be noted that Siddhasena ācārya had gone to the extent of building magic houses according to the rules given in a book called Jonipāhuda.218 The monks were allowed to make use of spells like 'thambhani' and 'mohani'219 if they were attacked by thieves. So also in order to know the person who had stolen something, a spell called the 'ābhogini' was uttered.220 In cases of snake bite the monks used a charmed piece of cloth which when rubbed to the patient made him normal.221 A story is told of Padaliptā who created a magical figure of a princess.222 'Kāyotsarga' also was effective in certain cases to ward off the trouble from forest deities to the monks.223 The practice of applying charmed ash to the body to save oneself from the thieves is also referred to.224 The power to fly up in the air seems to have
215. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. II, 1283-84; Vol. V, 4992.
216. Jinaprabha's Tirthakalpa (c. 14th cent. A.D.) mentions two Jain ascetics 'who performed austerities for one, two and three months by (partaking of every) sixth, eighth, tenth or twelfth (meal) or by fasting for half a month.'-BÜHLER, I.A. Vol. XXVII, p. 70.
217. She belonged to the Sthānakvāsins. Her name was Rambhākuvarji Mahārāj. (Information given by Shri J. H. OSWAL, Poona).
218. See also Nis-C. 4, p. 375; Bph-kalp.bha. Vol. III, 2681. 219. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4809. 220. Ibid. 4633. 221. Ibid. 3907. 222. Ibid. Vol, V, 4915. 223. Ibid. Vol. II, 3108. 224. Nis-C. 13, p. 850.

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421
been a very common supernatural qualification and a monk possessing that was designated a 'carana-muni.'
The Kalpalatävyäkkyä,225 or the commentary on the Kalpasūtra gives numerous stories about supernatural feats by different monks. It is related there that Rohagupta used different spells like the 'mayuri,' 'nakuli,' 'biḍāli,' 'vyāghri,' 'simhï,' 'aluki' and 'hoülāvaki' in his debate with Poṭṭasāla who was endowed with 'vrścika,' 'sarpa,' 'müşaka', 'mrgi,' 'värähi,' 'käki' and 'sākunikā' spells. The same commentary refers to an 'abhimantrita rajoharana' or a charmed broom.
Besides these, a number of other spells are referred to. They are the 'addaa' (curing the patient by making him see his reflection in a mirror),228 'anteüri' (curing the ill by wiping one's own body), janavani' (which let one know the whereabouts of a person), 'pannatti' (prediction about future), sankari (which made the reciter surrounded by friends and servants to carry out the orders),230 and such others.
Along with the practice of such spells, the monks in this phase seemed. to have an implicit faith in dreams and superstitions. Sneezing, stumbling while going somewhere, going to a physician in odd numbers, studying only on auspicious times, renouncing the world on proper muhurtas, and sprinkling the dead with bodily excreta if a ghost entered it, all these reveal the element of superstition prevalent in the monastic life of this period.
Before concluding, it may be noted that many of the stories are of a legendary nature. Secondly, these magical practices are mostly ascribed to the 'paribbājakas', and it is not clearly stated whether in all these cases Jaina monks participated. Lastly, it may be that the Bhāṣyas and other texts were written under the influence of the contemporary conditions which perhaps encouraged these practices. It may, therefore, be concluded that the monastic life in general was full of the practice of spells and the Jaina monks could not totally abstain from them.
Study:
Study of a particular book was threefold, as it pertained either to the text (sutra), or to the meaning (artha) or to both these categories (tadu
225. p. 229b.
226. Vav. bhā. 5, 136-38. 227. Ibid.
228. Uttar. Ti. p. 189a.
229. Ibid. p. 138.
230. Ibid. p. 189a.
231. Brh kalp. bha. Vol. II, 1921-24; V, 5500-2.

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S. B. DEO bhaya.232 In mastering all the three aspects, one had to be very careful in learning and reciting it.
Way of Reciting:
The fundamental rules of reciting the sūtra remained the same, and the following prāyaścittas were prescribed for improper reading: 233 Omitting some words
.. 'Māsalaghu Transgressing the sequence of the Tirthankaras .. Caturguru' Mixing or adding some other words
.. 'Māsalaghu' For wrong faith
.. 'Caturlaghu' Transgressing the order of the guru
.. 'Caturguru'.
Unfit Students:
The sūtra was taught only to the deserving. Those, therefore, who were quarrelsome with the guru, had no devotion for the teacher, acted like a swan in learning only the selected portions, or like the buffalo in making the whole pond (i.e., group of students) dirty, who were like the cat who liked drinking milk only when it was spilt on the ground, i.e., who liked to listen only when the whole congregation had got up-all these were not to be taught the sūträrtha,234
Proper Students:
Those, on the other hand, who were well-versed, with a long standing in the order, of stable mind, intelligent, and well stabilised, were taught the
sutra.235
Higher Texts:
There were, however, certain texts which were taught only to the qualified. The Chedasūtras, for instance, were not revealed to those who grumbled against the guru or who mixed food for taste or who made residence or apparatus decorative (tintiņika), who were of a fickle mind (calacitta), who changed the gaña frequently within six months (gānanganika), who were of weak morals (durbalacăritra), who humiliated the guru (ācāryaparibhāvī), who acted against the dictates of the ācārya (vāmāvarta), who were wicked (piśuna), who had not studied the preliminary books like the Avaśyaka upto
232. Avaśyaka. bha. 150, p. 434. 233. Brh, kalp. bha. Vol. I, 288-99. 234. Ibid. Vol. I, 347-61. 235. Ibid. 400-401.

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the Sutrakertänga (ädyadṛṣṭabhäva), who were not taught the 'sāmācāri (akṛtasāmācāri), who had spent less than three years in monk life (tarunadharma), and those who repudiated or disowned the guru at whose hands. they had learnt the sütra (guruninhavi).
Those who revealed these texts to unfit students had to undergo prāyaścittas.236
The Qualities of the Teacher:
Only those who were born in the 'Arya deśa,' in good family and race, those who had a dignified appearance, those who were endowed with fortitude, who used less words, who were not greedy or deceitful, who were impartial, having constant practice of study, knowing the local customs, practices, languages and the method of study, knowing the 'nayas' as well as one's own and rival systems, were allowed to teach.257
423
How to Learn the Sutra:
The students sat in a circle (mandalīnisijjā),238 by giving up sleep and gossip, and joining the palms of their hands, they listened to the upadhyāya with devotion and respect.
Such rapt attention in proper study was said to lead the disciples to their own welfare (ätmahita), knowledge of control (parijñā), stoppage of karman (bhavasamvara), the maintenance of religious and ascetic feeling (navanavaśca sarhvegah), stability of the mind (niskaṁhpatä), penance (tapas), dissipation of karman (nirjarā) and the ability to guide others (paradesikatva).239
Even to the layman who had come to listen to the sermon, the 'yatidharma' was to be taught first and not the 'upäsakadharma'. The reason was that by listening first to the 'upäsakadharma' the listener might think, "If 'saugati' is possible by following the layman's religion, why unnecessarily go in for the harder 'yatidharma' at all?", and thus he was likely to turn. away from the thought of becoming a monk. Therefore, the acarya who recited the 'upasakadharma' first to the audience had to undergo the 'catvāro guravaḥ' which were severe both in time and penance (tapasā kālena ca).240
236. Ibid. 758-90.
237. Ibid. 241-44; Vim. 12, 8.
238. Ibid. 12. 10-11.
239. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. II, 1162. 240. Ibid. 1139,

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S. B. DEO The Hurried Reading :
Normally, the monks were to study the sūtras with proper care, digesting all the material they read. Hence, a hurried and a superficial reading of a text (utsāra) was not allowed, as it led to mutual competition, half-hearted knowledge, 'mithyātva', extinction of proper knowledge and the endangering of self-control. This half-hearted study was likely to lead to the condemnation not only of the disciple but even of the guru.
In cases of calamities and emergencies, however, only those who were well-versed in the lore, who knew the fit and the unfit persons, who were desirous of liberation and who made efforts to understand the sūtra day and night, were allowed to consent to others doing the hurried reading.
Even when permitted, only he who had acquired tranquillity of mind, who was always engaged in the studies, or was attached to the guru (pratibaddha), was of ideal behaviour (samvigna), had special powers with him (salabdhika), who never gave up his proper appearance or mode of life (linga), who was intelligent (medhāvin), who was easily enlightened, and who was careful in his movements (yogakārakah), was allowed to perform the ‘utsārakalpa.'
Why was this done?
In case the members of a certain gaccha were not able to procure clothes, bowls, bedding, etc. in a certain village where people were disinterested in religion, then such a monk who could procure these things was made to study the rules of 'vastraişaņā' hurriedly, and sent for that purpose even though he was normally not fit for it.241
If a certain text was unique and a particular ācārya was the only person who knew it, then, in order to save the text from extinction, its reading was given even to an unfit disciple if there was nobody else available 242 Types of Books:
Five kinds of books were taken to be unfit to be carried by the monks. They were the 'gandīpustaka,' the kacchao,' the 'mustī°, the 'samputaphalakao and the 'chedapātī°.' These, being heavy, were difficult to carry. The other defects of such books were that they generally gave rise to small insects, were likely to injure the shoulder, and were misinterpreted by the robbers who suspected the burden as containing some valuables.243
241. Ibid. Vol. I, 715-40. 242. Ibid. Vol. V, 5210. 243. Ibid. Vol. IV, 3822-27.

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Time for Study:
The Oghaniryuktibhāsya244 lays down the rule that study was to be done after 'padilehana.'
The terms 'sūtrapauruşi' and 'arthapaurusi' suggest that there were two procedures -- one in which simply the reading of the text was done, or lessons were taken from the guru, and the other in which the meaning of the text was explained.
Places for Study:
The old rules of avoiding such places as were full of women, eunuchs and beasts, and where injury to living beings was likely to take place, still held good
In a place, however, which was close to he nunnery, no monk was allowed to recite the canon loudly at night, as that was likely to attract the nuns. The whole affair was likely to lead to mutual intimacy between a particular nun and the monk which proved a cause for their going astray. In such a place, therefore, all the monks recited the sūtra simultaneously so that it was difficult to find out sweet voices of particular monks.245
Higher Studies and Debates :
We have already seen that the practice of leaving one's gana and going to other ācāryas for higher studies was practised at the time of the Chedasütras. The same practice seems to have been current246 and the monks were allowed to meet reputed scholars and ācāryas while on tour.
There were debates frequently, and for this purpose the disciples were to prepare themselves not only in logic and religious philosophy, but also in the various regional languages and the tenets of rival faiths. Therefore, a major portion of the monk's life was spent in studies.
The views of Haribhadra on this point may be said to be liberal, and are after the manner of a person who craves for liberation. He remarks that "all the wise (budha) who are desirous of getting liberation, should grasp the meaning not only of one's own system (svasamaya), but also that of the rival sect (parasamaya), by tantra, nīti and yukti". 247
244. 173, (pp. 114b-115a). 245. Brh. kalp. bhā. Vol. III, 2264-71. 246. Ibid. Vol. V, 5425-31.
247. Vim. 11, 19. BULL. DCRI.-54

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S. B. DEO In the craze for defeating the opponent in debate, the monks, it seems, were allowed to use all sorts of tactics, including the use of a false speech. In this case, the Brhatkalpabhāşya248 gives the example of Rohagupta who used a lie by saying that there was a third category called 'nojiva', which, in reality, did not exist.
Study of other Arts and Sciences :
Even though other arts like that of fighting, spells and magic were not allowed to monks, we have numerous instances where the monks, who knew fighting, did resort to it when their ācārya was kidnapped, or when they were attacked by robbers or by the general of the army. In protecting the nuns also, fighting as a last resort was allowed.249
Literary Activity of Jaina Monks:
As we have remarked elsewhere, the literary output of Jaina monks and scholars in the post-canonical period is considerable, and scholars like Siddhasena (c. 7th cent. A.D.), śilānka (c. 9th cent. A.D.), Abhayadeva, śāntisūri and Devendra (11th cent. A.D.), and Malayagiri (12th cent. A.D.) have distinguished themselves as commentators. Persons like Haribhadra weilded their pen effectively both in the branches of romances and religion, while Hemacandra and Mallisena excelled in grammar and logic. The extensive literary output of authors like Hemacandra shows that their vigorous ascetic life gave them ample leisure for study and writing. Curious enough, the Jaina monks wrote treatises even on medicine like the one called Vaidyavallabha by Hastiruci (17th cent. A.D.).250 Voluminous work in all branches of literature like mythology, history, patřāvalis, kathākośas and prabandhas was the outcome of this literary effort.
The Bhāndāras :
This literary activity, it seems, must have received a setback in the reign of the Muslims who followed a policy more or less of destruction. This was one of the causes that led to the establishment of various Bhāndāras where this literary and Mss. wealth was stored and saved from the onslaught of the invaders.
These Bhāņdāras which are more numerous in Punjab, Rajputana, Gujarat, Bihar and South India, have played an important role in preserving
248. Vol. I, 756.
249. Ibid. Vol. IV, 4106; Vol. V, 5254-59, etc.; For the use of spells, see under supernatural powers.
250. GODE, P. K in J. A., Vol. XIII, No. 1, p. 6.

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the documents containing wisdom of the past. Till recently no stranger was allowed to have access to these, but the Jainas have admirably brought out some of the wealth by publishing many of the Mss. as well as preparing exhaustive catalogues of the contents of these Bhändāras.
It should also be noted that the Jaina monks did not rest content only with writing in Sanskrit and Prakrit, but they have mastered the New Indian languages like Gujarati, Rajasthānī and Hindi, and have, of late, produced literature in these languages, though instances of Sanskrit and Prakrit works can also be pointed out.
This effort of study and literary activity blended with a pure mode of life has given peculiar powers of memory to some Jaina monks. In this connection, the instance of a Jaina ācārya who performed wonderful feats of memory in Bombay in the recent past are too fresh to be forgotten.
Daily Routine:
The items of daily routine did not change in theory, though in abnormal circumstances, they had to.
Early morning either before (as in the case of the Sthavirakalpikas) or after sunrise (in the case of the Jinakalpikas) the monks did the scanning of the requisites. Some texts lay down that, this 'padlilehana' was to be done after the performance of the 'avasyakas'. The things to be examined were the 'muhapatti', 'rayaharana', two 'nisejjās', 'colapatta', 'santhara', 'uttarapatta' and the three clothings. After scanning, the requisites were to be kept bound except in the rainy season. Under calamities, the monk was allowed to do 'padilehana', at any time he got leisure to do so.251
Nowadays, after the 'avaśyakas', the monk goes to 'caityavandana' or to the temple. This item, it may be noted, has come to more prominence, due to the Jaina laity building palacial temples to the Tirthankaras. Thus the 'caityavandana' has become an important item in the daily routine of the monk. In the temple, he does not worship the deity but merely bows down and performs what may be called mental worship (bhāva-pūjā).
After return to the monastery, the monk or whoever is chief among them gives a lecture to the laymen at about 9 a.m. After that, he goes on the begging tour and accepts food with the proper rules for it. Then showing the food to the guru and making 'alocana' he eats the food.
After taking food, he takes rest for an hour or two. Then again at four in the afternoon, he scans his requisites, engages in studying, goes to
251. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. II, 1661-65.

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S. B. DEO
the temple and again makes 'älocanä'. He sleeps very early as no lights are allowed in the monastery.
The scanning of the requisites and the 'alocana' involve the use of the 'sthāpanācārya' i.e. the shells which are placed as substitutes for the 'pañcaparameşthin' (the five dignitories). Now-a-days, the shells are placed in an exquisitely embroidered piece of fine cloth and are often gold-plated. They are tied in silky pieces of clothes and are placed on a wooden tripod.
Even though, most of the time of the monk is to be allotted to study, the sphere of his activities has increased, and he spends more of his time in lecturing to the laity and organising its religious life. Mrs. STEVENSON 252 notes that the Jaina laymen pay the pandits who are employed to teach the monks. The present author, however, found that all the monks with whom he had the opportunity to meet, were such as could read and write Gujarati and Hindi, and were equipped with the knowledge of the basical, if not detailed, information of their tenets.
Death and Funeral Rites:
We have already seen that the texts of the canon fail to give details about the funeral rites of a monk. It is only in the Bhāṣyas253 that we come across the details of disposing of the dead. It is likely that these Bhāṣyas picture contemporary or even earlier, and hence somewhat traditional, practices in this matter.
The following information can be had from these texts.
Choosing a Place of Residence:
The monks who decided to stay at a particular place either for the rainy season or otherwise for one month, took into consideration the possibility of easily obtaining wood and a proper place for the disposal of the dead nearby.
Along with these two fundamental necessities, they had to keep at piece of cloth ready with them to cover the dead, perchance a monk died. What to do if a Monk dies:
If death overtook a monk at night, the rest of the monks kept a vigil around him.
252. Heart of Jainism, p. 231.
253. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. V, 5500-5557; Vav. bha. 7, 442-446; Avasyaka-c. II, pp. 102-09; Avasyaka-N-Dipika, Vol. II, 95ff. The above account is based mainly on the first two texts.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM Then noting a proper nakşatra, they took out the dead.
The Proper Direction of Placing the Dead :
The dead was to be disposed of either at the south-western or the southern or the western or the south-eastern or the north-western or the eastern or the north-eastern direction.
Various superstitious elements seem to have been connected with this matter. For instance, it was said that if the dead was placed to the north, illness overtook the rest of the monks; if he was placed to the east, it suggested either a future rift in the gana or a decay in morals; if to the south, then the monks were not likely to get food.
The Funeral Ground:
The monks were to find out previously three places for the funeral so that any one of these could be used in times of emergency. Out of these three, however, that which was the nearest to the village or to the place of stay was preferred.
The place was to be free from living beings. The monks did not choose other's funeral ground as there was a likelihood of the heretical people throwing away the corpse of the dead monk elsewhere.
How the Dead was carried :
The dead was carried over strong bamboos or pieces of wood obtained from the houses of the laymen.
Covering for the Dead :
Three pieces of cloth were used to cover the dead. All these three were to be clean white sheets of cloth, one of which was spread below the dead, another over the dead and the third spread over the second so as to hide the string-ties with which the corpse was tied.
The cover-cloth was to be very clean to avoid condemnation by the public for the dirty clothes as well as to avoid would-be monks from turning away from monk-life. So also, no lamentations for the dead were allowed.
The Tying of the Dead :
The thumbs of the hands and the toes of the feet were tied, and the face of the dead was covered by the mouthpiece (muhapattī). A small cut was made between the fingers.

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S. B. DEO Time for taking out:
Whenever a monk died, either at day or at night, he was taken out without delay.
In the following cases, however, the dead was not taken out at night: (1) if there was hail-storm, (2) if there was trouble from thieves and wild animals, (3) if the gates of the city were closed down, (4) if the local custom was not favourable for the taking out of the
dead at night, (5) if the dead was a well-known person, (6) if the relatives of the dead objected, (7) if the monk had done a long fast previous to his death,
(8) if the cover-cloth was not pure white, and (9) if the king was to enter or go out at that time with his
paraphernalia.
Preserving the Dead :
In the above circumstances, the monk, if not long dead, was kept in a straightened position with his hands and legs straight, and his mouth and eyes closed. The rest of the monks kept a vigil and gave sermons to the devoted laity. The Possessed Corpse :
If some supernatural being entered the body of the dead and made it get up, then it was sprinkled over with bodily excretion (?) (kāyikī) with the left hand and then ordered not to get up from the bamboo bed.
The following superstitions prevailed in this connection:
The place of getting up by the possessed corpse
The places to be left by the monks due to this
.. Monastery .. Settlement .. Half the village .. The whole village
Monastery Settlement Village Village-gates Interval between the village and
the garden Interval between the garden and
the place of study The study room
.. The district (vişayamandala)
The country (desa) .. The kingdom (rājya)

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If the possessed corpse cried aloud the name of a particular monk, then the head of the latter was tonsured, and he was asked to undergo fasts by separating himself from the gaccha.
An Image of Grass:
If at the time of the death of a particular monk the constellation was unfavourable, then two images of Kusa grass were made. Failure to do so was supposed to result in the death of two more monks.
The Funeral:
Taking all these precautions, the dead, after being well tied, was carried by the monks or by the laymen to the funeral ground, and was placed there with its head towards the village. This was done to prevent it from entering the village again if it got up.
Then the ground was cleaned and a grass bed was spread over it evenly.
The requisites like the broom, mouthpiece and the colapatta were kept by the side of the dead. That was deemed essential to prevent the suspicion of the king who might otherwise think that the monks were responsible for the death of a non-monk. The pots, etc. used for the deposition of bodily excreta of the dead were allowed to be kept for the use of other monks who were ill. Otherwise, they were thrown away.
Body Left to the Jackals?
It appears from the description given in the Brhatkalpabhagya that the body of the dead was left to the mercy of the jackals.
This practice is hinted by the fact that different superstitions were based on the direction in which the body was dragged by these wild animals. Plentiful alms and a happy sojourn were supposed to be indicated to that direction in which the body was dragged by jackals without wounding the dead. If, on the other hand, the jackals dragged the corpse to a particular direction after wounding it, then famine was supposed to take place in that particular direction.
These rules, however, were said to be applicable only to the bodies of an ācārya or of one who had done a long fast previous to his death. In the case of others, no such predictions could be done even if their bodies were dragged by jackals.
The Return:
The party was not allowed to return by the same road by which it had taken the dead to the funeral ground. Before returning, they were not to perambulate round it.

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S. B. DEO In the meantime, the owner of the residence, or the novice who was left behind, wiped the lodge clean. Then the returning monks performed 'kāyotsarga' before their guru and then recited hymns in praise of Ajitanātha and śāntinātha.
If an ācārya or any other famous monk expired then the rest of the monks went on fast that day and abstained from study. In the case of the death of ordinary monks, this rule was not necessarily followed.254
The Vidhimärgaprapā, a work belonging to the fourteenth century of the Vikrama era, gives more or less the same details about the funeral rites of the monks of the Kharatara Gaccha.255
The death of a famous monk or of one who had resorted to fast unto death (samlehaņā) is celebrated with great pomp and ceremony now-a-days, and many popular elements seem to have been included in this matter. The list of articles required for the performance of death rites of a monk, as furnished to the author by a Jaina monk, includes such material as sandalwood, camphor and various other costly and fragrant items.
MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL:
The fundamental tenets of moral discipline and self-control are to be frequently met with in the Bhāşyas and other post-canonical literature, in the same way as in the canonical texts. The following discussion embodies only the changes or otherwise in these fundamentals as revealed in the texts of this period. The details of the oft-repeated terms like the 'mula-gunas', the ‘uttara-gunas', the 'mahāvratas', the 'caranakarana', the 'guptis', the 'samitis', etc. need not be explained again.
Ahimsa :
In all his thoughts, words and acts the monk was careful regarding injury to living beings. For this purpose he avoided even an attempt that was likely to lead to that effect.
Hence he was not allowed to stand near water, occupy a residence full of living beings, or even ease nature on a place containing living beings in any form. He had to undergo various prāyaścittas for carelessness in this matter.256
254. For funeral rites of a Brāhmanical sannyāsi, see Manu, X, 55. For Buddhist: B. C. LAW, India as described in Early Buddhist and Jain texts, p. 93.
255. For its date, see Intr. page 'a'; Vidhiprapā is another name for Kharatara, Ibid. page 'a'.
256. Prayascittas for standing close to water and killing living beings; Bệh. kalp. bhā. Vol. III, 2389, 2399; Punishment for improper way of easing nature: Ibid. Vol. I, 46066: For details regarding this matter, Ibid. 430ff.

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433 Minuteness of details regarding everything seems to have, however, led to a difference of opinion among the various leaders of the Church. Against the rule not allowing the monk to do any activity near the proximity of water (udakatīra), the Brhatkalpabhāşya257 refers to a number of interpretations regarding the exact definition of the 'udakatira'. This may suggest the existence of some members of the Church who favoured liberalism in interpretation and were inclined to have a liberalisation of moral discipline than the others.
This liberalism is corroborated by some statements of the commentators also. It was said that even though the normal rule of choosing a path devoid of living beings was to be followed, under exceptional circumstances touring along a 'sacitta' road was also allowed, and the rule was that 'vastvantaramāśritya vidhih pratişedho vā vidhīyate',258 i.e. the exceptions were to be adjusted to the circumstances. On this basis, the monks who were the victims of royal displeasure were allowed to disguise and eat that food which was normally not allowed.259 The view prevailed that only he was a 'hiņsaka' who was 'pramatta' (careless).
When there was no occasion for exceptional conduct the monks behaved according to the normal rules of monastic discipline, and had to care much for the social condemnation as will be clear from the following case :
The monks were not allowed to eat raw fruits. But if a young man saw a monk accepting it then the monk had to face 'caturlaghu'. If that young man had a doubt regarding the exact thing the monk had accepted--for he was likely to doubt whether the monk had accepted gold—then the monk had to undergo 'caturlaghu'. If he was sure of it, then 'caturguru'. If the young man told his wife about it, and if she repudiated it, then 'caturguruka'. If she did not repudiate his statement, then 'sadlaghavah'. If he told about it to his friends or his parents and if the latter did not repudiate it, then 'cheda'. If he told it to the guards, and if they put faith in it, then 'müla'. If they repudiated the man's statement, then 'cheda'. If the king came to know of it through his ministers, and if he repudiated it, still the monk had to face 'anavasthāpya'. But if the king also believed in it, then the monk was punished with 'pārāñcika'.260
Inspite of these precautions, the post-canonical literature reveals rules more for the exceptional circumstances, which possibly suggest that environ
257. Vol. III, 2385. 258. Ogha-N. comm. p. 37b. 259. Mis-C. 9, p. 518.
260. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. II, 866. BULL. DCRI.--55

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S. B. DEO ments which were fast changing, were also influencing the normal rules of ascetic discipline.
Satya :
The Vimsativimsikā261 lays down 'vacanakşanti' (absence of anger in speech), 'vacanārjava' (gentleness of speech) and 'vacanamukti' (unattachment in speech), as the fundamental requirements of a monk's speech. He was never to speak a lie, or use an injurious speech.
We have, however, already seen that the 'gītārthas' themselves violated this rule when they pretended that they had used pure water to wash clothes, when they actually used any water and dipped their milk-dried clothes (kholla) in it. The same was the case regarding the 'gulikā’.262 Even though such practices were resorted to with the good intention of not allowing the raw novice to indulge in improper behaviour regarding water, yet the ‘gītārtha' also came a step lower in his moral qualifications to gain a worthy end.
Harsh words could be addressed to a novice who had done a grave offence so that he left the gaņa.263
Asteya:
Against the theoretical existence of the vow of 'adattādāna', the stealing of requisites was perhaps a very common offence among the monks as is clear from the various punishments ascribed to different types of stealing.
The Brhatkalpabhāsya264 prescribes punishment for the ācārya who stole valuable or ordinary requisites of his co-religionists, a monk who gathered for him excess requisites secretly besides those for the gaccha, the monk who acquired another set of requisites on the false pretext that his old set was burnt, and the monk who appropriated for himself the requisites which he was asked to hand over to somebody else.
Stealing the requisites of a monk of rival sect was deemed a greater offence. If the monk was exposed in this attempt, and if a case was filed against him, then he was punished by the Church with 'cheda'. If the king expelled him from his kingdom, then the Church punished the offender with pārāñcika'.265
261. 11, 7-8. 262. See above page. 263. Brh. kalp. bhā., Vol. I, 756. 264. Vol. V, 5064-87. 265. Ibid. 5091,

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Even though a general conclusion regarding the demoralisation of the Church would be unjustified from such stray cases, it may be noted that the human crave for storage and striving for the beautiful, persisted even in monk life in some cases.
Aparigraha:
We have already seen that the Niryuktis as well as the later texts like the Vimsativimika define aparigraha as 'svalpaparigraha' which included articles allowed for religious purposes or for the maintenance of a perfect mode of life. A list of articles like the one given in the Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya, and which was used by the monks while on tour reveals a number of new things.
Even though literary evidence is scanty to prove the violation of this vow by the monks, inscriptions, as we shall see in a separate chapter, refer to a number of instances in which the monks were given gifts of land by royal patrons in connection with temples. It is a moot point what kind of ownership was implied by such dedication of lands. GLASENAPP and Mrs. STEVENSON267 refer to instances of monks who used spects of golden. frame and travelled in a train, as also of those who kept with them banknotes.
Brahmacarya:
The monks were to practise perfect celibacy, and were to abstain from the fivefold enjoyment of speech, taste, vision, smell and touch,268
This vow enjoining upon the monk the practice of celibacy had to be followed in the strictest possible sense. He had to keep under control all his five sense-organs.2 269 Any violation of this was likely to lead to a ruffled state of mind which was unbecoming of a true monk.270-271 Equanimity and indifference towards worldly objects, aims and modes was the principal motto of monk-life. It was likely that if he fell a prey to the excitation of any one of the sense organs, he would be subject to the excitation of other sense organs also. For instance, the eating of spicy food, principally a matter of taste, was likely to lead to the constant demand for it, or to ponderings over it in case the monk could not get it. Both these were not worthy of a true monk as such slavery to tasty food is principally the characteristic of worldly men. Moreover it was likely to distract his attention from spiritual matters.
266. Der Jainismus, Guj. Transl., pp. 348-50. 267. Heart of Jainism, p 211 f.n. 2.
268. Der Jainismus, Guj. Transl., pp. 348-50.
269. For instances of exemplary practice of celibacy under abnormal conditions, see Brh. kalp. Bhd., vol. V, 5261-62; 4923-25.
270-271. He had to be celibate even at the cost of his own life: Ibid., 4948-49.

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S. B. DEO . This control of the five organs of sense had to be rigorously followed even under abnormal circumstances like famine,272 political revolutions and an unsympathetic society.273 Purificatory punishments were laid down even for the seemingly trifling violations.
Under all these circumstances, however, the monk had to undergo various punishments upto the 'pārāñcika.' He had, therefore, to be very careful in not giving any cause for suspicion about his behaviour to the society at large.274 He had to be more particular about his relations with the nuns, and he had to undergo the following prāyaścittas in this case :
19
If after seeing a nun, the monk pondered over her
.. 'laghuka-māsah' ....desired to see her again
'guruko māsaḥ .... gave out long sighs
'catvāro māsāḥ
laghukāḥ' If after seeing a nun, the monk
'catvāro māsāḥ , had fever
gurukāh' .... had burning sensation
saņmāsā laghavah' ....had no taste for food
fşaņmāsā guravah' .... had swooning
'cheda' ....had hysteria
'mula' ....lost understanding
'anavasthāpya ....died
.. 'pārāñcika."275 Inspite of these rules, however, the idea that the maintenance of the body was essential for the sake of the carrying out of proper self-control seemed to have gained ground. It was advocated that under exceptional circumstances, the monk may violate certain rules and then after atoning for these violations may practise self-control more rigorously. But if he decided to lose his life then the very purpose of carrying on life was done away with.276
272. Ibid. 4955-8. 273. See, Ibid., II, (p. 503) for precautions on begging tour.
274. Ibid. Vol. III, 2397: As against this, Mallikādevi, queen of king Pasenadi, made the following arrangements (regarding Buddhist monks): "Golden boats were placed in the middle of the pandal, and each kshatriya daughter threw scents standing in the midst of the two bhikkhus. Each kshatriya princess fanned standing in the middle of two bhikkhus"-LAW, B. C., I.A., Vol. 57, p. 87.
275. Bệh. kalp. bha., Vol. III, 2258-62. 276. "Savvattha samjamam samjamāü appānameva rakkhijjā /
Muccai aīvāyāo puno visohi na yāvirai // Sarjamaheüm deho dhārijjai so kao û tadabhāve? / Samjamaphāi nimittam dehaparipälană itthā // -Ogha-N. 47-48.

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437
Illness and Bodily Care :
It was expected of every monk that he should wait upon the ill. Even if the ill belonged to his own or other gaccha, or was at a distant place, the monk had to go to him.
Proper food for the ill was begged in the same village. If it was not available there, then the monks could go to another place to secure the necessary requirements of the ill. If the things required were such as did not last long, then the monk sent for bringing such articles was allowed to pass the night there, and start early next morning.
If anybody among the group of monks knew something of medicine then he was allowed to treat the ill. Different kinds of fasts were also prescribed for different illnesses. A monk suffering with fever was asked to undertake fasts and drink hot water, till the temperature came to normal. Those who suffered from rheumatism (vāta) were administered ghee (ghrta), while those who were down with bile (pitta) were asked to eat sugar (sarkarā).
In extreme cases, a physician was called. While going to the doctor, however, good omens were to be taken into consideration. We have already noted the procedure of approaching the doctor and bringing him to the monastery as given in the Oghaniryukti. The same procedure is described in the Byhatkalpabhāşya.277
The maximum period that an ācārya could stay at one place for the ill monk was six months. If within this period the patient was not cured, then the ācārya asked the 'kula' to wait upon the ill. The 'kula' did so for three years. If uncured during this period, then the 'gana' nursed him for a year, and after that the diseased was handed over to the care of the 'sangha' till the former was alive.278 Normally, monks waited upon the ill till he was able to go on the begging round or was able to undertake touring life.279
During the illness, the acts done by a hysteric or a possessed monk were pardoned, and anything whether pure (prāsuka) or impure (aprāsuka), acceptable (eșanīya) or unacceptable (anesaņīya) was to be secured in serious illnesses like cholera and other bodily pains (śūla).280
Regarding the question of paying the fees of the physician, the Vyavahāra Bhäşya281 refers to the miserable plight of the monks. In order to fulfil
277. Vol. II, 1870-2001. 278. Ibid. 279. Ogha-N. bhā. 47. 280. Brh. kalp. bhd. Vol. I, 756; Vol. II, 1026. 281. 5, 89, p. 20.

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S. B. DEO the demands of the doctor, the monks had to provide for it from the savings they had done before entering monkhood, or had to depend on some money which were found without any claimant for it, or they prepared small toys, the sales of which were sufficient for the bill of the doctor.
Alocanā, Pratikramana, etc.:
Rules about 'ālocanā', 'pratikramana', 'kāyotsarga', 'pratilekhana', the ten qualities of an ideal monk and other items of moral discipline remained the same.282
A remark by Haribhadra in his Vimśativimśikā, reveals the author's strong dissatisfaction regarding the efforts of the Church merely to swell the number of its followers without minding their ācāra'. He remarks, "The degree and quality of ācāra that is followed and not simply the number of followers, should be the aim of a religion. Religion suffers more by its precepts followed in a bad manner than by people not doing it at all. It can be illustrated by the difference between the mộta (dead) and the marita (murdered). The people who follow religious instructions improperly, definitely commit murder of the Church. It would be better to let the Church die if it gets no followers at all!"283
It may be that Haribhadra was picturing the condition of the Jaina Church of his own times!
GENERAL REMARKS:
The following few characteristics regarding the state of monachism in the post-canonical period may be noted:
(1) Jainism spread to different parts of India with the efforts of Samprati. This brought the monks face to face with new conditions.
Naturally, they were allowed to undergo exceptions to the general rule which permitted them to the extent of eating abnormal types of food, wearing the apparel of heretics, and change the requisites according to local practices.
(2) The monks resorted to a lot of magical practices and spells to thwart the progress of inimical kings and robbers. Sometimes, the able among them was allowed even to take resort to the use of weapons.
(3) Efforts were made not to incur the displeasure of ruling kings. Ministers of states and eunuchs, dear to the king, were allowed entry to the
282. Vim. 11, 2-12; 15, 2-20; 16, 1-15; 17, 12-20. 283. Ibid. 17, 14-16.

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439 order. The policy of saluting even the 'pārsvasthas' (persons of lax discipline) was advocated in case it was likely to prove beneficial to the gaccha. The sangha could commute the punishment of a person if he was likely to be of help in pacifying the king.
(4) The monks were allowed, under certain circumstances, to dethrone a king and install another in his place if he was very wicked, and if the circumstances were favourable to the monks. The willing disciples of the Buddhists were allowed to be kidnapped only after taking into consideration the latter's influence on the society residing in a particular region.
(5) Moral standard of the monks seemed to have remained high, even though we find that instances, like those cited in connection with the 'gulikā' and 'kholla', suggest the view that even a lie may be told to prevent a disciple from going astray.
(6) Royal patronage as in the case of Hemacandra was very well manipulated by the Jaina monks who made use of it to the utmost in spreading their religion.
(7) In later days, some of the officers of the hierarchy lost their importance, and only the ācārya or sūri, upādhyāya and vācaka retained their prominence. Inspite of the fact that a high standard of academic, administrative and of general knowledge of the social environments was required for the posts, the various elements getting into the Church may be said to have resulted in a very uneven formation of the monk order.
(8) Along with the spread of the Church, the monks retained their contact more or less with a particular region which resulted in the formation of various gacchas on regional basis. Minor differences of practice and personal aspirations also led to the formation of certain gacchas,
(9) The monk living in a wider sphere of society replete with new ideas, had to resort to various activities like the creation of the Bhāndāras, arranging religious congregations and educational institutions, and publishing and writing of new books, at the same time maintaining a high standard of monastic life.
(10) The constant touch with the laity by the monks acted as a double check. There was mutual watch over one another, and the conscious laity exercised its rights against lax monks, as we have already seen.
(11) There was a clear-cut bifurcation of the two sects which are referred to freely as the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras in the literature of this phase.
THE STHANAKAVASIN SECT:
We have up till now seen the reaction of the social conditions on the Svetāmbara monastic practices, wherever it was possible to do so.

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The origin of the Sthānakavāsin branch of the main Svetāmbara sect may be said to be another instance of the triumph of environment on the mould of thought of the Jaina Church, as Mrs. STEVENSON attributes the origin of this sect to the Muslim influence in Gujarat. She remarks, "If one effect of the Mohammedan conquest, however, was to drive many of the Jainas into closer union with their fellow idol-worshippers in the face of iconoclasts, another effect was to drive others away from idolatry altogether. No oriental could hear a fellow oriental's passionate outcry against idolatry without doubts as to the righteousness of the practice entering his mind."'284
Origin: The Lonkā:
Against this influence of the Muslim practice of non-idolatry, one can, perhaps, see the seeds of the origin of this sect.
The story goes that a gentleman from Ahmedabad, called Lonkā Sā belonging to the Svetāmbara sect, had appointed several persons to get the canon copied. In about 1474 A.D., a Svetāmbara monk called Jñānaji requested Lonkā Sā to copy some of these texts for him. While reading these texts Lonkā came to know that there was no reference to idol-worship in those texts. He, therefore, pointed this fact to the Jaina Sadhu who, however, refused to accept Lonkā's views. Lonkā, therefore, started a sect with a single follower by ordaining himself, and started the sect after his name. The system of nominating the next head of the sect by the existing ācārya was started by Lonkā.
Out of the Lonkā sect, there arose a further split on the basis of an advocacy of a stricter monastic life. One Vīraji of Surat, started another sect called the 'Sthānakavāsins' or the 'Dhundia' (The Searchers), and converted many of the followers of the Lonkā sect to his fold.
Their Canon:
According to the list of the Canon as given by Mrs. STEVENSON,285 the Sthānakavāsins seem to recognise the same texts of the Angas and the Upāngas as the “vetāmbaras do. The only difference seems to be regarding the Chedasūtras, Prakīrṇas and the Mülasūtras.
The Sthānakavāsins do not seem to recognise the Mahāniśītha and the Jitakalpa in the list of the Chedasūtras of the Svetāmbaras. They also do
284. Heart of Jainism, p. 19. 285. Op. cit., pp. 13-14,

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441 not recognise the Prakīrņakas, and include Nandi and Anuyogadvāra in the Mülasūtra category.
The Sthānakāvāsins do not allow their laymen to read the Chedasūtras. Differences with the Idolatrous Svetāmbaras :
Besides the difference pertaining to some of the texts of the canon, the following items are different from those of the idolatrous Svetāmbaras:
(1) The Sthānakavāsin monk retains his original name even after renunciation, while it is changed in the case of the idolatrous Śvetāmbara.
(2) The Sthānakāvāsin monks and nuns constantly use the ‘muhapatti' and tie it over their mouth by fastening the strings round the ears. The Svetāmbaras, on the other hand, do possess the 'muhapatti' but are not very particular about it, inasmuch as they hold it, perhaps, simply symbolically, at a distance of about a foot or so from the mouth only when delivering a religious sermon, or making 'ālocanā' or giving 'khāmaņā'.
(3) Since this sect does not admit of idol-worship, there are no temples of this sect. Therefore, their monks and nuns spend practically all their time in study and meditation in the Sthānaka.
(4) Whereas, the idolatrous Svetāmbaras celebrate the fifth day of the month of Bhādrapada as the birthday of Mahāvīra, the Sthänakavāsins do not do so, as items like the procession and other things done by the Svetāmbaras are, according to them, not to be found in the canon.286
Other Details:
Except for these differences, the course of life of the monks of the Sthānakavāsin and of the idolatrous Śvejāmbara sects does not differ. The rules of monastic discipline, moral discipline, food and begging and such other items of ascetic life are more or less the same fundamentally. The rules for Church hierarchy and discipline are also more or less identical, and the Sthānakavāsins have affinity more with the Svetāmbaras than with the Digambaras.
Inspite of the fact that Mrs. STEVENSON287 quotes instances of lax behaviour among the monks of this sect, it would not be justifiable to make a sweeping conclusion about the whole sect. As a matter of fact, one still comes across a number of ideal monks and nuns who have profound know
286. I am indebted to Sadhvi UJJVALAKUVARJI and the Sthanakaväsin monks and gentlemen for this account.
287. Op. cit., p. 211, f.n. 2. BULL. DORI.-56

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ledge of the scriptures. Even though monks and nuns of this sect knowing English and many of the modern Indian languages are few, yet, there are some who have complete mastery over some of these languages.
With their mode of life away from the splendour of costly worship in magnificent temples, both the monks and the laity seem to lead a very simple and an unassuming mode of life.
Subsects:
In due course of time, there arose a number of gacchas and subsects among the Sthānakavāsins also. At present there are not less than eleven gacchas among them.
THE DIGAMBARAS :
We have already seen the early phase of the Digambara monachism as revealed in the Mülācāra and in the works of scholars like Kundakunda and Umāsvāti. These were followed by a long line of distinguished Digambara writers like Pūjyapāda (c. 5-7th cent. A.D.), Samantabhadra, Akalanka (c. 7-8th cent. A.D.), Jinasena (9th cent. A.D.), Amitagati (10th cent. A.D.), Nemicandra, Āśādhara (13th cent. A.D.), Sakalakirti (15th cent. A.D.) and others.
Besides this, another point which may be noted is that the Jaina monks mastered the South Indian languages like Kannada and Tamil, and contributed important works in those languages.288
It should be made clear, however, that the following account is based solely on the Sanskrit and Prākrit works of the Digambara writers.289
THE CHURCH:
The entrant, qualified for monk life, had to be devoid of any physical defects, as also he had to seek the permission of his dependents before embracing monkhood.
When that permission was sought, he approached the gurus and requested them to allow him entry. After questioning about his whereabouts and other details, his day of renunciation was fixed.
On that day, he went to the ācārya, who asked him to uproot his hair (luñcana). Then he was given another name (nāmakarana), and was asked
288. It seems more probable that due to the establishment of Digambara Jainism in South India, several Digambara scholars came up from South Indian population itself.
289. Mainly taken from Asadhara's Anagāradharmāmsta (13th cent. A.D.), and Cāmundarāua's Caritrasāra (c. 11th cent. A.D.?).

