Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs

Author(s): P B Desai
Publisher: Jain Sanskruti Samrakshak Sangh Solapur
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011025/1

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Jivarāja Jaina Granthamālā
No. 6
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
AND
SOME JAINA EPIGRAPHS
BY
P. B. DESAT
ख० ब्र. जीवराज गौतमचंद्रजी
PUBLISHED BY GULABCHAND HIRACHAND DOSHI JAINA SAMSKRTI SAMRAKSHAKA
SANGHA, SHOLAPUR

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XXXXX
वीर सेवा मन्दिर दिल्ली
क्रम संख्या
काल नं
खण्ड
ست بر روی
REPAREEK
XXXX

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3373

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Jivarāja Jaina Granthamālā, No. 6
GENERAL EDITORS:
Dr. A. N. UPADHYE & Dr. H. L. JAIN
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
AND
Some Jaina Epigraphs
BY
P. B. DESAI, M. A.
Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, Department of Archaeology, Ootacamund.
PUBLISHED BY
GULABCHAND HIRACHAND DOSHI
Jaina Samskṛti Samrakshaka Sangha, Sholapur
1957
All Rights Reserved
MUNSHI
Cnc.
P.B. T

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First Edition : 750 Copies
Copies of this book can be had direct from Jaina Samskṛti Sarrakshaka Sangha, Santosha Bhavana, Phaltan Galli, Sholapur ( India )
Price Rs. 16/- per copy, exclusive of postage
जीवराज जैन ग्रंथमालाका परिचय
सोलापूर निवासी ब्रह्मचारी जीवराज गौतमचंदजी दोशी कई वर्षो से संसारसे उदासीन होकर धर्मकार्यमें अपनी वृत्ति लगा रहा थे । सन् १९४० में उनकी यह प्रबल इच्छा हो उठी कि अपनी न्यायोपार्जित संपत्तिका उपयोग विशेष रूपसे धर्म और समाजकी उन्नति के कार्य में करें । तदनुसार उन्होंने समस्त देशका परिभ्रमण कर जैन विद्वानोंसे साक्षात् और लिखित सम्मतियां इस बातकी संग्रह कीं कि कौनसे कार्य में संपत्तिका उपयोग किया जाय । स्फुट मतसंचय कर लेनेके पश्चात् सन् १९४१ के ग्रीष्म काल में ब्रह्मचारीजीने तीर्थक्षेत्र गजपंथा (नासिक) के शीतल वातावरण में विद्वानोंकी समाज एकत्र की और ऊहापोह पूर्वक निर्णयके लिए उक्त विषय प्रस्तुत किया। विद्वत्सम्मेलनके फलस्वरूप ब्रह्मचारीजीने जैन संस्कृति तथा साहित्यके समस्त अंगों के संरक्षण, उद्धार और प्रचारके हेतुसे 'जैन संस्कृति संरक्षक संघ' की स्थापना की और उसके लिए ३००००) तीस हजारके दानकी घोषणा कर दी। उनकी परिग्रहनिवृत्ति बढ़ती गई, और सन् १९४४ में उन्होंने लगभग २,००,०००) दो लाखकी अपनी संपूर्ण संपत्ति संघको ट्रस्ट रूपसे अर्पण कर दी। इस तरह आपने अपने सर्वस्वका त्याग कर दि. १६-१-५७ को अत्यन्त सावधानी और समाधान से समाधिमरणकी आराधना की। इसी संघके अंतर्गत 'जीवराज जैन ग्रंथमाला' का संचालन हो रहा है । प्रस्तुत ग्रंथ इसी ग्रंथमालाका छठवां
प्रकाशक
गुलाबचंद हिराचंद दोशी, जैन संस्कृति संरक्षक संघ,
सोलापूर
पुष्प
है
1
मुद्रक
लक्ष्मीबाई नारायण चौधरी, निर्णयसागर प्रेस,
२६-२८ कोलभाट स्ट्रीट, बम्बई २

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क
स्व० व्र. जीवगज गौतमचंद्रजी, सोलापुर

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CONTENTS GENERAL EDITORS' PREFACE
vi-vii AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
ix-ivx CHAPTER I: GENERAL REMARKS
1-3 Sources - Four Traditions CHAPTER II: JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA 1. TRADITIONS AND LITERATURE
3-15 Origin-Conflict with Buddhism--Nayasēna's Narrative-Harishēna's Version-Sātavāhana Patronage-Simhanandi Tradition-Kaifiyats and Local
Records-Jaina Period in Telugu Literature. 2. ANTIQUITIES AND RELICS
15-17 3. INSCRIPTIONS
17-24 Hāthigumphā Inscription -- Udayagiri-Khandagiri Epigraphs - Eastern Chālukya Records-Anmakonda Pillar Inscription--Kunthu Tirthakara
Srisailam Epigraph-Conclusion. CHAPTER III: JAINISM IN TAMIL NĀD 1. ANTIQUITY
25-32 Advent of Jainism—Rocky Beds and Epigraphs-Problem of Epigraphs
Jaina Origin. 2. STRONGHOLDS OF JAINISM
32-71 Kānchi Region-Jaina Ascendency-Anandamangalam Sculptures-Panchapāndavamalai-Golden Yakshi--Vilāpākkam-Vallimalai Hill-TirumalaiYakshi Worshipped-Hermitage of Vedāl-Relics at Ponnūr-JvālāmāliniHēlāchārya - Pätalipura-Chõlavandipuram-Chittämūr Monastery-Sittannavāśal and Nārttåmalai-Chettipatti Excavations-Region of Madurā --- Poygaiinalai-Aivarmalai - Prominence of Yakshi—Renowned MonasteryAjjanandi, the Revivalist-Kalugumalai -Two Yakshinīs-Lady Teachers -
Hill of Chāranas--Ambika --Bhatāri-Bhagavati-Nägarkāyil. 3. SOME SPECIAL FEATURES
71-83 Hill Feature-Yakshi Cult-Cult of Jvālāmālini--Ceremonial DevelopmentTeachers and Preceptors-Female Monastic Orders-Royal Patronage
Pallichchandam-Popularity-Reverses and Recovery, 4. LIFE AND LITERATURE
83-92 Silappadikāram-Its Historical Data-Rôle of Chāraņas—Cult of Yakshi. 5. FURTHER FACTS
92-96 Sage Vrishabha---Hills and Natural Caverns-Tachchambadi-Lexicographer
Mandalapurusha. CHAPTER IV: JAINISM IN KARNATAKA 1. PRELIMINARY REVIEW
96-99 Early References. 2. HYDERABAD KARNATAKA
99-104 Ellora Caves-Hill of Chārauas-Dhărāsiva Caves-Sātavāhana Traditions
Bõdhan. 3. BOMBAY KARNATAKA
104-48

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Bijapur District :-Aihole--Arasibidi-Honwad-Chandakavate-HungundGundakarjigi: Belgaum Region :-Halsi - Gokak Plates - SaundattiKalbhävi - Konnür -Gölihalli - Hüli - Honnür ---Terdăl-KolhapurBelgaum ; North Kanara District :-Sangitapura Preceptors-Bilgi Inscriptions--Hāduvalli-Akalarika and Bhattākalanka-Sõndā-Two Nishidhi Records; Dharwar District:-Adūr-Mulgund and Lakshmēsvara Records, Chandrikävāta, Its Identification-Ajitasēna, His Lineage-Lakkundi, Attimabb3-Mugad-Javūr-Soratūr-Dāņi--Mangundi-Kāņur Gana - San
gür-Silābāras of Bā savura-Guttas--Age of Decadence. 4. MADRAS KARNATAKA
149-63 Bellary District :- Adoni-Kõgali-Nandi Bēvür u-Rayadurg; Anantapur District :- Kondakunde, Konakoudia Jaina Tirtha - Comparison with Kopana ; Madakasira Taluk :- Amarapuram-Pātasivaram-Padmaprabha Maladhari-Penugouda ; Salem District :- Dharmapuri-Nolamba Pallava
Chiefs; South Kanara District. 5. SOME NOTABLE FACTS
163-73 Yápaniyas Svētāmbara Influence-Reformist Trends-Position of WomenJainābhāsas-Yakshi Cult-Padmāvati-Jvālāmālini-Centres of Her Cult
Closing Observations. JAINA EPIGRAPHS: Part 1: GENERAL SURVEY OF ANTIQUITIES
175-228 Adaki-Aland-Bankūr-Harasür-Hattanūru-Hunasi-Hadagali-IngalgiMalkhēd-Sēdam-Tengali-Kopbal-Yalbargi-Review of Epigraphs Political History--Social and Religious Conditions-Religious Harmony Centres of Jainism--Patrons of Jainism-Monastic Orders-Teachers and their Pedigrees-Post-mortem Memorials-Geographical Details--Language
and Literature. PART II: INSCRIPTIONS IN THE GULBARGA DISTRICT
229-337 Insc. No. 1 from Ingalgi--Insc. No. 2 from Hunasi-Hadagali-Insc. Nos. 9-13 from Adaki-Insc. No. 14 from Malkhed-Insc. Nos. 15-16 from Tengali
Insc. No. 17 from Harasûr. PART II: INSCRIPTIONS IN THE KOPBAL DISTRICT
338-86 Insc. Nos. 18-45 from Kopbal - Insc. No. 46 from Uppina-Betgeri-Insc. No. 47 from Halgēri-Insc. No. 48 from Arakēri- Insc. Nos. 49-51 from
Yalbargi-- Insc. No. 52 from Adūru- Insc. No. 53 from Rājūru. REVIEW AND RETROSPECT: I Jainism in Karnataka
387-96 II Jaina Monk Symbolised
396-97 Ill Jainism versus Saivism
397-401 IV Bad Days for Jainism
401-402 APPENDIX 1 List of Inscriptions Edited
403-405 APPENDIX II Texts of Inscriptions in Nägari Script and their Summaries in Hindi
400-431 INDEX
432-454

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CONTENTS
ILLUSTRATIONS:
I Rock-cut Sculptures at Kalugumalai, second Group (Between pp. 64-65) 2 Rock-cut Sculptures at Kalugumalai, first Group (Between pp. 64-65) 3 Rock-cut Sculptures at Kalugumalai, third Group (Between pp. 64-65) 4 Central Image of Jina, Jaina Temple, Bankür Between pp. 184-5) 5 Image of Ambika Yakshini, Bankūr (Between pp. 184-85)
Image of Neminātha, Jaina Temple, Malkheda (Between pp. 194-5) 7 Image of Vardhamāna, Jaina Temple, Bankūr (Between pp. 184-85) 8 General View of the Jaina Temple, Bankúr (Between pp. 184-85) 9 Image of Kālammā (Vidyādēví ), Hunasi-Hadagali (Between pp. 188-89 ) 10 Image of Dharančndra, Huyasi-Hadagali ( Between pp. 188-89) 11 Inscribed Slab, Jaina Temple, Hunasi Hadagaļi (Between pp. 188-89) 12 Image of Pârávanátha, Nēminātha Temple, Ma!khēd (Between pp. 194-95) 13 Image of Pārsvanátha, Jaina Temple, Hunasi-Hadagali (Between pp. 188-89) 14 General View of the Nēminātha Temple, Makhēd (Between pp. 194-95) 15 Images in the Central Hall, Nēminātha Temple, Maļkhed (Between pp. 194-95) 16 Ingalgi Inscription of Jākaladevi, lines 1~30 (Between pp. 236-37) 17 Ingalgi Inscription of Jakaladēvi, lines 31-58 (Between pp. 236-37)
Sēdam Inscription of Teachers of Krānür-gana, lines 1-29 (Between pp. 284-85)
Sedam Inscription of Teachers of Krāņurgaụa, lines 30–63 (Between pp. 284-85) 20 Nishidhi Inscription of Vidyananda, Malkhed (Between pp. 330-31 21 Uppina Betgeri Inscription of Sankarganda (Between pp. 372-73)
Oooww
10*
11* 12*
13*

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General Editors' Preface Historically speaking, the traces of the beginnings of Jainism in the South, roughly in the present-day areas of Telugu, Tamil and Kannada languages, take us back to a period of a few centuries before the Christian era. Today, in some of these areas, the followers of Jainism are an insignificant religious minority in contrast to the rich contributions which the Jaina monks and laymen have all along made to the cultural heritage of this part of our land. There are Jaina caves on secluded but inspiring spots; there are temples which are fine specimens of art, sculpture and architecture ; there are statues which have thrilled and inspired the society by their artistic grandeur and religious composure; there are numerous inscriptions unfolding the history of the land and glorifying the saints who instilled humanitarian values into the society and those great men who lived for the benefit of others; and above all, the Jainas enriched the languages of the people with literary compositions replete with great moral lessons for the erring humanity. The Jaina monk is known as Nirgrantha or Srumaņa in some of these parts: this lutter appellation shows that he was a prominent representative of Sramaņic culture, and these terms remind us of the early period of Jaina history.
Jaina monks had no fixed abode. Excepting during the rains, they constantly moved from place to place. Some of them moved so quickly and repeatedly that they came to be called Cāraņas, and miraculous flights were attributed to them. They possessed nothing, and their needs were highly limited. They preached universal principles like Ahimsa and Aparigraha, and stressed on the inviolable moral law that every one must reap the fruits of his or her thoughts, words and acts whether good or bad. They were themselves un embodiment of these virtues. By their precept and example they inspired in the society good neighbourliness, social security and moral and spiritual elevation, with the result that they could win among their followers men and women from all the struta of society, royalty, nobility, mercantile community and agriculturists. As they preferred to preach in the languages of the people their appeal was direct, and the main plank of their religious preaching was moral selfreliance.
The Juina heritage in the South is so rich, and the material for its study so plenty, that many scholars have been attracted to this subject during this century. Only a few notable publications can be mentioned here : Studies in South Indian Jainism by Ayyangar and Rao, Madras 1922; (originally Jainism in South India but published later as ) Juinism and Karnāšaku Culture by S. R. Sharma, Dharwur 1940; Mediaeval Jainism by B. A. Saletore, Bombay 1938. These works are specialised attempts and obviously required the authors to concentrate on one or the other aspect of the study. The results in every

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GENERAL EDITORS' PREFACE
vii
case were more and more fruitful and urged the need for further studies: it is the cooperative labours of a number of specialists working along systematic lines that would give us tolerably fair outlines of Jainism in the South.
Shri P. B. Desai, author of this book, has an innate aptitude for research; he is a close student of Kannada language and literature and history of Karnataka; he is also familiar with the history and languages of other parts of South India; since long, discovery and study of inscriptions have been a hobby with him; and being attached to the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, he has a first hand touch with the problems and progress of epigraphic studies. Obviously, a work from an author like him on South Indian Jainism and epigraphs has a special importance.
The present work of Shri Desai falls into two divisions. In the first, the learned author has ably portrayed the part played by Jainism in the Andhra Desa, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Though there are few Jainas in the Andhra Desa today, ancient relics, inscriptions and traditions do indicate that many a ruling prince and eminent official of the state came under the influence of Jainism and fervently followed the path of the Jaina law. In the Tamil Nadu, the caverns, rocky beds, epigraphs and other monuments have clear Jaina associations of hoary antiquity. Centres like Kanci, Madură, Ponnur, Sittannavasal, Chittamur bear great testimony to the past glories of Jainism; and the Jaina contributions to Tamil literature are significant in form, superb in style and sublime in message. The idea of Sangam or Academy in Tamil literature is of Jaina inspiration; and Prof. S. Vaiyapuri Pillai has rightly observed in his History of Tamil Language and Literature (Madras 1955, p. 60): "So far as the Tamil region is concerned, we may say that the Jains were the real apostles of culture and learning." Association of Jaina monks with the Yakşi cult is a subject of great interest for students of religion. There is sufficient evidence to show that the Jainas suffered a good deal at the hands of intolerant opponents of Jainism; and today, the condition of Jainas and Jainism in that part is a pathetic contrast to their past glory. Coming to the Karnataka, the Jaina cultural centres are exhaustively studied shedding special light on their relics, as well as teachers, royalties and donors associated with them: a good deal of fresh evidence is presented in this context.
In the second division are published the texts of 53 inscriptions, short and long, giving their contents and subjecting the same to critical investigation. Among the centres of Jainism from the former Hyderabed area, revealed by these sources, Kopbal is the most notable one; and at one time it was as important as Sravana Belgol later on became possibly after the carving of the monolithic statue of Bahubali there. South India, in the author's opinion, was very much indebted to the Jaina teachers for its social uplift through

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viii
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
literacy and literature, and the Jaina monk came to be regarded as a unique symbol of knowledge. But later on, in different areas, Jaina centres and Jainas fell & victim to the persecution at the hands of the followers of other faiths for which sufficient evidence is presented in this volume.
The presentation of these epigraphs in Devanāgarī accompanied by a Hindi summary, in the Appendix, it is hoped, will make the volume useful to a wider circle of readers.
The authorities of the Jivarāja Jaina Granthamālā offer their sincere thanks to Shri P. B. Desai, M. A., who has generously placed this labour of love of his at their disposal for publication in this Series.
Thanks are due to Shri V. P. Kothari, B. A., LL. B., Pleader, Gulbarga, for making arrangements to take many of the photographs included in this work. It was very kind of Dr. G. C. Chaudhari, M, A., Ph. D., Nava Nalandi Mahāvihāra, Nalanda, to have prepared the Hindi summaries of the inscriptions. It was due to the willing cooperation of the Manager, N. S. Press, Bombay, that such a neat appearance could be given to this volume.
The General Editors record their thanks to Br. Jivarajaji, the enlightened founder and patron of the Mālā, as well as to the members of the Trust Committee and Prabandhasamiti for their sincere zeal for research and for their generosity in undertaking such a costly publication, with illustrations, which has very limited sale. It pains them that Br. Jivarajabhai, who was showing such a keen interest in this work, did not live to see this published: he passed away quietly and peacefully on Wednesday 16-1-1957 at Sholapur after having relinquished all that he had for the Sangha. They trust that the present volume is a worthy contribution to South Indian studies, and it would open in future many a new line of study in the fields of Jaina history, culture and literature.
H. L. Jain & A. N. Upadhye
General Editors
Sholapur : 2-6-1957

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PREFACE
This volume is the outcome of intensive research carried on by the author for a number of years in the history of Jainism in South India. The results are put forth after a fairly comprehensive survey of the original sources mainly comprising the epigraphical material, in the three principal linguistic regions of South India, viz., the Andhra Districts of the former Madras State, Tamil country and Karnāțaka. Minor and mechanically elaborate details have been excluded from the treatment. Hundreds of inscriptions in the three languages as well as Sanskrit have been critically examined, and a consistent account of the religious and cultural activities of the followers of the faith is presented in its historical setting. Herein is an attempt, the first of its kind, to delineate a comparative and coördinated portrait of Jainism as it obtained in the early and mediaeval periods of its history in the South. The broad outlines of the study and its outstanding contributions may be indicated here in brief.
Jainism appears to have journeyed from the North to the Andhra region prior to the advent of Buddhism about the 6th century B. C. It came into conflict with Buddhism and met with reverses. Still, it struggled for its existence with remarkable perseverance and survived in this area until as late as the 16th century. It exercised its influence, though limited, among important sections of the society. Many members of the ruling families and officials of the state received light and inspiration from it. The sketch of Jainism in Andhra is reconstructed on the mutually corroborative evidence of literature, tradition and epigraphs.
The early contact of Jainism with the Tamil country dates from the 4th century B. C., as gathered from the Buddhist chronicles of Ceylon. The extensive growth of Jainism in this region has to be attributed to the two-fold missionary activities of the twin streams of Jaina teachers, one flowing from Andhra towards Ceylon and another proceeding from the Mysore region according to the wishes of Bhadrabāhu,' and both joining hands for the propagation of the faith. It can now be announced with a measure of certainty that some at least of the so-called Panchapāņdava Beds found on the hills and in the caverns, in association with Brāhmi inscriptions of the third or second century B. C., are the earliest Jaina monuments of the Tamil Nad.
Patronised by the rulers and members of the royal families and warmly supported by the populace, Jainism grew from strength to strength during the
1 The tradition about the advent of Jainism in Karnataka during the time of Maurya Chandragupta about the beginning of the third century v. c. is questioned by some scholars who place. the event about half a century later ( 230 B. C.) in the reign of Samprati, the grandson of Asoka. Compare Kannada Sahitya Parishal Patrike, Vol. XXVI, p. 141. But this view does not materially affect the broad outlines of the history of Jainism in South India.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
next few centuries. It developed a large number of strongholds all over the Tamil Districts, which flourished for a considerably long period. The region of Kanchi; tracts nearabout Panchapāņdavamalai, Tirumalai and Vallimalai hills; the areas in the vicinity of Ponnür, Chittāmür, Pudukkottai and Madurā; Kalugumalai in the Tinnevelly District; and Tiruchchāṇattumalai in the Travancore territory: these were some of the thriving centres of Jaina religion and culture. It is surprising to note that inscriptions of the Tamil country contain no reference to the Drāvida Samgha which is said to have been founded at Madurā by Vajranandi.
Jainism suffered a temporary set-back in the Tamil land about the 7th century. Notwithstanding the formidable opposition from Saivism which gained ascendancy at this period, it maintained its position, almost status quo, until the 12th century. Amongst the Jaina preceptors of exemplary zeal who lifted the sinking faith from the depth of distress, the name of Ajjanandi stands out supreme. The leaders of the Jaina Church in the Tamil country adapted themselves to the environments and succeeded in popularising their faith through attractive devices. By raising the status of subsidiary deities like the Yaksha and Yakshiņi and enlarging the sphere of ceremonial details, they held the masses within their fold. The deep imprint left by Jainism on the Tamil culture is instanced by the survival of the interesting expression paļļi in the Tamil speech, which originated in Jaina associations and invariably stood for a Jaina religious establishment. Jainism penetrated so thoroughly into the social order of the Tamilians that in spite of the adverse tide of orthodox creeds that swept the land during the later period, many Jaina deities survived. They retained their positions and continued to be worshipped under different guises.
In the course of these discussions corroboration has been sought through iconographic evidence whose value has been fully assessed. A noteworthy feature of this treatment is that a good many sculptures whose recognition was not attempted by earlier writers, have been properly indentified.
Among the cultural activities largely influenced by Jainism in the Tamil country, literature plays a conspicuous rôle. The study of the faith in this area is concluded with a survey of the Jaina works in the Tamil literature with special reference to the Silappdikīram which was richly nurtured in Jaina environment.
The contacts of Karnataka with Jainism were far more intimate and pervasive. From Bidar in the north down to Mysore in the south, the whole area is replete with Jaina antiquities. Karnāțaka was the favourite resort of Jainism for nearly one thousand years: Jainism enjoyed the privilege of
1 The belief prevalent among the scbolars that Jainism lost its hold throughout the Tamil country with the upsurge of saivism in the 7th century is not justified by historical facts; contrast K. K. Handiqui Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture, pp. 497-98.

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PREFAOE
becoming both the religion of the ruling class as well as the popular faith of the subjects. The account of Jainism in this region is based on the epigraphic material reinforced by literary and archaeological sources.
The monks of the Svētāmbara order are seen in the front ranks of preachers in the early stage of the history of Jainism in Karnataka. But with the ascendancy of the Digambara preceptors they receded into the background. The Svētāmbara teachers, however, lingered on in the south, both in Karnāțaka and Andhra Dośa, as late as the 16th century.
Another order of Jaina monks was that of the Yapaniyas whose activities were generally confined to the northern tracts of Karnātaka. A large number of inscriptions containing information about the Yapanīya Saṁgha and its several branches has been studied in detail, and it is hoped that scholars interested in this subject will find the account of the teachers and the institutions of this school, as presented here, almost exhaustive.
An amount of uncertainty prevailed in regard to the original home of the great teacher Kondakundāchārya (circa first century A. D.) who may be styled the most dominant personality in South India. Conclusive proof is now adduced to show that he hailed from Konakoņdla in the Gooty Taluk of the Anantapur District now in the Andhra State. This village formerly belonged to Karnāțaka and its earlier name was Kondakunde. This conclusion is arrived at after a critical examination of all the relevant material on the subject including the local antiquities and inscriptions.
The date of Padmaprabha Maladhāri, author of the commentary Tātparyavritti on the Niyanasūra of Kogdakundáchirya, was a matter of speculation among the scholars, and it was surmised on circumstantial evidence that he lived in the 12th century. With the help of an epigraph from Pataśīvaram in the Madakasira Taluk of the Anantapur District, further facts about this preceptor are brought to light and it is shown that his demise took place on February 24, 1185 A. 1).
Nayasēna (circa 1110 A. D.), author of the Dharmānrita, belonged to an eminent family of preceptors, residing at Mulgund in the Gadag Taluk of the Dharwar District. Epigraphical and literary sources have been pressed into service for reconstructing the history of his monastic line which originated from Dharmasõna Traividya about the first half of the gth century. The early home of these teachers was Chandrikávāta or modern Chandakavate in the Sindgi Taluk of the Bijapur District. Worthy of note in this connection is the fact that Ajitasõna, the guru of Chāvuņdarāya was, a monk of this order.
Two Nishidhi memorials from Sõndā or Svādi in the Sirsi Taluk of the North Kanara District speak of the demise of the teachers Akalanka and Bhattākalanka in 1607 and 1655 A. D. respectively. The identity of the latter with his

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
namesake who wrote an excellent grammar of Kannada on Sanskrit model is established by a searching investigation into the political and religious history of the area.
During the later phase of its history Jainism passed more and more under the influence of Tantricism. A beginning in this direction was made in the form of the Yakshi cult which developed into ceremonial worship of the deities like Jvālāmalini and Padmavati beyond their natural set up and culminated in their ritualistic invocation under mystical formularies. Several Jaina teachers claimed mastery over the occult lores of Mantra Vidyā and Tantra Vidyā and took pride in styling themselves Mantravādins. The depth to which this belief had penetrated into the religious life even of the enlightened leaders of Jainism is instanced by Mallishēņa Sūri, a distinguished scholar and the head of a monastery at Mulgund, who wrote Tantric treatises like the BhairavaPadmavati-kalpa and Jvälini-kalpa.
The above study is again supplemented by the fruits of researches in epigraphy and archaeology carried on by the author on his own initiative in the unexplored Kannada areas of the former Hyderbad State. These researches are set forth in detail in the subsequent chapter of the book entitled Jaina Epigraphs (pp. 175 ff). This is further divided for the convenience of treatment into three sections or parts. The First Part contains a critical examination of the Jaina antiquities, such as architectural remains, sculptures and epigraphs, noted by the author in the course of his village-to-village survey.
It is revealed here for the first time that Ādaki, Bankūr, Harasur, Hupasi-Hadagali, Ingalgi, Malkhôd and Sēdam in the Gulbarga District and Kopbal and Yalbargi in the present Raichur District, were strongholds of Jainism during the Mediaeval Period and have treasured remnants of the Jaina faith on a large scale. Foremost among these centres were Maļkhēų which was the capital of the Rāshtrakūțas and Kopbal which was eminently holy, mentioned as Kopaņa-kshētra in inscriptions and literature. This Part also deals with the sidelight received from the epigraphs edited in the following sections on the political history of the area and the social and religious conditions prevailing during the times, along with a few observations on the geography, language and literature.
A part of the discussion in this section centres round the new facts about Jainism discovered by the author in the course of the study of the Epigraphs. It is shown that there existed in this area several monastic orders and families of preceptors not known before; as for instance, teachers of the Dravida Sangha, Sēna gaña and Mälanūra anvaya, figuring in an epigraph from Ingalgi and monks of the Maduva and Vandiyűr gaņas of the Yāpaniya Samgha, mentioned in the inscriptions at Ādaki, Sēdam and Tengali.

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PREFACE
XIII
Setting up the Nishidhis was a characteristic practice followed by the Jainas to commemorate their deceased. A study of the subject by the author has revealed that there were in vogue several modes of this memorial, some of which being peculiar and not noticed by scholars previously. These have been described with suitable illustrations.
Next we proceed to the inscriptions themselves. Jaina Epigraphs, the author's own collection, edited in Parts II and III, constitute an important portion of the book. The texts of the inscriptions are prefaced by elaborate introductions discussing various topics bearing on them, such as history, administration and religion. They are followed by translations or abstracts of contents. Of particular interest among the epigraphs are No. 1 from Ingalgi, No. 2 from Hunasi-Haḍagali, No. 6 from Sedam, No. 14 from Malkhod and No. 46 from Uppina-Betgeri.
The Malkhed epigraph whose contents are illuminating, raises a number of interesting points connected with the lines of preceptors that flourished here from the time of Jinasena Bhaṭṭaraka of the Rashtrakuta regime. These have been discussed in detail in the introduction to the record. While the bulk of the remaining inscriptions (Nos. 18-45) testify to the pre-eminence of Kopbal as a supremely holy centre of Jainism, the UppinaBetgeri epigraph introduces the great Jaina philanthropist Sankaraganda as the founder of a Jaina temple at the place.
The concluding chapter, entitled Review and Retrospect, recounts a number of additional facts noted in the course of further exploration of the Jaina antiquities in some additional centres in Karnataka by the author. Important among the centres of Jainism surveyed here are Lakshmēśvara, Lakkundi, Maski, Bhatkal and Chippagiri. Karnataka was so deeply indebted to the Jaina teachers for its social uplift through literacy and literature that the Jaina Monk came to be regarded as a unique symbol of knowledge, as averred by a literary passage.
The popularity and esteem enjoyed by Jainism for a long time throughout India in general and South India in particular offer an effective refutation of unsound judgments passed on it by Western critics like Mrs. Sinclair Stevensen and E. W. Hopkins who conceived it to be hollow, insipid and impracticable.
The decline of Jainism was no doubt partly due to the persecution its adherents had to face at the hands of the followers of other faiths. Explicit evidence on this point is furnished by epigraphy and archacology.
This study of the historic phase of Jainism in South India primarily based on original sources is an humble attempt at objective approach to the subject. Vision of truth is the aim of a researcher. If this ideal is achieved

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JAINION IN SOUTH INDIA
even in a small measure, the author will consider his labours rewarded. It is hoped that the present attempt would open various new avenues of study and research in this vast subject.
Words are inadequate to express the debt of gratitude the author owes to Dr. A. N. Upadhye, the General Editor of this publication. But for his kind encouragement to undertake and complete the study, this book would never have seen the light of day. In spite of his onerous preoccupations he volunteered to go through the Press copy and corrected the proofs more than once. With unswerving zeal and perseverence he pushed the work through under various difficulties. The author is equally beholden to the trustees of the Jivarāja Jaina Granthamālā for their interest in publishing this volume of abstruse studies. Thanks are due to Shri S. H. Ritti M. A., of the Epigraphic Branch, for preparing the Index.
Ootacamund 15th August 1957)
P. B. DESAI

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Dedication
At the holy feet Of Lord Jina, The Victor of Victors, Who, a sublime
Symbol of Asceticism And Self-surrender, Inspired pure devotion And lofty ideals
In the heart
Of the author In early life.

Page #24


Page #25

CHAPTER I GENERAL REMARKS
SOURCES: Juinism was a powerful influence that moulded the religious and cultural life of South India during the early and mediaeval epochs of its history. But unfortunately the sources that constitute the basis for reconstructing the history of the faith are widely scattered and many of then remain unexplored. No systematic attempt has been made so far to appropriate even the available material for a correlated and comprehensive study of the subject. This material can be divided under the following categories: 1) Local traditions and literature; 2) Antiquities such as the remains of old structures, sculptures, etc.; and 3) Inscriptions. These three categories of sources are mutually corroborative and form inportant links in the historical survey of the creed. It will be iny humble endeavour in the following pages to take a glimpse of these sources and sketch a picture of the faith in brief outlines. For the convenience of treatment I would divide the subject into three broad linguistic regions of South India, viz., the Andhra Dēśa, Tamil Nād and Karnāțaka.
Four Traditions : Before commencing our study of the particular regions it would be useful to bestow our attention for a while in a general way on the origins of Jainism in South India. Even though there is nothing to discredit the traditions and lcgcnds recorded in later epigraphical literature or literary works, it must be admitted, no clear and contemporary evidence is forthcoming in respect of the advent of Jainism in South India. More than one wave of inissionary activities, it appears, rolled down in different directions and at different periods, from the north, and spread over the whole area of South India even to the remotest corners:
1) The carliest of these movements might have taken place ut the time of the emperor Chandragupta or even before, as may be surinised from the famous Bhadrabahu-Chandragupta tradition.
2) The next important activity may be located in the Andhra Dosa. This may be gleaned from the story of king Dhanada narrated in the Kannada work Dharmāmrita.
3) The third landmark in the series may be attributed to Samprati, this grandson of Asoka, under whose leadership Jainism seems to have gained impetus in the South.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
4) Lastly comes the immigration of the two princes of Ikshvāku family from the north, who, under the guidance of the teacher Simhanandi, founded a ruling dynasty in the Mysore region known as the Western Gangas.
Subsequently we shall have occasions to examine these traditions sererally and in inore details.
Earlier Views: Taking their stand on the ground of BhadrabāhuChandragupta tradition many writers have ascribed the early migration of Jainisın in South India approximately to the beginning of the third century B. C. But some scholars who have probed deeper into the problem are inclined to believe that Jainism might have been in existence in South India even before the arrival of Bhadrabāhu and Chandragupta. The reasons adduced for this view may be briefly stated as follows:
1) Before Bhadrabāhu made up his mind to move towards the south with his royal disciple and a large body of monks, he must have been confident of the favourable nature of reception he was going to have in the land of his destination. This, therefore, indicates the earlier existence of the followers of the Jaina fuith in the southern parts of Karnāțaka and Tamil Näd.
2) We know from Buddhist work Malāvanga that Jainism was prevalent in the island of Ceylon during the 4th century v. c. The most reasonble view regarding the immigration of the faith to the island would be to hold that it travelled all the way from North India by land route through South India. This suggests a date anterior to the 4th century b, c, for the advent of Jainism in the Soutlı.
3) Tamil Nad which is the southernmost region of South India appears to have come under the influence of Jainism earlier than the infiltration of the Vedic or Brahmanical faith from North India. This is suggested by the imprint of Jaina ideas and concepts noticeable in the early Tamil works like Kural and Tolkāppiyan. The origin of another carly Tamil work named Nāla liyar is couched in Jaina associations. This work, as the tradition goes, is a composite composition of eight thousand Jaina monks departing from the Pandyan kingdom against the wishes of its ruler who was attached to their frith.'
Tabir JUSTIFICATION : These modest surmises have been amply borne out by further researches into the problem. It will be shown in the sequel
1 Mahävansa, translated by Wilhelm Geiger; Pali Text Society, London, 1912; p. 75,
and Introduction, p. xxxvi. 2 A. Chakravarti: Jaina Literature in Tamil pp. 6-7.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA
while dealing with Jainism in Andhra Dosa that the origins of South Indian Jainism were laid in the Kalinga country by Lord Mahāvīra himself during the sixth century B. C. We shall also see that Jainism had entrenched itself in the Andhra country by the period of the 4th century B. C. Further, there are reasons to believe that it was not through Bhadrabahu and his disciples alone that Jainism spread to all parts of South
India.
Among the traditions referring to the missionary activities of the Jaina faith noticed above, the first and the last seem to have belonged to the Digambara School and the remaining two confined to the Svētambara Sect. The third tradition adverting to Samprati particularly characterised as the Jaina literary tradition of Western India, According to this account Samprati was a great patron of the Jaina faith and he established Jaina monasteries even in the non-Aryan countries. "Almost all ancient Jaina temples or monuments of unknown origin are ascribed by the popular voice to Samprati, who is, in fact, regarded as Jaina Asoka."
CHAPTER II
JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA
8
1. Traditions and Literature
ORIGIN: The origin of Jainism in the Andhra Dosa might be ascribed to as early a period as the 6th century B. C. during the life time of Lord Mahavira himself who seems to have laid its foundations by preaching his doctrine in the region of Kalinga which comprises the northern frontiers of the Andhra country. Meagre and isolated though the evidence, it need not be discounted. A Jaina literary tradition of a later period testifies to the visit of the great teacher to the Kalinga country' evidently for the propagation of his gospel. This information, as we shall discuss presently, stands supported by the authentic and very early testimony of an epigraph.
family
CONFLICT WITH BUDDHISM: Soon after this Buddhism too appears to have wended its way into the Andhra Desa, which thus became the scene of conflict between the two rival creeds. A glimpse of this conflict may be gathered from the following story related in the eleventh aśvāsa or chapter of the Jaina work Dharmamṛita by Nayasena. In brief the story is like this.
NAYASENA'S NARRATIVE: Dhanada, a Jaina prince of the Ikshvaku was ruling the Vengi Mandala from his capital Pratipalapura. He
1
Vincent Smith: Early History of India (3rd ed.), p. 193,
2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX, p. 88 and n. 11.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
married Kamalaśrī, daughter of Samghasri who was a follower of the Buddhist doctrine. Kamalaśrī, however, was won over to the faith of her husband. But Samghaśri could not be persuaded so easily to disown his former faith in spite of the persistent efforts on the part of his royal son-in-law. Subsequently, Dhanada succeeded in his mission and brought his father in-law into the Jaina fold by establishing the superiority of the creed through a vision of the Charana-rishis who had attained perfection by following the path of Jina. But the conviction of Samghaśrī did not last long. He was again reconverted to the creed of Lord Buddha by the preachings of his teacher Buddhaśrī. One day Dhanada questioned Samghasri in the court as to what made him abandon the Jaina doctrine notwithstanding his conviction in regard to its superiority, brought home by the actual sight of the Charana-rishis soaring in the air. To this Samghaśrī retorted brazen-facedly that he had never seen them in his life. Enraged at this gross outrage of truth, the deities presiding over the city blinded Samghasri by knocking out his eyes. Their dire curse visited even the descendents of Samghaśrī, who were born blind for seven generations. On account of this calamity befalling the land, the country came to be known as the Andhaka Vishaya or 'the country of the blind'.
The occasion for the story is to illustrate the importance of the Vow of truthfulness, which is reckoned among the twelve minor vows whose observance is enjoined upon the lay followers of Jaina Law. Proceeding further the narrative gives a genealogical account of the original founders of the family. The Jaina king Yasodhara of the Ikshvāku lineage was ruling the kingdom of Anga in the age of the Tirthakara Vasupūjya. He repaired to the Vengi Mandala and attracted by its natural beauty settled there. He founded the city Pratipalapura and made it his capital. He had three sons, Anantavirya, Sridhara and Priyabala. But inspired by the ascetic ideals of the Jaina creed, none of them was prepared to govern the kingdom after their father. Priyabala, however, agreed to rule; but he died a premature death. Thereupon the minister of the state approached Sridhara who was performing penance on the mountain Rishinivasa. The prince was somehow prevailed upon to suspend his austerities and rule the kingdom till the continuation of his line was ensured.
Incidentally some interesting suggestions are thrown out in course of the narrative. Sriparvata or Srisaila which was originally known as Rishinivasa is said to have acquired the name on account of its association
1 According to the testimony of a large number of inscriptions and other sources the Jaina ascetics were generally mentioned as Rishis. So the expression Rishinivasa would mean 'the resort of the Jaina monks'. Thus in the opinion of the author of the story, Srisaila was already an abode of Jaina ascetics. Śridhara only lent his name to it by his eminence,

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DISA
with Sridhara. When Sridhara was engaged in austerities under an Arjuna tree on the mountain, the Khécharas or the heavenly angels paid homage to him with an offering of Mallikā flowers; hence the place came to be called Mallikārjuna. In like manner Amarāvati was the place where the Amaras or the gods worshipped him. Sridhara attained Siddhi or perfection under a Vaţa or banyan tree in another place; and for this reason it was styled Siddhavata. The descendents of Sridhara were nicknamed Mundiya-vamsa or 'the progeny of the shaven monk'; because he reverted to the life of a householder from that of a recluse.
CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE S1o.zy: Dharmāmrita, the receptacle of this story, is a Kannada poetic work composed in the champū style. Its author Nayasēna hailed from Mulganda in the Dharwar District of the Bombay State. He was a distinguished scholar and a reputed teacher of the Jaina faith. He wrote this book in A. D. 1112.
The story apparently reads like a legend. But a close examination will reveal the fact that in spite of its being a later fabrication, it contains a reflection of some early events in the history of Jainism in the Andhra country. We may also note in this context that a good many sources that provide a basis for the studies in South Indian Jainism are but later compilations of earlier traditions having their bearing on facts and that they have been accepted by scholars for historical reconstruction. The famous tradition of Bhadrabāliu and Chandragupta is an illustration. I shall now make an attempt to glean such bistorical points from the story as might be useful for our purpose.
The geographical layout of the story fits in with the position of the Āndhra country in the early period. The term Vergi Mandala was loosely applied to the larger territory of the Andhra Dēša before its connotation was narrowed down to a specific portion of the land lying between the rivers, Gödāvarī and Krishņā. This assumption is further supported by an episode in the narrative introducing the name Andhaka Vishaya evidently signifying the Andhra country. Probing deeper, the appellation Mundiya-vainéa attributed to the lineage of Srīdhara conveys a historical concept. Testimony of more than one epigraph is at our disposal to show that a part of the present-day Nellore District was known as Munda Rāshtra or Munda Nādu in the early centuries of the Christian Era.” Sriparrata and Mallikūrjuna represent the well-known Srisaila mountain in the Kurnool District. Siddhavata still retains its appellation in the Cuddapah District. Amarāvati is identical with modern Amaravati in the Guntur District. Pratipālapura
1 Karşātaka Kavicharite, Vol. I (revised ed.), p. 117. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, p. 301.