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443
to give up his entire clothing (nāgnya). He was then given the requisites like the peacock-feather broom (piccha). After that he was instructed regarding the duties of a Sādhu which deprived him of bath, teeth-cleaning, and clothes (vicelatā).290
Thus he became a probationary member of the Church; and only pure and proper conduct later qualified for confirmation.
The Paryāya :
The seniority of a monk was counted generally by the number of years he had spent in monk-life as also by his moral qualifications and administrative capacity.
The bhikṣu291 or the sādhū292 became either a ‘rādiņía 293 or a laghiya'294 according as he had spent a greater or a lesser number of years in monklife. He had to spend the period of probation under a guru who made him perfect in the practice of monastic discipline.
This guru was either the 'dikşāguru' or the 'śrutaguru'.295 The former gave him instructions, while the latter initiated him into monkhood.296
The Hierarchy :
Once the novice had complete mastery over the scriptures, and had acclimatized himself to monastic life, he could aspire for higher posts in the Church hierarchy.
The Anagāradharmāmīta refers to various officers of the Church, like the 'suri', 'pravartin', 'upādhyāya', 'ganin', 'sthavira' and the 'rātnika'.297 The 'ācārya' and the 'gañadhara' are also mentioned in many places.298
It may be noted here that this list does not give any new names, as all these are to be found in the Mülācāra, as we have already seen.
290. Angd. 9, 83; See also account from the Adipurāna, Chapt. 38, as given by GLASEN APP, in Guj. Transl. of his Der Jainismus, p. 438; also pp. 432-5.
291. Angd. 6, 83. 292. Ibid. 6, 45: explained by comm. as 'cirapravrajitamunī', p. 406. 293. Ibid. p. 517. 294. Ibid. 9, 82: 'dikşaya laghutarah', comm. p. 676. 295. The 'śrutasüri' is also mentioned: Ibid. 9, 2. 296. Ibid. 7, 77; comm. p. 517. 297. Ibid. 8, 50: comm. p. 575. 298. Ibid. pp. 516, 521, etc.; 7, 73.

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S. B. DEO • The explanation given of these officers in the commentary299 is as follows: Sūri
śāraņavāraṇakāri', Pravartin
'pravartakah, Upādhyāya
'pāthakah', Gaņin
'ganarakşako rājasabhādividitah', Sthavira
'maryādākārakah', Rātnika
.. 'ratnatrayādhikah'. These explanations fail to explain clearly either the duties or the qualifications of these officers. It is however, possible that the ācārya, sūri, ganin and the ganadhara300 were one and the same person.
The qualities expected of an ācārya were that he was to be an 'ācārin' (of good conduct), 'adhārin' (knower of the Pūrvas and of the Kalpa and Vyavahāra), 'paricārin' (able to guide the monk who makes a long fast), 'äyāpāyādik' (able to tell the faults and merits of a particular case), 'utpīdaka' (exposing the purposely hidden transgressions of the disciples), 'nirvāpaka (able to carry out the requirements of his followers), and 'vyavahārapatu' (knowing the process of meeting with the transgressor).301 Besides this he was a monk knowing well the twelvefold tapas, six āvaśyakas, eightfold ācāra and possessing tenfold excellences. In short, he was to be endowed with not less than thirty-six qualities.
acar
? tran Tits of make the
Church Units :
We get but a scanty reference to different church units in the Anagāradharmāmặta.
The units referred to are the 'gana',302 'kula',303 and the 'gaccha'.304 Out of these only the last is explained by the commentary as being a group of seven monks (saptapuruşasantāna), which is identical with the explanation given in the Mülācāra.
It is, however astonishing to find that the text is absolutely silent over the various 'gaņas', 'gacchas', 'kulas', 'anvayas' and other units which, as we shall see in a separate chapter, are copiously referred to in the epigraphs of this period.
299. Ibid. p. 575.
300. We also come across the word 'gaņeśa' which is explained by the Comm. as the 'sanghanātha': Angd. 7, 77, comm. p. 518.
301. Ibid. 9, 75-79. 302. Ibid. 7, 56. 303. Ibid. comm. p. 505. 304. Ibid. p. 521.

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Monastic Jurisprudence:
Various prāyaścittas were prescribed for different 'aticāras' (transgressions). They were, however, prescribed after taking into consideration the nature of the case, the physical state of the transgressor as also the local conditions (deśabala, praksti, and vayas).305
The 'vyavahāra' or the process of treating the transgressor was said to be fivefold, according as it was based on 'āgama', 'śruta', 'ājñā', 'dhārana and 'jīta'.306 It may be noted that the Svetambara texts also give the same division. 307
The list of the tenfold prāyaścittas remained the same,308 and the details about them, the proper time for these and the faults which required the undergoing of these punishments309 are almost identical with those given in the earlier texts like the Mülācāra and in some of the Svetāmbara texts. This being the case, only important punishments are discussed below.
(a) Cheda:
It has been explained as 'dinapakşādinā dīkshāpanam 310 (the lessening of the 'paryāya' by days or fortnights).
This was prescribed for the transgressor who had spent a long period in monkhood (ciraprayrajita), was able to put up with it (sakta), was endowed with fortitude (śūra) to put up with it, and was devoid of pride (adrpta).
The Anagäradharmāmrta, however, does not give the details of the transgressions in which 'cheda' was prescribed. Probably, they were the same as those given in the Svetāmbara texts.
(b) Müla :
It is explained to be the complete wiping out of the paryāya, and reinitiation (punardikşādānar paryayavarjanāt).311
305. Ibid. comm. p. 508. 306. Ibid. p. 671, for explanation.
307. For details, see SCHUBRING, (translation of Kalpaşütra) 1.A., Vol. 39, p. 267, f.n. 45.
308. Angd. 7, 35ff.
309. Alocana: Ibid. 7, 39; Improper one: 40-44; when to do: comm. pp. 503-04; Pratikramana: 7, 47; Tadubhaya: 7, 48; Viveka: 7, 50; Vyutsarga: 7, 51: comm. p. 502.
310. Ibid. 7, 54. 311. Ibid. 7, 55.

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It was prescribed to the following types of persons : (1) pārsvastha--one who was attached to a particular residence and
stayed there, being of lax behaviour, samsakta-one who maintained his livelihood by practising medi
cine and astronomy, and who was the servant of the king, (3) svacchanda-one who wandered alone and condemned the law of
the Jinas, (4) kuśila-one who was devoid of the practice of the 'vratas' being
under the sway of passions, as also who brought shame to the
sangha, (5) avasanna-one of loose morals, not knowing the scriptures,
reluctant to study and lax in the practice of monastic duties.
(c) Parihāra :
This is explained as 'vidhivad-dūrāt-tyajanam',312 i.e. the expelling (of the transgressor) from the group of monks as per injunctions.
It was threefold:
(i) Nijaganānupasthāpanam:
The expelling of the monk from his own gaña.
In this case even if the transgressor was well-versed in the lore, wellcontrolled and of good behaviour, he was expelled from his own group if he kidnapped the disciples of others or any living or non-living articles belonging to the heretics.
The guilty had to stay at a distance of thirty-two dandas' from the lodge of the monks and had to bow down even to the juniors. Nobody saluted him or talked with him and he held his broom in a reverted manner
(? vidhrta-parānmukha-piccha). He had to undergo fasts upto the fifth meal (pañca) or upto six months, and had to live like this for a period of twelve years.
(ii) Saparagañopasthāpanam:
In this case, if the transgressor did the same fault again out of pride, then the ācārya informed the name of such a person to other ācāryas as well. If the transgressor went to another ācārya and confessed before him, then the latter did not prescribe any punishment to him, but asked him to go to another ācārya. Thus he wandered from one ācārya to another for
312. Ibid. 7, 56: comm. pp. 506-07.

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447 seven times. The last, however, sent him back to the first ācārya, and the transgressor then carried out the prāyaścitta as prescribed by his original ācārya. (iii) Pārañcika :
If a monk condemned the Tirthankaras, ganadharas, ganins, the sacred lore, or the sangha, or behaved against the king, or initiated his ministers, or enjoyed royal ladies, then such a monk was expelled in the meeting of the sangha where he was declared an unfit and sinful person. The punished went to another country and practised the prāyaścitta as given by the ganins,313 (d) Śraddhāna :
This was also termed 'upasthāpana',314 and consisted of re-initiation (dikşāgrahaņa) of one who had taken to wrong or heretical faith. In this case, such a person was disowned as a Jaina monk, and hence he had to seek initiation again. This was prescribed even in the case of the violation of the 'mülavratas' (principal vows).
Schisms and Subsects :
Medieval Digambara Jaina literature gives ample proof of the fact that the Church was divided into 'sanghas' and 'anvayas' the distinctions primarily originating from the ascetic community. But no further details are available regarding their details.
But besides these groups, the noteworthy feature is the presence of different sects in the Digambara Church itself. The following are some of the sects which are mentioned : 315
(i) Yăpaniya, (ii) Kūrchaka,
Terapanthi, (iv) Bispanthi, (v) Sāmāïyapanthī,
(vi) Gumānpanthi, and (vii) Totāpanthi.
It is very difficult to get details about these, as their texts, if any, are mostly unknown. The following are the characteristics of some of these :
(iii)
Terapa
313. Ibid. comm. pp. 506-07: The meaning of each item is not clear. 314. Ibid. 7, 57: Comm. p. 507.
315. See, NAHAR and GHOSH, Epitome of Jainism Chapt. XXXVII; GLASENAPP, Der Jainismus, (Guj. transl.), pp. 351ff.

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(i) Bispanthis
They originated probably in the thirteenth century A.D. according to GLASENAPP. He remarks that one Vasantakīrti laid down that "so long as these monks live amongst people, they should wear one garment". The monks belonging to this opinion are called 'Viśvapanthis'. These monks live in a monastery under the leadership of a 'Bhattāraka'. BÜHLER says that the Bhattārakas are completely naked while taking food and one of their disciples rings a bell so that other people keep away.316
Teräpanthis:
They advocate nudity, and are said to have originated in the seventeenth century A.D. They instal images but have differences in the details of worship.
Sāmāżyapanthis:
Their founder was Tāraņaswāmin (1448-1515 A.D.). idolatrous, and worship the texts of the canon.
They are non
Gumānpanthis:
It was founded by Gumān Rāi in about the eighteenth century A.D.
Totāpanthis:
No information regarding these can be had.317
Yāpanāyas :
There are two theories advocated regarding the origin of this sect.
According to Devasena's Darśanasāra, a Svetāmbara monk called Śrīkalaśa started it at Kalyāna when 205 years of the Vikrama era had elapsed.
According to another source, the origin of this sect belongs to the story of the queen of the king of Karahātaka. This queen, in order to impress the king, asked these monks not to wear clothes. Thus the Yāpanīyas practised nudity like the Digambaras, and carried on the rest of the practices of the Śvetāmbaras. They were, therefore, disowned by both these sects. Hence the writer of Nītisāra called them "jainābhāsā".
Afterwards they either dwindled into extinction or merged themselves into the Digambara fold, according to Dr. UPADHYE.
316. 1.A., Vol. 7, p. 28.
317. The above information is based mainly on NAHAR and GHOSH, op. cit., chap. XXXVII; and GLASENAPP, op. cit., pp. 351ff.

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449 No specific scriptures of this sect have come down to us, and only the epigraphs refer to them.318 It may be noted, however, that sākatāyana or Pālyakīrti belonged to this Sangha: three works of his are known, one on Sanskrit Grammar and two dealing with Strīmukti and Kevalibhukti.
TOURING:
The monks led a wandering life in the eight months of the year except the rainy season. They toured only at daytime walking slowly, looking to the proper distance before them in order to avoid himsā.319
Wandering was deemed essential not only for acquiring knowledge of various regions and languages, but also for qualifying oneself for varied knowledge which was essential for a post in the Church hierarchy.
In the rainy season, however, they stayed at one place from 'āsādhaśukladaśami' to 'kārtikapaurņimā'. Sometimes due to incessant rain or physical inability to travel or study or service to the sick, stay could be prolonged. In the case of epidemics (māri), famine (durbhikṣya), evacuation of population (grāmajanapadacalana) and urgent works of the gaccha, stay could be shortened.320
The normal period of stay at one place during the other seasons seems to have been one month (māsaikaväsitā).321
RESIDENCE :
The old rule of having a residence devoid of women, beasts and animals still prevailed. Besides it, the lodge for a monk was to be pure (i.e., devoid of living beings : prāsuka), and empty (śünya).322
Such places were said to be free from quarrels (kalaha), noise (rola), trouble (sanklesa), and disturbance to meditation and study. There the monk had no possibility of coming in contact with others (sankara), as also no likelihood of his getting attached to that place.323
In such places, the monk had to enter or leave the residence only with the permission of the owner.324
318. See UPADHYE, A. N., article on the Yāpanīyas in BUJ, Vol. 1, pt. VI, (May, 1933), pp. 224-31.
319. Angd. 4, 164; 6, 97; 'bahudeśacaryäh',-6, 103. 320. Ibid. 9, 80-81; comm. p. 675. 321. Ibid. 322. Ibid. 7, 30: comm. pp. 489-90. 323. Ibid. p. 491; also 8, 24.
324. Ibid. 8, 132. BULL. DCRI.-57

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450
S. B. DEO It will be noticed, however, that the epigraphs mention kings and laymen building basadis or places of stay for the monks.
FOOD AND BEGGING:
The Anagäradharmāmrta325 refers to various modes of begging which were resorted to by monks who had decided to beg in that particular way.
They were the 'gomūtrikā', 'patangavīthi', 'sambūkāvarta', 'salabhamäläbhramaņākārā' and others which we have already come across in the Uttaradhyayana.
It may be noted that the details regarding the forty-six faults of begging and food, the time of taking food, its measures, the fit and the unfit donors, the way of eating in the palm of the hands, the purpose of eating, the effects of eating more than the normal quota, the nine 'vikịtis' and other items are exactly identical with those given in the Mülācāra, and hence need not be repeated here.326
REQUISITES:
The monks, being nude, had no clothes over them. The 'sangatyāga' and the 'aparigraha' are always explained by the Digambaras as embodied in the practice of nudity,327 and those who used clothes are condemned.328
Devoid of clothing, they required very few articles for personal use. These were the broom (piccha) made of peacock feathers,329 the vșsi' or the seat used by the monks, and the 'kundi' or the pot for water (comm: kamandalu).330 PENANCE AND FASTING:
The same division of penance into external (bahya) and internal (abhyantara) is to be obtained in later texts also 331 and need not be repeated.
The body being the means of practising the religion (sarīramādyam kila dharmasādhanam), it was deemed proper to put it to a proper disci
325.7, 26: comm. pp. 484-85. 326. See Ibid. Chapt. 5; also 7, 22-23; 7, 27; 9, 92-96; and comm. p. 409.
327. Bhagawati Aradhana, p. 392, quoted in JSB., Vol. 11, No. 1, p. 23; Angd. comm. p. 146; 'Nagnācārya', Ibid., p. 340.
328. Ibid. 2, 12.
329. Ibid. 6, 38: Its five excellences are identical with those given in the Mülācāra; called 'barhi': 4, 54.
330. Ibid.
331. Angd. 7, 4ff; anaśana: 7, 11-21; avamaudarya: 22-25; vrttisankhyā 26; rasaparityāga: 27-29; viviktaśayyāsana: 30-36; kayakleśa: 32.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
451
pline 332 Hence, various bodily postures like the 'savādiśayana' (lying like the dead), 'vīrāsana' (the hero-posture), "utkuţikāsana' (sitting with closed knees), 'godohikā (sitting in a posture adopted in milching a cow), kāyotsarga' (letting the limbs hang down), 'makaramukha' (keeping the feet in a position resembling the mouth of a crocodile), 'nicamastaka' (hanging the head down), 'gfdhra' [keeping the hands raised so as to resemble the (wings of the) vulture] and 'ūrdhvārkādyayana' (to stand looking at the sun), are mentioned.333
Along with these, fasting of varied periodical magnitudes was practised. Fasts like the 'caturtha', 'şaştha', 'aştama', 'daśama', 'duvālasa' upto 'ardhavarşānta' were done.334 The 'Pratimās', however, seem to get a very scanty reference and it is difficult to say whether they were practised on a mass scale in this phase. Those who did them, however, were respected even though they happened to be juniors.335
The minor fasts were of three categories: 'uttama', 'madhyama' and 'adhama'. The first consisted in taking one meal only on the days of commencement and end of the fast. It was also called 'caturvidha'. The 'madhyama' was the same as the first with the difference that the monk took water during the period of fasting. The last category was that in which the monk ate food many times before and after the fast. The last two types were not favoured.336
Fasting was done according to one's capacity 337 and nobody was allowed to practise them out of pride or haughtiness as that was supposed to lead one to mental disturbances. (ärta and raudra).338 SUPERNATURAL POWERS:
It seems that resort to spells and supernatural powers was a common thing. Various feats of these are to be met with in the literature, as well as in the pattāvalis of the Digambaras. The following are a few of them.
It is said that Siddhasena Diwākara performed a miracle by producing an image of Pārśva out of the Linga at Ujjain to influence the Gupta emperor Candragupta.339 Samantabhadra produced an image of Candraprabha out of Bhīmalinga.340 Kumārasena relieved king Allāüddin, of the pain of the
332. Ibid, 7, 9. 333. Ibid. 7, 32: comm. pp. 492-93. 334. Ibid. 7, 11; also 6, 110: comm. p. 463. 335. Ibid. 9, 82; Kanakāvali and other fasts: Ibid. comm. p. 478. 336. Ibid. 7, 15. 337. Ibid. 7, 18. 338. Ibid. 7, 16. 339. J. A., Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 2; Vol. 12, No. 2, p. 68. 340. Ibid. Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 2.

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S. B. DEO arrows.341 Bhāvadevasūri caused a heavy rain by means of spells.342 Tārapaswāmin is said to have created a magic pillar in water when the boatmen tried to drown him.343 Besides this, the practise of flying into the air was also resorted to. 344 STUDY:
It was said that medicine and food quelled physical trouble only for a short time, but knowledge was a panacea for all worldly troubles.345 Study led to proper meditation (dhyāna), and both these combined, opened the gates to liberation. 346
Against this background, study played an important part in the life of the monk, and most of his time was spent in taking instructions from his guru.
The normal method of study was fivefold. It consisted of reading the text again and again (parivartanā), the reading of the text in a proper way (vācanā), asking questions about the difficulties, if any, (prcchanā), digesting the material (anuprekşaņā) and the liking of religious literature (dharmakathā).347
A text was to be read with full knowledge of the meaning of the words, it was to be read neither hurriedly nor in a lingering manner, uttering it properly, reading it at the proper time with full concentration and with due respect to the guru.348 Not a single doubt was to be harboured in the mind regarding any portion of the text.
This being the case, only those who were intelligent, devoid of passions (kaşāyas), well-versed in penance, free from the practice of transgressions, able to keep up the traditions of the 'Sruta' and who had an auspicious mould of mind, were deemed proper students,349
Study was to be done day and night (aharniśam).350 The normal time in the morning was two 'ghatikās' after sunrise and two 'ghatikās' before sunset 351
NO. 1, P. 34 yas', etc
341. Ibid. 342. Ibid, Vol. 14, No. 1, p. 16. 343. Ibid. Vol. 14, No. 2, p. 34. 344. Angd. 5, 25, refers to 'vidyās', etc.: comm. p. 350. 345. Ibid. 6, 53. 346. Ibid. comm. p. 411. 347. Ibid. 6, 53; comm. p. 524. 348. Ibid. 7, 67 and 83. 349. Ibid. 7, 89. 350. Ibid. 9, 2; also comm. p. 8. 351. Ibid. 9, 3.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM The times improper for the study of the texts advocated by the ganadharas, the pratyekabuddhas, the śrutakevalins and the daśapūrvins were the same as those given in the Mülācāra 352
Chastened by such rules, the genius of Digambara writers flowered into a variety of literary accomplishments. Their associations, from early times, being in South India, they mastered the local languages like the Kannada,353 and Tamil,354 and contributed their mite in enriching the literature in these languages.
Added to this came the patronage of various royal dynasties who helped the Jaina scholars to keep up their literary traditions. Writers like Samantabhadra, Pūjyapāda, Akalanka, Jinasena, and Nemicandra Siddhānta Cakravartin came forward and contributed books on religion, philosophy, grammar and logic. It should be noted, however, that works even on medicines for sexual efficiency were also not left unwritten by some scholars, and it is said that Pujyapāda wrote a book called 'Madanakāmaratnam' which deals with medicines on sexual deficiencies.355
Royal patronage combined with a natural tendency for study resulted in the creation of a number of centres of education like Madurā and Kāñcī, along with the building up of Bhāndāras at Mūdabidure and at Sravana Belgoļā where valuable mss. were deposited. As in the case of northern India, in the south also, with the waves of Muslim aggression under Malik Kafur, Jaina monks faced hard days, added to which was the rivalry of numerous Brāhmanical sects, which possibly gave a temporary set-back to the studious habits of Jaina monks. MORAL DISCIPLINE :
The fundamentals of moral discipline consisting of the five vows, 356 'triratnas,'357 three 'guptis' and five 'samitis”,358 the 'parīşahas', 359 the 'anuprekşās',360 and the ten principal qualities of monkhood like forgiveness and others, 361 remained the same, and no basical change in the ideas about
352. Ibid. comm. p. 630. 353. See for details: JSB., Vol. III No. 3, pp. 117-128.
354. J. A., Vol. IV, No. 3, pp. 69-76; Vol. VII, No. 1, pp. 1-20: (Articles by A. CHAKRAVARTI: Jaina Literature in Tamil).
355. JSB., Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 34. 356. Angd. 4, 19. 357. Ibid. 6, 79. 358. Ibid. 4, 154ff., 163ff.; 7, 69; 6, 50: 56. 359. Ibid. 6, 83ff: various examples of those who put up with bodily troubles: 6, 111. 360. Ibid. 6, 57-82. 361. Ibid. 6, 2ff.

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S. B. DEO
moral principles took place at least in theory. Hence, only such items among these as are specifically amplified may be noted.
The fundamentals of monk life were four, to wit: nudity (acelakka), tonsure (loca), indifference to the body (vosaṭṭa sariradā) and scanning the requisites and places of occupation (padilihaņa),362
The Body:
No attachment towards the body was shown, and hence no efforts of decoration or of bodily purity were allowed. The monk had, therefore, to abstain from teeth-cleaning (radagharṣa), and bath (snäna),363
Nudity:
The Digambara monk was naked for two reasons. Firstly, nudity was the symbol of bondlessness and hence was respected in the world, and secondly, being completely unattached to the body, the naked monk was the least attacked by passions.364 Hence, even the later Jaina texts advocate it. We have, however, seen that later on a sect among the Digambaras-The Viśvapanthis advocated the use of clothes.
Uprooting the hair (Loca):
'Loca' was done for four reasons: to exhibit non-attachment towards the body (naissañgya), for least dependence on others (ayacanã), for protection of living beings (ahimsa), and for the training of the body for the putting up with bodily trouble (dukkhābhyāsa),365
The monk uprooted the hair from his head and beard with hand, either after two, three or four months. Every two months, however, was deemed as the ideal period for that. Fasting and 'pratikramana' were to accompany this practice.366
Sleep:
The monks slept on bare ground or on slabs of stone spread over with grass. Sleeping on planks of wood was also recommended.
The monk slept on one side. Keeping the face up, or facing the ground was not allowed. He was to take no cover when sleeping on a piece of ground of his own measure.367
362. Bhag. Ara. quoted in JSB, Vol. 11, No. 1, p. 23, f.n. 4.
363. Angd, 9, 84-85; 6, 106.
364. Ibid. 6, 92.
365. Ibid. 9, 97: comm.
366. Ibid. 8, 58; 9, 86: 97. 367. Ibid. 9, 91.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
455 Sleeping in caves full of triangular pointed stones (trikonapāşāņaśarkarākarparādi ākīrņe) was also prescribed. Without moving his limbs or fearing for the beasts, he slept like the dead (savavat) only for two ghatikās.368
Service:
Mutual service, irrespective of seniority or otherwise, was advised in the case of all. It consisted in offering residence, seat, instructions, food, medicine and deposition of bodily excreta in illness, epidemics, famine, and rescue work in attacks by thieves or wild animals along the tour.369
Respect to the Elders:
Apart from service, the monks had to show complete respect to the elders through acts of getting up when they came, not sitting on a higher seat, giving them a seat, going a few steps with them to bid them farewell, and showing complete devotion and respect to them at all times.370 Celibacy:
No contact with women was to be kept, and the Anagāradharmāmrta goes eloquent in describing the horrible nature of women.
The monk was to remain controlled like the tortoise (kūrmavat) 371 and was to avoid all occasions of the excitement of passions.
Thus, complete mental and physical control, and a life of purity and service was the motto of the monk. He was the friend of all and the enemy of none.372 Even if somebody tried to kill him, he bore no ill-will against his murderer.373 He avoided all transgressions for he knew that the prāyaścittas could not purify him if he was devoid of the 'mahāvratas. "374
Moral Degradation:
Certain remarks of Aśādhara, the author of Anagāradharmāmrta, however, tend to reveal that there had crept in a lot of moral corruption in the Church of his time. For instance, at one place, 375 he laments the shortage of people who are endowed with straightforwardness (ārjava), and those who
368. Ibid. 6, 99. 369. Ibid. comm. p. 521. 370. Ibid. 7, 71. 371. Ibid. 6, 96. 372. Ibid. 8, 35. 373. Ibid. 6, 101. 374. Ibid. 9, 89. 375. Ibid. 6, 20.

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S. B. DEO
behaved according to their words. At another place, he clearly states that some mathapatis who pretend to be monks (dravyajinalingadhärino) behave like the mleñchas. He says:
Panditairbhrastacaritrairvatharaisca tapodhanaiḥ/
Sasanam jinacandrasya nirmalaṁ malinikṛtar//376
For the historical corroboration of the details and the amount of corruption of the Church, we shall have to study the epigraphs of this period, which is done in a separate chapter. For the present, it may be noted that such remarks of Asadhara could not have been made without any basis.
DAILY ROUTINE:
The chief items of the daily routine of the monks were:
(1) The six 'ävasyakas' like 'sāmāïka,' 'caturviṁśatistava,' 'vandanā,' 'pratikramana,' 'pratyākhyāna' and 'kāyotsarga,377
and (2) other items like begging, study, meditation, etc.
Sāmāka:
It was the practice of the equanimous mood of mind for a certain period. Due to the practice of this, the monk got training in the mental as well as physical discipline which helped him in remaining neutral to happiness or misery, praise or humiliation, gain or loss.378
Caturvinéatistava:
It consisted of singing the hymns in praise of the Jinas. It pertained to the glory of, and other chief events in the lives of the twenty-four Tirthankaras,379
Vandand:
It consisted of showing respect to the superiors like the suri, pravartin, upadhyaya, ganin, sthavira and the ratnika.
These superiors were to be bowed down to by the juniors thrice a day-after doing the morning duties, in the afternoon after the 'devavandana,' and in the evening at the time of the 'pratikramana.' Even otherwise, when undertaking any work, or when seen along the road, the monks had to bow down to the guru.380
376. Ibid. comm. on 2, 96.
377. Ibid. 8, 17.
378. Ibid. 8, 19-36.
379. Ibid. 8, 37-45. 380. Ibid. 8, 46-56.

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457
Pratikramana:
This means the condemnation of transgressions committed by the monk. It was either done by day (aha), or by night (nisā), fortnightly (pākşika), four-monthly (cāturmāsika), yearly (abde), pertaining to faults of movement (īryā), or before entering upon a fast unto death (uttamārtha).
This 'pratikramaņā' was either 'gurvi (extensive), or 'laghvī (short). The former was to be done on the following occasions:
(1) at the time of accepting the vows (vratāropaņī), (2) fortnightly (pākşikī), (3) at the end of Kārttika, (4) at the end of Phālguna, (5) yearly at the end of Aşādha, (6) at the time of condemning all faults done throughout monk life
(sarvāticārī), and (7) at the time of entering upon a fast (uttamārthi). The 'laghupratikramana' was to be done on the following occasions :
(1) at the time of uprooting the hair (loya), (2) at night (rātrau), (3) at daytime (dine), (4) after begging food (bhuktau), (5) for faults of movement (nişedhikāgamane), (6) for bad dreams (dosa), and (7) along the tour (pathi).381
Pratyākhyāna :
It was the determination to give up all sinful and unmonkly activities at any time.
The ten types of 'pratyākhyāna' are the same as those given in the Mülācāra.382
Kāyotsarga :
It was done for the purification of sin (ägahśuddhi), enhancement of penance (tapovșddhi), and dissipation of karman (karmanirjaraņā).
381. Ibid. 8, 57-64.
382. Ibid. 8, 65-69.: comm. p. 591. BULL. DCRI.-58

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S. B. DEO
In this practice, the monk stood by letting his hands hang loose, and by keeping a distance of four angulas between his legs without shaking any limb. He breathed slowly during this position and meditated upon the nature of the pure soul.
458
The different durations for which 'kayotsarga' was done in cases of different transgressions,383 and the thirty-two faults arising out of improper practice of it as given in the Anagaradharmamṛta are the same as those detailed in the Muläcära.
It would be clear from the above discussion, that there occurred no change in the practice of the six essential duties as well as in faults pertaining to them.
The increase in details in the case of 'kṛtikarman' or the salute to the Tirthankaras, the various 'mudräs' involved in doing so, the method of perambulating round the Jinas, etc. are details peculiar to the Anagaradharmamṛta. As such, they cannot be ignored.
Krtikarman:
This was to be done at the proper time (kāla), in a proper posture (asana), place (sthäna), facial expression (mudrā), mental state (āvarta) and position of the head (sironati).385
It was done early morning, at mid-day and evening.
The place where the monk sat for its practice was called 'pitha.' There he sat in the 'padmasana' posture.
The place was to be pure, free from living beings, devoid of causes of trouble, pleasant to the mind, auspicious and favourable to concentration (samadhi).
The 'pitha' or the seat was to be either of grass, or of wood, or of stone. It was to be devoid of living beings, soundless, smooth to touch, stable, devoid of nails and holes, and favourable to the maintenance of self-control.
The proper postures were either the 'padmasana', the 'paryankāsana' or the 'virăsana.' The first was that in which the feet touched the thighs (padmāsanaṁ padau janghābhyāṁ śrayato yateḥ). In the second the feet were placed one over the other (janghe.... uttarādharyeņa sthäpite). In the last, the knees touched the chest (ürvopari kurväṇaḥ pādanyasam),386
383. Ibid. 8, 71-76.
384. Ibid. 8, 112-121.
385. Ibid. 8, 78ff.
386. For difference of opinion regarding these, see ibid. comm. p. 602.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
459
The monk did 'vandana' either by standing or by sitting. It depended on his physical strength.
The 'mudrās' adopted were four: jainī,' 'yaugiki,' 'vandanā,' and 'muktāśukti.'
The first consisted in standing in a 'kāyotsarga position, with hands let loose, and keeping the feet parallel and at a distance of four angulas from each other.
The 'yaugikīmudrā' was that in which the monk sat in the 'padmāsana' or the 'vīrāsana' with the hands placed on the lap.
The 'vandanāmudrā' was formed when the standing monk folded his hands from the elbows and rested them on his belly (sthitasya addhyudaram nyasya kūrparau mukulikstau).
The 'muktāśuktimudrā' was the same as above with the difference that in this the fingers of the hands were brought close together (samlagnanguliḥ).
These 'mudrās' were to be used on different occasions. The 'vandanamudrā' was to be practised at the time of the salute to the Jinas. The 'muktāśukti' was used at the reciting of the 'sāmāyikastava.' The 'yogamudrā' was done at the practice of ‘kāyotsarga' in a sitting posture, and the 'Jinamudrā' at the time of ‘kāyotsarga' in a standing posture.
Th.
The mental attitudes were to be auspicious, being free from any defiling thoughts.
The folded hands were to be moved in a round fashion thrice at the time of reciting the 'sāmāïka sūtra.' The head was also to be bent low thrice.
The faults pertaining to improper 'vandană' were thirty-two.387 They were the same as those given in the Mülācāra.
Thus, it will be seen that though the fundamental rules about 'vandanā' remained the same, there clustered around it a lot of an element of 'āsanas' and of bodily movements in a peculiar fashion.
In short, the six essential duties and salutation to the five dignitaries (arhat, siddha, ācārya, upadhyāya and sādhu) were deemed essential items of daily routine.
387. Ibid. 8, 98-111.

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S. B. DEO Other items like 'ālocanā,"388 'pratikramana',389 and meditation and the rules regarding these were the same. Only a few points regarding 'ālocana' and 'kāyotsarga' may be noted below:
Alocanā' was done in the following cases besides on the routine occasions :
(1) practising penance without asking the ācārya, (2) taking requisites like books or brooms belonging to others, (3) condemning others in their absence, (4) not carrying out the orders of the ācārya, (5) going out without asking the ācārya, (6) leaving the other sangha without telling the members of that
sangha, and rejoining one's own, (7) forgetting to do the āvaśyakas (?). 'Pratikramana' pertained to the following faults:
(1) touching the ācārya by hand or foot, (2) violation of the 'vratas,' 'samitis' and 'guptis,' (3) for quarrels and acts of cruelty, (4) transgressions pertaining to study and service, (5) getting passionate on the begging round,
(6) troubling others. 'Kāyotsarga' was done on the following occasions :
(1) for improper 'ālocanā, (2) at the fall of worms, (3) transgressions pertaining to flies, mosquitoes (i.e. living insects), (4) walking over wet ground or over grass or mud, (5) making use of the rule of crossing knee-deep water for purposes
other than those allowed by Law, (6) crossing the river in a boat, (7) letting the book or an image fall down, (8) inflicting injury on immobile beings,
(9) easing nature on an unscanned region.
Besides these there were other occasions which required 'kāyotsarga' to be done.
388. Ibid. 7, 38ff; its faults: 40-44; time: 39. 389. Ibid. comm. pp. 503-04.

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Meditation:
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Meditation also had an important part to play in the life of a monk. Even though the fundamental forms of good and bad 'dhyana' remained the same,300 some of its forms resembled the 'prāṇāyāma' practice. For instance, in the 'kayotsarga' the monk's position was like the following:
Jinendramudrayā gāthāṁ dhyāyet pritivikasvare/ Hrtpankaje pravesyäntarniruddhya manasänilam//
Prthag dvidvyekagāthāṁśacintante recayecchanaiḥ/ Navakṛtvah prayoktaivam dahatyamhaḥ sudhirmatäm//
Thus he stood taking in the breath slowly, holding, it in for some time and then slowly letting it out, at the same time uttering the 'namaskara' formula slowly.301
Worship:
Worship of the Jinas, as we have already seen, formed an important item. The monks went to the Jinalayas and performed the 'bhävapūjā' in such places.
461
The Anagaradharmamṛta gives details about the 'jinamudrasthāpanā (installation of the Jina image). It was said that only the Brahmins, Ksatriyas and the Vaisyas, who born of a good family, caste, country and endowed with a good body, were allowed to do so.392
DEATH AND FUNERAL RITES:
The basic types of death accepted as proper ones were the 'bhaktapratyakhyāna, ingini' and 'prayopagamana. Other forms of death like entering fire, eating poison and hanging etc. were not deemed proper.
Even though Digambara literature refers frequently to death by fasting (samlehana), the treatment of the subject can be had on a historical basis only when we get corroborating evidence of the epigraphs of various periods. Moreover, the personalities referred to are more or less legendary figures which make it difficult to verify their historicity.
The funeral rites of the Digambara monks, as given in the Bhagavati Aradhana-looking to the proper time and muhurta for taking out the dead,34 superstitions about the dead body,385 the rules about the 'thandila' (funeral
390. Ibid. 7, 103. 391. Ibid. 9, 22-23.
392. Ibid. 9, 88.
393. Ibid. 7, 98. 394. Bhag. Arä. V, 1988.
395. Ibid. 1982; 1996.

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S. B. DEO ground) 396 and placing the dead in a particular direction,397 etc.-are the same as those we have noted from the Brhatkalpabhāşya of the Svetāmbaras.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS:
From the survey of the items of Digambara monk-life of the postcanonical period, the following observations may be noted:
(1) From the literary sources, it may be said that the fundamentals of monastic life remained unchanged.
(2) Literary sources reveal but a few ganas, etc. as compared with those in the epigraphs.
(3) Nudity was still advocated. But the Viśvapanthis advocated wearing of clothing due, it may be granted, to pressure from society.
(4) Along with the Svetāmbaras, even the Digambaras had a schism which did not believe in images of the Jinas.
(5) Digambara monks enriched the field of Kannada and Tamil literature, and thus made a good effort of completely associating themselves with the local conditions.
(6) Their Bhāndāras have played an important part in preserving the literary wealth.
(7) Various 'mudrās' and 'āsanas' seem to have crept in the practice of meditation and 'vandanā.'
(8) Even though fasting and other practices were continued, there seems to have arisen a class of the 'mathapatis' who pretended to be monks, and had, in reality, gone astray from the path of moral discipline,
(9) Inspite of the attempts carried on by the leaders of both the parties, the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras still remain distinct from each other, and they still have difference of opinion regarding nudity, the liberation of women, the nude images of the Jinas, the transfer of the womb of and the marriage of Mahāvīra, and the intake of food by the Kevalin, besides many other details regarding the history of the Church.
396. Ibid. 1974ff. 397. Ibid. 1970ff.

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GANAS, KULAS, GACCHAS AND SAKHAS
Mentioned in the Prasastis
The following units of the Svetämbara Church are to be found in the various prasastis so far published.
GANAS:
Kharatara
Nagendra
Sandera
Tapa
KULAS:
Candra Vidyadhara
GACCHAS:
Agama Agamika
Añcala
Bhartṛpuriya
Brahmana
Brahmaniya Brhad
Candra
Devānanda
Devānandita
Devasūri
Ghoşapuriya
Harṣapuriya
Jālyodhara
Kharatara
Koranţa
Kṛṣṇarājarşi Maladhäri
Nāṇakīya

::
::
::
::
Possible Origin
Sanderaka Village (N. Gujarat)
Bhartṛpura village Brahmaņa village near Mt. Abu
Name of an ācārya Name of a town.
"
Name of a village
22
Personal name?
Personal name or epithet? (maladharin)

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S. B. DEO .. .. ..
Palli
Palli
Place-name in
S. Rajputana
Sanderaka village
..
Name of a place
Pallīvāla Rāja Sandera Tapā Ūkeśa Upakeśa perhaps identical (?) Vālabha
.. .. VỊddhatapā SAKHAS:
Vairi UNCLASSIFIED:
Candrakula Pallikā (?) Pārņimā Pakşa.
A survey of these names of various ganas and gacchas as taken from the Jainapustakapraśastisangraha398 reveals a few characteristics which may be summarised as follows:
(1) Some of the gacchas seem to have originated at a particular place and hence were, possibly, named after it.
(2) A few of them came into being after a particular ācārya who gave his name to that gaccha.
(3) The distinctions of each and every gaccha, and their points of mutual difference cannot be found out in every case.
(4) Only a few of these—The Kharatara, Tapā, Sāgara and the Añcala gacchas—are in existence at present.
(5) The inscriptions, as we shall see in a later chapter, reveal a number of other gacchas besides those found in literature.
(6) There seem to have been peculiar practices of every gaccha, and we find separate books written on that account. For instance, the Vidhimārgaprapā deals with the rules of monastic life pertaining to the Kharatara gaccha.
(7) More contact with other sects seems to have influenced the ritualism of the members of the gaccha. The Vidhimārgaprapā, for instance, gives mantras like 'om, hrīm, hrām', etc. which may be the result of Tantric influence.
398. Vol. 1, published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1943,

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CHAPTER 4
THE ORDER OF NUNS
Antiquity of the Jaina Order of Nuns :
Unlike the Buddhists, the Jaina order of nuns has been a distinct feature of their Church right from the times of their first Tirthankara, Rşabha. It is said that Rşabha had a following of 3,00,000 nuns under the leadership of Brāmhi and Sundarī;1 Ariştanemi, the twenty-second Tīrthankara had 40,000 nuns;2 Pārsvanātha had 38,000 nuns and Mahāvīra, the last in the list of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, had in his congregation 36,000 nuns, under the leadership of Candanā. It is difficult to verify these numbers as different texts differ in the details;5 but that the order of nuns was organised can be accepted as a historical fact.
Causes of Renunciation :
One thing, however, seems certain. It is that women, attending the sermons of the Tirthankaras in large numbers and impressed by the religious principles, embraced the life of a nun. Many references can be cited in favour of this statement revealing thereby that women belonging even to the higher strata of society renounced the world. As in the case of males, so in the case of females also, a variety of reasons led to their renunciation. Vāśişthī, the wife of a purohita, renounced the world seeing that her husband and all her sons had become monks.7 Rājīmatī, hearing the news of her would-be husband's renunciation, became a nun. Malli, the nineteenth Tirthankara, renounced the world at the same time enlightening her six suitors' by means of putting food in a statue which, when the food got rotten, gave out foul smell so as to bring home to the lovers the filthiness of human body. As against these, on several occasions, ordinary causes led to renunciation. Poțţilā, the wife of a minister, became a nun when she
1. Kalpasūtra, p. 211-12. 2. Smu. p. 66a. 3. Kalpasūtra, p. 168. 4. Avaśyakasūtra, Comm. p. 209ab; Kalpasūtra, p. 157.
5. For instance, The Samaväyānga, p. 88, says that śāntinātha, had 89000 nuns, and the comm. notes that in the Avašyaka the number is 61600.
6. Uvāsaga., p. 25; Nāyā. pp. 248-49; Niryī, p. 65. 7. Uttar. Chapt. XIV. 8. Ibid., XXII.
9. Nāyā. Chapt. VIII. BULL. DCRI.-59

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S. B. DEO
found that her husband had lost all love for her.10 Generally, when the husband became a monk, his wife or wives also became nuns.11 Cases of child-widows becoming nuns were also not wanting 12 Even courtesans coming under the spell of religion became nuns, and the example of Kosā who loved Sthūlabhadra and ultimately became a nun is well-known.13
The Sthānānga14 gives the list of persons who were debarred from entry to the Order. The list is the same also in the case of women who wanted to become nuns. Pregnant women and those who were very young or very old, as also those who could not secure the free consent of either their husband or parents, were not allowed entry. Other physical disabilities that made women unfit for nunlife were the same as in the case of men.
The Ceremony of Renunciation :
Only the fit candidates, therefore, were allowed to enter the order of nuns, and the ceremony which preceded nunhood is described in great details in various texts.
The description of the renunciation of Mallī15 devoid of all the divine and supernatural element in it, comes to this. She first of all asked the permission of her parents for renunciation. Having got it, together with her parents, she gave a big feast to all her relatives and at that time took a ceremonial bath. Then, putting on all her ornaments and finaries, she sat facing the east in a palanquin which was carried in great procession and pomp outside the town. Getting out of it near a tree, she took out all her ornaments, uprooted her hair in five handfuls (pañcamutthiya loya), and saluting the Siddhas accepted the life of discipline (Sāmāïyacăritta).
Similar descriptions in the case of other ladies16 show that this ceremony did not differ much from that which was carried out in the case of monks. Two things may, however, be noted. First, even women had to take the permission of those on whom they depended-husband, parents or son and secondly all had to do the 'loya' or the uprooting of the hair whether they were royal queens or ordinary women.
10. Brhatkathākoša, Intro. p. 20; also Nāyā., Chapt. XIV; for the mother-in-law renouncing the world to escape the harassment from her daughter-in-law: Theri-gatha XLV; see I.A., Vol. 57, pp. 49ff.
11. Jarnbūswämin and his wives: Kalpasūtra, comm. p. 218; Queens of KanhaVasudeva: Thān., p. 433b.
12. Avasyaka-cūrni, p. 526. 13. Uttar., Tikā, 2. 29ff. 14. p. 164a, 165a. 15. Nāyā., VIII, pp. 117ff. 16. Nirya., p. 51-52; 65-66; Naya., XIV; Antg. p. 28,

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
467
Exceptions to the above conditions are also found as in the case of Subhadrā17 who renounced the world even against the wish of her husband (akāmaë), and in the story of Queen Padmavatia of Campă who became. a nun when she was pregnant but separated from her husband at that time.
Church Administration:
A nun was called 'bhikkhuni', 'nigganthi', 'sāhuni' or 'ajja'. The texts of the Angas give the same general rules of moral discipline as they do for the monks. But the rules regarding their period of probation, their confirmation, their rise to different officers, their designations and duties and the rules which governed the details of group-life among nuns are not to be found so exhaustively enumerated as in the Chedasútras and Niryuktis which are later than the Angas.
The Angas simply refer to groups of nuns under a head-nun and the 36,000 nuns of Mahavira are said to have lived under Candanā18 (Candanäppamuhä). The term signifying the chief of the nuns-as the ācārya in the case of monks-was perhaps Pavattiņi' (Pravartini). The ācārya himself had to look after the nuns, and the Sthänänga expressly states that one of his duties was to take proper care of the nuns.19 The same text refers to 'Khuddiä' (Kṣullikā) which signified a young nun who had as yet not attained any responsible post in the church hierarchy. Thus, the Añgas fail to give any complete picture of the actual working of the order of nuns.
It is, however, in the Chedasūtras-especially the Kalpa, Vyavahāra and Nisitha-and the Niryuktis, that a somewhat better picture of the internal working of the order of the nuns is available.
Before entering into a discussion of various officers in the order of nuns, it should be noted that the nuns as a whole were always treated on an inferior basis in relation to the monks. It is said that "a monk of three years' standing (paryaya) may become the upadhyaya of a nun of thirty years' standing; and a monk of five years' standing can become the upădhyāya of a nun of sixty years' standing" 20 That the nuns were under stricter control than the monks is revealed in the remarks, "the Acarya, Upadhyaya and the Pravartini-these three are the protectors of the nuns",21
17. Niryä., p. 51.
17a. Uttar., Tikā, 9, p. 132a.
18. Kalpasūtra, SBE., XXII, p. 267.
19. Aryikāpratijägarako', comm. p. 244b; Vav. 3, 12.
20. Ibid., 7, 15-16; Inferiority of Buddhist nuns in their Church: See Cullavagga X, 1, 4, where it is stated that a nun even of a hundred years' standing should bow down to a monk who has quite recently been initiated.
21. Vav. 3, 12.

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S. B. DEO The following officers controlled the order of nuns :
Ayariya (ācārya):
The role of the ācārya, as seen above, was that of a protector and a guide of the 'bhikkhuni sangha'. In cases of difficulties, he was expected to manage to get proper requisites and residence for the nuns. The nuns had to live under an ācārya at all time, and in case of his death, the nuns were required to affiliate their group to another ācārya, then to an upădhyāya and then to a pravartini. Under no circumstances were they to remain without any of these three officers.22 The ācārya had the responsibility of letting the pravartini know the nature of offences which the nuns were to refrain from 23
Uvajjhāya (upādhyāya):
Next to the ācārya, the upādhyāya weilded power over the nuns. He was taken to be one of the protectors of the nuns, and he perhaps looked to the educational aspect of the group. For, he solved the difficulties of the nuns regarding the texts which they studied. Gaņiņā (ganini):
According to the Bșhatkalpabhāsya, a ganini was superior to a pravartini, 24 and was the head of a gana or a group of nuns. What the ācārya was to the group of monks, a ganini was to a group of nuns (gana). She looked after both the administrative as well as the spiritual aspects of the group. In cases of quarrels, she asked the pravartinī to pacify the nuns.25 If she failed to pacify them, then the ganini tried to bring peace and prevented the pravartini from taking part in it. A high standard of moral qualities and a long study of scriptures was required for this post, as is clear from the following epithets applied to her: 'gunasampannā (endowed with good qualities), 'samā' (equal to all her disciples), 'anālasā' (energetic), 'svādhyāyadhyānayuktā' (indulging in study and meditation). She was expected to be severe in cases of faults (kārane ugradandā), and was to be skilled enough in increasing the number of the followers.26
Pavattini (pravartini):
A mention to this officer is chiefly to be found in the Chedasūtras even though the Brhatkalpabhāşya attributes a subordinate position to her. She
22. Ibid. 23. Brh, kalp. bha. Vol. V, 6048. 24. Vol. III, 2222. 25. Ibid. 26. Gacchacara. 127-128.

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469 used to be the head of the group of nuns and managed all their affairs. Implicit allegiance to her by every nun was expected. The texts are not very clear about the exact position she enjoyed, for she sometimes takes the place equal to an ācārya27 and sometimes that of an ācāryopādhyāya,28 while one of the Angas29 reduces her position to be on par with that of a thera before whom nuns confessed their transgressions.
The right of nominating her successor was given to the pravartini. But a democratic practice prevailed in this method. Supposing that a pravartini nominated her successor and if that successor was deemed unfit from the point of view both of management and of qualifications, the nuns had a right to find out an abler head. Getting such a one, they could ask the temporarily appointed candidate to withdraw in favour of the newly selected candidate. In case, however, there was no occasion for finding out a better candidate, then the temporary pravartini was confirmed and the rest obeyed her. In case a proper candidate could not be found out, they could request the ācārya to depute them such a one.30
The educational qualifications required for this office consisted of the knowledge of 'āyārapakappa' which dealt with the rules about conduct and about punishment for transgressions. If a nun was fit for the office but had forgotten the text even in her young age due to idleness then she could not aspire for that office. If, however, she forgot it owing to illness, then she was made to study it again, and was appointed to that post. Old nuns who had forgotten the text and were unable to study it again due to advanced age, were deemed qualified on the ground that they generally never forgot the essence of the rules of monastic conduct 31
The pravartinī also had to undergo certain restrictions regarding stay and touring. She was to remain always in the company of two other nuns in winter and summer.32 In a place where there were many monks and runs, she was to remain with two nuns in the eight months of summer and winter, and with three others in the rainy season.33
The chief duty of a pravartini was to maintain the ideal conduct of the members under her command. The ācārya was to let the pravartini
27. Brh, kalp. 1, 41f; 3, 13; Vav. 5, 1f. 28. Ibid., 4, 1f. 5f. 13f. 29. Bhag. p. 375ab. 30. Vav. 5, 13-14. 31. Ibid., 5, 13-14; 5, 17. 32. Ibid., 5, 1-2. 33. Ibid., 5, 9-10.

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know the nature of the faults and the prāyaścittas for them, and the pravartini was to inform the same to the nuns under her.34
Gaņāvaccheïņā (gaņāvacchedinī):
As the very name suggests, she controlled a part of a group (gana) of the nuns. It appears that she was subordinate to the pravartini. Her duties were those of gaṇāvaccedaka among the monks.
Her position in the Church hierarchy is not clear as it is described differently in different texts. Sometimes she follows immediately the pravartini and then the abhişekā comes,35 sometimes she 'is altogether dropped in the list.
No clear idea about her duties in the order can be had, but she was not as highly rated or put confidence into as the pravartini as is clear from the rule which lays down that she was to remain with three other nuns—while the pravartini with only two-in winter and summer, and in the company of four others in the rainy season.36
Abhisegā (abhişekā):
She is to be met with in the Brhatkalpabhāşya. Sometimes she is equated with the gañinī,37 sometimes simply explained as 'pravartinīpadayogyā'; fit for the office of a ganin7,38 while in some places she comes after the pravaratinī.39 It is very difficult, therefore, to understand her exact nature and the duties she was expected to do. It may be that she was next to a pravartinī or to a gañinī in point of respect by others, if not of authority.
Therī (sthavirā):
As in the case of some of the other officers, her place was also not certain in the church hierarchy as in some places she is mentioned after bhikkhuņi and in some other places before her.40 Her designation suggests the factor of age in her case as 'theri' means an old nun.
34. Bļh. kalp. bhā. Vol. V, 6048 (comm.). 35. Ibid., Vol. III, pravartini, gañāvacchedinī, abhişekā and bhikṣuņi. 36. Vav. 5, 3-4, 5, 9-10. 37. Brh. kalp. bhā. III, 2410 (comm.). 38. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4339 (comm.). 39. Ibid., Vol. III, 2407 (comm.). 40. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4339 (comm.); III, 2407 (comm.).

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Bhikkhun (bhikeṣuņi):
It was a very general term signifying a nun, but she perhaps stood higher than the 'Khuddiya'.
Khuddiyä (kullikā):
The word probably stood for a young nun who was not confirmed or who was still under probation.
471
Besides these, another officer called the 'mahattariya (mahattarikā) is referred to and it is laid down that the nuns should remain under her control. It may be that she was an old and respected member of a gaccha or a group of nuns and her duties were administrative as well as spiritual.
Execution of Church Discipline:
As in the case of the monks, so also about the nuns, the early texts do not give details about concrete examples of transgressions and the punishments for them. The Chedasūtras, and later on the Bṛhatkalpabhäşya, give numerous details about them.
The initiation of women was solely left to the nuns and the ācārya, and no monk could initiate a woman for personal motives. The monk was to take advice from an elderly nun regarding this matter and then hand her over to the theri.43
After initiation, if a nun wanted confirmation (upasthäpană), she had to go to that particular group for that act; on the other hand, a monk who had received initiation could choose a guru belonging to any other group."
No nun or monk was allowed to initiate a person below eight years.45
Under no circumstances were the nuns to remain without a chief. If, while touring, the leader among them died, then they were to appoint the immediate subordinate to that post, or else were to merge themselves in a major group. If they remained without a head, then they had to undergo either 'cheda' (i.e. shortening of the period of nunhood) or 'parihära' (i.e. an isolatory penance for the offence).
41. Explained as 'bala', Ibid. Vol. IV, 4339.
42. Gacchäcära, V. 118; 'Mahattara' is a term used in epigraphs to denote an officer in local administration.
43. Vav. 7, 4-5.
44. Ibid., 7, 6-7. 45. Ibid., 10, 16-17. 46. Ibid., 5, 11-12.

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It was not in the hands of either an individual nun or a group of them to punish the transgressor. They were not expected to severe all connections with the offender of their own accord, but they were to inform the ācārya about it, and prescribe a certain period to that nun for improvement. If she improved, well and good; but if she did not, then they told her about it beforehand and then severed all contact with her.47
The BỊhatkalpasūtra gives several rules and prescribes punishments of varied magnitudes both to the monks and nuns. A single instance may not be out of place here which goes to prove the increasing severity of punishment with the higher position of the transgressor in the church hierarchy.
Standing near the shore of water involved a fault. For this, if a nun were seen by somebody doing it, she had to undergo 'gurupañcaka'; if she stood there for a porisi and was seen by somebody then 'laghudaśaka'; if unseen, then 'gurupañcaka'; if she lay down near water, then she had to undergo prāyaścittas varying between 'laghurātrindiva' and 'laghuvimsatirātrindiya'; if she slept there, then 'guruvimsatirātrindiva'; if she ate food there, then a prāyaścitta upto 'gurupañcavimśatirātrindiva'; if she eased herself there, then 'laghumāsa'; if she studied there, then 'māsaguru'; if she kept a night vigil (dharmajāgarika) there, then 'caturlaghuka'; and if she performed 'kāyotsarga' there, then 'caturguru'.
This was only in the case of the kşullikā, i.e. a junior nun. The punishment increased with the position of authority. The sthavirā had to undergo for the same offence prāyaścittas varying between 'gurupañcaka' and 'sadlaghu'; for the bhikṣuņi: 'laghudasaka' upto 'şadguruka'; for the abhişekā: ‘gurudaśaka' upto 'cheda'; and for the pravartini: 'laghupañcadaśaka' upto 'müla'.48
The 'caturguru' consisted of a fast of one day, the 'caturlaghu' of a day's fast with 'āyambila'; the 'māsalaghu' consisted in taking meals when half the day is gone, and the 'pañcarātrindiva' consisted of:
(a) not taking food in the first 'prahara' of the day, (b) not eating food in the first one and a half praharas of the day, (c) the same with regard to the first two praharas,
(d) taking food once (ekāśana) and (e) āyambila.49
47. Ibid., 7, 3. 48. Brh, kalp. bha., III, 2409, (comm. pp. 684-85).
49. I am indebted to Muni KEVALAVIJAYAJI for this information. He was kind enough to explain some of the Chedasūtras to me and spared no efforts to solve my difficulties.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
473 The rest of the punishments for transgressions are more or less the same as those prescribed to the monks. One thing, however, may be noted, and that is with regard to the 'parihāra'—i.e. keeping the transgressor separate from the group and severing all contact with her. According to the Vyavahārasütra50 the nuns underwent this punishment, while the Byhatkalpabhāşya31 exempted the nuns from undergoing it.
A spotless life and the practice of rigorous discipline was expected of every nun and it was said that a nun could reach the rank equal to that of the upādhyāya after thirty years, and that of an ācāryopādhyāya only after sixty years which shows that the Church was very strict towards them,
Bound by these rules of discipline and working under the different officers of the Church, the nuns lived in groups. No details about the limit put on the number of the members of a group are to be found. The earliest texts refer to as many as five hundred nuns remaining under one head (ganini).52 Later on, it seems that both monks and nuns formed one group (gana) as the expression 'sa-ganicciyāë vā para-ganicciyāë vā nigganthie53 (a nun belonging to one's—i.e. a monk's own gana or to an other gana) suggests. When the ganas gave place to the gacchas, the nuns were grouped in gacchas, which, according to the Mulācāra, consisted of three and seven persons, respectively.54 Touring:
Controlled by these rules and disciplinary regulations, the nuns led a wandering life like that of the monks. In the eight months of summer and winter they wandered from village to village (gāmānugāmaṁ), and no rules fundamentally different from those in the case of the monks are given for this aspect of their life. As a matter of fact, right from the time of the composition of the Acarānga, different texts give a rule starting with the formula: "Je bhikkhū bhikkhuņi vā", or "Niggantho nigganthi va" which shows that the rule was common both to the monks as well as to the nuns. The rules pertaining to the mode of their travel, the time for it, stay at one place during the four months of the rainy season (vassāvāsa), the limit of staying at one place, etc. are almost identical with those for the monks. Only a few distinct rules are henceforth noted.
The nuns were prevented from going beyond Anga-Magadha in the east, Kaušāmbi to the south, Sthūnā to the west, and Kuņāla in the north, for
50. 5, 11-12; also Brh. kalp. 1, 38. 51. Vol. V, p. 1561. 52. For references to wandering groups of nuns: Naya., pp. 151, 173, 224, 53. Nis. 8, 11.
54. Mül. 10, 92. BULL. DCRI.-60

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"so far extends the land of the pious".55 These roughly comprise the modern provinces of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. According to some texts, 56 it was Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, who opened up other parts of the country for the Jaina monks and nuns by spreading Jainism to those parts.
A lonely nun, under no circumstances, was to stay or tour, or enter a place of rest or relief,57 or enter a house for seeking food or drink. She was disallowed to go out even to a distance of two hands out of her residence at night.58 In this connection the story of Mrgāvatī,59 who could not keep proper time owing to the presence of the Moon and the Sun for the sermon of Mahāvīra and was reprimanded by the chief nun Candanā for this, is well-known.
Residence:
As in the four months of the rainy season, so also during the rest of the year, nuns had to search a proper residence. The quarters were not to lie beyond the limits of the householder's premises.60 Moreover, such a lodge was not to contain cobwebs or living beings.61 Specially cleaned or prepared lodges for the nun were not allowed.62 All the rules of the procedure of seeking a lodging were the same both for the monks and the nuns.63
Common residence for monks and nuns was normally disallowed. But in cases of calamities and unforeseen circumstances, like the stay in a forest, or in the vicinity of the colonies of Nāgas and Suvarnakumāras, in places where there was danger from robbers, and in such regions where either the monk or the nun could find no other shelter, they could have a common residence.64
According to the Brhatkalpasūtra, nuns were disallowed to live in a shop, a main road, a cross-road, a triangular place or quadrangular place or court or bazaar,65 in a house with open entrance if there was no curtain put over
55. Brh. kalp. 1, 51. 56. Byh. kalp. bhā. Vol. III, 327ff. 57. Brh. kalp. 5, 15-18. 58. Gacchācāra, 108. 59. Than. comm. p. 258a. 60. Brh. kalp. 1, 22ff. 61. Acär. II, 2, 1, 1 (p. 120). 62. Ibid., II, 2, 1, 3 (p. 121). 63. Ibid., II, 7, 2, 7ff (p. 175ff.).
64. Thän. p. 314a; Buddhist nuns were not allowed to live in a forest: LAW, 1.A. Vol. 57, p. 53.
65. 1, 12.

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475 it,66 in a house with paintings on the wall,67 in a lodge where only males lived68 or which was close to the road,69 which contained wine, 70 which was a meeting house or an assembly house or a house with gallery or an abode built on the roots of a tree, or open to the rain.71
The reasons behind these rules were based on commonsense which helped the nuns to maintain a pure and unharassed life in the society which was and is always crazy about the chastity of women. For instance, the reasons behind forbidding her to stay in a square or a crowded place were based on the doubt that a nun might go astray by looking at young men in the street, or at courtesans or at marriage processions. Another reason was the fear of public which found an easy ground for scandal and criticism in the case of the nun's stay at such a place.72 Moreover, heretics took it a good cause to scandalise the religion on that account. A place with open doors or one devoid of doors provided an easy access to thieves or robbers or such other wicked fellows who stole the requisites or raped the nun; hence the precautions.73
In cases of difficulty when no proper residence could be had, the nuns were allowed to take resort to other lodgings in an order of preference. In the unfit lodgings also, they were to take utmost precautions and were asked to study loudly all together, go to ease nature together and never to allow young men to enter the lodge.74 An elaborate procedure is described by which the nuns, in cases of not getting any other proper lodge, had to stay in a place having open doors. In such a place they had a pair of bamboo or grass-curtains, one each at the inner and the outer sides of the frame of the door. These curtains were joined by a piece of cloth. The inner curtain had two holes through which strings were passed and tied in such a way that the knots of the outer curtain remained inside the inner curtain. Only the nun who stood guard at that curtain knew the mechanism of the knots. The qualifications of the guard-nun were that she was a lady of stout body, well-versed in the sacred lore, of mature age and intellect, of pure family, bold and full of stamina. She stood at the door
66. Ibid., 1, 14. 67. Ibid., 1, 20. 68. Ibid., 1, 29. 69. Ibid., 1, 32. 70. Ibid., 2. 4. 71. Ibid., 2, 11. 72. Bļh. kalp. bha. Vol. III, 2304-24. 73. Ibid., 2330. 74. Ibid., 2320-2324.

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with a stick in her hand. The nun who wanted to come in was touched by the guard at her head, chest, and cheeks to verify whether the person wanting entry was a nun or somebody else. Then her name was asked and then she was let in. If with all these precautions, the trespassers attacked them and pushed in, then the older nuns stood out with sticks and warded off the raiders while the younger nuns remained inside with sticks. A great uproar was also made to get help from the people.75
With the intention of safety, the nuns were given a differential treatment as compared with that given to the monks. The places prohibited for the nuns were not always treated so for the monks. For instance, the monks were allowed to stay in shops, bazaars, 76 etc. with or without the consent of the owner,77 as also in a place with open entrance.78
As seen already, the Sthānanga permits common residence for the monks and nuns only under exceptional circumstances.79 But in the Brhatkalpa they are allowed to have a common lodge on other occasions also. They were allowed to stay together in a place which had no barriers and gates but had free exit and entrance.80
The maximum period of stay in a village was one night (i.e. day) and in a town five nights.81 But later on, it seems, a longer stay was permitted, and in a village, etc. "enclosed and without outside houses, the nuns (remained) two months, summer and winter; when enclosed and with outside houses, four months, two within and two without”.82 At twilight or at night they were to remain in their lodge 83 The rainy season, of course, compelled them to stay at one place and many rules regarding this are common for the nuns and the monks.84
Various punishments for the transgressions of these rules are cited in great details in the Chedasūtras.85
75. Ibid., 2331-52. 76. Brh. kalp. 1, 13. 77. Ibid., 1, 24. 78. game egarāžya nayare pañcaraïya'. 79. Brh. kalp. 1, 8-9 (I.A. Vol. 39, p. 260, transl.). 80. Ibid., 1, 15. 81. P. 314a. 82. Brh. kalp. 1, 11. 83. Ibid., 1, 47.
84. Acar. II, 3, 1, 1 (p. 136); Kalpasūtra, (SBE., Vol. XXII), transl. pp. 296ff; Brh. kalp. 1, 36.
85. See Appendix 1; also Bịh, kalp. bha. Vol. III, vs. 2312, 2328, 2431.

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477
Begging and Food:
Once a proper residence was obtained, the next important item in the life of a nun was the acquisition of pure food in a proper way.
Here also almost all the rules about begging food for the nun are common with those for the monks. In fact, the rules start with the phrase as seen before--"bhikkhu bhikkhuņi vā" or "niggantho nigganthi vā”. The time for begging, begging alms at all houses irrespective of the status or caste of the householder, going in a group, no talk while begging, asking the consent of the superior before going on the alms-round, the nonacceptance of food given in an improper way, the mode of walking while begging, not going to that place in a hurry to overtake others in need of food,--all these and such other details as given in the Ācārānga, Daśavaikālika, Bhagavati, Sthānanga and other texts, are identical for both of them.
The food accepted was to be devoid of any impurity and the forty-six faults of begging. The nuns could not accept food involving sinful activity (āhākamma), or food given by the owner of the place where the nun stayed (sejjāyarapiņda), or food specially prepared for them (uddesiya), or food containing raw things consisting of the six kinds of living beings.
Articles of food which were specially forbidden for the nuns were of the type of 'puläkabhatta' i.e. insipid, difficult to digest and tending to lead them astray under the influence of passion. The 'pulāka' was of three types: dhānya-p., consisting of grains difficult to digest; gandha-p., giving smell of garlic, etc.; and rasa-p., soup or essence of grapes or tamarind. If a nun ate the first type, then she suffered from gases; if she partook of the third then she got nature's calls frequently, and if she tasted the second one, then her mouth gave foul smell. Hence she was asked to avoid such regions where these articles were eaten. In cases of emergency like the famine, she was permitted to accept the first and the last, but not the 'gandhapulāka'. If she could get another type of food, then she accepted that and deposited the already obtained 'pulāka' on a pure place. Perchance she happened to obtain the 'gandhapulāka', then she was asked not to wander out till her mouth ceased to give out the foul smell.86
Differential treatment in the case of food articles is found in some rules. For instance, the nuns were disallowed to accept an unbroken ripe cocoanut, while the monks could accept such a one, whether broken or unbroken.87
86. Ibid., Vol. V, 6049-57. 87. Brh. kalp. 1, 1-5.

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478
Clothing:
S. B. DEO
Nudity was never advocated for nuns either by the Svetāmbaras88 or the Digambaras. We have already noted the story of Sivabhuti who did not allow his sister to go naked. The Digambaras offer the following explanation for this. They say that "women are forbidden from accepting severe types of asceticism such as nakedness, because they are constitutionally unfit. There is a growth of subtle, living beings in their organs. of generation, between their breasts, in their navel and armpits; their mind is fickle and devoid of purity; they have monthly courses; and they cannot concentrate undisturbed" 89
The texts of the Angas give primary rules about the clothing of the nuns, and everywhere the nuns are pictured as wearing clothes.
How the Clothes were Obtained:
The principal rules of begging clothes at the houses of the laymen were the same for both the monks and the nuns.90
Regional Limits to Begging of Clothes:
They were not to go beyond half a yojana for obtaining clothes. The clothes were accepted there and then, and no future promises were accepted.
Clothes Unfit for Nuns:
Such clothes as were bought, washed, dyed, cleaned or perfumed by the donor for the sake of the nuns; expensive clothes made of either wool, furs or cotton; those which were embroidered or interwoven with gold and were ornamental; which were endowed with animal furs; and those which contained bulbs or seeds or eggs or living beings-all these were deemed unfit both for a monk as well as for a nun.93
88. Ibid., 5, 19; See Abhidhanarajendrakosa, Vol. 1, pp. 192-93; Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4148:
Niyama sacela itthi, cālijjati sañjamā viņā teṇa:
Women have always to be with clothes. Without clothes they go astray from the path of self-control.
89. Suttapahuḍa of Kundakunda, vs. 22-25: UPADHYE, A. N., Pravacanasära, Intro. XXX, and Text: III, 6-14.
90. Acar. II, 5, 1, 6-9 (pp. 158-59).
91. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 2 (p. 157).
92. Ibid., p. 159.
93. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 3: 4: 5: 10: 11: 12: 13: 15 (pp. 157-61).

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479
Clothes Fit for Nuns:
She could beg clothes prepared out of wool, silk, hemp, palm-leaves, cotton or 'Arkatula', or of such other varieties.94 So also, fit, sturdy and lasting but pure clothes were accepted by her. 95 Number of Clothes:
In all, only four clothes were used by the nuns. One of them was two cubits broad (duhatthavitthāram), two of them were three cubits broad, and the fourth was four cubits in breadth.96
When to Wear These Clothes:
While going for the alms-round or for religious practices or study or on usual tour, the nuns were asked to put on all their clothes.97
The Sthānānga98 says that the first was used in the nunnery (upāśraye), the second while going on the begging tour, the third when going to ease nature, and the fourth while going to a religious sermon (samosarana).
Care about the Clothes:
From the rule which disallowed the monks as well as the nuns to "make coloured clothes colourless and colour colourless clothes”,99 it appears that colour did not get as much importance in the early days as it did later, on, and the monks as well as the nuns perhaps used coloured clothes given by the laymen to them. Not only this but they were allowed to sew together pieces of clothes to bring them to the proper breadth 100 Some later texts,101 however, clearly state that only white clothes were to be worn by a nun, and she was forbidden to stitch together or embroider clothes for laymen.102
As seen already, no washing of clothes was allowed in plentiful water.103 Airing or drying the clothes, however, was permitted, and that too,
94. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 1 (p. 157). 95. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 16 (p. 162). 96. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 1 (p. 157); Than. p. 186b. 97. Acar. II, 5, 2, 1 (p. 163). 98. p. 187b (comm.). 99. Acar. II, 5, 2,5 (p. 164). 100. Ibid., II, 5, 1, 1 (p. 157). 101. Gacchācāra, 112. 102. Ibid., 123.
103. Acār. II, 5, 1, 17 (p. 162); The Pindaniryukti, however, does permit the washing of clothes sometime early before the rains begin. It is not clear whether the rule applied even to the nuns.

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480
S. B. DEO on a place carefully inspected, and which contained no living beings, for instance, a heap of ashes or of bones.104
Numerous other details are available in the Niryuktis and the Brhatkalpabhāşya. The Oghaniryukti105 gives a complete list of as many as eleven clothes to be worn by the nun and the BỊhatkalpabhāşya 106 also confirms the same number.
Out of the eleven clothes, six were worn on the lower part of the body and five on the upper part of the body.
Clothes Worn on the Lower Half of the Body: 107 (1) Uggahanantaga:
It was so worn as to cover the private parts of the body. It was broad in the middle and thin at the ends. A smooth piece of cloth was used for this purpose (ghanamasiņa). This piece was like the shape of a boat (nāvānibho).108
(2) Patta:
It was meant to cover the waist and was tied by fasteners. The breadth of the piece was four fingers, or it varied according to the size of the body. It covered the 'uggahanantaga' and resembled the shorts used by wrestlers (chāyantoggahaņantagam, kadibandho mallakacchā vā).109
(3) Addhoruga:
It covered both the above two pieces of clothes (dovi genhiüm chāyaë kadivibhāgam). It covered the entire waist and was fastened on both sides over the breast.110
(4) Calaņā:
It was upto the knees (jāņupamāṇā) and resembled the piece of cloth worn by the 'lankhiyas' (or the people who perform gymnastics on the pieces of bamboos), and was unsewn (asīviyā).111
104. Acār. II, 5, 1, 23 (p. 163). 105. 671-678. 106. Vol. IV, 4080ff. 107. Ibid. 4084-87. 108. Ogha-N. bhã. 313. 109. Ibid., 314. 110. Ibid., 315. 111. Ibid.

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481
(5) Antoniyansaņī:
This covered the portion of the body from the waist upto half of the thighs (addhajanghāö).112
(6) Bāhiraniyamsarī:
The portion of the body from the waist upto the ankles was covered with this piece of clothing and it was tied with strings at the waist (kadi ya doreņa paţibaddhā).113
Clothes Worn on the Upper Part of the Body: 114 (1) Kañcuka:
It covered the breasts and was probably unsewn (asīviyā). The standard size consisted of two and a half hands in length and one hand in breadth. It varied according to different persons, as the measure is prescribed according to the nun's own fore-arm 115
(2) Okacchiya:
It was more or less similar to the previous one (evameva), but was tied on the left shoulder. It covered the back and the breasts.116
(3) Vegacchi:
It was a piece of cloth which covered 'kañcuka' and the 'okacchiya' and was tied on the right shoulder.117
4.
(4) Sanghādī:
These were four (caüra) in number. That which was two hands in length was used in the nunnery. The other two which were three hands in measure (tihatthāyāmā) were used when going for the alms-round and for easing nature. The fourth one which was four hands (caühattha) in length, was used when going for religious sermons or congregations118 (samosarana).
112. Ibid., 316. 113. Ibid., 316. 114. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4088-91 115. Ogha-N. bhā. 317. 116. Ibid. 117. Ibid., 318.
118. Ibid., 318-19; Bịh. kalp. bhā. Vol. IV, 4089-90. BULL, DCRI.--61

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(5) Khandhakarani:
It was four hands in length (caühatthavitthahā), and was meant principally to save oneself from a strong breeze (vāyavihuyarakkhatthā). Another interesting purpose to which it could be put to was giving an appearance of dwarfness to beautiful nuns by placing it at their backs and tying it with the garments Nos. (2) and (3) (khujjakarani ü kiraï rūvavāiņa kudahaheüm).119
What Clothes at What Time?
All of these clothes were to be put on by the nun when she went to beg food.120 She was to use the ‘uggahapattaka' without fail at the time of seeking alms, otherwise people were likely to condemn her seeing the stains of the blood which passed at her monthly course; or being devoid of it, she was likely to give up all shame and indulge in all sorts of activities; or there was a possibility of her being seized by a wicked person and then getting unconscious raped by him. She would thus lose all that was precious for female conduct, for it was said that character and shamefulness are the ornaments of women (bibhūsanam sīla hiri ya itthië).121
The nun was on no account to accept and wear any clothes of her own accord without taking the consent of the pravartini or the ācārya. The faults involved in thus accepting the clothes were as follows: 122
(i) seeing a man giving clothes directly to the nun, the newly ordained nuns would suspect the purpose of it and would lose faith in the Law;
(ii) it would tend to the breaking of self-control; (iii) nuns would become greedy of clothes;
(iv) the clothes would turn out to be charmed and thus put the nun in trouble;
(v) there would arise quarrels over it; and lastly,
(vi) there would arise a keen competition among nuns to acquire clothes and would lead them to obtain clothes in any way they liked.
If somebody wanted to offer them clothes then the nuns told the donor that they could not accept clothes without the express permission of the head-nun. In case they happened to accept clothes, then the nuns handed over such clothes to the superior. Then they were washed and kept away for a week to test whether they were charmed or had any other defects.
119. Ogha-N. bha. 320. 120. Brh. kalp. bhä. Vol. IV, 4119. 121. Ibid., 4105-4116; 4118. 122. Ibid., 4153.

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483 Then they were given by the gañadhara to the pravartini who distributed them to the needy nuns. In the case of the absence of an ācārya, the pravartini used to accept clothes from the immediate subordinate of the ācārya, like the upādhyāya, etc. If the pravartini was absent, then the nuns tested the clothes in groups and then accepted them. As a last resort, they took the help of the devoted laymen and laywomen in the acceptance of proper clothes.123
In obtaining clothes, the nuns had to be careful regarding the person who offered clothes to them. They were not allowed to accept apparel from the 'kāpālikas', the bhikkhus (explained as Buddhist monks), the 'sucivādins' (parivrājakas), the ‘kūrcikas', courtesans, merchants, young people, a well acquainted nomad, and from close relatives. The reason for not accepting clothing from the first two in this list was that they were notorious for offering charmed clothes. A wonderful sense of psychological observation is revealed in the rule which prohibited them from accepting clothes from the son of their own maternal uncle. Seeing the nun accepting clothes from her maternal uncle's son, his wife was likely to dislike it and out of womanly envy tended to declare that that particular nun was indirectly disturbing the happiness of her married life! This being the case, the nuns were asked to obtain clothing only from the pure (bhāvita) and impartial (madhyastha) families.124
Certain superstitions about clothes were also taken into consideration at the time of accepting them. Certain signs about them indicated a calamity while certain suggested good time to come. For instance, clothes torn by mice or burnt in some portions foretold danger and calamity.125
OTHER REQUISITES:
The nuns did not possess requisites fundamentally different from those of the monks and the rules about the seeking of proper alms-bowl (pāya), the broom (rayaharana), the bedding (pīdha-phalaga-sejjā-santhāraya) consisting of a plank, a stool and a mattress, etc. were common both for the monks and for the nuns; as such, they need not be repeated here over again, Only the distinct rules connected with these are noted down blow.
R42
By the time of the Oghaniryukti, it seems that the nuns had increased their number of requisites the case being similar regarding their clothing. A list of as many as twenty-five requisites consisting of eleven types of
123. Ibid., 4165, 4170-71, 4177, 4181-84; Vol. III, 2815-35, 124. Ibid. 2822-27. 125. Ibid., 2830-35.

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S. B. DEO clothing and fourteen types of other requisites is to be met with.126 It consisted of the following:
(1) patta (pātra) (2) pattābandho (pātrakabandha) (3) pāyaţthavana (pātrasthāpana) (4) pāyakesariyā (pātrakesarikā) (5) padalāïm (patalāni) (6) rayattāņa (rajastrāņa)
(7) gocchaga (gocchaka) (8-10) three pacchāgas (pracchädakas)
(11) rayaharana (rajoharana) (12) muhapatti (mukhapatrī) (13) mattaga (mātraka) (14) kamadhaga (kamathaka).
Out of all these twenty-five requisites which included clothes also, the essential or compulsory requisites (utkistata) were eight: three robes, alms-bowl, 'abhyantaranivasani', 'bahirnivasani', 'sanghātikā' and 'skandhakarani'. The normal number of requisites consisted of thirteen articles: 'rajoharana', 'patalakāni', 'pātrakabandha', 'rajstrāņa', 'mātraka', 'kamathaka', 'avagrahānantaka', 'patta', 'ardhoruka', 'kañcuka', 'calanikā', 'aupakaksikā! and the 'vaikaksikī. And those of less importance (?) (jaghanya) were four: 'mukhapotikā', 'pătrakesarikā', 'gocchaka', and 'pātrasthāpanaka'.127
Besides this normal number of requisites, a number of other articles were permitted both for the nuns as well as for the monks for a temporary period or for the rainy season. It consisted of such things as the 'pādalekhanikā' used in clearing up mud from one's feet, the fivefold protectors from the rain made either of cotton or of 'sūci' or leaves of palāśa tree or of bamboo or of hair of animals (vāla); the three kinds of vessels for depositing bodily dirt and excretion; and the 'vāraka' which was used for carrying water to be used after easing nature, etc.128 Such articles like the needle (süci), nail-cutter (nakhaharani), the tooth-brush (danta-sodhana) and the ear-pick (karna-sodhana), etc. were, it appears, allowed both to the monks as well as to the nuns.129
Even though many of these requisites were common for both the sections of the Church, yet a distinction was made in some of them. For
126. Ogha-N. 668-71; also Bịh. kalp. bhā. Vol. IV, 4080-83; we have explained these in Chapt. 2 of this part.
127. Ibid., 4095: also Ogha-N. 678. 128. Brh, kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4097-98. 129. Ibid., 4096.

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485
instance, a broom with a long wooden staff, a curved bowl and a vessel with a handle were not permitted to the nuns. So also they were forbidden to use a roll of clothes as a support to their back, while the monks could use it.130 SCHUBRING remarks in this connection that "they were by no means sure of the chastity of the nun's thoughts".131 Besides this, they were not to use beds of soft cotton, 132 and a 'rajoharana' of white threads.133
There were some articles the use of which was restricted only to the nuns. For instance, only the nuns were allowed to carry and use a vessel coated from inside (antolittayam ghadimattaë), 134 for the purpose of easing nature at night. If a nun refused to have such a pot then various prayaścittas were prescribed for her. Not only that, but if the acārya failed to tell about it to the pravartini and the latter to her nuns, then they also had to undergo punishments,135
In certain residences, they used curtains (cilimili) to close the door so that they could live in safety and mental freedom inside the residence. We have already seen how and when it was used.
Normally they were not permitted to use hairless skins. But in cases of illness, certain skins were prescribed as remedies. In cases of titanus or piles or severe pain or in cases of the bones getting disjointed or in complete or partial paralysis, a nun was allowed to use hairless skins. The skin of a tiger or a hyena was used for patients of paralysis, and in the case of a dog-bite the nun was made to lie down on the skin of a tiger, or else that particular portion was covered with that skin. An old nun (sthavira) was allowed to use skins with hair, but only after spreading it in a way so as to make the hair face the ground, if her limbs brushed together.136
PENANCE AND FASTING:
The early texts refer to the various fasts done by the nuns. They did fasts not only of smaller duration like the 'caüttha' or 'atthama', etc. 137 but practised fasts of the duration of even one month, and we get constant references to nuns doing the 'māsia samlehaṇā'.138 Even more severe fasting, the cycle of which took years together, was practised, and we have
130. Brh. kalp. p. 5, 35-46; bhāṣya, Vol. II, 1046-48.
131. I.A., Vol. 39, p. 266, fn.42.
132. Gacchācāra, 114.
133. Ibid., 120.
134. Brh, kalp. 1, 16.
135. Ibid., bhāṣşya, Vol. III, 2362-63.
136. Ibid., Vol. IV, 3816-18.
137. Nāyā. p. 199.
138. Ibid., p. 200; see also Gacchācāra, 134,

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references to various varieties like the 'ayambilavaḍdhamāṇatavokamma'139 (fourteen years, three months and twenty days), the 'mahälayam sihanikkiliyatavokamma'40 (six years, two months and twelve days), the 'kanagavalitavokamma' (five years, nine months and eighteen days), the 'rayanavalitavokamma,142 (five years, two months and twenty-eight days), the 'muttāvalītavokamma'143 (three years and ten months), the 'mahalaya (type of) savvaöbhaddatavokamma'144 (two years, eight months and twenty days), the 'khuḍḍāga (type of) savvabhaddapaḍimā'145 (one year, one month and ten days), the 'khudḍāga sihanikkiliyatavokamma'146 and the 'gunarayanatavokamma' done by nuns.147
486
The Byhatkalpasútra, however, lays down the following rules regarding the mortification of the body in the case of the nuns:
"(1) she may not give her body to asceticism;
(2) she may not, outside a village, etc. upto a caravansarai, continually stretching the arms upwards, the face turned towards the sun, standing upon one foot, mortify herself on an estrada;
(3) she may do it only within the house enclosure with a cloth on, with the feet on level ground;
(4) she may not take up a general position of penance;
(5) she may not stand motionless;
(6) she may not sit crouching on the ground;
(7) she may not cower down;
(8) she may not sit "as a hero" (vīrāsana posture);
(9) she may not remain stiff as a stick; or
(10) bent like a cudgel; or
(11) lie on the back; or
(12) on the face; or
(13) bent round like a mango fruit; or
(14) stretched out on one side."148
It seems, therefore, that severe forms of bodily mortifications were not allowed to nuns.

139. Antg. p. 52.
140. Ibid., p. 48.
141. Ibid., p. 47. 142. Ibid., pp. 45-46.
143. Ibid., p. 52.
144. Ibid., p. 50. 145. Ibid., p. 49.
146. Ibid., p. 47.
147. Anttr. p. 58.
148. Brh. kalp. 5, 21-34: Transl. I.A. Vol. 39, p. 266: These were various bodily postures practised by the monks: see Chapt. 1 of this Part,

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487
Fasts of different durations and types were current in the time of the Bșhatkalpabhāşya as it prescribes fasts like 'māsalaghu,' 'māsaguru,' 'caturlaghu,' 'caturguru,' etc. for various transgressions.
MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL:
This formed the very kernel of nun-life and the description of the nuns wandering from village to village in groups is quite interesting. A group of nuns is described as "wandering in due course, endowed with the proper rules of movement (iriyāsamiyão), with those of speech (bhāsāsamiyāö), and of begging food (esaņāsamiyāö), with those concerning the deposition of the requisites (āyāṇabhandamattanikkheyaņāsamiyāö), with those regarding the deposition of bodily dirt (uccārapāsavaņakhelajallasinghānaparitthāvanāsamiyāö), well controlled in mind (managuttiö), in speech (vayaguttiö), in body (kāyaguttiö); with their sense organs well under restraint (guttindiyāö) and perfect in celibacy (guttabambhayāriņão), ..... (etc.)."149
It is clear from the above passage that the nuns had also to practise the well-known 'pañcasamitis' and 'tri-guptis' which implied perfect control over the mind, speech and body, and extreme care regarding the living beings. The five great vows (pañcamahāvratas) were also prescribed for the nuns.
Confession (ālocanā) of the fault committed, the resolve not to do it again (pratikramana) and expiation (prāyaścitta) for the same was compulsory for the nuns as it was so for the monks 150 They had to do all these before the pravartinī,151 everyday (daivasika) as well as every fortnight (pakkhiya). The yearly performance was called 'sāmvatsarika'. Besides the pravartinī, the nuns were permitted to make confession before a gītārtha (i.e., well-versed person), and if such a one was not available then they were allowed to do it among themselves.152 Under no circumstances a nun was allowed to do it alone.153
Never was she to utter unbecoming speech. Falsehood, condemnation of others, scolding others, rough speech, worldly speech like that of a householder (gāratthiya), or that which would tend to raise hushed up quarrels, were deemed unfit for her.154 Talk about food (bhattakahā), gossip about the affairs of the country (desakahā) or regarding the king (rāyakahā) were
149. Niryā. p. 49. 150. Ibid., p. 53; story of Bhūya in this connection: Ibid. pp. 66-67. 151, Bhà. p. 314ab. 152. Vav. 5, 19. 153. Ogha.-N. comm. p. 225b. 154. Than. 370a.

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forbidden to her.155 Being controlled in speech, no cause for quarrel was expected, but perchance a quarrel took place then it was the duty of the ganinī to pacify her disciples by means of pleasing words.156 Inspite of these rules, it appears that quarrels did take place among the monks and nuns or among the nuns only, and in that case the pravartins or the ācārya was expected to pacify the quarrel. Neither the nuns nor the monks were allowed to give kşāmanā (pardon) from a distance among themselves.157
The body was to be completely neglected and no efforts of decorating it or even giving it an appearance of deliberate or conscious neatness were allowed. The rule was more strict to the nuns than to the monks.
For this very purpose, it seems, that the nuns had to undergo the act of 'loya' (loca) or uprooting the hair. It was incumbent on every nun right from the time of initiation, and we come across many references to this 'pañcamutthiya loya.'158 Besides 'loya', the phrase used to denote this act was 'munde bhavittā.'
Besides this, the nun was not allowed to take bath or wash limbs or powder them or decorate them in any way.159 In cases of illness, however, they were allowed to take medicine, and were expected to wait upon and nurse the younger candidates among themselves.160 No attachment towards others was to be shown and there are instances of nuns who were banished from the gana for fondling the children of others or for devoting much time to the toiletting of the body.161
The fundamental rule of a nun's life was the practice of perfect chastity, and she had to undergo a strict discipline in this matter. Numerous rules are prescribed for this and all the texts practically agree in this respect.
155. Ibid., p. 212b. 156. Gacchācāra, 130. 157. Vav. 7, 8-9.
158. Antg. p. 27, 28; Niryā. p. 52; Nāyā. p. 118; Uttar. XXII, 30; ALTEKAR (Position of Women, pp. 188-91) opines that tonsure of widows in Brahmanism could not have arisen before c. 500 A.D., as niyoga and remarriage were permitted down to that period. He does not trace it even in the Early Smrtis or in the Mahabharata. On epigraphical evidence. he says that round about 900 A.D. only oiling of the hair of widow was stopped. The head was not shaven. After the 9th cent. A.D., the system of tonsure might have started owing to prohibition of niyoga and remarriage, and it might have been general from about 1200 A.D. He traces the practice of the tonsure of Hindu widows to the practice of shaving the head as carried out by the Jaina and Buddhist nuns.
159. Gacchācāra, 114, 122. 160. Vav, 5, 21; Gacchācāra, 119. 161. Niryā. p. 53; Story of Subhadda in Pupphiyão, Bșhatkathākośa, Intro. p. 21.