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6
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
may be identified with modern Bhattiprolu in the same district.' The narrative speaks of the rule of the princes of the Ikshvaku lineage in the Andhra country. Historicity of this statement has been vouched by a large number of early inscriptions discovered at Jaggayyapēṭa, Nāgārjunikonda and other places.3
ITS HISTORICITY: Turning to Dhanada, the central figure in the narrative, he appears to be a historical personage. A king named Kuberaka figures in the Brahmi Prākrit inscriptions from Bhattiprolu ascribed to the third century B. c.3 Dhanada being a synonym of Kubera we can trace some kinship between the two. Memory of one Dhanada, again, has been preserved in two traditions hailing from the region of the Krishna river, which is the scene of the narrative. The Ganapesvaram inscription of the time of Kakatiya Ganapati, dated A. D. 1231, states that the island at the mouth of the river Krishna was created, i. e., populated by Dhanada in ancient times." Further, Dhanadapura was the old name of modern Chandavolu, a village in the vicinity of Bhattiprolu. This Dhanadapura is said to have been founded by a king named Dhanada. These analogies could not have been accidental, and the rule of a king named Dhanada in this area in ancient past may be assumed as a historical fact."
The above brief review of the narrative has convinced us that it is not a fictitious legend. We have also seen that the tale contains a few historical or semi-historical truths. If we succeed in interpreting these facts correctly in correlation with the established events in history, the narrative will shed welcome light on the the dark spots in the life of Jainism in Andhra Dusa. But the main difficulty in our way would seem to be the fixing of the chronological datum for the incidents related in the narrative, because the ground is rather insecure in the absence of clinching evidence and there exists room for holding divergent views.
One might argue that the allusion to the age of such an early Tirthakara as Vasupujya, the twelfth of the series, and the Anga country,
1 To this and a few more suggestions in the study I am indebted to the article, Jainism in Andhra, published by M. Somasekhara Sarma in the Triveni, Madras, Vol. VIII, No. 2 (September-October, 1935).
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 2; Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1926, pp. 92-93; 1934, p. 29, etc.
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 325.
4 It may be noted that Kuberaka of the Bhattiprolu records is placed in the Buddhist environment, though it is not known if he was a Buddhist himself.
5 Ep. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 82 ff., verse 21.
6 For more suggestions regarding the historicity of the story, see B. V. Krishnarao: A History of the Early Dynasties of the Andhradeśa, pp. 122-27.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA
7
bears chronological significance as a pointer to the very early period of the principal events of the narrative. The main interest of the story centres round the city of Pratipalapura which has been identified with modern Bhattiprolu in the Guntur District. Amaravati is also in the same region. Now a very large number of Buddhist antiquities such as the Stūpas, Chaityas, Viharas and inscriptions has been discovered at Bhattiprolu, Amarāvati, Nagarjunikonda, Jaggayyapeta and several other places in the districts of Krishna and Guntur, especially along the banks of the river Krishņā and its tributaries.1 This incontrovertible evidence of archaeology and epigraphy has proved that this region was a great stronghold of Buddhism which flourished here from the third century B. c. to the sixth century A. D. Among the Buddhist stūpas explored in this area, the one at Bhattiprolu has been considered to be very ancient and assigned to the third century The Buddhist remains at Amaravati also are sufficiently old and some of its sculptures evince archaic modes." The conclusion therefore seems to be irresistible that if Jainism ever thrived in this region, it should have been so prior to the predominence of Buddhism. Thus we might broadly ascribe the main events of our story to the fourth and the third century B. c.*
B. 0.
Buddhism which had already taken root in the fertile soil of the Andhra Desa before the accession of Asoka, rapidly grew from strength to strength under the mighty patronage of the emperor during his regime and afterwards. This must have dealt a severe blow to Jainism which was also trying to carve out a place for itself at the same period and in the same region. It is possible to read such a state of affairs even in the story under discussion. If the character of Samghasri is not confined to the sphere of particular individuals, he should represent the community of Buddhist
1
K. R. Subramanian: Buddhist Remains in Andhra, p. 12. 2 Ibid., p. 14.
3 Ibid., pp. 18-19.
4 Srisaila on the bank of the Krishna in the Kurnool District has been claimed as a Jaina resort in the story. This probably furnishes one more indication for this early chronological limit. The Mauryan king Chandragupta whose later affiliation with the Jain creed is well known has been connected with this place by a tradition which avers the existence of a town named Chandraguptapatnam in the vicinity across the river. (An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1915, p. 91; Madras Archaeological Report, 1917-18, p. 22.) If Sriparvata of the Buddhist monk Nagarjuna, who lived by the first or second century A. D., could be identified with Srisaila, then it might be said that Buddhism stepped into this region later, after the decline of its rival creed. For different views on the identity of Sriparvata, see K. Gopalachari: Early History of the Andhra Country, p. 125, n. 8. 5 Buddhist Remains in Andhra, p. 3.

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8
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
followers. There were conversions and reconversions. With all the efforts on the part of the advocates of the Jaina creed, larger and larger number of people, it appears, was being attracted into the Buddhist fold. Consequently, Jainism was losing its hold on the society. In this manner Jainism was passing through critical times and we can hear an echo of discomfiture in the apparently triumphant picture of the faith depicted in the narrative, through the anecdote of Andhaka Vishaya and perhaps that of Mundiya Vamsa.
HARISHENA'S VERSION: Another version of Nayasena's narrative is met with in an earlier Jaina work, viz., Brihat-Kathakōsa of Acharya Harishēna.' It is a collection of narratives and the 46th story in the series entitled Asatyabhashana-kathanakam deals with an account of the Jaina king Dhanada and his Buddhist father-in-law Samghasri. No doubt, there exists close resemblance between the versions of Nayasena and Harishēna. But there are also certain points of difference which deserve to be noticed here.
According to Harishona, Dhanada's ancestor Yasodhara was ruling from his capital at Vallura situated on the southern bank of the river Tungabhadra to the west of Śriparvata. This account also contains the description of the Mundita or Munda Vansa, and, in addition, we are told incidentally that Neminatha Jina was born in this lineage. Dhanada's capital is styled Venyataṭapura situated in the Karma Rashtra. The name Pratipalapura does not occur in the version of Harishēna. But there does not exist much difficulty in assuming their identity, because Venyataṭapura is a descriptive term, and not a place name proper. The first word Veni in the compound denotes the river Krishna, being an abbreviation of Krishṇavēņī i. e., the river Krishna. Thus the whole expression means 'the city near the bank of the Krishna'. This description eminently suits the situation of Bhattiprolu which lies at some distance from the river. At the same time it confirms our earlier identification of Pratipalapura with Bhattiprolu. Karma Rashtra was the ancient name of a small area in the modern Guntur District.2
I am inclined to believe that Nayasena based his version of the narrative on a tradition different from Harishena's and that the BrihatKathakōsa did not form his main source. As large collections of narrative religious tales are extant in Jaina literature and since Harishēņa who completed his work in A. D. 931-32, has drawn upon earlier Prakrit commentaries on the works like the Bhagavati Aradhana, a close
1 Published in the Singhi Jaina Granthamala, 1943.
2 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1916, p. 113.
3 Brihat-Kathakosa, Introduction, pp. 80 ff.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDERA DESA
investigation may yet reveal further versions of the story of still earlier periods. The above noted differences in Harishēņa's version of the narrative, however, do not disturb our conclusions reached before with the help of Nayasõna's version in the Dharmāmțita.
In this manner Jainism met with reverses in a major encounter with Buddhism at the commencement of its career in the Andhra Dēša. But all was not lost. It persisted in its struggle with exemplary zeal and scored commendable successes on other fronts. An early attempt to retrieve the lost ground seems to have been made at the time of Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, at the end of the 3rd century B. 0. Samprati sent Jaina missionaries to propagate the faith in the non-Aryan countries. These non-Aryan countries, sometimes specified as Andhra and Dramila, would mean the Telugu country and other parts of South India. Unfortunately details regarding the activities of these missionaries have not been furnished by the Jaina chronicles and therefore we have to content ourselves with vague statements and indefinite traditions.
SĀTAVĀHANA PATRONAGE: After this we proceed to the times of the Andhras, the period of the third century B. C. and later. These kings are generally known as Sātavāhanas; but some writers have preferred to call them Āndhras." There rests much unsettled controversy regarding the origin of Sātavāhanas. According to one view the western Dekkan was the home of Sātavāhanas. The other view claims them as the natives of the Andhra Dēša. But the undisputed fact remains that the Andhra territory was under the rule of Sātavāhanas for some time. Without committing ourselves to any particular opinion, we can look upon the Sātavāhanas as an eminent dynasty of early rulers of South India and notice their relationship with the present theme according to our convenience. A number of Jaina legends and traditions speaks of Sātavāhanas as the patrons of Jaina faith. But as most of these traditions seem to possess no direct bearing on the geographical unit under notice at present, we will postpone their consideration for a later stage.
SIMHANANDI TRADITION : Next we pass on to another tradition which,
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 246; Trivāni, Vol. VIII, No. 2, p. 181. 2 For instance, Vincent Smith: Early History of India, p. 206. 3 Both these views have been summarised and discussed in the Early History of the
Andhra Country, pp. 5-24. 4 A large number of ancient sites excavated in the Telugu area of the Hyderabad
State, for instance, Koņdāpur, Panigiri, Gājulabanda, etc., has been assigned to the Sātavāhana period; see Hyderabad Information, 1943 July; 1944 May and
September; etc. 0 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X, p. 131.

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though more intimately related with Karnāțaka, deserves to be carefully examined in our study of Jainism in Andhra Dēśa. This is the well-known story of the origin of Western Gangas of Mysore. It may briefly be stated thus. Two princes of the Ikshvāku family, Dadiga and Madhava, migrated from the north to South India. They came to the town of Pörür in the modern Cuddapah District. There they met & Jaina teacher of considerable reputation named Simhanandi. Simbanandi trained the princes in the science of ruling. At the behest of the teacher, Mādbava cut asunder a stone pillar which 'barred the road to the entry of the goddess of sovereignty'. Thereupon Simhanandi invested the princes with royal authority and made them rulers of a kingdom. ...: The fullest version of the story is met with in a stone inscription from the Mysore State, dated in the first quarter of the twelfth century A. D.' The nucleus of the story or a few bare allusions to its main incidents occur in the epigraphical records ranging from the fifth century onwards.' But the historicity of the tradition has not been questioned, and it is generally assumed that the events refer to a period of the second century A. D.®
Pērür which acquired the name Ganga Pērür on account of its connection with the founders of the Ganga Dynasty, appears to have been a fairly important centre of Jainism, according to the description contained in the epigraph. It possessed a Chaitgālaya or Jaina temple wherein gathered the congregation of Jaina followers under the leadership of Simhanandi. The stone pillar which is said to have been demolished by the Ganga prince need not be taken literally.* Figuratively interpreted, it might represent the obstacles standing in the way of founding a new kingdom. The epigraph further tells that the teacher was an inhabitant of the southern region. This legend of Simhanandi furnighes another landmark in the history of the Jaina faith in Andhra Dēša. It implies that Jainism was fairly established in the southern part of the country by the second century A. D. According to the tradition of Bhadrabāhu and Chandragupta, Jainism had been introduced into the Mysore region earlier in the third century B. o. If the faith had continued to hold on in the Mysore area, it should have facilitated the efforts of Simbapandi in
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sh. 4. ... 2 B. A. Salotore: Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 10-11.
3 Ibid., p. 7. 4 The very fact that the stone pillar is described as capable of being split asunder with
A sword makes it improbable that it could have been actually a pillar of stone. Even granting that it indicated an objeot like Asoka's ediot announcing the doctrine of Buddhism as the late Mr. Rice has spegulated, its mere destruotion could not expel the Buddhist faith from the land.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DEGA
darving out a kingdom for his disciples. Otherwise, this event of the foundation of the Ganga kingdom would prove to be another important chapter in the account of Jainism in Karnataka, which was introduced from the region of the Andhra country through the zealous advocates of the faith.
KAIFIYATS AND Local Records: Stepping further, we come to another class of sources which outweigh the other categories by their number and volume. But their historical value is not commensurate with their bulk on account of the less authentic nature of the material. These are the local Kaifiyats or the village chronicles compiled at a later date. Their information is generally based on second hand traditions, unverified reports and other miscellaneous stuff. But they have their own place in the scheme of historical studies. So we can take them for what they are worth and utilise their testimony as circumstantial evidence calculated to supplement the results arrived at from other sources and to furnish further details on the subject. Many such traditions and Kaifiyats have been made available to us by scholars like the late Colonel Mackenzie and Robert Sewell of the last century, who took great interest in Indian antiquarian research and have left valuable treasures of their collections. From among these sources a few typical accounts have been selected and given below in order to illustrate the prevalence of Jaina traditions in almost all parts of the Andhra country.
1) According to the Telugu version of the Mārkaņdēga Purāņa, the four Kshatriya clans of the Andhra country were the descendents of a king of Nanda family. This king is said to have ruled over the Kalinga country and to have been Jaina by persuasion.
2) The region of the Vizagapatam Dt. was influenced by Jainism in the early period of its history.
. 3) Jallūru, a locality in the Gödāvari Dt. was a prosperous Jaina city according to the information contained in the local Kaifiyat. A large number of wells in the Nagaram and Amalāpuram taluks of this district goes by the name of Jaina Wells.
4) The Kaifiyat of Santa Rāvūr, a village in the Guntur Dt., offers the following bit of information. Formerly, Jaina kings were prominent and they ruled the country for a long time. Thereafter came Mukkaņti who was born by the grace of Siva. He destroyed the Buddhists, Jainas and Chārvākas.
5) The following account is extracted from the Kaifiyat of Rētūr, a village in the same district. In the vicinity of Rötur existed a village
1 Otherwise, there seems to be no reason why Simbanandi residing in the Cuddapah
District should go to Mysore to secure a kingdom for his disciples.

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Ramad Kondrājupāļu during the regime of the Jaina rulers and it possessed a Jaina temple. Subsequently when Mukkaņți was ruling, a dispute took place between the Jainas and Brāhmaṇas who had immigrated from Kāśi. In this contest the Jainas were vanquished and the Jaina temple of Koņdrājupāļu was destroyed.
6) The Kaifiyat from Anantavaram in the same district states that the king Mukkaņti destroyed the Jainas, Bauddhas and Chārvākas. He reigned until Saka 220 and had the towns of Dharaņikūța and Warangal as his capitals.
7) The Kaifiyat from Kollūru in the same district refers to the rule of Mukkaņţi from his capital Dharaņikoța. It further relates that at that time Jainas were living in a villlage named Nāgarājapāņu near Kollúru. The same source offers the following additional remarks: After the commencement of the Śālivāhana Era the Jaina emperor Kirtivarman ruled the country. His successors, Vikramārka, Jayasimha, Malla Dāva, Vishņuvardhana of Vengi and other Jaina kings ruled the kingdom subsequently. The Kaifiyats of Yabuti and other villages in the same district similarly speak of the rule of Mukkaņţi Mahārāja and his destruction of the Jainas, Bauddhas and Chārvākas.
8) A tradition prevailing at Dharaṇikõta ascribes the construction of the local fort to a king named Mukkaņtāśvara in the time of the Jainas. Dharaņikota is situated in the Krishņā Dt, and lies close to the famous Buddhist site of Amaravati. Hence the tradition is invested with special significance. Mukkaņtēsvara of this account is identical with Mukkanţi of the other legends. Mukkanti is the Telugu rendering of the Sanskrit expression Trilochana or Three-eyed'. The Andhra regions are rich in traditions that speak of the rule of Mukkaņți Rāja or Mukkanti Mabārāja. He is believed to be the mythical ancestor of the Pallava family, endowed with supernatural power. The name Pallava is sometimes substituted by the expression Kāļuvetti. Thus the terms, Mukkaņți Pallava, Mukkanți Kāļuvetti, Trilochana Pallava, Mukkanti Mahārāja, Mukkaņti, etc., figuring in these accounts, all refer to one and the same personage. Mukkanți is escribed approximately to the period of the second and third century A. D. We have to note with interest the rôle attributed to him in these accounts as the destroyer of Jainism and other heterodox faiths.
9) Malkāpuram, a village in the Krishņā District is known as Jainulapāļu or 'ruined settlement of the Jainas' among the villagers.
10) According to a tradition from Tenāli in the Guntur District, Jaina Rājas ruled over that area. Such vague references to the rule of Jaina kings are found in the accounts of other places also.

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18
11) The Warangal Kaifiyat speaks of a great Jaina divine named Vrishabhanatha Tirtha (?) who was contemporaneous with Rajarāja Narendra of the Eastern Chalukya family. The installation of the goddess Padmakshi on the Anmakonda hill near Warangal, mentioned in the same Kaifiyat, seems to reflect the earlier association of the Jaina deity Padmavati with the place. 12) From the Kaifiyats of Dommara Nandyala and Jammalamadugu in the Cuddapah Dt. we can cull out the following useful piece of information. The early settlers of the area, it seems, were the Jaina priests inspired by missionary zeal. They cleared off the forest and laid the foundations of new settlements. These settlements were, in the first instance, small hamlets and villages known as Pallis. Many of the villages appear to have been founded in this manner by the adventurous adherents of Jaina faith, if we believe the accounts of local records. Some of these settlements grew, in course of time, into big townships; and they were particularly known as Bastis.1
THEIR CONTRIBUTION: The following two broad facts could be deduced from the foregoing survey. Firstly, Jainism was one of the foremost religious creeds that thrived for some time in the major parts of the Andhra country. Secondly, it suffered a set-back during the early centuries of the Christian Era on account of powerful opposition of Buddhism on the one hand and the growing strength of the orthodox Brahmanical cults on the other. Subsequently, the followers of the faith appear to have been subjected to ruthless persecution which must have hastened its downfall. From the accounts of these intolerant religious activities described prominently in a large number of local records we are in a position to infer that the religious persecution of the Jainas was pursued on a large scale in the later period of the Andhra history. Confirmatory evidence to the effect is available from Telugu literature also.
KōMATIS AND THEIR ORIGIN: The Kōmatis have been an important community of businessmen in the Telugu country. They claim themselves to be the descendents of Kubera or Dhanada who is said to have professed the Jaina creed. The origin of the term Kōmati has landed scholars on all kinds of speculations. But the following suggestion has been admitted as more reasonable. The early immigrants of this community hailed from Karnataka. They were Jaina by persuasion and worshipped the deity Gom matanatha. On account of their devotion to Gommata they earned the
•
<
I The above information from the Kaifiyats and local records is gleaned from the accounts furnished in the Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidency by Sewell, Volame I; Studies in South Indian Jainism by Rao & Ayyangar; and Trilochana Pallava and Karikala Chala by N, Venkataramanayya.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
appellation Gõmaţi or Komați." Their early settlement appears to have been in the northern region and subsequently they spread all over the Telugu country. At a later period Penugonda in the West Gödávari District became an important centre of the community. This suggestion regarding the Jaina origin of the Kōmați community is interesting; and we may note it ten. țatively as one more probable evidence of Jaina influence in the Andhra country. Further researches, however, are necessary to accept this view as a fact. .
JAINA PErion in TELUGU LITERATURE: Now we shall take up the question as to how far the Telugu literature is influenced by Jainism. We have been persuaded to investigate into this problem for the following considerations. Jainism flourished in South India at a very early period of its history, and two of the main literatures of the peninsula, viz., the Kannada literature and the Tamil literature, have borne the imprint of Jainism in a remarkable manner. This is illustrated by a large number of extant works in Kannada and Tamil reflecting the religious conventions of the faith. On this analogy it is but natural to expect that Jainism, which proceeded to the Andhra Dāśa even earlier than the other regions of South India, should have left its inpression on Telugu litreature also. But the facts appear to be quite contrary to our expectations. Hence we have to go deeper into the matter and examine the subject in all its bearings.
The extant Telugu literature contains barely three or four works attributed to Jaina authors of luter period. The earliest literary product in Telugu so far available is the Mahābhārata of Nannaya Bhatta. It was written about the middle of the 11th century A. D. under the patronage of the Eastern Chālukya king Rājarāja II. The highly evolved classical style of its composition presupposes the fact that it was preceded by a variety of literary activities and that the Telugu literature was being developed for some centuries previously. If such earlier literary works did exist in that language, what happened to them? It may be possible to furnish a suitable answer to this query if we study the religious conditions of the country carefully. A great upheaval in favour of the orthodox Hindu faith had come over the country by the time of Rājarāja II. Jainsim had fallen into disrepute by this time. Not only was it being cornered by the advocates of Brahmanical faith, but was also being persecuted and systematically crushed. . In these days of calamity, as it has happened under similar conditions, all the sacred objects of the ill-favoured faith including the religious works night have been desecrated or destroyed. We may note the singular D . I Rajarajanarēndra-pattabhisheka-sanchikā, p. 105; Trivēpi, Vol. VIII, No. 2, p. 179.
2 R. Narasimhachar: History of Kannada Literature, pp. 67-68.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA
18 · circumstance in this context, namely, that Nannaya Bhatta, contrary to
the conventions of his age, makes no reference to his predecessors in his work. This silence may be attributed to the fact that they were Jaina by persuasion. But, in a way, we can trace the influence of Jainism even on Nannaya Bhatta himself. It is his style. The refined champū style of composition exhibited by Nannaya Bhatta in his work owed its origin to the Jaina poets of the Kannada country who had almost specialised in it; and it is adınitted on all hands that Nannaya Bhatta was indebted to and influenced by literary luminaries from Karnāțaka. We may further note in this connection another significant event which has a bearing on the literary history of the two adjoining regions of Karnāțaka and Andhra Dēša. It is this. Some of the great literary figures of the Kannaďa literature, such as Pampa and Nāgavarma, who flourished about a century prior to Nannaya Bhatta, either hailed from the Telugu country or were closely connected with it. It is on account of such considerations that scholars are inclined to believe in the existence of a Jaina Period in Telugu literature,' similar to one in Kannada literature. We can further postulate the existence of this Jaina period approximately during the ninth and the tenth centuries A. D. We derive this suggestion from the study of the Telugu inscriptions which evince appreciable signs of literaray development at this time.
2. Antiquities and Relios Now we pass on to the next stage in our investigation and proceed to explore the Jaina antiquities and ancient relics of the Andhra Dēśa. While examining these sources we have to bear in mind the following two points. First, the information regarding many of these objects is based on the reports received by the late Robert Sewell from local officials and other informants who were not specially trained in the subject. Conse. quently their reports are neither complete nor always trustworthy. Secondly, we can detect some confusion in these descriptions, arising from the lack of discrimination between the Buddhist and Jaina sculptures: As Buddhism also had prevailed in the land, ordinary people of the orthodox school were not in a position to distinguish between the Buddhist images and the images of Jinas and commonly mistook the latter for the former. Under these circumstances it is not unlikely that many of the sculptures dubbed as Buddhist in these reports were really Jaina.
1) Ganjam District, though at present included in the state of Orissa, constitutes the northern frontier of Andhra Dēsa. At' Mālati near Goomsur hills of this region several images which were probably Jaina were found. On the Sangamēśvara hill at Sailāda in this district have
1 Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 166.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
been discovered rock-out figures of Jaina Tirthakaras in a cavern and an image of Lord Mahāvira, outside.
2) Two small deserted Jaina temples have been found at Jayati. At Māmiḍiväḍa have been noticed two old temples said to have been built by the Jainas. Māchavaram contains two images in a tank to the west of the village. They are recognised as Jaina by the village folk. A Jaina image was found near an old temple at Peddamarru. Another Jaina image was lying half-buried and uncared for in the middle of the village Taṭipāka. The village Nandapuram in the Pottangi Taluk has preserved a small ancient temple containing nude images of the Jaina creed. All these villages are in the Vizagapatam District.
3) A Jaina image in kayōtsarga posture, six feet high and halfburied, was found at Dharmavaram in the Vizagapatam District. It is called Sanyasi Ayya and worshipped by women desirous of progeny. If they are blessed with an offspring, the child is named Sanyasi, if male; and Sanyasi Amma, if female. Jaina images in sitting posture are found at Piṭṭapuram in the Godavari District. These are adored by the villagers as Sanyasi Devulu or 'recluse gods'. Jaina relics such as the images of Tirthakaras, old temples, etc., are found at Ariyavaṭṭam, Neḍulūru, Atreyapuram, Kazulūru, Jallūru, Draksharama and other villages in the Godavari District. Drakshārāma, it may be noted, is a renowned Śaivite
centre.
4) The following villages in the Krishna District are known to possess the Jaina antiquities specified below. On the top of the hill adjoining Mogalrajapuram there exists a sculpture which might be probably Jaina. To the west of the village Gudivada lies a fine Jaina statue in an excellent state of preservation. Jaina remains have been located at Pondugula on the bank of river Krishna and in the Hyderabad area across the river. Tadikonda contains an old deserted temple said to have been built in the days of the Jainas or the Bauddhas. The sculptures deposited in this temple are possibly Jaina. A colossal image said to have been Buddhistic was found neglected and despised in the enclosure of the Ramalingesvara temple at Tenali. Could it be Jaina? Three beautifully carved figures of the Jaina Tirthakaras have been discovered in the courtyard of the present Siva temple at Chebrolu.1
5) A stone statue of a Tirthakara has been noticed on a hill to the west of the town of Atmakuru in the Nellore District. Villages like Yachavaram, Nayakallu, etc., in the Kurnool District are reported to contain Jaina relics.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 143.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRADESA
6) Dänavula pādu in the Cuddapah District was a great centre of the Jaina faith. Excavations carried on at this village by the Archaeological Department of the Government of India in 1903 have unearthed a large number of remarkable antiquities of the Jaina creed.' Finely carved pedestals and pillars bearing the figures of Tirthakaras and their Sāsanadēvatās and Nishidhi memorials bave been discovered in this place. Some of these objects bear early inscriptions of about the 8th and 9th centuries A. D. But on the evidence of two other categories of finds the antiquity of the place can be pushed back to still earlier times. Herein was excavated a chamber of bricks in which was enshrined an image of Pārsvanātha Tirthakara. These bricks were of considerably big size and resembled those found in the ruined Buddhist stūpas in the Krishņā District. A few Andhra coins were also picked up in course of digging. These two lust named finds would indicate that this place might have been a Jaina centre at least from the third century A. D.
We may note here an interesting fact regarding the name Dānavulapāļu attached to the village. Dānavula-pädu means 'the ruined settlement of demons'. It is a term of reproach evidently coined and applied to the place of Jaina associations by the followers of the orthodox faith at a later period when Jainism fell into discredit. This expression may be contrasted with the name Dēvagudi meaning the temple of gods', borne by another village in the neighbourhood.'
3. Insoriptions HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION: Now we enter into the secure realm of inscriptions which furnish eminently authentic and supremely reliable testimony in our investigation. The first and foremost landmark of epigraphical discovery in regard to the advent of Jainism in the Āndhra Dēša is to be traced in the famous Häthigumpha inscription of king Khäravõla who was a powerful champion of the Jaina doctrine. The epigraph which has been assigned to the second century B. C. speaks of the activities carried on by this Kalinga ruler for the promotion of Jaina faith. One of the king's achievements recounted in the epigraph was the setting up of the image of Kalinga Jina which had been snatched away by king Nanda ; and another was the erection of a shrine near the Relic Depository of the Arhat
| Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of India, 1905-06, pp. 120-127. 2 The above is a brief review of the Jaina antiquities and ancient relios, It is not exhaustive. Much of the account is based on the information contained in the Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidency, Vol. I; and Studies in South
Indian Jainism. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, pp. 71 ff.

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JAUNIER IN SOUTH INDIA
been discovered rook-out figures of Jaina Tirthakaras in a cavern and an image of Lord Mahāvira, outside.
2) Two small dogerted Jaina temples have been found at Jayati. At Māmidivāda have been noticed two old temples said to have been built by the Jainas. Māchavaram contains two images in a tank to the west of the village. They are recognised as Jaina by the village folk. A Jaina image was found near an old temple at Peddamarru. Another Jaina image was lying half-buried and uncared for in the middle of the village Tāțipāka. The village Nandapuram in the Pottangi Taluk has preserved a small ancient temple containing nude images of the Jaina creed. All these villages are in the Vizagapatam District.
3) A Jaina image in käyõtsarga posture, six feet high and halfburied, was found at Dharmavaram in the Vizagapatam District. It is called Sanyāsi Ayya and worshipped by women desirous of progeny. If they are blessed with an offspring, the child is named Sanyāsi, if male; and Sanyāsi Amma, if female. Jaina images in sitting posture are found at Pittapuram in the Godavari District. These are adored by the villagers as Sanyāsi Dāvulu or 'recluse gods'. Jaina relics such as the images of Tirthakaras, old temples, etc., are found at Ariyavattam, Nedulūru, Ātrāyapuram, Kazulūru, Jallūru, Drākshārāma and other villages in the Godāvari District. Drākshārāma, it may be noted, is a renowned Saivite centre.
4) The following villages in the Krishņā District are known to possess the Jaina antiquities specified below. On the top of the hill adjoining Mogalrājapuram there exists a sculpture which might be probably Jaina. To the west of the village Gudivāda lies a fine Jaina statue in an excellent state of preservation. Jaina remains have been located at Pondugula on the bank of river Kșisbņā and in the Hyderabad area across the river. Tadikonda contains an old deserted temple said to have been built in the days of the Jainas or the Bauddhas. The sculptures deposited in this temple are possibly Jaina. A colossal image said to have been Buddhistic was found neglected and despised in the enclosure of the Rāmalingēśvara temple at Tenāli. Could it be Jaina ? Three beautifully carved figures of the Jaina Tirthakaras have been discovered in the courtyard of the present Siva temple at Chebrola.
5) A stone statue of a Tirthakara has been noticed on a hill to the west of the town of Atmakuru in the Nellore District. Villages like Yachavaram, Nāyakallu, etc., in the Kurnool District are reported to contain Jaina relics.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 143.

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2. JANISM IN ANDHRADESA
17
6) Dänavulapāļu in the Cuddapah District was a great centre of the Jaina faith. Excuvations carried on at this village by the Archaeological Department of the Government of India in 1903 have unearthed a large number of remarkable antiquities of the Jaina creed." Finely carved pede stals and pillars bearing the figures of Tirthakaras and their Sāsanadēvatās and Nishidhi memorials have been discovered in this place. Some of these objects bear early inscriptions of about the 8th and 9th centuries A. D. But on the evidence of two other categories of finds the antiquity of the place can be pushed back to still earlier times. Herein was excavated a chamber of bricks in which was enshrined an image of Pārsvanātha Tirthakara. These bricks were of considerably big size and resembled those found in the ruined Buddhist stūpas in the Krishpā District. A few Andhra coins were also picked up in course of digging. These two last named finds would indicate that this place might have been a Jaina centre at least from the third century A. D.
We may note here an interesting fact regarding the name Dānavulapādu attached to the village. Dänavula-pāļu means 'the ruined settlement of demons'. It is a term of reproach evidently coined and applied to the place of Jaina associations by the followers of the orthodox faith at a later period when Jainism fell into discredit. This expression may be contrasted with the name Devuguời meaning the temple of gods’, borne by another village in the neighbourhood.'
3. Insoriptions HATHIGUMPHA INSCRIPTION: Now we enter into the secure realm of inscriptions which furnish eminently authentic and supremely reliable testimony in our investigation. The first and foremost landmark of epigraphical discovery in regard to the advent of Jainism in the Andhra Dēša is to be traced in the famous Hāthigumphā inscription of king Khāravēlaß who was a powerful champion of the Jaina doctrine. The epigraph which has been assigned to the second century B. C. speaks of the notivities carried on by this Kalinga ruler for the promotion of Jaina faith. One of the king's achievements recounted in the epigraph was the setting up of the image of Kalinga Jina which had been snatched away by king Nanda ; and another was the erection of a shrine near the Relio Depository of the Arhat
1 Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of India, 1905-06, pp. 120–127. 2 The above is a brief review of the Jaina antiquities and ancient relios. It is not exhaustive. Much of the account is based on the information oontained in the Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidenoy, Vol. I; and Studies in South Indian Jainism. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, pp. 71 ff.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
on the Hill. Incidentally we are told that the Wheel of Conquest of the Jaina Doctrine had been duly set in motion on the Kumārī Hill.' The expression revealing this information contains no explicit reference to the author of the activity. But it is easy to find out from the context that it must be none else than Mahavira, the last prophet of the Jaina Law, who is aptly described herein as having revolved the victorious wheel of the creed. This conclusion is further supported by the analogy of Lord Buddha who is familiarly portrayed as having set the wheel of Dhamma into action.
The Kumari Hill alluded to above is identical with the Udayagiri mountain' wherein are engraved the inscription of Khāravēla and a few others to be noticed presently. This bit of epigraphical evidence backed by literary tradition noticed previously makes it clear that the foundations of the Jaina Law were laid in as early a period as the sixth century B. C. on the southern frontiers of the Kalinga country which comprised the northern boundary of the Andhra Desa.
UDAYAGIRI-KHANDAGIRI EPIGRAPHS: Nothing is known regarding the state of Jainism in the Andhra country from the sixth to the second century B. C. But evidence is available to surmise that it should have received impetus during the regime of Kharavela who was a zealous patron of the faith. Encouraged by his pious support Jaina missionaries appear to have marched to different parts of the Andhra country and preached the gospel of Lord Jina among its residents. For we are told in the Hathigumphā inscription that Kharavela convened a conference of learned Jainas on the Kumārī Hill and consolidated the Angas or sacred texts of the doctrine. This should have evidently infused new spirit among its advocates. Besides the Hathigumpha inscription of Khāravēla, the Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves have treasured a large number of Jaina records ranging from the second century B. o. to the tenth century A. D. Particularly interesting among these documents are the epigraphs that speak of the benefactions made in favour of the Jaina ascetics by the chief queen of Kharavela and the dignitaries of the kingdom. These inscriptions thus constitute a pillar of light, as it were, radiating the lustre of the Jaina Law through the region of Kalinga into the land of Andhra from the early epoch to the mediaeval age of its history.
A BIG GAP: After this we are confronted with a big gap of several centuries on account of the dearth of epigraphical sources that have not come
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 80; supavata-vijaya-chaka-Kumāripavate, 1. 14,
2 Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 166. 3 Ep., Ind. Vol. XX, pp. 159-67.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA
The
forth so far. This wide blank in the account of Jainism can be explained by a study of the political and religious history of the Andhra Dēsa. Part of the country was under the influence of the Satavahanas who ruled from the 3rd century B. C. to the 3rd century A. D. and who were, on the whole, staunch supporters of the Buddhist religion. The same creed enjoyed patronage at the hands of the Ikshvākus who succeeded the Satavahanas. Salankayanas, the Vishnukundins and the Pallavas, governing different areas from the 3rd to the 7th century A. D., not only followed the Brahmanical faith, but also zealously led the movement for its revival. Thus for nearly 7 or 8 long centuries Jainism could not look forth for help from the rulers or the state officials. Besides, Buddhism and other doctrines also seem to have held the field during this age. From an allusion to the exemption of taxes in the Vilavatți grant of Pallava Simhavarma,' it may be gathered that the Ajivikas had settled in a substantial number in the region of the Nellore District in the 5th century A. D. But though vanquished and suppressed, Jainism was not wiped out from the land; and its teachers seem to have been carrying on their work silently and unflinchingly as seen from the subsequent history. With the conquest and establishment of their rule in the Andhra Desa by the Chalukyas of Karnataka who were generous patrons of the faith, Jainism came to the fore for some time in the Telugu country.
19
EASTERN CHALUKYA RECORDS: Jainism received patronage at the hands of the members of the Eastern Chalukya house from the beginning. Kubja Vishnuvardhana, junior brother of Pulakesi II of the Western Chalukya family, founded this dynasty in the Andhra country during the first quarter of the 7th century A. D. Ayyana Mahādēvi, the queen of Kubja Vishnuvardhana, made the gift of the village Musinikunda, situated in the Tonka Nātavāḍi Vishaya for the benefit of a Jaina temple named Naḍumbi Vasati at Bijavāḍa (modern Bezwada). The gift was entrusted into the hands of the Jaina teacher Kalibhadracharya. The temple which was probably built by the donor herself, belonged to the Kavururi gana and Samgha anvaya. The grant was renewed subsequently at the time of Vishnuvardhana III, a later ruler of the family.
Encouraged by the material assistance of the princes of the Eastern Chalukya family, the doctrine of Lord Jina appears to have gathered much strength and influence in the kingdom. Vijayaditya VI alias Amma II, a later ruler of the house, was a great promoter of the
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, pp. 296 ff.
2 The Ajtvikas were an independent sect and the view that they were a class of Jaina mendicants is not correot. See Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 218-23,
3 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1916-17, p. 116.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
faith. His reign extended from A. D. 945 to 970. Three copper-plate records of his reign that speak of the munificent benefactions made by him for the benefit of Jaina temples and priests have come to light. According to the contents of the Maliyapunḍi charter' issued by this king, a Jaina temple was erected in the south of the village Dharmapuri by Kaṭakarāja Durgarāja. Durgaraja was an important official of the state and the designation Kaṭakarāja connotes that he was 'a superintendent of the royal camp'. The temple was named Kaṭakabharaṇa Jinālaya evidently after this official. At the requst of Durgaraja the king made a gift of the village Maliyapundi for the benefit of the temple. The Jinalaya was in charge of the teacher Śri-Mandiradēva who was a disciple of Divakara and grand-disciple of Jinanandi and belonged to the Yapaniya saṁgha, Kōți-Maḍuva or Maḍuva gana and Nandi gachchha. The village Dharmapuri has been identified with modern Dharmavuramu in the Nellore District.
Another charter known as the Kaluchumbarru grant records the donation of the village Kaluchumbarru for the purpose of providing for the repairs to the charitable dining hall of a Jaina temple called Sarvalōkāśraya Jinabhavana. The temple was under the management of Arhanandi who belonged to the Valahāri gana and Aḍḍakali gachchha. The gift was made with the approval of the king by a lady named Chamekāmbā who belonged to the Pattavardhika lineage, was a devout follower of the Jaina creed and a pupil of Arhanandi. The grant village Kluchumbarru was situated in the district of Attilinandu. Attili which was evidently the headquarters of of the district still exists in its old name and is situated in the West Godavari District. It is interesting to note that the temple appears to have derived its name after one of the predecessors of Amma II, either Chalukya Bhima II or Amma I, who bore the title Sarvalokasraya and during whose regime the temple possibly came into existence.
The Masulipatam plates of the same king present a deeply coloured picture of the Jaina faith. The epigraph introduces us to a distinguished family of feudatory chiefs who were devout followers of the Jaina Law and to an eminent line of Jaina teachers who commanded respect in the society. Naravahana I, a scion of the Trinayana Kula and Grevya gōtra, was an officer under the Eastern Chalukya kings. His son Melaparaja and the latter's wife Menḍamba were zealous adherents of the Jaina creed. To then were born Bhima and Naravahana II, who ardently followed the path
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 47 .
2 Ibid. Vol. VII, pp. 177 ff.
3 D. C. Ganguly: The Eastern Chalukyas, pp. 71 and 79.
4 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, pp. 268 ff.