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489
A nun was expected to take all precautions to avoid contact with bad elements in the society, as well as abstain from such, if at all, in the Order itself. Utmost care was taken that a nun may not go astray and we have already seen that articles like a broom with a wooden stick, a bottle gourd and a pot with a handle were prohibited for her use.162 She was not allowed to teach 'ragamandalas' or amorous postures or to feed, decorate or fondle a young child,163 It was possibly for the information of the nuns that one of the texts of the Angas164 gives five reasons of conception so that the nuns may avoid them. In sleeping also an old nun (theri) slept in between two young nuns.165
Even in sickness, she had to be careful. For, when a sick nun was embraced by her mother, sister, or daughter, or was afforded assistance, and thereby committed impurity, then she had to undergo a penance (parihāra) for that offence,166 Appreciating a minor male touch also led to punishment.167 The mad nuns were tied and separated in a room or in a well which contained no water.168 The exhibition of a human body besmeared with dirty things was adopted in curing a nun who had an excessive attachment for sex,169 No contact with even the magically created males170 nor an insect's entry into the organ was allowed,171 and the nuns had to undergo penances for the offences.
With all these precautions, numerous instances are recorded of nuns who were harassed by young people, bad elements, householders and kings. The licentious persons (națavițädayaḥ) followed them upto their residence. and harassed them while they were on the alms-tour,172 Cases of kidnapping occurred on a large scale and the instance of king Gaddabhilla of Ujjeni who kidnapped the sister-nun of Kälakācārya is well-known.173 The AvasyalcaNiryukti174 refers to another king who abducted a beautiful nun, and it was only when the pillars of his palace were flung high up in the sky by a monk through spells and magic that he released her. Sometimes householders,175
162. Brh. kalp. 5, 35-46.
163. Gacchäcāra, 122, 119.
164. Than. 313a; Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4139.
165.
Gacchäcära, 123.
166. Brh. kalp. 4, 9-10.
167. Ibid., Bhāṣya, Vol. V, 5253.
168. Ibid., Vol. I, 122-5 (pīṭhikā).
169. Ibid. Vol. VI, 6267.
170. Brh. kalp. 4, 1-4.
171. Ibid., 5, 13-14. 172. Gacchācāra, 125.
173. Nis-C. 10, p. 571: (JAIN, J. C., op. cit., p. 55).
174. V. 933, comm. p. 514b.
175. Brh, kalp. bha. Vol. III, 2670-2.
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robbers176 and parivrājakas1?? troubled them, and either raped them or stole away their clothes.
490
Numerous instances of the use of spells and magic are alluded to. A certain parivrājaka named Pedhäla caused impregnation to a nun Sujyeṣṭhā, daughter of king Cetaka.178 Fake monks also caused impregnation and abortions.
Under these circumstances the monks were expected to guard the nuns. A young monk well-versed in the art of fighting was allowed to punish an intruder by disguising as a nun.179 In certain cases even brother-monks had to protect their sister-nun with the permission of the ācārya and the pravartini 180
The nuns, therefore, had to be extremely careful regarding their resi dence, the society around them and their clothes. Regarding the last, they were asked to put on all their garments while going out. We have the story of the king Murunda of Kusumapura whose sister wanted to renounce the world. She asked her brother as to what order of nuns she should adopt. The king wanted to test the behaviour of Jaina nuns. So he asked one of his elephant-drivers to attack the modesty of a Jaina nun who was going on the begging tour. But as she was well-dressed and had put on all the required garments, the man could not violate her. Seeing this, the king was pleased and was convinced about the precautions the nuns took for the preservation of celibacy. He, therefore, asked the man not to trouble her and allowed gladly his sister to embrace the order of Jaina nuns.181
Inspite of these precautions, if a nun was raped, then she informed. about it to her superior without letting other nuns know about it. She was not to be driven out of the order but was to be handed over for care to the guru or to the 'sejjāyara' (the person who lent them lodging). The latter was told all the facts of the case, and was requested to take care of the unfortunate nun. In case, however, the people at large knew about it, then the raped nun was kept in the monastery (upliśraya) and was not allowed to go out for begging, etc. Other monks and nuns were to bring food for her. When she was advanced in pregnancy she was handed over to a devoted layman and her duties as a nun were suspended so long as her child sucked her. Those who teased her or condemned her on account of rape were to undergo
176. Nis-C. piīṭhikā, p. 90.
177. Than. comm. p. 457b.
178. Avasyaka-C. II, p. 175ff.
179. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4106ff.
180. Ibid., Vol. V, 5255-59.
181. Ibid., Vol. IV, 4123-26.

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491 expiatory penance. It was feared that their teasing would make her indifferent and bold enough to practise sexual acts of her own accord. She was not to be expelled on the grounds that she would harbour hatred against the monks. On the other hand, he who had violated her chastity was to be punished with the help of either the king or the laymen, or the monks themselves were permitted to punish him.182 The attitude of the Church was remarkably sympathetic towards such helpless victims of rape, and these sentiments are clear in the following verse: 183
Ummageņa vi gantur na hoti kim sotavähiņi salilā /
Kāleņa phumphugā vi ya viliyate hasahaseūņam // "Does not a river take to the right course even after flowing in a wrong bed? Even the sparks of fire become extinct after some time."
DAILY ROUTINE:
The daily routine of nuns did not differ from that of the monks as given in the Uttarādhyayana.184 The group of nuns under Suvvayā (suvratā) studied in the first part of the day (padhamāë porisië sajjhāyam karei), in the second they meditated (bīyāë porisīë jhānam jhiyāyaï), and in the third scanned the requisites and cleaned the pots carefully and calmly (taiyāë porisië aturiyamacavalamasambhante muhapottiyaṁ padileheï, bhāyaṇavatthāņi padileheï, bhāyaṇāņi pamajjar, bhāyaṇāņi uggāheï) 185 The description is not complete, but the daily routine of monks and nuns did not differ much. The principal duties in it seem to have been study, meditation, begging, scanning the clothes, 'padikkamana,' kāüssagga', and a short sleep at night. STUDY:
Study, therefore, was an important item in the life of a nun. No sooner was she initiated in the Order, she was given instructions in the sacred books of the Canon. We get constant references to the nuns studying the "sāmāïyamāïyāïm ekkārasa angāim ahijjhai."186 Women preachers are often mentioned which included distinguished nuns like Candaņā, the first female disciple of Mahāvīra, and Jayanti the sister of king Sayāṇīya of Kosambi.187
It seems certain, therefore, that the Jaina nuns did not lag behind in education and they were as well educated as their Buddhist counterparts.
182. Ibid., 4129-46. 183. Ibid., 4147. 184. See Chapt. 1 of this Part. 185. Nāyā. comm. p. 187ab.
186. Antg. pp. 29, 53; Nāya. p. 188; p. 249; (N. V. VAIDYA's edition (p. 200) refers to Dovai studying the eleven Angas).
187. Antgd. 8; Bhag. 172, 2, etc. ALTEKAR, A. S., op. cit., pp. 15, 27, 212,

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S. B. DEO The periods for study seem to have been common for both the monks and the nuns. The hours of study improper for the monks, as given in Sthānānga,188 seem to have been improper for the nuns also. Study consisted of learning, and giving lessons to others. If there was some personal impurity, then the nuns as well as the monks were not to study themselves, but they were allowed to give lessons to others. So also, a nun was allowed to study a sūtra from a monk only with proper reasons for it.189
Even though the curriculum of studies was more or less the same for both the monks and the nuns, yet taking into account the fickle nature and the lack of fortitude (dhști) peculiar to women, the nuns were not allowed to study the Destivāda, Mahāparijñā and Aruņopapātra, as the first out of these three contained information about spells, etc.190
DEATH:
Besides natural death, the nuns fasted unto death (samlehaņā) which was considered to be the best mode of death. If the illness was of an incurable nature, or even normally when they were convinced of the approaching end, they started fasting, and giving up all food and drink, and lying on a bed of grass (sarnthāra) they bravely awaited death.191 It is stated that certain nuns fasted for a period of a month and then got emancipation.192 The typical phrase used is: "māsiyāë samlehanāë attānam jhosettā satthiṁ bhattāïm anasaņeņaṁ cheëttā āloïyapadikkantā samāhipattā kālamāse kālam kiccā. . . . ."193 (purying herself by means of a month's fast (which involved) the giving up of sixty meals, doing the 'ālocanā' and 'pratikramana' and concentrating herself (she) died. .....").
The rites performed after the death of a nun are not clearly given. The Brhatkalpabhāşya194 gives the description of the death rites of a monk only. It is likely that the same rites were performed at the death of a nun also.
We have, up till now, taken a survey of nun life right from her entry into the Order upto her death. It would not be out of place here to study the mutual relations between the monks and the nuns as they form two limbs of the Church.
188. See Chapt. 1 of this part. 189. Vav. 7, 11-14. 190. Byh. kalp. bha. Vol. I, 145-46. 191. Marana-samadhi, 541, 549. 192. Näyā. XIV, p. 153; VIII, 120. 193. Ibid. 194. See Chapt. 3 of this Part.

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MONKS AND NUNS:
(a) Attitude Towards Women in General:
Right in the earliest portions of the Canon, woman is looked upon as something evil that enticed innocent males into a snare of misery. They are described as "the greatest temptation",185 "the causes of all sinful acts", 196 "the slough",197 "demons",198 etc. Their bad qualities are described in exaggerated terms. Their passions are said to destroy the celibacy of monks "like a pot filled with lac near fire."19 The Tandulavaicārika-Prakirṇaka200 gives as many as ninety-three disqualifications of a woman. It may be noted that this attitude was not peculiar only to the Jainas but was shared even by the Buddhists and the Brahmanical systems as well. Anyway, between. the Svetämbaras and the Digambaras the former were more sympathetic than the latter, for they, unlike the Digambaras, held the view that women could get moksa in the same birth.
(b) Occasions of Contact:
This being the approach towards woman in general,201 a monk was to be aloof from the contact with a nun, and vice versa, and both were not to do anything which would give a cause for suspicion to the public. It was laid down that in a town with only one gate, if monks and nuns happened to see one another at places of easing nature, then both of them had to undergo punishment for that. Only for looking at each other at such place involved the undergoing of expiatory penance, and seeing each other at close quarters, recognising and saluting to each other, made the nun liable for higher punishments. It was feared that people were likely to suspect the purpose behind
493
195. Acar. SBE, XXII, p. 48.
196. Ibid., p. 81.
197. Uttar. II, 17.
198. Ibid., VIII, 18.
199. Stkṛ. 1, 4, 1, 26 (pp. 274-75).
200. pp. 50a-51b: Fanciful etymologies of the different synonymns for woman They were looked upon as chains: Devendra the commentator says:

Kalatranigaḍam datva na santuṣṭaḥ prajapatiḥ/ Bhūyopi apatyarūpeņa dadāti galaśṛnkhalam //
-Uttara. comm. SBE, XIV, p. 24, fn., 3. Also Avaśyakasutra, comm. p. 508a, where they are called "mokṣapathargalāḥ" "chains that hinder one's progress towards liberation."
201. "The ascetics, those erratic and abnormal examples of the 'variational tendency' ... They knew that every natural impulse of a woman (woman is more in harmony with Nature than man) is the condemnation of asceticism. All true lovers of the artificial and perverse find woman repulsive."
-HAVELOCK ELLIS, Man and Woman, p. 441.

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S. B. DEO the salute by the nun to the monk, and if a person made it known to the whole town, then the nun had to undergo the punishment of 'cheda' (i.e., cutting of the standing in nunhood).202
Normally the nuns and the monks were not to stay together. Not only that but they were not allowed to live at places whose doors were facing each other, or whose back-doors led to each other's residences. So also they were not to stay in places which were on different levels which made it easy for them to look at one another.203 But in cases of extreme calamity and the absence of a proper residence, they could stay in one lodge 204 In the rains, it was not allowed that a monk and a nun should stand together. But if the place was visible to the public or was with open doors, then only that was allowed.205
During the eight months of touring also, the monks and nuns had to take precautions against the public opinion. They were not allowed to tour together, but in cases of danger, as for instance, the trouble from robbers or young people, it was the duty of the monks to protect the nuns, and in extreme cases even to punish such persons themselves,206
If on the begging tour the monks and nuns happened to come together, then they were not to salute or show respect to or speak with or look at each other.207 Normally no exchange of food was allowed between them,208 but a raped nun, who had to stay indoors, was entitled to get food from monks and nuns who begged for her.209 Public scandal was greatly feared, and while on the alms-tour in a town with one gate only, monks and nuns entering a deserted place or a temple one after the other had to undergo punishments which increased according to the number of witnesses in the matter and the extent of the spread of the scandal in the public.210
Exchange of speech between a monk and a nun was allowed only on restricted occasions. He could ask her the proper road if he did not know it, or he could tell her the proper road; he could talk with her when giving the fourfold food, as also when causing somebody to give her food.211 Normally,
202. Brhat, kalp. bha. Vol. III, 2174-75. 203. Ibid., 2235-63. 204. Thăn. p. 314a. 205. Kalpasūtra, SBE, XXII, p. 303. 206. Brh, kalp. bhä, Vol. IV, 4133. 207. Ibid., Vol. III, 2216. 208. Gacchācāra, 61, 96. 209. Brh. kalp. bha. Vol. IV, 4135. 210. Ibid., Vol. III, 2181-93.
211. Thān. p. 216b. It should be noted that the Gacchăcăra (v. 61) forbids a monk to accept food from a nun "even at the cost of his life or in days of famine",

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therefore, a nun was disallowed to speak even with her brother-monk,212 and even old monks were not to speak with nuns.213
Bodily contact was no doubt forbidden.214 But on certain occasions, a monk was allowed to give support to or help a nun. If she was attacked by a beast or a wild bird, if she happened to lose her way and came to bad surroundings, if she had fallen in mud or water out of which she could not get out, at the time of getting into or coming out of a boat, when she had lost her psychological balance (khittacitta), when her mind was full of pride (dittaritta), when she was possessed by a supernatural being like a Yakşa, etc. (jakkhātiţtham), when she was hysteric (ummāyapattam), when she was in trouble (uvasaggapattam), when she was involved in a quarrel (sāhikaraṇam), or was undergoing an expiatory penance (sapāyacchittaṁ), or when she had given up food and drink (bhattapānapadiyātikkhiyyam) 215_then, in all these cases the monk could help her.
It seems probable that the monk was allowed to go to the residence of nuns under certain circumstances. But he had to enter it in a proper manner, and he who acted against it or kept a stick or a staff or a broom or a mouthpiece, etc., in the way of nuns, had to undergo expiatory penance for that offence.216 Nuns were, however, allowed to go to the monk's monastery for the sake of study as well as for fortnightly pardon-seeking (pākşikakşāmaņārtham).217 A queer incident of hiding a prince in a nunnery when his relatives came to take him back has already been referred to.
Regarding study also, a lonely monk was not allowed to give lessons to a lonely nun in the absence of her 'mahattarikā' (superior nun),218 and a nun was forbidden to give instruction to either an old or a young monk at night.219 In cases of difficulty, however, a nun could go to the monks to get her doubt explained and solved.
In illness, a monk was not allowed to accept any medicine, however good or difficult to secure, brought by a nun.220 However, nursing the ill in their respective communities—i.e., a nun waiting upon an ill nun, and a monk serving an ill monk-was not only allowed but was laid down as a duty of
212. Ibid., 109. 213. Ibid., 62. 214. Ibid., 83. 215. Thān. pp. 327b, 352a; also Brhatkalpa, 6, 7-12. 216. Nis. 4, 23-24. 217. Ogha-N. 107. 218. Gacchäcāra, 94. 219. Ibid., 116. 220. Ibid., 92.

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every monk and nun. The Bșhatkalpa221 refers to a queer practice of monks and nuns drinking each other's urine or saliva (moya) in cases of snake bite, cholera (vişūcikā) and high fever.
Thus it may be said that as a rule the monks and nuns, in general, came into the least contact with one another. But in cases of emergencies and calamities the rules were made elastic enough to allow contact which did not transgress the limits and the fundamentals of moral discipline, public faith and local customs.
NUNS AND SOCIETY:
In the society, nuns came in contact with either the devoted laymen of Jaina faith or those who were antagonistic to that religion. In the case of the latter, the rules were as strict for the nuns as for the monks. No contact with heretics was allowed to them. The nuns were not allowed to share a common residence with them or have an exchange of requisites, food, or clothing. It was said that the Kāpālikas allured the nuns by magical spells, while others caused impregnation.222 It was, therefore, in the fitness of things that a system which allowed the least contact of nuns with the monks of their own Order should have deplored all contact with the heretics.
The relations of a nun with the laymen were allowed to be modestly cordial but care was taken that they did not become affectionate. Of course, a nun had to depend on the laymen for her alms, clothing, residence and other requisites, yet that did not entitle her to act as a worldly woman. Her duty was chiefly to instruct the laity and to present them a picture of pure life. Hence, no worldly activities with the laymen or laywomen such as stitching their clothes or giving them clothes or acting as a messenger or telling worldly stories or to carry or offer a seat to them or praise them for any reason, was allowed to a nun, however good or bad the laity might be.223 Even with their former relatives they were not allowed to keep contact, and anything that was likely to lower the prestige of nun-life in the public mind, as well as anything that tended to induce a nun to be worldly was not allowed.
NUNS OF THE STHANAKAVASINS:
We have noted elsewhere the cause of the rise of this non-idolatrous sect among the Svetämbaras. Along with the rise of the order of such monks, an order of nuns among them was also established.
221.5, 37. 222. JAIN, J.C., op. cit., pp. 166-67. 223. Gacchacara, 113, 115, 124, 126.

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497 Regarding their views and mode of life, we have drawn a sketch previously. The order of the nuns of the Sthānakayāsins does not differ much from those of the monks of the same sect.
The discipline of the nuns, however, seems strict, and they are not normally allowed to have vocal or any other contact with monks. A common residence is out of question. The nuns, however, go to the Sthānaka to get their difficulties solved.
There being no idol-worship, most of the time of the nuns is spent in the residence which they occupy. They put on white clothes, but the distinguishing mark is the use of the 'muhapatti' which they always use.
The rest of the rules are common with those of the monks.
We have, up till now, taken a survey of the life of the nuns among the Svetämbaras. We shall now study the order of the nuns among the Digambaras.
NUNS AMONG THE DIGAMBARAS:
The order of nuns among the Digambaras did not differ much from that of the Svetambaras. The fundamentals of moral discipline were the same. Yet, in their attitude towards women, the Digambaras were more strict than the Svetāmbaras.
Attitude Towards Women:
The Digambaras not only shared the same views about women in general as those of the Svetāmbaras, but went a step further in holding that women, even if they became nuns, were not eligible for liberation, unless they were reborn as men.224
The reason behind this view was that liberation was impossible without complete non-attachment which implied nudity. We have already seen why women were not allowed nudity on grounds of their physical disabilities.225 Besides these, women were said to be always negligent and crooked. Hence they cannot get liberation in that very birth.226 The Svetāmbaras are more liberal and they hold that a woman can get mokşa.227
224. Prv., III, 7. 225. Ibid., III, 10-14. 226. Ibid., III, 8-9.
227. See Viñ. 19, 8ff., where Haribhadra advocates that women are eligible both for Kevalajñāna as well as for Liberation (siddhi), as mental purity, so necessary for Liberation, can be had both by males as well as by females.
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S. B. DEO Once the weakness of woman was established and the doors closed for them to get liberation, the Digambaras imposed a strict discipline on the order of nuns. Initiation and Church Administration:
The Digambara texts present scanty information about the organisation of the Church. The Mülācāra which gives a complete picture of the monkorder fails in this respect. It may, therefore, be said that the rules regarding the qualifications of women to enter the order, the ceremony of renunciation, etc. were possibly the same as those in the case of the monks.
Regarding the Church hierarchy also, we fail to get any glimpse of an elaborate system as in the case of the Svetāmbaras with a galaxy of different officers. It does not, however, necessarily imply the absence of such a machinery.
The ganin1228 is often mentioned and she was the supreme head of the group of nuns. Her duties consisted of the management of the moral and practical aspects of the gaña (group) of the nuns.
Another officer mentioned is the 'theri.'229 The word suggests a nun advanced in age and standing. It is difficult to say what exactly her duties were.
For these offices a high standard of moral discipline together with a sound knowledge of the sacred texts and administrative abilities was required.
The nuns were probably divided into groups as the word 'gana' suggests. Besides the gana, there was also the 'gaccha', and these two are described to consist of three and seven persons respectively.230
The nature and the execution of punishments for transgressions of rules by a nun is not so clear here as in the case of the Svetāmbaras. It may be that the Digambaras perhaps neglected the order of nuns on account of their more prejudiced outlook towards woman in general.
Regarding other aspects of nun-life, the Digambaras imposed the same discipline on them as the Svetāmbaras did.
Food and begging:
Nuns in groups of three, five or seven went out for the alms-tour.231 They were always accompanied by old nuns (theri) and were expected to
228. Mül. 4, 178. 229. Ibid., 4, 194. 230. Ibid., 10, 92. 231. Ibid., 4, 194.

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499
offer protection to one another in cases of trouble. Exchange of food between monks and nuns was not allowed.232 They were not permitted to cook food for themselves and no fire-activity was ever permitted.233 The rest of the rules, it seems, were common with those laid down for the monks. The nun took meals only once a day.234
Clothing:
As already seen, nudity was not allowed to nuns. She used a garment which she kept even when taking food.235 No other details are available. Residence:
Nuns were not permitted to stay with householders as also in a place where bad characters put up. Nuns were always asked to stay in groups of two, three or more.236 Study:
Activities pertaining to ink and writing were not permitted to them.237 Like the Svetāmbaras, the Digambara nuns were also not allowed to study certain texts. The books ascribed to the 'ganadharas,' the 'pratyekabuddhas', the 'śrutakevalins', as also the 'abhinnadaśapūrvakathita' (i.e., texts propounded by the holders of the knowledge of the ten pūrvas) were to be studied only by the monks.238 Only those who had great moral attributes and a deep knowledge of the scriptures were allowed to instruct the nuns.239
Moral Discipline:
The nuns were expected to be modest, perfect in celibacy and nonattached to worldly things.240 They were to be obedient towards the gañinī No bodily decorations were encouraged and it was laid down that they should not appear neat and smart.241 No bathing was allowed. It was laid down that they should not weep for the miserable, should not bathe a baby or feed it, and should not do 'sūtrakarana' (spinning?). They were not allowed to perform any activity pertaining to weapon, ink, agriculture, trade, sculpture,
232. Ibid., 6, 49. 233. Ibid., 4, 193. 234. Suttapāhuda 22-25 (UPADHYE, A.N., Prv., Intr., p. XXX). 235. Ibid. 236. Mül. 4, 191. 237. Ibid., 4, 193. 238. Ibid., 4, 80-81. 239. Ibid., 4, 183-84. 240. For qualities of nuns: Ibid., 4, 187. 241. Ibid., 4, 190.

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S. B. DEO ng, etc. They were also not permitted to sing 242 All contact with the persons or circumstances that tended to lead to the breaking of celibacy was to be avoided, and a strict practice of the five great vows (pañcamahāvratas), absence of the night-meal, and perfect control over the senses through the ‘pañcasamitis' and the three 'guptis' was compulsory for all.243
Monks and Nuns-Mutual Relations:
The monks were always given superiority over the nuns. It was said that a newly initiated monk was superior to a nun who practised the life of a nun for a long time.244 A nun was expected to pay respect to a monk or to a teacher (adhyāpaka) or to a sūri by folding her knees and placing them on the ground.245 The 'namaskāra' had to be done from a distance of five, six or seven hands from him.246
No common stay was permitted, and a monk was forbidden to remain with a nun in a lonely place or accompany her along the way or discuss something trifle with her.247 No other activity such as sleeping, studying, eating food or any other one was allowed to a monk in a nunnery.248 It seems that he was perhaps allowed to stay there only for religious matters (dharmakāryamantarena). 249 No exchange of alms was allowed between monks and nuns.250
The monks and nuns were not allowed to have direct talks with one another. A monk had to secure permission of the gaṇini concerned for it, and had to speak with a nun in the presence of that officer, and that too only regarding religious matters.251 Nuns and Society:
The rules which controlled the nun's relations with the monks were strict, and stricter still were the rules that limited their contact with society at large. They had to keep no contact with bad characters or with nuns belonging to the rival faiths. The Mülācāra252 refers in a passing way to the
242. Ibid., 4, 193. 243. Ibid., 4, 90-158.
244. Ibid., (comm. on 10, 18), "bahukalapravrajitāyā api äryikāyāḥ adya pravrajito'pi mahān."
245. Ibid., 'Yathả gaurupavišati,' 4. 195. 246. Ibid. 247. Ibid., 5, 95. 248. Ibid., 4, 180; 10, 61. 249. Ibid., comm, on 10, 61. 250. Ibid., 6, 49. 251. Ibid., 4, 178. 252. Comm., Pt. I, p. 368.

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'pañcaśramanikā' which is explained away briskly as 'raktapatikādayah' i.e., those who wear red garments and such others. As with these, the nuns had to be careful about the contact with the devoted laity also. They were disallowed to go to a householder without any reason, and if they had to go on religious mission then they went in groups, only after getting the permission of the ganini.253 No other worldly contact like fondling their children or feeding them was ever allowed.254
Comparison Between Svetāmbara and Digambara Nun-Order:
It may be made clear, after taking a survey of the rules of the order of nuns both among the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras, that on account of the scantiness of the details about nuns in the Digambara texts as compared with those in the Svetāmbara books, it is difficult to compare and contrast fully the modes of life of nuns among these two major parties of the Jaina Church. Whatever rules are given about monk-life in the Digambara texts are mainly for the monks, and it is difficult to make out whether all of them were applicable even to the nuns. The Svetāmbara texts like the Ācārānga, the Chedasütras, and the Bșhatkalpabhāsya give sundry rules for both of them and generally start with the phrase "je bhikkhu bhikkhuni va" or "je nigganthe nigganthi vā” i.e., “those monks or nuns”, thus making the rule compulsory for both.
Inspite of this lack of details on one side, the few general observations that could be made are noted below.
As regards the approach to woman in general, both the Svetāmbaras as well as the Digambaras do not differ. In both the sects the position of a nun was inferior to that of a monk, the Digambaras, however, going to the extent of labelling the woman to be unfit for Liberation. Both the sects held that a monk who had newly entered the Order was superior to a nun of a long standing and was worthy of respect from her. Not only that, but the ultimate authority in the case of nuns was a male figure in the office of the ācārya, and the pravartini and the gañinī were subordinate to him.
In study also, the Digambara and Svetāmbara nuns, were, perhaps, on par as they were not allowed to study certain texts while the monks were allowed to do so. This was attributed to the fickleness of women and their weakness of intellect.
None of them allowed nudity to nuns though the reasons given for this differ with the Svetāmbara and the Digambara texts.
253. Ibid., 4, 192. 254. Ibid., 4, 193.

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The absence of details about the life of a nun and of concrete examples in which the execution of Church discipline was generally revealed, were perhaps due to a comparative neglect of the Order of nuns by the Digambaras. Even when taken for granted that the rules laid down for the monks as given in the Mülācāra were also applicable to the nuns, still they fail to reveal a planned and a systematic Church hierarchy among the nuns of the Digambaras. The Svetāmbara texts give a list of officers such as the gañinī, the pravartinī, the abhişekā, the therī, the kşullikā, etc., but we fail to get such a planned scheme of details in the Digambara order of nuns.
Lack of details, however, need not lead one to believe that the nuns of the Digambaras had to undergo a less rigorous life than their Svetāmbara counterparts. There is no evidence to prove that. On the contrary both these sects laid an equally emphatic stress on the moral discipline and the general rigour of nun-life.
Jaina and Buddhist Orders of Nuns:
The order of nuns among the Jainas as a whole, if compared with that of the Buddhists, reveals some striking resemblances as well as contrasts. It would, therefore, be worthwhile to have a peep into the Order of the Buddhists nuns for this purpose.
Antiquity of the Nun-Order:
Even though we cast aside the existence of the nun-order at the time of the first Tirthankara of the Jainas who, it seems, is more a legendary figure than a historical one, the antiquity of the Order can go back safely to the times of Pārsva.
On the contrary, Buddha first organised a group of male disciples around him and it was later on during his career as a 'Buddha', and after frequent requests by his disciple Ananda, that he allowed entry to women.255
Inferiority of Nuns:
But in allowing entry to them he imposed certain rules (garudhammas) which attributed a lower position to a nun in relation to a monk. The fundamental rule was that a nun of even a hundred years' standing was to salute and show respect to a newly initiated monk.256 This rule was similar to such a one among the Jainas also, and it seems that the Buddhists as well as the Jainas were unanimous about the inferiority of nuns in relation to the monks.
255. Cullavagga, x, 256. Ibid., X, 1, 4.

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Relations of Monks and Nuns:
One thing, however, may be noted, and it is that the Buddhist nun had to do some service to the monk. She was sometimes to clean his park.257 This feature was completely absent in Jainism and no nun was expected to do any compulsory duties of a servant towards a monk, and the only policy was to keep them away at all costs. But the general rules of moral discipline among the Buddhists also were strict; for instance, a nun committed a 'päräjika' if she allowed a man to touch her private parts,258 or when she waited upon a monk while he was taking food,250 or when she accepted food from a lustful monk with passionate mind.20
Clothing:
The Buddhist nuns normally used three robes, and occasionally were allowed to use a cloak as the fourth garment. Thus the number of clothes seems to be identical in the case of the Buddhist and the Jaina nuns. The number of clothes increases to fourteen in later Jaina texts like the Oghaniryukti, etc. Like the Jaina nuns, the Buddhist nuns were also allowed to use underwear (sankaccikā: kañcuka of the Jainas),261 They were also allowed to use a girdle.262 Like the Jaina nuns, the Buddhist nuns were also forbidden to accumulate an unnecessary number of extra clothes,263 and were asked to refrain from embroidered or decorated clothes.264 The source of getting clothing was identical for both the Jainas and the Buddhists, as both of them depended on the laity for it.
503
The distribution of clothing in the Buddhist Sangha was called 'kathina.' It took place once a year, and clothes were allotted to different nuns by the superiors. We come across a similar process in the Jaina order of nuns also. The ganadhara handed over the clothes to the pravartini and the latter distributed them to the nuns according to their needs. The 'kathina', however, seems to have been a far more grand ceremony and this ceremonial aspect may be said to be lacking in the Jaina Church.
In contrast to the Jaina nuns, the Buddhist nuns were to use yellow coloured garments. Not only that but they were allowed to use a particular bathing suit also,265
257. Vinaya., IV, pp. 306-08.
258. Ibid., p. 349.
259. Ibid., pp. 269-70.
260. Ibid., pp. 225-35. 261. Ibid., p. 345.
262. Cullavagga, X, 10. 1. 263. Vinaya., IV, p. 285. 264. Cullavagga, X, 10. 1. 265. Vinaya., IV, pp. 278-79.

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S. B. DEO Other Requisites:
Besides the three or four clothes, the Buddhist nuns carried four other articles: a needle, a water-strainer, a water bag and a bowl. It may easily be seen from this that articles like the broom or mouthpiece were quite peculiar to the Jaina order of nuns.
Regarding the requisites of the nuns as well as of the monks, it should be noted that the Buddhist Sangha had complete authority over them. So long as the monk or the nun was alive, they were his or her own property, but after their death the Sangha appropriated the requisites of the deceased. It was the case with clothings, beddings, shoes and other requisites. This role of the Church is absent in Jainism.
Another aspect, so peculiar to the Buddhist Order, was the presentation, on a large scale, of the requisites to the nuns and monks, by either the rich devotees or royal patrons. Višākhā266 presented a number of bathing suits for nuns, and king Pasenadi267 is said to have bestowed on a nun a gift of valuable clothes. As noted elsewhere, this practice of accepting gifts from laity, consisting not only of clothes, etc., but even of monasteries and nunneries, 268 is conspicuously absent in Jainism.
Touring and Vassā:
Equipped with these requisites, the Buddhist nuns practised a touring life as the Jaina nuns did. The practice of observing rain retreat (varsāvāsa) was common to both these systems. In the rest of the period of the year, the Buddhist nuns, like the Jaina ones, were not allowed to go alone to a village or tour lonely at night or purposely severe all connections with the rest of the group.269 The Jaina nun was never allowed to remain alone and even their officers like the pravartini and the gaņāvacchedini had to remain in company.
Study:
As in the case of the Jaina nuns, the Buddhist nuns also spent a major portion of the day in studying and giving instructions to the newcomer in the Order. Several Jaina nuns were well-versed in the eleven Angas, and we have several instances of Buddhist nuns also who were masters of the the Tripitaka.270 The psalms of the Therīgātha, though poetic and spiritual
266. Mahāvagga, 8, 15. 2. 267. Vinaya., IV, p. 286. 268. Ibid., IV, p. 287. 269. Ibid., IV, p. 227ff. 270. Dhamm. comm. I, pp. 208ff, (nun Khujjuttarā).

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in nature, as they contain spontaneous expressions of the joy of enlightenment, reveal a ripe understanding in the case of the nuns.
Learned monks of high moral and academic calibre were appointed to teach the 'Pätimokkha' to the nuns,2 ,271 and the task of exorting the nuns (ovāda) was entrusted to a monk old in age, mature in wisdom and endowed with moral qualifications.272
505
The Jaina nuns, as we have seen, were allowed to go to the monastery for getting their difficulties solved.
Church Administration:
As with the Jainas, the admission to the Church was open to all irrespective of caste or class. Yet, in practice, certain persons were disallowed entry to the Order, and the list of women who were not admitted to the Order is more or less common with both these Faiths. Permission of either the husband or the parents was compulsory in the case of the Buddhist nuns also,273
Some of the officers of the Buddhist nun-order bear a close resemblance to those of the Jaina nun-order. For instance, the Buddhist nuns had a female officer in the person of 'pavattini' (cf. pavattiņi of the Jainas). Besides the pavattini, a senior nun was called a 'theri' who had an exact counterpart in the Jaina order of nuns. The credentials for higher office depended, in the case of both, not only on the number of years a nun remained as a part of the congregation but also on moral qualities and spiritual achievements.
Church Discipline and Its Execution:
As we have already seen, the formation of the nun-order among the Buddhists took place somewhat later than that of the monk-order, and it seems probable that the legal code governing the conduct of nuns was also of a later origin than that for the monks.274 And the rules increased according to new problems and circumstances. The monks framed the rules for the nuns, carried on the cases of the nuns who committed certain offences, and gave them instructions. The authority of delivering the judgment and punishment was also vested in the hands of the monks. No doubt a preli
271. Cullavagga, X, 6, 2.
272. Vinaya., IV, p. 51.
273. Ibid., IV, pp. 334-5.
274. "The laws for Bhikkhunis are of a later origin than most of the laws for men as the establishment of the Bhikkhunisangha took place five years later than the Bhikkhusangha."-Durga BHAGWAT, Early Buddhist Jurisprudence, p. 163.
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minary assembly of nuns was held to investigate into the charges, but it did not execute any powers beyond the election of a respected nun who was to let know the assembly of monks the charges filed against a particular nun. Thus the assembly of nuns was a purely subordinate body working as a shadow-court. In short, "owing to the unsympathetic attitude of the Bhikkhu-sangha and there being very little authority vested in women, the whole code (of laws about nuns) remained unpolished, abrupt and inadequate."275
In the case of the Jaina nuns, the case was somewhat different. The orders of monks and nuns being simultaneous in origin, even the oldest texts like the Acaranga give rules of behaviour common to both the monks and nuns. The same text or even the other texts of the Angas fail to give a complete picture of the working of the order of nuns regarding monastic jurisprudence. The concrete cases of misbehaviour and various punishments for each of them are to be found only in the Chedasutras and later on in the Brhatkalpabhasya. With all this development, however, the code of laws. governing the nun-life seems to be far from comprehensive and perfect, if compared to that for the monks.
Another common factor is that the laws are not at all presented in well classified and systematic groups. "The chief defect in the classification of the Vinaya laws is that many a time offences which have no common bearing are bracketed together or are kept loosely hanging somewhere." The same is the case with the rules of the monk and nun lives in Jainism. For instance, in the first chapter (uddesa) of Nisithasutra, sexual offences, offences about a bowl and those regarding the acceptance of minor returnable requisites are given at the same place. In the Brhatkalpabhāṣya also, the punishments for one item like the acceptance of food, etc. are not given at one place but are scattered here and there, just casually as the treatment of various topics takes a turn.
Even though both the Buddhist and Jaina nuns had to undergo rigorous discipline, public opinion wielded a great influence on the formation of rules regarding them. Practically in every case, the Jaina nun had to undergo. more punishment than normal if the people added their suspicion or raised a scandal about it.
From this short survey it seems that the nuns of the Buddhists had more opportunities to mix with their monk-brethren than the Jaina ones. The working of their order seems perhaps more organised and democratic than the Jaina order of nuns, and the order of nuns among the Buddhists
275. Ibid., p. 165.
276. Ibid., p. 20; for a detailed treatment of offences, see pp. 165ff.

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presents a greater degree of a corporate and a reciprocal monastic life than that among the Jainas.
Nuns and Brahmanism:
Unlike the Buddhists and the Jainas, Brähmanism has the unique feature of having no nun-order as such. The 'brahmavädinis' of the Vedic period, Maitreyi, wife of Yajnavalkya of the Bṛhadaranyaka Upanisad, Gārgi of the Samhitä period, and such others fail to reveal the existence of an organised system of "nuns" in Brähmanism. These are rather stray instances of women taking part in composing hymns,277 and in debates on metaphysical
matters.
The Brahmanical texts do not lag behind in condemning the woman. The culmination is found in Manu who thinks woman to be a creature unfit for liberty. He prohibited Sūdras and women to study the Vedas.29 In some texts purification is prescribed for the "offence" of even touching at Women were not allowed to perform religious sacrifices also.280
Thus the attitude being stiff towards women, the institution of 'sannyasa' was also denied to them. Har Dutta SHARMA accounting for the absence of nun-order in Brahmanism says, "The real idea underlying Samnyasa or renunciation has been the renunciation of the household-fire. This householdfire is kindled by a man and so its renunciation is also possible only by a man. A woman does not at all come into the question".281
ALTEKAR, however, seems to attribute it to the rampant moral degradation of the Buddhist church. "Later Hinduism took a lesson from what it saw in Buddhist monasteries and nunneries and declared women to be ineligible for renunciation. It maintained that not renunciation but due discharge of family responsibilities was the most sacred duty of women. Nuns, therefore, have disappeared from Hinduism during the last fifteen hundred years."282
277. HANDIQUI, Women Poets of ṚgVeda, I.A. Vol. 50, pp. 113ff. 278. Manusmrti, 9, 3.
279. Ibid., III, 156; IV, 99; IX, 18; X, 127.
280. Apastamba, 1. 5. 14 and 11. 6. 17.
281. Poona Orientalist, Vol. III, No. 4, Jan. 1939: ('History of Brahmanical Asceticism', chapt. VII, p. 63). In the next paragraph on the same page, however, he says that Janaka's mistaking Sulabha (Mbh. XII. 322), to be a brāhmaṇī in the sannyasa stage, goes to prove the existence of the brahmana female ascetics and kṣatriya female ascetics as well. Ibid., pp. 63-64.
282. Position of Women, p. 249; practically the same view expressed by L. RAO, I.A., Vol. 50, p. 84.

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S. B. DEO We need not go into much detail here regarding this point. One thing, however, may be noted that the Brāhmanical texts always paint the parivrājikā acting the part of a go-between, and do not enjoy a good opinion about her role in society. In fact the word 'śramaņā' is explained by Sanskrit lexicons283 as a woman without character.
It may be noted that the attitude towards women in general got stiffened in later Brāhmanical texts, and they shared the same views regarding them as did the Jainas and the Buddhists. It may be that this disregard for women was the outcome of similar expressions of antipathy in the Jaina and the Buddhist literatures, and therefore, we may say that Brāhmanical disrespect and suspicion for the woman was aggravated by Jaina and Buddhist attitude.
Whatever be the exact causes that led to the absence of nun-order in Brāhmanism, it tended firmly not to allow women to enter Sannyāsa, and the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya goes to the extent of prescribing a punishment for a man who makes a woman renounce the world.284 This led to the tying down of women to household duties.
Nuns in Christianity:
In Christianity, woman was not looked at with antipathy and was not taken to be a creature to be afraid of. She was allowed to carry on a course of chaste life to attain the final aim for which she chose life in a convent.
Even though the monastic method of life was more or less the same for both the monks and the nuns, except, of course, with a few exceptions yet, the whole mode and organisation of the nun as well as of the monk life in Christianity seem to have been far more organised and of a corporate nature than that found in the various types of Indian monachism.
The mode of life, for instance, of nuns in the 13th century in England was like this: 285
“... ... the blessed mother abbess, Euphemia (died in 1257) ...... increased the sum allowed for garments (of the sisters) by 12 d. each ...... She erected permanent buildings, new and strong, on the bank of the river, together with farmhouses.
“Regular accounts were kept regarding the expenditure and income of the Church. ... ... The revenue of the convent consisted chiefly of the rent of lands and buildings and the sale of produce, timber, etc. ............ Large
283. Medinikośa, p. 50, v. 80: Sramano yatibhede nā nindyajīvini tu trişu.' 284. "Striyarn ca pravrājayatah”-II. 19. 37. 285. F. A. GASQUET, English Monastic Life, pp. 155ff.

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stocks of pigs were kept, wool was sold and the sales of fish also brought a good income to the nuns....... Another practice revealed by these old accounts was that of people coming to halt at the convent for the celebration of some of the greater feasts......These visitors eventually made an offering for the hospitality shown them.
"The spiritual needs of the community were ministered to by a chaplain....... It is not uninteresting to notice that the nuns' little present for the services of these reverend gentlemen was, it would seem, delicately handed to them in purses purchased for the purpose.
"These ladies were excellent needlewomen (and they sold their finished. articles)........They grew the wool and spun it and wove it into cloth, not only for their own garments, but also for those of their retainers.
"All the larger nunneries and probably most of the smaller ones, to whatever Order they belonged, opened their doors for the education of young girls, who were frequently boarders. In fact the female position of the population, the poor as well as the rich, had in the convents their only schools, nuns their only teachers, in pre-Reformation times. Not only were many of the nuns of good birth, but their pupils were in the main drawn from the same class."
The above picture of nun-life, though far removed in point of time, if compared with the life of early Jaina and Buddhist nuns, presents an altogether different atmosphere. Even though corporate or rather group life seems to some extent common to both, yet the feature of Christian nun-life involved living as a self-supporting and compact unit carrying on all the necessary activities for the maintenance of their group besides the purely spiritual ones, is lacking in the life of nuns in India. The latter were found begging their food and clothing, unlike their Christian sisters. It, therefore, presents quite a different picture far removed from the Indian monastic life, and the nuns, at least, never played a role of school teachers even though they were preachers to the public.
Evaluation of the Order of Nuns:
The study of the order of the Jaina nuns and its comparison with similar orders in other religions brings out certain peculiarities of their nun-order.
From the attitude towards woman in general and their subordinate position in the Church as a whole, it seems that the Jaina nuns failed to play any major role either in the administration or in the execution of the powers of the Church as embodied in the figure of an äcārya. They were satisfied to remain in the background doing their best for spiritual advance
ment.

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S. B. DEO Unlike the Buddhist nuns under Thullānandā, who, under the influence of Devadatta, took pleasure in behaving against the normal rules and encouraging schism in the Church, we come across no instances of nuns starting new schisms in Jainism. No doubt, we find nuns joining either the Digambara or the Švetāmbara or the Sthānakavāsin order, but they fail to play the role of active supporters of the dissenters so as to create bad feeling and indiscipline in the Church.
It seems that though the nuns led a group-life, there were quarrels and bickerings among them. The ganini was expected to pacify them and if she herself took part in them, then she had to undergo major punishment. It is likely that the nuns as a whole had a less percentage of calm and contented women. This was probably due to the fact that many women entered the order out of disappointment and personal unhappiness in worldly life and perhaps retained their traits or habits even after becoming nuns. Widows entered the order in great numbers in later stages.
Some scholars lay much stress on the moral decay of Jaina and Buddhist nuns as an argument for the absence of the nun-order in Brāhmanism. And the Brāhmanical texts also picture the 'śramanī', the ‘nirgranthika', and the 'pariyrājikā' acting as go-betweens.286 Not only that, even the Jaina texts picture some female mendicants involved in love-affairs of young people. In the Nāyādhammakahāö287 we come across a certain lady Poțțilā asking information to Jaina nuns regarding some spells or magic by which to bring her husband under control. It is possible that certain nuns did such things. But on such stray instances and on the basis of Brāhmanical texts (which very often have looked upon the Jainas and Buddhists as Nāstikas, for even Pāņini records natural antipathy between śramaņas and Brāhmaṇas), it would not be justifiable to draw a general and sweeping conclusion about the wholesale corruption of the non-Brāhmanical Church as a whole, and to attribute that as being the cause for the prohibition of sannyāsa to women in Brāhmanism.288 As against such cases, we may quote the instances of Rājīmatī, the wife of Ariştanemi, admonishing her husband's brother, who, seeing her naked in a cave, became enamoured of her.289
The services done by nuns from the point of view of the work of preachers cannot be minimised. They toured from place to place and gave to the public an essence of spirituality blended with the practice of simple
286. See, BLOOMFIELD-"On False Ascetics and Nuns in Hindu Fiction": JAOS, Vol. 44, pp. 204ff.
287. Chapt. XIV, p. 152, (N. V. VAIDYA's edition). 288. See ALTEKAR, op. cit., p. 38. 289. Uttar., XXII, 34-36.

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life of renunciation. From the references, it seems that the majority of the nuns had studied the sacred texts and the greater portion of their daily routine was spent in study. Thus, it may not be an exaggeration to say that they also played their part in handing down the texts by oral tradition. The actual instance of this ripe understanding and wisdom which took the role of a peace-maker, can be had in the case of the nun Paümāvaï who averted the war between a father and a son.2 290
Besides the work of preaching the public, the order of nuns proved a solace to destitute women who embraced nunhood when harassed by the pangs of worldly life. Heart-broken widows, forsaken wives, and sonless mothers, all these sought refuge in the life of a nun. The presence of nuns, like that of monks, really supplied models of pious life for many in the society.
The Church on the other hand took all precautions, but "the abuses. imputed by the general public have seldom failed to carry some effect on the prevailing customs of the sangha". Hence least contact with the dependence on the society was the rule. The nuns were not to do anything that was likely to give rise to suspicion or scandal among the people, and in such cases her punishment was increased. As a matter of fact many rules regarding nuns reveal basically a keen observation in the psychology of the common people. On certain occasions, the Church was ready to face the criticism of the public as in the case of the raped nuns, and it laid down that even monks should go to the extent of punishing the bad characters.
Thus, on the whole, the nuns played a quiet and a minor but significant role in the life of the Church. Remaining subordinate to the monks, they did their work as the preachers of the gospel to the best of their ability and earned the title of being the best repositories of older traditions with an ideal simplicity of life.
290. Ibid., Tikā 9, p. 132a.
291. Durga BHAGVAT, op. cit., p. 179.

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PART IV
CHAPTER 1
JAINA MONACHISM FROM EPIGRAPHS
Introduction
We have up till now dealt with the literary sources. This chapter deals with the information available regarding the actual working of Jaina monachism as revealed in Jaina and non-Jaina epigraphs from the period of Asoka upto the 17th cent. A.D.
But the details regarding the spread of Jainism have not been dealt with here as they have already been utilised in an earlier chapter.
Nature of Epigraphical Sources:
Literary sources have described the state of Jaina monachism at different periods. But the details of its working from a historical point of view can be augmented only by contemporary historical documents. Inscriptional evidence is only a part of such an evidence.
Epigraphical references are of two kinds. Some are old; others are late, one may say, even modern. The former have been used in checking the early literary evidence. The latter explain not only slow but constant growth in the constitution of Jainism and some of the factors behind it.
It may also be made clear here that even though the praśastis do not belong exactly to the category of inscriptions, they may very well be termed literary inscriptions as they sometimes give account of historical facts. Hence their material is included in this chapter.
In dealing with this material the same plan as the one resorted to while dealing with the literary sources is to be adopted. Hence, we shall study the evidence from epigraphs item by item,
THE CHURCH: (a) Hierarchy:
Mathurā inscriptions may be said to provide the earliest information on this point. These epigraphs reveal an organised Church as they men
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S. B. DEO tion a number of officers of the Jaina hierarchy. The following officers are mentioned :
(1) Antevāsin (2) Ganin (3) Vācaka
(4) Sraddhacara. The first three are to be found frequently mentioned even in the literary sources, while the last, denoting probably a disciple or a colleague, is rare.
The usual designation by which an ācārya was called seems to have been aryya' (ārya) or 'bhadata' (bhadanta). The ordinary monk was referred to as a 'samana' (śramana), and laywomen as 'samanasāvikā'.3 The "antevāsin' or 'antevāsikini's denoted the male novice and female novice res. pectively. The words 'sisa' or 'sisinī' were also used to denote the same.
It should be noted that the term 'vācaka's suggests that as early as the beginning of the Christian era, the Jaina Church had a class of teachers whose duty was to read and explain religious texts to the junior monks.
The closer we come to the medieval period, we have the predominance of the ācārya, upadhyāya, sūri, ganin and the bhattāraka. These are to be met with in epigraphs belonging mostly to the post-7th century A.D. period.
Besides these, it may be noted that a peculiar officer called the 'mahamandalācārya' is to be found mostly among the Digambara epigraphs of the tenth to the twelfth centuries A.D.9 These were probably the heads of a particular unit (mandala) of monks, and were supreme in power and authority.
That the work of both initiation and instruction was done in some cases by a single ācārya is clear from the fact that 'dikşā-' and 'śruta gurus'10 are mentioned. Of Kumārasena it is said that from him "ascetics received both initiation and instructions”. 11
Contact with other regional languages may be said to have introduced peculiar names and designations in the Church hierarchy. For instance, an
1. E.I., I, 29, p. 395; LÜDERS, List, (E.I. VIII), 57, 99. 2. BÜHLER, E.I., II, 1. 3. LÜDERS, 59. 4. Ibid., 93. 5. Ibid., 67. 6. 'Vācanācārya' is mentioned even in V.S. 1677: NAHAR, I, 2514. 7. E.C., II, 23 of c. 700 A.D. 8. Ibid., II, 13 of c. 700 A.D. 9. Ibid., 238 (1198 A.D.); Ibid., VII, Shik. 120 of 1048 A.D. 10. Ibid., V, Belur, 131: 1274 A.D.; 133 of 1279 A.D. 11. Ibid., II, 67 of 1129 A.D.

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515
epigraph dated V. S. 1536 from Jaisalmer refers to 'cela' a Hindi term for a disciple. Another one dated V. S. 1917 from the same place refers to a Sahibacandra muni, a distinct outcome of the English contact with India!13 The designation 'pandita' is also to be found in many epigraphs to denote a subordinate but possibly a well-read disciple.14 It may be that it was purely an honorific term.
Under these various officers monks were grouped in various units. As early as the beginning of the Christian era, the Mathura inscriptions refer to a number of ganas, kulas, śākhās and sambhogas some of which are to be found even in the Kalpasūtra.
Gaņas, Sākhās, Kulas and Sambhogas in the Mathura Inscriptions:
Mathura Inscriptions: VARAŅĀ GAŅA:
Kalpasūtra:
CARANA GANA:
Originator: Siriguttta SAKHAS (1) Gavedhuya
KULAS :
(2) Hāriyamālāgārī (3) Sankäsiä
(4) Vajjanägari
(1) Ajjavedaya
(2) Hālijja
(3) Kanhasaha
(4) Mālijja
(5) Piïdhammiya
(6) Püsamittijja
(7) Vatthalijja
17. E.I., II, No. 36, p. 209.
18. LÜDERS, 42.
19. E.I., II, No. 11, p. 201.
20. LÜDERS, 113.
21. E.I., II, No. 28, p. 206.
22. LÜDERS, 45.

23. E.I., X, ii, p. 116.
24. Ibid., No. 36, p. 209,
: (2), (3) and (4).
00
KULA: referred to are (6) and the following: 16
: (a) Arya Bhista17
:
:
: (d) Kaniyasika20
(e) Nāḍika21
(f) Petivāmi
SAMBHOGAS:
:
SAKHAS referred to are15
:
:
.:
:
12. NAHAR, III, 2357.
13. Ibid., 2542.
14. Ibid., 2565.
15. E.I., X, ii, p. 114; Ibid., II, No. 36, p. 209; Ibid., X, ii, p. 116.
16. LÜDERS, No. 34.
(b) Arya Cetiyal
(c) Arya Haṭṭikiya19
(a) Aryaśrīka23
(b) Śrīgṛha24

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516
S. B. DEO Kalpasūtra :
Mathurā Inscriptions : GODASA GAŅA: Originator : Godāsa SAKHAS: (1) Dāsīkhabbadiyā
(2) Kodivarisiyā (3) Panduvaddhaniyā (4) Tāmalittiyā
: KOȚȚIYA GANA:
: :
SAKHAS referred to are28 (1), (2), (3) and (4).
KODIYA GAŅA : Originators : Sutthiya and
Suppadibuddha.25 SAKHAS: (1) Majjhimilla
(2) Vaïrī (3) Vijjāhari
(4) Uccānāgari KULAS: (1) Bambhalijja
(2) Panhavāhanaya28 (3) Vānijja (4) Vatthalijja
KULAs referred to are : (1) Bambhadāsiya27
(2) Panhavāhaņaya : (3) Thāniya29 : (4) Vacchaliya30 : (5) Candra31
SAMBHOGAS: : Srigrha32
MĀŅAVA GANA: Originator : Isigutta SAKHAS: (1) Goyamijjiya
(2) Kāsavajjiya (3) Soratthiya (4) Väsitthiyā
25. Ibid., p. 51, v. 4. 26. Ibid., X, ii, pp. 110, 118; Ibid., p. 111; Ibid., ii, No. 39, p. 210; LÜDERS, 73. 27. E.I., X, ii, p. 111. 28. LÜDERS, 73. 29. E.I., X, ii, p. 110. 30. Ibid., No. 13, p. 202. 31. NAHAR, I, 137. 32. E.I., II, No. 18, p. 203.

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Kalpasútra:
KULAS (1) Abhijayanta (2) Isidattiya (3) Isiguttiya
UDDEHA GANA:
Originator: Ajja Rohana
SAKHAS: (1) Maïpattiyā
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
KULAS (1) Hatthalijja
(2) Nagabhüya
(2) Māsapūriyā (3) Punnapattiya (4) Udumbarijjiyā
KULAS:
UDUVADIYA GAŅA:
Originator: Jasabhadda SAKHAS (1) Bhaddijjiyā (2) Campijjiyā
(3) Kākandiyā
(4) Mehalijjiyā
(3) Nandijja (4) Pärihäsaya (5) Somabhūya (6) Ullagaccha
(1) Bhaddaguttiya
(2) Bhaddajasiya (3) Jasabhadda
UTTARABALISSAHA GANA:

Originators: Uttara and
Balissaha
SAKHAS: (1) Candanagari
(2) Kodambani (3) Kosambiyā (4) Soïttiyā
33. LÜDERS, 76.
34. Ibid., 21. 35. Ibid., 76.
:
:
:
Mathura Inscriptions:
ODEHIKIYA GANA:
SAKHA referred is (1) Petaputrika
KULAS referred are: (2), (4) and
:
:
: Nagabhūtikiya34
: Paridhäsika35

517

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518
VESAVADIYA GANA: Originator: Kāmiddhi SAKHAS (1) Antarijjiyā (2) Khemalijjiyā (3) Rajjapāliyā
(4) Sāvatthivan
Kalpasútra:
KULAS:
(1) Indapuraga
(2) Ganiya
(3) Kämiddhiä
(4) Mehiya
Besides these, the Kalpasūtra refers to the following Säkhās:
Name
Originator
Disciple of
Isipāliyā Kuberi
Seniä
S. B. DEO
Jayanti
Naili
Palmā
Mathura Inscriptions:
: KULA referred to is:
: (1) Mehika36

Isipaliya Kubera
Seniä
Ajjaraha Ajjavalrasenа Ajjapalma
A survey of these various units, a few among which are corroborated by the Mathura inscriptions, tend to lead one to the following observations:
Khabbadiya
Khemalijjiyā
Koḍivarisiya Pundavaddhaniya Uccānagari
(i) The Kottiya Gana is frequently referred to. Probably it was one of the oldest Ganas, and hence one of the most respected also.
(ii) The Ganas seem to have in some cases (like Godāsa and Uttarabalissaha) received their names after the proper names of their originators.
(iii) Many of the Kulas and the Sakhās" were named after either personal or regional names: Isipāliyä, Sävatthiya, etc.
Santisena of Uccänägari sākhā
36. Ibid., 70.
37. SBE., XXII, pp. 228-41: See also BÜHLER, Indian Sect of the Jainas, pp. 58-60. 38. NAHAR, I, 137, of V.S. 1856 from Campapuri refers to it. BÜHLER, E.I., II, pp. 379-80, remarks "It is the only gana whose name survived in the fourteenth cent A.D.". He places its origin in c. 250 B.C.
39. For instance :
Antarañjiyā Sākha: Atranji-khera, 8 mls. north of Etah: JAIN, J.C., op. cit., p. 267. Kākandiya
: Käkan in Monghyr Distt. Ibid., p. 291. Kharvata in W. Bengal
: p. 296.
: Comillah in W. Bengal
:
: Bangarh, Dinajpur Distt. Mahasthāna, Bogra Distt. : Bulandasahar, U.P.
Ajja Vaira of Ajja Vairi sākhā
:
:
:
P 299.
p. 298.

P 324.
p. 254.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
519
This
(iv) The practice of dividing a congregation of monks into various units like the Sakhäs, Kulas, Ganas and Sambhogas seems to have been at least as old as the second century B.C. It is possible that it may go back even further.
(v) Even though the Kalpasūtra does not refer to any sambhogas with particular designations, the Mathurā inscriptions do so.
(vi) No gacchas are referred to, except the ‘ullagaccha' which is a 'Kula' of Uddeha Gana.
This tendency of starting branches after personal and regional basis, however, is seen to have played an important part later on in the formation of the Gacchas.
The gacchas, as we shall see presently, took the place of the gañas, even though some of the later gacchas themselves were designated both a gaña as well as a gaccha.
The sambhogas, however, seem to have been completely wiped out as later epigraphs fail to reveal their existence.40
With the shifting of the centre of activity of Jaina monachism from Mathura towards Gujarat and Rajputana, we see a tremendous rise in the number of gacchas. Naturally many of them originated in these regions.
It may be noted that the rise of the gacchas is traditionally attributed to the disciples of Uddyotanasūri in about the 10th century of the Christian era.41 It is said that the eighty-four gacchas arose with these disciples. But the number far exceeds the traditional list. It may mean, therefore, that the number eighty-four is simply a traditional figure, or that in the life-time of the originators of these gacchas there were only eighty-four units which later on seem to have increased after the names of places and persons.
The following gacchas are referred to in the Post-Mathura period: ACARAJA:
Mentioned in an epigraph of V. S. 1923, from Jaisalmer. 12 AGAMA,—also °IKA:
It was started by Sīlaguņasūri and Devabhadrasūri from the original Añcala gaccha, in 1250 V. S.
40. 'Sambhoga' or 'bhoga' as a territorial unit occurs in 6th-7th century inscriptions of Gujarat. This also shows that the word was used in the sense of a unit, perhaps in early times.
41. LA. XI, p. 248. 42. NAHAR, III, 2445.

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520
S. B. DEO
One of their tenets was that prayers were not to be offered to the Keetradevatä.43
Epigraphical corroboration can be had from V. S. 1438 to 1575, though in the Prasastis, it is mentioned in V. S. 1372.45
From various inscriptions it may be said that this gaccha had its followers spread over N. Gujarat, Rajputana, U. P. and Bengal.
ANANDASURI:
It is said that a certain Anandasûri started this gaccha out of the
Tapă.46
It is mentioned in an inscription of V. S. 186047
ANANDAVIMALASURI:
An ācārya of this name is said to have started it in V. S. 1588 with the purpose of removing slackness from the Tapā gaccha. It is likely that this gaccha was identical with the previous one.
ANCALA:
It was started in V. S. 1213, and its original name was 'Vidhipaksa' (upholding sacred rites). This, however, changed with the use of one's garment's end (añcala) instead of muhapatti (mouthpiece) at the time of 'pratikramana.
It is mentioned in epigraphs from the fifteenth century to the present
day,50
Inscriptions mentioning it are found in U. P., Bengal, Bihar, Rajputana, Kathiawad, N. Gujarat, Madhya Bharat, Hyderabad (Deccan) and Bombay,
43. SBM, V, ii, p. 66. 44. NAHAR, I, 795, 111.
45. JPPS., I, p. 135.
46. SBM, V, ii, 176.
47. E.I., I, p. 377.
48. SBM, V, ii, 134-36. So far, no epigraphical corroboration for the gaccha of this name has been available, to the best of our knowledge.
49. Ibid., pp. 24, 65: For its Paṭṭāvali, E.I., II, p. 69, where Arya Rakṣita is said to have been its founder; also see DISKALKAR, IK, 134; I.A. XI, p. 249.
50. NAHAR, I, 628; E.I., II, No. CXI, p. 85.

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521
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM BAHADA:
It is mentioned under various names like 'Bhävadahara,' 'Bhāvahedā', and 'Bhāvadaharā'. It is also likely that these were different gacchas.
Epigraphical mention is available between fourteenth and sixteenth centuries of V. S.51
It seems that it was predominant in Rajputana, Bihar and Bengal.
BAPADIYA:
It was also called 'Vāpatīya' and seems to have been current from the twelfth century of the V. S.,52 round about Jaisalmer,
BHANADEVACARYA:
It is mentioned in an inscription of V. S. 1246.53 From its name it appears that it originated after ācārya Bhānadeva.
BHARTRPURA-or 'RIYA :
It was also called 'Bhatevarā' (mod. Bharatpūr?),54 and is mentioned from the fourteenth century of V. S.
BHAVADAHARA:
See Bāhada.
BHAVAHARSA:
Mentioned in an inscription from Bālotarā. The date is partially wiped out, and only V. S. 109-can be read.55
BHINNAMALA:
Though named after a place in S. Rajputana it is found mostly in Kathiawad in the 15th and the 16th centuries of V. S.56
BOKADIYA:
It seems to have been current from the 15th century of V. S., in Nagaur, Jaipur and Kareļā (Mewar).57
51. NAHAR, III, 2228 and 2203. 52. Ibid., 2218. 53. BHANDARKAR's List, E.I., XXIII, p. 61, No. 420.
54. Ibid., No. 1533, p. 211; 816, p. 133 of V.S. 1514; JPPS, I, p. 129 of V.S. 1332; also GUERINOT, EJ., No. 642.
55. NAHAR, I, 736. 56. Ibid., III, 2295; II, 2096.
57. Ibid., II, 1246, 1169, etc. BULL. DCRI.-66

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522
S. B. DEO
BRAHMI:
It is also axpressed as 'Vrāhmi', and is mentioned in V. S. 1144 at Pali 58
BRAMHANA—or 'NIYA:
Its earliest mention 59 is probably in V.S. 1102, and this gaccha seems to have existed60 even in V.S. 1663.
It seems to have spread over the region consisting of Bengal, U.P., Rajputana, N. Gujarat, Madhya Bharat, and Bihar. BRHAD also 'VRHAD':
Epigraphs ranging from the 13th to the 16th century of V.S. refer to this gaccha.61
It is mainly mentioned in epigraphs from Rajputana, Sirpur (C.P.), Gwaliar, Mathura, Lucknow, and Patna.
-
Pippaliyā sākhā: It was a branch of the above gaccha.62
BRHAD-GUJARATI-LONKA:
It is mentioned in an inscriptions from Pāvāpuri, dated V.S. 1931.
It may be that it was connected with the famous Lonkā sect of the Svetāmbaras of Gujarat out of which, later on, the Sthānakavāsins arose.
BRHAT-KHARATARA:
It is also called 'Vphat-K'. It generally gets reference in epigraphs from the 17th cent. of V.E.,64 to the 20th century of V.E.65
It seems that this gaccha was spread over a large part of northern India, as inscriptions mentioning it are to be found in Bengal, Bihar, U.P., Rajputana, C.P. and Madras.
58. Ibid., I, 811. 59. Mahāvira Jaina Vidyalaya, Rajatamahotsava Smāraka Number, p. 144. 60. NAHAR, II, 2097.
Ibid., I, 833; ii, 1895; also, E.I., XI, p. 54; GUERINOT, EJ., 493. 62. DISKALKAR, IK., No. 18. 63. NAHAR, I, 184. 64. GUERINOT, EJ., 704.
65. E.I., II, Ixix, p. 81; For other references see Ibid., pp. 60-62; 68, 77-85; BHANDARKAR, E.I., XXIII, pp. 126-27, No. 932; DISKALKAR, IK., No. 118.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
523
It seems that there were the following splits in it:
(a) Adya Pakşa66
(b) Jinarangasūri Sākhā67 and (c) Kșema Sākhā.68
BRHAD-LONKA:
Probably it was the same as the Bșhad-Gujarāti-Lonkā.69
BRHAT-POSĀLA:
Also written as 'Vșhat-P'. According to traditional literary evidence, it is said that this arose owing to Vijayacandra. This name was given to those who used to live in an extensive monastery (Brhat), as against those who did so in a smaller one (laghu).70
It is mentioned71 in an epigraph from Satruñjaya, dated V.S. 1881.
T
:1
11.
BRHAT-TAPA:
Like the Brhat-Kharatara, this gaccha also seems to have been very important, and was spread over a large territory. Its epigraphs are to be found in Bengal, Bihar, U.P., Rajputana, N. Gujarat, Kathiawad and Hyderabad (Deccan).
It may be noted that it is also written as 'Vrhattapā', or VỊddhatapā.' It is mentioned from the 15th to the 20th century of V.E.72
BRHAD-VIJAYA:
It is mentioned in an undated inscription from Lucknow.73
CAITRA:
It is referred to from about the 14th to the 17th cent. of V.E.74 It was spread over Rajputana, Madhya Bharat, and Bihar.
66. NAHAR, I, 773 of V.S. 1669. 67. Ibid., Nos. 203, 242, 263, 265, 266, 267. 68. JINAVIJAYA, PILS., II, No. 556, of V.S. 1903. 69. NAHAR, I, 207, of V S. 1931, refers to 'Vahallońkā.' 70. SBM., V, ii, pp. 75, 77. 71. NAHAR, I, 685. 72. Ibid., 977: V.E. 1481; II, 1898: V.E. 1912; GUERINOT, EJ., No. 632. 73. NAHAR, II, 1542. 74. E.I., XXII, p. 291: V.S. 1330; See PJLS, Index.

Page #529

524
S. B. DEO
It seems that it was split up into Śārdūlaśākha and Rājagacchānvaya.75 It may at the same time be noted that Rājagaccha was a separate gaccha also.
CANANCALA:
An inscription from Jaipur,76 dated V.S. 1529, mentions this.
CANDRA or °KA, CANDRA;
Inscriptions mainly from Kathiawad mention these.77 It is said that a certain Candrasűri started it,78 and epigraphical references can be had from the 11th cent. of V.E.79
CANDRAPRABHACARYA:
An epigraph dated V.S. 1197 from Delhi mentions it.80 It seems that it originated with an ācārya of the same name.
CHAHITERA:
It is mentioned in an inscription dated V.S. 1612 from Jaipur 81
CHOTIVALA:
It seems that this was current in the 14th century of the V.E.82 and an inscription dated V.S. 1554 from Jodhpur mentions it.83
The inscriptions mention it as 'pūrnimā-paksika' which may suggest that it originated with the pūrņimā gaccha.
CITRAVALA:
Epigraphs mentioning this are found in Rajputana as well as in Bengal. It seems to have been current probably from the 14th century of the V. E.84
NAHAR equates it with the Caitra gaccha.85
75. 'Caitragacche sardūlašākhyām rājagacchânvaye'-NAHAR, I, 830, of V.S. 1686. 76. Ibid., II, 1159. 77. DISKALKAR, IK., 4 of V.S. 1272; also E.I., XI, p. 52; JPPS., I, pp. 12, 148. 78. SBM., V, ii, p. 73. 79. NAHAR, II, 386 of V.S. 1072. 80. Ibid., I, 456. 81. Ibid., II, 1194. 82. JPPS., I, pp. 70, 81. 83. NAHAR, I, 594. 84. Ibid., II, 1949. 85. Ibid., p. 6 of Index,

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
525
DESAVALA-TAPA:
It is mentioned in an inscription86 dated V.S. 1822. It might have been a part of the Tapā gaccha.
DEVABHIDITA:
An inscription from Delvādā (Mewad), dated V.S. 1201, mentions it.87
DEVACARYA:
It is mentioned in the 12th and the 13th cent. of V.E.88
An epigraph from Pāli mentions the 'Maheśvarācārya amnāya' in this gaccha.89
DEVANANDA-or 'DITA:
Though in the Praśastis it is mentioned in the latter half of the 12th cent. of V.E.,90 an epigraph dated V.E. 1303 refers to it.91
DEVASURI:
It is said that Devasūri started it out of the Tapā gaccha,92 and the praśastis93 refer to it in V.S. 1381.
It may be that the above four gacchas were identical as they bear a common name of a particular ācārya.
DHANESVARA:
An epigraph dated 918 (?) belonging to the reign of king Lakşmaņa of Pratihāra dynasty mentions this gaccha. It was found at a place called Ghațiyāla which is situated in the north-western direction of Jodhpur.94
It is clear that it bears the name of an ācārya.
DHARMAGHOSA:
It was spread over a large part of India as epigraphs mentioning it are found in Madras, Hyderabad (Deccan), Rajputana, Delhi, Bengal, Bihar, and Madhya Bharat.
86. E.I., II, p. 78, No. xliii. 87. NAHAR, II, 1998. 88. PJLS, II, See Index.
NAHAR, I, 813 of V.S. 1178. 90.JPPS., I, p. 104. 91. NAHAR, I, 1303. 92. SBM., V, ii, p. 176. 93. JPPS., I, p. 150. 94. NAHAR, I, 945.

Page #531

526
S. B. DEO
It seems to have been current from the 14th to the 16th cent. of V.E.95
GHOSAPURIYA:
It is mentioned in a praśasti belonging to the 14th cent. of V.E.96 It seems to have originated after a place name.
HARIJA :
Mentioned in two epigraphs97 of V. S. 1330 and 1355. It seems to have originated at a place of the same name in N. Gujarat.
HARSAPURIYA :
It seems to have been connected with a place called Harshapura in North Gujarat.98 The praśastis refer to it in V.S. 1258,99 an epigraph in 1555,100 while a commentary on the Anuyogadvāra101 refers to its 'praśnavāhana kula'.
[Hemacandrāmnāya :
An isolated reference to this āmāya is to be found in an epigraph from Delhi,102 dated V.S. 1548.
It seems to have been connected with Hemacandra.]
HUMBADA;
It was current at Udaypur, and at Bālūcar (in Murshidabad Dist.), possibly from the 15th century of V.S.103
It perhaps originated at a place of the same name in N. Gujarat.104
JALYODHARA ;
It is mentioned in a praśasti, 105 dated V.S. 1226, and an epigraph106 refers to it in 1238.
95. PJLS., II, see Index; NAHAR, I, 26 of V.S. 1587. 96. JPPS., I, p. 21. 97. PJLS., II, Nos. 474 and 477. 98. Information given by Dr. SANKALIA. 99.JPPS., I, p. 114. 100. NAHAR, II, 1295. 101. pp. 250-51. 102. NAHAR, I, 491. 103. Ibid., II, 1059. 104. Information given by Dr. SANKALIA, 105. JPPS., I, p. 110. 106. PJLS., II, see Index,

Page #532

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
527
527
JAPADANA:
An inscription dated V.S. 1534 from Nagaur mentions it.107
JIRAPALLIYA :
KLATT says that it was the twelfth of the eighty-four Śākhās of Bșhad gaccha founded by Sarvadeva Sūri (S. 994).108
It is referred to in the inscriptions of the 13th and the 16th century of V.E.109
It seems to have been existing at Udaypur, Jodhpur and Lucknow.
JNABAKIYA :
It is mentioned110 in an inscription dated V.S. 1405. It was current in Rajputana, N. Gujarat, U.P., and Madhya Bharat.
JNANAKAPA:
Mentioned in an epigraph dated V.S. 1501 from Jaipur.111
[Jinabhaktisūri Sākha :
This branch finds an isolated mention112 in V.S. 1924.]
KACHOLEVALA :
It seems to have spread over Rajputana, Madhya Bharat and N. Gujarat. It was prosperous in the 15th and the 16th centuries of the same era 113
It had a 'pūrņimāpakşa' and 'dvitīyaśākhā'.114
KADUAMATI :
It is said that it was started by Kadavā, a Nāgara Bania in V.S. 1562, with the contention that "we can now-a-days get no holy sage worth the name". 115
107. NAHAR, II, 1288. 108. I.A., XXIII, p. 183. 109. NAHAR, II, 1049, 1506; GUERINOT, EJ., No. 636. 110. NAHAR, II, 1487. 111. Ibid., 1143. 112. Ibid., I, 177. 113. Ibid., II, 1930, 1382. 114. Ibid., 1966 of V.S. 1493. 115. SBM., V, ii, 133; NAHAR, I, 801 of V.S. 1683.

Page #533

528
S. B. DEO
Its followers are mainly centred in Gujarat.
KAMALA:
An inscription from Agra dated V.S. 1940 mentions this. In this epigraph both 'Kamalā' and 'Upakeśa' gacchas are mentioned, which possibly suggests some relation between them.116
It is likely that it was identical with Kavalā gaccha.
KAMALAKALASA:
Epigraphs refer to the fact that a certain Kamalakalaśasūri started it out of the Tapā gaccha,117
Epigraphs118 mention it as late as in V.S. 1961, and it seems that it was current mainly in Marwar.
KAMYAKA:
An inscription dated V.S. 1100 mentions Maheśvarasuri of this gaccha at a place called Śrīpathā identified with modern Byānāl19 (in Rajputana).
KASAHRDA :
It seems to have been current from the 12th cent. of V.E.120
Kāsahşda is a place in Gujarat,121 and is first mentioned in Gujarat inscriptions in about the 8th cent. A.D.122
KAVALA :
It is mentioned in an inscription123 dated V.S. 1903. See Kamalā gaccha.
KHARATARA:
This is still one of the most important and well supported gacchas of the Svetāmbara Church.
116. Ibid., II, 1478. 117. NAHAR, I, 779, 946. 118. Ibid., I, 971. 119. FLEET, I.A., XIV, p. 8. 120. PJLS., II, Nos. 169-172, 174-80; 211, 230. 121. CITRAV, Madhyayugina Caritrakośa, p. 652. 122. SANKALIA, SHCGEG, p. 192, (EI., VIII, 220). 123. PILS., II, No. 316.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
529
Regarding its origin, some say that Jineśvarasûri in V.S. 1080 obtained a title 'Kharatara' after overthrowing the Caityavāsins in the court of Durlabharaja, the king of Anhilväda.14 According to others, it was started by Jinadattasüri in V.S. 1204. Still others hold that Jinavallabhasüri started it. 125
Epigraphical mention, however, is available from 1147 V.S.136
Epigraphs referring to it are to be found in Madras, Hyderabad (Deccan), N. Gujarat, Rajputana, U.P., Bihar, Bengal, and Madhya Bharat. It is widely spread at present in Gujarat, Kathiawad and Rajputana.
The following schisms in it may be noted: 127
(1) Madhukara Kharatara-in V. S. 1167 at the time of Jinavallabha. (2) Rudrapalliya Gaccha-in V.S. 1169 by Jayasekhara.128
(3) Laghu Kharatara-in V.S. 1331 by Jinasimhasüri.
(4) Vaikata Gana-in V.S. 1422 by Jinesvarasuri.
(5) Pippalaka Säkha-in V.S. 1461 by Jinavardhana.
(6) Acārylya Kharatara Säkhä-in V.S. 1564 by Säntisagara. (7) Bhavaharsiya Kharatara Säkha-by Bhāvaharsa, when Jinacandra (V.S. 1612-1670) was the head of the Kharatara gaccha. (8) Laghvi ācāryiya Kharatara Sākhā-in V.S. 1686 by Jinasagara. (9) Rangavijaya Säkhä-in V.S. 1700 by Rangavijaya Ganin. (10) Sariya Kharatara Sakha by Sara Upadhyāya.
(11) The eleventh division of this gaccha was due to Mahendrasûri at Mandovara in V.S. 1892.
Besides these, epigraphs refer to other branches like the following:
(1) Sadhu Sakha (?) of Jinacandra Süri,129
(2) Manikyasūri Sākhā,130
(3) Kşemakirti Säkhā,
124. EI., I, pp. 119, 319-24; I.A., XI, pp. 245ff.
125. SBM., V, ii, pp. 61-63.
126. NAHAR, III, 2124.
127. PJLS, II, See Index, under Kharatara.
128. BÜHLER says it was Jinasekhara who founded it in V.S. 1204: E.I., I, p. 119. 129. NAHAR, III, 2199 of V.S. 1536; I, 196-97 of V.S. 1686.
130. Ibid., 527 of V.S. 1871.
131. Ibid., II, 2064 of V.S. 1952.
BÜLL. DCRI.-67

Page #535

530
S. B. DEO (4) Jinarangasūri Śākhā, 132 (5) Candra Kula of Kharatara Gaccha,133 (6) Nandi Gaņa of Kharatara,134 (7) Vardhamānasvāmi-Anvaya,135
(8) Jinavardhanasüri Sākhä,136 and (9) Rangavijaya Śākhā.137
KHARATARA-PIPPALA :
It seems to have been a branch of the original Kharatara. It is mentioned 138 in V.S. 1854.
KHARATARA-VEGADA :
It is mentioned in epigraphs from V.S.139
Jaisalmer upto the 17th cent. of
KORANTA :
It extended over the region consisting of Kathiawad, Rajputana, Gujarat, Madhya Bharat, U.P. and Bengal.
Epigraphs mention it from the 13th century of V.S.140
KRSNARSI or KRSNARAJARSI :
It is mentioned from the 13th century of the Vikrama era.141 epigraphs come from Rajputana, Bengal and U.P.
The
Tapā sākhā:
This branch of the gaccha is mentioned in an epigraph142 from Nagaur, dated V.S. 1525.
132. Ibid., I, 206 of V.S. 1848.
133. BHANDARKAR, List, E.I., XXIII, No. 777 of V.S. 1494; Col. Miles in Trans. of R.A.S. III, pp. 358-59 holds that kharatara arose out of Candra gaccha; he gives a different list of subdivisions. See also, NAHAR, I, 236.
134. BHANDARKAR, List, No. 1853. 135. Bhav. Insc., Sürya dynasty, No. VII, of A.D. 1438, pp. 112-13. 136. NAHAR, II, 1996. 137. Ibid., 1005. 138. Ibid., 1828; GUERINOT, EJ., 781. 139. NAHAR, III, 2447, 2507; BHANDARKAR, List, No. 961. 140. PJLS., II, See Index. 141. E.I., VIII, p. 219. 142. NAHAR, II, 1275.

Page #536

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
KURCAPURA:
It is mentioned in literary sources. No epigraphical corroboration is available 143
It possibly arose out of a place name.
KUTUVAPURA:
It seems to have been current in the 16th century of V.E. in Marwad, as the epigraphs mentioning it come mainly from Nãḍalaï in Marwad.144 It suggests its origin from a place name.
LAGHU POSALA :
As against the Bṛhat-Posala, this gaccha originated with Devendra Sūri out of Tapā. It grouped those members of the gaccha who lived in a smaller monastery,145
It is mentioned in epigraphs14 dated V.S. 1815 and 1758 A.D.
LONKA:
It is mentioned in an epigraph147 from Agra, dated V.S. 1964. It may be that the Bṛhad Lońka was a branch of this gaccha.
531
LUMPAKA :
It seems that this gaccha belonged to the school which advocated nonidolatory, the head priest, Meghaji, of which is said to have been converted by Hiravijaya of the Tapa gaccha.148
Epigraphs, however, mention it as late as in V.S. 1955.
MADAHADIYA:
MADDAHARAU: MADUHADA:
MAHADAKIYA MAHAHADIYA:
It is possible that these five names represented one and the same
gaccha 150
143. SBM., V, ii, p. 28.
144. NAHAR, I, 849-51.
145. SBM., V, ii, pp. 75-77.
146. E.I., II, p. 78; GUERINOT, EJ., No. 736.
147. NAHAR, II, 1501.
148. E.I., II, p. 53, v. 23.
149. NAHAR, I, 235.
150. Ibid., II, 1362 of V.S. 1545; 1046 of 1351.

Page #537

532
S. B. DEO
They seem to have been prominent from the 14th to the 16th centuries in Gujarat, Rajputana, Delhi, and Hyderabad (Deccan).
MADHUKARA :
It seems to have been contemporary with the above,151 and was spread over Kathiawad and Alvar.
MADHUKARA KHARATARA :
See under Kharatara.
MALADHARI:
It is also mentioned as Malladhārī, and seems to have been current as early as in the first half of the 13th century of the V.E.152 in regions like Bihar, Bengal, Kathiawad, Rajputana, U.P., and Gujarat.
MALADHARI PURNIMA VIJAYA :
Five inscriptions, all belonging to V.S. 1931, mention this at places in Bihar, Bengal and Madhya Bharat.153
It was possibly a branch of the Maladhārī gaccha.
MODHA:
An epigraph dated V.S. 1227 from Sammeta śikhara mentions it.154 It may be remarked that 'modha' is also a caste name in Gujarat.
NAGA:
It is mentioned in an inscription155 dated V.S. 1568.
NAGAPURIYA :
The date of the epigraph mentioning this gaccha is wiped out.156
It seems probable that this gaccha originated at Nägapura, (Nagpur in M.P., or Nagaur in Rajputana).
151. Ibid., II, 1736 of V.S. 1516; III, 2429 of 1563. 152. Ibid., II, 1875 of V.S. 1234; 1899 of V.S. 1692. 153. Ibid., I, 349, 362, 1000; II, 1806, 1833. 154. Ibid., II, 1694. 155. BHANDARKAR, List, E.I., XXIII, p. 121, No. 882. 156. NAHAR, II, 1606.

Page #538

NAGENDRA :
The earliest mention of this gaccha is from an inscription dated V.S. 910 (?),157 and it is mentioned as late158 as in V.S. 1715. It is sometimes also termed a gana.150
NAMADALA:
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
It seems to have spread over Kathiawad, Rajputana, Madhya Bharat, and U. P.
It is likely that Naga and Nagendra were identical.
An inscription from Bikaner dated V.S. 1536 mentions it.160
NANAKIYA:
According to KLATT, it might have originated from Näņaka gräma, or from the money (nāņaka) spent in that region in connection with a holy ceremony.16 The first explanation appears more convincing.
It is mentioned in epigraphs from the 13th century of V.E.,162 and seems to have spread over Rajputana.
533
NANAVALA:
It is also expressed as 'Nanaṁväla'. It seems to have spread over Rajputana and as far in the east as Calcutta.
Inscriptions belonging to the 16th century refer to it.163
NIGAMA VIBHAVAKA:
An inscription from Benares dated V.S. 1559 mentions it.164 NIRVRTI :
It is referred to in epigraphs of the 13th century of V.E.145
157. PJLS., II, Intr. Index. p. 15: Real 1287 (?).
158. NAHAR, II, 1312.
159. JPPS., I, p. 45.
160. NAHAR, II, 1340.
161. I.A., XXIII, p. 175.
162. NAHAR, II, 2079.
163. Ibid., 1328 of V.S. 1566; 2087 of 1576.

164. Ibid., I, 404.
165. E.I., II, p. 29: of V.S. 1299: but translated by J. KIRSTE as 'nirvṛti gotra.' See NAHAR, II, 1003 of V.S. 1506(?).

Page #539

534
S. B. DEO NITHATI:
An epigraph dated V.S. 1496 from Udaypur refers to it.166
OSVALA :
It is mentioned in an epigraph167 dated V.S. 1100. It may be noted that Osvāla is a caste among the Jainas.
PALIKIYA :
Two inscriptions dated V.S. 1482 and 1686 from Rajputana mention it.168
One of these refers to the 'pallīkīy uddyotanācārya gaccha' which suggests a close relation between these two gacchas.
PALLI, ®KA, OVALA :
These are possibly identical as they seem to have originated at a place called Pallī in Rajputana.
Epigraphs mention it from the 15th to the 17th century of V.E.169 In one of the Praśastis, it is stated 'şandere pallikājyānayanamatha', which may indicate a relation between Sandera gaccha and this gaccha,170 or a place of that name.
It seems to have spread over Rajputana, Gujarat, and U.P.
PANCASARIYA :
An epigraph from Delhi dated V.S. 1125 mentions it. 171
It seems to have originated from the place-name 'pacāsarīya.'
PARSVACANDRA :
It is said that Pārsvacandra Sūri started it in V.S. 1572 out of the Tapā gaccha as there was difference of opinion regarding the rules of monastic conduct practised by the monks of the Tapā gaccha.172
166. Ibid., II, 1078. 167. PILS., II, No. 316. 168. NAHAR, I, 825; II, 1931. 169. Ibid., 1237; BRANDARKAR, List, No. 974, of V.S. 1681. 170.JPPS., I, p. 85. 171. NAHAR, II, 1873. 172. SBM., V, ii, p. 134.

Page #540

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
535 It is also mentioned as 'Pasacanda' or 'Pāyacanda' gaccha which is the Prakritisation of Pārśvacandra.
KLATT, however, holds that it was "formerly called the Nāgapuriya Tapā gaccha".173 NAHAR makes it Pārsvanātha gaccha in his index, even though epigraphs refer to the Pārśvacandra gaccha.174
Epigraphs of the 16th and 19th centuries of V.E. refer to it,175 and it seems to have spread even upto Bihar and Bengal.
PAVIRYA :
An inscription from Benares dated V.S. 1507 refers to it. 176
PIPPALA :
It seems to have been current from the 13th century of V.E. from epigraphical evidence.177 It is mentioned even in the 18th century of the same era.178
Epigraphs mentioning it are to be found in Madras, Rajputana, N. Gujarat, U.P., Madhya Bharat and Bengal.
-
Kharatara : See under Kharatara.
PORAVADA:
This gaccha has been mentioned by KLATT.179
It may be noted that it is a caste-name among the Jainas and the Gujarati Baniyas.
PRABHAKARA :
An inscription from Medtā in Marwad, dated V.S. 1572, mentions it.180
PRADYOTANACARYA :
BHANDARKAR's list181 refers to it from an inscription dated V.S. 1151, but another inscription refers to it in V.S. 1144.
173. I.A., XXIII, p. 181. 174. Vol. I, see Index. 175. Ibid., II, 1561 of V.S. 1577; 1, 59 of 1830. 176. Ibid., I, 412. 177. Ibid., I, 966 of V.S. 1208 178. Ibid., 695 of V.S. 1778. 179. I.A., XXIII, p. 179. 180. NAHAR, I, 764. 181. E.I., XXIII, p. 26, No. 160; PJLS, II, Index.

Page #541

536
S. B. DEO
It seems that the gaccha originated from an ācārya of this name.
PRAYA:
It seems to have been current in the 14th and 15th centuries of V.E., in Rajputana.
PUNIMA:
It is variously referred to as Punamiya, Punima and also Paurnima. It is said that it originated in V.S. 1159. It is also referred to as a 'paksa'.
It seems to have spread over Rajputana, N. Gujarat, U.P., Madhya Bharat and Bengal, and appears to have been current in the 14th-16th centuries of V.E.
The following splits are referred to in this gaccha:
(1) Pradhana Säkhā.183
(2) Bhimapalliya Śākhā,184 (3) Sadhu Säkhä,185
PUNIMA-VIJAYA:
Sometimes this is referred to as 'Maladhāra punamiyā vijaya'. It is not clear whether this whole was another name for this gaccha.
It is referred to as late as in V.S. 1933 in the inscriptions from Sammeta Sikhara,186
PURANDARA:
It is said to have arisen out of Bṛhat Tapå gaccha. Epigraphs from Rainpur (Mewad) 187 refer to it in V.S. 1496.
RADULA:
An epigraph from Lucknow dated V.S. 1576 refers to it,188
182. SBM., V, ii, p. 23.
183. NAHAR, III, 2294 of V.S. 1481; 2484 of 1553.
184. Ibid., 2309 of V.S. 1492; 2342 of 1518.
185. Ibid., 2469 of V.S. 1575; 2457 of 1579. 186. Ibid., Nos. 22, 359, 360, 370.
187. Ibid., 700.
188. Ibid., II, 1625.