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2. JAINISM IN ANDERA DESA
21 of Jaina Dharma. Favoured by Chalukya Bhima II, they secured the insignia of feudal chieftainship. They had a preceptor named Jayasēna who was proficient in Juina philosophy and had the surname Nathasēna. He was a disciple of Chandrasēna. Jayasõna was honoured by several orders of Jaina ascetics and lay worshippers, to wit, Srāvakas, Kshapanakas, Ksbullakas and Ajjakas. At the instance of this reputed teacher, Bhima and Naravāhana II erected two Jaina temples at Vijayavātikā (i. e., modern Bezwada); and for the benefit of these temples king Amma II granted the village Pedda Galidiparru having converted it into a dēvabhöga. The gift village is represented by the present day Peda Gādelavarru, a village in the Tenāli taluk (Guntur Dt).
An inscription engraved on the wall of the Durgapascha cave at Rāmatirtha' in the Vizagapatam District is highly interesting in that it furnishes valuable information both about the place itself and a later king of the Eastern Chālukya lineage. The epigraph belongs to the reign of Vimalāditya (A. D. 1011-22) and states that his religious teacher Trikālayõgi Siddnāntadēva of the Dēsi gana paid homage to Rāmakonda with great devotion. This shows, in the first instance, that the king had become a convert to the Jaina faith and bad adopted the Jáina teacher as his spiritual guide. Secondly, the record testifies to the eminence of Rāmatirtha as a sac ed resort of the Jaina religion. Rāmatirtha has been evidently referred to in the inscription as Rāmakonda. It is further gathered from the records of pilgrims of earlier dute written in red paint on the ceiling of the PāņqaVapañcha cave and froin an inscription on the pedestal of a broken Jaina image at Rāmatirtha, that the place was an intluential centre of the faith from early times and a holy abode of pilgrimage for its followers. Rāmatirtha was an eminent stronghold of Buddhism during the early centuries of Christian Era and a large number of Buddhist rewains have been discovered here. It is interesting to observe how Jainism captured this place during the declining days of the Buddhist creed and converted it into a stronghold of its own.
DANAVULAPĀŅU INSCRIPTIONS: Let us at this stage revert to Dānavulapādu once again and review it through the perspective of epigraphy. About & dozen inscriptions engraved on sculptured pillars, pedestals of images and tablets of stone have been noticed here. These range in date from the Sth
1 An Rep. un 8. 1. Epigraphy 1918. Appendix B, No. 831 and p. 133. 2 Ibid., p. 134; Mad. Aroh. Rep. 1908-9, pp. 10-11, 1909-10, pp. 20-21; 1910-11 pp.
13-14, 3 Ibid. ; An. Rep. Aroh Surv. of Ind., 1910-11, pp. 78-87. 4 Ibid., 1905-6, pp. 121-4; An. Rep. on. S. I. Epigraphy, 1906, Appendix B, Nos. 331-41
of 1905.

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JAINIEM IN SOUTH INDIA
century A, D, onwards. One of them assignable to the 10th century refers to the Rashtrakūta king Nityavarsha who may be identified with Indra III or Khoțtiga. Another epigraph eulogises and records the death, by the vow of sanyasana, of the great commander of the forces, Srivijaya, who was an emin-nt warrior, a profound scholar and an ardent follower of Jaina Law. The records contain allusions to a divine named Kanakakirtidēva and another teacher. Some of the epigraphs are intended to celebrate the Nishidhi memorials of certain lay disciples of the mercantile community hailing from Penugonde. From these it becomes clear that this place, i, e., Dānapulupādu, was considered sacred; and faithful followers of the Jaina Law proceeded here from distant places to terminate their lives according to religious injunctions.
ANMAKONDA Pullar INSORIPTION : Jainism appears to have derived some help during the early regime of the Kakatiya rulers of Warangal. On a hillock near Anmakonda, not far away from Warangal, stands the temple of Padmākshi. A pillar set up in front of this temple bears the figures of squatting Jinas on its four sides and a Jaina inscription which mentions the following facts. The epigraph is dated A. D. 1117, during the reign of the Western Chālukya king Vikramaditya VI. Mahāmandalēsvara Kakati Prola, son of Bőtarasa, was the feudatory governor of the king. Pergade Bēta, son of Daņdādhinātha Vaija, succeeded to the hereditary office of the minister under the Kākati chief Prola. Mailanna was the wife of this minister Bēta. An ardent follower of the Jaina Law, she built a Jaina temple named Kadalalāya Basadi on the top of the Anmakonda hill and made an endowment of land for its maintenance. The pillar also was set up by the same lady on that occasion. Mahāmandalēśvara Mēlarasa, another dignitary of the kingdom, also gave land for the benefit of the Jaina temple. It may be easily seen that the Kadalalāya Basadi of the epigraph has been replaced by the Padmāksbi temple of the present day.
TADAPATRI Rwoord: An inscription from Tādapatrio in the Anantapur District discloses the existence, in that locality, of a well-established Jaina temple, an influential line of Jaina teachers and the patronage received by them from the feudatory rulers of the area, who claimed their descent in the lunar race. The epigraph is dated A. D. 1198 and records an endowment of land made by the feudatory chief Udayāditya to the divide Mēghachandra who was the superintending priest of the ChandranāthaPārsvanātha Basadi and belonged to the Müla samgha, Dēši gaņa, Kondakunda
1 Ep. Ind., VOL. X, pp. 147 ff. 2 Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 256 ff. 3 South Indian Insor iptions (8. I. I.), Vol. IV, No, 798.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. whitews
.
..

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2. JAINISM IN ANDHRA DESA
anvaya, Pustaka gachchha and Ingalēśvara Bali. Möghachandra's guru was Bhānukirti whose guru was Bāhubali.
CAABROLU CHARTER: An epigraph from Chebrolu' in the Krishņā District speaks of the temple of Ananta Jina in the locality and seems to record the continuance of a gift of land formerly made for its maintenance by a chief named Jaya. Evidently, the temple must have been in existence by the beginning of the 13th century A. D., as the inscription mentions the date a. D. 1213-4. From this fact it would be reasonable to surmise that Jainisin still claimed some following and was held in estimation to an extent in that area.
KUNTHU TĪRTHAKARA: An interesting inscription bas been noticed on the pedestal of an image deposited in the open air Archaeological Museum at Hampi. It records the construction of a Chaityālaya in the city of Kandanavrolu and the consecration therein of the image of Kunthu Tirthakara by Immadi Bukka Mantrīśvara, son of Baichaya Daņdanātba. This dignitary was the disciple of Dharmabhūshaņa Bhatýārakächārya of the Mūla Samgha, Balātkāra gana and Sarasvati gachchha. The epigraph is dated A. D. 1395 and may be assigned to the reign of the Vijayanagara king, Harihara II. The image must have originally belonged to Kurnool, as the ancient name of the town was Kandanavrolu. But unfortunately the image is lost and only the pedestal has survived. The loss is felt all the wore, because the images of the Tirthakara Kunthunātha are very rare and not generally available for study and examination. This aftorus one more instance of the lingering state of Jainism in the Andhra region.
SRISAILAM EPIGRAPH: Now we reach the end of our epigraphical journey and notice with sorrow the tragic doom that extinguished the last remnants of the Jaina faith in the Andhra region. While recounting the pious achievements of a Virasaiva chief named Linga, son of Sānta, an inscription froin Srisaila, dated A. D. 1512, tells us that he took pride in cutting off the heads of Svētāmubara Jainas? No further details are forthcoming rege arding the activities of this Linga against his opponents of the Jaina creed. Though this piece of information is meagre, it is full of significance when read in the context of the entire history of Juinism in the Andhra country. Firstly, it proves that Jainsim had lingered on in the Andhra country, particularly in the region of Srisaila, in spite of overwhelming odds, till the period of the 16th century. Secondly, it testifies to the prevalenoe of the Svētāmbara geot in that land and strengthens our earlier surmise that some
1 An. Rep. on. S. I. Epigr. phy, 1936, Appendix B, No. 336. .2 Ibid , 1915, Appendix C, No. 16. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, pp. 142 f. .

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JAIXIBM IN BOUTA INDIA
of the missionary activities conducted by the pioneers of the Jaina Law in South India were sponsored by the members of the Svētīmbara sobool. Thirdly, it shows that ruthless pereecution by the followers of hostile creeds was prominent among the causes that led to the extinction of the Jaina faith in the Andhra Dēša.
CONCLUSION: We may conclude the above brief review of Jainism in the Andhra Dēša with the following useful observations.
1) The three categories of sources examined by us, viz., traditions and literature, antiquities and inscriptions are mutually corroborative. The gaps in the story left out in one class of material are sometimes supplied and filled in by others,
2) To a superficial observer the Andhra Dēša is virtually devoid of all traces of Jainism; for, no followers of the creed worth the name exist in the area. No sacred places like Sravana Belago!a in Karnātaka or Jina Kāñchi in the l'amil Nād have survived in the Andhra country. Unlike the Kannada and Tamil literatures, the Telugu literature has preserved no literary works of outstanding merit written by Jaina authors. But the above enquiry has convinced us that the facts were quite different.
3) A close and correlated study of the various sources has brought home the following glowing features of the history of Jainism in the Andhra Dēša: i. Jainism migrated to the land of the Andhras prior to Buddhism in as early a period as the 6th century B. 0. ii. It had to encounter formi. duble opposition from the Buddhist creed. Though met with reverses, it continued its struggle with remarkable perseverence and survived with credit for a long time. iii. Jainism was prevalent in large areas and wielded considerable influence over important sections of the society. Many a ruling prince and eminent official of the state came under its direct influence and fervently followed the path of the Jaina Law.
4) Particularly interesting and highly significant are those sources that hail from the Krishņā and Guntur Districts, because this area was the stronghold of the rival creed of Buddhism. A comparison of the sources from this area with others will show that they are neither meagre nor insignificant. Nay, they are even preponderating so to say. This position furnishes eloquent testimony to the high spirit and indomitable courage that ch'racterised the missionary activities of the torch-bearers of the Jaina Law who worked under adverse circumstances and succeeded in establishing the supremtoy of their faith.
1 This piece of epigraphical evidence vindicates the statemeuts of Jains perseoution
ooourring in the literature and looal records noticed previously.

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CHAPTER III JAINISM IN TAMIL NAD
1. Antiquity As contrasted with its vicissitudes in the Andhra Dāśa, Jainism presents itself in a preeminently advantageous position in the Tamil Nad. The sources that come to our help in the task of reconstructing its bistory are exceedingly rich and abundant. We shall make a selective study of them with a view to understand the story in its main details.
ADVENT OF JAINISM: The geographical situation of the Tamil Nad would indicate that Jainism was introduced here either through the Andhra Dēša or the Karnataka country. The latter view appears to have generally found favour with the scholars as it derives its support from the well established tradition of Bhadrabāhu's migration to Karnātaka. But the evidence discussed at length in the previous chapter would persuade us to consider the possibility of the former view also in an agreeable light. Therefore we shall discuss here, in the first instance, the antiquity of Jainisin in the Tamil territory on its own merit, irrespective of its affiliations with other parts of South India, and then take up the question of its relationship with the adjoining areas.
Evidence OF MAHAVAŃSA: The tenth chapter of the Mahāvamsa, a Buddhist chronicle of the fifth century A. D., deals with the consecration of the prince Pāņdukābhaya. While describing the new constructions in the capital town of Anurādhapura, we are told that the king built a house for the Nigantha Jotiya to the east of the cemetery. Nigantha Giri and many. ascetics of various heretical sects were residing in that area. Proceeding further the narrative informs us that the ruler also constructed a chapel for Nigantha Kumbhanda and that it was named after him. A dwelling for the Ājivakas was also erected by the monarch,
The expression Nigaņķha occurring in the above account is a Prākrit form of the Sanskrit term Nirgrantha which means a follower of the Jaina faith. The reign of king Pāņdukābhaya' has been placed in the 4th century B. C. (from B. C. 377 to 307) and so the above events concerning the construction of a dwelling and a temple for the Nirgranthas in the capital should be referred to the early period of the Ceylon history.
1 Geiger's Mahāvansa, p. 75. A reference to the place of residence of Nigantha
Giri is contained in Dipavamsa (H, Oldenberg: 19, 14) also another Buddhist
chronicle of the 4th century A. D. 2. Mabāvamsa, Introduotion, page xxxyhaia
4

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
IMPORTANT LANDMARK: This piece of information constitutes an important landmark in the history of Jainism in South India. The evidenoe is trustworthy since it comes from a source which is fairly ancient and none the least pro-Jaina. Further the accuracy with which the circumstantial details are narrated should leave no doubt in regard to its authenticity, This shows that Jainism had established itself in the northern part of Ceylon and claimed a respectable status in the kingdom. It also points to the possibility that the Tamil land might have come into contact with the creed of Lord Jina by the period of the 4th century B. o. or even earlier. For on account of their proximity closer relationship subsisted between Ceylon and the Tamil country'; and the Jaina missionaries like the protagonists of the Buddhist faith might have naturally preached their doctrine in the latter region, prior to their immigration into the island by the land route through peninsular India.
It may be gathered from the above account in the Mahávansa and from other sources that Buddhism was not the dominant religious faith of Ceylon in the 4th century B.C. Jainism and other 'heretical' creeds appear to have held the field. Buddhism gained prominence in the island later by the end of the third century B. O, during the reign of the Ceylonese ruler Dāvānāmpiya Tissa who was a zealous advocate of the faith. It would thus seem that the doctrine of Lord Jina which was senior to that of Lord Buddha consistently maintained its priority and also superiority, for some time, not only in the land of its origin, but also in the distant provinces of South India and Ceylon, thanks to the well-organised proselytizing activities of its advocates.
TESTIMONY OF TRADITIONS: We may notice in this context an interesting tradition hailing from Karnāṭaka which, though recorded in a late literary composition, seems to reflect the antiquity of Jainism in the Tamil country. Dēvachandra, a Jaina author of the last century, who was a native of Kanakagiri or Maleyuru in the Mysore territory, has made a faithful collection of miscellaneous legends and traditional accounts of rulers and Jaina teachers in his compendium named Rājāvalikathe. After furnishing the details regarding the migration of Bhadrabāhu and Chandragupta to the Mysore region, the work tells us that Bhadrabāhu, at the time of his death, nominated his disciple Viśākhāchārya as the leader of the assemblage
1 From the account of Vijaya given in the Mahavamsa (chapter vii) we know that
the Pandyan knigdom or the southern region of the Tamil country had come into intimate relationship with Ceylon. The Dipavansa contains allusions to Damila (18, 47; 20, 17; etc.) which show that the cultural ties between the two regions
were maintained in the later period also. 2 Mahávamisa, chapter xi, 3 Karpátaka Kavicharite, Vol. III, pp. 147-8.

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3. JAINISM IN TAMIL NAD
27
of monks and instructed him to proceed still further to the Chola and Pandya countries. Accordingly Visakhacharya repaired to those regions and propagated the tenets of the Jaina Law among their inhabitants who were already familiar with the doctrine. Bhadrabahu is known to have deceased by the beginning of the third century B. C. (B. C. 297). So the earlier contact of Jainism with the Chola and Pandya countries, i. e., the Tamil Nāḍ, as specified in this account, may be postulated approximately by the period of the 4th century B. 0.
Testimony of another literary source is available to show that the above statement of Devachandra is not unfounded. Ratnanandi, a writer of the 15th ceutnry A. D., gives an account of Bhadrabahu's exodus to Karnataka on similar lines in his Sanskrit work entitled Bhadrabahucharita and states that Visakhacharya, the disciple of Bhadrabahu, led the Jaina samgha at the instance of his guru to the Chōla country.
2
ROCKY BEDS AND EPIGRAPHS: After this we pass on to a different category of sources whose evidence should be considered direct and decisive. In consequence of the researches conducted by the enthusiastic scholars of the Epigraphist's office, Madras, a large number of caverns containing beds carved out in the rock has been discovered in the hills and mountainous regions in the Pudukkottai area and Madura and Tinnevelly Districts of the Madras State. The two last-named areas are particularly rich in these antiquities and the Madura District is known to possess considerably numerous monuments of this kind. These caverns are generally situated on mountain slopes at almost inaccessible heights, in out-of-the-way places and in the interior of dense forests inhabited by wild beasts. The beds sometimes designated as Pañchapaṇḍava beds are made into shape by chiselling the stone and usually possess the elevation of a pillow. The caverns as a rule are provided with the conveniences of natural water supply. From this description it may be seen that these rocky hermitages on the hills must have been, at one time, occupied by ascetics, monks and recluses who wanted to spend their lives in secluded retirement far from the habitations crowded by worldly people.
The very position and nature of these stony couches which are characteristically simple and austere would point to their great antiquity. But on account of their association, in majority of instances, with inscriptions written in ancient script, it has been possible to determine the age of these
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, Introduction, p. 39; Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 20 and 32.
?
2 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, Introduction, p. 38.
3 Vide An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1907, pp. 46-47; 1908, pp. 46-47;
1909, pp. 67-70; 1910, pp. 66-69, etc.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
monuments with some preoision. These epigraphs are sometimes engraved quite close to and on the pillow sides of the beds, thus furnishing unerring proof of their synchronism. The characters of the records present arcbajo apocimens of the Brāhmi script and may be referred to the period of the 3rd century B. 0. In order to present a clear picture of the theme I may illustrate these remarks with a brief description of some of the individual monuments.
MADURA Distriot: 1) A cavern with more than dozen beds and Brāhmi inscriptions was found in the Anaimalai Hill. Three of these are double beds. 2) A huge cavern, the biggest so far known, containing namerous beds and Brāhmi inscriptions, was noticed at Varichchiyūr. 9) The Tirapparankunram hill revealed the existence of two caverns. One of them possesses six beds with writing in Brāhmi script on their pillow side. The other cavern has two beds and no inscriptions. 4) A big cavern possessing. many beds was gpotted out at Alagarmalai. It has two Brāhmi inscriptions, one on the floor of the cave and another on the brow of the hill. 5) Kongarpaliyanguļam has presented at least four caverns possessing more than thirty beds in all. Writing in Brāhmi characters was detected in one of these oaves. 6) As a result of careful examination the hill called Siddharmalai or 'the hill of the sages' near Mettupatti or Muttupatti has yielded one cavern with thirty beds. Three epigraphs in Brāhmi, one on a bed and two on the sheltering rock, have been discovered here. A detached boulder was also found to possess a single bed and a Brāhmi inscription. 7) Three caverns have been ransacked at Kilalavu. One of these possesses beds and inscriptions in Brāhmi alphabet. The other two caverns contain beds, but no inscriptions.
TINNEVELLY DISTRICT: One cavern possessing writing in Brāhmi soript and several beds has been explored at Marugāltalai. Four caverns containing Brāhmi inscriptions and a large number of beds have been discovered at Kalugumalai which is rich in rock-cut architecture and sculptures, Ten beds have been traced out in a cavern at Viraśikhāmaņi. It is interesting to note that on one of these beds was found engraved a figure made up of 64 small squares. A game known as Ceylon Arasadi Keliya is associated with an identical diagram. This figure therefore appears to have been intended for the playing purpose. This cavern is devoid of any. insoriptions in Brāhmi alphabet.
1 Compare, An. Rep. on 8. I. Ep., 1908, p. 47. 3 Proceedings and Transactions of Third Oriental Conference, p. 282. 3 Ibid., pp. 278-78; An. Rep. on &. I. Epigraphy, 1907, pp. 46-47; eto. 4. Proceedings eto., p. 276,

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3. JAINISM IN TAMIL NAD
PUDUKKOTTAI AREA: Sittanṇavasal is an important hill: range containing a large number of ancient relics. It contains a natural cavera known as Eladipattam. Seventeen beds are cut on the rook of this cavern and by the side of the largest of these beds is engraved an inseription in Brahmi alphabet. A hill known as Aluriṭṭimalai among the group of hills called Närttamalai has a natural cavern with traces of beds similar to those at Sittanṇavāśal.1
THE PROBLEM OF EPIGRAPHS: In regard to the palaeography of the Brahmi inscriptions noted above it may be remarked that the script of these epigraphs is akin in many respects to the alphabet of the cave records of Ceylon belonging to the same period and further that their characters bear resemblance with the Brahmi script of the Bhattiprolu documents." These writings thus constitute the earliest lithic records of the Tamil Nad and the relics, viz., the rock-cut beds with which they are associated, comprise the most ancient lithic monuments of the people who lived in the land in that early age. But in spite of the general familiarity with the script the interpretation of these epigraphs has baffled the best efforts of renowned epigraphists. This may be attributed to some extent to a few hitherto unknown symbols of uncertain value occurring in these writings. But the main difficulty lies in regard to their language which has proved a veritable puzzle.
Two divergent views have been held on the question. According to one view the language used in these epigraphs is only Tamil which is found here in its earliest and undeveloped state. The exponent of this theroy is Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, retired Superintendent for Epigraphy of the Archaeological Department. Mr. Ayyar has also shown that these monuments are associated mainly with the activities of the Buddhist missionaries who preached the doctrine of Lord Buddha in the Tamil country. The other view advocates a Prakrit basis for these epigraphs. According to this opinion their language is a variety of Prakrit
1 An. Rep. on. S. I. Ep., 1915, p. 86 and Manual of Pudukkottai State, Vol. II, pt. ii, pp. 1077 and 1092.
2 Proceedings etc., Third Oriental Conference, p. 282.
3 These records have still remained an unsolved riddle, though they were discovered over four decades ago. The contributory factors for this state of affairs are these: peculiar forms of the Brahmi alphabet, crude and archaic nature of the language which may be an undeveloped variety of Prakrit (1), difficulty in the grouping of syllables and words, prepossession in regard to their Buddhist origin to the exclusion of their Jaina relationship.
4 Proceedings etc., Third Oriental Conference, pp. 278-81.

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known as the Paisachi Prakrit. One of the areas where Paisachi Prakrit is said to have been in vogue was the Pandya country, and this description agrees with the provenance of these inscriptions. Dr. C. Narayana Rao, the protagonist of this theory, has substantiated his agruments by interpreting these records in keeping with his theory.'
JAINA ORIGIN: We may pass over the disputed question of the language and the contents of the epigraphs and concentrate our attention on those relics, which are closely related with these records, to wit, the natural caverns with their unique rows of rock-cut beds. There is adequate justification to maintain that these monuments, at any rate, the majority of them, could not have been primarily and exclusively Buddhistic in their origin. The grounds for such a contention are as follows:
First, although it is possible to postulate the infiltration of Buddhism in the Tamil country and in Ceylon prior to the epoch of the third century B. C., it gained neither strength nor prominence in these regions. The Buddhist doctrine gathered momentum only during the later period of the century on account of the mighty support and patronage it received at the hands of the Mauryan emperor Aśoka on the one side and of the Ceylon ruler Devānāmpriya Tissa on the other." On the contrary, as we have observed while dealing with the history of Jainism in the Andhra Dōsa, Jaina teachers were the early enthusiastic leaders of missionary movements in South India." This observation is confirmed by the prevalence of Jainism in Ceylon during the early age of the 4th century B. o. noticed above. We have also discussed with the help of some literary traditions the possibility that the Tamil Nad could not have been excluded from the sphere of missionary activities of these early teachers of the Jaina Law in those days.
Sécondly, we have to note the Jaina associations and environments of many of these caverns and monuments. Here are a few by way of illustration: 1) At Tirupparankunram, not far away from one of the caverns noticed above, have been found two square depressions cut into the rock at an inaccessible height. These squares contain standing naked figures with
1 New Indian Antiquary, 1938-39, pp. 362 ff.
2 Mahavamsa, chapter xi.
3 The more enduring and wider imprint left on the life and literature in Tamil land by Jainism stands in favour of their proselytizing activities. Scholars who viewed this problem from the Buddhist point of view had also to concede the early association of these monuments with the Jaina monks. Absence of other Buddhist 'relios in these caverns as in Ceylon and the prevalence of Jaina relics in them, on the contrary, are some of the serious questions of the problem which have not been answered properly by the Buddhist protagonists. Vide An, Rep on S. 1. Epigraphy, 1907. p. 47; 1909, p. 70,

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wade
serpent hood.
These evidently represent the Jaina Tirthakaras, 2) In the cavern at Alagarmalai containing Pañchapaṇḍava beds a rock-cut image of the Jina has been discovered close to the writing in Brahmi script. 3) The cavern at Muttupatti noted above possesses sculptures of the Jaina deities carved out on the overhanging boulder sheltering the beds. 4) Of the three caverns noticed above at Kilalavu one contains a row of rock-cut sculptures in relief. These may be clearly identified as the Jaina Tīrthakaras in standing and sitting postures. 5) In the natural cavern at Seṭṭipoḍavu near Kilakkudi are to be seen rock-cut sculptures of various Tīrthakaras attended by Sasanadēvatās. 6) Existence of a series of rock-cut sculptures in relief representing the Jinas has been traced in a natural cave on Poygaimalai hill near Kuppalanattam. This cave is known by the name Savanar Koil or 'the temple of the Jaina recluses'. 7) Kalugumalai noted for its beds and Brahmi inscriptions is particularly rich in rock-cut sculptures of Jaina persuasion, which present a highly charming spectacle. On the rocks of these hills have been carved out panels of Jaina deities; and particularly interesting among them are some that portray the Yakshis in prominent positions. 8) Sittanṇavāśal and Närttamalai contain caverns with beds and Brahmi writing. These hills which are absolutely devoid of Buddhist vestiges abound in Jaina relics of an early age, such as rock-cut sculptures, fresco paintings and inscriptions."
Thirdly, we have to observe that these Jaina associations of those early mounments could not have been accidental. No doubt, it is possible to argue that some of the Jaina sculptures were carved out, at a later date, on the rocks of caverns containing earlier relics, viz., the beds and the Brahmi inscriptions. But we are equally justified in assuming that some of the caverns at least continued uninterrupted as Jaina resorts from the age of the beds and the Brahmi inscriptions onwards. Further, the appellation 'Pañchapaṇḍava beds' given to some of these monuments by the ordinary people need not be construed as necessarily conveying their Buddhist associations as Mr. Ayyar has presumed. For there are instances of hills which are styled Pañchapāṇḍava hills, but which own in large numbers Jaina sculptures and inscriptions only and no Buddhist vestiges. The hill known as Pañchapāṇḍavamalai near Arcot, another of the same name near Kilalavu and the Aivarmalai hill in the Madura District, which is only a
1 Photographs in the collection of the Government Epigraphist's Office. 2 Manual of Pudukkottai State, Vol. I, p. 83; Vol. II, part I, p. 540.
3 Proceedings etc., Third Oriental Conference, pp. 278-79.
4 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 136.

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+
SAIKI IN SOUTH INDIA Hami paraphrase of the former expression (Aivar = Five), may be cited as a for instances to illastrate this view.'
And lastly, there seems to subsist an early common substratum of Jaina religious movement both in Ceylon and in the Tamil area in the extreme south of the Indian Peninsula, which are not distantly situated from each other. As in Ceylon, so in the Tamil land, particularly in its southern parts, Jainism might have impressed itself on the social and religious life of the people by the period of the 4th century B. o. Significant in this context is the close affinity existing between the script of the earliest Brāhmi records of the Tamil land and the alphabet of the cave inscriptions of Ceylon as noticed earlier.
JAINA IMMIGRATION IN TAMIỊ NÁD: Now we shall revert to the question of immigration of Jainism in Tamil Näd and state our views in the light of the facts detailed above. After their entry into the Andhra Desa the advocates of the Jaina Law appear to have marched due south into the Tamil country. This is attested by the existence of ancient relics such as Jaina rock-cut sculptures and inscriptions preserved in the hills of the North Arcot District which comprises one of the northern parts of the Tamil territory adjacent to the Telugu region. These preachers proceeded further to the southern parts of the country and crossing the sea entered into the island of Ceylon. This might have taken place approximately during the period of the 5th and 4th centuries B. O. Another stream of Jaina teachers appears to have flowed into the Tamil country from the Karnāțaka region during the 8rd century B. G. These were the monks belonging to the songrogation of Bhadrabāhu, who carried out the last wishes of their master tinder the leadership of Višākhāchārya. The influx of this new band of preachers might have accelerated the pace of the proselytising movement in the Tamil couatry, particularly in its southern parts. It is on this Arouad that we can explain the abundance of Jaina monu inscriptions in the hills and elsewhere in the Madura and Tinnevelly Diatriats as contrasted with their limited quantity in the northern areas.
2. Strongholds of Jainiam JAINA CENTRES: Now we shall make an attempt to trace the origin and rise of some of the eminent centres of the Jaina religion that flourished in the Tamil country with the aid of the evidence furnished by antiquitios, inscriptions and literature. In doing so we shall be generally guided by the considerations of their geographical distribution and chronological
1 Aa. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1909, p. 69 und 1910, p. 68. 3 Prooeedings eto, p. 282.

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38
sequence in each case. One feature that becomes conspicuous to us while dealing with this subject is that most of these centres originated and developed on or by the side of the hills and mountains which are noted for their picturesque view and endowed with nature's bounty. We can, therefore, indulging in a metaphor, describe these hills as the citadels of the Jaina faith. In this wise it seems that the wheel of conquest of the Jaina Law set in motion by Lord Mahavira on the summit of the Kumari Hill in the Kalinga country, rolled down on its southern expedition capturing one hill after another and converting them into its strongholds till it reached the extremity of the land.
KANCHI REGION: Käйchi or Kanchi region which roughly represents the modern Chingleput District appears to have developed as a favourite resort of Jainism from early times. This area was the home of the Pallava power which was nurtured from the 4th to the 8th century A. D. Mayiläppür which is now a part of the modern city of Madras claimed a substantial number of adherents of the Jaina faith among its residents.' Tiruvalluvar, author of the famous Tamil poem Kural, who lived in the first century A. D. is said to have been Jaina by persuasion and a resident of this place. A tradition from Mahabalipuram avers that the early members of the Kurumbar community of the area were the followers of the Buddhist and Jaina faiths.
KANCHI PROPER: Coming to Kanchi proper, the capital city of the Pallavas, it had the unique privilege of being an eminent resort of the Jaina creed for a considerably long age of several centuries. Not only did the doctrine receive active help and encouragement at the hands of the Pallava rulers in the beginning, but some of the early members of the house became its direct adherents. The famous instance is that of Mahendravarman I who ruled during the first quarter of the seventh century A. D. and was a staunch adherent of the Jaina faith in the early part of his life. Equally noteworthy is the instance of the Saiva saint Appar who is closely associated with the Pallava king as the renowned teacher who brought about the spiritual transformation of the latter from his earlier leanings with the Jaina creed. Initiated into the Jaina fold, Appar spent the younger years of his life in a Jaina monastery as mouk Dharmasõna. We may note in this context the tradition regarding the origin of the two temples dedicated to the Jaina deities at Tirupparuttikkunram near Kanchi. These are the shrines of Vardhamana and Vrishabhanatha Tirthakaras, which are believed to have
1 Studies in South Indian Jainism, p. 74; Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII, p. 290. 2 Ibid.
3 List of Antiquarian Remains in Madras Presidency, Vol. I, 190.
4 South Indian Inscriptions (S. J. I.), Vol. XII, Introduction, p. 2. 5 Studies in S. I. Jainism, p. 66.
5

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been founded by a Pallava king at the instance of the teachers' Vāmada and Mallishēņa.' It is not unlikely that this Pallava king was Mahöndravarman I.
me. It is of interest to note that the earlier attachment of Mahēndravarman I to the Jaina doctrine is alluded to, though in an indirect way, in an inscription of his own. The epigraph is engraved on a pillar in a rock-cut cave of the king near Trichonopoly. Describing the erection of the Sivalinga in the cave, the record characteristically states that the knowledge of the king in respect of god Siva was formerly posed in the opposite direction on account of his having followed the path of the hostile creed. The passage in question runs thus:
गुणभरनामनि राजनि अनेन लिङ्गन लिङ्गिनि ज्ञानम् ।
प्रथतां चिराय लोके विपक्षवृत्तः परावृत्तम् ॥ Jina KANCHI: Tirupparuttikkunram, popularly known as Jina Kānchi, is situated at a distance of about two miles from the modern town of Conjeeveram. This place has preserved a Jaina shrine to this day. The presiding deity of this shrine is Lord Vardhamāna who is also styled Trailokyanāthasvāmi. It is the biggest temple, adorned with artistic splendour, in the Conjeevaram taluk and owns a large number of well-preserved icons of the Jaina pantheon. About 17 inscriptions have been noticed by the epigraphists of the Madras Office at this place, and these furnish much useful information about the history of the temple. The epigraphs range from the 12th to 16th century A. D.
One of the inscriptions dated about a. D. 1116 in the reign of the Chola king Kulõttunga Chūļa I, speaks of the purchase of land made by the Rishisamudāya or the assembly of Jaina monks of the place for the purpose of digging a channel. Another epigraph, duted a few years later in the reign of Vikrama Choļa, refers to two transactions, on two different occasions, pertaining to the sale of lands, free of taxes, for the benefit of the Jaina temple. The ķishi-samudaya figures in this inscription also. In this record Tirupparuttikkunram is referred to as 'pallichchandam', which shows that the whole village was a gift property of the Jaina temple. A third record, dated A. D. 1199, introduces a teacher
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1923, p. 4. 2 8. I. I., Vol. I., p. 29. The verae cited above contains the figure of speech known as
double entendre, King Gunabhara was Mahendravarman I, Guņabhara being one
of his titles. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 115 ff.; An. Rep. on S. 1. Epigraphy Nos, 40-45 of 1890;
Nog. 188-89 of 1901; Nog. 97-100 of 1923; Nog. 381-83 of 1929. 4 Ibid., No 383 of 1929. 5 Ibid., No 881 of 1929.

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35 named Kurukka! Chandrakīrti, who, along with others, is said to have secured a tax-free gift of land for the same temple. A fourth inscription in Grantha character's acquaints us with the construction of the gõpura of the temple by the sage Pushpasēna Vāmanārya who bore the surname Paravādimalla and was the disciple of Mallishāņa Vāmanasűri.' Of the remaining inscriptions, four belong to the age of the Vijayanagara rulers, two of Bubka II and two of Krishṇadāvarāya. The former, dated A. D. 1382 and 1388 respectively, testify to the fervent devotion entertained by Irugappa, the minister of Bukka II, who made munificent benefactions for the maintenance of the great religious establishment and for new constructions in the temple. In the earlier of these grants the deity is addressed as Trailokyavallabha, the god (Nāyanār) of Tirupparuttikunru.
Jaina ASCENDENCY: On account of the paucity of sources it is not possible to present a clear picture of the state of Jainism in the region of Kānchi prior to the 7th century A. D. Buddhism seems to have approached this area earlier and developed it as one of its powerful centres. This might have been one or two centuries before and a few centuries after the commencement of the Christian Era. By the time of the 7th century A. D. Buddhism appears to have lost much of its prestige and hold in the society and to have been passing through a critical period. This was probably due to the spread of the other doctrines, one of them being that of Lord Jina. We are led to draw this inference from the caricature of the Buddhist creed, rudely depicted in a contemporary Sanskrit play entitled Mattavilāsaprahasanam. This work is ascribed to the authorship of the Pallava ruler Mahendravarman I. Particularly noteworthy in this context is the manner in which the Buddhist mendicant is held to ridicule in this burlesque. It is also of singificance to observe that the play contains no reference to Jainism though the followers of the other schools have been drawn into it."
Jainism was already in a prosperous state by the time of the 6th and 7th centuries a. D. This is attested not only by the account of Mahēndravarman I, Appar and Sambandhar, narrated in the hostile literary compositions in Tamil, such as the Tēvāram and the Periyapurāṇam, but also by the statement of the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang who visited Kānchi about 640 A. D. Hiuen Tsiang tells us that the Jainas were very numerous in the city of Kānchi and that Buddhism and Brahmanisın were about on a par.' An
1 An Report on S. I, Epigraphy, No. 43 of 1890. Kurukka! is the Tamil honorifio plural
of guru. 2 Ibid., No. 98 of 1923. 3 Ep. Ind. VoI, VII, p. 115 ff. 4 R. Gopalan: Pallavas of Kanchi, pp. 10 and 93-94. 5 Studies in S. I. Jainism, pp. 66-67. 6 List of Antiquarian Remains in Madras Presidency, p. 177.
V

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JAINISKE IN SOUTH INDIA
investigation into the Buddhist antiquities, the Sthalapurāṇas of various temples of the place, the local traditions and other sources, all lead us to arrive at the same result, to wit, Kinchi was a great centre of the Buddhist creed for a considerably long age of centuries and that subsequently it yielded place to the faith of Jina. With the decline of Buddhism approximately by the age of the fifth century A. ., Jainism gained ascendancy rapidly. It expanded and consolidated its position in and around the region of Kānchi. This is observed from a survey of a good number of places in the area of the Conjeoveram taluk, which have afforded several smouldering relics of the Jaina creed. We may now take a glimpse of these antiquities near Kūnchi.
VIOINITY OF KANCHI: Ānandamangalam has revealed the existence of a group of Jaina sculptures carved on the rock of a hillock lying near the village. On another rock near this group is a solitary Jaina figure with attendants. The central figure in the group is believed to represent Anantanātha Tirthakara; consequently, it is conjectured that the village has derived its name from the Jaina deity. But it will be shown presently that both these assumptions are incorrect. No followers of the Jaina faith are residing in the village at present; but members of the Jaina.community living in the neighbouring villages come to this place once in a year to offer worship to the abovementioned Jaina deities on the boulder.3 An inscription dated 1. 1. 945, in the reign of the Chola king Madiraikonda Parakēsarivarman, is engraved on the boulder by the side of the Jaina sculptures. It records a gift of gold made by the divine Vardhamānapperiyadigal, i disciple of Vinaiyabhāsura Kuravadigal for providing food to a devotee at Jinagiripalli, This Jinagiripalli appears to have been the monastery situated at Jinagiri, possibly a name of the Jaina settlement near the hillock at Anandamangalam.
ĀNANDAMANGALAM SOULPTURES: Now before proceeding to other places in the vicinity of Kāneli, we may pause for a moment to take a closer view of the rock-cut figures near Anandamangalam mentioned above; for these sculptures seem to belong to an early age and their study is calculated to help us to understand some peculiar espects of the religious and iconographic traditions of Jainism in Tamil land.
The group contains a central figure which occupies a place of prominence. This is evidently a Tirthakara seated on a throne in the palyankūsana
1 An, Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1923 pp. 128-29. 2 Ibid, p. 129. 3 Ibid., p. 3. 4 Ibid., Appendix B, No. 430. Periyadiga! is an honorific soffix sigaifying high
veneration. Kuravadign! also is an honorific epithet indicating great reverence,
derived from Sanskrit guru. 8 Photograph in the colleotion of the Govárament Epi raphist's Oflice,

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BK
posture and surmounted by the familiar canopy of triple umbrella. In the upper space near the deity are seen four small figures, two on each side. These probably represent the Sasanadevatas and Ganadharas. It is not known if the throne bore the usual cognizance of the Jina. If it bore one, it is obliterated. To the proper right of the main deity lies a prominent female figure, decorated with head-dress, ornaments on the neck and hands, and garment on the lower part of the body. She is standing on a seated lion, having her right leg bent at the knee, the right hand turned towards the waist and holding some object, and the left hand placed on the head of a child whose feet are planted on the hindmost part of the animal. Two dwarfs are standing near her to the proper right. Behind the bended right arm of this female figure is a tree. In the upper space to the right of the tree is a flywhisk. A similar object is depicted also to the left of the Tirthakara.
To the left of the main deity, which is the Tirthakara, are two figures which claim some prominence. They are standing with their hands hanging down in the kayotsarga posture, and their feet resting on a full-blown lotus, The figure immediately to the left bears the canopy of the triple umbrella. The other figure also appears to have borne a similar decoration; but it is obliteratad on account of damage. Signs of damage may be detected in other spots of the group also.
THEIR IDENTIFICATION: What deity is the central figure of the above description? The belief in regard to its identity with Anantanatha Tirthakara has no justification. The characteristic traits enumerated above do not square with the known iconographical features of Anantanātha Jina. The deciding factor in the present enquiry is, I think, the female figure. She must apparently be the Yakshini of the Tirthakara. Almost all the Yakshinis in the Digambara School of Iconography are endowed with four hands, and it is only in two cases that two hands are permitted. They are Ambika, the Yakshini of Neminatha and Siddhayika, the Yakshiņi of Mahavira. Ambika is described as riding on a lion and carrying in her two hands a bunch of mangoes and a child.' This description eminently suits the female figure of our group. Hence the Tirthakara here must be Neminatha. The tree in the sculptures must be his Kevala tree which is said to be Mahāvēņu (great bamboo) or Vetasa (cane).❜
There still remain to be identified the two figures standing on a a lotus to the left. They might be Parsvanatha and Mahavira, the 23rd and 24th Tirthakaras of the series, Neminatha being the 22nd. Otherwise, they could be identified as Padmaprabha and Naminatha who bear the red
1 B. C. Bhattacharya: Jaina Iconography, p. 42. 2 Ibid, p. 80.