Page #542

537
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM RAJA:
It is related that under Jinacandra Sūri III, the Brhatkharatara gaccha was given the title 'Rāja' gaccha because the Sūri converted four kings to Jainism. 189
An epigraph dated V.S. 1344 refers to it,190 and it seems to have spread in Rajputana and U.P.
RAJAKULA:
It is referred to in an inscription dated 854 A.D., on the pedestal of an image of Pārsvanātha in Kangrā Bazār.191
RAMASENIYA:
Two inscriptions dated V.S. 1458 and 1511 from Udaypur and Agra refer to this 192
RAKA:
An inscription from Siālabet from Kathiawad193 refers to it in V.S. 1320.
RUDRAPALLIYA:
It is said to have arisen out of Kharatara due to Jinasekhara194 in V.S. 1204.
Epigraphs mention it from the 13th to the 17th centuries of V.E.195
It seems to have originated at a place of the same name, and to have spread over Rajputana, U.P., and Bengal.
SADHU PURNIMA PAKSA:
It is referred to in epigraphs of the 16th century of V.E., in N. Gujarat, Bihar and Madhya Bharat.196
SAGARA;
It is stated to have originated 197 out of the Tapā gaccha due to Rājasāgara Sūri in V.S. 1686. Hence the personal name of the Súri seems to have
189. E.I., I, pp. 319-24. 190. Ibid., IX, p. 154 (Prof. PETERSON'S 5th Report, p. 109 quoted). 191. BÜHLER, E.I., I, p. 120; BHANDARKAR, List, No. 1439; GUERINOT, EJ., No. 126. 192. NAHAR, II, 1087, 1236. 193. Ibid., 1780. 194. E.I., I, p. 119. 195. NAHAR, II, 2029, of V.S. 1260. 196. Ibid., 1732 of V.S. 1504; also Nos. 1378, 1381, 1409.
197. SBM., V. ii, 1176; see also E.I., II, pp. 39, 83. BULL DCRI.-68

Page #543

538
S. B. DĖO been given to this gaccha. Even today the names of the monks of this gaccha have 'sāgara' as a suffix to their names.
An inscription dated V.S. 1820 from Osiä (Marwad) refers to it.198 It seems to have spread over Rajputana, Gujarat, U.P., and Bihar.
SAMVEGI:
It is said to have arisen out of Tapā due to Satyavijaya.199 No epigraphical mention is as yet available for this.
SANDERAKA:
It is expressed variously as 'Sandera', 'Saņperakīya,' and 'Sanderavāla.'
It seems to have been a very old gaccha inasmuch as an epigraph dated V.S. 964 refers to it,200 and references 201 are available as late as in V.S. 1732.
Commenting on the name of this gaccha, BHANDARKAR remarks, "Sanderā or Shanderaka is to be identified with the present Sanderāv, ten miles north-west of Bāli, the principal town of the district of the same name, Godvád Division (of Rajputana) ... It is one of the many instances in which the Jaina gacchas are called after the names of places in Marwar."202
It seems to have spread over Hyderabad (Deccan), Rajputana, Bihar, U.P., Madhya Bharat, N, Gujarat, and Bengal.
SANKHESVARA:
It is mentioned by KLATT and seems to have originated from Sankheśvara grāma.203
SARAVALA:
It is referred to in epigraphs of the 11th and the 13th centuries of V.E., from Murshidabad District.204
SARDHA PAURNAMIYA:
It is said to have arisen in V.S. 1236. It is narrated that in Kumārapāla's reign, the monks of the Paurņamiya gaccha could not explain him their
198. NAHAR, I, 304. 199. SBM., V, ii, 176. 200. PJLS., II, No. 336. 201. Ibid., Index. 202. E.I., XI, p. 31. 203. I.A., XXIII, p. 175. 204. NAHAR, I, 1; III, 2222.

Page #544

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
539
rites. Hence they had to leave that place. After the king's death, they returned under the name Sārdha Paurņamīya. They did not worship the Jina with fruits.205
It is possibly the same as Sadhu Punamiyā, of which probably it is a Sanskritisation.
SIDDHANTI:
It is mentioned in epigraphs of the 15th and the 16th centuries of V.E. in Rajputana.206
SIT GACCHA:
It is mentioned in an inscription 207 dated V.S. 1298.
SOHAMMA:
It is mentioned in the Gurvāvali attached to the Daśāśrutaskandha. No epigraphical corroboration is available.
SUVIPRADIPTA:
No epigraphical evidence can be had for this.208
TAPA:
It is stated that in V.S. 1285 Jagatcandra was given the title 'tapā' due to hard penance which was appreciated by king Jaitrasimha of Mewar. Hence the gaccha was also named Tapā.209
Names:
Col. MILES says, "According to the statements of Tapas, the Jainas for eight generations after Mahāvira were called Nirgranthas or Abhoi (Abhogin), i.e., exempt from all passions or desires: There was then no difference of sect among them. In the time of ācārya Suhastin, or 345 years after Mahāvīra, their name was changed to that of Kotika or Korņika gaccha. In after times they received the following names in succession: Candra, Vanavāsī, Varā and lastly that of Tapā gaccha".210
205. SBM, V, ii, 65-66. 206. NAHAR, I, 597 of V.S. 1565. 207. PJLS, II, No. 506. 208. Mentioned in CITRAV's Madhyayugina Caritrakośa, p. 458. 209. SBM., V, ii, pp. 73-75; WEBER, I.A., XVIII, p. 182; XI, pp. 251ff. 210. Col. MILES, Trans. of R.A.S., Vol. III, pp. 359-60.

Page #545

540
S. B. DEO
Epigraphical Mention:
Epigraphs mention211 it as early as in V.S. 1285. It is still current in many parts of India.
Regional Distribution:
Epigraphs referring to the Tapā gaccha are to be found in Rajputana, Gujarat, Madhya Bharat, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, and Hyderabad (Deccan).
Sub-sections:
MILES gives the following divisions that took place in the Tapā gaccha:
A.D. 1675.
1534. » „ 1526.
.. ..
1557.
(1) Vijayadeva Sūri Śākhā (2) Vijayarāja (3) Kamala Kalasā (4) Brhat Posala (5) Laghu » (6) Sāgara Gaccha (7) Kamalā or Kavalā Gacchas. (8) Kutuvapurā Gaccha (9) Vijaya Anandasūri Sākhā (10) Vijaya Ratna Sūri Sākhā (11) Agamiyā (12) Brāhmi (13) Nagauri Tapā
..
A.D. 1600212
... 13th cent. A.D.
..
A.D. 1516.
The epigraphs refer to the following subdivisions:
(a) Vrddha Śākhā.213 (b) Candra Kula.214 (c) Vijaya Śākhā.215 (a) Kutubapurā Pakşa.216 (e) Samvigna Paksa 217
211. PJLS., II, Index. 212. KLATT, I.A., XXIII, p. 179, says that it originated in V.S. 1656 or 1699. 213. NAHAR, II, 1753. 214. Ibid., I, 63. 215. HOERNLE, L.A., XIX, p. 234. 216. NAHAR, I, 849 and 851. 217. Ibid., II, 1799.

Page #546

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
541
541
TAVADARA:
It is mentioned in an inscription dated V.S. 1499 from
Jodhpur.218
TAVAKIYA:
It is also written as Jñāvakiya and is mentioned in an epigraph dated V.S. 1505 from Nānā (in Marwad).219
TARAPADRA: THARAPADRIYA: THIRAPADRIYA: THIYARA:
These appear to be various names of one and the same gaccha, as they seem to have originated from a place-name Thirāpadra.220 The gaccha is also mentioned as Thirädra.221
It is mentioned from the 11th to the 16th century of V.E.
TRIBHAVIYA :
It is referred to in an epigraph from Mirzapur,222 dated V.S. 1420.
UDDYOTANACARYA :
An inscription dated V. S. 1686 from Pāli in Marwad refers to it, and says that it originated out of the Pallikīya gaccha.223
From its name it appears to have originated with an ācārya of a similar nanie.
UKESA or UPAKESA :
It seems to have been current, on the basis of epigraphical evidence, from the 13th to the 20th century of V. E.224
It may be noted that this gaccha ascribes its origin to Pārsvanātha.
From epigraphs it seems to have spread over Rajputana, U. P., Madhya Bharat, Bengal, N. Gujarat, and Bihar.
218. Ibid., I, 616. 219. Ibid., 887 of V.S. 1505. 220. SBM, V, ii, p. 74. 221. NAHAR, III, 2464 of V.S. 1533. 222. Ibid., I, 427. 223. Ibid., I, 825.
224. Ibid., I, 791 of V.S. 1259; II, 1487 of 1940: See, HOERNLE, 'Pattávali of the Upakesha Gaccha', in I.A., XIX, p. 233.

Page #547

542
S. B. DEO
- Gādahīya Śākhā:
This branch of the gaccha is referred to by HOERNLE.225
UTTARADHA :
It is referred to in an inscription dated V. S. 1680, by NAHAR.226
VADA:
It is related that a certain Yakşa asked Uddyotanasūri to appoint new Sūris for the spread of religion. As this incident happened under a Banyan tree (vada), the gaccha was named after it, and it was said to have started from Sarvadevasüri.227
The Jaina Siddhanta Bhāskara says that it originated in V.S. 994 (?).228
It is referred to in epigraphs of the 13th and the 16th centuries of V. E.229
VALABHA :
No details about it are available.230
VANAVASI :
It is said that this gaccha was started by Samantabhadra, as against the Caityavāsīs who used to live for a long time in the Caityas, i.e., temples.231
VAYADIYA :
It is mentioned232 in V. S. 1349.
VIDHIPAKSHA :
It was another name for Añcala gaccha. See Añcala.
VIDYADHARA :
It is mentioned in the 15th and the 16th centuries of V. E., in inscriptions from Kathiawad, Rajputana and U. P.233
225. op. cit., pp. 240-41. 226. Vol. I, 397. 227. SBM, V, ii, pp. 2 and 73. 228. Vol. XIV, No. ii, p. 39. 229. NAHAR, II, 1386 of V.S. 1582 from Gwalior; PJLS, II, 85 of V.S. 1293. 230. JPPS., I, p. 85. 231. SBM., V, ii, 73. 232. PILS., II, 523, 526, 527. 233. NAHAR, II, 1118 of V.S. 1411; I, 798 of 1534.
·

Page #548

VIJAYA.
VIJAYANANDASURI:
Epigraphs of the 18th and the 20th century found in Bengal, U. P., and Bihar refer to it.234
It is said to have arisen out of the Tapa. See Tapā.235
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
VIMALA:
It is also traced to Tapă. It is said that Hemavimala Süri started it235 in V. S. 1749 with a view to purge out bad practices in the Tapă gaccha,
V. E., Bihar.
VIVANDANIKA :
It is mentioned in epigraphs of the 16th and the 20th centuries of the and seems to have been current in Gujarat, Rajputana, U. P., and
VRDDHA-POSALA:
See Brhat-Posala.
VRDDHA-TAPA:
See Brhat-Tapă.
VRHAD :
It is mentioned in epigraphs of the 12th and the 16th centuries of V. E., and seems to have been identical with Brhad gaccha.238
VRHALLOMPAKA:
It is referred to in an inscription dated V.S. 1932 from Pāvāpuri.239 See Brhad-Gujarati-Lonkā.
543
VYAVASIHA:
It is mentioned in an epigraph dated V. S. 1343 from Ratnapur (Marwad),240
234. Ibid., 738 of 1718; III, 1827, of 1943.
235. KLATT., I.A., XXIII, pp. 169ff; also E.I., II., p. 78.
236. SBM., V, ii, pp. 131, 176.
237. NAHAR, II, 1658 of V.E. 1512; 1, 717, of 1903.
238. PJLS, II, Index; NAHAR, III, 2205 of V.S. 1566. 239. Ibid., II, 2034. 240. Ibid., 1706.

Page #549

544
S. B. DEO
YASASURI:
An epigraph from Ajmer dated V.S. 1242 mentions it.241
From its name it appears that it was started by an ācārya of the same name.
A survey of these gacchas shows that they were formed owing to various reasons as follows: (1) after place names : for instance, Sanderaka, Thirāpadriya, Jira
pallīya, etc.; (2) after caste names : Osvāla and Poravāda, (these are also place
names); (3) after regional names: Bịhad-Gujarati Lonkā; (4) after personal names of ācāryas : Devācārya, Pārsvacandra, etc.; (5) owing to particular incidents: Vada, Rāja, Tapā, etc.; (6) owing to peculiar religious practices: Añcala, etc.; (7) owing to efforts at tightening of moral discipline: the branches of
Tapā and Kharatara.
Regarding these gacchas it may further be noted that the epigraphs prior to the eighth or ninth century A.D. fail to mention any gaccha by name, and that only a few among these are extant now. The Kharatra and the Tapā seem to be very popular among them.
Only a few epigraphs help us in knowing the circumstances that led to the rise of various gacchas, and it is very difficult to say what were the doctrinal or monastic differences of each.
The Kharatara and the Tapā differ from each other regarding the colour of the pots, the Kalyāņkas of Mahāvīra, and the exact day of the full-moon day.
Many of these gacchas seem to have been current mainly in Rajputana and N. Gujarat.
The tendency to create new Gacchas seems to have been very active in the 11th to the 13th centuries of V. E.
The mode of naming the gacchas after place-names seems to have synchronised with the rise of sub-castes. It may be noted that the latter were also styled after place-names.
241. Ibid., I, 530.

Page #550

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
545 The rise of numerous gacchas also tends to show that Jaina monachism was active in the medieval period.
DIGAMBARA SANGHAS:
After the migration of Bhadrabāhu to the south, the Digambaras settled more or less permanently in south India as well. In course of time, a number of Sanghas and Ganas arose in its Church,
The following were the various Church units as are referred to by the Digambara epigraphs :
ARYA SANGHA :
It is mentioned in an epigraph belonging to the eighteenth year of the reign of king Uddyotakesarin (c. 10th cent. A.D.) in the Navamuni cave inscription at Udaygiri hill in Orissa.242
DEVA SANGHA :
It is one of the subdivisions of the Mula Sangha brought about by Arhadbalin.243
DRAVIDA or DRAMILA SANGHA :
According to Devasena, the author of Darśanasāra, this Sangha244 was formed by Vajranandin, a disciple of Pūjyapāda, in the year 536 of the Vikrama Era at Madurā.
According to SALETORE, "the establishment of the Dravida Sangha at Madurā was the work of Vajrananrlin in the last quarter of the 9h or in the first quarter of the 10th cent. A.D."245
Epigraphs, mostly of the post-ninth century A.D. period, refer to it and it seems to have spread over Karnatak and Mysore.246
As the name suggests, the Sangha took its name after the region in which it was formed.
242. E.I., XIII, p. 166. 243. E.C., II, 254.
244. J.A., XIII, ii, pp. 30-31; GLASENAPP, op. cit., p. 365 gives the date as V.S. 526. See also UPADHYE, Prv., Intr. p. XXI.
245. Med. Jain. p. 238.
246. E.C., IV, Ng. 100, 103; V, Belur, 17, 138, 235, BULL. DCRI.—69

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546
(a) Anvayas:
(1) Arungula247
(2) Irungula248 Probably identical.
(3) Kundakunda349
(b) Ganas:
(1) Nandi250
(2) Taluva251 or Tavula
(c) Gaccha:
(1) Pustaka 252
INGANESVARA SANGHA :
It was possibly a later creation as it did not form part of the four principal divisions of the Müla Sangha.253
(a) Gaccha:
(1) Pustaka 254
KANCHI SANGHA :
Kanci is Conjeevaram, a few miles from Madras.
(a) Anvaya:
S. B. DEO
(1) Mayura
(b) Gana:

(1) Puskara.
In spite of its South Indian origin, epigraphical evidence shows that it had its followers at Gwalior as late as in the 15th to the 16th cent. of the V. E.255
247. Ibid., VI, Kd. 68; VIII, Nagar 35, 36, 39, 40; Tirthahalli, 192; IX, Cg. 34, 37; XI, Davan. 90.
248. Ibid., IX, Cg. 36, 37.
249. Ibid., VI, Mg. 11.
250. SALETORE, op. cit., 238.
251. E.C., IV, Ng. 100, 103, etc.
252. Ibid., IX, Cg. 36, 37.
253. JA., IX, ii, p. 71, No. 66. 254. Ibid.
255. NAHAR, II, 1427-28,

Page #552

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
547 KASTHA SANGHA :
According to Darśanasāra of Devasenasūri,256 Kumārasena is said to have founded it at Nanditaţagrāma in V.S. 753. Vacanakośa, however, attributes it to one Lohācārya at Agaroha. According to the latter source Lohācārya laid down the worship of wooden images.
According to Pandit PREMI, the latter interpretation is wrong, and he says that the distinct practice of this group was the use of a broom of cow's tail.
In later days it was called 'jainābhāsa' because the monks belonging to this Sangha lived in monasteries and accepted grants of land.257 (a) Amnāyas :
(1) Jinakirti258 (2) Lohācārya259
(3) Rāmasena 260 (b) Anvayas :
(1) Agrotaka261 (2) Khandelavāla262 (3) Lohācāryya263 (4) Māthura264
(5) Rāmasena 265 (c) Gacchas:
(1) Bāgada266 (2) Lāda-Bāgada267 (3) Manditaţa268 After place-names. (4) Māthura269 (5) Puskara270 (6) Tapā271
256. JSB., VIII, I, p. 30; JA., XIII, ii, p. 33. 257. GLASENAPP, op. cit., p. 365. 258. JSB., XII, ii, pp. 6-8. 259. NAHAR, I, 145, 327. 260. Ibid., 641. 261. Ibid., 145, 327. 262. JSB., XII, ii, pp. 6-8. 263. NAHAR, I, 326. 264. Ibid., II, 1483; JSB., XI, ii, p. 95. 265. NAHAR, I, 641. 266. JSB., VIII, I, p. 30. 267. Ibid.; NAHAR, II, 1135. 268. E. C., II, 277. 269. NAHAR, I, 145, 326-27, 336. 270. GUERINOT, EJ., 633. 271. NAHAR, I, 643.

Page #553

548
S. B. DEO (d) Gaņas :
(1) Lāda-Bāgada272 (2) Puşkara273 The 'Gherwāļa' sect of this Sangha is also occasionally mentioned.274 This Sangha is also often referred to along with the Müla Sangha.275
Kāşthā Sangha gets epigraphical mention even as late 276 as in V.S. 1910, and seems to have spread not only in South India but even in Bihar, Rajputana, U.P., and Madhya Bharat. KOLATTUR SANGHA :
It is mentioned as early as in c. 7th cent. A.D. in epigraphs from Sravana Belagoļa.277
It seems to have some connection with a place called Kolattur (Kittur ?).
LATABAGADA SANGHA :
It is said to be a branch of Kasthā Sangha, and is mentioned in the Dubkund inscription of Kacchapaghāta Vikramasimha,278 dated V.S. 1145.
Sometimes the name is given as Lāțavāgata Gana, which is perhaps identical with Lāțabāgada.
Bāgada is the name of the region near Chitor.279 MAHI SANGHA :
BHANDARKAR refers to it in his list.280 Unfortunately the date is lost. But it seems to have received its name after a place name.
MATHURA SANGHA :
It is said to be a branch of the Kāşthā Sangha and founded by Rāmasena at Mathurā in V.S. 953.
272. Ibid., I, 145, 326-27; II, 1483; GUERINOT, op. cit., 756; E.I., II, p. 244, etc. 273. NAHAR, II, 1135. 274. E.C., II, 287. 275. NAHAR, I, 641. 276. Ibid., 327. 277. E.C., II, 92, 93, 96. 278. Ibid., (p. 232). See also pp. 37-40; JSB. VIII, i, pp. 31-32. 279. CITRAV, op. cit., p. 399.
280. Op. cit., List. No. 758: The inscription, however, seems to belong to the 15th century of V.E., E.I., XXIII, p. 106.

Page #554

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
549
It was also called 'Nippicchika' as the followers of this sect did not use any broom, either of peacock feathers or of cow's tail.281
MULA SANGHA :
The Sravana Belgola inscription No. 254 of 1398 A.D., has the followlowing account about the nature of this important sangha:
"Arahadbalin... made the Mula Sangha consisting of the Kondakondanvaya into four Sanghas in order to minimise hatred and other (evils) that might arise owing to the nature of the times. Let one make a difference in the case of all heterodox Sanghas such as the Sitambara and others which are of a form contrary to rule; but he who thinks of such a thing in the case of Sena, Nandi, Deva and Simha Sangha is a heretic."
Several inscriptions refer to this Sangha, from c. 700 A.D. which is sufficient to prove its importance.
Besides in South India, epigraphs point out to the existence of this Sangha even in North India, in provinces like Rajputana, N. Gujarat, U. P., Bengal and Bihar.
The following subdivisions of this Sangha are to be met with in epigraphs:
(a) Amnayas:
(1) Candrakirti 283
(2) Digambara (?) 284
(3) Kakopala 285 (4) Kundakundädi286
(5) Nandi287
(6) Sad (?) 288
(b) Anvayas:
(1) Candrakavāta 289 (2) Citrakuta20
281. JSB., VIII, i, pp. 29-30.
282. E.C., Vol. II; also No. 105: See Satkhanḍagama, Vol. 1, Intr., p. 15 as quoted
in support of this by K. P. JAIN in JSB., X, ii, p. 88.
NAHAR. II, 1132.
283. 284. JSB., XIV, ii, pp. 56-61.
285. GUERINOT, op. cit., 106; I.A., VII, p. 209; JRAS, (1839), pp. 343-48.
286. JSB., XIV, ii, pp. 56-61.
287. Ibid.; also VII, i, p. 13.
288.
NAHAR, I, 325.
289. E.I., XVI, p. 53.
290. JA., IX, ii, pp. 65-66. KI., I, 111, 113.

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550
S. B. DEO (3) Dravida291 (4) Jaisavālānvaya292 (5) Khandelavāla293 (6) Kundakunda294 (7) Nandisanghānyaya295 (8) Pāşāņa296 (9) Pustaka297 (10) Sena298 (11) Tālakola299 (12) Vagheravāla300
Out of all these Anvayas, the Kundakundānvaya is the most important, and very old. It is mentioned in the Merkara Copper plates301 of Saka 388.
It is said to have been started after Kundakunda, the famous Digambara scholar, who flourished in about the beginning of the Christian era. 302
The importance of Kundakunda is further attested by the fact that not less than four Sanghas of the Digambara Church have an anvaya after his name.
(c) Balis :
(1) Hanasoge or Panasoge303 (2) Inguleśvara304 (3) Vāņada305
291. E.C., VI, Mg. 18. 292. NAHAR, I, 472. 293. Ibid., 388; JSB., VII, i, p. 14.
294. E.C., I, Cg. 1; II, 72, 167, 187, 331; III, p. 211; IV, Yedatore, 23; V. Chann. 148; VI, Kd. 1; VIII, Sorab, 122; XII, Gubbi, 57; E.I., XXIII, p. 106; II, p. 72, GUERINOT, op. cit., 702, 744; JSB., VII, 1, p. 13; XIV, I, pp. 28-29, etc., etc.
295. E.I., XV, p. 345. 296. GUERINOT, op. cit., 193. 297. E.C., IV, Yedatore 26. 298. E.I., XIII, p. 190; "Same as Senagana in the Mülasangha": Ibid., p. 192. 299. E.C., VII, Shikarpur, 136. 300. NAHAR, II, 1594. 301. E.C., I, Cg. 1. 302. For details, see UPADHYE, Prv., Intr. p. xxij. 303. E.C., II, 155; V, Belur, 124; VI, Chik: 2; GUERINOT, op. cit., 449; JBBRAS., X,
pp. 173-5.
304. E.C., III, Nānj. 63; IV, Nāg. 32; Chām. 151; Hunsur 123; V, Belur 131, 133, 134; IX Cg. 56; XII, Sira. 32.
305. Ibid., Pav. 51; GUERINOT, op. cit., 478.

Page #556

(d) Gacchas:
(1) Citrakūta (2) Hogari307
(3) Hottage308
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
(4) Kharatara (?) 309
(5) Meṣapāṣāṇa310
(6) Pagab
(7) Pärijäta312
(8) Pogaria13
(9) Puskara314
(10) Pustaka315 (11) Sarasvati316
(12) Sena17
(13) Tagarigal
(14) Tintrini or Tintrinika319 (15) Väk
(16) Vakra.321
(e) Ganas:
(1) Balätkära
(2) Desi33 or Desiya
306. Mad. Ep. Rep. (1934), No. 61.
307. NAIK, A.V., Archaeology of the Deccan, (Ms.), 412.
308. E.C., IV, Yedatore, 26.

309. JSB., XIV, i, pp. 28-29.
310. E.C., VII, Honn. 5; VIII, Nr. Sh. 60, 64, 97.
311. Ibid., XI, Dg. 13.
312. GUERINOT, op. cit., Intr. p. 44.
313. I.A., 19, p. 268; E.C. VII, Shik. 124; VIII, Sb. 125; XI, Davan. 13.
314. J.A., XIII, ii, pp. 1-7. It is highly probable that 'Hogari', 'Pogari' and 'Puşkara' stand for one and the same.
315. E.C., II, 126, 128, 130, 187, 265, 331, 367, 400; III, Mandya, 50; IV; Cham. 146; Yed. 21; E.I., VI, p. 26; III, pp. 206, 211, etc. etc.
316. I.A., XX, p. 341; XXI, p. 71; NAHAR, I, 505, 551, 590, 696, II, 1765, etc. etc.
317. GUERINOT, op. cit., 538.
318. E.C., V, Ark., 99. Are 'Pustaka', Sarasvati' and 'Vak' identical?
319. EJ, XX, p. 95; E.C., III, Mal. 31; VII, Shim. 57; VIII, Sagar 159; Sorab, 140, 232, 233, 262, 384, etc.
320. JSB., XIV, i, p. 26.
321. E.C., II, 69; V, Belur, 129; GUERINOT, op. cit., 256.
322. I.A., VIII, p. 245; E.C., VII, Shik. 120, 134; VIII, Tirth. 166; Sorab. 199; Mad. Ep. Rep. (1936), No. 29; E.C., II, 274, etc. For name, I.A., XX, p. 342.
323. E.C. IV, Cham. 150; VII, Shim. 97; VIII, Sorab, 97, 260, 261; Nagar, 53; XII, Chik-N. 24; II, 126, 128, 130, 265, 331, 367, 400, etc.
551

Page #557

552
(3) Deva34
(4) Dravidas
(5) Kalogra326
(6) Kāņūra327 or Krāņūra (7) Nandi328
(8) Pañkura329
(9) Pogariya 350
(10) Punnaga-Vrksa-Müla331
(11) Sena32
(12) Sürastha333
(13) Udara 334
(14) Varasena,335 Värasena or Virasena.
(f) Kulas:
(1) Krahakula338
(g) Samudaya:
(1) Sri Samudaya337
(h) Varhéa:
S. B. DEO
(1) Candrikäväta333 (2) Nunna339
NANDI SANGHA:
According to the list of the ācāryas of this Sangha, Maghanandin seems. to have been the founder of this congregation. Hence, most of the teachers belonging to it have a suffix 'nandin' to their names.340
324. E.I., VI, p. 81; I.A., VII, p. 101.
325. E.C., VI, Mg. 18.
326. Ibid., IV, Cham. 148, 161.
327. Ibid., VIII, Sagar, 195; Sorab, 140, 232, 384; III, Malvalli, 31; VII, Shim. 57; Shik. 225; E.I., XX, p. 95.
328. E.C., VIII, Sorab, 330.
329. JSB., VII, i, p. 16.
330. E.I., X, ii, p. 69.
331. GUERINOT, op. cit., 250; NAIK, A.V., op. cit., 230.
332. E.I., XV, p. 347; NAIK, op.cit., 463; E.C., IV, Yed. 36; VIII, 119, 146; SII, VII 212; JA., XIII, ii, pp. 1-7.
333. E.C., IV, Ng. 19, 94; V, Ark. 96; VI, Mg. 9; K.I., I. 111, 113.
334. E.C., IX, Nel. 61.
335. E.I., XVII, p. 121.
336. Ibid., XIII, p. 166; BHANDARKAR, List, 1573.
337. E.S., V, Belur, 131, 134.
338. J.A., IX, ii, p. 66.
339. E.C., VII, Shik. 198.
340. UPADHYE, Prv., Intr., p. ix; I.A., XXI,, p. 159.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
553 Epigraphs show that this Sangha arose out of the Müla Sangha.341
The antiquity and the spread of this Sangha can be evidenced by the Pahārpur Copper plate dated 159 of the Gupta era (= 478-79 A.D.).342
(a) Anvayas:
(1) Arungala343 (2) Kirtyācārya. 344
(b) Gacchas:
(1) Pulikal345 (2) Sārasvata. 346
(c) Ganas:
(1) Balātkāra347 (2) Dravida348 (3) Eregittur349 (4) Punnāgavřkşamüla.350
Several epigraphs, it may be noted, refer to "the Nandi Sangha in the Dramiļa Sangha.”351 NAVILURA SANGHA :
Navilur rendered into Sanskrit means 'a peacock', and it suggests the origin of this Sangha at a place called Mayūragrāma.352
It is referred to in the Sravaņa Belgoļa inscriptions dated c. 7th cent. A.D. (a) Gana:
(1) Aji gaña353
341. E.C., II, 254; IV, Nāga. 85, of 776 A.D. 342. E.I., XX, pp. 63-64. 343. E.C., V, Ark., 98. 344. JA, XII, p. 11. 345. JA, IX, ii, p. 72. 316. E.C., IV, ii, Nāg. 85. 347. JA., IX, ii, p. 72; VII, i, p. 15. 348. E.C., V, Ark. 98. 349. Ibid., IV, Nāg. 85. 350. 1.A., XII, p. 11; E.I., IV, p. 332. 351. E.C., V, Hassan, 131. 352. Ibid., II, 108, 114: See also, 97, 98, 102, 103, 106, 109, 112, and 114.
353. Ibid., No. 97 of c. 700 A.D. ELLL. DORI.-.70

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554
PAMATASAMA SANGHA:
It is referred to in an inscription dated V.S. 1715.
PUNNAGA-VRKSA-MULA SANGHA:
It is to be noted that this Sangha is referred to as a gana of the Mula and Nandi Sanghas as well.355
SENA SANGHA:
It was one of the four subdivisions of the Mula Sangha, and its founder was said to be Jinasena, a disciple of Arhadbalin,356
In that case, it may be traced to the 8th-9th cent. A.D.
It seems that it was also called Sena Gana.357
SRI SANGHA:
It is referred to in the Sravana Belgola inscription of c. 700 A.D,358
(a) Anvaya:
(1) Kundakunda.
(b) Bali:
(1) Ingaleśvara.
(c) Gaccha:
S. B. DEO
(1) Pustaka
(d) Gana:
(1) Desiya 350
SIMHA SANGHA:
It was said to be a branch of the Müla Sangha,360 due to the subdivisions effected by Arhadbalin.
354. NAHAR, III, 2474.
355. E.I., IV, 49; E.C., XII, Gubbi, 61.
356. E.I., XXI, p. 136; GLASENAPP, op. cit., pp. 364-7.
357. But the whole phrase 'sena-gaṇa-samsthāna of Penugonda' in E.C., IV, Yed. 36 is not quite legible.
358. E.C., II, 116.
359. Ibid.
360. Ibid., 254.

Page #560

YAPANIYA SANGHA:
Regarding the origin of this Sangha, two different theories are
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
advocated:
(1) Devasena in his Darśanasära refers to a tradition which assigns the origin of this Sangha to Srikalasa, a Svetämbara monk, who is said to have started it at Kalyana in V.E. 205.
(2) Another account refers to a certain queen of the king of Karahataka. She is said to have asked these monks to give up the use of clothes. Thus she desired to create good will about them in the mind of the king.361
This is said to have resulted in the adoption of the practice of nudity without, at the same time, giving up of the rest of the practices of the Svetambaras by the Yapaniyas.
This dual allegiance to the practices of both the seets hy the Yanonivas, however, led the writer of the Nitisära to denounce them as "jainähhae" (those who have an outward appearance or semblance of Jaina monks),362
Even though this sect obtained royal patronage from the Kadambas,343 they, being disowned by both the major sects of the Jainas, either dwindled into extinction, or merged into the Digambara fold.
555
The earliest mentioned to the Yapaniyas, if we accept the line of thought of JAYASWAL, SHAH and others, may be said to be that from the inscription of Khāravela (2nd cent. B.C.),364
(a) Anvayas:
From several epigraphs, however, it appears that this Sangha was popular in Karnatak and its surrounding areas.
(b) Gacchas:
(1) Kirtyācārya (2) Mailapa,366

(1) Kotimaduva367 (2) Nandi,368
361. UPADHYE, BUJ., I, pt. vi, May, 1933, pp. 224-31.
362. JSB., VII, i, p. 3.
363. Particularly Mrgeśavarman (475-90 A.D.); I.A., VI, pp. 22-27; VII, pp. 33-35.
364. JBORS, IV, p. 389.
365. I.A., XII. p. 11.
366. Ibid., XVIII, p. 309. 367. E.I., IX, No. 6. 368. Ibid,

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556
S. B. DEO (c) Gaņas:
(1) Kandūru369 (2) Kāreya370 (3) Koțimaduva (?) 371 (4) Punnāgavşkşamülagana. 372
YAPANIYA NANDI SANGHA:
Regarding this Sangha, SALETORE remarks that Śālagrāma to the west of Mānyapura was a centre of this sangha in the 9th cent. A.D., during the reign of the Rāştrakūta king Govinda Prabhūtavarşa.373
OTHER UNITS MENTIONED:
Besides the above, the epigraphs refer to a number of other units which are as follows:
(a) Anvayas:
(1) Jinalapaka374 (2) Vardhamānapurānvaya.375
(b) Gacchas:
(1) Addakal;376 (2) Dharmaghoşa377 (3) Gwālera378 (4) Mayūra379 (5) Nagaur380 (6) Nedaya381 (7) Viraprabhasūri.382
369. Ibid., XVIII, p. 201. 370.JA., IX, ii, p. 69. 371. E.I., IX, p. 47. 372. Ibid., XVIII, p. 177. 373. Op. cit., p. 233; also, E.C., XII, Gb. 1, of 812 A.D. 374. MAR., (1913-14), p. 57. 375. JSB., XII, ii, p. 14. . 376. E.I., VII, p. 179. 377. JSB., XII, ii, pp. 6-8. 378. Ibid., XIV, i, pp. 47-53. 379. GUERINOT, op. cit., 825. 380.JSB., XIV, i, pp. 49-53. 381. GUERINOT, op. cit., 839. 382. JSB., XII, ii, pp. 6-8.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM (c) Gaņas:
(1) Jambukhanda383 (2) Kalor384 (3) Kavaruri385 (4) Kumudi386 (5) Paralura387 (6) Sandviga388 or Sādviga (7) Sighavura389 (8) Sarasvati390 (9) Śruta391 (10) Tavula392 (11) Vādiyūr393 (12) Valahāri. 394
(a) Sanghas:
(1) Bhila395 (2) Nipacha.396
(e) Varśa:
(1) Parnavatsala.397
A survey of the names of these various units reveals the following factors in their formation:
(i) Some of these were formed after place names: Hanasoge, Mayūra or Navilur, Paralüra and Kolattur.
(ii) Some among them were formed after regional names: Dravida, Mathura, Kāñcī, etc.
383. E.I., XXI, p. 290. 384. Seems to have been identical with Kälogra: See Mula Sangha. 385. SALETORE, op. cit., p. 251. 386. JA., IX, ii, p. 65. 387. I.A., XI, p. 69. 388. E.C., II, 29: GUERINOT, op. cit., 818. 389. JA., IX, ii, p. 62. 390. E.C., VII, Shik. 293; V, Arsi. 87. 391. Ibid., IV, Hs. 123, p. 95. 392. See under Dravida Sangha. 393. E.I., II, p. 184. 394. Ibid., VII, p. 179. 395. JSB., XIV, i, 49-53. 396. Ibid. 397. Ibid., IX, ii, p. 64.

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S. B. DEO (iii) Several of these were named after the names of the ācāryas; Kundakunda, Nandin, etc.
(iv) Of all these Sanghas, the Müla Sangha and the Kundakundanvaya seem to have been very old and prominent.
(v) Most of these Sanghas and their subdivisions were current mainly in Karnatak and regions round about it as the available records show. We also have, however, epigraphs from north India which refer to some of them.
(vi) These Sanghas are referred to in epigraphs mostly belonging to a period of 7th cent. A.D., and after.
(vii) It is not known how many among these are still current.
(viii) Units like the Amnāya, Anvaya, Bali, Samudāya Sangha and Vamsa seem to be peculiar to the Digambaras as they are seldom referred to in the Svetāmbara epigraphs.
(ix) It appears that in Digambara monachism it is possible to trace almost a continuous chain of units.
(x) Many of them are old, and new ones are few.
TOURING AND RESIDENCE:
We have not got much information regarding the exact mode of touring undertaken by the monks during the eight months of the year.
The practice of staying at one place during the rainy season, however, is mentioned in a grant of the Kadamba king Ravivarman. It laid down that "ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season."398
From the dedication of caves for the use of monks, it seems that they formed a favourite or a widely used place of shelter for not only Jaina but even non-Jaina ascetics. Possibly the earliest mention of caves for Jaina monks belongs to the period of Khāravela who, in c. 2nd cent. B.C., is said to have furnished caves for the use of monks. The next in antiquity are possibly those at Junagadh belonging to the reign of Kşatrapa Rudradāman.
Later on, in the medieval period, a number of basadis and monasteries were built with the royal and popular support.
The existence of the Vanavāsin gaccha goes to indicate the existence of the Caityavāsins who used to live for a longer time in temples. Thus the
398. L.A., VI, p. 27.

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559 Vanavāsins may be said to have arisen out of a reaction to the mode of the life of the Caityavāsins. CLOTHING AND NUDITY:
Perhaps the earliest known record referring to the offering of clothes to the monks is, according to JAYASWAL's reading, that of Khāravela in which he refers to the fact that "in the 13th year, on Kumāri hill, he offers respectfully royal maintenances, China clothes (cinavatāni) and white clothes (vāsāsitāni) to the monks."'399
That the monks were distinctly divided on the use of clothing is further attested by an epigraph of Mrgeśavarman of the Kadamba dynasty (5th cent. A.D.) who is said to have divided a grant equally for the use of the Svetapatas, the Nirgranthas and the Jina shrine.400
The existence of the separate branches of the clothed and the naked monks is also evidenced by the remarks of Hiuen Tsiang (7th cent. A.D.), who remarks that "they retain a little hair on their heads, and moreover they go naked. If, by chance, they wear garments, they are distinguished by their white colour.”:401
Still later on, we have a reference to an incident in which the Digambara ācārya, who went to enlighten the Begum of Firuz Tughlaq, is said to have put on clothing while lecturing.402 REQUISITES:
We have scanty information regarding the requisites used by Jaina monks either of the Svetămbaras or of the Digambaras.
However, the Sravana Belgola epigraphs refer to the various brooms used by the Digambara monks. For instance, the 'mayūrapiccha' (peacockfeather broom) is referred to in many epigraphs.403 Not only that, but some Jaina monks received names after their brooms: e.g., balākapiccha, grdhrapiccha, etc. 404 FOOD AND BEGGING:
We have only a few references like those in the Karnatak epigraphs which mention that Simhanandin, the benefactor of the Ganga kula, pro
399. E.I., XX, pp. 88-89. 400. FLEET, I.A., VII, p. 37. 401. 1.A., II, (1873), p. 16. 402. JSB., V, iii, p. 140. 403. E.C., II, 258; VII, Sh. 4, etc. 404. Ibid., II, 64, 6S, 258.

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S. B. DEO hibited the Ganga princes to eat honey and flesh, which were also deemed useless for monks.405
With royal patronage, we find kings granting lands for the feeding of Jaina monks and nuns (āhāra-dānakka).406
Various epigraphs refer to the effects of ahimsā as advocated by Jaina monachism on the society at large. We have instances right from Aśoka upto the Moghal emperors of Delhi, who in one way or the other, enforced a prohibition on animal slaughter. We have already noted Kumārapāla, king of Gujarat, prohibiting animal slaughter on certain days due to which the population of Gujarat, even upto the present day, is mainly vegetarian, STUDY:
The epigraphs are eloquent when they describe the debating power or the intellectual supremacy of Jaina monks. Even if we give up the metaphorical element in them, the studious habits of Jaina monks, their skill in debate, and their ease of convincing others are brought to light.
The following are some of the metaphorical expressions :
(i) Ajitasena was called the 'Vādibhakanthirava' (the lion to the elephants the disputants).407
(ii) śāntideva was designated Sabda-caturmukha'.408
(iii) Of Mahāmaņdalācārya Devakirti, it is said that he was "the poet, debator and orator, who is a fierce fire to the forest the maintainers of Kapila's doctrines, a submarine fire to the ocean the maintainers of the Chārvāka system, and a sun in dispelling the darkness of the staunch maintainers of the Bauddha faith”.409
(iv) Samantabhadra is termed "a lion among disputants”.410
(v) Māghanandin "was a fillet of brilliant gems to the forehead of Sarasvati".411
(vi) Abhayacandra Siddhānti is said to have "split the sky-touching mountains of evil creeds”.412 and (vii) Cărukirti was called "the emperor of the learned". 413
405. Ibid., VII, Sh. 4; Dānaśālās for Jaina monks: Ibid., V, 273 of 1673 A.D. 406. E.I., XVII, p. 122: 1047 A.D. 407. E.C., II, 67: 1129 A.D. 408. Ibid. 409. Ibid., 63 of 1163 A.D. 410. Ibid., 64. 411. Ibid. 412. Ibid., V, Bel. 133, of 1279 A.D. 413. ibid.. I, Cg. 10, of 1544 A.D.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM From their embellishments several Jaina monks seemed to have some additional suffix to their names, as in the case of Śrīpāla-Traividya, HemasenaVidyādhanañjaya, and Ajitasena-Vädibhasimha.414
This intellectual power blossomed under royal patronage, and works on philosophy, religion and logic were written by several Jaina monks to which the epigraphs also stand testimony.415 It should be noted that besides these, Jaina monks attempted works even on music and dramaturgy.416 It is interesting to note that Jinacandra is described as being one "whose skill in vocal and instrumental music and in dancing spread to all points of the compass”!417 Of Srutakīrti-Traividya, it is said that he composed "the Rāghava-Pāņdaviya in such a way that it could be read both backwards and forwards".418
The debating power of the Jaina monks is also referred to in glorifying words in epigraphs. For instance, of Vakragrīva (c. 1st cent. A.D.) it was said that he "expounded the meaning of the word 'atha' during six months”!419 Maheśvara is said to have defeated as many as seventy great disputants.420
This tradition of debating, it may be noted, was peculiar both to the Digambaras as well as to the Svetāmbaras, and among the latter the instance of Hiravijaya, who defeated a number of opponents in the court of Akbar (Akabbarasamakşa-vijita-vādivịnda-samudbhūta-yaśāḥ),421 is famous.
No technical details, however, pertaining to study as are to be found in the Svetāmbara Canon or in the Digambara works are met with in the epigraphs.
PENANCE AND FASTING :
The important place of penance, mainly consisting of fasting, in the life of a Jaina monk is corroborated by inscriptions right from the 5th century A.D. till the end of the 19th century A.D. Fasting was a preparation for the 'sallekhana' almost from the beginning.
For instance, the epigraphs give laudatory epithets to various monks denoting their power and tenacity of penance and fasting, An epigraph dated
414. E.I., VIII, p. 17. 415. For the works of various scholars, see E.C., II, 64, 67. 416. Ibid., 65. 417. Ibid., 69, of c. 1100 A.D. 418. Ibid., 64: 1163 A.D. 419. Ibid... 67 of 1129 A.D. 420. Ibid.
421. NAHAR, II, 1794 of V.S. 1661; also, 1628 of 1670. BULL, DCRI.-71

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S. B. DEO Ś. 411 refers to Jinanandin "who was the touchstone by which to test the value of penances that were hard to be performed”. 422 Another epigraph of c. 650 A.D., gives an epithet 'upavāsapara' (devoted to fasting) to Vrşabhanandin.123
Besides mentioning the traditional twelve kinds of penances424 as given in literary sources, an epigraph of c. 700 A.D. refers to the case of a sage who did severe penance for several years, "which was as difficult as walking on the sharp edge of a sword or passing over the great fangs of a cobra”.425
Fasting for the duration of three, eight, twenty-one and thirty days is referred to in epigraphs mainly belonging to a period between the sixth 426 and the 19th centuries A.D.427
Besides these, peculiar practices like the vow of silence,428 sitting in a 'kukkuţāsana' posture, 429 and doing eight days' fast facing each direction 430
(which resembled one of the Bhikkhu Padimās), are also referred to. No wonder, therefore, if the epigraphs refer to Mallisena as one "who practised penance surpassing fire (in heat)”.431 Such penance was sufficient enough to inspire admiration even in the mind of the Muslim rulers as the title 'mahātapā' given to Vijayadeva by Jahangir, shows.432
We have already referred elsewhere to the case of fasting unto death as late as in 1945 A.D. Even at present we have cases of Jaina monks observing 'sallekhanā' and thus facing death by voluntary fasting. 433
SUPERNATURAL POWERS:
The epigraphical sources refer to the marvellous feats of supernatural power by the Jaina monks at various places. We have seen, when dealing
422. FLEET, I.A., VII, p. 209. 423. E.C., II, 75. 424. Ibid., 23 of c. 700 A.D.; 67 of 1129 A.D. 425. Ibid., 22. 426. Fasting for 3 days - E.C., II, 59 of 974 A.D.
8 days -.A., IV, p. 176: date S. 970; E.C., IV, Nāg. 19, c. 1118 A.D. 21 days-Ibid., II, 33, of c. 700 A.D. 15 days - Ibid., IV, Nāg. 67 of c. 1060 A.D.
30 days - Ibid., IV, 25, 143, 167 (c. 700-1809 A.D.). 427. Ibid., II, 167. 428. Ibid., 35, of c. 800 A.D. 429. Ibid., IV, Krishna., 3. 430. Ibid., II, 69, of c. 1100 A.D. 431. Ibid., 67 of 1129 A.D. 432. NAHAR, I, 754 of V.S. 1677; 772 of 1700.
433. The most recent example is that of Shri Sāntisågara Mahārāj, a Digambara patriarch, who courted death by Sallekhana in September 1955.