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JAINDU IN SOUTH INDIA and the blue lotus as their cognizance or specific symbols.' Or, in a general way they would stand for any two Jinas of the pantheon. When & Tirthakara attains Kēvala Jñāna or Perfect Knowledge, he commands all miraculous powers by virtue of which a golden lotus is said to move always under his feet. This supernatural phenomenon appears to have been depicted in the sculptures under notice. This panel of sculptures might be ascribed approximately to the age of the 9th and 10th century A. D.
IMPORTANT OBSERVATIONS: As a result of the critical review of tho Anandamangalaw sculptures, we are furnished with the following important results. The Yakshiņi enjoys a fairly prominent position by the side of the Jina, which is not commonly assigned to her. This is conspicuous in three ways. First, she is marked out for an independent status in spite of her usual place of an attendant subordinate deity. Secondly, we may note her place to the right of the Jina, whereas her legitimate place is to the left. Thirdly, we may observe the special attention paid to her, as seen from the big size and elaborate decorations of the figure. The prominence that was being given to the Yakshiņī of the Jaina pantheon at this period and in these parts, is illustrated by the other rock-cut sculpture not far away from the above group. The figures are not quite clear, but we can make out for what they appear to be. The main figure might be Mahāvīra and the two-handed female figure standing to the proper right, his Yakshiņi Siddhāyikā. Her right hand is placed on the waist and she is holding in her upraised left hand an object which may be a fruit. The point worth noting in this case also is the position occupied by this deity on the right side of the Jina. We shall have more occasions hereafter to comment on the predominance of the images of Yakshiņi in our survey.
: Relics at ĀRPAKKAY, ETC.: Jaina relics have been discovered in the villages of Ārpakkam, Magaral, Aryaperumbākkam, Vishār and Siru. vākkam in the Conjeeveram taluk. Ārpākkam has preserved a temple dedicated to Ādi Bhattālakar or Arugar which is Tamil version of the term Arhat. Another temple dedicated to the same deity was found in dilapidated condition at Māgaral. Jaina images have been noticed in mutilated condition at Aryaperumbākkam and Visbār. An inscription in ill-preserved state was copied at Siruvākkam. The epigraph is engraved in early characters and records the gift of land to & Jaina temple or monastery named
1 Jaina Iconography pp. 59 and 79. 2 Abhidhånacbiotamani I verse 61. 3 Another photograph in the collection of the Government Epigraphist's office. 4 Ann. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1923, p. 129.

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89
Srikarapapperumbal}i' at Sirupākkam.' The epithet (perumballi' in the name indicates that it must have been a fairly big and important religious institution.
PAÑCHAPĀNDAVAMALAI: From the region of Kanchi we proceed first towards the west and thence towards the south and enter into the tract of Pañchapāņdavamalai and Tirumalai, which represents roughly the modern district of North Arcot. The word 'malai' in these names means 'a hill.'
The hill popularly known as Pañchapāņdavamalai, which means 'the hill of the five Pāņdavas', is stituated at a distance of about four miles to the south-west from the town of Arcot. Tiruppāmalai is another name of the hill. This hill contains two caves, one natural and another artificial. The natural cavern is on the southern side of the rock. Inside the cavern are a few sculptures carved out in the rock. These will be examined in detail presently. An inscription is engraved on the front face of the rock overhanging the natural cave. Farther to the left and higher up on the same side of the rock is carved the figure of a seated Jina, and below this a tiger whose traces are rather obliterated. Proceeding to the western side of the rock we notice another inscription. The artificial cave consists of seven cells with six pairs of pillars. An image of the Jina is cut into the rock above these cells. This cave bears no inscriptions."
THE INSCRIPTION: The first inscription at Pafchapāņdavamalai mentioned above is engraved in very archaic Tamil alphabet of the 7th and 8th century A. D. It is dated in the 50th year of Nandippottarasar and states that a person named Nāraṇan who was a resident of Pugaļālaimangalam, caused to be incised the image of Ponniyakkiyar along with the preceptor Nāganandi. Nandippottarasar may be identified with the Pallava king Nandivarman who ruled from A. D. 717 to 779. It is evident from the context that Nāraṇan, the author of the sculptures, was an ardent follower of the Jaina creed, and that Nāganandi was a divine of reputation. The expression Ponniyakkiyār may be split up into pon and Iyakkiyar which is honorific plural of Iyakki. Pon means 'gold' and Iyakki is the Tamil form of the word Yakshi which denotes a female attendant deity of Jina.
THE SCULPTURES: Now we shall examine the sculptures inside the cave. The prominent figure is that of a female who is sitting on a raised platform. She has two hands. Her right hand is resting on the seat
1 An. Report on S. I. Epigraphy, 1923, Appendix C, No. 64. * 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 136.
3 Ibid., P 137. 4 Ibid., plate faoing page 136.

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and she is holding some object in her left hand which is raised. The object looks like a fruit. A male figure of smaller size is standing to her proper right on the platform. On the lower side of the platform are shown three miniature figures which might be of some devotees. Ponniyakkiyar or the Golden Yakshi in the inscription evidently refers to the prominent female figure and the male figure by her side might be the preceptor Nāganandi.
GOLDEN YAkshi: Who is this Ponniyakkiyür or Golden Yakshi? I think she is Siddhûyikā, the characteristic attendant deity of Mahāvīra. As seen previously she is also sometimes portrayed with two hands. The more familiar attributes of her two hands are the Varadamudrā (blessing pose) and the book. But another symbol which is attributed to her is the cytrus fruit. This is ussumed to indicate, in particular, her Yakshi nature. In the Pratishthāsamgraba she is described as invested with golden lastre. These canonical details of Siddhāyikā agree in many respects with the image of the above description in the cave. Preceptor Nāganandi appears to have been a worshipper of the Yakshï and one who popularised the deity.
One striking fact that deserves to be noted in regard to these sculptures in the cave is that the image of the Jina figures nowhere in the picture. This is strange and significant. The Yakshi or Yakshiņī, after all, is a secondary deity and she is generally portrayed in subservient relationship with her master, the Jina. But here things are different. This unusual position may be attributed to the prominence that was being given to the worship of Yakshi in preference to that of Jina on account of her easier appeal and accessibility to the popular mind. This, I think, is the earliest remarkable instance, so far known, of the prevalence of the Yakshi cult in South India, afforded by the joint evidence of epigraphy and iconography.
GOD or Holy Hill: The second inscription on the rock at Panchapāņdavamalai is about two centuries later. It is dated in the 8th year of the Chola king Rājarāja who ascended the throne in a. D. 984-85. The epigraph introduces a feudatory chief of the Chola king, Lāțarāja Víra Chola by name, who was a zealous adherent of the Jaina creed and is described as a worshipper of the holy feet of the god of Tiruppānmalai. This chief, the record states, assigned to the god of Tiruppānmalai certain income 1 1 Jaina Iconography, p. 146.
% af hrater a fer 999 1 Ibid., f. p. 2. 3 Ep. Iud., Vol. IV, p. 137.

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derived from the village Kuraganpaḍi (modern Kurambadi near the hill) at the request of his queen. The nature of the god is disclosed by the expre ssion, palliohchandam', characterising the gift, which occurs more than ence in the insoription. Pallichchandam usually means a gift to a 'palli' which is a Jaina religious institution, a monastery or a temple, and is frequently met with in the inscriptions of the Tamil country.'
Who could be this god of Tiruppanmalai? Tiruppanmalai consists of three words, tiru, pal and malai. Tiru is derived from Sanskrit srt meaning holy; and pal is milk. The whole expression may thus be rendered as the holy milk hill.' The inscription evidently refers to the Pañchapāṇḍava hill by this name and this assumption is justified by the still surviving another name of the hill, Tiruppamalai, noticed above. Since no other Jaina shrine or image proper is traceable on the hill, the god of this hill evidently must be the figure of the seated Jina carved on the rock, described above. The presence of the tiger's effigy near the Jina lends confirmation to this view; for the donor chief was of the Chōla extraction, whose emblem was the tiger. In this manner the whole hill is invested with Jaina associations from very remote times and it must have been looked upon as a sacred resort by the members of the Jaina community residing in the neighbourhood.
VILAPAKKAM: Besides the images and the inscriptions examined above there is additional evidence to prove that the region of Pañchapāṇḍavamalai was once a busy centre of Jainism. An image of a Tirthakara has been traced in the village of Vilapakkam which is about a mile towards the south-east of Pañchpaṇḍavamalai. But more illuminating than the image is the inscription found near the Naganathēsvara temple in the village.* The epigraph is dated A. D. 945 during the reign of the Chōla king Parantaka I and speaks of the sinking of a well at Vilapakkam by Pattini Kuratti Adigal. The well and a house were afterwards constituted into a nunnery and placed under the supervision of the Twenty. Four of the village. Pattini Kuratti Adigal, as the name signifies, appears to have been an eminent lady teacher. Literally rendered, the expression means 'Her Holiness Fasting Lady Preceptor'. According to the same source she was a disciple of Arishtanēmi Bhatarar of the big Jaina settlement of
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 231; Vol. XXIV, p. 154, etc.
2 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1900, Appendix B, No. 53.
8 This name is interesting. That it is a popular epithet and not a name of initiation is clear from the expression Patţini which means 'fasting'. Kuratti is the Tamil feminine form of Sanskrit guru. The honorific plural, 'Adigal', signifying some such sense as 'Her Holy Feet', 'Her Worship', etc., points to the eminent spiritual status of the teacher.
6

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Tiruppanmalai. The Jaina residents of the place had organised themselves and constituted a representative council of 'twenty four' members to look after their interests. This is gathered from the statement in the inscription concerning the Twenty-Four. This specific number again bears particular significance in the context; for it is reminiscent of the twenty-four Tirthakaras of the Jaina pantheon.
VALLIMALAI HILL: A few miles towards the north of Pañchapandavamalai is another hill by the side of the village Vallimalai. It has a natural cavern on its eastern slope, which has preserved two groups of Jaina images incised on the rock. The sculptures are impressive; they represent the Tirthamkaras, and other Jaina deities and also eminent Jaina teachers.1 Four inscriptions are engraved underneath one of these groups. Two of them are written in Grantha characters and the other two in Kannada. Their language however is all Kannada.
One inscription belongs to the Western Ganga prince Rājamalla. It states that Rajamalla took possession of this, the best of mountains and founded the cave temple there. Another engraved near a sculpture informs that the image, probably of his teacher, was made by the divine Ajjanandi Bhaṭāra. The third record again refers to the figure nearby and tells that it was the image of monk Devasena, a pupil of Bhavanandi Bhaṭāra, who was the preceptor of a chief of the Bāņa family. The fourth epigraph points to another sculpture on the rock as the representation of the teacher Govardhana Bhatara and tells that it was made by the monk Ajjanandi Bhaṭāra, a pupil of Balachandra Bhaṭāra. These records may be roughly assigned to the period of the 9th and 10th centuries A. D.
TIRUMALAI (near Pōlür): Now we journey towards the south and approach another renowned hill replete with Jaina antiquities. It is the hill known as Tirumalai near the village of the same name about 10 miles from Pōlür. The village is still inhabited by Jainas, and some of the Jaina families have preserved in their possession copies of Jaina religious and literary works written on palm leaf. Among these mention may be made of the following few: 1) Trailokya Chūḍāmaņi: Prakrit text with commentary in Tamil; 2) Tattvärthasūtram: Sanskrit text with commentary in Tamil; 3) Jivandharachampũ by Harichandra: Sanskrit text and commentary: 4) Gugabhadra's Mahapurāņa; 5) Yatyacharadharma: Sanskrit text with commentary; 6) Kunthunathasvamipuranam in Tamil; 7) Śripurapam in Tamil,
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 140 and facing plate.
2 Ibid., pp. 140-14%.
3 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1887, pp. 3 and 7.

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48
REVIEW OF EPIGRAPHS: About a dozen inscriptions in Tamil and Grantha alphabet and Tamil language bearing on the history of Jainism have been discovered at Tirumalai. They are engraved at different spots on the rook by the side of the painted cave, near the rock-cut Jaina figures on the top of the hill and at the base. The earliest among them refers to the reign of the early Chōla king Parantaka I and is assignable to about A. D. 910. It registers a gift of gold made by two residents of Kaḍuttalai for feeding one devotee in the Jaina temple on the sacred hill at Vaigāvür.'
Another epigraph which comes half a century later refers itself to the 19th regnal year of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III of the Malkhed dynasty. This date comes to c. 957 A. D. It records the gift of a lamp made to the Yaksha on the Tirumalai hill at Vaigavur by a servant of Gangamadevi, the queen of the Rashtrakuṭa monarch. The persence of this servant of the Rashtrakuta family from Malkhed in the midst of the Tamil country requires explanation, and this is offered by the historical events of the period. Krishna III led an expedition against the ruler of the Tamil country and dealt a crushing blow to the Chola power in the famous battle of Takkolam in the North Arcot Dt. This was about the year A. D. 949. The Karnataka victor remained in the Tamil land subsequently for some years consolidating his successes." It was during this period that the servant of the royal household of the Rashtrakuta emperor appears to have offered the service to the deity of the 'holy hill', attracted by its fame. MONK GUNAVIRA: The inscription on a rock at the foot of the hill refers to the 21st year of the great Chōla king Rājarāja I, whose equivalent would be about 1005 A. D. It tells us that the great monk Guņavīramāmuni constructed a sluice near Vaigai-malai and named the same after the teacher Gaṇisekhara Maru-porchūriyan who appears to have been his spiritual preceptor.*
TWO CHOLA RECORDS: Two inscriptions belonging to the reign of the Chōla ruler Rājëndra I, and mentioning his 12th and 13th years which correspond approximately to A. D. 1023 and 1024 respectively are found at different spots on the rock of the Tirumalai hill. The first of these states that a lady named Ilayamaninangai made suitable provision for burning a perpetual lamp before the god Arambhanandi of the holy mountain, Tirumalai, at the Jaina endowment village of Vaigavur. The
1 8. I. I., Vol. III, No. 97.
2 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1908, Appendix B, No. 65.
3 K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: Cholas, Vol. I, pp, 159-61.
4 S. I. I., Vol. I, No. 66.

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YARN XX SOON DIETA
record also informg us incidentally that a similar provision for burning a perpetuat lamp had been made formerly by Sinnavai, queen of the Pallava king. It is of interest to note that the Jaina deity is addressed in this inscription by the peculiar name Arambhanandi.' Details regarding the Pallava queen are not known. . The second epigraph speaks of the provision made for burning a perpetual lamp and for offerings to the god of Śrī Kundavai Jinālaya on the holy mountain at Vaigavũr. Vaigavūr, we are told, was a 'palli. chobandam', i. e., a Jaina religious endowment. The donor in this instance also was a lady named Chāmundappai ( = Chāmundabbai). She was the wife of a merchant named Nannappayya, a resident of Malliyūr.
The name of the Jaisa temple introduced in this record is interesting. For we know that Kundavai was a princess of the Chola extraction. She was the elder sister of the famous Chola monarch Rājarāja I, and it is suggested that the temple owed its foundation to this great lady. This surmise is supported by the more explicit evidence of epigraphs. Kundavai was catholic in her religious outlook and looked upon the different gods, Vishnu, Siva or Jina, with common devotion. In addition to the temples of other deities she is also credited with the erection of two more Jaina temples, one at modern Dādāpuram in the South Arcot Dt. and another at Tirumalavāļi in the Trichinopoly Dt.
Yakshi WORSHIPPED: We have noticed above an instance of a gift made to the Yaksha at Tirumalai in an early epigraph. Two more inscriptions deserve particular attention in the context of the prevalence of the Yakshi cult in the Tamil country, which has been alluded to more than once before. One engraved in a small shrine below the painted cave at Tirumalai furnishes the following details. Arishtanēmi Achārya, hailing from Kadaikkottur, had the image of a Yakshi made and installed it here. Arishțanāmi was a pupil of Paravādimalla who belonged to Tirumalai. The shrine containing this epigraph evidently bore the Yakshi image. The other record engraved on the outer wall of the doorway leading to the painted cave is still more interesting. It tells us that the images of a Yaksha and Yakshi had been set up originally on the holy mountain of Arhat by Elini, a prince of the Chēra family from Kērala. The images, in course of time, became subject to decay. Seeing this, a later descendant
1 8. I. I., Vol. I, No. 88. 9 Does this stund for Rishabhanátha, the first Tirthakara! 8 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 329 ff. 4 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigtaphy, 1919, Appendix C, No 8; Cholma, Vol. II, p. 807. 5 . I. I., Vol I, No. 73. 6 Ep. Ind, Vol. VI, pp. 331 #.

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of Elini, by name Vidugadalagiya-Perumal, son of Rajaraja, had the two images restored and placed under worship in the usual fashion, The Chera chief, in addition, presented a gong to the shrine and constructed a channel. The Tirumalai hill is referred to as 'Tundirahvaya-manḍalarha-sugiri' in the Sanskrit portion of the epigraph, which means 'the eminent hill of Arhat in the region of Tunḍīra, i. e., Chōla country'; and in the Tamil portion it is mentioned as 'Engunavirai-Tirumalai' which connotes the sacred hill of the god possessing eight attributes, i. e., the Jina'. It is clear from these details that both Elini and Viḍugädalagiya-Perumā! were ardent followers of the Jaina religion. The epigraphs are not dated but may be broadly ascribed to the age of the 11th century A. D.
VIHARA NAYANAR: The last epigraph to be reviewed is engraved on the wall of a Mandapa at the base of the hill.1 It refers to the rule of the chief Rajanārāyaṇa Sambhuvarāja and may be assigned approximately to the middle of the 14th century A. D. It informs that Nallattal, daughter of Manņai Ponnaṇḍai of Ponnur, caused the blessed Vihara Nāyanār, Ponneyil-natha, to be raised to the holy mountain of Vaigai. Ponneyil-natha means the 'Lord of the golden fortress', i. e., Arhat. Vihara Nayanar seems to be the Utsava-Vigraha or the duplicate image of the main deity, that is taken out in procession on ceremonious occasions.
It may be gathered from the above review of epigraphs that the ancient name of the village at the bottom of the hill was Vaigai or Vaigavür and that the hill was called Vaigai-malai or Vaigai-Tirumalai. In course of time the term Vaigai fell into disuse and the hill was styled simply Tirumalai or the Sacred Hill'. The sanctity of the hill was evidently derived from the presence of the Jaina deities. Subsequently the village also assumed the name Tirumalai, its old name Vaigai having been forgotten. Thus Tirumalai, in this case, constitutes essentially a Jaina appellation nurtured in Jaina associations for centuries.
Lastly, we may note one more interesting Jaina relic that has survived to this day at this sacred place. It is the remnant of paintings preserved on the wall and ceiling of the cave. The centre of attraction is a wheel whose nave is occupied by the figure of the Jina flanked by attendants. The intervening space between the spokes of the wheel contains groups of devotees in adoring postures. The wheel evidently symbolizes the Dharma Chakra or the victorious Jaina Law set in motion by Lord Jina. The conception and execution of the piece are highly impressive. These paintings probably date from the 11th century AD. Traces of
1 8. I. I., Vol. I, No. 70.

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JAINISH IN SOUTH INDIA earlier paintings oovered up by the existing works have also been observed here.!
HERMITAGE OF VEPĀL: Now we may notice two places in the Wandiwash taluk of the North Arcot Dt. which were characteristic resorts of the Jaina creed. Here also we have to negotiate, as before, with hills and oaverns and boulders and rocks. Not far away from the village of Vedal are hills whose boulders have disclosed the existence of four Jaina inscriptions." Two of these epigraphs are engraved in archaic characters of the 8th and 9th centuries A. D. and belong to the times of the Pallava king Nandivarman II and the Chola monarch Aditya I. The natural caverns on the hills which have been extended by Maņdapas of later construction, appear to heve been used as a monastery and a hermitage by Jaina monks and nuns in the mediaeval centuries. In the inscription of the time of the Pallava rulerø this hill resort has bean referred to as Viļāl and Viļārpalli which means the Jaina monastery at Vidāl'.
LADY PRECEPTOR: The other epigraph" assigned to the reign of the Chola ruler Aditya I in the second half of the 9th century A. D. furnishes some interesting details in regard to the Jaina church and the ascetic teachers who were held in esteem by the residents of the locality in general and the followers of the Jaina Law in particular. Here was residing in the cave near the boulder bearing the inscription, a renowned lady teacher named Kanakavira Kurattiyar. She was the pupil and follower of the teacher Guņakīrti Bhațāra of Vidāl. A. dispute arose between the lady teacher and her five hundred lady pupils on one side and the four hundred nuns of a different group on the other. In this situation the inhabitants of the locality who were lay disciples of the school to which Kanakavīra Kurattiyāro belonged, came forword with an assurance that they would protect the lady preceptor and her pupils and provide for their maintenance. In this manner came to prominence the hermitage at Vedal presided over by the distinguished nun, with the support of the Jaina adherents. We may incidentally note that Mādēvi Arāndimangalam was another name of Vidāl.
Relios Ar PonnŪR: Relics of the Jaina faith have been preserved to the present day at Ponnür which must have been an influential centre of the creed at one time. The place possesses a fairly big shrine of
1 Vincent Smith: History of Fine Art in India & Ceylon, p. 344. 2 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1909, Appendix B, Nos. 81-84. 3 Ibid., No. 82. 48. I, I, VOL III, No. 92. 8 This name of the lady preceptor is interesting. Her initiated name Kanakavira does
not indicate a feminine form. Kurattiyar is the honorific plural feminine form of Sanskrit guru.

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Adinatha Tirthakara constructed on a low mound called Kanakagiri. The temple is under worship and owns a few decent metallic images of Tirthakaras and other deities. Notable among these is an icon of the deity Jvālāmālinī. The image has eight hands and its head is surrounded by an aureole of flames. The following are the details of attributes of her hands: the right series: disc, safety (abhaya), mace and spear (sula); the left series: conch, shield, skull (kapāla) and book. This idol resembles in many respects the image of Mahakali of the Hindu pantheon. About three miles to the north-west of Ponnur is a hill named Nilagiri. On the top of this hill is carved the image of Helacharya, which is also under worship.'
The Mahamaṇḍapa of the Adinatha temple contains two inscriptions which provide some historical glimpse of the temple and its ritualistic traditions. The earlier of the two is dated in the 7th year of the Pandya ruler Tribhuvanachakravarti Vikramapaṇḍya, which may be equated with A. D. 1289. This record speaks of the arrangements made for the worship and repairs in the temple of Adinatha, out of the income derived from the taxes payable by the inhabitants of the Jaina colony attached to the temple by the popular representatives of the tract known as Vidal-parru.' The second epigraph lays down a rule for the Jaina residents of the place to follow. It is dated in Saka 1655 or A. D. 1733. The record states that the Jainas of Svarṇapura-Kanakagiri should take the images of Parsvanātha and the goddess Jvālāmālinī Amman from the temple of Adisvara every Sunday to the Nilagiri Hill at the time of the weekly worship of Helächarya.
JVALAMALINI: Highly illuminating is the prevalence, at this place, of the traditions concerning the deity Jvalamālinī and the teacher Helacharya. Helacharya, which name divested of phonetic hiatus would be Elacharya, according to a literary tradition, is intimately associated with the deity Jvalamālinī. He was an eminent monk of the Dravida gana and hailed from Hemagrāma in the Dakshiņa Dēsa or southern country. In order to release a lady disciple of his from the clutches of a Brahmarakshasa or evil spirit which had possessed her, he propitiated the Vahni Devata or the goddess of fire on the top of the Nilagiri Hill. This is the story of the origin of the cult of Jvālāmālinī, and Helacharya is regarded as its originator. We can easily acquiesce in the identity of Hemagrāma of Helacharya with Ponnur (pon- gold), which has treasured, as seen above, relics and traditions associated with his name.
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1929, p. 88.
2 Ibid., Appendix B, No. 415.
3 Ibid., No. 416.
4 Ibid., p. 88.

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JAMAN IN BOUTI DA Ivālāmalini is the Yakshiņi of Chandraprabba, the 8th Tirthakara, socording to the Digambara tradition. She rides on a buffalo and has eight hands carrying disc, arrow, noose, shield, trident, sword, bow, etc. According to another version she is seated on a bull and fames issue from her crest. Out of her eight hands two bear the snakes and others carry different weapons. We may also note in this connection that the Jain, pantheon has another deity named Mabājvālā or Jvālāmālini who is reckoned as a Vidyādēvi. This goddess.rides on a buffalo and carries in her eight hands a bow, shield, sword, disc. etc.. The icon of Jvālāmalini at Ponnür noted above, generally agrees with the description of other versions of the image though there are oertain points of difference.
HELĀCHÁRYA: There is nothing to doubt the historicity of Hõlachārya, although not many historical details are known about him. What bits of information we gather of him are from a treatise called Jvālāmālinikalpa or Jvālinimata. This was composed by Indranandi Yögindra in Sáka 861 or A. D. 939, probably at Malkhēd under the patronage of the Răshtrakūța king Krishna 111. In this work Indranandi gives an account of Hēlāchārya who was the originator of the Jvālāmālini cult and furnishes details of the doctrine as propounded by its founder. Indranandi also seems to have composed the Jvālārnālinīstotra. From the way in which Indranandi refers to Hēlacharya, it may be inferred that the latter preceded the former by a pretty long period, say about a century or two. Thus we may place Hēlachārya soune where in the 8th or 9th contury A. D., if not earlier. This Holáchārya is most probably identical with Elachārya, an eminent teacher, who, according to another source, was at the head of the Dravida gaña and lived in the South, in Malaya and in Hômagrāma.
PATALIPURA: Påtalipura in the South Arcot Dt. was another centre of Jaina preceptors. The Digambara Jaina work named Lokavibhāga which was rendered into Sanskrit by Simhasūri contains a reference to the effeot that it was written ( possibly in Prākrit ) by Muni Sarvanandi in Saka 380 or A..D. 458 at a place called Patalikā in the Pāņa Rāshţra. This Pāțalikā has been identified with Pätalipura, Pādirippuliyūr or Tiruppāpuliyúr, a suburb of
1 Jaina Ioonography, p. 128. 2 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXII, p. 462. The Chandraprabha Basli at Sravana Belagola
possesses the image of Jvdlämäliny. She bears only two hands. On the pedestal is the figure of a lion with riders seated one behind the other. This variant is note
worthy. Ep. Carn., Vo. II, Intro. p. 5. 8 Jaina Ioonography, p. 173. 4 Pravachanasärs, Introduction, p. 4; Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 34, 8 Pravachanasāra, Introduction, op. 12.

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8. JAINISM IN TAMIL NAD Cuddalore in the South Arcot Dt. It is believed that there existed the Draviđa Samgha in this place about the 1st century B. Q. According to Periya Purāņam this place was the seat of a large Jaina monastery in the 7th century A. D.' The fact that this region was a stronghold of the faith is vouched by the antiquities discovered at Villupuram, Tirunarungondai, Singavarama and other places. We shall notice some of them here.
. CHÔLAVĀNDIPURAM; Cholavāņdipuram was another centre of the Jaina faith in the Tirukkovil taluk of the South Arcot Dt. On a hillock called Andimalai near this village is a number of interesting Jaina sculptures. One of the rocks contains five or six groups of couches known as Panchapāņdavamalai, cut into it. The rock overhanging this has the figure of Mahāvira carved in relief on its brow. This clearly indicates that these beds were used by Jaina monks. A few yards from this spot are two huge boulders butting against each other. In the intervening crevice is installed the image of Padmavati carved on a loose slab of stone. She is locally known as Kāliamman. From the archaio mode of the figure the icon may be roughly ascribed to the 10th century A. D. We may note here the independent and oentral position occupied by this deity. On the two faces of the boulders on either side of the image are incised on the rock the figures of Gommata and Pārsvanātha. Near the former is engraved a brief inscription in Tamil characters of about the 10th century A. D., which records the erection of the Tēvāram by Vēli Kongaraiyar Puttadiga! who was most probably a Jaina monk of some distinction as his name indicates. On another boulder of the same hill has been noticed one more epigraph to be placed by the middle of the 10th century A. D. It is dated in the 2nd year of the Chola prince, Gandarāditya Mummuļi Chõļa and registers the grant of village Panappādi by the subordinate chief Siddhavadavan for the worship of the Jaina deity Pindikkadavu! consecrated on the bill and for the maintenance of the ascetics engaged in austerities. Piņdikkadavu! means "the god of the Asöka tree' and this may be indentified with the Jina in generul without
.
1 Ep. Ind, Vol. XIV, p. 334; Jaina Literature in Tamil, p. 9. 2 An, Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1936-37, pp. 60-61. i. Puttadiga! consists of two
expressions: Putta Buddha and 'adigal,' denotes the respectability of the person. The other components of the name suggest that he was a chief of some status. The appellation Buddha for the Jaina devotee may be noted with interest. li. Téváram may be compared with the expression' döhära' ocourring in a similor context in an inscription from the Bellary region. (8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 115.) It may be derived from Sanskrit dovagriba' and interpreted in the sense of any
*sacred construction'. 3 Ibid., p. 68.
7

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50
MIL IN BOUTH INDIA specific reference to any Tirthakara in particular, The village was to be managed by the preceptor Gunavira Bhatūra of Kurandi.'
CHITTĀMÜR MONASTERY: The area of the Ginjee taluk in the South Arcot Dt. was a stronghold of Jainism from olden days; and it is interesting to note that it is so even to this day. On the hill known as Tirunāthakunru at Singavaram, have been found two inscriptions, commemorating the deaths of two renowned preceptors, Ilaiya Paļārar (= Bhatāra ) and Chandranandi Acharya who passed away after 30 and 57 days of fusting by the religious vow of Sallēkhanā. One of these epigraphs is engraved in archaic Vatteluttu script.
The Jainas of the Tamil country are, at present, mainly concentrated in the areas of the North Arcot, South Arcot and Chingeleput Dts, Tho headquarters of their chief pontiff is situated at Chittāniūr in the Ginjee taluk. This matha is affiliated to the principal Jaina matha at Sravana Belagola. Chittāmûr possesses two Jaina shrines, the Malainātha temple and the Pārsvanátha temple. The Malainátha temple consists of a rocky boulder having an oblong panel of figures elegantly carved in half relief. These represent Babaubali and the Tirthakaras, Nēminátha, Pārsvanātha and Mabăvira, with their attendant deities. This must have been the earlier and the original Jaina temple of importance. A modern maņdapa has been erected in front of this boulder to provide shelter for the altar and the worshippers. It must be this same temple that has been referred to as Kāțçãmballi or Tiruvūrām balli in the inscriptions of about the 10-11th century found in that place. One of these epigraphs speaks of the provision made for burning a lamp in the mandapa of the Pārsvanatha temple, in which the scripture was expounded. The reference here seems
1 Pipdi' means the Asoka tree in Tamil; und Piqdiyān' connotes the Arhat. Here
we should not construe the Asoka tree as the specific Kavala tree or Chaitya-drums of a particular Tirthakara (e. g., Mallinātba). All the Tirthankards are distinguished in general way by virtue of their supernatural characteristics such as the Asoka tree, Dharma Chakra, Aywhisks, lion seat, etc. (Jaina Ioonography, p. 13, The Jainas of the Tamil country seen to have been particularly fond of eniphasising this emblem of the Jina. References to the Jaina divinity in association with the Asoka tree are met with in the Sulappadikäram (see the Fourth Seotion). The Asöka tree figures as one of the prominent symbols in the description of Adi Jinëndra in the Chavu dariyapuräpa, a Kannada work of the 10th century A. D.
(see verse 2) 2 Kurap di has been identified with the village of the name, i, in the Travancore State;
ii. Ramanad Dt. But it seems there were many villages bearing the name and possessing the Jaina shrines called Kaţtamballi; see An. Rep. on S. L Epigraphy,
1996-87, p. 60 and 1937-38, p. 109,3 Ibid., 19045 Appendix B, Nos. 238.39. 4 Ibid., 1937-38, p. 109.
Ibid., 1902, Appendix B, No. 201.

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8. JAINISY IN TAMIL NAD to be to the Malainitha temple which appears to have been dedicated to Pártyanātha on account of the prominence given to this deity in the group.
The other shrine, the official temple of Pārsvanátha, is in charge of the pontiffs of the matha. It is of later construction, though it appears to have preserved in its name the older associations of the shrine of the rock-cut Tirthakura. The growing importance of this temple has thrown the old temple into background. Two inscriptions engraved on the base of the Mānastambha of this temple and dated A. D. 1578 state that the sacred pillar was erected by a Vaisya (merchant) named Bussetti, son of Bāyi Setti of Jagatāpi Gutti, who belonged to the Mahānāga Kula. Another inscription on the inner wall of the gopura dated Saka 1787 or a. D. 1865 informs that the pontiff Abhinava Adisēna Bhattāraka made improvements in the temple by adding new constructions including this gõpura with the Jaina images, in the 2529th year of the māksha (liberation ) of Vardhamāna.
SITTANNAVĀGAL AND NĀRTTĀMALAI: Leaving many areas behind, though they are not devoid of notable Jaina vestiges, we go to the picturesque tract of Sittannavāśal and Nārttāmalai roughly representing the Pudukkottai State. This is the land wherein Jainism flourished for over fifteen hundred years, roughly from the 3rd century B. o. upto the 12th century A. D. This is the region which is rich in varieties of Jaina antiquities, such as the natural caverns, rock-out shrines, fresco paintings, structural temples, rock-out sculptures and statues of different deities of the Jaina pantheon, and inscriptions in Brāhmi and Tamil alphabet. Here is the territory which, though it came under the impact of the Buddhist doctrine, remained untouched by its influence. Here is the spot where excavations have brought to light many interesting relics of the Jaina religion.
ANTIQUITIES OF SITTANNAVAŠAL: Sittannavāśal is the name given to a long range of bills, which literally connotes the abode of the revered Siddhas or Jaina monks'. The word Siddha is pronounced as Sitta in Tamil and vāśal means the dwelling place'. As the term Siddha is sometimes applied to a Jaina monk, we may possibly trace the Jaina associations of the hill even in its name. This hill possesses a natural cavern which is popularly called Etadipaţțum and which contains, 17 beds with pillows cut into the rook. On the largest of these beds, which must have been the oldest also, is incised an inscription in Brāhmi alphabet of about the 3rd or 2nd century B. C. By the side of the other beds are engraved small label inscriptions containing the names of Jaina monks who evidently occupied them. The latter are in Tamil characters of about the 8th and 9th centuries A. D.
1 An. Rep. ou S. I. Epigraphy, 1937-38, p. 109; and Appendix B, Nos. 617-18 and 520, 2 Manual of Pudukkottai State, 1944, Vol. II, pt. ii, p. 1092. .

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· JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA We may here note one important fact regarding the natural caverna found in this area. Besides Sittannavāśal, natural caverns have been traced in the hills of Tēnimalai, Nārttāmalai and Āļuruţțimalai. No vestiges of Buddhist contact have been discovered in any of those, and there is no reason to believe that they were ever occupied by Buddhist monks whose activities in the other parts of the Tamil country during the early ages have been known from various sources. On the contrary, there are clear indications to conclude that these natural caverns were occupied by the Jaina monks from the earliest times until a late period of history. This observation is in consonance with our view in regard to the early immigration of Jainism in South India and the association of the Jaina ascetics with the most ancient monuments in the form of rock-cut beds and Brāhmi inscriptions, discussed above, and offers clear and concrete instances to the point.
The Cave TEMPLE: Next important spot of interest in the Sittannavāśal range is the Arivar-kõvil or the temple of Arhat. This is a cave temple excavated in the rock. The belief prevails that the Pallava king Mahondravarman I was its author, Mahõndravarman I was the originator of cave temples in the Tamil Nad; and many temples of the kind dedicated to Siva, Vishņu and other Brahmanical gods, excavated by him, have been discovered in other parts of the country. But this is the only cave temple which is consecrated to the Jaina deities. So this temple appears to have been executed by him when he was a follower of the Jaina doctrine.
A few characteristic contents of this temple may be noted here. On the ceiling of the inner shrine is depicted a conspicuous wheel which resembles the Buddhist Dharmachakra, but which may be better described as the Vijaya Chakra of Jina as suggested by the inscription of Khāravēla. Even the idea of Dhamachakra is not foreign to Jainism. A figure bearing the canopy of a single umbrella is carved in the niche of the outer hall of the temple. This figure is referred to as the Great Acharya in an inscription on a pillar near it. Facing this is the sculpture of Pārsvanātha on the opposite wall. The inner shrine contains three images of Tirthakaras with their triple umbrella and other paraphernalia.
FRESORS: One unique aspect of the cave temple is its paintings. Originally the temple must have been picturesquely painted all over; but only a few of the paintings have now survived. They may be seen on the ceilings, beams and upper parts of the pillars. The whole theme of the painting is remarkably Jaina in its conception and the scenes depicted present a pleasing variety of Jaina religious art. In the centre of the ceiling
1 Manual of Pudukkottai State, Vol. I, pt, i, p. 040. 2 Ibid., vol. II, pt, ii, p. 1093,

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8. JATUSM IN TAMIL NAD of the inner shrine is the charming portrait of the Jaina heavens attended with the Samavasarana Mandapa and other details. Handsome are the piotures of two danoers on the pillars."
The Sittannaväśal paintings constitutes an important link in the art traditions of Indian continent and Ceylon and deserve to be studied in corelationship with the chronological series of Ajanta frescoes and the Bagh caves frescoes of the Southern and Northern India and the Sigiriya · frescoes of Ceylon, all ascribed to the period ranging between the 4th and the 7th centuries A. D. Sittannavāśal art may stand a good comparison with the art of Ajanta and Sigiriya. The frescoes of Sittannavāśal furnish the earliest specimen of painting in South India, and from the Jaina point of view they are the solitary instance of the early Jaina art on fresco.
Relics or NARTTĀMALAI: Narttāmalai is the name owned by a group of low hills, about nine in number. A local legend, probably of late origin, connects the name with the sage Nārada. These hills are saturated with Jaina relics which show that they must have been the resorts of Jaina ascetics from the earliest times to a late epoch of mediaeval oenturies." Many an eminent monk practised austerities on these hills and founded cloisters and monasteries in the natural caverns for the propagation of the holy doctrine. In course of time this place developed into an important stronghold of Jainism.
The hill known as Āļuruttimalai of the group possesses a natural cavern containing traces of rocky beds similar to those at Sittannavāśal. Rock-cut Jaina sculptures depicting the Tirthakaras are also found here. A damaged inscription of the reign of a Pândy a king, by name Māravarman Sundara Pāņdya (11th century), mentions the names of two Jaina teachers, Dharmadēva Āchārya and his preceptor Kanakachandra Pandita. Dharmadēva, we are told, belonged to the monastery of Tiruppallimalai, i. e., 'the hill of the sacred monastery'; and it is evident that the name was given to the hill Āļuruțţimalai on account of the Jaina religious institution existing there.
BomMAMALAI AND MĒLMALAI: The existence of another monastery in the same period on the adjoining hill which is now known as Bommamalai or “the hill of images', is disclosed by another inscription. This record registers the gift of a village providing for offerings to the Jaina deities and for
1 Manual of Padukkottai State, Vol. II, pp. 1094–97, 2 Ibid., p. 1068. 3 Pudukkottai State Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 474. 4 Ibid., No., 658.

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maintaining monks dwelling in the monasteries of Tiruppallimalai and Tontiruppallimalai. The gift was addressed to the trustees of both the monasteries. The trustees were authorised to demarcate their lands with Sri Mukkudaikal. The Mukkudaikal signifies a stone bearing the figure of the triple umbrella carved on it. Such stones are characteristically Jaina in their origin and purpose as the triple umbrella stands for the specific emblem of the Jina.' Ten-tiruppal’imalai which means "the southern hill of the sacred monastery' evidently derived its name from another Jaina monastery situated on Bommamalai. Another hill of the Nārttāmalai group is called Mõlamalai or the western hill.' This contains caves and caverns which must have been inhabited at one time by Jaina monks. This fact is also attested by another name of the hill, viz., Samaņarmalai or “the hill of the Jaina recluses', handed down to the present day. On these hills, again, there exists a rook.cut cave temple which is known as the Samaņar Kudagu or 'the hill shrine of the Jaina inonks'. Originally it must have been a Jaina possession and there is evidence to show that it was converted into a Vishnu temple at the beginning of the 19th century A. D.'
TENIMALAI INSCRIPTIONS: Tõnimalai is another hill in the Pudukkottai area noted for its Jaina antiquities. It owns a natural cavern with a drip-line indicating its habitation in an early age. The cavorn is called Āņdārmadam or “the monastery of the pontifts'. On a boulder in front of the cavern is engraved an inscription in archaic Tamil characters and ancient Tamil language of about the 8th century A. D. The epigraph graphically narrates that a Jaina ascetic named Malayadhvaja was performing penance on the Tēnür Hill (i. e., Tēnimalai) and that a local chief of the Irukkuvel family came there to pay his respects to him. Impressed by his eininence, the chief gave an endowment of land as 'pallichchandam', making it tax-free, for the maintenance of the sage. Another boulder by the side of the cavern bears the carved figure of a Tirthakara who may be identified with Muhāvīra.
1 We may further note in this connection that stones bearing the figure of a pitcher,
evidently meant to denote the symbol of a Jaina ascetic, were also planted to indicate
the boundaries of lands assigned to Jaina religious institutions. These were called Kupdigaikkal, Kapdigali meaning asortio's pitcher'. The existence of such boundary stones has been traced in the Tamil country from early inscriptions explored in that area (Av. Rep. od 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-40 to 42-43, p. 240). The practice of demarcating the lands endowed to Jaina institutions with such char cteristic stones, seems to have been prevalent in other parts also. This is illustruted by the expression Mukkodeya Kal' occurring in a siwilar context in an inscription at Kopbal and 'Padmavatiya Kal' mentioned in an epigraph from Molgund (Jaina Epigraphs
(author's collection ), No. 29 and Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI. p. 56). . % Manndal of Padukkottal State, Vol. II, pt, 1, p. 618. 3 Pudukkottai State Insoriptiops, VOL, I, No. 9.

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3. JAINISM IN TAMIL NAD Underneath this image is engraved an inscription of a like 'nature belonging approximately to the same age. The epigraph states that the holy image was carved by one Valla Udana Šeruvotti.' Mutilated idols of Yakshis have been found in this place and also elsewhere in this area.
CHETTIPATTI EXCAVATIONS: Chettipatti is another interesting spot in the same region which has yielded a large number of ancient Jaina vestiges. In a large mound called Samaņarkundu or 'the mound of Jaina monks', near this place, excavations have been conducted since 1936. These have revealed the existence of two big structural temples surrounded by compound walls, containing some smaller shrines inside, the pl which have stepped approaches similar to those found in the shrines of Ceylon of this period. The style of the temples is that of the early Chola period of about the 9th and the 10th centuries A. D. A large number of images representing the Tirthakaras and other deities of the Jaina pantheon has also been unearthed. Of the inscriptions found here one belongs to the time of the Chola king Rājarāja I. Another of about the 10th century A. D. mentions a Jaina teacher named Matisāgara who was the preceptor of Dayāpāla and Vadiraja.
REGION OF MADURA: The next object of our enquiry is the region of Madurā which comprises roughly the present day Madura Dt. This area, apart from other vestiges, is characteristicly rich in three kinds of antiquities: i) natural caverns and hills bearing rock-out beds and Brāhmi inscriptions; ii) figures of Jaina deities and preceptors carved on the rock; and, iii) early epigraphs in Vutteluttu alphabet and Tamil language by their side. Judging from these valuable relics along with other useful sources, we might well describe this tract as the cradle of the Jaina religion.
VICINITY OF Madura: In spite of the absence of conspicuous relics which evidently have been submerged or destroyed under the sweeping tide of the Brahmanical faiths' the city of Madura itself appears to have been a flourishing centre of the Jaina faith under the fostering patronage of the early Pandya kings who had this ancient place as their favoured capital. If we take into account the epigraphical and archaeological evidence we have been able to marshal in this chapter on the early advent of Jainism in the Tamil land, there seems to be little reeson to disbelieve the veiw that the socio-religious activities sponsored by the advocates of Jaina Law in the Tamil land oalwinated in the foundation of the Mala Samgha by Kuņdakundãohārya in as early an age as the first century B. 0.
I Padnkkottai State Inscriptions, vol. I, No. 10. 2 Manual of Pudukkottai State, Vol. II, pt. ii, p. 1082. 3 Compare for instance the paintings on the wall of the Mtaakskt temple at Madara
which depict the scenes of pers coation of the Jainas; Studies ia s. I. Jainism, p. 78.

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TATNINN IN SOUTH INDIA
or its subsequent revival under the name Dravida Samghia by Vajranandi at Madura in the 5th century A. D. According to the statement of the Tēvāram hymns and the Sthala Purāņa of Madura® the city of Madura and the neighbouring hills of Anaimalai, Nāgamalai and Pasumalai, etc., were the strongholds of Jainism, being the resorts of Jaina teachers and monks. This statement is amply borne out by the following investigation.
TIBUPARANKUNRAM: At some distance from the city of Madura is the hill called Tiruparankunram wbich has been noted for its Pañchapāņdava beds and Brāhmi inscriptions. On a sloping boulder near the Sarasvati Tirtha, two square depressions have been incised at inaccessible heights. One of them contains the standing figure of a Jina flanked by two serpents and attendant deities on either side. In the other square is engraved another image of like nature with the five-hooded serpent and umbrella above and attendant deities. These should be Jinas, Pārsvanātha and Supārsvanātha.
ĀNAIMALAI Hill: This hill is about six miles towards the east of Madura. Notwithstanding the ascendency of the advocates of the Brahmanical faith who have subsequently converted this hill into a sacred resort of their deities, this place has still preserved antiquities of the Jaina creed, which are sufficiently conspicuous and attractive. A series of sculptures representing the Jinas and their Śásanadēvatās is carved on the rock overhanging a natural cave. The sculptures are impressive. The last of the series to the proper left is the image of a Yakshiņi seated on a pedestal attended by Ganadharas. Her right foot is hanging down and the left foot is folded. In the palm of the right hand which is raised, she holds a fruit and the left hand is resting on her lap. The prominence given to this deity is easily seen from her elevated position along with Jinas of the series. This is one more instance illustrating the raised status of a Yakshi. I am inclined to identify this figure As Siddhāyikā, the Yakshiņi of Mahāvīra, :
By the side of these sculptures is engraved a number of inscriptions in Vutteluttu alphabet and Tamil language, one of which inentions the name of a teacher named Ajjanandi. On the analogy of sculptures bearing inscriptions in other places, which clearly attribute the authorship of such soulp
res to Ajjanandi, it may be surmised that Ajjanandi was responsible for some of the rock-cut sculptures at Ānaimalai. This cavern is still recognised by the people as Samanar Kõvil or 'the temple of the Jaina monks'. It is thus evident that Anaimalai was a favourite resort of the Jaina teachers and devotees in the early ages.
i Pravachanasara : Introduotion, p. XXI; Jain Literature in Tamil p. 0. 2 Studies in 8. I. Jainism, p. 68; Madura District Gazetteer (1906), pp. 254-58, eto, 3 An. Rep. on S, I. Epigraphy, 1909, p. 68. 4Ep. Ind. Voli VIII, p. 318... 3. A0. Rip. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1996; Appendix, C, Nos. 67-74..

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3, JAINISN IN TAMIL NAD
ALAGARMALA!: The range of bills known as Alagarmalai is about 12 miles towards the north-west of Madura. It has a huge cavern containing Pancbapāņdava beds avd Brähmi inscriptions on the pillow side of a bed. On the same rock of the cavern and at about the same height of the writing in Brābmi is carved the figure of a Jaina ascetic in the siddhāsana posture. By the side of the sculpture is an epigraph in Vatteluttu alphabet and Tamil language which speaks of the image as the work of Ajjanandi.' The figure probably represents the preceptor of Ajjanandi. Ajjanandi was a renowned teacher, and we shall make some observations regarding his personality at a later stage. The cavern at Alagarmalai appears to have been converted into a Jaina monastery by virtue of its occupation by Ajjanandi and the ascetics of his monastic order. It is also very likely that the Jaina monks of a still earlier age were associated with the stony beds in the cavern.
UTTAMAPALAIYAM: At Uttamapālaiyam in the Periyakulam tuluk the images of Jinas are carved on the boulder known as Karuppannasāmi rock. Below and above these figures are engraved inscriptions in Vatteluttu alphabet and Tamil language. One of the epigraphs mentions the teacher Arittanēmi-periyār who was the pupil of Ashtopavāsigaļ. Another refers to Ajjanandi as the author of the sculptures.'
MUITOPATTI: Near this small village in the Nilakkottai taluk is a huge overhanging boulder that has sheltered the Pañchapāņdaval beds cut into the rock. On the pillow side of three of these beds is an inscription in Brāhmi alphabet. Close to these beds is carved the sculpture of a Jing seated on a pedestal flanked by rampant lions and attendant deities on both sides. The image evidently represents Mahāvira.
Another detached boulder in this natural cavern bears the figures of two Jinas carved on the rock. They are decorated with the aureola and attended by the guardian angels. Two inscriptions are engraved below the images in the Vațţeluttu script und Tamil language. One of them states that the sculpture was caused to be cut by Kanakavira Periyaạigal, & pupil of Guņasõnadēva who was a disciple of Kurandi Atta-upavāsi Bhatāra of Veņbu Nāļu. The second image according to the other epigraph was the work of Maghanandi, a disciple of Kurandi
1 An. Rep. ou S I. Epigraphy, 1910, p. 69. 2 Ibid., 1906, Appendix C, Nos.725 and 729. The sofix speriyūr' signifies seniority and
revered position of Arishtanēmi. The name Ashtüpavisi must bare been popularly
derived from the fasting performance of the teacher. 3 Ibid., 1910., p. 67.

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ŠAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA Åshța-upavāsi.' The hill possessing these antiquities is known as Siddharmalai or 'the hill of the (Jaina) sages'.
Korgar PCLIYANG LAM: This insignificant village in the Tiruman, galam taluk has preserved some rock-cut beds on the top of the bill nearby. At inaccessible height on the sloping side of the hill is carved a fine figure of a Jaina sage sitting in the siddhāsana posture. The image is protected from the rain water by cutting an ornamental groove above it in the form of the aureola. Below the image is engraved an inscription in Vatteluttu," which reads 'Sri Ajjanandi'.
SETIIPODAVU: Near Kilukkuļi, a village in the Madura taluk stretches a hill range called Ummaņāmalai. In this range is situated a cavern charmingly secluded. The cavern and the surrounding spots contain notable vestiges of the Jaina creed which create an impression that the place must have been an eminent resort of Jaina monks and their followers. The cuvern is popularly known as Settipođavu or 'the hollow of the eminent merchant'. It has an arched entrance and in the roof of this entrance are incised five groups of sculptures inside the niches. These sculptures will be noticed in detail presently. Three inscriptions are engraved below. the central group in Vatteluttu characters and Tamil language."
The first of these epigraphs informs that the image on the pedestal of which it is engraved, was caused to be carved by the teacher Guņasõnas pperiyadiga!. He was a pupil of Varttamāņu (i. e., Vardhapāna) Panditar who was a disciple of Guņasēnadēva presiding over the monastery called Kurandi Tirukkātļāmballi in Veņbu Nādu. The second epigrapb, again, alludes to the teacher Guyasenadēva as the head of the above-named monastery and states that the image bearing the record on its pedestal, was caused to be cut by a pupil of his. The third epigraph also refers to the preceptor Guņusõnadēva as the president of the monastery. .. Yaksugi AS WARRIOR: Of the five groups of sculptures referred to above the first and the last are bighly interesting. Tbe first from the proper right depicts a female warrior sitting on a lion. She holds a drawn botv in the right hand and arrow in the left, the other two hands also bearing weapons. The lion has grappled an elephant ridden by a wale warrior with sword und shield in his hands. The female warrior must evidently be a
i Au. Rep. un S. I. Epigraphy, 1910, Appendix C, Nos, 61–62. 2 . Ibid., p. 66. .
: : . . ... .
.
.. 4 Ibid., 1909, Appendix B. Nos. 330_339
. :'. '.': 5 Ibid., 1910, p. 67.
3
Ibid. p. 67.
.

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8. JAINISM IN TAMIL NAD
59
Yakshini whom I am inclined to identify with Siddhayika, the guardian angel of Mahavira, on account of her characteristic association with the lion. The sculpture probably portrays a familiar episode connected with her exploits. The next three groups are the Jinas in seated postures with their attendants. The last sculpture is again a female deity with two hands. She is sitting on a raised pedestal with one leg hanging down and the other folded and placed on the seat. In the palm of the raised right han she holds a fruit and her left hand is resting on the lap.' Some attendants are seen by her side. This also, must be a Yakshini and she occupies a prominent position on par with the other deities in the group. We have noted a similar figure at Anaimalai and I think that this Yakshini also is Siddhayika. It would thus seem that the artist has sculptured two aspects of the deity in the same panel, one warlike and the other peaceful.
ANOTHER RELIC: To the left of the entrance into the Settipoḍavu cave there is another sculptural representation. A big image of the Jina who is to be identified as Mahavira, with his usual accompaniments of lions, etc., in beautiful decorations, is carved on the rock. On the lower belt of the pedestal is engraved an inscription in Vatteluttu script and Tamil language.3 The epigraph purports to state that the teacher Abinandan Bhatara of the monastery of Kurandi Tirukkaṭṭamballi had the sculptures incised. Three more preceptors who were predecessors of this teacher are mentioned in the record. Taking these names into consideration the succession of teachers will stand as follows: Kanakanandi Bhaṭāra, Abinandan Bhatara I, Abhimandala Bhatara, and Abinandan Bhatara II.
PACHCHI PALLAM: Climbing further up from Settipoḍavu we reach the top of the hill wherein there is a spot known as Pechchi Pallam. It means 'the speaking hollow.' Here are imposing sculptures of the Jinas all facing the east. Three of them are in the sitting posture and five others are standing. The latter bear the canopies of serpents with five hoods spreading over their heads and are accompanied by attendant deities. These must be the representations of the Tirthakara Parsvanatha. Six inscriptions in Vatteluttu characters and Tamil language are found engraved below these sculptures. One epigraph mentions Gunamatiyar, the mother of Ajjanandi. Preceptor Gunasenadeva who was in charge of the hermitage of Kurandi Tirukkaṭṭamballi figures in three records.*
1 Jain Iconography, p. 146.
2 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1910, p. 68.
3 Ibid., Appendix C, No, 63.
4 Ibid., Nos, 64-69.

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JAINISM IN SOUTA INDIA
POTGAIMALAI: Near Kuppalanattan in the Tirumangalam taluk is the hill called Poygaimatai. It possesses a natural carern, and on one of its walls is carved a series of Jaina figures which represent several Tirtha. karas. The images are arranged in three groups one below another. The first row.consists of four Jinas in sitting posture. The second row comprises three standing Jinas. Below this is the figure of a single standing Jina. The cavern is popularly known as Samañar Kõvil' or the temple of the Jaina monks'. The images are worshipped by the common folk who smear them with butter. The rock facing these sculptures contains an obliterated inscription in Vatteluttu characters, which probably purports to mention the names of monks who had these images carved.'
KilaĻAVU: A lill called Pañchapāņdavamalai is situated about a mile from the village Kilalavu in the Mēlúr taluk. On this hill is a spot recognised by the people as 'the school of children'. A boulder near this spot has preserved the figures of six Jinas with their familiar accompaniments. Some images are in the sitting posture while others are standing. The latter are shaded by five-hooded serpents surmounting their heads. These might be the representations of Parsvanātha. On another side of the same boulder are incised three figures of the Jinas seated on ornamiental pedestals. The inscription on the pedestal of the second image states that Sangaran Śrīvallavan ħad it carved and made provision for lamp and daily offerings to the deity. I
Reverting to earlier times this hill contains a very large number of stony beds, picturesquely arranged and carefully sheltered, indicating a big settlement of ascetics who had chosen this tract for their domicile.
KARUNGALAKKODI: The bill near this village in the above taluk is known as Pañohapāndavarkuţtu. It possesses a cavern containing beds And a Brāhmi inscription. On a rock adjoining this cave is carved the figure of a Jina on a sculptured pedestal. Underneath this sculpture is an inscri. ption in Vatteļuttu alphabet, which states that the image was caused to be made by the revered Ajjaħandi.
AIVARMALAI: A large number of inscriptions in Vatteluttu script has been discovered above tho natural cave at Aivarmalai in the Paļni taluk."
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1909, p. 70. 2 Ibid., 1910. pp. 68-69. 3 Ibid., 1912, p. 60, 4 Ibid., 1906, Appendix B, No. 692, 694, 697, 700, 701 and 706. Here also Patțini,
in the name Pattinikurattiyar means "asting'.

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3. JAINIAM IN TAMIL NAD They refer to the teachers, Ajjanandi, Indrasom wikisõnapperiyar and Pārsva Padara (i. e., Bhatāra). One of them mentions Puvranandikkuratti, the lady disciple of the lady preceptor Pațținikurattiyār of Perambattiyor. Another epigraph dated Saka 792 or a. D. 870, in the reign of the Pindya king Varaguna, states that Santiviraguravar, the papil of Guņavirakkuravadigat, renewed the images of Pārsva Padarar and of Yakshis at Tiraváyirai. Pārsva Padarar is equivalent of Pārsvanātha Tirthakara ( Padāra-Bhatāra) and Tiravāyirai was probably the ancient name of Aivarmatai.
PROMINENCE OF YAKSAI: We may once more note in the above inscri. ption of Aivarmalai the specific reference to the renewal of the images of Yakshis, which must have been evidently under worship as independent deities from earlier times. A careful examination of some of the sculptures in the Madura region described above shows that the Yakshiņīs have been given a preferential treatment by transferring them to the right hand side of the Jinas. This, as I have pointed out previously, furnishes further evidence in favour of prominence given to the subservient deity of the Jaina pantheon with a veiw to raise her to a higher status in the devotional plane of popular religion. The elevated position of the Yakshiņis in the sculptured panels at Anainalai and Settipođaru has already been described in detail.
Rock-OUT IMAGES WORSHIPPED: In the above survey of Jaina antiquities we have noted the existence of a large number of sculptures carved on the rocks of hills and natural careras. Now we have to see the purpose served by these images. The inscription engraved below the sculpture of a Jina at Kilalavu noticed above, expressly states that the person who was responsible for the creation of the image on the rock, also made provision for its daily worship and offerings. From this specific instance we may reasonably conclude that most of these rock-cut images were being duly worshipped not only by the monks and teachers residing in seclusion in the hills and.caverns, but also by the laity of means who made adequate arrangements for maintaining the routine of rituals for them.
A RENOWNED MONASPERY: A perusal of the inscriptions discovered in the region of Madura shows that there flourished in this area a renowned monastery known as Kurandi Tirukkāțțāmballi and more than one generation of reputed teachers who were its constituents. Ashtöpavāsi and his pupil Arishtanēmi, figuring in the record from Uttamapāļaiyan, seem to hate belonged to this monastery. This Ashtopavāsi may be identified with his namesake who figures with two successive generations of pupils in the record from Muttupatti. Māghanandi was another disciple of this Ashtopavāsi. Three generations of teachers, Guņasēna I, Vardiranina and Gunasõna II, who belonged to this monastery are known from the inscriptions

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JAINIAN IN SOUTH INDIA at Settipodaru. Of these Guņasēna I was highly renowned and he is spoken of as the president of the monastery. It might be this same Guņasēna who figures again as the head of the institution in three inscriptions from Pēchchi Pallam. The four generations of teachers headed by Kanakanandi, who figure in another inscription from Settipodava, were also connected with this monastery and might have belonged probably to a slightly later age.
Separating the word 'palli' meaning ‘monastery' from the expression, Kuraņdi Tirukkāțțămbaļļi by which the institution was designated, Kurapdi Tirukkādu would be the name of the place where the monastery was situated. Literally rendered Kurandi Tirukkādu may mean the holy forest of the thorny shrub;' or else, 'the holy forest near Kurandi,' Kuradi being a placename in the latter case. Kurandi Tirukkādụ, we are further told, was situated in the Veņbu Nádu. One thing is clear from the expression that the monastery was located in a forest which was looked upon holy, possibly on account of its association with the sacred institution. I am inclined to believe that the monastery was located in one of the natural caverns in the Madura area, probably at Settipodaru, though the possibility of its location elsewhere is not ruled out. This monastery appears to have flourished during the period of the 8th to 10th centuries A. D. Frequent allusions to this locality are found in the inscriptions of Kalugumalai.
AJJANANDI, TŅE REVIVALIST: Another important fact that strikes one in the study of the antiquities of the Madura region is the great personality of Ajjanandi and his contribution to the promotion of the Jaina religion in the Tamil Nād. Ajjanandi is the Prākrit form of the name Aryanandi. Ajjanandi figures as the person who was responsible for the carving of the sculptures on the rocks of hills at Vallimalai in the North Arcot District and at Ānaimalai, Aivarmalai, Alagarmalai, Karungālakkuļi and Uttarapālaiyam in the Madura District. Güing further south he also figures as the author of the sculpture on the Irattipottui rock in the natural cayern at Eruvādi in the Tinnevelly District. . . . . . . .... :::. It is highly interesting to observe that Ajjanandi figures in the same capacity in one more epigraph at a distant place in the corner of the land. On a hill called Tiruchchāņattu Malai near Chitaral in the Travancore State area are a series of rock-cut figures in relief. These represent the
....
. : ..
Mr K. V. Subrabinanya Ayyar identifies Karandi with a place bearing the name in the Travancore area. But this area is not rich in Jaina antiquities and I am not sure if this identification would be justified. See Proceedings etc., Third Oriental Conference, p. 278. An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1916, p. 112.
bi

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Jaina divinities and below one of these is an inscription in archaic Vaṭṭeluttu script stating that the image was caused to be carved by Ajjanandi. Taking a review of these sculptures associated with Ajjanandi, we may note that the majority of them constitutes the Jinas, one might be the portrait of his guru and another a Yakshini.
08
We might also gather from the above account that Madura region formed the main sphere of Ajjana ndi's activities. Two more facts lend further confirmation to this view. One is the mention of Ajjanandi's mother Gunamatiyar in an inscription from Pechchi Pallam. The other is the image of Ajjanandi himself carved on the hill near Kongar Puliyangulam with an inscription recording his name below. This must have been incised by a pupil of Ajjanandi, may be after his demise, to commemorate his name.
Inscriptions pertaining to Ajjanandi give no information regarding his preceptor or preceptors and the monastery he was connected with. This seems to imply the supreme reputation and preeminent position enjoyed by him among the followers of the Jaina religion. There is no adequate evidence to ascertain the date of Ajjanandi with precision. But on consideration of palaeography of the epigraphis related to him, he might be assigned approximately to the age of the 8th and 9th century A. D.
All these facts are profoundly significant and they help us to judge the place of Ajjanandi in the history of Jainism in the Tamil country. During the later part of the 7th century and after, a very grave situation arose in the Tamil country against the followers of the Jaina doctrine. The tide of revival in favour of the Saivite and Vaishnavite faiths began to shake the very foundations of Jainism. Saint Appar in the Kanchi area and Sambandhar in the Madura region, launched their crusades against the supporters of the Jaina religion. Consequently, Jainism lost much of its prestige and influence in the society. It was in this critical situation that Ajjanandi appears to have stepped on the scene. He must have been a remarkable personality endowed not only with profound learning and dialectical skill, but also with practical insight and organising capacity. Inspired by the noble ideals of his faith and sustained by indomitable energy, he, it seems, travelled from one end of the country to the other, preaching the holy gospel, erecting the
1 Travancore Arobaeological Series, Vol. II, p. 126; here the name has been read as Achchanandi.
2. Such a state of affairs seems to have been reflected in the traditions which attempt to explain in their own way the Jaina associations of the hills like Anaimalai, Nagamalai and Pasumalai, near Madura. These will be examined in detail at a later stage.

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images and shrines in honour of the deities and popularising once again the principles and practices of Jainism.
KALUGUMALAI: Proceeding further south we approach another extremely interesting hill which was a highly picturesque stronghold of the Jains faith. This is Kalugumalai (which means 'a hill of vultures') near the village of the same name situated in the Koilpatti taluk of the Tinnevelly Dt. The steep hill of Kalugumalai has treasured natural caverns with beds and inscriptions in Brahmi alphabet, which show that it was a resort of ascetics and recluses in as ancient a period as the Erd century B. c.1 Coming to the later times it has proved a centre of attraction for the devotee and the artist of both the Brahmanical and the Jaina faiths, who have immortalised their religious fervour by creating out of the hard rock images and temples of superb workmanship in honour of their deities. The idols and shrines of the Brahmanical persuasion are known by the general name Veṭṭuvăn Kōvil, The Jaina sculptures lie at a higher altitude and are carved in relief on the smooth surfaces of the overhanging rock.
THE ROCK-OUT SCULPTURES: These sculptures which number over a hundred in all may be analysed into three groups. 1) The series of figures of small and almost uniform size are arranged in long rows one above the other. These depict the Jinas in general in the sitting postures on what appear like lotus thrones with the triple umbrellas overhead. They possess neither the distinctive emblems nor the attendants. 2) Another group of figures is of Jinas of slightly bigger size carved in separate niches either as a single piece or in groups of two. These also own no other characteristic features excepting the three-fold parasole and the lotus seat. 3) Under the third category would come such individual figures as are furnished with the characteristic details of the deities represented by them and as are depicted in the exuberance of artistic environments. Among these are the portraits of Maha. vira and a few other Tirthakaras, the Yakshinis, Bahubali, etc. These deserve to be studied minutely. But here I confine myself to a brief examination of only two figures of this class, since they afford further illustrations in regard to the prominence given to the Yakshi in the popular phase of the Jaina religion in the Tamil country.
Two YAKSHINIS: At a spot to the left of the three rows of miniature Jinas is a fairly big niche containing the following figures. The stately image of a female deity is standing in the middle adorned with crown and ear ornaments. She has two hands. Her right hand is placed lightly on the head of amale child which should not be mistaken for an attendant. In her left
An. Rep. ou, S. I. Epigraphy, 1907, p. 47.

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hand is a bunch of fruits which might be taken to be mangoes. To her left is a lion standing close behind, with its huge raised head at the farther end facing the front and with the up-turned tail. Two male children are standing on her left side and before the lion. To the right of the deity is the standing figure, which is damaged, probably of a dancer in ecstatic pose. The deity of the above description must be Ambikā, the Yakshiņi of Nēminātha Tirthakara. This identification rests on three main features that mark her out, viz., the lion which is her vehicle, the bunch of mangoes and the presence of children, which are her attributes. To the left of this niche or shrine is the shrine of Mahāvīra ; and it is significant to observe that the former is more spacious and impressive than the latter.
To the right of the three rows of Jinas referred to above is a large niche dedicated to Mahāvīra. On the right side of this is another niche of smaller dimension containing the images of two Jinas sitting side by side. Below this is another niche of about the same size consecrated to a Yakshiņi. She is sitting on a lotus seat with her folded right foot resting on it; the left foot is hanging down. Her head is encircled by the halo of serpent hood. She possesses four hands. In her raised upper right hand she is holding a snake; and an object which may be a fruit can be detected in the palm of her lower right hand which, being folded, is touching the shoulder. She seems to bear something like a goad in her upper left hand which is lifted. Her lower left hand with a noose is seen placed below on the lap. Two female attendants carrying fly-whisks are standing on her two sides. This must be Padmăvati, the famous Yakshiņī of Pārsvanātha Tirthakara."
The rock-cut sculptures on the Kalugumalai Hill present a glowing picture of the religious ardour and artistic excellence attained by the adherents of Jainism in the Tamil land. The richness of imagery, the wealth of details and refinement of execution exhibited in them are really admirable. This imperishable gallery of art created by the superior intellect of man on the strength of Nature's bounty, will ever stand as a unique monument of Jaina culture in South India.
CONTENTS OF EPIGRAPHS: Another important item inseparably associated with these sculptures is the quantity of epigraphs which are engraved invariably underneath almost all of them. These are, in general, of the nature of
1 Jaina Iconography, p. 143. 2 The above description of the Kalugumalai sculptures is based on the study of the
photographs in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. 3 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1894; Appendix B, Nos. 20-117. These have been
published in full in 8. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 309-406. The last two of these are isolated rooords.

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labels furnishing the names of the person or persons who caused the particular images to be carved on the rock. In two instances the image representing the deity is addressed as Araimalai Aļvār or the lord of the rocky hill. They generally end with the expression “tiru mēni' which means this 'sacred image', evidently referring to the particular sculpture above the epigraph. The images in some cases were the gifts of more than one person joined together.
A perusal of these epigraphs shows that there was no regular scheme or plan drawn and executed by one master mind at a particular point of time. These sculptures appear to have come into being independently and individually as several single pieces, being the votive offerings made by different persons on different occasions. Still it is a matter for wonder and delight to notice that they are marred neither by the lack of unity of plan nor by the absence of uniformity of form. It must however be noted that no two sculptures in the series are separated by a wide disparity of age.
It is gathered from these inscriptions that the ancient name of the place was Tirunechchura and the hill is referred to as Tirumalai or Holy Hill. We may note the occurrence of the word 'tiru' meaning 'sacred in both the expressions. The tract was called after this place as the Nechchura Nādu. Among the donors of these images figure renowned teachers, both male and female, lay followers, men and women, of the faith, and members of the Vēlāla and mercantile communities. These persons hailed from different place and regions some of which must have been far away. One of these places was Kurandi Tīrtha in the Veņbu Nādu, and this name is already familiar to us. This place figures in seven inscriptions, which confirms the view that it was a renowned holy centre of the Jaina faith. We may note a few more places here; Chirupolal in Idaikkala Nāļu, Perumparrūr in Kottur Nādu, Nälkūrkkuļi in Veņbu Nāļu, Tirukkottār, Milalūr, Tiruchchāraṇam (in the Travancore area), etc.
TEACHERS AND LADY TEACHERS: Some of the teachers mentioned in the epigraphs appear to have been fairly important personalities. This is gathered from the manner in which they are introduced. By way of illustration the following names may be noted: 1) Śrīnandi, senior disciple of Sri Vardhamāna of Sri Malaikkuļa (No. 314); 2) Kanakavīra, disciple of Baladēva Kuravadigal of Tirunarungondai (No. 317 ); 3) Kanakanandi Periyar, disciple of Sri Kuraņdi Tirtha Bhațāra (No. 345 ); 4) Pūrņachandra, pupil of Kurandi Kanakànandi Bhațāra (No. 359); 5) Dayāpāla Periyār, disciple of Mauni Bhatāra of Kadaikāịtūr Tirumalai (No. 383).
1 The bracketed figures in the above as well as the following lists refer to the number
of inscriptions at Kalugamalai published in 8. I. I., Vol. V, The epithets Periyar' and 'Kuravadiga!'(= guru ) are terms indicating great reverence. It is interesting to note that the preceptor in No. 3 of the above list is referred to merely as the Teacher of Kurapdi Tirtha' without mentioning his name.

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67
But more interesting and conspicuous are the lady teachers who figure prominently and in a large number in these epigraphs. Like other donors of the images these also hail from different places and they are generally mentioned with reference to the places to which they belonged. In several instances the preceptors and the disciples of the lady teachers are specified; and from this we can make the following observations: i) The lady teachers as a rule had ladies for their teachers as well as for pupils. ii) But instances are not rare to show that men also had their share in both the rôles. iii) In one instance the parentage of the lady teacher is mentioned. iv) The lady teachers are invariably named as Kuratti which is Tamil feminine form of Sanskrit guru. I may illustrate these statements by citing the following instances. The references are to the numbers of inscriptions from South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. V. 1) Tiruchcharaṇattu Kurattigal: She figures in two epigraphs Nos. 324 and 326. Tiruchcharanam is the name of a hill in the Travancore area. I shall presently deal with this place in detail. 2) Pichchai Kuratti of Chirupolal (No. 319): Pichchai, we may note with interest, is a nick-name conveying the sense of begging. Compare Sanskrit bhiksha. 3) Sangakkurattigal: Her lady disciple was named Siriviśaiyakkurattiyār (Nos. 322-23). Sanga is equivalent of Sanskrit Samgha. This teacher was, possibly, the leader of a Jaina Samgha. 4) Mammai Kuratti: She had a lady disciple named Araṭṭanēmi Kuratti (No. 371). The male name of the latter is noteworthy. Mammai sounds like a nick-name. 5) Tiruparutti Kuratti: She was a pupil of the teacher Pattini Bhatara (No. 372). Tiruparutti may be an abbreviation of Tirupparuttikkunram. 6) Nalkūr Kuratti: She was the pupil of Nalkūr Amalanēmi Bhaṭāra and had a lady disciple named Naṭṭikappaṭarar (Nos. 355-56). Nälkur is a place name. Naṭṭikappaṭārar is an interesting epithet and may bear some connection with the art of dancing; its Sanskrit equivalent would be Natyaka Bhaṭāra. 7) Mi alur Kuratti: She was a disciple of Pērur Kuratti and daughter of Mingaikumān of Piḍānkuḍi of Karaikkana Nādu (No. 394). 8) Tirumalai Kuratti: She had a male disciple in Enadi Kuttanan (No. 370).
OTHER ITEMS OF INTEREST: Some of the records refer to the provision made by the devotees for the ablution and offerings of the deities and also for burning lamps before them (Nos. 327 and 361). We may reasonably surmise from this that most of the images were under worship. Two isolated epigraphs are dated in the reign of the Pandya king Maran Saḍaiyan. They refer to the god of Tirumalai and speak of the arrangement made by the teacher Gunasagara Bhatara for feeding ten and five ascetics (Vairagyar) respectively, including one Reader Bhațara or the preceptor who expounded the sacred texts (Nos. 405 and 406). All these records are engraved in Vatteluttu script

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with the exception of two whose alphabet is Tamil and Grantha. None of these mentions any precise date. But it is possible to assign them approximately to the period of the 10th and 11th centuries A. D. on considerations of palaeography. Consequently the age of the sculptures also falls broadly within the same limits of time.
THE HILL OF CHĀRANAS: Now we come to the close of our journey and reach the last sacred resorts in the south-west corner of the peninsula. We have already come across this place, a lady teacher wherefrom figures in the votive records at Kalugumalai. It is a small craggy hill near Chitarāl in the Vilavangod taluk of the Southern Division of the Travancore State. The hill is known as Tiruchchāņattumalai, This name evidently is a corruption of the fuller name Tiruchchāraṇattumalai which is met with in the epigraphical records of the early period.
Tiruchcharaṇattumalai or the holy hill of the Chāraņas' derives the name evidently on account of its association with the Chāraṇas who, according to the Jaina theological conception, were a class of sages who had attained mastery over nature. The belief appears to have prevailed in ancient times that the above hill was the abode of the Chāraņas. Or according to another sense of the word Chāraṇa which connotes a Jaina ascetic, this hill might have been selected as a suitable place for the performance of austerities number of Jaina monks.
On the top of the hill is a natural cave which has been subsequently transformed into a temple by suitable constructions. This shrine popularly known as the temple of Bhagavati is in the possession of Brahmanical followers who conduct worship therein according to Hindu practices under the belief that it is dedicated to a female Hindu deity. But a scrutiny of the images under worhsip in the central shrine has led to the astounding discovery that they represent the male Jaina divinities such as Mahāvīra and Pārsvanātha. From this we arrive at the natural conclusion that the temple must have been originally a Jaina place of worship and that it was at a later stage taken possession of by the Hindus.
JAINA FIGURES ON THE Rock: This judgement is fully confirmed by the decisive testimony of the series of Jaina figures with inscriptions incised on the side of the overhanging rock which forms a natural cavern. These sculptures consist of two rows, one above the other. The upper row contains about a dozen miniature figures of Jinas in sitting posture with the tripel umbrella overhead. Below them is a group made up of about half a dozen figures of bigger size representing different deities, interspersed by small rows
1 Travancore Arohaeologioul Series, Vol. I, p. 194.

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of miniature Jinas.? We may devote more attention to these conspicuous figures of bigger size.
YAKSHIŅI AMBIKA: The last image seated on the proper right may be Nēminātha. The next standing image to the left is Pārsvanātha. To the left of Pārsvanātha is a standing female figure with two hands and without attributes. She might be either Padmāvati or Siddhãyikā. A bit away to the left is Mahāvira in sitting posture with his usual attributes. To the left of this and the last of the series is a stately female figure standing. She has two hands: the right is in the varada pose and the left is hanging free by her side. A lion with massive head facing the front is seen on her right side. Below the head of the lion is a female attendant standing. Two children of smaller size are standing by her side on the left. I am inclined to think that this deity must be Ambikā, the Yakshiņi of Nominātha. The prominence given to this Yakshiņi in these sculptures alongside of or even in preference to the masters, the Jinas, is in keeping with the Jaina religious conventions that had evolved in the Tamil land, as we have noticed before in a number of instances. .
Five RECORDS: Now we shall review the contents of the epigraphs. These are engraved near the above sculptures in the Vatteluttu alphabet and Tamil language. One inscription of the reign of the Pandya king Vikraināditya Varaguņa records a gift of golden ornarents to the Bhatāriyār of Tiruchchāranattumalai, made by the lady teacher Guņandāngi Kurattigal, disciple of Arattanāmi Bhatāra of Põrayakkudi. Another is a record of Ajjanandi noticed above. The third refers to the carving of the sculpture caused by Varagunan, disciple of Pattini Bhatūrar of the Tiruchchāraṇam Hill. The fourth speaks of a similar performance by the teacher Uttaņandi Adigal hailing from the Kāttāmballi monastery at Tiruneďumburai. The fifth relates to another soulpture prepared by the teacher Viranandi Adigal who belonged to the Mēlaipalli monastery at Ti unarungondai. From the palaeography of the inscriptions and the rather crude and archaic mode of the sculptures, these antiquities of Tiruchchāṇattumalai inay be broadly assigned to the 9th and 10th centuries A. D.
BHAȚĀRI-BHAGAVATI: One of the inscriptions noticed above registers a gift to the Bhatāriyār. Bhatāriyār is the honorific plural of Bhatāri which means a goddess or a female deity. We are justified in assuming that this deity is identical with the Yakshiņi Ambikā of the above description. Tbis
1 Trava, Arch. Series, Vol. I, photo facing p. 194. 2 The late Mr. Gopinatharao has tried to identify this sculpture as Padmavati, which is
incorrect; ibid. Vol. II, p. 127. 3 Ibid., pp. 125-6.