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563 with the literary sources, that in later phases even Jaina monks were adept in the use of magic, spells and supernatural powers.
The following are some of the important feats done by Jaina monks as given in different inscriptions.
TL
The tradition about the forecast of a big famine in Magadha by Bhadrabāhu on the basis of a dream, has been referred to in a Sravana Belgoļa inscription dated c. 600 A.D.434 Thus the epigraph refers to the power of knowing the future by Jaina monks.
Another inscription dated V.S. 1597 from Nādalāï (in Marwad), says that in V.S. 964, Yaśobhadrasūri brought an image of the Jina using his magical powers (mantraśaktisamānītā).435
That the Jaina monks had the knowledge of removing evil influences of planets is indicated by the Rāştrakūța grant of the reign of Prabhūtavarşa. It says that a Jaina muni Arkakīrti was granted a village as he was successful in removing "the adverse influence of Saturn from a prince named Vimalāditya". 436
Another epigraph, dated 1068 A.D., refers to Municandra Siddhānta Deva of Müla Sangha, who "wrote a Yantra which scared away the serpents, piśācas, bhūtas, vihagas, the fierce nine planets, the śākinīs, (and) niśācaras ......"437 The same power was reported to have been acquired by Kalyāņakīrti, according to an epigraph of c. 1100 A.D.438
It may be noted that this reference to the Yantras, etc. is very important. For it implies the use of such powers by the Jaina monks in later phases of Jaina monachism. The Tantric and Yantric practices were usually known to have been confined only to Buddhism and Brāhmanism. But, this epigraphical reference shows that the Jaina monks could not escape the influence of the times.
The epigraphs of the twelfth century abound in references to such practices. For instance, these records refer to Kundakunda's miraculous power to move about in the air four fingers above the ground.439 Another record of the same period refers to Pūjyapāda who was said to have the
434. E.C., II, 1. 435. NAHAR, I, 852. 436. J.A., XII, p. 11. 437. E.C., VII, Shik., 136. 438. Ibid., II, 69. 439. Ibid., 64, 66, 117, 127, 140, 351,

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S. B. DEO
power of healing. And it was said that the touch of the water used for washing his feet had the virtue of turning iron into gold.440
Of Samantabhadra, a record of 1129 A.D. says that he was "skilful in reducing to ashes the disease bhasmaka (morbid appetite), receiver of an exalted position from the Goddess Padmavati, who summoned Candraprabha by the words of his spells....
Similar other instances like controlling the 'brahmaraksasa',448 curing snake-bite by reciting the 'pañcanamaskara',443 being expert in the six acts (santi, vasikarana, stambhana, vidveşa, ucchäțana and māraņa), bringing under control female goblins,445 being endowed with seven great supernatural powers (pertaining to buddhi, vikriyä, tapas, bala, ausadha, rasa and ksetra) 446 and curing the effects of various types of poisoning447 are referred to in epigraphs of the fourteenth century and after.
It should be noted that the Pattavalis and later literature also refer to such feats,448
DEATH:
The mode of death that is frequently referred to is fasting unto death, denoted by the Jaina technical term 'sallekhana'.
Besides this term449 three other expressions are found to have been used to denote this mode of death. They are:
(i) having observed the vow, ended his or her life;450 (ii) accomplished samadhi;451
and (iii) died by the rites of sannyasana."
440. Ibid., 258 of 1123 A.D.
441. Ibid., 67, of 1129 A.D.
442. Ibid.
443. I.A., XIV, p. 22: 12th cent. A.D.
444. E.C., II, 65, of 1176 A.D.
445. Ibid., 64, of 1163 A.D.
446. Ibid., also 66, of 1176 A.D.
447. Ibid., 65 of 1313 A.D.
448. See, HOERNLE (I.A., XIX, pp. 236-7) regarding Upakeśa gaccha and the miraculous powers of the monks belonging to it; GLASENAPP, op. cit., p. 70, refers to Muni Sundara who warded off a famine by reciting a stotra; Kakka Sūri producing water from the earth: HOERNLE, op. cit., p. 240; flying through the air, given in Räjävalikathe of Deva candra (1770-1841 A.D.), referred to by UPADHYE, Prv., Intr. p. viii.
449. E.C., II, 118, 258, 359 etc.
450. Ibid., 4-9 of c. 700 A.D.
451. Ibid., 1, 2, 22, 59, 93, 106, 108, 114, 128, 129, 142, 143, 258, 351, 495. 452. Ibid., 15, 24, 28, 33, 34, 68, 75-77, 88, 97, 102.

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Besides these, a peculiar expression, perhaps due to popular contamination of usage, was also expressed. It was: 'went to the city of gods'.453 It may be noted that a twelfth century inscription also uses the expression "became the dearest to the hearts of celestial women" to denote death of an ascetic!454
References to the mode of death called 'sallekhana' occur in South Indian inscriptions as early as in the 5th cent. A.D.455 These references are numerous in the 7th and the 8th centuries A.D.456
The epigraphs of the tenth457 and the eleventh458 centuries, and after that, those as late as459 in V. S. 1652 and in A.D. 1809460 record this mode of death.
The following items may be noted regarding the mode of death as revealed in epigraphs.
(i) Not only ascetics, but even kings resorted to fast unto death: for instance, Indra IV of the Raṣṭrakūtas, Märasimha of the Ganga family, and Lakṣmimati wife of the Jaina general Ganga Rāja.
(ii) This mode of death was common both to the Digambara and the Svetämbara monks and laymen-male and female-as epigraphs not only from the south but also from Rajputana and other parts of north India refer to it.
(iii) It seems that as early as in c. 700 A.D., Sravana Belgola was receiving the importance of a tirtha, and people from distant places came to breathe their last there.461
(iv) The exact mode of death as described in one of the Sravana Belgola epigraphs is as follows:
"Meghacandra-traividya-deva... aware of the approach of his death, assuming the palyańka posture, meditating on the soul, attained the world.
453. E.I., III, p. 207, v. 72, of S. 1050.
454. E.C., II, 63 of 1163 A.D.
455. RICE, Mys, and Cg. 1, 370, quoted by K. P. JAIN, JA., XII, ii, p. 74.
456. "..About eighty (epigraphs), many of which go back to the 7th and the 8th centuries, record the death of men and women, mostly monks and nuns, by religious suicide."-L. RICE, E.C., II, Intr. p. 69. See Ibid., Nos. 79, 80, 84, 88, 93, 95, etc., all of c. 700 A.D., except for No. 79 which is of c. 750 A.D.
457. Ibid., 59, of 974 A.D.; Ibid., V, p. 152, of A.D. 975; Ibid., II, 133 of 982 A.D. 458. Ibid., VI, Mg. 17, of 1062 A.D.; for twelfth cent. A.D., Ibid., II, 67 of A.D. 1129; 127 of 1115 A.D.; 128, 170 of 1217 A.D.; V, Bel. 133 of 1279 A.D., etc.
459. E.I., II, p. 38 mentions the death of Hiravijaya by fasting. 460. See Ibid., V, p. 152, fn. 1.
461. E.C., II, Intr. p. 73.

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S. B. DEO of gods”. To describe that meditation : "keeping in mind the true nature of the soul consisting of infinite knowledge, and renouncing what is fit to be abandoned, the sage Meghanandin ... went to the heaven". 462
(v) Two Belur inscriptions of the thirteenth century A.D., refer to "entombment" (samādhi) of monks after death. Bālacandra in 1274 A.D. is said to have "suffered perfect entombment". 463 Of Abhayacandra it is said that he gave up all food "knowing it was his time for the tomb”. It may mean, therefore, that their remains were buried or that the term simply referred to death. In this connection, the comment of JAYASWAL on the word ‘nisidi' in the Khāravela inscription, quoted elsewhere, need not be repeated.
MORAL DISCIPLINE :
The epigraphs give instances of good conduct as well as of moral degradation among monks of both the sects.
For instance, there are references to various ascetics who were desig. nated "emperor of good conduct”.464 Remarkable feats of supreme self-control are referred to in the case of Aryadeva and Rāmacandra Maladhāri Deva. In the case of the former "it is reported that, when a straw was placed on his ear by some people who wanted to test his self-restraint, though his attention was absent by sleep at the hour appointed for sleeping, he slowly wiped the ear with peacock's tail, and, making way for that (imaginary) insect by gently turning round, lay down (again)”.465 In the case of the latter, it is told that he "did not swing his arm while walking, ... did not go to the length of a yoke without looking well before him; gold and women he never touched”.466 Of Maladhārin it is said that "the dirt on Maladhāri Deva's body, which was overgrown with an anthill, looked as if it were a close-fitting armour of black iron that had not yet been doffed. He never once uttered even in forgetfulness a word about worldly affairs; he never opened the closed door; he never set out after sunset; he never once stretched the body; he was never wearied of the posture known as Kukkuțāsana'; he never forgot to abstain from injuring others".467
This high standard of moral discipline, self-control and celibacy seems to have decayed in later times among both the Digambaras and the Śvetām
462. Ibid., 127, of 1115 A.D.; V, Belur, 133. of 1279 A.D. 463. Ibid., and 131 and 134. 464. Ibid., 64 of 1163 A.D.; 66 of 1176 A.D. 465. Ibid., 67 of 1129 A.D. 466. Ibid., V, Belur, 134 of 1300 A.D.
467. Ibid., II, 117 of 1123 A.D.; for similar references to the dirt on his body, Ibid., 65 of 1176 A.D., and 67 of 1129 A.D.

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beras. For, according to another epigraph dated c. 1118 A.D. we have an account of "a report (that) was spread abroad in the naḍs, that in the towns he (ie., Vinayanandin Yati of Surastha Gana) went among the women devotees". The same epigraph, however, adds that on inquiry that report was found to be false. On the contrary the monk was found to treat "women as his mothers".468
Similar instances were taking place among the Svetämbaras as well. For instance, in V.S. 995, Devagupta Süri of Upakeśa Gaccha being very much addicted to playing on lute was dismissed from the headship of the In V. S. 1154, Kakka Süri had to expel lax monks from the same gaccha,470 and in V.S. 1582, Ananda Vimala Süri had to lay down a new set of rules to reform the conduct of the monks of the Tapa Gaccha.417
The liberality of the laity as well as of the royal patrons may be said. to have led to this slackening of self-control. We have already referred to an instance of an acarya granting a piece of land to his own disciple out of those granted for a temple. Later on, we have an instance of Vikramasimha of the Kacchapaghatas of Dubkund giving a grant of land not only for the purpose of worship and repairs of the temple, but also for oil for lamps and for anointing the bodies of holy men 1472
Another factor to be noted is that many monks seem to have been married men in their pre-monkhood period of life. For, we have references to the sons and daughters of these.413 Probably both the father and the son or daughter renounced the world together, and hence their relations. were mentioned in epigraphs even after their accepting the monk or the nun-life. Therefore has a mention been found to the relations of their preascetic life.
THE ORDER OF NUNS:
Along with the monks, epigraphs refer to a number of nuns belonging to the Svetämbara and the Digambara sects.
We have already noticed that as early as in the first-second centuries of the Christian era, the Jaina Church had a number of nuns as revealed in the Mathura inscriptions.
468. Ibid., IV, Nāg. 19.
469. HOERNLE, op. cit., XIX, p. 240.
470. Ibid., p. 241.
471. E.I., II, p. 51, vv. 10-11.
472. Ibid., pp. 232-40: (A.D. 1088).
473. Nāṇabbekanti daughter of Abhinandipanditadeva: E.C., VI, Kd. 1, of 971 A.D.; Damanandi Muni's eldest son: Ibid., II, 65 of 1176 A.D.

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S. B. DEO The same state of affairs seems to have continued, and we find a number of women joining the nun-order even in later days.
It may be noted that these nuns came mostly from the middle classes though instances of royal queens leading an ascetic life were not lacking. But the latter category remained content with giving gifts to and making facilities available to regular nuns.
The subordination of nuns to the monks is to be found even in the epigraphs as they generally refer to a nun as being a disciple of some ācārya or bhattāraka.474
The details given regarding nun-life such as the mode of death, fasting, clothing, etc. are more or less the same as those in the case of the monks.
For instance, the Śravaņa Belgola epigraphs give numerous examples of nuns who ended their lives by fasting unto death. This seemed to have been the favourite mode of death in the 7th and the 8th centuries A.D.475 In the case of Jakkave, it is said that "placing herself at the lotus-feet of the Jina, fixing her eyes on the tip of her nose, and listening to the words of the 'āgama',—with eyes and ears having complete sannyasana by the rite of samādhi, Jakkave attained to heaven”.476
Besides fasting unto death, the nuns undertook fasts of minor length as well. For instance Padiyara Dorapayya's senior queen Pāmbabbe who was a disciple of Abhinandin Pandita Deva is said to have done various kinds of penances for thirty years, and carried out the five vows well.477 The same record refers to her making her head bald by plucking out the hair before entering nunhood. This is the practice of 'loya' referred to in the literary sources so often.
The Svetāmbaras never allowed their followers to be nude except in the case of the Jinakalpikas. And the Digambaras also did not allow the nuns to remain nude. This is corroborated by the epigraphical mention in the grant of land by Akkādevī for the maintenance of friars, and for the cloaks of the Digambara nuns.478
474. Ibid., VI, Kd., 1 of 971 A.D.; Ibid., II, 20 of c. 700 A.D., etc. See also Mathura inscriptions which refer to a number of Sisiņis or female disciples.
475. E.C. II, 7, of c. 700 A.D.; 20; VIL, Sk. 219, refers to the death of Jakkiyabbe in c. 911 A.D.; II, 68 of c. 950 A.D.; VII, Shik. 196, of c. 1212 A.D.; JA, IX, ii, p. 73, No. 82 of 1490 A.D.
476. E.C., VII, Shik., 196. 477. Ibid., VI, Kd. 1. 478. E.J., XVII, p. 122: 1047 A.D.

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Besides such glimpses, neither the Švetāmbara nor the Digambara epigraphs give any distinct details about the nuns along with those about the monks. It seems that as in the literary evidence so also in the epigraphical references, the Jainas never gave even a chance of an appearance of the superiority of the nun-order over that of the order of monks.
Inspite of this, it should be noted that the epigraphs rarely give a case of moral degradation of a nun, and ALTEKAR's view about the absence of an order of nuns in Brāhmanism due to the corrupt non-Brāhmanical orders of nuns, goes unwarranted so far as Jaina epigraphical evidence is concerned.
DAL 1
JAINA TECHNICAL TERMS:
Both the Svetāmbara and the Digambara epigraphs refer to a number of technical terms. They may be summarised as follows:
Acārāngadhara, 479 Agama, 480 Anga,481 Avasyakas; 482 Bhavya; 483 Danda,484 Daśapūrvadhara,485 Dhyāna486 (a) Arta, (b) Raudra. Ekādaśāngadhara; 487 Gärava, 488 Ghāti (karman),489 Guptis;490 Kāyotsarga, 491 Kevala jñāna;492 Mahāpratihāryas;493 Palyankāsana,494 Pañcācāra,495 Pañcaparameşthin; 496 Parīşaha,497 Pāüggamaņa;498
479. E.C., II, 254. 480. Ibid., 67. 481. Ibid., 254, 268. 482. Ibid., 258. 483. Ibid., 1, 65, 66, 67, 69, 495. 484. Ibid., 66. 485. Ibid., 254. 486. Ibid., 65. 487. Ibid., 254. 488. Ibid., 66. 489. Ibid., 67. 490. Ibid., 127, 140. 491. NAHAR, I, 808; E.C., II, 67. 492. Bhav. Inscr. 1 of Rudrasimha, Junagadh; also E.C., II, 254. 493. Ibid., 142. 494. Ibid., 127. 495. Ibid., 268. 496. Ibid., 65. 497. Ibid., 127, 140.
498. Ibid., 82. BULL. DCRI.-72

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570
S. B. DEO Ratnatraya; 499
Sallekhanā,500 Salyas,501 Samādhi, 502 Samvara, 503 Sidha,504 Śrāuvaki
dharma,505 Śrutakevalin, 506 Sukladhyāna, 507 Syādvāda; 508 Vaikriyika.509
It may be remarked that as early as in the 2nd century B.c., the Khāravela inscription refers to the fact that the king realised the nature of the soul and the body which is one of the principal stages in the life of a monk and a layman. The Junagadh inscription refers to Kevalajñāna.
It may be noted that the epigraphs after the 12th century A.D. are generally of the nature of the record of a grant, and they seldom refer to the Jaina technical terms which are in most cases identical for both the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras.
IMAGE-WORSHIP:
Image-worship, as noted elsewhere, is referred to even in the texts of the Angas. Epigraphical evidence is available regarding images right from the inscription of Khāravela which says that a Nanda king had carried away the image from Megadha. Archaeological finds at Mathura reveal a number of images as early as by the beginning of the Christian era.
In the early medieval period and after, monks seem to have played a vigorous role in inducing people to make images and erect structures over them.
As time advanced, the following other types of images and footprints were introduced :
(1) Various goddesses : 510 Śāsandevīs, Jvālini, Cakreśvarī, (2) Stūpa: (Mathura),511
499. Ibid., 67, 127, 140, 333. 500. Ibid., 67, 118, 258, 389. 501. Ibid., 65. 502. Ibid., 67. 503. Ibid., 254. 504. Ibid., 2, 11. 505. Ibid. 139. 506. Ibid., 67. 507. Ibid., 11. 508. Ibid., 63-67. 509. Ibid., 254. 510. Ibid., IV, Gundl. 18; NAHAR, III, 2489; I.A., II, 1873, p. 17. 511. NAHAR, III, 2505,

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
(3) Images of ācāryas,512
(4) Footprints of nuns,513
(5) Images of Ganadharas like Gotamasvamin,514
(6) Footprints of monks,515
(7) Siddhacakras,516
(8) Tirthankara-pattikäs,
and (9) Images possibly of local deities like Kşetrapalamūrti, Caturbhuja,517 etc.
WAYS OF WORSHIP:
This practice of building magnificent temples naturally led to a form of costly worship by royal and rich patrons as a way of expressing their devotion.
This is evidenced by epigraphs of various periods which refer to the practice of eight kinds of worship,518 granting land for the perpetual lamp and incense in the temple,519 anointing the image with ghee and milk,620 erecting golden sikharas to temples, and silver-plating of the throne of the Jina image,522
It should be noted that in certain parts of India the Brahmins again came to the rescue of the Jainas to provide the role of priests in the worship rituals. Or else, it may be that the converts to Jainism or the Jaina laymen continued or adopted Brähmanical ritualism, for we have records which give the information of the 'sattra' or feast to all Brahmins at the consecration of a Jina image, and of spending thousands of rupees as 'dakṣinä' to Brahmins on the same occasion.524
571
This led actually to the formation of a class of priests in the Jaina. Church itself. And, as early as in the time of Kadamba Mrgeśavarman, the epigraphs refer to the Bhojakas or "a class of officiating priests in Jaina
512. E.C., II, 196. 513. NAHAR, I, 335. 514. Ibid., III, 2433.
515. Ibid., 2435.
516. Ibid., 2444.
517. Ibid., 2537; IK., 56.
518. E.C., II, 178, of 1159 A.D.; VII, Sk. 225; Sb., 345.
519. Ibid., V, Arsi. 141 of 1159 A.D.; NAHAR, I, 839 of V.S. 1218.
520. I.A., VII, pp. 36-37: Kadamba Mrgeśavarman; E.C., II, 200 of 1288 A.D. 521. NAHAR, I, 899, of V. S., 1211.
522. Ibid., III, 2545 of V. S. 1911.
523. E.C., VII, Shik. 8, of c. 1080 A.D.
524. NAHAR, III, 2530, of V. S. 1891.

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572
S. B. DEO temples”.525 This also led to a class of the Mathādhipatis who lived in great pomp, and who, as we have noted from the Anagāradharmämsta of Asādhara (13th century A.D.), were denounced in strong terms.
As late as in 1820 A.D., BURGESS refers to the existence of Brahmin priests in Jaina temples.526 SOCIAL STATUS OF THE DONORS
We have already seen elsewhere that the Mathura inscriptions reveal a variety of patrons of Jainism, the majority among whom was that of the traders and merchants as also those who were following various crafts.
Coming to the medieval period we find that in the South as in the North, ministers, 527 generals and state officials528 like head-accountants and treasurers, supported the spread of Jainism.
It should, however, not be supposed that only the higher aristocratic classes supported Jaina religion. As a matter of fact, in the late medieval period we have such persons whose "descent was from the fourth caste", 529 village headmen530 and petty local merchants who supported Jaina monks as also swelled the ranks of the Jaina Church by embracing asceticism.
This tradition of strong support from the financially well stabilised lay community even upto the present day has accounted for the perpetuation of Jainism in India.
JAINA MONACHISM AND MARTIAL SPIRIT:
It has been held by some scholars that the principle of ahiṁsā which is the backbone of Jaina monachism, gave a set-back to the martial spirit in India. They say that various royal patrons and the mass of population in general became a submissively peace-loving community in India.
It should be pointed out, however, that this view is far from being correct as both literary and epigraphical sources give instances of ordinary people as well as kings who, inspite of their Jaina affinities, never neglected their military duties.
525. FLEET, I.A., VI, pp. 24-25. 526. 1.A., XXXI, p. 72.
527. Gangarāja, minister to Hoysalas: E.C., III, Mal. 31: Amitayya Dandanayaka: Ibid., VI, Kd., 36; Cāmundaraya, minister to the Gangas; Irugappa, E.I., VII, p. 115.
528. Hulla, head accountant, E.C., II, 66; Srivijaya, a general: GUERINOT, op. cit., 122; Mariyāne Dandanayaka, the ruby treasurer, E.C., II, 64.
529. Ibid., VI, Kd. 36 of 1203 A.D. 530. FLEET., L.A., IV, p. 205.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
573
For instance, Khāravela's inscription depicts him to be a devotee of the Jina as well as a fighter in the cause of justice. Of Simhanandin, the sage who indirectly founded the Ganga dynasty, it is said that he warned the princes that 'if they fled from the battlefield their race would be ruined'. In the south we have a number of military men like Bankeya, the governor of Banavāsi, General Ganga, Cāvunda Rāya and others who were excellent fighters and at the same time were devotees of the Jinadharma. In the north we have Kumārapāla, Vimala the Dandanāyaka of Abu, and others who were the best models of Jainas as well as of military men.
It is clear from the above instances that the ahimsā that Jainism preached was not a cloak for cowardice worn by a weakling. It was, on the other hand, the supreme expression of scorn and abhorrence of brutality by one who was physically and mentally a strong person.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS:
From the study of epigraphs, the following observations regarding Jaina monachism and the relation of the epigraphical sources to the literary ones can be made :
(1) Most of the epigraphs, being of the nature of dedicatory grants, seldom reveal details regarding the actual working of Jaina monachism as given in the literary sources.
(2) The epigraphs, however, show clearly that Jaina monachism spread to various parts of India not in a continuous process but in successive migrations.
(3) The epigraphs corroborate some traditions, as for instance, the migration of the Digambaras to the south, the holding of the Council for the collection of the lost scriptures (as under Khāravela), image-worship, etc.
(4) The literary sources reveal a state of moral decay in the later days of the Jaina Church. This is also corroborated by a few references in the epigraphs.
(5) Besides moral discipline, the epigraphs reveal a decay in the other aspects of monk-life like accepting specially-prepared food, or, as it seems, food distributed out of the grant of the king.
(6) The inscriptions refer to a number of Sanghas, Gaņas, Gacchas, Kulas, etc., which are not only more than the traditional number, i.e. eightyfour, but also more than the number to be found in the literary sources.
(7) Even though kings and ministers generally favoured Jainism, the epigraphs reveal that the main source of lay support came from the trading class.

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574
S. B. DEO
(8) Just as the later literary sources reveal an increase in the practice of spells and supernatural powers, the epigraphs of the medieval period also do the same.
(9) The inscriptions right from the early centuries of the Christian era show a strong organisation of nuns in the Church, and some of the details of nun-life like tonsure, death, etc. are referred to.
(10) The epigraphs reveal the studious habits of Jaina monks and their literary achievements.
(11) Temple-building and image-worship is seen to have become a costly affair, and the epigraphs depict the pompous element in such worship. Not only this, they reveal that many of the Brāhmanical deities like Ganesa, Sarasvati and others had found their way into the Jaina pantheon also. Of course, in many a context, they have a significance other than what we generally understand.
(12) The epigraphs refute the charge against Jaina monachism that it led to a feeling of depression in the martial spirit of the people, inasmuch as they reveal a number of militant patrons of Jainism.

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PART V
CHAPTER 1
SOCIAL IMPACTS OF JAINA MONACHISM
After having surveyed both the literary and the epigraphical material for the history of Jaina monachism, it would be better for us now to notice briefly the impacts given to the society by Jaina monachism and vice versa.
We have already seen that Jaina monachism got itself organised and recognised in contrast to orthodox Brāhmanism. The Jaina monks, like other ascetic orders in India, were inspired by higher values, religious earnestness and social benefit. That is how there came to be built up an order of monks and a considerable organisation of the laity in different parts of India.
The ideas about the equality of birth and the denunciation of the Brāhmanical caste-system, however, seem to have melted away as the Jaina Church came in contact with different regions with the people of different cultures and castes.
The recruitment to the Jaina monk-order tended to be of a varied nature, and this gradually introduced a strong caste-system in the Jaina laity. In the early literary sources we find that even robbers, cāņdālas and other lowly people among with the Brahmins joined the Jaina monk-order. Coming to the Mathura period, we have people like dancers and others who formed some portion among the devotees of Jainism. In the medieval period it is found, especially in North Gujarat and Rajputana, that people from the third and the fourth categories (vaisyas and sudras) joined the Jaina Church. This tended to give a hybrid collection of followers, the result of which was that the caste-system appears, at present, in its morbid form and narrows the outlook of Jainism.
Coming to the monastic practices, we have already seen that under pressure from the society Jaina monachism had to effect changes in some of its practices. For instance, rules about washing of clothes, disposal of the dead in a proper way according to local customs, various superstitious practices regarding study and travel may be taken to have changed in different social environments. So also use of a peculiar clothing in hot or cold countries, a change in food (in some cases) in non-vegetarian countries, etc., show that Jaina monachism had to adjust some of its practices within a particular limit according to the social cultural and geographical conditions obtaining in different regions.

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S. B. DEO
Generous royal and lay patronage, however, tended to lead to slackness in both the sects of Jainism. The building of monasteries and temples, and the lavish gifts of land and other things for the maintenance of Jaina ascetics led to a loosing of strict adherence to original discipline as also to the weakening of the rules of non-possession and the mode of secluded life as originally intended.
576
Even with such defects, it may be admitted that it was due to the idea of ahima as advocated and rigorously followed by Jaina monks that the major portion of the population of those regions in which Jaina. monachism had influence, remained strictly vegetarian. It also went a long way in minimising the practice of animal sacrifice.
Jaina monachism has definitely put the society under obligations by the creation of its various Bhāndāras which preserve the Mss. wealth of the past in safe custody. These Bhāndārās soon became centres of learning and gave a good support to both monastic and lay habits of study.
On the whole Jaina monachism, which is an essential part of Jainism as a whole, has definitely given a softening tone to Indian culture. Jainism was never oppressive even in the days of its prosperity. This love for peace and accommodation, without at the same time compromising the fundamentals of religion, has gone a long way in still keeping Jaina monachism a living institution, and Jainism a religion of a faithful devoted laity.

Page #582

PART VI
CHAPTER I
CONCLUSIONS
From the study of the history of Jaina monachism from the times of Pārsvanātha to the end of the seventeenth century A.D., from literary, epigraphical and archaeological material, the following general conclusions seem possible. Distinctive Place of Jaina Monachism :
In the various types of Indian monachism, Jaina monachism occupies a distinct place owing to its rigorous mode of monastic life and its love for the orthodox. Chronology of the Sources:
Even though the Svetāmbara Canon was written down as late as in the sixth century A.D., a working chronology can be assigned to the various groups of texts.
In such a chronology, the basic contents of the Angas may be taken to be the oldest strata in the Canon. They have been held in high esteem both by the Digambaras and as well as by the Svetāmbaras. Possible Origin of Jaina Monachism :
Jaina monachism seems to have originated from a mixture of the indigenous and other elements common to other faiths. Spread of Jaina Monachism:
As we are reconstructing the history from the available data, we find that Jainism did not spread in a continuous process but in a series of waves of migrations to different regions in India. In this spread, it could get royal as well as popular support which had beneficial as well as adverse effects on its organisation and monastic life. Nature of Early Jaina Monachism :
Monachism as revealed in the Angas and the Mülasutras seems to have been still in an unorganised state. It paid attention more to the building up of an ethical basis for the system than for its organisation. Post-Anga- Period:
In this phase, both the Digambara and the Svetāmbara monachisms reveal an organised community with laws of monastic jurisprudence, a well BULL. DCRI.--73

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S. B. DEO
qualified hierarchy, and a planned curriculum of studies. The monks seem to have come in contact with the society more now than in the previous phase, which resulted in the change of some of the practices of monachism.
It may, however, be noted that fundamentals of religion and Jaina ethics remained unchanged.
Post-Canonical Period:
In this phase, the monks came in contact with the society still more which led to the slackening of practices. Even though rules of monastic life remained unchanged in theory, in actual practice there crept in a remarkable divergence.
Order of Nuns:
The nuns always remained subordinate to the monks not only regarding seniority but also in the execution of monastic jurisprudence.
With all that, they have played a very important role in the organisation of the female Jaina laity which is known for its orthodox traditional outlook.
Monachism from Epigraphs:
Along with the references to certain incidents in the history of Jaina monachism, the epigraphs confirm more or less, slack observance of discipline in the later phases of Jaina monachism.
They, moreover, reveal a number of regional units like the Sanghas and the Gacchas in the Digambara and the Svetämbara Church.
They also throw light on the nature of the people who were the supporters of the Jaina Church in various periods, and tend to reveal the hybrid composition of the laity within the framework of several castes.
Social Impacts:
Inspite of the crusade against ritualism and caste-system of the orthodox Brahmanism, later Jaina Church was full of the same items more or less on the Brähmanical system.
Moreover, there were several occasions when Jaina monachism under social pressure had to undergo a change in its rules of monastic life.
Cultural Contribution of Jaina Monachism:
With ahimsa and four other principles, the rules of Jaina monachism have been unique as "a code of morals" playing a distinctly softening and peaceful role in the making of Indian culture.

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APPENDIX I
IMPORTANT FAULTS GROUPED UNDER CATEGORIES OF PUNISHMENTS
(Mainly from the Byhatkalpa, the Vyavahāra and the Niśītha) (A) CHEYA:
(a) Pañcarāindiya cheya :
(1) If a monk has committed an offence, and without atoning for it, wishes to enter another gaṇa, and if he carries this into effect, he may-after having been punished with five days' suspension.
(B) CHEYA or PARIHARA : CHURCH AFFAIRS :
(1) If the successor appointed by an ācārya in ill-health be unfit for that office, and if inspite of the request of other monks he refuses to quit the office, then he has to undergo 'cheya' or 'parihāra'.2
(2)... Do... in the case of the person appointed by the ācāryopādhyāya who enters householdership. 3
(3) If the ācārya and the upādhyāya forget to confer final consecration (upasthāpanā) on the well-read monk for four or five days, then the ācārya and the upādhyāya have to undergo 'cheya' or 'parihāra'.4
(4) If the majority of monks wish to live separately, then they should do so only with the permission of the thera. Otherwise 'cheya' or 'parihāra'5
(5) If the head of a group of nuns dies in the tour, then they should appoint her immediate subordinate to that post, or merge themselves in a larger group. If they live without a head, then 'cheya' or 'parihāra'..
(6) If an unfit pravartini does not leave her office when requested to do so, then she has to undergo 'cheya' or 'parihāra'.?
1. Brh. Kalp. 5, 5. 2. Vav. 4, 13. 3. Ibid., 4, 14. 4. Ibid., 4, 16. 5. Ibid., 4, 19. 6. Ibid., 5, 11. 7. Ibid., 5, 13,

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S. B. DEO
(7) If she is fit, and the rest of the nuns refuse to obey her, then they have to undergo 'cheya' or 'parihara'.
580
(8) If, while wandering from village to village, the leader of a group of monks dies, then the monks should select and appoint another in his place, or else should go to their co-religionists who are wandering elsewhere. If they remain without a head then 'cheya' or 'parihāra'."
(9) Same as above in the rainy season.10
MORAL DISCIPLINE:
(1) If a monk becomes slack in discipline and lives either with a person of bad character or with one loose in control, then he may be allowed back into the gana when he confesses and atones for the offence and undergoes 'cheya' or 'parihara'."1
PENANCE AND ASCETIC PRACTICES :
(1) If a monk, going out of the gana for the sake of practising the 'egallaviharapadima', returns without completing it, then he has to undergo 'chaya' or 'parihāra',12
(2) Same as above regarding the gaṇāvaccedaka.13 (3) Same as above regarding the äcaryopadhyāya.14
RESIDENCE:
(1) In cases of insufficient accommodation, if a monk goes to another place either for study or sleep without the permission of the superior,15 then 'cheya' or 'parihāra.'
(2) If a place where the monk stays has many doors, then he may stay in a separate room. In this case, however, a well-versed monk must inquire about him on every third day. In the case of any such person not available for inquiry, a monk should not stay in a separate room. does, then 'cheya' or 'parihara'.16
8. Ibid., 5, 14.
9. Ibid., 4, 11.
10. Ibid., 4, 12.
11. Ibid., 1, 29-32.
12. Ibid., 1, 25.
13. Ibid., 1, 26. 14. Ibid., 1, 27.
15. Ibid., 1, 21. 16. Ibid., 6, 5.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
581 (3) If a monk goes to sleep, or to study or to stay elsewhere without the permission of the gītārtha,17 then 'cheya' or 'parihāra'. (C) SANTARA CHEYA or PARIHĀRA : CHURCH AFFAIRS :
(1) If an ācāryopādhyāya remembers that a certain novice is to be finally consecrated (upasthāpanā), then he should wait for four or five days,
even though the studies of the novice are completed—so that another one older in age, completes his studies. Then he should confirm the latter first and then the younger one. If, however, he confirms the younger one first deliberately, then he has to undergo 'Santară cheya' or 'parihāra'.18
(2) When a monk joins any gana without the permission of the thera.19
BEGGING:
(1) If a monk goes to his relatives for alms without the permission of the thera.20
RESIDENCE :
(1) Living in a house where there is kept spirituous liquor or sourbarley gruel or a vessel with cold or warm water, or where a light or a torch burns throughout the night.21
(2) If the monks remain in separate rooms of a place having only one exit(?).22 (D) PARIHARA: (1) MASIYAM PARIHĀRAȚTHĀŅAM UGGHAIYAM : CHURCH AFFAIRS :
(1) Saying that there are no duties pertaining to a Sambhoga.23
(2) Making friends with, or worshipping or making use-- (for one's own purpose) —of the king, or the body-guard of the king, or protector of the city or of the 'nigama', or of the country, or of the protector of all, or of the protector of the village or of boundaries or of the forest.24
17. Ibid., 1, 21. 18. Ibid., 4, 15. 19. Ibid., 3, 2. 20. Ibid., 6, 1. 21. Byh. Kalp., p. 2, 4-7. 22. Vav, 6, 4. 23. Nis., 5, 63. 24. Ibid., 4, 1-18, 40, 48,

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582
S. B. DEO MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL :
(1) Washing the hands, feet, legs, eyes, teeth, nails or face with hot or cold water.25
(2) Eating all sorts of medicines.26 (3) Taking out small beings from one's body.27
(4) Arranging or cutting long nails or hair from the armpit or moustache or hair from legs and eyes.28
(5) Brushing or cleaning the teeth.29
(6) Wiping, cleaning or massaging the lips, cutting or fashioning the moustache.30
(7) Wiping or cleaning the eyes, or fashioning the eyebrows or side hair. 31
(8) Taking out dirt from the eyes, ears, teeth, nails or from the body.32
(9) Wiping, massaging or applying oil, ghee, etc. to, or spraying powder over, washing with water or fumigating one's feet or the rest of the parts of the body33
(10) The same as above pertaining to mutual action in a group of monks.34
(11) Not scanning the ground for easing nature, depositing the excreta on a small 'thandila,' depositing it in an improper manner; not wiping the anus, or wiping it with a stick or finger; not cleaning it, or cleaning it there or after going to a distance; or cleaning it more than thrice (?).35
(12) Wiping, massaging, applying oil, etc. to one's wounds; cutting the boil, etc. with a weapon; taking out the pus or blood and then cleaning it with water and applying oil or ointment to the wound.36
(13) Same as above pertaining to a group of monks.37
25. Ibid., 2, 21. 26. Ibid., 4, 19. 27. Ibid., 3, 40. 28. Ibid., 3, 41-46. 29. Ibid., 3, 47-49. 30. Ibid., 3, 50-57. 31. Ibid., 3, 64-65. 32. Ibid., 3, 66-67. 33. Ibid., 3, 16-27. 34. Ibid., 4, 49. 35. Ibid., 4, 102-111. 36. Ibid., 3, 28-29. 37. Ibid., 4, 49.

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HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
583
(14) Depositing excreta in a house, or at the front of the house or at the door or at the open verandah, or in a house where there is a dead body (?), or on the ash of a burnt body or on a pillar for the dead, etc., or in a temple or on mud; or in a new earth-mine (mattiyākhānī), or in a grove of umbara or banyan or aśvattha trees; or in a sugar-cane field or rice-field or cotton-field; or where vegetables are sown (?); or in an aśoka, sattivanna, campaka, or mango grove or such other places where flowers, fruits, leaves and seeds abound.38
(15) Making a seat or a bed, performing 'ālocanā', eating food, easing nature, studying, or giving instructions or reading to others—at the root of a tree containing living beings (sacittarukkhamülamsi).39
(16) Entering the nunnery in an improper way, or keeping a stick, a staff, a broom, a mouthpiece or any other article in the path of the nuns.40
(17) Creating new quarrels or re-raising old pacified quarrels.41 (18) Laughing with a wide open (vipphāliya) mouth.42 (19) Smelling a fagrance kept on lifeless things.43 (20) Speaking harsh or false, or asking for a stolen article.44
(21) Making or sounding (musical tunes) through the mouth, teeth, lips, nose, armpits, hands, nails, leaves, flowers, fruits, seeds or grass.45
(22) Giving company to or accepting the company of a person of loose morals and bad behaviour.46
BEGGING AND FOOD :
(1) Entering the 'thavana-kulas' for alms without knowing anything about them (beforehand) or without asking (them).47
(2) Accepting alms given with a hand, ladle or pot which is besmeared with dust, earth, dew, salt, maņosila, vanniya, geruya, white earth, hingula, collyrium, powder, kakkusa, floor, kantava, roots and bulbs, singabera or flowers.48
38. Ibid., 3, 70-78. 39. Ibid., 5, 1-11. 40. Ibid., 4, 24. 41. Ibid., 4, 25-26. 42. Ibid., 4, 27. 43. Ibid., 2, 9. 44. Ibid., 2, 18-20. 45. Ibid., 5, 36-59. 46. Ibid., 4, 28-37. 47. Ibid., 4, 22. 48. Ibid., 4, 38-39.

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S. B. DEO
(3) Requesting for food to a heretical monk, a nun, a gentleman or a lady.49
584
(4)
Entering the same house for alms twice,50
(5) Accepting food from a feast (sankhadi).51
(6) Accepting food brought from a distance beyond three houses,52
(7) Accepting food or drink in new settlements, villages, iron-mines, copper-mines, lead-mines, gold-mines or jewel-mines.
(8) Acquiring food by 'pure-santhava' and 'paccha-santhava' (ie., praising the donor before or after he gives food).54
(9) Eating that which is not given (to or by) the acarya (ayariyaadinna).
(10) Eating the 'vikrtis' (forbidden things) not given by the acarya. or upadhyaya,56
(11) Eating the 'agrapinda' or a part thereof.57
(12) Eating only the good food and depositing the bad one (elsewhere).58
(13) Same as above regarding drinks.59
(14) Accepting and eating the 'sägäriya-pinda'.
(15) Frequently asking for food and drink to the 'sägäriya' (the owner of the lodge).61
(16) Eating the 'piümanda-paläsaya', 'padola-palāsaya' or 'billapalāsaya' by again and again washing it with pure, cold or hot water.62
(17) Seeking common alms together and then dividing it in the company of one who is undergoing a 'parihära-tapas' (expiatory penance for an offence).
49. Ibid., 3, 1-12. 50. Ibid., 3, 13. 51. Ibid., 3, 15-16.
52. Ibid., 3, 14.
53. Ibid., 5, 34-35.
54. Ibid., 2, 38.
55. Ibid., 4, 20.
56. Ibid., 4, 21.
57. Ibid., 2, 32-36.
58. Ibid., 2, 43-49.
59. Ibid., 2, 43-49.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid., 5, 14.
63. Ibid., 4, 112.