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predominence of the worship of Yakshini or Bhaṭāri represented by the rockcut image might have continued for some generations more and latterly idols of Mahavira and other deities might have been installed in the natural cave. But still the reputation of the place as the abode of the goddess was preserved. In course of time when Jainism declined and the ownership of the temple changed hands, the Hindus gave their own name to the goddess, calling her Bhagavati. Not only had the ancient rock-cut sculptures of the Yakshini and other deities been long forgotton, but the Hindus, the last owners of the temple, did not even take care to replace the Jaina idols of a later period consecrated in the cave shrine.1 And so the worship continues of the male Jaina gods in the name of the Hindu goddess Bhagavati. This explains the strange anomaly of this religious place.
The Sacred Hill of the Charaņas appears to have been one of the reputed strongholds of Jainism from ancient times. Jaina ascetics of renown resided here performing penance. It was visited by the adherents of the Jaina doctrine from distant parts. This is indicated by the information contained in the epigraphs about the authors of the sculptures, who hailed from such places as are now included in the districts of South Arcot and Tanjore.
NAGARKÖYIL: We may notice one more curious place in the same area, which has a similar tale to tell. Nagarkōyil is a prosperous town in the southernmost corner of the Travancore region. The Nagarajasvami temple here is now in the possession of Hindus and the Brahmanical priests called Põttis are in charge of its worship. There are however, half a dozen images of the Jaina deities, Mahāvīra, Parsvanatha and Padmavati. These have been carved on the pillars of the mandapas in the central shrine of the temple. It may be assumed from this that the temple was originally dedicated to the Jaina gods. This fact is confirmed by an epigraph also. The inscription is of a. D. 1521, registering gifts of lands made by the Travancore king Bhutalavīra Udayamartandavarman, in favour of two priests of the temple, named Kamalavāhana Paṇḍita and Guņavira Pandita, who must evidently be Jaina. The lands are referred to as 'pallichchandam' which, as noted before, denotes Jaina ownership. The sculptures of Parsvanatha mentioned above, are imposingly surmounted by five hooded serpents. It is not unlikely that these canopied serpents in course of time developed into the main deities as Nagarajasvāmi, leaving behind their Jaina associations. Traces of a large colony of Jaina residents at one time have also been observed near the temple.'
1 It is reported that along with the images of the Jaina deities a plaster image of Devi had been placed in the shrine till recently; Trava. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 194. 2 Ibid, Vol. II, pp. 127-129.

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CONCLUDING REMARKS: In this short survey, many places in the Trichinopoly and other districts and the areas of Pudukkottai and Travancore, containing inscriptions and other antiquarian remains, which once flourished as fairly important centres of Jainism, have had to be excluded. I have however taken due care to bring even into this limited compass almost all the outstanding facts connected with the growth of Jainism in the Tamil land, laying proper stress on its characteristic features.
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3. Some Special Features
In this section we shall concentrate our attention on some peculiar features of Jainism in the Tamil land. Many of these have already been noticed in passing or hinted at in our previous study. But as these topics deserve closer serutiny and fuller treatment, we shall deal with them here in their proper perspective.
THE HILL FEATURE: Though it is not an uncommon aspect of the Jaina faith alone that many of its holy centres originated and developed on and around the hills, it has to be admitted that Jaina associations with the hills and hill settlements in the Tamil land and South India are rather earlier and more numerous than those of other creeds and in other parts. The Jaina teachers of the early age with their picturesque imagination selected the natural caverns in the mountains and the tops and the slopes of the high and low hills, as suitable places for their austerities and religious activities. This must have made a very wholesome impression on the minds of the populace who preferred to follow the spiritual lead of these selfless sages.
In the early stage of the faith shrines and monasteries were mostly confined to the hills. Sculptures representing different deities of the Jaina pantheon were incised in small cavities or niches on the rocks of hills, and these served the purpose of shrines and temples. Such images were worshipped with due ceremony, and suitable provision was made for the maintenance of the customary round of rituals in honour of these deities. Among the numerous instances available to illustrate these observations we may cite the sculptures on the rock near Anandamangalam, the seated figure of the Jina and the Golden Yakshi at Pañchapāņḍavamalai, the cavetemple founded at Vallimalai by the Western Ganga prince Rajamalla, the shrines dedicated to the Yaksha and Yakshi on the Tirumalai hill, Anaimalai and other hill spots in the Madura region, the unique sculptures of Kalugumalai and the ancient images carved on the rock of the hill Tiruchcharanam. Structural temples of elaborate workmanship like the one at Tirupparuttikkunram were a later development. We may also note in this context the Malainatha and Parsvanatha temples at Chittämür, which afford a vivid instance of a hill shrine and a structural temple existing side by side.

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Tae YAKSHI CULT: Another highly interesting and remarkably characteristic feature of the Jaina creed in the Tamil land is the prevalence of Yakshi worship from the early times and on almost universal scale. Yakshi or Yakshiņi," strictly speaking, occupies a subordinate and secondary position in the Jaina pantheon; and whatever sense of veneration is entertained in respect of her is due mainly on account of her association with the Jina whose guardian angel she is conceived to be. So, according to the theo. logical or iconographical standards, she cannot claim a place of independence or the privilege of individual adoration in the hierarchy of Jaina divinities. But there is a volume of iconographical and epigraphical evidence to show that here, in the Tamil country, the Yokshiņi was allotted an independent status and raised to a superior position which was almost equal to that of the Jina. This is not all; in some instances the worship of Yakshiņi appears to have superseded and overshadowed even that of Jina himself.
This is not an unparallelled circumstance in the history of the Jaina creed, so to say. No doubt, the Yakshiņi attained a place of importance in the popular plane of Jaina religion at a subsequent age of its history in other parts of the country also. But elsewhere the position appears to have been confined to only a few, one or two deities in particular, The reference is to Padmāvati, the Yakshiņi of Pārsvunātlia, who was elevated to the altar of the main deity and worshipped with ceremony in Karnāțaka. An early instance that would illustrate the point is the goddess Padmāvati of Patti Pombuchchapura in the Mysore area."
But the Yakshi cult in the Tamil land has an independent history of its own. The following interesting facts deserve to be noted in connection with the rise and growth of this cult.
1) The origin of the Yakshí cult in the Tamil land may be traced to as early a period as the second century A. D. from an allusion to it in the Silappadikāram. This will be discussed in the following Section. The epigraphical reference, however, to this cult, as seen previously, dates from the 8th century A. d. It is possible to surmise the reasons that would
1 The Jaina terminology is more familiar with the expression Yakshiņi and not Yakshi,
though the same idea is conveyed by both. In the Tamil country Yakshini is invariably spokea of as Yakshi. This partiality for the particular nomenclature is
noteworthy. 2 Padmavati was the tutelary deity of the Säntara chiefs. It was through her grace
that Jinadatta established the Säntars family at Pombuchchapura. This was about the 9th century A. D.; but the epigraphs furnishing this information are of the Ilth century A. D, and later; Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 138; Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nagar 36, eto.

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have necessitated the popularisation of this cult on the part of the champions of the Jaina doctrine. Jainism had to compete with the Saivite and Vaishnavite creeds in the Tamil country from the beginning as may be gathered from the Silappadikaram and other works of the Sangam Age. In these latter creeds prominence is given to the worship of the deities like Parvati and Lakshmi, who are the consorts or the female counterparts of Siva and Vishnu respectively. The handicap that the advocates of Jaina religion must have experienced in the competetion of popularising their gods in this situation appears to be that the Jinas or the Tirthakaras had no female counterparts as in the Hindu pantheon. So with a view to capture the devotional mind of the common people, they seem to have stressed the Yaskhi worship in their religion by raising her to a higher rank. It may be inferred from the popularity and influence enjoyed for a considerably long time by Jainism in the Tamil land that this device worked well and fetched commendable success to its sponsors.
73
2) Probing further into the subject we can find out the procedure adopted in assigning the exalted position to the deity from a study of the iconographical details of the sculptural representations of the Jaina gods. Prominence of the Yakshi was indicated, in the first instance, by depicting her on the right side of Jina. Secondly, figures of the Yakshi which were depicted with gorgeous decorations and appeared as imposing as the Jinas, were set up by the side of the latter. Thirdly, the propitious as well as the awe-inspiring aspects of the Yakshi were exhibited by placing her in the accompaniment of graceful attributes such as fruit, children, etc., on the one hand and dreadful attributes like the weapons of war, lion, etc., on the other. In some cases she was consecrated in separate niches and shrines. These observations are borne out by the specific instances of a good many sculptures of Yakshis noticed at Anandamangalam, Chōlavandipuram, Anaimalai, Seṭṭipoḍavu, Kalugumalai and other places and described in the foregoing Section. The inscriptions at Pañchapaṇḍavamalai, Tirumalai, Aivarmalai, Kalugumalai and Tiruchchāṇattumalai contain references to the Yakshis, and sometimes to the Yakshas also, as independent deities and to the provision made for their worship and offerings.
3) From the sculptural representations of the Yakshis I have been able to examine, I might say that Ambika, the Yakshini of Neminatha, had won greater reverenc from the Tamilians in the early age. She was depicted in different aspects with all her splendour, prominence being given to her inseparable attributes, the lion and the children. Next comes Siddhāyikā, the Yakshini of Mahavira. Though she received great devotion elsewhere, Padmavati does not appear to have been as popular as Ambika in the
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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA Tamil land, in the earlier period. We may note in this context how Ambikā of the Sacred Hill of the Chāraṇas has been able to retain her hold on the mind of the masses to the present day, though in an altered garb and under alien auspices.
The Cult of JVĀLĀMĀLINI: The cult of Jválāmalini generally speaking comes under the category of the Yakshi cult. But on account of its association with the Tantric worship this deserves separate treatment. Possibly the promulgator of this cult, as we have observed before, was Hēlāchārya of Ponnür. In consonance with the belief prevailing in those times in the efficacy of incantations and spells and following the practices of the religious leaders of the other schools in the country, the Jaina preceptors and monks appear to have indulged in claiming proficiency in this craft also from the times of Hēlāchārya onwards, as far as we know in this part. Mastery over the spells or Mantra Vidyā came to be considered as a creditable qualification of a Jaina teacher, many of whom took pride in styling themselves Mantravādins.
I may illustrate these remarks by citing a few instances taken at random from the inscriptions of Sravana Belgo!a. No. 66 contains a description of the teacher Śrīdharadēva who was well-versed in the Mantric lore. The same epigraph speaks of another teacher named Padmanandi who was expert in the science of spells (Mantravādīśvara). No. 67 refers to the teacher Kalyāṇakirti who was unrivalled in the art of exorcising the evil spirits like Sākini. Such instances can be multiplied.
CEREMONIAL DEVELOPMENT: Popularity of a religion is based on its ceremonial aspect which has a direct appeal to the common man. This fact was realised by the protagonists of the Jaina religion, who reared their religious rites and practices in ceremonious surroundings. They emphasised names like Adiśvara and Trailokyanāthasvāmi, which could better attract the attention of even the followers of other faiths. Jaina deities were often referred to by the popular Tamil expressions, Nāyanār and Aļvār, meaning 'the lord, master,god', etc. The practice of taking the Jaina deities in procession appears to have been fairly common, as may be gathered from an epigraph at Tirumalai. From the holes bored by the sides of the sculptures at Kalugumalai and other places it may be inferred that these were intended for decorative purposes on ceremonious occasions. Provision was made to light the lamp and offer worship to even such sculptures as were carved on the bills in out-of-the-way places.
TEACHERS AND PRECEPTORS: The credit of spreading the message of Lord Jina to the nook and corner of the Tamil country goes unmistakably
1 Ep. Carmo, Vol. II.

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to the zoalous bands of monks and ascetics who by their immaculate religious practices and incessant preaching of the holy doctrine attracted the minds of both masses and classes. A large number of teachers figures in the ingeriptions of the Tamil country, and the number of such as not have found a place in these sources must be many times more. References are available in the epigraphs, which show that many of these teachers were associated, either as founders, or ecclesiastioal beads, or superintending priests, with various renowned religious organisations known as Pallis which were either hermitages or monasteries or temples or even educational institutions; and their number must have been considerably large. Pedigrees of teachers for a few generations are also enumerated in some epigraphs. From such notices it becomes clear that these teachers possibly hailed from different pontifical thrones and belonged to various monastic orders that flourished in the land. The chiefs of the ascetic orders appear to have enjoyed certain privileges as may be gathered from the references in the inscriptions to the specific endowments (inurrūţtu) enjoyed by the Ganis or leaders of monks.
The Jaina church had organised itself into several monastic orders almost all over India, and these orders had crystalised themselves into what are known as the Samghas and their sub-divisions, the Gaạns and the Gachchhas. While introducing a particular teacher it was the common practice to mention the Samgha, Gaņa and Gachchha to which he belonged. This practice was widely prevalent in Karnāțaka, as well as in Andhra Dāśa. But it is surprisingly strange to observe that no such details of the monastic order of a teacher are ever mentioned in the inscriptions of the Tamil land. Not to speak of the elaborate details like the Gana and the Gachcha the existence of which in the Tamil country is not commonly known, even the allusions to the Müla Saṁgba or the Dravida Samgha which are alleged to have been founded and revived in this region by Kondakunda and Vajranandi respectively, are conspicuous by their absence. This absence looks all glaring as the Tamil country is supposed to have been the home of the Dravida Šumgha. If at all any details of a teacher are furnished in the Tamil epigraphs, they are only in regard to his preceptors for two or three generations and the place he hailed from or the monastery he was related with. In contrast to this, we may note how the teachers belonging to the Dravida Samgha are mentioned along with the elaborate details of the gana, gachchha, etc., in the inscriptions of the Mysore territory. This position is inexplicable.
18. 1. I., Vol. II, No. 4 and Vol. III, No. 205, etc. i The Dravida section of the monastio order is mentioned in over two dozens of
epigraphs; for instance, Ep. Oarn., Vol. V, Hasan 119; Vol. VI, Modgere 11, Kadar 69; Vol. VIII, Tirthahalli: 199, ato. We may also note the regional association of
scoliloomine les Corne, vol. 1, "I'wan 119; Vol. VI, Madger

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FEMALE MONASTIC ORDERS: Another noteworthy factor in regard to the Jaina church in the Tamil country is the prosperous institution of lady teachers and their wide circle of female disciples. The lady teachers are generally referred to as Kurattiyar or Kuratti Adigal, both of which are honorific forms derived from Sanskrit guru. They are found to take leading part in the social and religious activities along with the brother teachers of the monastic order. They commanded a large following of the lay disciples of their class and held high positions as the heads of hermitages and monasteries. The well-known instance to the point is that of Kanakavira Kurattiyar of Veḍal, with whom we are already acquainted. Some of the interesting points regarding these lady teachers who, in some cases, were initiated by the male preceptors and also sometimes entertained men as their pupils have already been dealt with.
If we go to the origin of the Jaina ascetic order we find that Mahavira made no distinction between men and women. He was in his own life time followed and accompanied by male as well as female recluses. It is recorded that his following included 14000 monks and 36000 nuns'. But notwithstanding the absence of a technical bar or conventional stigma, the annals of the Jaina church have preserved few examples of ladies having been in the forefront of religious leadership and played the rôle of teachers and preceptors. We may, here and there, meet with stray instances of nuns like Yakini who is said to have converted the famous author Haribhadra to Jainism and made him her pupil. But an exclusive organisation of nuns alone does not appear to be quite popular in the history of the Jaina church. However the practice of renouncing the world and taking to the life of a nun has no doubt survived to this day among the followers of Jainism.*
Turning to South India many ladies who were lay followers of the faith and some who had renounced the world figure in the inscriptions of
the term Dravida in the following monastic orders: 1) Dravidar Samgha, Pustaka gachchha and Kondakunda anvaya; Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Madgere 11. 2) Dravida Samgha, Nandi gana and Arangalanvaya; Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII, Nagar 36. 3) Dravida gana, Nandi Samgha and Arungalanvaya; Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Arkalgud 98; Coorg Inscriptions (revised edition), Nos. 34-35, 37, etc. 4) Mala Samgha, Dravida anvaya; Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Mudgere 18.
1 B. C Law: Mahavira, His Life and Teachings, p. 66.
2 Sinclair Stevenson: Heart of Jainism, p. 66.
3 Ibid., p. 80.
4 Ibid., pp. 232-33 and 169. We are informed that there exist two monasteries attached to the Parivanatha temple of the Svetambaras at Nausari, one for the male and the other for the female ascetics see; Ep. Ind, Vol. XXI. p. 136.

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e creed. From the successions of such teachers indicated in these records and the allusions to their large following, we have to assume that there were regular monastic orders of lady preceptors and that some of them even oocupied the status of pontiffs. These Kurattiyārs of the Tamil land have to be distinguished from the Śrāvikās or lay disciples who are found in all parts and from the Kantis and Ajjis (Sanskrit Aryā), signifying nung and female recluses who are mentioned in the inscriptions of Karnātaka, or from the Sādhvis who are more familiar in North India.'
The Kurattiyārs of the Tamil country constitute a surprisingly unique class by themselves. According to the conception of the Digambara school women are not entitled to attain Möksha in this life. The Yapaniyas, a well-known sect of Jaïnism in the South and having some common doctrines both with Digambaras and Svētāmbara, are characteristically distinguished for their view which advocates liberation or wukti for women in this life: strināṁ tad-bhavā mākshah. The factors that contributed to the growth of the institution of lady teachers in the Tamil land on such a large scale are not fully known. This subject requires further study and research.
Royal PATRONAGE: It was a privilege of the Jaina faith to claim the patronage and support from royal princes and princesses of many a distinguished ruling family of the Tamil country. Adverting to the Pallavas the famous instance is that of Mahöndravarman I who was an adherent of the doctrine. Reference to a lady of the Pallava house who was a devotee of the Lord Jina is found in an inscription at Tirumalai and this has been noticed
1 Heart of Jainism, p. 232. 2 Ibid. Compare Pravachapasāra, Translation, p. 28. Also see, Jainism and Karnataka
Culture, pp. 138-39. 8 Journ. of Bomb. Uni. Arts and Law, Vol. I, p. 227. Thurston has noted the
existence, in the South Arcot District, of a sisterhood of nuns called Aryanganin, who are some times maidens and some times women who have left their busbande but in either case take a vow of chastity; Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. II, p. 433. These thitast evidently belong to the Digambara Seot and probably represent
meagre survival of the ancient institution of nans in South India Aryångauis are Argångapas or Aryas which was the term used to denote the sisters of the ascetio order. Its tabdhara dorm Aljt is often met with lo Kannada inscriptions. Compare Ajjiya of Prakrit literature,

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previously. The earliest allusion to Pallichchandam which is an endowment to & Jaina institution is to be traced in a record of the Pallava king Vijaya Kampavarman.'
The allegiance to the doctrine of Lord Jina, of the early rulers of the Pandya house at Madura, till the time of Sundara Pāņdya, has already been referred to. Māran Sadaiyan, an early king of the Pāņdya, family, figures in two inscriptions at Kalugumalai. Varagunan, a disciple of Pattini Bhatāra of the Sacred Hill of the Chāraņas, who was responsible for the carving of a Jaina image at the place, was probably a member of the Pāņdya royal family.
Numerous instances are at our disposal to testify to the solicitude evinced by the rulers of the imperial Choļa dynasty in safeguarding and promoting the interests of the Jaina community and the Jaina religious institutions. We come across references, in the Chola regime, to the villages which were inhabited by the followers of the Jaina creed and were entirely
nagement like the agrahāras which were owned by the Brāhmaņas. No distinction was made between such Jaina villages and others settled by the followers of Brahmanical faiths. The rights and the privileges of these Jaina settlements were duly protected by the royal orders. It is interesting to note that the Jaina villages and endowments find a specific mention in such royal proclamations. We have already seen how Kundavai, the elder sister of Rājarāja I, actively contributed to the glory of the Jaina religion by erecting more than one Jaina temple in different parts of the kingdom.
There is evidence to show that some members of a family of feudatory chiefs of the Chola extraction were zealous adberepts of the Jaina faith. These were Lāțarāja Vira Chola and his queen Lāța Mahādēvi, figuring in an inscription of Pañchapāņdavamalai, as the donors who made a gift in favour of the god of Tiruppānmalai.
An inscription at Tirumalai shows that a collateral family of Chēra chiefs hailing from Kērala was under the influence of Jaina Law at least for some generations. This is gathered from the performance of VidugādalagiyaPerumā! who restored the images of the Yaksha and Yakshi, originally set up on the holy bill by one of his ancestors named Elini. Jainism received due patronage from state officials also.
PauLICHOHANDAN: Scholars who have studied the inscriptions of the Tamil country are familiar with the expression Pallichchandam
**: 1 Añ. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1929, Appendix C, No. 116.
% 8. I. I., Val II, No. 4; Vol. III, Nos. 9, 205, eto.

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which is often met with in them. Even in the course of our cursory survey of the epigraphs we have come across this phrase previously and have commented upon it on more than one occasion. We may examine it here once more in its fuller implications. Leaving out of consideration for the moment its Buddhist associations which are neither numerous nor so freqüent, the word Palli signifies a Jaina temple or monastery or academy;" and 'chandam' must be a simplified form of 'chontam,' which is derived from Sanskrit 'svatantram' meaning 'one's own'.' So Pallichchandam means 'whatever is owned exclusively' by the Jaina religious institution of the above description, a land, village, etc.
The earliest reference to Pallichchandan, as remarked above, occurs in an inscription of about the 9th century A. D. in the reign of the Pallava king Vijaya Kampavarman. In the records of the Chola regime and also of the later Pāņdya rulers, roughly covering the period of the 9th. to the 13th centuries A. D., Pallichchandam grants figure frequently in a considerable number in almost all parts of Tamil country. As in the case of land endowments made for the benefit of the Hindu gods known as Dāvadānas, and those in favour of the Brāhmaṇas called Brahmadēgas, privileges were attached to the Pallichchandam property also, and these privileges were meticulously guarded in all transactions connected with them by the administrative authorities of the state. For instance, when a village was sold to a Brahmanical temple or to a private person, care was taken to see that, if there were any Pallichchandam lands belonging to the village, they were excluded from the transaction and allowed to enjoy their former privileges as before.
. Besides these general Pallichchandam grunts of Jaina ownership, there were in existence other specific endowments which appear to have been the exclusive property belonging to the community of the heads of the
1 In Tamil Pallikkūtam means 'e school'. This expression may have originated from
the Jaina institution of Palli. The institution of school was intimately associated with a monastery or temple in ancient times; and. Jaina teachers were renowned for their learning and educational activities. We have a similar word for school
in Kannada also, viz., matha which originally means 'a monastery.' 2 The late H. Krishna Shastri has tried to derive "Chandam' from Sanskrit ''sat
which is doubtful; see S. I. I, Vol. II, p. 52, f. n. 2. 3 Manual of Padukkottai State, Vol. II, pt. i., p. 688. From the Udayendiram
plates of Prithivipati II it is known that the Digumbara Jainas were in the enjoy. ment of an ancient pal!ichchandam endowment of land and that it was specifically exoluded from the gift of the village Kadaik kõttür made in the 15th regnal year of the Chola king Parantaka I (A. D. 907-947); S. I, I., Vol. II, No. 76.

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Jaina ascetic orders (Gapis). They were known as Ganimurrūṭṭu or Kanimurruṭṭu and are met with in the records of the Chōla rulers.'
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
POPULARITY: Existence of Jaina antiquities on a large scale in all parts of the land from one end to the other; the survival of good many Jaina works of high classical standard in the Tamil literature; and the sense of veneration cherished almost universally for the Jaina deities and preceptors by the different ranks of the society, from the members of the ruling class to the persons of ordinary run: these facts speak immensely for the popularity of the Jaina faith in the Tamil country at one time. This popularity rested not so much on the patronage it received at the hands of the royal families and high officials of the state as on the voluntary devotion of the common citizens who welcomed its teachings and followed them in practice.
Indications are furnished by the epigraphs to surmise that as social workers and spiritual teachers, the Jaina monks and nuns came into close contact with the masses who treated them with reverence and a feeling of attachment. This may be gleaned from the manner in which Jaina teachers and preceptors are generally mentioned even in such public documents as the inscriptions on stone and rock. The reference to the teachers in these records is found, not usually, by their formal denominations of the ascetic order, but by the familiar terms of address which sometimes even amount to nick-names. Though one may not see much of peculiarity in the names like Guņavira Mamunivar, Ariṭṭanēmi Periyar and Kanakavīra Periyaḍigal, still the suffixes, Māmunivar (the eminent sage), Periyar and Periyaḍigal (the great) obviously denote the combination of intimacy with respect. The appellations like Mauni Bhaṭāra, Paṭṭini Bhaṭāra, Paṭṭini Kuratti Adigal and Pattini Kurattiyar constitute not the names proper, but familiar epithets by which the teachers were known among the people, on account of their characteristic traits such as the observance of the vow of silence, fasting, etc. Lastly the expressions like Pichchai Kuratti are merely nick-names, specific reference being made to their mode of living by begging the food (pichchai begging).
In this context we may further note the prevalence of names like Samanar Malai, Samanar Kovil, Samanar Kuḍagu (Samaņa = Jaina monk), etc., associated with the places possessing Jaina antiquities. It is interesting to observe that the names still continue, though the places have been deserted centuries ago and no votaries of the creed worth the name have survived in the vicinity.
1 S. LI, Vol. II, No. 4 Vol. III, No. 205; etc. Sanskrit Gapi becomes Kapi in Tamil pronunciation.

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૪.
With the ascendency of other creeds, the influence of Jainism declined in this area and its followers either migrated to other parts or passed into different folds. This happened, it seems, without much rancour, particularly in the lower layers of the society. The common people, in spite of their allegiance to the new gods and goddesses, did not entertain sense of abhorrence as such towards the Jaina deities. Nay, sometimes they even offered worship to the Jaina images wittingly or unwittingly.
As illustrations to these remarks, I may cite here a few instances of homage being paid to the Jaina idols until present day by the ordinary folk. Three of these have been already alluded to. One is the so-called Bhagavati temple at Tiruchchaṇattumalai in the Travancore region, where respect continues to be lavished on the images of Mahavira, etc. in the name of the goddess Bhagavati. Another is that of the rock-cut sculptures in the natural cave on the hill of Poygaimalai near Kuppalnattam in the Madura District. The third one is the image of Padmavati locally known as Kaliamman at Chōlavandipuram. I may mention here one more instance which is of interest. This is the Trimurti Kōil or 'the temple of the Trinity' at the foot of the Anaimalai Hills in the Coimbatore Dt. The Trinity consists of the figure of the Jaina Tirthakara with the attendant Yaksha pair, carved on a boulder. An inscription near the image refers to it as Amaņōsvarasvami and the surrounding region is called Amanasamudram.' Here Amanösvarasvami evidently means the Jaina image, because Samana becomes corrupted into Amana. But the belief prevails that this deity represents the Trinity of the Hindu pantheon; and it is worshipped with great devotion by the Hindu inhabitants of the neighbouring parts.
REVERSES AND RECOVERY: As it was the doom of the faith in other parts of India, Jainism had to encounter formidable opposition in its career in the Tamil country also. This was in the period of the 7th and 8th centuries A. D. to start with; and its opponents were the champions of the Saivite and Vaishapavite faiths of the Brahmanical religion. Almost simultaneously, under the leadership of Appar and Sambandhar, the advocates of the Saivite school launched ruthless attacks against the adherents of the Jaina Law and earned signal success in the Pallava and Pandya kingdoms. The Pallava king Mahendravarman I and the Pandya ruler Maravarman or Sundara Pandya became converts to the Brahmanical faith."
This must have dealt a severe blow to the cause of the Jaina religion. Jaina Law was challenged; Jaina philosophy was questioned; Jaina religious
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1927, p. 118.
2 Studies in S. I. Jainism, pp. 64 and 66.
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practices were discredited everywhere. Polemics were raised; disputations were held between the supporters of rival creeds regarding their superiority; proofs were demanded; and sometimes even ordeals and miracles were resorted to. The elated victors backed by the authority of the state indulged in violent activities. The vanquished were pursued and persecuted.
The accounts of the persecution of the Jainas given in the Periyapurāņam and other literary works of the Brahmanical school present a highly coloured and exaggerated picture of the times. Still it must be a fact that the Jainas met with iniquities and maltreatment at the hands of their intolerant opponents. The scenes of these persecutions are found sculptured on the walls of the temple at Tiruvattūr in the North Arcot District. Similar scenes are depicted in the form of paintings on the wall of the mantapam of the Golden Lily Tank of the famous Minākshi temple at Madura.'
The Sthalapurāņa of Madura contains some interesting legends which describe the hostile relations that subsisted between the followers of the Jaina creed and the devotees of Siva. As these stories might, in all probability, be referred to this period of Jaina history in the Tamil land and since they seem to reflect the disturbed religious conditions of the age, we may briefly notice them here. Anaimalai is a hill near Madura which has evidently derived the name "elephant hill' on account of its configuration resembling an elephant. But, as the story goes, the advocates of the Jaina dectrine of Conjeeveram who wanted to convert the Saivite devotees of Madura to their faith, resorted to magical practices and raised the huge elephant. When the beast was directed to proceed against Madura, its king invoked the aid of Siva in this calamity. The god appeared on the scene and killed the elephant with his mighty arrow. And lo, there it lies petrified to this day!
Two more legends similarly describe the creation of the demons in the forms of a huge serpent and a cow, as a result of the black magic practised by the Jaina miscreants, and their conversion into the two hills called Nāgamalai and Pasumalai respectively, situated close to Madura, by the grace of Lord Siva. As we have noticed previously, the Anaimalai hill owns a large number of Jaina antiquities. Nāgamalai or 'the serpent hill' and Pasumalai or 'the cow hill' obviously bear the names on account of their natural resemblance with the respective animals, and this fact has been worked up into mysterious legends by the protagonists of the Hindu faith.
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1923, p. 4. 2 Studies in S. 1. Jainism, p. 79. 3 Madara District Gazetteer, 1906, pp. 254-55, 7 and 278. Also see An. Rep. on 8. 1.
Epigraphy, 1997, pp. 74-75.

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RO
These reverses sustained by the champions of the Jaina Law did not crush their faith completely. The upheavel of the rival schools and the desertion of a substantial number of its followers had, no doubt, the decisive effect of weakening the strength and reducing the prestige of the Jaina religion in the Tamil country. But thanks to the resourcefulness of its leaders and the unflinching fervour of its adherents Jainism soon recovered from the catastrophe and gained considerable strength, though not to the former extent.
The Choļas who rose to sovereignty soon after this period, followed the liberal policy of tolerance and fair treatment towards all religious creeds, particularly in the earlier regimes, in spite of their avowed leanings for Saivism. The local chiefs and subordinate officials of the state followed their example and some of them even actively supported the Jaina creed, Further, the moorings the Jaina creed had in the minds of the people, were not entirely shaken. In this manner Jainism not only continued to live but even prospered till the period of the 12th century A. D., in some parts at least.
During this age, i. e., from 8th to the 12th century A. D., the Jaina teachers were held in respect, the old Jaina temples and monasteries flourished as usual, and even new ones were erected. It was during this age that Pallichchandam lands and properties were bestowed in considerable numbers and they were scrupulously protected. These statements are substantiated by the evidence of inscriptions and other antiquities found on a large scale in the regions like the Pudukkottai State, which help us to read the story in its chronological continuity. The same facts may be gleaned from the contents of the epigraphs at Tirupparuttikkunram, Tirumalai, Chittāmūr and other places also, reviewed earlier in course of this brief survey.
4. Life and Literature . INTRODUCTORY: For over fifteen long centuries Jainism remained in intimate contact with the Tamil land and made a deep impression on the life and culture of its people. This fact is borne out by the Tamil literature also which has preserved a large number of works dealing with the teachings and the practices of the faith, written by Jaina authors. Much has been said regarding the contribution of Jaina writers to the literature in Tamil. So I shall try to take a passing view of some of the glowing features of the Jaina influence on the Tamil literature. But I shall, at the same time, discuss in more details the position of the Jaina faith as it is known from an early work available in the Tamil literature; for this constitutes a rare and precious source for reconstructing the ancient history of Jainism in the Tamil Nad.
1 Manual of Pudukkottai State, Vol. II, pt. i, pp. 874-7 and 687-8.

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The history of the Tamil litrature commences with an account of the Sangam or the Literary Academy that flourished at Madura. It is believed that there existed three Academies which attained prominence one after the other. The age of these Academies is still an unsettled problem of the Tamil literature; but the most reasonable view appears to be to place them within the first few centuries of the Christian Era. Like the poets and composers of other schools Jaina authors also participated in the literary activities of the Tamil land from the beginning. It has been suggested further that the very conception and the name of the Academy owe their origin to the ascetic leaders of the Jaina religious movement in the Tamil country, who with their characteristic insight formed themselves into well-constituted monastic institutions known as the Samgha, gana, etc."
Influence of Jaina thought and philosophy has been traced in the Tolkappiyam, the earliest extant work on Tamil grammar and other earlier compositions, such as Kural, Śilappadikaram, Nālaḍiyār, etc. It is also claimed that the authors of these works were Jaina by persuasion. The arguments in favour of this claim do not appear to be unjustified. Of the five major epic poems in the Tamil literature, three, namely, the Silappadikaram, Valaiyapati and Chintamani, are attributed to the authorship of Jaina writers. Among them Chintamani is considered to be the greatest Mahākāvya in Tamil. It was composed about the 10th century A. D. A tradition avers that impressed by its literary excellence, the Chōla king Kulottunga II inspired the great Saivite poet Sekkilar to compose the famous Periyapuranam which deals with the lives of Saivite saints." All the five minor epic poems in the Tamil literature are composed by Jaina poets. The credit of enriching the Tamil literature by composing various works on didactics, grammar, prosody and lexicography and commentaries, goes to the Jaina authors.*
Many of the Jaina compositions in the Tamil literature have been appreciated by foreign scholars on account of their chaste style and impressive manner of treatment. The Jainas thus played a distinguished rôle in the development of the Tamil literature and it is a glorious achievement to be proud of for a follower of any faith. A large number of Jaina works appears to have been destroyed during the tide of Hindu revival and consequently the Jaina books in the Tamil literature are fewer than those in the Kannaḍa literature. But the literary activities of the Jainas in the Tamil country appear to have
1 K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: Cholas, Vol. I, pp. 36 and 71.
2 Jaina Literature in Tamil, p. 8.
3 Ibid., pp. 10-12.
4 Cholas, Vol. II, part i, p. 516.
5 Ibid., p. 505.
6 R. Narasimhacharys: History of Kannada Literature, p. 67.

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85
been coeval with their religious movements and distributed over a period of more than one thousand years. In spite of the large number of Jaina writers the Tamil literature claims no such specific classification as the Jaina Period, as contrasted with the Kannada literature wherein a large number of classical Jain, works have been mostly concentrated within the brief span of a few centuries, from the 10th to the 12th century A. D.
THE SILAPPADIKÄRAM: With these brief observations on the Jaina aspects of the Tamil literature, I shall proceed to make an elaborate survey of an eminent classical poem of the Sangam epoch, viz., the Silappadikāram. The reasons for selecting this particular work for a critical examination in the context of these studies are as follows. Firstly, it is one of the early literary creations in Tamil, the author of which is believed to have been an adherent of the Jaina faith and wherein is reflected many a phase of contemporary social and religious life of the Jaina community in the Tamil country. Secondly, since the age assigned to this epic is considerably early and as we are confronted with paucity of sources for this period, a closer perusal of this work is calculated to be fruitful either for filling in gaps in the earlier part of our story of Jainism in the Tamil land or for supplementing the results obtained previously with the assistance of epigraphical and archaeological materials. Thirdly, though this work has been studied by a number of scholars and its importance for the Jaina studies has been noted more than once before, a systematic investigation of the Jaina data embedded therein in a proper perspective is still a desideratum.
As a background for our review we shall first sketch a brief outline of the main story of the poem. Kovalan, the son of a merchant of the prosperous city of Puhar, was married to Kaņņaki, the daughter of another merchant of the same place. After a period of happy married life Kõvalan got into the snares of a courtesan girl and lost his fortune. Accompanied by his wife he left Pubār and proceeded to Madura to earn his livelihood. On their way they made friendship with a Jaina nun named Kavuntiwho escorted them to their destination. Journeying along the bank of the Kāvērī they passed Uraiyūr and reached the outskirts of the city of Madura, where they were given shelter by a cowherdess named Mādari. Kõvalan wanted to sell one of the anklets of Kaņņaki in the market of Madura. He was, however, betrayed by a goldsmith who having himself stolen a similar anklet of the queen, represented Kõvalan as the culprit. Consequently Kõvalan was beheaded. When Kaņñaki learnt this news, her grief knew no bounds. She rushed to the palace
1 Karunti means a female Jaina ascetic'. But here it is aned as if it were a personal
Dame. We bave a similar word Kanti in Kannada. Both these are possibly derived from the Sanskrit word Kantha, a patobed garment.

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and proved to the king the innocence of her husband by exhibiting the other anklet. Shocked by his own atrocious injustice, the king of Madura died. The dire curse of Kaņņaki visited Madura which was consumed to flames.
Its HISTORICAL DATA: Having conceded the historicity of the political set up of the story, scholars have tried to extract material therefrom for reconstructing the early history of the Tamil Nād. The scene of the events in the story is laid in the Chola kingdom, one of the principal cities of which was Puhār, identified with Kāvērippattinam, U aigür being another. In the latter part of the narrative the action is shifted to Madura, the capital of the Pāņdya kingdom. Finally, we pass on to the Chēra kingdom which has no direct bearing with the story proper. It was Ilango, the younger brother of the Chēra king Senguttuvan, who heard the pathetic tale of Kanpaki and moulded it in the form of the present epic. Thus the narrative brings under its purview the three main divisions of the Tamil country and touches almost all the important aspects of its social and political life.
A GLIMPSE OF JAINISM: A perusal of the epic furnishes the following glimpse of the state of Jainism in the Tamil country. Jainism was established on a firm footing; and there flourished in almost all important places Jaina temples, monasteries and other religious institutions. Wending our way first to the Chola capital Puhār itself, the 5th canto informs us that by the side of the temples and organisations of Brahmanical and other faiths there existed Jaina temples and institutions inside the city. Outside the city were Śrīkõil and other sacred establishments. Again in the 9th canto we meet with an allusion to the temple of Nirgranthas.' The 10th canto opens with the parting account of Kõvalan and Kaņņaki from the city of Puhār. After paying due respects to a temple of Vishņu and the Buddhist Vihāras on the way, they reached a holy place of worship. As the description of this place is interesting I shall cite it in detail.
"They then worshipped, and went round the highly shining Silātala which was the abode of Arhat, jointly built by the Jaina householders for the benefit of the Chāraņas who would assemble on festive days, such of the first freshes (in the Kāvērī) and of the car-festival, under the entrancingly cool shade of the golden flowered Asöka tree, standing on a high platform where the great community of five (Paramëshțhins ) converged.
1 Silappadikäram, translated by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, Oxford University
Press, 1939, p. 118. All my references bereafter will be to this book. But wherever I thought it necessary, I have referred to the original work and made suitable
alterations and additions in my oitations 3 Ibid., p. 182. $ Ibid., p. 187.

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87 There gathered the men of penance who had abjured meat-eating, and taken the vow of speaking the truth alone, and purified themselves of all sins, under. standing the true path by restraining their senses."
This Silātala appears to have been a celebrated religious institution, representing both a temple and a monastery, erected by the eminent adherents of the Jaina faith. It was the resort of the Chāraņas, the itinerant monks, who went round the country elucidating the truths of the holy doctrine to the believers. The Silātala is referred to on two more occasions, once again in the 10th canto when the travellers arrived at Arangam or Srirangam and again in the 15th canto after they reached the outskirts of Madura."
Leaving Pubār and walking some distance outside the city, Kõvalan and Kannaki came to the hermitage of the venerable Jaina nun Karunti, situated in a flowery grove on the bank of the Kāvēri. The hermitage is referred to as Kavunti Palli. We are already familiar with the expression Palli which occurs in an earlier context in this poem also. This hermitage is said to have been a part of Sriköil' which is mentioned previously. From this it appears that Sriköil was a big Jaina temple wi h attached monasteries for the monks and nuns.
Uraiyūr, another headquarters of the Chūļa rulers, was also a resort of Jainism. After reaching this place Kavunti offered her prayers in a Jaina temple which is thus described :8 “Underneath the thick shade of the Asöka tree with its hanging flowers, the female ascetic worshipped the first God Arivan, more radiant than the rising sun, under the three umbrellas arranged like three moons placed one above the other, and graciously spoke the good and wise words uttered by the Chāraņas to all the sages of the Kandan Palli in the extensive grove adjoining Arangam”.
As a stronghold of Jainism, Madura was perhaps more renowned and highly sanctified by the presence of great teachers and numerous religious institutions many of which were situated outside the crowded localities of the city. Actuated by the sense of pity and kindness for the tender lady Kaņnaki and also feeling 'very anxious to visit flawless Madura in the good Tamil country of the south, to worship Arivan there by listening to the Dharma
1 Silappadikāram., pp. 163 and 216. In the latter place it has been translated as "the
shining slab of stone.' This does not oonvey its real significance.
Ibid., p. 168. 3 Ibid., p. 171. We meet with the epithet Arivan in the extract under reference,
which stands for Arhat and conveys the sense of the Supreme Kpower,' the Sanskrit term being Sarvajia. This expression occurs sometimes in the work. We may also note the ooourrence of another expression to speoity the Buddha. It is Aravon which means 'the Supremely Righteous Ope,'

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preached by the sinless saints, who have, by their purity, got rid of all their Adharma', the pious nun Kavunti accompanied the couple to their destination." There were Jaina establishments outside the gates of Madura, inhabited by ascetics engaged in austerities. In these quarters was a temple dedicated to the flower-eyed Iyakki or Yakshi. Mādari, the cowherdess, met the refugees from Puhār in this place, when she returned after making her daily offering to this deity.
PRECEPTS AND PRACTICES: The narrative contains references to the well-known teachings of the Jain a faith, such as non-injury, truthfulness, control over the senses, philanthropy, austerities, etc., preached by its advocates and practised by its followers. But there are certain peculiar aspects of the Jaina precepts and practices which bear special significance in the context of our studies; so we shall notice them here, rather critically.
· According to the Jaina philosophy there is no supreme godhead presiding over the destiny of this universe. On the contrary, it postulates the existence of a multiplicity of perfect souls who, having been liberated from the bonds of Karma, have attained omniscience, transcendental bliss and other supersensuous attributes. But hero in the Tamil land, as also elsewhere, Jainism was placed in the midst of religious schools and philosophies which claimed their origin in the all-absorbing Vedic scriptures and whose advocates believed in single sovereign godheads such as Siva, Vishņu, Sakti, etc. Even in the Silappadikāram itself we meet with numerous references to these various Hindu divinities and their cults which had taken deep roots in the minds of the people. Consequently, in this utinosphere of competition, though it was healthy to start with, the champions of the Jaina religion and philosophy had to make suitable adjustments, without violating the fundamentuls, in the minor details of their philosophical concepts and religious terminology, with a view to capture the popular understanding and maintain the impression among its adherents that their faith was in no way inferior to other religious faiths. I shall illustrate these remarks with a very illuminating passage from the Silappadikāram.
When the three travellers reached Arangan or Srirangam, there appeared the Chāraņas "who were well-known for their great skill in expounding the rules of Dharma, given to the world by the pre-eminent Perumakan of transcedental powers." The Chāraṇas declared that the laws of destiny were inexorable and expounded to the suppliant Kavunti the nature of the supreme divinity in the following words.*
1 Silappadikäram., p. 158. 2 Ibid., p. 214. 8 Ibid., p. 163. Perunakan means the Great Personality referring to the Arhat. 4 Ibid., pp. 164-65.

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89
"The All Knowing, the incarnation of Dharma, He who has transcended all limits of understanding, the All-Merciful, Victor among victors, the Accomplisher, the Adorable One, the Origin of Dharma, the Overlord, Absolute Right-ousness, the Essence, the Holy One, the Ancient One, the All-Wise, the Vanquisher of Wrath, the Master, the Śiva-gati (Sublime Resort), Supreme Leader, the Exalted One, the Possessor of all Virtues, the Transcendental Light, the Great Truth, the All-God, the Supernatural Sage (Charanan), the Root Cause of all, the Master of mysterious powers (Siddan), the Paramount One, the infinitely Radiant Illumination, the Dweller in everything, the Guru, the Embodiment of Nature, our Great God, the Abode of never dimini shing Eminence, the Emperor of Virtues, the Samkaran (Bestower of Supreme Bliss), the Isan (Paramount Ruler), the Svayambhu (Self-born), the Chaturmukha (Four-faced), the Bestower of Angas, the Arhat, the Ascetic of Grace, the One God, the Master of Eight Attributes, the indivisible Eternal Substance, the Dweller in the Heaven, the Foremost of the Vedas (Vēda mudalvan), and the Shining Light that dispels ignorance! None can escape the prison of this body unless he obtains the illumination of the revealed Võda proclaimed by Him who has the various above-mentioned names."
No strict advocate of the Jaina doctrine and philosophy would pass this description of the Jina or Arhat unchallenged. Particularly interesting among the epithets in the above extract are the expressions Isan, Samkaran, Siva-gati, Svayambhu, Chaturmukha and the reference to the revealed Võda. No doubt, all these phrases are capable of interpretation to suit the Jaina conception of the Arhat; and it is evident that they are not used here in their normal sense, but in a specialised sense, possibly to arrest the credibility of the followers of the other faiths.
An examination of the relationship that subsisted between the followers of various doctrines and the worshippers of different deities as reflected in the Silappadikaram, shows that it was an age of perfect religious tolerance, wherein few occasions arose involving conflict of creeds and recrimination of faiths. But even then, incidents leading to peaceful discussions in regard to the superiority of the respective creeds, when followers of different schools came together, do not seem to have been rare. How the followers of the Jaina faith fared in such debates and how they tried to score the point against their opponents on such occasions, is happily illustrated in the Silappadikaram itself. While at Uraiyur the travellers met a Brāhmaṇa who, under the pretext of informing the proper route to Madura, delivered a sermon on the excellence of God Vishnu consecrated on a hill adjoining a miraculous cave near Madura. Having heard the arguments of the Brāhmaṇa, Kavunti gave the following significant reply.' "O Brahmana versed in the four Vedas and 1 Silappadikaram, pp. 177-78.
12

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engaged in doing good! We have no desire to go to the cave; the literature given by Indra who lives longer than the Dõvas, can be found in our holy soriptures. If you wish to know of deeds done in the past, do you not look for them in the present birth? Is there anything that cannot be gained by those who lead a life of truthfulness and non-injury? Go your way seeking the feet of God sacred to you. We go the way suited to us."
Here the literature given by Indra' possibly refers to the Aindra Vyakaraña as taken by some scholars.
ROLE OF THE CHĀRANAS: Noteworthy is the rôle assigned to the Chāraņas in the Jaina theological conception and popular religion. The belief prevailed that they had attained superhuman powers by virtue of their having practised the truths of the Jaina doctrine and so their example was often and conveniently pressed into service to prove the efficacy of the Jaina faith. While studying Jainism in the Andhra Dēśa we have seen how the Chāraņas figure in the story of Dhanada. The associations of the Chāraņas in the traditions and literature of the Tamil country are rich and interesting. The Silappadikāram contains several allusions to the Chāraṇas some of which have been already noticed in the passages cited previously.
The Chāraņas were itenerant monks endowed with spiritual powers who preached and transmitted the precepts of Lord Jina to the faithful and the virtuous. The Asöka tree which is the symbol of the Jina, was favourite with them; and it was believed that they gathered occasionally beneath its cool shade to carry out their holy mission. They ran to the rescue of the afflicted souls at the right time and consoled them with their wise words. They were never afflicted, being heroes who had conquered attachment and anger. They had knowledge of the past, present and future and were also aware of the inexorable laws of destiny. We may at this juncture recall the tradition associating the Chāraņas with the hill Tiruchchāņattumalai in the Travancore region noticed before. One more bill which bears the mark of its connection with the Chāraņas is the Chāraņādri of Elora. We shall deal with this while studying Jainism in Karnāțaka.
The Cult of Yakshi: It is highly interesting to note that we have a reference to the cult of Yakshi in the Silappadikāram. This has been mentioned previously while describing the Jaina establishments outside the city of Madura. We have to observe, in particular in this connection, that the divinity is mentioned as the 'Flower-eyed Iyakki' and that an independent shrine was allotted to her. We are already familiar with the expression
1 Compare 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar: Manimekalai in Its Historical Setting Book
XXVII, p. 190. * Silappadikáram, pp. 163-64.

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91 Iyakki and her epithet Flower-eyed' only conveys a poetic metaphor. In the absence of any indication we are not in a position to identify this Yakshi or Yakshiņi. If the age of the Silappadikāram is as early as the second century A. D., then herein we have the earliest evidence of the Yakshi cult in South India, which, at any rate, appears to be earlier than the evidence of epigraphy and iconography discussed before.
. THE AUTHOR OF THE EPIC: Ilango Adigal, the author of the Silappadikāram, was the younger brother of the Chöra king Senguttuvan. Proceeding on this datum which is supported by other historical considerations, the date of the epic has been referred to the second century A. D.' Iļango had renounced the world and become a recluse when he wrote this work. Different views have been expressed in regard to the religious leanings of Ilango, who is believed to have been a Jaina by some and a follower of the Brahmanical religion by others, Iļango was a literary artist par excellence, and he was primarily interested in presenting a living picture of the contemporary life and society in his eminent poem. His sympathies were wide and he has described in minute details various religious cults prevailing in the land.
But in spite of his catholic outlook, Ilango's partiality for the doctrine of Lord Jina is transparent throughout his work. He has taken more than one opportunity to inculcate the paramount principle of Ahiṁsā and the transcendental glory of its supreme exponent, the Jina. Kavunti, one of the principal characters of the epic, was a Jaina ascetic and a fervent follower of the Jaina principles. She cherished intensive devotion and supreme faith in the teachings of Lord Jina, which is expressed in glowing terms in the following passage.
"My ears will not open themselves to hear anything other than the words of wisdow revealed by Him who vanquished the Three (Desire, Anger and Delusion). My tongue will not say anything other than the 1008 names of the Victor of Kāma. My eyes will not see, though they seemn to see, anything other than the pair of feet of Him who has taken upon himself virtue out of His grace. My two hands will not join together to reverence any one other than the All-knowing Arhat who expounds the Dharma, My crown will not suffer any flower to be placed on it except the flower-like feet of Him who walked upon flowers. My mind will not permit me to learn by heart anything other than the sacred words uttered by the God of Interminable bliss."
1 Silappadikáram, pp. 9, 10 and 16. % Ibid., pp. 68-69. 3 Ibid., p. 165.

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Kavunti was the guardian angel as it were, who escorted the hero and the heroine to their destination. We may not be wrong, if we are inclined to think that the hero and the heroine of the epic are also portrayed as the followers of the Jaina faith. In one place the allusion is precise, stating that Kõvalan observed the vows of the Srāvakas. There are other items of Jaina attachment such as the elaborate description of ascetic practices, belief in the activities of the Chāraņas, which should prove the religious leanings of the author in favour of Jainism. There is nothing unhistorical in the position that a prince of the ancient ruling family in the western part of the Tamil land should have been influenced by the doctrine of Jainism; for there are reasons to believe that Jainism had penetrated to the farthest points of South India in the very early period of its history.
6. Further Faots In this section I propose to record further evidence in support of our findings made out earlier in respect of the state of Jainism as it obtained in the two regions of the Andhra Dosa and Tamil Nād. This has been necessitated in view of some valuable additional material that is forthcoming as a result of the zealous activities of the members of the Epigraphist's Office during recent years.8
EMINENT SACE VÆISHABHA: There lived, in the 7th century A. n. at Penikelapādu in the Jammalınadugu taluk of the Cuddapah Dt. a great preceptor of the Jaina Law, who appears to have wielded considerable influence by his profound learning and ascetic practices. The inscription furnishing information about him is engraved in archaic Kannada-Telugu alphabet and Sanskrit language on the rock overhanging a small natural cave on the hill near the above village. The epigraph is not dated, but may be ascribed to the 7th century A. D. on palaeographical considerations. In a verse composed in the Anushțubh metre, the record states that on this mountain resided the supreme sage named Vrishabha who was the mighty cloud to the crops in the form of the faithful followers of the Jaina Law and who stood unshakable like the mountain in the disputations with the advocates of the rival schools. The small natural cave must have evidently served as the
1 Silappadikāram, p. 52. 2 Ibid., p. 220. 3 I am gratefol to the authorities of the Epigraphical Branch for the kind permission to
utilise this unpublished material in the proof stage, which was accessible to me as & member of the Office of the Government Epigrapbist for India, An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-40 to 42-43, Appendix B, No. 401 of 1940-41. The verse in question with slight adjustment may be read thus: re
fer : 1 T
O IRT ( Biraat ) ferritetit

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98 dwelling place for the teacher. It is highly interesting to note that the boulder has still, after a lapse of over twelve centuries, preserved its association with the monk in the name 'Sanyāsi Gundu' or the Monk's Boulder', whereby it is recognised by the village folk. The inscription itself might have been caused to be incised by a pupil of the monk.
HILLS AND Natural CAVERNS: We turn again to the Tamil country to secure in the first instance a glimpse of a few more hills and caverns which, on account of their unerring association with Jainism claim a place of importance in our studies.
1) In the hills near about Kannikāpuram and Nagari, two adjoining villages in the Chittoor Dt., have been found 4 caverns with beds carved out in the rock therein. These couches are locally known as Pañchapāņdava beds. The existence of Jaina vestiges in the vicinity coupled with other indications has led the explorer to believe that these beds must have been primarily used by Jaina monks who dwelt in these caves at one time.'
2) About a mile to the west of the village Södarampattu in the North Arcot Dt. there is a hillock called Pañchapāņdavar Tippa. It has treasured a series of beds under the canopy of an overhanging rock. On one of these beds is carved the triple umbrella, the familiar emblem of a Tirthakara. This figure unmistakably proves that the beds must have been used by the Jaina monks who spent their days in seclusion performing penance under the benign tutelage of the Jina. This piece of information furnishes conclusive proof in support of the Jaina origin of at least some of the Panchapāņdava beds which are so characteristically met with in a profusely large number of hilly caves in the Tamil country and eminently confirms the observations made by me earlier while discussing the antiquity of Jainism in this territory.
3) Tirunarungonrai in the Tiruk koyilur taluk of the South Arcot Dt. has retained to the present day its importance as a Jaina place of pilgrimage. It appears to have flourished as a great stronghold of the Juina religion from the early times. This is seen from the large number of Jaina antiquities including inscriptions still preserved in the hillocks near the village. On one of the hillocks is a spacious natural cavern with two driplines at the top preventing the rain water from coming inside. A number of beds with pillow lofts is carved inside and outside of the cavern. From the inscriptions engraved on the rocks by the side of this cavern it is gathered that there flourished in the period of the 9th century A. D. on these hills two
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-43, p. 11. 3 Ibid.

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Pallis or Jaina monastic institutions and a shrine dedicated to the god Ohatarmukha. The latter appears to have been attached to the monastery called Kilaippalli. A little to the north of this cavern is a cavity formed by the meeting of two big boulders. This has served as a shrine for the figure of Pārsvanātha cut in relief on the inner face of one the boulders. This deity was worshipped as Kanaka Jinagiri Appar in the period of the 13th century A. D. as known from an inscription. Kanaka Jinagiri Appar means the Father or Lord of the Golden Jaina Mountain and the hill itself appears to have been designated as Kanaka Jinagiri. Latterly, the name was changed to Appāņdār (= Lord, the Father) by which the deity is recognised to the present day. As at Chittājūr, constructions of a later age and introduction of other deities like the Chandranātha and the Păliyilālvār have thrown the original shrine of Pārsvanātha into the back-ground.'
4) A mile to the north of the valley of Singikulam, a village in the Nanguneri taluk of the Tinnevelly Dt., is a hill called Bhagavati Malai or the hill of the Goddess. The hill contains several hollows inside the rooky boulders and commands the convenience of water supply through its natural springs. Interesting Jaina vestiges have been discovered on this hill; and these viewed in the natural setting of its being a fitting resort for ascetics and recluses lead to the reasonable surmise that it might have flourished 88 a colony of Jaina monks at one time. This surmise is very happily confirmed by an epigraph engraved on a wall of the Bhagavati temple on the hill, wherein the hill is referred to as Jinagiri Māmalai,? The name Jinagiri Māmalai which means the Great Mountain of the Jina, is full of significance pointing to the fact that it must have been a sacred spot dedicated to the Jaina gods and inhabited by pious monks who held the torch of Jaina religion aloft during the early age of its history.
TACHOHAMBĀNI, A Jaina CENTRE: As noticed previously, the area of the Põļūr taluk in the North Arcot Dt. was a stronghold of Jainism. We may take note of one more notable place in this tract which has still preserved to an extent the ancient inspiration of the Jaina religion. This is Tachchambadi about 15 miles from Pölür. It contains a well-built temple dedicated to Vardhamāna Tirthařkara. The temple might be assigned to the 15th century A. D. considering its architectural features. One interesting fact that deserves our attention in connection with this shrine is that it possesses & large number of beautiful metallic images. These represent the main deities Vrishabhanátha, Supārsva, Sāntinātha, Nēninātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra
1 An, Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-43, pp. 1-2 and 272-73. It is interesting to note
tbat PaliyilAlvår literally means the god without temple'. 3 Ibid., p. 4. and Appendix B, No. 269 of 1940-41,

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of the Jaina pantheon. Then there is the composite group of 14 images, starting with Vrishabha and stopping with Ananta; and another of the 24 Jinas known as Chauvisa Tirthankara, Besides, there are other icons depioting the later development of minor deities, such as the Navadēvatā, Mahämuni, Jvālāmālini, Dharmadēvi and Padmāvati. We are already sufficiently familiar with the Yakshiņīs, Jvālāmālini and Padmāvatī; and Dharmadēvi, it may be suggested, was probably another Yakshiņi.
Two Icons IDENTIFIED: Õdalavādi in the Põļūr taluk owns a shrine dedicated to the Arhat. The central image herein, made of granite, is depicted as seated in the meditative pose with the palms joined over the lap. An inscription in the shrine referring itself to the reign of the Päņdya king Kulasēkhara I (circa 13th century A. D.) registers an endowment of land to the deity by a private person. In this record the deity is referred to by the epithet 'Aņiyād-alagiyār' which means 'He who is beautiful without adornment'. Now Bāhubali, the younger son of the first Tirthakara is considered as endowed with natural beauty par excellence and the image of Gommațāśvara at Sravana Belagola, which represents the former, is described as supremely beautiful. From this we are persuaded to think that the presiding deity in the temple at Odalavāđi is in all probability, Bāhubali or Gommațanātha.
At Sembāțțūr in the Pudukkottai state was found an image of a seated Yakshi in a grove near the Siva temple. It bears two hands, the right holding a lotus while the left rests on the thigh. The right leg is let down and touches the back of a lion; and the left leg is folded and placed parallel to the seat.* This icon stands for Siddhāyikā, the Yakshiņi of Mahāvīra. We have discussed at length the prevalence of the Yakshi cult in the Tamil country and this instance further adds to the mass of evidence testifying to the worship of the Yakshiņi as un important deity almost of independent status.
TAMIL LEXICOGRAPHER MANDALAPURUSHA: Among the Jaina celebrities that contributed to the wealth of Tamil literature deserves to be mentioned one more name. It is the Tamil lexicographer Mandalapurusha whose Nighaņķu-chūdāmaņi is reckoned the biggest lexicon in the language. This author is believed to have lived in the age of the 15-16th century A. D. He was a disciple of the preceptor Guņabhadra. Both the lexicographer and his aforesaid teacher seem to have been important personalities
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1939-43, p. 8. 2 Ibid., p. 249. 3 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 234. 4 An. Rep. eto. (op. cit.), p. 273.

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and wielded considerable influence among the people. This is realised from a study of a good number of epigraphs which speak of their activities. From two inscriptions in the Appāņķār temple at Tiruparungonrai noted above, it is gathered that the monk Guņabhadra was a native of Kondaimalai, i. e., Tirunarungonrai and that he was famous in the southern land as a great scholar both in Tamil and Sanskrit and the head of a monastery of the above place. He is also described as the founder of the Virasamgha, which seems to mean that he reorganised the Jaina church establishing it on a sound footing. Mandalapurusha figures as the Tānattār, i. e., local trustee of a Brahmanical temple in a record from Padavõdu in the Põļūr taluk of the North Arcot Dt. Lastly, we may note with interest the association of the name Mandalapurusha with the village Mandalapurushanpattu which was an endowment to a Brahmanical temple situated at Tiruvũr in the Chingleput Dt.'
CHAPTER IV
JAINISM IN KARNATAKA
1. Preliminery Review Now we go to the third region of South India, viz., Karnātaka. I may here note at the outset that I have not included in my survey that area of Mahārāshtra, which, technically speaking, though it forms part of South India proper or Dakshiņāpatha, is generally excluded from the latter denomination of territory. Still I shall take a passing review of a few interesting places which at present lie in Mahārāshtra, but which, in earlier periods were subjected, directly or indirectly, to the influence of Karnātaka.
Although a consolidated chronological history of the Jaina faith in Karnāțaka is still a desideratum, much has been written in the form of monographs and various articles in the journals on different aspects of the subject. Many facts regarding the advent of Jainism in Karnātaka, its widespread growth, the patronage it received from the ruling dynasties, its popularity, its contribution to the development of Kannada literature, etc., are already well known to the students of South Indian Jainism. So I do not want to traverse the ground previously covered by others and repeat what is sufficiently familiar. But still there are certain features which, though noticed in a way previously, have not been seen through their proper perspective. I shall briefly allude to some of these with a view to stress
Also see Quarterly Journal of Mytbio
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-43, p. 265.
Society, Vol. XIII, p. 487 ff.

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their significance. But there exist other topics which deserve fuller treatment, particularly in view of the epigraphical discoveries that have made progress during the past two decades and over.
For the convenience of treatment, I shall take up the divisions of Karnataka as they obtain at present politically and geographically; for example, Hyderabad Karnataka or the area included in the Hyderabad State; then the Bombay Karnataka area comprising the four Kannada districts in the Bombay State, viz., Bijapur, Belgaum, Dharwar and North Kanara; next the Karnataka portion in the Madras Stato; etc. I shall exclude in my review the entire area of the Mysore State; for, almost all the epigraphical material therein has been published long ago and frequently drawn upon by scholars and also because, there is available for this region one entire precious volume of inscriptions from Śravana Belagola, edited twice with introduction and translations of the epigraphs.
EARLY REFERENCES: Before proceeding to trace the picture of Jainism in different parts of Karnataka, I shall review some early references which, though noticed previously, require further attention. These relate to the existence of the followers of the Svötambara School in Karnataka. The general notion seems to prevail that South India was the sole abode of the Digambara Sect from the beginning and that it afforded little quarter to the followers of the Svētambara Order, or to their precepts and practices. But as we shall see in this chapter, substantial evidence, both direct and indirect, is available to dispel this notion once for all from our minds.
According to the statement of Haribhadra, the region of Malkhed was inhabited by the followers of the Svētambara doctrine when Padaliptacharya, an eminent divine of North India, visited the place. This was about the first century A. D. We need not discredit this testimony on the ground that it comes from a literary source of a later period. This piece of information is sufficiently supported by the authority of an early epigraph. A copperplate charter of the Kadamba ruler Mrigēśavarma, dated in his fourth regnal year, registers the grant of an entire village for the benefit of the Jaina gods and the Jaina recluses. Among the latter, distinction is made between the great congregation of monks of white robes, who were engaged in the works as enjoined by the excellent religion propounded by the Arhat and the great congregation of the Nirgrantha ascetics. We may thus see that here are
1 Mys. Arch. Report, 1923, pp. 10-11.
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 37. It is interesting to note that the Jaina gods are referred to in this inscription as Bhagavat, Arhat and Mahājinëndra.
13

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mentioned the ascetics of both the orders, Svētāmbara and Digambara. We may also note from the manner in which the former are described that the monks of the Svētāmbara doctrine not only had a decent following but that they were held in great esteem in the country. This position obtained in the 5th century A. D. at Vaijayanti or Banavāsi which was the capital of the early Kadamba kings and an important cultural centre in the southern part of Karnāțaka.
These facts lend welcome support to the two main observations made by us in respect of the advent of Jainism in South India in the First Chapter. They are: 1) More than one campaign of missionary conquest was organised by the champions of the Jaina Law. 2) The advocates of the Svētāın bara order played a prominent role in these campaigns. But unfortunately, we are not in a position to offer a clearer and well-defined picture of the activities of the two schools and have to indulge in surmises. Soon after the Svētāmbara and Digambara split in the Jaina church and in the wake of migration of Bhadrabāhu, the leaders of the Svētāmbara order also appear to have moved into the south holding strategical positions in Karnataka and Andhra Dēša. That the Svētāmbaras had penetrated far into the interior of South India is attested by the above-mentioned record of Mrigośavarmā and the Srisaila inscription which we have noted previously. The advocates of the Svētāmbara order who were in the forefront of the race of proselytization for a few centuries in the beginning, seem to have subsequently lagged bebind and almost vanished from the scene. The presence of the monks of the Svētāmbara order in Karnataka appears to have been the outcome of missionary activities sponsored by Samprati who is intimately associated in the traditions of south-western India,
Although the preceptors of the Svētāmbara School do not figure prominently in the history of the Jaina church of South India, the teachers of the Yāpanīya Sect which had much common both with Digambaras and Śvõtāmbaras played a distinguished rôle in propagating the Jaina Law in South India and influencing its monastic traditions. This influence was exercised from the land of Karnātaka; for the main sphere of the Yāpanlya activities was Karnātaka and excepting one or two stray instances of their existence in the Telugu country, the Yapanīyas are not met with in other parts of South India. By the time of as early an age as the 5th-6th century A. D., the Yāpaniyas had established themselves firmly in the northern and southern parts of Karnāțaka. This is disclosed by the epigraphs of the early Kadamba kings some of whom were staunch supporters of the Jaina faith. As stated in the copper plate charter of Mrigāśavarmā, issued in his eighth regnal year, the monks of the Yapaniya order were residing at Palasikā or modern

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Halsi in the Belgaum District. In the ordinance promulgated by Ravivarma from the same renowned city of Palāśikā for the glorification of the Jinõndra, it has been expressly specified that the Yāpaniya ascetics should be fed properly during the four months of the rainy season." Dovavarmā, another prince of the Kadamba family, made a gift of land at Siddhakədāra to the congregation of Yāpaniya monks. The importance thus gained by the Yãpaniyas was sustained through several centuries, and they built up prosperous monastic organisations all over the country. We shall revert to this subject once again at the end of this chapter.
2. Hyderabad Karnātaka Among the early antiquities of the Jaina faith in the Hyderabad area deserve to be mentioned those characteristic monuments excavated in the rocks of hills known as cave temples. Not all of these are important; and so it will suffice our purpose if we notice only two of them which are not only representative but historically significant.
Elora Caves: The Jaina caves at Elora are situated in the northern spur of the hill called Chāraṇādri. They consist of some six large excavations containing many artistic creations. From the inscriptions noticed in some of these caves and other considerations, the age of these cave temples has been determined as ranging approximately from the 8th to the 13th centuries A. D. On the top of the spur possessing the excavation is a huge image of Pārsvanātha Tirthakara, the cushion of whose seat bears an interesting inscription. The record is dated 1234-35 A. D. and speaks of the creation of the image on the hill by a person named Chakrēśvara whose family hailed from Vardhamānapura. In this epigraph the hill has been referred to as being frequented by the Chāraṇas.*
The Hill of Charaṇas: This association of the hill with the Chāraņas is significant. Interpreting the expression Chāraṇas either as superhuman beings or as Jaina ascetics possessing miraculous abilities the hill appears to have been considered religiously sacred from early times. The belief that it was the abode of the Chāraņas is preserved to the present day in its name Chāraṇādri which means 'the hill of the Chāraņas.' This reminds us of another hill bearing similar name, viz., Tiruchchāṇattumalai which we have described while reviewing the Jaina antiquities of the Tamil country. The resemblance between these two hills removed hundreds of miles away, one situated at
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 24. 2 Ibid., p. 26. 3 Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 34. 4 Fergusson and Burgess : Cave Temples of India, p. 602.

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100
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA the northern extremity and the other in the southernmost corner of the land, is striking—not only in respect of their names and traditional associations, but also on account of the attractive excavations in one case and the characteristio soulptures in the other. The Chāraņas figure in the Kannada Jaina literature also.
DAĀRĀGIVA Caves: These caves are situated in a ravine near Dhārāśiva, also known as Osmanabad. Of the total number of cares which are seven, four have been identified as Jaina. Judging from their structural features and similarity with the Buddhist caves elsewhere, the Dbārāśiva caves have been approximately assigned to the middle of the 7th century A. D. by the archaeological experts. But taking the clue from a Jaina literary work, Professor Hiralal Jain has suggested a date as old as the fifth century B. c. for these Jaina caves. The arguments set forth in favour of this early age are briefly as follows:
According to the story narrated in an Apabhraíśa Vigok called Karakaņdachariu by Kanakāmara Muni, Karakanda, the ruler of we Anga country, came to Törūpura and excavated two caves on the adjoining hill. There already existed on the hill an old cave containing the images of Pārsvanātha. This cave was the performance of two Vidyadhara princes who originally hailed from the Himālayas and had adopted the Jaina faith after their founding of a kingdom at Tērāpura. This Tērāpura or modern Tēr is the ancient Tagarapura of the Silāhāra family and the caves under reference in the story are to be identified with the Dhārāśiva caves. Now Karakanda was an eminent sage who is believed to have lived prior to the times of Lord Buddha and Muhāvira and is claimed by the followers of both. The name of Karakanda still associated with these caves as their author, their ancient mode and the absence therein of Mahāvīra's image, are in favour of assigning a very early date to these excavations."
If it is proved beyond doubt that these caves belong to such an early age as the 5th century B. O., then, herein we shall be in possession of another piece of evidence which determines the early advent of Jainism in South India through the Dekkan Plateau prior to the migration of Bhadrabāhu and lends welcome support to our findings of a like nature in other parts of the territory. But the following considerations seem to pull their weight against subscribing to this view.
Firstly, in the history of cave monuments in India the occupation of natural caves in the hills for the performance of religious austerities
1 Aroh. Surv, of West. India, Vol. III, p. 11. 2 Annals of Bh. Or. Res, Inst., Vol. XVI, p. 7. 3 Ibid., pp. 2–7.

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· 101 presents a very early phase, prior to the beginning of the Christian Era ; and the excavations and artificial constructions in the rock are ascribed to a much later age. The monuments of the latter category came into existence only from the 7th century A. D. onwards in many parts of South India? and the creations of this kind found in Karnataka or Mahārāshtra do not seem to constitute an exception. Further, it has to be noted in particular that the Dhārāśiva caves come under this latter class. Secondly, as I have shown while editing the Akkalkot inscription of Silāhāra Indarasa, which discolses the oldest branch of the Silāhāra stock, the foundation of the Silāhāra principality at Tagarapura might be referred to the early centuries after the Christian Eraand not to such an anterior date as the 5th century B. C. Thirdly, the practice of associating the names of great personages of legendary fame, such as Rāma, Pāņdavas, Buddha, etc., with later places and works was prevalent all over India and among the followers of different creeds. Lastly, Kanakāmara Muni lived about the 11th century A, D.S and it is just possible that he has only incorporated in his work the earlier traditions that were current in his time.
SĀTAVĀHANA TRADITIONS: Jainism appears to have wielded considerable influence over the rulers and the territory of the Sātavāhana Dynasty during the early days of its career in South India. Pratishthānapura or modern Paithan, the celebrated centre of the Sātavāhana power, was a stronghold of Jainism. Some kings of the Sātavāhana house seem to have believed in the teachings of Lord Jina and contributed to the propagation of the faith by their patronage and support. These facts are gleaned from a number of traditions and legends incorporated in their literary compositions by Jaina writers of later age. The first Sātavāhana who is sometimes styled Hāla, of literary fame, but who might be Simnuka, the founder of the dynasty, became a convert to the Jaina faith and built many Jaina temples in the capital city of Pratishthānupura according to * the Jaina account. The fifty-two stalwart warriors who were in the court of this kiny also built Jaina temples in the city after their respective names. We may also gather from the story of Kālakächārya? who shifted the day of the observance of the Paryūshana festival at the instance of a Satavahana king, that Jainism had taken firm root in the Sātavāhana capital and that
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1909, p. 71. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVII, part ii, No. 15. 9 Karakanda Cariu, Introduction, p. 37. 4 J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. X, p. 131. 5 K. Gopalachari: Early History of Andhra Country, pp. 29-30 and 41-42. 6 J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. X, p. 133. 7 Ind, Ant., Vol. XI, pages 247 and 261.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA it was honoured alike both by the members of the royal household and the common people.
On account of the chronological uncertainty of the data we are not in a position to assign precise dates to these events in the history of the Sātavāhana rulers. But as the rise of the Sātavāhana power is generally assigned to the end of the 3rd century B. C., we may place them broadly during the two centuries preceding the Christian Era.
Bodhan: Bödhan is the headquarters of a taluka of the name in the Nizamabad Dt. It contains a large number of ancient Jaina sculptures, inscriptions and other antiquities. The inscriptions are in Kannada and belong to the regime of the Western Cbālukyas of Kalyāņa. An inscription of Trailõkyamalla or Sõmēśvara I, dated in a. D. 1056, informs us that Bödhan was the capital of the Rashtrakūța emperor Indravallabha who may be identified with Nityavarsha Indra III (A, D, 913-22). The mosque known by the significant name Deval Masjid here must have been originally & Jaina temple. This fact is evident from its pillars braring the figures of Tirthakaras carved on them. A damaged epigraph of the reign of Vikraināditya VI found at the Bellal Tank, registers the grant of certain lands and dues to the teacher Munichandra Siddhāntadēva for the benefit of a Jaina temple.
But this is only a fringe of the later history of the place the beginnings of which penetrate into the hoary antiquity of several centuries before the Christian Era. To trace its early history some material is available in the Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical literature. In the inscriptions at Bödhan noticed above, the place has been mentioned as Bödana, which form of the name is also found in modern usage. The ancient name of the place was Põdana; and the identity of Podana with Bödana does not rest on conjecture. In the Kannada Pampa Bhārata, it is stated that Yuddhamalla I, the early ancestor of the poet's patron Arikösari II, indulged in the bathing ceremony of five hundred elephants every day at Bödana which, from the manner of the description in the passage, appears to have been the capital of Yuddhamalla I. The same incident is related in almost identical phrases in the Vömulavāda pillar inscription and Parbhani copper plate charter, which are composed in Sanskrit. In these two records the word Põdana is substituted for Bödana, establishing the identity of both.
1 Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 7. 2 The history of this identification is interesting. In the article entitled 'Arikõsari and
Pampa' (Prächina Karnataka, April, 1933), the present writer established the idenitity by citing the parallel passages. M. Govind Pai arrived at the same conclusion independently in his article, Pampa, his country and Times', published in the Kannada journal Bhārati, September, 1933. In his Mediaeval Jainism (p. 186 ) Dr. B. A. Saletore proceeds with the identification, but does not go into the details.

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108
Paudanya and Paudana were still earlier variants of the place name. According to the Mahabharata, Paudanyapura was founded by Asmaka. Asmaka was also the name of a country, figuring in the Purāņas. It lay between the rivers, Godavari and Narmada, having Pōdanapura as its capital. Asmaka becomes Assaka in the Buddhist literature wherein Assakas are referred to as a people or a tribe. The Buddhist writers mention this place as Pōtana and Pōtali.' In the Dasakumāracharita, chap. 8, the king of the Asmaka country is stated to have been a feudatory of the ruler of Vidarbha. Podana appears to have been a stronghold of Jainism in very early times. It is celebrated in the Jaina literature as the capital of Bahubali,' son of the first Tirthakara, whose former name was Purudeva. It is also mentioned in the life of Parsvanatha. By the time of the 10th cantury A. D. it had ceased to be a centre of the Jaina faith, and legends and miraculous tales had grown around it. This is illustrated from an account of the foundation of the statue
of Gommatesvara at Sravana Belagola by Chamundaraya as narrated in an inscription from that place. The emperor Bharata, elder son of Purudeva, caused to be made near Paudanapura, an image of Bahubali, 525 bows high. After the lapse of time, a world-terrifying mass of immeasurable Kukkutasarpas sprang up near the image. Afterwards the region became invisible to the common people, though seen by many skilled in charms. There could be heard the sound of celestial drums; and there could even be seen the details of divine worship. On hearing of the supernatural powers of the Jina, a desire arose in the mind of Chamunḍaraya to see him. But finding that the place was distant and inaccessible, he caused to be made the image of Gommatesvara and installed it at Sravana Belagola.*
JAINA RESEARCH IN HYDERABAD: Except for such stray notices and casual discoveries as are noticed above no systematic efforts have been made to tap the vast resources lying concealed in the unexplored area of Hyderabad Karnataka which is rich in inscriptions and other antiquities. The Archaeological Department of Hyderabad has published a monograph on the Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal' which furnishes good material for
1 Nundo Lal Dey: Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, pp: 12-13. But its identification with Pratishthana is evidently incorrent (p. 157). 2 Adipurana, IX, 65-prose passage, XIV, 43-prose passage, etc.
3 Bharati (Kannada journal), 1933, September, p. 26, f. n. 19.
4 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 234. Bodhana had inherited similar legends in the Brahmanical literature also. This is testified by the Mahabharata of the Kannada poet Kumara Vyasa. In the Bakavadha Parva the poet specifically refers to the place by its name Bōdana and describes the events originally attributed to Ekachakranagara as having taken shape in this region. The place is also spoken of as Viprapura and Bahudhanyanagari in the chapter.
5 Hyderabad Archaeolgical Series, No. 12,

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rooonstruoting the history of the eminent Jaina stronghold. The results of the systematic epigraphical survey carried on some years ago on a modest scale for the first time by the present writer have been incorporated in the sabsequent pages of this volume. This would give us an idea in regard to the wealth of the material lying here.
3. Bombay Karnataka Since the year 1925 the Karnāțaka area included in the Bombay State, comprising the four districts specified above, is being surveyed systematically by the Epigraphical Branch of the Archaeological Departınent. In consequence of this epigraphical survey a large number of inscriptions has been discovered so far. Many of these inscriptions refer to the activities of the followers of the Jaina religion and offer much valuable material for reconstructing the history of the faith in the Karnāțaka region. The main contents of a majority of these inscriptions have been published in the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy. As the Reports subsequent to the year 1938 are under publication, the summaries of inscriptions collected during the past decade are not yet available for study to the scholarly public. Some of the inscriptions in the Bombay Karnāțaka area have been published in full in the Epigraphia Indica, Indian Antiquary and other journals. After this brief statement of the present position of epigraphical research in this area, I shall proceed to review the important facts of Jaina religion and culture as reflected in these inscriptions, in their chronological setting, according to the geographical units.
BIJAPUR DISTRICT Alhoçe: An early survival of the Jaina faith in this tract is the famous inscription engraved on stone in the Mēguţi temple at Aihole. Composed in highly classical style in Sanskrit, it eulogises the military exploits of the renowned Western Chālukya monarch Pulakési II. Its author Ravikirti who claims himself to be placed along with Kālidāsa and Bhāravi for his poetic excellence, was an adherent of the Jaina doctrine, and probably ascetic of the monastic order of the Yāpanīyas as suggested by Dr. Upadhye.'
With the generous support of the king, he founded a Jaina shrine and wrote . the praśasti, a standing monument to the catholic outlook of the rulers and
the l'espectable position enjoyed by the followers of the Jaina Law in the kingdom. Ravikirti's claims to the literary art could not have rested on this single piece alone and he must have tried his hand also on other works, which unfortunately remain unknown. The epigraph is dated A. D. 634. This date, on account of synchronisin furnished by the enumeration of
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff. % Journ. of Bomb. Uni; Arts and Law, 1933 Muy, p. 230.