Page #590

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
585
REQUISITES :
(1) Using complete and intact pieces of skins or clothes.64
(2) While touring from village to village covering the head (with a garment) (Sisaduvāriyam kareï?).65
(3) Taking out long threads from the saņa-cotton, uņņa-cotton (wool), ponda-cotton or amila-cotton.66
(4) Getting one's sanghādi stitched by a heretic or by the owner of the residence.67
(5) Having long ends or threads for one's sanghādī.68
(6) Obtaining the returnable (pāļihāriya) 'pāyapuñchana' on the condition of returning it the same night, but returning it the next day; or returning it the same night when promised to return it the next day.69
(7) Same as above regarding staff, stick, 'avalehaniyā' and bambooneedle.70
(8) Same as above regarding the articles belonging to a householder. 71
(9) Breaking or collecting (?) the gourd-bowl, wooden bowl, earthen bowl, staff, stick, duster or bamboo-needle.72
(10) Taking out the returnable bedding or that owned by the householder without his consent; or not searching the lost bedding, or not scanning the requisites.73
(11) Using an alms-vessel found by others (?) 74
(12) Making, using or enjoying raw, coloured or variously coloured wood sticks, bamboo sticks or cane-sticks.75
(13) Entering a specially made bed or specially fashioned (? saparikamma) bed.78
64. Ibid., 2, 22-24. 65. Ibid., 3, 68. 66. Ibid., 5, 24. 67. Ibid., 5, 12. 68. Ibid., 5, 13. 69. Ibid., 5, 15-16. 70. Ibid., 5, 19-20. 71. Ibid., 5. 21-22. 72. Ibid., 2, 25-26; 5, 66. 73. Ibid., 2, 50-59. 74. Ibid., 2, 27-31. 75. Ibid., 5, 25-33.
76. Ibid., 5, 60-62. BULL. DCRI.-74

Page #591

586
S. B. DEO
(14) Re-accepting the bedding, etc. once returned, without the consent of the owner.77
(15) Making, holding or using a broom (pāyapuñchana) with a wooden handle for more than one and a half months.78
(16) Using a broom which is bigger in measurements; or, having fine thread-ends for it; giving one tie (bandha) to the broom; giving more than three ties to the broom; binding it in a 'kandūsaga' way (?), holding it loosely; keeping it as a pillow; breaking it.79
(2) MASIYAM PARIHARAȚȚHĀŅAM AŅUGGHAIYAM: MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL :
(1) For masturbation or moving the penis by means of a piece of wood, etc.; pressing it; massaging it with oil, ghee, etc.; cleaning it with pure, hot or cold water and spraying it with powder; cutting it; managing to ejaculate semen.80
(2) Smelling the fragrance of a thing placed on a living substratum.81
(3) Making a heretic or a householder dispel the smoke in the house (?).82
FOOD:
(1)
Eating impure food (pūtikamma) or liking to do so.83
REQUISITES :
(1) Obtaining returnable needle for stitching clothes, but stitching the pot with it; the same regarding razor, nail-cutter, ear-cleaner: i.e. obtaining these for some purpose and putting them to some other use.84
(2) Obtaining the above articles for improper activity (aņatthāë); or demanding these in an improper manner; or asking these for one's own use or giving them to others; 85 or returning these in an improper manner.86
77. Ibid., 5, 23. 78. Ibid. 2, 1-8. 79. Ibid., 5, 67-77. 80. Ibid., 1, 1-9. 81. Ibid., 1, 10. 82. Ibid., 1, 57. 83. Ibid., 1, 58. 84. Ibid., 1, 31-34. 85. Ibid., 1, 19-30. 86. Ibid., 1, 35-38.

Page #592

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
587 (3) Making a heretic or the owner of the house prepare a path (payamagga), or a bridge or a pingo or a curtain for him (?).87
(4) Giving one 'padiyāniyam' to the clothing, or giving more than three; stitching the cloth improperly; binding the pieces in one knot (?); binding it in more than three knots (?); binding it improperly; using excessive clothing for more than one and a half months.88
(5) Acquiring a staff or a stick or an 'avalehaniyā' or a bambooneedle cut or made by a heretic or the owner of the house.89
(6) Cutting or making stable (?) or keeping (?) a wooden or an earthen or a gourd-pot through a heretic or a householder; or thinking that it is of no use and handing it over to others.90
(7) Expanding the mouth of the pot (?); having more than three 'tundiyas' to it, or binding it improperly, or binding it with one tie or with more than three ties, or using a pot with many ties for more than one and a half months.91
(3) CAUMMASIYAM PARIHARAȚTHAŅAM UGGHAIYAM : CHURCH DISCIPLINE :
(1) Accepting from or giving food, drink, clothing, almsbowl, blanket, broom, residence or instructions to those who have separated themselves owing to quarrel. 92
(2) Calling a 'vusarāïya' as 'avusarāiya' and vice versa93 (vusarāïya = one who is self-controlled).
(3) Going from the 'vusarāîya gaña' to an 'avusarāïya gaña'.94
(4) Getting one's feet wiped or cleaned by a heretic or by the owner of the residence.95
RELATIONS WITH HERETICS AND HOUSEHOLDERS :
(1) Eating food in the vessels of a householder. (2) Putting on the clothes of a householder.
87. Ibid., 1, 11-18. 88. Ibid., 1, 47-56. 89. Ibid., 1, 40. 90. Ibid., 1, 39. 91. Ibid., 1, 41-45. 92. Ibid., 16, 16-24. 93. Ibid., 16, 13-14. 94. Ibid., 16, 15. 95. Ibid., 15, 13-65.

Page #593

588
S. B. DEO (3) Carrying the seat of a householder. (4) Making his diagnosis (in illness).96
(5) Teaching heretics or householders the spells, magic, science of omens, astrology, etc.,97 architecture or strophes; or speaking harsh words to them.98
(6) Giving food, drink, eatables or chewables to a heretic or to the owner of the residence; or accepting these from them; or exchanging clothes, alms-bowl, blanket or broom with them.99
MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL :
(1) Binding a creature or setting it free.100
(2) Sitting over or sleeping upon a place full of living beings such as a pillar, a wall, a clod of earth, a plank, a couch or a terrace-all of which are not stable or well-tied.101
(3) Climbing a living tree or a tree with living beings upon it.102
(4) Taking out or asking somebody to take out or accept the begging-bowl from which earth-bodies, water-bodies, fire-bodies or roots, bulbs, leaves, flowers, fruits, herbs or seeds are taken out.103
(5) Keeping the bowl on a place full of living beings, or on a shaky place.104
(6) Depositing the excreta on places containing living beings or on unstable places 105
(7) Depositing the excreta in gardens, pleasure-houses, empty houses, deserted houses, grass-houses, car-garrages, etc.206
(8) Putting on garlands of various things, or girdles of various materials, or ornamental garlands or decorative clothes or furs and skins, out of curiosity.107
96. Ibid., 12, 10-13. 97. Ibid., 13, 17-29. 98. Ibid., 13, 12-16. 99. Ibid., 15, 75-78. 100. Ibid., 12, 1-2; the same if done out of curiosity, 17, 1-2. 101. Ibid., 13, 1-11. 102. lbid., 12, 9. 103. Ibid., 14, 35-40. 104. Ibid., 14, 24-34. 105. Ibid., 16, 40-50. 106. Ibid., 15, 66-74. 107. Ibid., 17, 3-14.

Page #594

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
589
(9) Applying ointment (ālepana) to the body.108 (10) Wiping the feet, etc. for enhancing personal beauty.109
(11) Looking at one's reflection in a mirror, in a bead, in oil or in fat, etc. 110
(12) Taking medicine for vomiting or for purge or for both.111
(13) Telling (of one's own accord) one's qualifications for the post of an ācārya 112
(14) Dancing, singing or playing upon a musical instrument; crying aloud; getting attached to different kinds of sounds of different instruments.113
(15) Getting attached to pools, lakes, tanks, etc.114 (16) Getting attached to worldly or divine forms.115
(17) Seeing, pondering over or getting attracted towards woodwork, sculpture, books, ivory-work, jewel-work; beautiful wells, tanks, streamlets or lakes; villages, cities, towns, settlements, harbours, etc.; village festivals, horse-plays, elephant-plays; horse-battles, buffalo-fights, etc.; any scenes for merrymaking, scenes of quarrel or places where persons of all ages sing or dance putting on ornaments or fineries.116
(18) Bowing down to or praising the conduct of persons of loose morals.117
(19) Speaking harsh to other monks.118 (20) Breaking the vow of 'pratyākhyāna' frequently. 119
MONKS AND NUNS: MUTUAL RELATIONS :
(1) Causing a heretic or the owner of the lodge to stitch the sanghāçi of the nun. 120
108. Ibid., 12, 36-39. 109. Ibid., 15, 100-152. 110. Ibid., 13, 30-41. 111. Ibid. 112. Ibid., 17, 133. 113. Ibid., 17, 134-8. 114. Ibid., 17, 139-151. 115. Ibid., 12, 29. 116. Ibid., 12, 16-28. 117. Ibid., 13, 42-59. 118. Ibid., 15, 1-4. 119. Ibid., 12, 3. 120. Ibid., 12, 7.

Page #595

590
S. B. DEO (2) To a nun getting the following actions done for a monk by a heretic or a householder: 121
Getting the feet cleaned, massaged, or rubbed with oil, ghee, butter or fat; sprayed with powder; washed with pure hot or cold water; get them fumigated;
The same as above regarding the body;
Getting the wound cut, wiped, cleaned, dressed or besmeared with ointment;
Getting the germs on the body removed;
Getting the nails, moustache, the hair in the armpit or on the eyes cut and fashioned;
Getting the teeth brushed and cleaned; getting the lips and eyes wiped and cleaned;
Cutting the hair on the brows or sides; Cleaning the nails, teeth, eyes, ears or the body.
(3) The same activities as above if got done by a monk for a nun through a heretic or a householder.
FOOD AND BEGGING :
(1) Receiving food in the first quarter of the day and keeping it upto the last i.e. the fourth quarter (porisī) and eating it oneself or giving it to another monks.122
(2) Carrying food beyond the limit of half a yojana, and when the food becomes stale, eating it or giving it to others.123
(3) Accepting more than three dattis of the 'vikrti' for the ill; touring from village to village carrying these with oneself; straining them or asking somebody to do so, or accepting strained 'vikrtis'.124
(4) Buying or making one buy or accepting bought vikstis, exchanging them, bringing them on credit, asking somebody to do so, or accepting those brought on credit 125
(5) Accepting food brought from the terrace or granary or by breaking the seal; or that placed on living beings; or that, being hot, is fanned
121. Ibid., 17, 15-120. 122. Bļh. Kalp. 4, 11. 123. Ibid., 4, 12. 124. Nis. 19, 1-7. 125. Ibid., 19, 1-4.

Page #596

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
591 by hand, fan, cloth-end or by mouth; or accepting hot food; or accepting a wash of rice, sesamum, etc.126
(6) Eating a raw mango, or a part or a preparation thereof; or a raw mango placed on living beings.127
(7) Exchanging food with a morally loose person.128 (8) Same as (6) regarding sugarcane 129 (9) Accepting food from those who start on a forest-travel.130
(10) Accepting food, drink, eatables or chewables from condemned families (duguñchiya kula).131
(11) Throwing food on the ground, on the bed or up in the sky.132 (12) Eating food with heretical nuns or heretical housewives.133
(13) Obtaining food by acting as a nurse (dhāï-pinda), as a messenger (dūï-piņda), or as an astrologer maintaining oneself on begging (ājīviya); obtaining food as a beggar, or by posing as a doctor; getting food out of anger, pride, deceit or greed; acquiring food through magic, spells or incantations, etc.134
(14) Accepting food or drink offered by the house-holder by first doing a sinful activity (purekada), or offered with a hand, a pot or a ladle wet with cold water.135
(15) Obtaining food in the first porisī (quarter) of the day and keeping it upto the last porisi.136
(16) Seeking alms beyond the limit of half a yojana.137
(17) Giving or liking to give food, drink, etc. to a heretic or a householder or a person with loose morals.138
(18) Eating food containing living beings (palittakāya) 139 (19) Accepting food, etc. in a boat.140
126. Ibid., 17, 123-132. 127. Ibid., 15, 5-12. 128. Ibid., 15, 79-98. 129. Ibid., 16, 4-12. 130. Ibid. 131. Ibid., 16, 27. 132. Ibid., 16, 33-35. 133. Ibid., 16, 36-37. 134. Ibid., 13, 60-74. 135. Ibid., 12, 14-15. 136. Ibid., 12, 30; same as in Brh. Kalp. 4, 11. 137. Nis. 12, 31. 138. Ibid., 12, 41; 15, 75, 79-98. 139. Ibid., 12, 4. 140. Ibid., 18, 17-20.

Page #597

592
S. B. DEO REQUISITES : General :
(1) Making a heretic or the owner of the lodge to carry the monk's requisites. 141
(2) Holding or using an excessive number of requisites.142
(3) Accepting clothing, alms-bowl, blanket or broom from condemned families. 143
(4) Cleaning the requisites for personal beauty.144
(5) Exchanging requisites with persons of loose morals,145 heretics or householders. 146
BEGGING-Bowl : 147
(1) Buying or making somebody to buy a bowl or accepting a bought one; taking on credit, or making somebody to do so, or accepting that brought on credit; exchanging, making others to exchange or accepting an exchanged pot.
(2) Exchanging it without the consent of the ganin; giving it to an able novice-male or female, or to old monks or nuns who are able to procure it themselves); not giving it to novices, etc. who are unable to procure it).
(3) Using an unfit or an unstable bowl. (4) Discolouring a coloured pot and vice versa.
(5) Polishing it with oil, ghee, butter or fat; or besmearing it with powders or paints; washing it either with hot or cold water so as to give it a new appearance; or doing the above things with the thought of removing its bad smell.
(6) Drying the pot on a place full of living beings. (7) Frequently asking for the bowl in a congregation by getting up. (8) Eating food in the vessels of the householder 148
141. Ibid., 12, 40. 142. Ibid., 16, 39. 143. Ibid., 16, 28. 144. Ibid., 15, 153-54. 145. Ibid., 15, 79-98. 146. Ibid., 15, 77-78. 147. Ibid. 14, 1-45. 148. Ibid., 12, 10.

Page #598

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
593
CLOTHING :
(1) Putting on the clothes of a householder.149
(2) Accepting or liking to accept the 'jāyaṇā vattha' or the ‘nimantaņā vattha'.150
(3) Exchanging clothes without the consent of the ganin. (4) Colouring an uncoloured cloth or vice versa.
The rest of the transgressions are the same as in the case of the almsbowl given above.151
(5) Getting the sanghādi of a nun stitched by a heretic or by the owner of the lodge.152 BEDDING:
(1) Entering the bed of the owner of the lodge.153
(2) Sleeping over a place full of living beings, or on the doorframe (?) (giheluya) or near the fire place (?) (jhāmavala), walls, a slab of stone, pieces of a brick or of a stone (lelu) or on a plank or a couch,---all these unstable, shaky and not well tied. 154
SEAT:
(1) Carrying the seat of the householder.155
(2) Sitting over a seat of grass or of wood which is covered by the clothes of others.156
SKINS ;
(1)
Using skins with hair.157
TOURING:
(1) Deciding to undertake a journey to the country of Lādha (knowing full well) that there are anārya, dasagu (dasyu ?) and milakkhu (mleñcha ?) people there.158
149. Ibid., 12, 11. 150. Ibid., 15, 99. 151. Ibid., 18, 21-64. 152. Ibid., 12, 7. 153. Ibid., 16, 1-3. 154. Ibid., 13, 1-11. 155. Ibid., 12, 10-13. 156. Ibid., 12, 6. 157. Ibid., 12, 5.
158. Ibid., 16, 26. BULL, DCRI.--75

Page #599

594
S. B. DEO
(2) Getting into the boat for bad purposes; buying, selling, bringing on credit or exchanging the boat, or making others do so; pushing the boat into the water from the ground or vice versa; helping in taking out a grounded boat; working as a helmsman; getting into a boat which is going up or down the stream; pulling or stopping the boat by a rope; taking out water from the boat by either a pot or an alms-vessel or an earthern vessel (matta); covering the hole in the boat, through which water gets in, by means of hand, foot, leaves or bamboo; or accepting food in the boat.159
(3) Crossing or swimming the following five great rivers twice or thrice within a month: Gangā, Jaüņā, Saraū, Erāvai and Mahi. 160
RESIDENCE :
(1) Not giving accommodation to a co-religionist even when there is ample space at one's disposal.161
(2) Same as above pertaining to nuns.162
(3) Accepting lodging in condemned families.163 STUDY :
(1) Reading with, or accepting a reading from, a heretic, the owner of the lodge, or persons of loose morals and bad behaviour.164
(2) Not studying at four times (? caükāla); studying at an improper time; reading only the lower portions (heţthillaim samosaraņāim); reading in an indistinct tone; not reading the text in the due order (? apattam vāei); or reading only one out of two identical passages.165
(3) Studying, or liking to do so, at early evening (? puvvāë sanjhāë), late evening (pacchimāë sañjhāe), mid-day or midnight; or at the festivals in honour of Indra (Indamaha), Skanda, Yakşa or Bhūta; or on the first days (pratipadā) of Caitra, Aşādha, Bhādrapada or Kārttika.166
(4) Asking more than three questions regarding the Kālikaśruta, and more than seven questions regarding the Ditthivāya.167
159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167.
Ibid., 18, 1-20. Ibid., 12, 42. Ibid., 17, 121. Ibid., 17, 122. Ibid., 16, 29. Ibid., 19, 25-36. Ibid., 19, 13-23. Ibid., 19, 8-12. Ibid.

Page #600

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
(5) Giving lessons to or reading with persons of condemned families, 168
(4) CAUMMASIYAM PARIHARAṬṬHAŅAM ANUGGHAIYAM: CHURCH AFFAIRS :
(1) Consecrating or confirming a known or an unknown person16 (secretly?).
595
(2) Speaking harsh words to the respectable elders (bhadanta).170
(3) Calling an 'ugghaiya' fault an aṇugghaiya' one or vice versa, or offering punishment for the 'ugghäïya' when the 'anugghaiya' is done or vice versa.171
(4) Making a novice go astray, or kidnapping him (? avaharaï).172
MORAL DISCIPLINE AND SELF-CONTROL :
(1) Pondering over the feet of women when they are going and coming.173
(2) Requesting a woman for intercourse; to masturbate (through a woman) or do any activity leading to the ejaculation of semen; quarreling with a woman for intercourse; to write or get written or go for writing a letter to a woman for that purpose; massaging or washing the buttocks, etc.,174 or letting a woman massage the body or limbs.175
(3) Using complete, new, washed, or dyed pieces of garments for the sake of attracting women; or eating (vikṛtis like) curds, butter, molasses, sugar or crystal sugar for the above purpose; 176 making or wearing garlands of grass, feathers, horns, shells, skins, wood, leather, flowers, seed, etc.; or a girdle of iron, copper, gold, jewel or silver (for that purpose); or ornaments like the 'hara' the 'ardhahära', etc.; making or wearing excellent blankets, deerskins, camel-skins, or garments of soft cotton or gold-embroidered clothes (for attracting women),177
168. Ibid., 16, 30-32. 169. Ibid., 11, 84-85. 170. Ibid., 10, 1-3. 171. Ibid., 10, 15-18. 172. Ibid., 10, 9-10. 173. Ibid., 9, 8-9. 174. Ibid., 6, 1-18. 175. Ibid., 6, 19-77. 176. Ibid.
177. Ibid., 7, 1-12

Page #601

S. B. DEO
(4) Shaking the eyes, chest, belly or breasts (of the lady); massag ing the limbs of each other; making a woman lie down on a place full of living beings or on a clod of earth or on eggs, seeds or water, or in gardens pleasure houses, householder's houses or in monasteries; making her eat food or drink; making her lie down or sleep reclining on the lap or on the couch (for sexual purposes),178
(5) Doing the following things for the purpose of sexual intimacy:
Making the diagnosis (of the illness) of a lady; shaking a beast or a bird by its leg, wing or tail; thrusting a piece of wood or a finger in its private parts; embracing or kissing it with the thought that it is of a feminine. category; giving clothes, almsbowl; blanket or broom to or accepting these from a woman; reading to her or making signs to her.179
596
(6) Praising or or bowing down to a fellow of loose morals (ahäcchanda),180
(7) Making an unknown person serve one.1st
(8) Condemning religion (dhamma) and praising irreligion (adhamma).182
(9) Intimidating or surprising others.183
(10) Forecasting something about the present or the future.184
(11) If a sick nun is embraced by her mother, sister or daughter: (when a sick monk is embraced by his father, brother or son): and if a monk (nun) affords him (her) assistance, and thereby commits impurity,185
(12) If, while a nun at night time or twilight secretes or passes urinary or other excretions, any four-footed animal (pasu) or a flying insect (pakkhijalë) touches an organ of feeling (or penetrates into an opening of her body) with her connivance,186
(13) If monks and nuns indulge in intercourse with a woman or a man respectively, created by gods through magic.187
(14) Telling bad stories to, or making study with, or exchanging food, etc. while on tour with a nun either of one's own gana or of another gaṇa,
178. Ibid., 7, 13-78. 179. Ibid., 7, 79-91. 180. Ibid., 11, 82-83. 181. Ibid., 11, 86. 182. Ibid., 11, 9-10. 183. Ibid., 11, 64-67. 184. Ibid., 10, 7-8. 185. Brh. kalp., 4, 9-10. 186. Ibid., 5, 13-14.
187. Ibid., 5, 1-4.

Page #602

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
597 with one's mind full of anxious ponderings (ohaya-mana-sankappe, cintasoya-sāgara-sampavithe).188
(15) Telling a lot of stories at odd times in the company of women.189
(16) Touring, studying, eating, easing nature or telling un-monkly (assamaņa-pāögga) stories to women in gardens, houses, monasteries or pleasure-houses, at doors, gates, water places, water banks, empty houses, or grass-stores, etc.190
(17) Not trying to find out the ill when one hears about him.191 (18) Not trying to secure (essential) articles for the ill.192
BEGGING AND FOOD :
(1) Accepting royal food (rāya-pinda), or food meant for the beasts, horses, elephants; food for the ill or for the guest; food meant to be distributed in famine; food taken out for the royal people or for the actors, wrestlers and such other people; food for caretakers of horses, elephants, peacocks, deer, etc; or for those who bring under control horses, elephants, etc.; food for those who massage (other's) body, or for holders of the umbrella (over the king), for holders of weapons; or food for the chamberlain or the door-keepers or the female servants in the harem.193
(2) Eating the 'nivedanā-piņda',194 or food containing living beings, or 'adhākarmika' food, or eating deliberately that food which involves major or minor faults;195 eating 'pippali', or 'pippali-powder', 'singabera' or 'singabera-powder', 'bila' or salt.196
(3) Keeping the food (without any reason) for a long time and then eating it,197
(4) Re-swallowing vomited food at twilight or at night.198
(5) Praising night-meal (rāï-bhoyaņa) or eating food acquired by day at night or vice versa. 199
188. Nis. 8, 11. 189. Ibid., 8, 10. 190. Ibid., 8, 1-9. 191. Ibid., 10, 36. 192. Ibid., 10, 39. 193. Ibid., 9, 1-6; 20-28. 194. Ibid., 11, 81. 195. Ibid., 10, 5-6; 19-27. 196. Ibid., 11, 91. 197. Ibid., 11, 78-79. 198. Brh. Kalp., 5-10. 199. Nis. 11, 73-77.

Page #603

598
S. B. DEO
(6) Doing any fire-activity.200
(7) Accepting food or drink from the kşatriya kings when they are in the 'uttara-sālā', in the horse-stable or in the elephant-stable or have gone to secret places, counsel-halls or private apartments.201
(8) Accepting food that is given up, or 'samsrsta pinda', or food for the orphans or beggars.202
(9) Obtaining milk, curds, butter, oil, molasses or sugar from the store-house.203
(10) Accepting food from those who eat flesh, fish or skins, or from those who are about to start on or are about to return from a pilgrimage or a tour.204
(11) If a monk who takes his food at the rising of the sun, and satisfies his wants to eat before the sun sets, having received, etc., eats it well and without hesitation (or: well, but with hesitation, or: suffering, but without hesitation, or; suffering, but with hesitation), and then notes "the sun is not yet risen", or "is already set" and then throws or wipes away what he has in his mouth, hand or vessel, then he does not sin. (But) if he eats it himself or gives it to another, then he (guilty of eating during night-time) incurs the cāümmāsiyam parihāratthāņa aņugghāïyam.205
(12) Mixing the harbourer's alms or liking to do so.206
(13) If, one while on the begging tour, not returning to the monastery before the night sets in, happens to reach an army camp.207
CLOTHING:
(1) Going against one's usual practice, putting on clothes among those who put it, remaining naked among those who wear clothes, remaining clothed among those who do not put clothes, or remaining naked among the naked.208
200. Ibid., 11, 84-86. 201. Ibid., 8, 13-17. 202. Ibid. 203. Ibid. 204. Ibid., 9, 10-17. 205. Brh. Kalp. 5, 6-9. (Transl. 1.A., 39, pp. 257ff.). 206. Ibid., 2, 18. 207. Ibid., 3, 34. 208. Nis., 11, 87-90,

Page #604

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
599 (2) Making, holding or using iron-pots, copper-pots, lead-vessels, glass-bowls or pots of silver, gold, jewel, ivory, horn, skin or shell.209 RESIDENCE :
(1) Making a known or an unknown person stay in the upāśraya either for a full night or for half a night.210
(2) Staying outside the monastery or the lodge for more than three nights (i.e. days).211
TOURING AND STAY:
(1) Wandering from village to village during the first showers (padhama pāüsa), or when regular rains have started.212
(2) Frequently entering into or coming out of inimical, anarchical or rebellion-infested regions, or approving of anybody else doing so.213
(3) Entering into or going out of the following ten cities twice or thrice in a month : Campā, Mahurā, Vāņārasī, Sāvatthi, Sāëya, Kampilla, Kosambi, Mihilā, Hatthiņāüra and Rāyagiha.214
(4) Spending the rainy season in the company (?) of a heretic.215
DEATH :
(1) Praising the fool's death (bālamaraņa), death caused by falling from the mountain, a precipice or a tree, death through drowning, through eating poison, with a weapon, or by letting one's body exposed to the vultures.216
(E) AŅAVATTHAPPA:
(1) Stealing from the members of one's own sect. (2) Stealing from the members of another sect. (3) Striking with the fist.217
209. Ibid., 11, 1-3. 210. Ibid., 8, 12. 211. Ibid., 10, 13. 212. Ibid., 10, 40-43. 213. Ibid., 11, 71; Brh. kalp. 1, 38. 214. Nis., 9, 19. 215. Ibid., 10, 46. 216. Ibid., 11, 92. 217. Brh, kalp. 4, 3.

Page #605

600
S. B. DEO (F) PARANCIYA:
(1) For a criminal. (2) For a careless fellow. (3) For a sodomite.218
Besides these, masturbation, sexual intercourse and taking a night meal are called the three ‘aņugghäiyas'.219
Ahälahusaë nāma vavahāre' :"If a monk who is doing penance goes out of the service of the elders and there perchance commits a fault, and the elder hear of it, either coming themselves or hearing it from others, then one may proceed towards him in the lightest way (ahālahusaë nāma vavahāre)" 220
218. Ibid., 4, 2. 219. Ibid., 4. 1. 220. Ibid., 5, 53.: SCHUBRING (I.A., Vol. 39, p. 267, fn. 45) adds the following note to this:
The vavahāra, the procedure towards a transgressor, is five-fold: divided in ăgama, suya, āņā, dhāraṇā, and jīya-vavahāra, according as the canon, tradition, a rule, a charge, or a custom fixes it (see LEUMANN, Jitakalpa, p. 2). The second kind occurs in IV: 25. We never meet at least in the Kalpa and Vyavahāra-sutras with another procedure as the 'ahā-lahusaga'. I think the commentators are wrong or their statements belong to a later time, when they (Curņi to Bhashya V, 359 foll.
=V. bh. II, 85) give 'vavahāra' as fasts and divide it nine-fold in this way :guruo 1 month tam atthameņam
vahaï gurugatarão
4 months
dasamenam ahă-guruö
6 months
duvālasamenar lahuo
30 days
chhatthena laghugatarão
25 days
chaütthena aha-lahuo
20 days
āyambilenan lahusao
15 days
ega-ttāņenar lahusatarão
10 days
purimaddhenarn ahă-lahusao
5 days
nivviëņam

Page #606

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
Bhā.=Bhāşya; Comm.=Commentary; C.=Cūrņi; N.-Niryukti; T.=Țīkā;
Vr.= Vrtti. BRAHMANICAL: Āpastamba and Gautama SBE., Vol. II, Oxford, 1897. Bhagavadgītā with English transl. by Annie Besant, Madras, 1935 (10th Ed.). Bịhadāranyaka-Upanishad with Marathi Translation by V. V. Bapat, Poona,
Ś. 1839. Kautilya Arthaśāstra Engl. transl. by R. Shamashastri, Mysore, 1908. Mahābhārata Transl. by Manmath Nath Dutta, Calcutta, 1895-97, 1903. Manusmrti SBE., Vol. XXV, transl. by Bühler, 1886. Rāmāyaṇa Ed. by K. P. Parab, Nirnaya Sagara, Bombay, 1888. Vişnu Purāna Wilson, H. H., London, 1840.
BUDDHIST : Anguttaranikāya 5 Vols., P. T. S., London, 1885-1900. Dhammapada Pocket Ed. N. K. Bhagwat, Bombay. Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names 2 Vols.; Malalasekara, London, 1937-38. Dīghanikāya 3 Vols.; Ed. Rhys Davids and J. Charpentier, P. T. S., London,
1889-1911. Mahāvagga Ed. N. K. Bhagwat, Bombay University, 1944. Majjhimanikāya 3 Vols.; Ed. V. Trenckner and R. Chalmers, London, 1888-99. Milindapañha Ed. V. Trenckner, London, 1880. Nidānakathā Ed. N. K. Bhagwat, Bombay University, 1935. Saryuttanikāya 5 Vols.; Ed. M. Leon Feer, London, 1884-98. Theragāthā Ed. N. K. Bhagwat, Bombay University, 1939. Therigāthā Ed. N. K. Bhagwat, Bombay University, 1937. Vinayapitaka 5 Vols., Ed. Oldenberg, London, 1879-83. JAINA: (a) SVETAMBARA CANONICAL: Antagadadasāö (Antg.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1932.
Ed. P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1932. Anuttarovavāïyadasāö (Anttr.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1932.
Ed. P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1932. BULL. DCRI. 76.

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602
S. B. DEO Anuyogadāra (Anu.)
Vr. by Maladhāri Hemacandra, Patna, 1939. Avassaya (Avaśyaka)
bhā. Comm. Haribhadra, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1916.
„ Malayagiri, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1928.
N. by Bhadrabhāhu. Ayāranga (Acār.)
Comm. Sīlānka, Surat, 1935. N. by Bhadrabāhu.
Transl. by H. Jacobi, SBE., XXII, 1884. Bhagavai (Bhag.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1921. Brhatkalpa (Bịh. kalp.)
bhā. Sanghadāsagani. Comm. Malayagiri and Kşemakirti, Atmananda Jaina Sabha, Bhav. nagar, 1933-38. Kalpa-Vyavahāra-Nisītha Sūtra, Ahmedabad.
Transl. in I.A., Vol. 39., pp. 257ff. Dasāsuyakkhandha (Daśā.)
Lahore, 1936. Dasaveyaliya (Dsv.)
Comm. Ed. K. V. Abhyankar, Ahmedabad, 1938.
Niryukti, Bhadrabāhu. Isibhāsiya (Isb.)
Surat, 1927. Jambuddīvapannatti (Jmbd.)
Comm. Sānticandra, Bombay, 1920. Jīvābhigama (Jug.)
Comm. Malayagiri, Bombay, 1919. Jiyakappa (Jīt.)
Ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Ahmedabad, V.S. 1994.
Ed. Muni Jinavijaya, Ahmedabad, V.S. 1983. Kappasutta (Kalp.)
Comm. 'Kalpalatā-Vyākhyā' by Samayasundara, Surat.
Transl. Jacobi, SBE., XXII, 1884. Mahānisīha (Mh. N.)
Ed. W. Schubring, Berlin, 1918. Nandi (Nandi)
Comm. Malayagiri, Bombay, 1924.. Hindi Comm. by Hastimalla Muni, Satara, 1942.

Page #608

Nāyādhammakahāö (Nāyā.)
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
Comm. Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1919.
Ed. N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940.
Niryavaliyaö (Niryā.)
Comm. Candrasuri, Ahmedabad, 1938.
Some portions Ed. by N. V. Vaidya, Poona.
Nisiha (Nis.)
Bhāṣya.
Ed. W. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918. Oghanijjutti (Ogha-N.)
Bhāṣya.
Comm. Dronācārya, Bombay, 1919. Ovavaiya (Aup.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Surat, V.S. 1994.
Painnaya (Ten) Aürapacchakkhana, Bhattapainnä, Caüsarana, Devindatthava, Gacchācāra, Gaṇivijjā, Mahāpaccakkhāna, Maranasamāhi, Santhāra, Tandulaveyāliya; Bombay, 1927. Panhavāgarana (Panh.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Bombay, 1919. Pannavana (Pann.)
Comm. Malayagiri, Bombay, 1918-19. Pindanijjutti (Pinda-N.)
bhā.
Comm. Malayagiri, Surat, 1918.
Rayapaseniya (Rayap.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, V. S. 1994.
Samvayanga (Smv.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1938.
Suyagaḍanga (Stkṛ.)
Comm. Silanka, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1917. N. by Bhadrabāhu.
Transl. by Jacobi, SBE., XLV, 1895.
Tandulaveyaliya (Tndv.)
Comm. Vijayavimala, Devacandra Lalbhai.

603
Thananga (Than.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, V.S. 1975. 3 Parts (Pothis). Uttarajjhayana (Uttar.)
Comm. Nemicandra, Bombay, 1937.
Comm. Säntisuri, Bombay, 1916. Ed. J. Charpentier, Upsala, 1922. N. by Bhadrabāhu.
Transl. by Jacobi, SBE, XLV, 1895.

Page #609

604
S. B. DEO Uvāsagadasāö (Uvāsaga.)
Comm. Abhayadeva. Ed. P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1930.
Transl. Hoernle, Calcutta, 1888. Vavahāra (Vav.)
bhā. Comm. Malagiri, Bhavnagar, 1926.
Ed. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918. Vivāgasuya (Vivāga.)
Comm. Abhayadeva, Baroda, V.S. 1922. Ed. P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1933.
(b) ŚVETAMBARA NON-CANONICAL : Abhidhānarājendrakośa Ratlam, 1913-34. Dravyāśrayakāvya Bombay Sanskrit Series, LXIX, 1915. Kālikācārya-Kathā Devcand Lalbhai, Bombay, 1914. Kuvalayamālā-Kathā Ratnaprabhasūri, Ed. Caturvijaya Muni, Jaina Atna.
nanda Sabha, Bhavnagar, 1916. Pāiyasaddamahannavo H. T. Sheth, Calcutta, V.S., 1985. Parisistaparva Jacobi, Calcutta, 1932. Pārsvanāthacarita. Transl. Bloomfield, Baltimore, 1919. Prabandhacintāmani Transl. by Tawney, Calcutta, 1901.
Ed. by D. K. Sastri, Bombay, 1932. śramaņa Bhagvān Mahāvīra (SBM) Jalore, 1988. Trişaştiśalākāpuruşacarita Transl. Johnson, GOS, Baroda, 1930. Vicārasāra Pradyumnasūri, Agamodaya Samiti, Ahmadabad, 1923. Vimsativimśikā (Vim.)
Haribhadra.
Ed. K. V. Abhyankar, Poona, 1932. (c) DIGAMBARA : Anagāradharmām;ta (Angd.) of Aśādhara.
Comm. Kumudacandra, Manikchandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala
(MDJG), 1919. Arādhanāsāra MDJG, V.S. 1973. Bhagavati Ārādhanā (Bhāg. Arā.) of sivakoţi.
Devendrakirti Granthamala, Sholapur, 1935. Brhatkathākośa of Harişena.
Ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1943. Mahāpurāna Ed. P. L. Vaidya, MDJG, Bombay, 1937. Mülācāra (Mül.) of Vattakera, 2 parts. MDJG, Bombay, V.S. 1980. Pañcatthikāyasāra (Pañca.) Chakravarti, A., SBJ., III, 1920.

Page #610

Aiyangar,
Position of WoTimes, O.B.A., Podia, Calcutta, 17
HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
605 Paümacariya (Paum.) Bhavnagar, 1914. Pravacanasāra (Prv.) of Kundakunda.
Ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1935. Samayasära SBJ, Vol. VIII, Lucknow, 1930. Tattvārthasūtra (Tattva.)
Ed. by Pt. Sukhalalji Sanghavi Shastri, Benares, V.S. 1996. HISTORY : Literary, Political, Religious and Social: Aiyangar, K., Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, Cal
cutta, 1923. Aiyangar, R., and Rao, S., Studies in South Indian Jainism, Madras, 1922. Aiyangar, S. K., Ancient India, O.B.A., Poona, 1911. Altekar, A. S., Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, Benares, 1938.
Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, O.B.A., Poona, 1934. Banerji, R. D., Prehistoric, Ancient and Hindu India, Calcutta, 1946.
The Age of the Imperial Guptas, Benares, 1933. Barodia, U. K., History and Literature of Jainism, Bombay, 1909. Barua, B.M., A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, Calcutta, 1921. Belvalkar, S. K., and Ranade, R. D., History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. ii,
Poona, 1927. Bhandarkar, R. G., A Peep into the Early History of India, Bombay, 1920. Chakladar, H. C., Social Life in Ancient India-Studies in Vātsyāyana's
Kāmasutra, Calcutta, 1929. Cultural Heritage of India : Shri Ramakrshna Centenary Memorial
Volumes I-III, Calcutta. Dandekar, R. N., A History of the Guptas, Poona, 1941. Dasgupta, S.N., A History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. II, Cambridge, 1922, Dutt, N., Early History of the Spread of Buddhism, London, 1925. Farquhar, J. N., An Outline of the Religious Literature of India, Oxford, 1920. Fick, R., The Social Organisation in North-East India in Buddha's Time :
(Eng. Transl.) Calcutta, 1920. Fragments of the Indica by Megasthenes : Transl. by McCrindle "Ancient
India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian", Calcutta, 1926. Ghurye, G. S., Caste and Race in India, London, 1932. Hertel, J., On the Literature of the Svetāmbaras of Gujarat, Leipzig, 1922. Hiralal, H., Ancient History of the Jaina Literature, Jamnagar, 1902. Hiuen Tsiang's Travels : S. Beal, "Buddhist Records of the Western World”,
London, 1884. Jayaswal, P. K., History of India, Lahore, 1933. Kapadia, H., A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas, Bombay,
1941. Kunte, N. M., The Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilisation in India, Bombay, 1880.

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S. B. DEO Law, B. C., Buddhistic Studies, Calcutta, 1931.
- India as Described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, London,
1941. - Mahāvīra, His Life and Teaching, London, 1937.
- Some Kshatriya Tribes of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1924.
- Geography of Early Buddhism, London, 1932, (GEB.) Mookerjee, R. K., Hindu Civilization, London, 1936. Moraes, G. M., Kadamba Kula, Bombay, 1931. Majumdar, R. C., and Pusalkar, A. D., (i) The Vedic Age, London 1951;
(ii) The Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay, 1951. Ojha, G. H., The History of Rajputana, Ajmer, 1916. Radhakrishnan, S., Indian Philosophy, Vol. i, London, 1923. Rapson, E, J., The Cambridge History of India, Vol. i, (CHI) Cambridge, 1922. Ray, H. C.. Dynastic History of Northern India, Calcutta, 2 Vols.: 1931, 1936. Raychaudhari, H., Political History of Ancient India, 3rd Ed., Calcutta, 1932;
5th Ed., Calcutta, 1950. Saletore, B. A., Ancient Karnatak, Vol. 1, Poona, 1936.
- Medieval Jainism, Bombay, 1938. (= Med. Jain). Sarkar, S. C., Some Aspects of the Earliest Social History of India, London,
1928. Sastri, K. A. N., History of India, Pt. I, Madras, 1950. Shah, C. J., Jainism in North India, London, 1932. Sharma, Har Dutt, History of Brahmanical Asceticism, Poona Orientalist
(PO), Vol. III, No. 4, Poona, Jan. 1939. Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi, Madras, 1950. (=ECV). Winternitz, M., History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1933. EPIGRAPHY: Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (CII). Diskalkar, D. B., Instructions from Kathiawad (IK.), Bombay, 1938-41. Epigraphia Carnatica (E.C.). Epigraphia Indica (E.I.). Guerinot, Epigraphia Jaina, Paris (EJ.). Jinavijaya Muni, Prācina Jaina Lekha Sangraha, (PJLS.), Bhavnagar, 1917. Naik, A. V., Inscriptions of the Deccan, (Monograph), Deccan College, Poona. Nahar, P. C., (Nahar) Jaina Lekha Sangraha, 3 Vols. Calcutta, 1918, 27, 29. Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, Bhavnagar Archaeological Department. Rice, L., Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, London, 1909. Sewell and Aiyangar, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, Madras, 1932,
(HISI).

Page #612

HISTORY OF JAINA MONACHISM
607
Annual Report Survey of bof India, Lon of India, (1941. (Arch. Gurbad, 1901.
ARCHAEOLOGY: Annual Reports of the Mysore Archaeological Department (MAR.). Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Reports (ASI.). Barnett, L. D., Antiquities of India, London, 1913, (Al.). Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, (MASI.). Sankalia, H. D., Archaeology of Gujarat, Bombay, 1941. (Arch. Guj.). Smith, V., The Jaina Stūpa and other Antiquities of Mathurā, Allahabad, 1901. JOURNALS: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, (ABORI). Bharatiya Vidyā (BV.). Bombay University Journal (BUJ.). District Gazetteers of Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, U.P., Punjab and others (DG). Encyclopaedia Britanica (EB.). Encyclopaedia of Ethics and Religion (ERE.). Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences (ESS.). Imperial Gazetteer (IG.). Indian Antiquary (IA.). Indian Historical Quarterly (IHQ.). Jaina Antiquary (JA.). Jaina Siddhānta Bhāskara (JSB.). Journal of the American Oriental Society (JAOS.). Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (JASB.). Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (JBORS.). Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JBBRAS.). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JRAS.). Nāgarī pracāriņī Patrikā (NPP.). Poona Orientalist (PO.).
MISCELLANEOUS : Barth, A., The Religion of India, London, 1882. Bhagwat, Durga, Early Buddhist Jurisproduce, O.B.A., Poona, 1939. Bhandarkar, R. G., Vaişnavism, śaivism and Minor Religious Systems, Strass
burg, 1913. Bühler, G., The Indian Sect of the Jainas, London, 1903.
Life of Hemacandra, Tr. by Patel, Manilal, Santiniketan, 1936. Citrav, S., Madhyayugina Caritrakośa, Poona, 1937. Cunningham, A., Ancient Geography of India, (Ed. Majumdar), Calcutta,
1924. (CAGI.). Dey, Nando Lal, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India,
London, 1927. (GD.). Putt, Sukumar, Early Buddhist Monachism, London, 1924.

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S. B. DEO Garbe, R., The Philosophy of Ancient India, Chicago, 1899. Glasenapp, H. V., Der Jainismus, (Guj. Transl.), Ahmedabad. - Griswold, H. D., The Religion of the Rgveda, Oxford, 1923. Guerinot, Essai de Bibliographie Jaina, Paris, 1906. Hardy, Spence R., Manual of Buddhism, London, 1853. Jaina, C. R., Sannyāsa Dharma, Allahabad, 1926. Jainapustakaprasastisangraha (JPPS.), Bombay. Jaini, J., Outlines of Jainism, Cambridge, 1916. Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, 1896. Latthe, A. B., Introduction to Jainism, Bombay, 1905. Mehta, R. N., Pre-Buddhist India, Bombay, 1939. Nahar and Ghosh, Epitome of Jainism, Calcutta, 1927. Oldenberg, H., Buddha (Engl. transl. by Hoey), London, 1882. Pourrat, P., Christian Spirituality, 3 Vols. Transl. by W. H. Mitchell, London,
1922. Rhys Davids, T. W., Buddhist India, London, 1917. Sankalia, H, D., Studies in Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnogra
phy of Gujarat, Poona 1949, (SHCGEG.) Schubring, W., Die Lehre der Jainas, Berlin und Leipzig, 1935. Sen, A., Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, Vishvabharati, 1931. Sharma, S. R., Jainism and Karnatak Culture, Dharwar, 1940. Stevenson, Mrs. Sinclair, The Heart of Jainism, Oxford, 1915. Turner, R., The Great Cultural Traditions, Vols. 2. Warren, H., Jainism, (2nd Ed.), Arrah, 1916.

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