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105 the year according to the Kali Era as well as the Saka Era, presents ani important landmark in the history of Indian Chronology.
MARŌĻ: Next important inscription to be noticed is from Marolin the Hungund taluk." It belongs to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha II or Jagadēkamalla I and bears the date A. D. 1024. The record registers a gift of land made to a Jaina temple at Maravolal by Ghateyankakāga, a chief of the Nolamba-Pallava family. The tract of Nolambavādi and Karividi Thirty was under the administration of this chief; and Mahādēvi who was apparently his wife, was managing the affairs of the village Maravolal or modern Marol. Mahādēvi, we are told, was the daughter of Sattiga or Satyasraya Irivabedinga of the Western Chalukya house. The full name of the donor as known from the Alūr inscription of Vikramāditya V was IrivaNolambādhirāja Ghateyankakāra.
The epigraph contains information about a line of pontiffs who were apparently connected with the Jaina temple. But on account of the partly damaged nature of the record, all the details of the genealogical account of the teachers cannot be made out clearly. Kamaļadēva Bhattāraka, was the earliest teacher of the line. He was followed by Vimukta Vratīndra, Siddhānta Dēva, Aņņiya Bhattāraka, Prabhāchandra and Anantavirya. Anantavīrya appears to have been very learned. He is described as wellversed in grammar, lexicography, mathematics, erotics, astronomy, science of omens, prosody, Smriti literature, music, poetics, poetry, drama, sp science, science of polity and Jaina philosophy. The two successive disciples of Anantavirya probably were Guņakirti Siddhānta Bhattāraka and Dāvakirti Pandita. The monastic order to which these teachers belonged, is not specified in the record; but it may be surmised that they belonged either to the Yāpaniya Samgha or to the Sūrastha gana and Chitrakūta anvaya of the Mūld Samgha, as the existence of teachers of these two sections in general, is disclosed from other inscriptions in the area.
ARASIBĪPI Arasibīļi' in the same taluk, the ancient name of which was Vikramapura, was one of the secondary capitals of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyāņa and an important seat of the Jaina religion. Akkādēvi, a princess of the royal house and sister of Jayasimha II, was a patron of the Jaina faith, and she allowed her name to be associated with a Jaing temple in the place, called Gonada-Bedangi Jinālaya, evidently designated after one of her titles, which was Gonada-Bedangi. In the year a. D. 1047, when Sõmāśvara I was reigning and while Akkādēvi was in the camp around the
1 Bomb, Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, part 1, No. 61. 2 Armgibidi literally means the resort of the prinocos'. This name seems to be reminiscent
of the assodations of this plaoe with the princess Atkadovi. 14

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fort of Gökāge which is modern Gökāk in the Belgaum Dt., she made a gift of lands for the benefit of the above-named Jinālaya and for the maintenance of the Rishis and Ajjis, i. e., the Jaina monks and nuns, attached to the religious establishment. The gift was entrusted into the hands of the preceptor Nagasõna Pandita of the Müla Samgha, Sõna gaña and Hogari gachchha. About 40 years later in the reign of Vikramāditya VI, a gift of income derived from the tolls, was made by Mamtara Barmaņa, the Toll Superintendent of the Sinda chief Barmadēvarasa, in favour of the same institution, specifically for giving free food to the monks. A record of the Kalachuri ruler Bijjala. dated in A. D. 1167, further registers income derived from the tax on thresholds in favour of the same temple.
HONWĀD: Honwād in the Bijapur taluk rose to eminence by the middle of the 11th century A. D. on account of the magnificent Chaityalaya called Tribhuvana-tilaka or 'the ornament of three worlds'. The temple was dedicated to the god Šantinātha, and it also contained collateral shrines for the Tirthakaras, Pārsvanātha and Supārsvanātha. As a result of the religious fervour evinced by Chānkirāja, this Juina temple wus erected in the midst of the ancient town which was a Brahmanical agrahāra named Ponnavāda. Chānkirāja belonged to the Vāṇasa family and was an officer in the service of Kötaladēvī, the queen of Somēśvara I, who was in charge of the administration of the town. At the request of Kētaladēvi the king sanctioned in A. D. 1054 an endowment of lands and house-sites for the upkeep of the temple and for the maintenance of the attached ķishis and Ajjis, i. e., monks and nuns. Chānkirāja was a devout follower of the Jaina doctrine and a lay disciple of the preceptor Mahāsēna who belonged to the Mūla Samgha, Sēna gaña and Pogari gachcha which is the same as Hogari gachchha noticed above; and the two sucoessive preceptors who preceded him in the line were Aryasēna and Brahmasõna. Jinavarmayya, another lay disciple of Mahāsēna, actively participated in the foundation of the Chaityālaya by contributing the image and erecting the shrine of Pārsvanātha.
NANDAVĀDIGE: An inscription from Nandavādige in the Hungund taluk, belonging to the reign of Sõmēśvara I (A. D. 1046-68), introduces a distinguished feudatory chief whose religious fervour was remarkably catholic. He seems to have borne the surname Bhāvana-gandhavāraṇa. The religious activities of this chief, which comprised the construction and renovation of temples, the erection of halls attached to temples and monasteries, eto., were
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 122. 3 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1928-29, Appendix E, No. 39. 8 Ibid, No. 40. 4 Ind. Ant, Vol. XIX, pp. 268 ff.

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extended equally into the sphere of Brahmanical as well as Jaina faiths and brought within their compass almost the whole of the Chalukyan kingdom stretching from Kalyāņa in the north to Banavāsi in the south. The record enumerates the temples and other structures dedicated to the Brahmanical gods such as Traipurusha, etc., founded in various places by this dignitary; but as we are not concerned with them here, we shall only consider his Jaina monuments. This chief caused the construction of a row of tenaments leading to the Permāļi Basadi in the capital town of Aạnigere and renovated the Tribhuvanatilaka Jinālaya and Mahāśrīmanta Basadi at Ponagunda (modern Hungund), Vira Jinālaya at Puragür (modern Hulgūr) and another Jaina temple at Kundurage. The name of this great and adventurous philanthropist is unfortunately lost in the damaged part of the epigraph.
CHĀNDAKAVATE: In Part I of the Jaina Epigraphs I have discussed some peculiar modes of erecting the Nishidhis, one of which consisted in dedi. cating a pillar, generally foruning part of a temple, to the memory of the deceased. An instance of this class of Nishidhi is afforded from this region also, At Chāndakavate in the Sindagi taluk is a pillar lying near the well called Basavaņņa Bhāvi. This pillar must have been originally installed as & Nishidhi memorial in honour of a preceptor. This is disclosed by the inscription on it, which speaks of the demise of Māghaņa ndi Bhattāraka of the Sūrastha gana and the setting up of the Nishidhi by a lady named Jākhiyabbe, a resident of Sindige. It is known from other epigraphs that Sūrastha gana was a branch of the Mūla Samght. The date of the epitaph is a. D. 1068.
HUNGUND: Hungund, the ancient name of which was Ponnugunda, was a stronghold of Jainism from early times. This fact is already disclosed by the above-noted inscription from Nandavādige, which alludes to the renovation of two Jaina temples in this place. An epigraph at Hungund itself, dated in A. D. 1074 in the reign of king Sõmāśvara II, informs that Ponnugunda was the chief town of a geographical unit of thirty villages and that it was styled Rājadhāni or 'royal seat.' The inscription registers a gift of land for the benefit of the Jaina temple named Arasara Basadi, situated in the centre of the town, made probably by Mahāmandalēśvara Lakshamaraga, the of the districts of Belvala Three Hundred and Puligere Three Hundred, at the request of his five ministerial officers, three of whom were followers of the Jaina faith. The preceptor who received the gift was Ārya Pandita of the Müla Samgha. Sürastha gana and Chitrakūta anvaya. The teachers of this line as set forth in the record is as follows: Kanakanandi
1 Bomb. Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, part i, No. 103. 3 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1936-37, Appendix E, No. 15. 3 Bomb. Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, part i, No. 113.
peu
ree of the

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JAZNINE IN BOUTH INDIA Bhattáraka; his pupil: Uttarisaṁga Bhattāraka; his three pupils : Bhaskaranandi Pandita, Srinandi Bhattāraka and Aruhaņandi Bhattāraka; his papil: Arya Pandita.
KANDAAL: The preceptors of the Krāņār gana of the Mūla Sangha are not commonly met with in the records of northern Karnāțaka. But here we have an instance of their existence in this area. An inscription found in the compound of the Hanuman temple at Kandgal' in the Hungund taluk, records the gift of land and money for feeding the Jaina ascetics and for offering worship, etc., to the god Pārsvanātha installed by the lady Nāgasiriyauve, a lay disciple of Sakalachandra Bhattāraka, who belonged to the Krāņūr gana of the Müla Samgha. The circumstantial details of the event narrated in the epigraph are interesting. The gift is stated to have been made when the members of the great trading corporation of the Five Hundred Svāmis of Ayyāvole, together with the Prabhus, the Mummuridundas and the One Thousand Nānādēsis of Halasige Twelve Thousand and Banavāse Twelve Thousand, were assembled as a Mahānāļu' (i. e., a conference of representative bodies) at Kandagale, the 'maligeya mane' (i, e., place of convention) of the district of Kannada Four Thousand. The record is dated in the 21st year of the Dēvagiri Yadava monarch Singhaņa, corresponding to A. D. 1220.
BABĀNAGAR: A damaged inscription found in the ruined Siva temple at Bābānagar, in the Bijapur taluk, discloses the existence of a Jaina temple at the place in the 12th century A. D. It registers a gift of land into the hands of the preceptor Māņikya Bhattāraka of Mangaļivēda for the benefit of the temple in A. D. 1161 in the reign of the Kalachuri ruler Bijjala. The preceptor belonged to the Mūla Samgha and Dēsi gaņa. Mangalivēda wherefrom he hailed is identical with modern Mangalavēdhe near Pandharpur. This place had the privilege of being the home and the ancestral headquarters of the princes of the Kalachuri house throughout their regime. Mention is made in the epigraph, of the Kalachuri prince Mailugi who may be identified as a younger son of Bijjala.* Kannadige, wherein the Jaina temple was situated, must be the ancient name of Bābānagar.
BIJĀPUR MUSEUM: An epigraph engraved on the pedestal of a Jaina image deposited in the local Archaeological Museum at Bijāpur,' states that
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy. 1928-29, Appendix E, No. 50. 2 This expression is of lexioal interest. Mahänādu is current in modern Tamil and
often used in the sense of 'oonference or oonvention'. Modern Kannada is stranger
to this word which was once in usage even in northern Karnataka. 3 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1933-34, Appendix E, No. 120. 4 I have discussed in detail some of these points of Kalachuri history in a doormented
article under publication in the Epigraphia Indica. This prince ruled for a brief period
of two years at the end of Riyam urări Sovideva's reign. 0 An. Rep. eto., 1933-34, Appendix E, No. 164.

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the image was installed by a chief named Krishnadeva who belonged to the Mula Samgha and Nigama anvaya. The record is dated in Saka 1232 or A. D. 1310. The reference to the Nigama anvaya, which appears to be a new name, is interesting.
GUNDKARJIGI: Guṇḍkarjigi in the Muddebihal taluk has preserved a part of a Jaina image, which though mutilated, furnishes interesting information. On the pedestal of the image are engraved the names of eight deities of the Jaina pantheon.1 Of these one is the Tirthakara Śantinatha and the rest refer to the Yaksha and Yakshinis of various Tirthakaras. The names of the Tirthakaras to whom they belonged, are not specified in the epigraph; but it is easy to identify them. On account of the peculiar nature of the record I shall give the whole list, along with my identification of the respective deities in the original order: 1) Aparajitā, the Yakshini of Mallinātha; 2) Vrishabha Yaksha, of Rishabhanātha; 3) Pātāļa Yaksha, of Anantanatha; 4) Kubēra Yaksha, of Mallinatha; 5) Mahāmānasi Yakshi, of Śāntinātha; 6) Anantamati, the Yakshini of Anantanatha; 7) Chakreśvari, the Yakshiņi of Rishabhanatha; 8) Santinatha Svami.
I am
It may be noted that the two Śasanadevatās each, of Rishabha, Ananta and Mallinatha and the Yakshini alone of Santinatha are represented here. We may also note the expression Yakshi used in the record. not in a position to explain the purpose and the real significance of these names which are inscribed on the base of a single idol. All these deities were probably incorporated in the sculpture which is unfortunately mutilated. The list, at any rate, is reminiscent of the popularity of the several deities that were under worship in this place or area.
HULLUR: An inscription on a stone standing in a field near Hullür' in the Muddebihal taluk, records a gift of land to the Jaina temple of the Kaṇḍur gana at Puluvara (modern Hullur), made by the lady Mrigavatiyabbe in the presence of the Twenty-four, the headman of the village and others. Kaṇḍūr gana, as we shall see, belonged to the Yapaniya Samgha. The Twenty-four appears to have been a body of 24 representatives of the Jaina community, their number perhaps imitating that of the 24 Jinas. We may recall our having met with a similar organisation in the Tamil country. This and the preceding epigraph from Gundkarjigi are not dated; but they might be roughly ascribed to the 13th century A. D.
BELGAUM REGION
The tract covering roughly the present day Belgaum District and the adjacent areas, was known in olden times by the name Kundi or
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Ep. 1929-30, Appendix E, No. 17. 2 Ibid., No. 29.

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Kuhundi Mandala. This region was under the rule of the princes of the Silahara and Ratta families who were Jaina by persuasion and who contributed substantially to the prosperity of the Jaina faith. Since most of the facts concerning these rulers have been brought to light by earlier writers, I shall avoid their repetition.
. Halsi: Halsi in the Khānāpur taluk distinguished itself as an early and thriving centre of Jainism, where several learned preceptors and religious institutions owned by different schools of the faith flourished under the stimulating aegis of Kākusthavarmā and other princes of the early Kadamba house. It was the second capital city of great importance and is referred to as Vijaya Palāsikā in the records of the Kadamba rulers. Divested of its epithet, Palášikā or its Kannada derivative Palasige, was the ancient name of the place. A large number of copper-plate documents issued by the Kadamba kings oommences with an invocation to Jinēndra and registers various grants to the Jaina institutions and personalities. Some of them having a direct bearing on the history of Jainism in this particular tract may be noticed here.
A copper-plate charter dated in the eighth regnal year of ihe Kadamba king Mpigēśavarmā informs that he caused to be constructed, in memory of his revered father, a Juina temple in the city of Palāśikā and made a gift of land to the god Arhat and to the monks of the Yāpanīya, Nirgrantha and Kūrchaka sects.' Ravivarmā, the next ruler, was a more zealous supporter of the faith than his predecessors. He issued an ordinance at the mighty city of Palasikā exhorting that the festival for the glorification of Jinêndra should be celebrated on specified days regularly every year, that the ascetics of the Yāpaniya sect should be fed during the four months of the rainy season and that the worship of Jinēndra should be performed perpetually by the pious countrymen and citizens.' In the eleventh regnal year of the same king his brother Bhānuvarmā made a gift of land at Palāśikā for performing the ablution ceremony to the Jaina gods regularly on the days of full moon. Imbibed with the sense of devotion to the Law of the Lord Jina. nurtured by his anoestors, Harivarmā, the son of Ravivarmā, made provision, in his fourth regnal year, for the perpetual anointing with clarified butter during the eight days' festival every year, in the temple of Arhat constructed at Palásikā by Mțigāša, son of the general Simha, and for feeding the Jaina monks."
These events might be placed in the period of the 5-6th century A. D. Jainism continued to prosper in this area for a few centuries more. But it is
1 Ind., Ant. Vol. VI, p. 24, 1 Ibid., p. 26. 3 Ibid., p. 28. 4 Ibid., p. 30.

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111 rather curious to notice that modern Halsi is absolutely devoid of vestiges of the Jaina creed. It possesses a large number of temples and antiquities of the Brahmanical faith which date approximately from the period of the 11th century A. D. About half a dozen sets of copper-plate records disclosing the above-noted details among others regarding the state of Jainism under the early Kadambas were found buried some 90 years ago, in an earthen mound near a well called Chakratirtha outside Halsi. These appear to have been deposited here by their Jaina owners finding no use for them when Jainism lost its ground in the country.
GÕKÁK PLATEs: An early record from this region discovered recently, deserves fuller attention. It is the Gōkāk Plates of Dējja Mahārāja.” The inscription registers a gift of land in the Jalāra grama, situated in the Kashmānļi Vishaya, for the worship of the divine Arhat and for the maintenance of learned ascetics devoted to teaching. The gift was made into the hands of Acharya Aryaņandi who was learned, well-versed in Jaina philosophy and engaged in austerities. He belonged to the Jambūkhanda gaņa. The grant was made for the augmentation of the merit of his ancestors as well as of himself by Indrananda Adhirāja, son of Vijayānanda Madhyamarāja, of the Söndraka family, who was a feudatory of the Rāshtrakūta king Dējja Mahārāja. These rulers were unknown hitherto and are introduced for the first time by this interesting epigraph. Dējja Mahārāja appears to have belonged to the early Rashtrakūta family which is believed to have ruled in the Dekkan area prior to the rise of the Western Chālukyas, as indicated by the statements in later epigraphs.
One more point of great interest to the student of Indian Chrono. logy is the enumeration of the date in the inscription, which refers to the 845 expired years of the Āguptāyika kings in the enhancingly holy age of the Twenty-Fourth Tirthakara Vardhamana in this Avasarpiņi Cycle. The years of the Āguptāyika kings seem to refer to some calculation that was known to the Jaina tradition and was prevalent among the followers of the Jaina religion. This reckoning of the Aguptayika kings or the Aguptāyika Era is & new name in Indian Chronology and its significance is yet to be determined.*
1 I have visited and explored the antiquities of the place personally. In the compound
of the Narasimha temple I saw an idol of Măruti set-up on a lion pedestal. This
pedestal probably belonged to a Jaina image. 2 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 22. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, pp. 291 t.; glans-vriddha' in 1 il appears to be a mistake for
jšanā-vșiddha'. 4 I may here ventare a suggestion for what it is worth. Agapatayika Ers, I think,
has something to do with the Satavahanas whose early partiality for the Jaina creed has been celebrated in the Jaina legend and literature. But the foundation of the Satavihana power is still an unsettled problem of Indian History. Acoording to the

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JADE IN SOUTH INDIA From the provenance of the record at Gokak and from the reference therein to Jambakhanda which may be identified with modern Jamkhandi, it may be surmised that the feudatory chief Indrapanda was governing the tract represented by these two places in the Belgaum region and that the community of Jaina monks also flourished in the same area. It may be seen from the above details that the inscription testifies to the strong position of influence enjoyed by the Jaina religion in these parts by the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 7th century A. D., to which period the epigraph may be ascribed approximately on palaeographic considerations.
. SAUNDATTI: This ancient town the earlier name of which was Sugandhavarti, developed as a powerful centre of Jaina religion from the period of the 9th century a. D. It was the capital of the feudatory governors of the Rāshtrakūta or Ratta family, who attained political prominence by the beginning of the 10th century A. D. An epigraph' found in the Ankalēśvara or Ankēsvara temple at Saundatti furnishes many details in regard to the religious leanings of the early rulers of the Raţța house and their activities that promoted the spread of Jaina doctrine in this region.
The Ratta chiefs appear to have been adherents of Jaina Law from the beginning. Mērada was the originator of the family. His son Mahāsāmanta Pțithvirāma was a feudatory of the Rāshtrakūța emperor Krishna III. He has been assigned to 940 A.D. Prithvirāma was a religious student and lay disciple of the preceptor Indrakirti. Indrakirti was the disciple of Gunakirti whose preceptor was Mulla Bhattāraka. Prithvirāma constructed a Jaina shrine at Sugandhavarti and endowed a piece of land for its upkeep. Counting three generations backward we may place Mulla Bhattāraka by the middle of the 9th century A. D. These preceptors belonged to the Kāroya gana of Mailapa Tirtha.
We may pause here for a moment to consider the monastic moorings of the preceptors enumerated above. The monastic section Kāreya gana occurs in the inscriptions of Kalbhāvi, Badli and Hannikēri, which we shall review presently. In the inscriptions of Kalbhāvi and Hannikēri Kāreya gana is Associated with Mailāpa anvaya. From this we can readily infer that.Mailāpa
old view it was somewhere between 220 and 211 B. 0. Dr. K. Gopalaohari, who has discussed the starting point of the Satavahana rale in his Early History of the Andhra Country (pp. 28 ff.), shifts its date to 234 B. o. This date would probably sait the caloulation of the years specified in the present record. If so we shall have to refer the name Gupta in the expression to Chadragapta Maurya and the expression Agaptayika kings to the Satavahanas who were the saccessors of the Masurys in the
politioal sense. 1. J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. X, pp. 194 ff. . : Bomb. Gus., Vol. I, pt. ü, p. 65%.

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anvaya derived the name from the holy place Mailapa Tirtha. We have analogous instances in the Jaina monastic orders wherein an anvaya or lineage takes its name after some holy place; for example, Kondakundanvaya from the village Kondakunde; Hanasõge anvaya from Hanasōge; etc. Our epigraph, further, does not specify the Samgha of which Kareya gana was a branch. But this point is clarified by the epigraphs at Badli and Hannikeri, which assert that Kareya gana was a section of the Yapaniya Samgha. This piece of information is valuable and it fits in with another piece of evidence. shall presently see that preceptors who belonged to Kandur gana which was another section of the Yapaniya Samgha were also established at Saundatti. The history of both these sections can be pushed back to the 9th century a. D. From this we are led to surmise that next to Halsi, Saundatti was an early and important stronghold of the Yapaniya organisation.
We
Another epigraph' in the same temple at Saundatti is dated A. D. 980. The introductory lines of this inscription refer to the Jaina temple owned by the royal house of the Rattas (Raṭṭara paṭṭa-jinälaya). The record narrates further the details regarding the patronage enjoyed by the Jaina creed at the hands of the Ratta family. Mahāsāmanta Santivarma was the grandson of Prithvirama noticed above. He was a feudatory of Taila II of the Chalukyas of Kalyana. Having erected a Jaina temple at Sugandhavarti, Santivarma made a generous donation of land for its maintenance. This temple appears to have earned the privilege of becoming the favourite shrine of the royal household as specified earlier. Santivarma's mother Nijiyabbe also made a similar benefaction in favour of the same temple. The gift was received by the preceptor Bahubali Bhaṭṭāraka.
Bahubali Bhaṭṭaraka was a renowned scholar and an eminent teacher of the Jaina Law. He belonged to the Kandur gana which, as revealed by other epigraphs to be reviewed presently, was a branch of the Yapaniya Samgha. Five more preceptors who belonged to the same monastic section are described in the epigraph. They are Ravichandra Svami, Arhaṇandi, Subhachandra Siddhantadēva, Maunidēva and Prabhachandra. The record does not specify their mutual relation. However it is not unlikely that the latter were the successive preceptors of Bahubali commencing with Prabhachandra. If this surmise be correct, it will yield the middle of the 9th century as the approximate period of Ravichandra Svami. This inference seems to secure confirmation from another fragmentary inscription' discovered near the same temple at Saundatti. Its date falls within the regnal period of the Kalyāņa Chalukya ruler Bhuvanaikamalla or Sōmēsvara 11, i. e., A. D. 1068 to 1076. In the latter
1 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X, pp. 204 ff.
2 Ibid., pp. 213 ff.
15

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA part of the record commences the genealogy of the teachers who belonged to the Kandür gaņa. The first two names only in the pedigree which are Ravichandra Svāmi and Arhanandi are preserved, the remaining names having been lost.
To continue our account we revert again to the first inscription noticed before. Jainism maintained its hold and continued to secure the same support from the successive princes of the Ratta family. Mahāsāmanta Anka, grandson of Kārtavirya I, who belonged to some other branch of the family than that of Prithvirāma, appears to have made a gift of land to a Jaina temple in A. D. 1048 in the reign of the Kalyāņa Chālukya king Somāśvara 1. We can even trace the association of his name as preserved to the present day in the appellation Ankaleśvara of the Jaina shrine. Anka's nephew Kālasõna or Sõna I erected a Jaina temple at Sugandhavarti. Kālasēna's son Mahāmaņdalēśvara Kannakaira II was a lay disciple of Kanakaprabha Siddhāntadova who was well-versed in the three lores (Traividya). To this preceptor he donated a piece of land. Mahāmaņdalēśvara Kārtavirya II was the junior brother of Kannakaira II. Kārtavirya 11 was a subordinate of the Kalyāņa Chālukya monarchs, Sõmēśvara II and Vikramāditya VI, and his dates range from A. D. 1069. By the time of this ruler the gift of land made by Prithvirāma appears to have lapsed or fallen into disuse. So Kārtaviry& Il revived the grant in favour of his preceptor. His chief queen Bhāgaladēvi also made suitable provision for the promotion of the Jaina faith. Sēna II, son of Kārtavīrya II, appears to have granted a piece of land to the temple erected by his grandfather Sēna I.'
Lastly, we may notice one more inscriptions from Saundatti which offers interesting details about a Jaina teacher. The epigraph is dated A. D. 1228 and refers itself to the reign of the Ratta chief Mahāmaņdalāśvara Lakshmidova II who was governing the kingdom from his capital Vēņugrāmu or modern Belgaum. The Jaina teacher was Munichundra who is styled the royal preceptor of the Ratta house (Rattarāja-guru). Munichandra's activities were not confined to the sphere of religion alone. Besides being a spiritual guide and political adviser of the royal household, he appears to have taken a leading part not only in the administrative affairs, but also in connection with the military campaigns of the kingdom (vara-bāhā-baladirii virodhi-nriparam berkodan, etc.). He is stated to have expanded the boundaries of the Ratta territory and established their authority on a firm
1 J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. X, pp. 172-73. 2 Some of the inscriptions of the Ratta chiefs discovered at Saundatti appear to bave
been later compilations. This has given rise to some confusion in the genealogical
and other details in the account of the family, 8 J. B. B, B. A, 8., Vol, X, pp. 260 ff.

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footing. Both Lakshmideva II and his father Kartavirya IV indebted to this divine for his sound advice and political wisdom. Munichandra was well-versed in sacred lore and proficient in military science. "Worthy of respect, most able among ministers, the establisher of the Raṭṭa kings, Munichandra surpassed all others in capacity for administration and in generosity."
115
were
The epigraph incidentally reveals the following details about certain other Jaina teachers. Prabhachandra Siddhantideva was the superintending priest of the Manikyatirthada Basadi at Huli. His colleague was Subhachandra Siddhantideva. Indrakirti and Śridharadēva were the disciples of Prabhachandra. The temple Māņikyatirthada Basadi owned the endowment of the village Hiriyakummi.
KALBHĀVI: Kalbhavi in the Sampgaon taluk contains an interesting Jaina record incised on a stone outside the temple of Ramalinga. The epigraph is written in the characters of the 11th century A. D.; but it cites an impossible date which is Saka 261. Notwithstanding the doubtful nature of the inscription, its main purport may be considered as fairly genuine and utilised in our present study on the assumption that it is a later copy of an earlier lost document. The inscription refers to the reign of the king Amōghavarsha and introduces his feudatory Mahāmaṇḍalēśvara SaigoṭṭaGanga-Permanali alias Sivamāra of the Western Ganga family, with his characteristically Jaina epithets. Śivamāra constructed a Jaina shrine at Kumudavāḍa which is modern Kalbhavi, and endowed the whole village in its favour. The gift was entrusted into the hands of the preceptor Devakirti who belonged to the Mailapa anvaya and Kareya gana which as seen earlier was a section of the Yapaniya Samgha. Four generations of preceptors who preceded Devakirti are mentioned in the record. They are Subhakirti, Jinachandra, Nagachandra and Gunakīrti. A later scion of the Ganga stock named Mahamaṇḍaleśvara Kañcharasa revived the endowment which appears to have lapsed in course of time. If the above pedigree of the Jaina preceptors is reliable, it sheds some light on the activities of Yapaniya teachers in this area during the early age of the 8th century A. D.
1 Ind. Aut., Vol. XVIII.
2 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X, pp. 287 ff.
KONNUR: This village in the Gōkāk taluk was a prominent seat of Jainism. It was included in the territory of the Raṭṭas and its ancient name was Kondanúru. An epigraph found here affords further testimony in respect of the patronage extended by the Ratta rulers to the Jaina preceptors and institutions. The first part of the inscription is dated A. D. 1087 in the reign of the Kalyāṇa Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI and refers to his sub

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ordinate Mandalēsvara Sēna II of the Ratta family. We are next introduced to Mahaprabhu Nidhiga or Nidhiyama Gamanda, the headman of the village. A devout follower of the Jaina creed, he erected a Jaina temple at Koṇḍanūru and made a gift in its favour. The gift was received by Nidhiga's teacher Sridharadeva who belonged to the Balātkāra gaṇa of the Mula Samgha. This Śrīdharadēva was the second of the name in the line of preceptors whose account as enumerated in the epigraph is as follows. Gunachandra was an early teacher. His successive disciples were Pakshōpavasi (one who fasted for a fortnight) Nayanandi, Śrīdhara 1 and Chandrakirti. Chandrakirti seems to have had a co-preceptor named Śrutakirti. The former's disciple was Śrīdhara II. The latter had three disciples, Nemichandra, Väsupujya Traividya and Malayāļa. Vāsupūjya had a disciple named Padmaprabha. The administration of this region appears to have been placed under the direct supervision of Jayakarņa, a son of Vikramaditya VI, and the former is mentioned in the record in connection with the gift.
KALHOLI: This is another village in the Gōkāk taluk and its importance in our study lies on account of an inscription' found here describing the activities of the Jainas in this part of the country. The epigraph is dated A. D. 1204 in the reign of the Raṭṭa ruler Kārtavirya IV who was governing the Kindi province in conjunction with his younger brother Mallikarjuna from the capital Venugrāma or modern Belgaum. Chandaladevi, mother of these princes, was an ardent follower of the Jaina doctrine. She hailed from a family of chiefs who administered the tract of Hagaratage in the modern Hyderabad State. These chiefs claimed their descent in the Yadava lineage and were staunch supporters of the Jaina faith. Chandaladevi's parents, Rāja I and Mailaladevi, her brother Simha's wife Bhagaladevi and their son Raja II are praised for their devotion to the Jaina creed. At Kalpole or Sindana-Kalpole, which is modern Kalhōli, situated in the tract of Kurumbeṭṭa. Raja II constructed a shrine in honour of Santinatha and entrusted the same into the hands of his preceptor Subhachandra Bhaṭṭāraka. This teacher besides being called the high priest of the Santinatha temple is characterised as the regional pontiff (Maṇḍalacharya). With the approval of Mahāmaṇḍalēévara Kārtavirya IV some land was endowed to the temple which received various other gifts.
The epigraph contains a brief account of the spiritual lineage of the preceptors of Raja II. Śubhachandra Bhattaraka was the disciple of Nemichandra whose preceptor was Maladhari. Subhachandra again had a disciple named Lalitakirti. These teachers were renowned for their scholarship and asceticism and exercised considerable influence. They belonged to the Hana
1 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X. pp. 220 ff.

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GõlihaĻĻ: This small village near Biļi in the Khānāpur taluk contains a Jaina inscription near a Siva temple outside the village. The epigraph is damaged; still the following information can be gathered from its perusal. After mentioning the reign of the Kalyāņa Chālukya king Bhūlākamalla or Sõmīśvara III the record gives an account of the Kadamba rulers of Goa. Next we are told that Angadiya Mallisetti erected & Jaina temple at Kiru Sampagādi, which appears to be the ancient name of Gõlihalli, with the support of certain sections of the trading community. Hereafter commences an elaborate account of a line of preceptors who belonged to the Müla Samgha and Balātkāra gaņa. But it is lost in parts. The first name in the pedigree is Vardhamāna which is followed by that of his disciple Vidyānanda. Next come Ashțõpavāsi, Pakshópavāsi Guņachandra, [ Kukkuțāsana] and Sridhara, all of whom appear to have been the disciples of Vardhamāna. These are succeeded by Chandrakirti and Möghachandra. Three co-preceptors, Nēmichandra, Vāsupūjya Traividya and Maleyāla Pandita are then mentioned and Kumudachandra after them. Three successive disciples of Kumudachandra were Vāsupūjya, Udayachandra and Tribhuvanadēva. It may be seen that some of the names in the above genealogy are identical with those in the Koņņūr inscription noticed above. The inscription bears the probable date A. D. 1175-76 in the reign of the Goa Kadamba princes Vira Permāļi-Vijayāditya and registers a gift of land to the Jaina temple.'
Hülr: The Jainas appear to have carved out a respectable position for themselves in the midst of the flourishing agrahāra town of Hüli in the Saundatti taluk. It is further important to note that teachers belonging to two different sections of the Yāpanīya Samgha thrived here. An inscription now found in the Virabhadra temple at Hüli, of the reign of Sõmēśvara I and dated in a. D. 1043 speaks of the piety of Lachchiyabbe who was the wife of the governor of the Kūņdi province and a generous benefactress. She constructed a Juina temple at Pūli (i, e., Hüli ) and made a gift of land for its maintenance, appointing Bālachandra Bhattārakadēva as the trustee in charge of the establishment. This preceptor belonged to the Yāpaniya Saṁgha and Punnāgavrikshamūla gaņa.' Another fragmentary epigraph of the reign of Vikramāditya VI refers to the Yāpaniya Samgha and Kaņdūr gana which was a monastic section of the Yāpanīyas. Bahubali was an early preceptor of this line. Three more teachers who were not, probably, før removed from the age of the record, are mentioned,
i Author's own stady. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 172 ff.

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viz., Subhachandra, Maunidēva and Mäghanandi. The inscription is badly damaged and the slab bearing the record was found lying in the Panchalinga temple.' Kantļūru gaņa mentioned in the epigraph from Hullūr in the Bijāpar District noticed above, is evidently identical with this Kaņdūr gana of the Yāpanīya Samgha.
BADLI: With the stimulating support of the rulers of the Ratta house the Jaina preceptors appear to have expanded their activities and developed new centres of the faith in the territory. One such was Badli not far away from Hüli in the same taluk. A mutilated inscription built into & modern temple, mentions Ganga-Kandarpa Brahma Jinālaya and seems to register certain gifts made to the temple in the reign of a Hoysala king who may be identified with Vira Ballāļa II (A. D. 1173-1220). As GangaKandarpa was one of the titles borne by the Ganga prince Mārasimhas (AD. 961-74), the Brahma Jinālaya with which this title was associated, was probably built by him at Baļli.
A fragmentary epigraph lying in the Nārāyaṇa temple of the same village refers to Mahămaņdalēśvara Lakshma or Lakshmidēva II of the Ratta family and is dated in A. D. 1219. It gives the genealogical account of a line of teachers apparently belonging to the Yāpanīya Samgha and Kāreya gaņa. An important member of the line was Mahāmaņdalāchārya Madhava Bhattāraka in whose time the preceptors seem to have buen elevated to the status of ecclesiastical heads of the region as indicated by the title Mahāmaņdalāchārya. The record seems to mention the following other teachers of the line: Vinayadēva, Jinadēva, Kanakaprabha and Sridhara Traividya. As both these records are fragmentary no more information can be gleaned about the Jaina activities in this place.
HANNIKĒRI: The Ratta ruler Lakshmidõva I figures, in an inscription from Hannikëri, near Sampgaon, as the patron of the Yāpaniya monastio order. The epigraph is dated in A. D. 1209 and introduces an influential line of preceptors who belonged to the Yāpanīya Samgha, Mailāpa anvaya and Kāreya gaṇa. They were Kanakaprabha I, his pupil Traividya-ch-krāśvara Sridharadēva and the latter's disciple Kanakaprabha II. Kanakaprabha II was highly renowned and respected in the province of Kūņdi. This teacher was recipient of a gift of land made to the temple of Pārsvanātha, built by Aminagāvunda at Chinchuņike with the approval of Lakshmidēva I who was ruling from his capital at Veņugrāma.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 201 ff. 2 An. Rep. on Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1939-40, p. 66, No. 29. 3 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 108. 4 Karnatak Iuscriptions, Vol. 1, No. 32. 6 K. G, Kundangar: Inscriptions in Northern Karnataka and Kolhapur State, No. 22.

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119 Honnūr: Interesting information is furnished by the inscription on the pedestal of an image in the Jaina temple at Honnür near Kagal in the Kolhapur region.' It records a gift of land to the Jaina temple, constructed by Bammagāvuņda, made by Mabāmaņdalāśvara Ballāļadēva and Gandarāditya for feeding the ascetics. This Bammagāvunda, we are further told, was a lay disciple of Kanti, i. e., the Jaina nun, Rātrimati who belonged to the Punnāgavrikshamūla gana of the Müla Saṁgha. It becomes clear from this that, as in the Tamil country, there were in Karnāțaka Jaina nuns who entertained men as their disciples. We are not sure if Rātrimati is the correct reading of the name; could it be Kāntimati? The information regarding the existence, in the Mūla Samgha, of the Punnāgavrikshamūla gana which is generally associated with the Yāpaniyas, is also noteworthy. Ballāladēva and Gandarāditya were the princes of the Sila Karād. With the assistance of this fact we can assign the inscription approximately to A. D. 1110, though it is not dated. On the pedestal bearing the inscription stands the stately image of the Jina surmounted by the seven-hooded serpent. He might be identified as the Tirthakara Pārsvanātha,
TERDĀĻ: Terdal in the Sangli area had developed as a renowned centre of the Jaina religion in the age of the 11–12th centuries as a result of the patronge it received from the rulers of the Raţta house on one side and the devotion bestowed by the members of the wealthy mercantile community on the other. This town with the adjoining tract was under the - administration of the chief Mandaļika Gonka who was an ardent follower of the Jaina faith. Mallidēva and Lõka were the two immediate ancestors of Gonka and this family was an offshoot of the Silāhāra stock. The implicit faith of Gonka in the Jaina religion is illustrated by an anecdote narrated in the inscription in the Jaina temple at Terdal”, which reveals that he was cured of snake bite by pronouncing the names of the Five Saints.
At Tēridāla, which was the old name of Terdal, situated in the Kūņdi province, Gonka constructed a Jaina temple dedicated to Nēminātha und made suitable endowment of land for the maintenance of its establishment and for the feeding of Rishis or the Jaina monks. The grant was made in the year corresponding to A. D. 1123-24 under the auspices of the Ratta chief Kārtavirya II, and the revered pontiff and preceptor Māghanandi Saiddhāntika who was specially invited for the occasion, Māghanandi was the superintending priest of the illustrious Rūpa-Nārāyaṇa Basadi of Kollāpura or Kollagira and head of the provincial pontifical seat ( Maņdalāchārya). He
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 102. 2 Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 14 ff.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA belonged to the Müla Samgha, Kundakundānvaya, Dēsiga gana and Postaka gachohha, being a disciple of Kulachandradēva. Māghanandi claimed a large number of disciples of that monastic order, among whom are mentioned Kanakanandi, Śrutakirti Traividya, Chandrakirti Pandita, Prabhāchandra Pandita, and Vardhamāna. Māghanandi, again, was the preceptor of the chief, Sāmanta Nimbadēva who was responsible for the construction of the Rūpa-Nārāyana Basadi.
Sixty years later (i, e., in a. D. 1182) a gift in the form of income derived from the imposts on the mercantile commodities was made in favour of the same temple of Nēminātha by the members of the great commercial organisation, Ayyāvale Five Hundred, whose leanings towards the Jaina faith are attested by the expression signifying their devotion to the goddess Padmăvati occurring in their prasasti.
After five years (A, D. 1187) the same temple of Mandaļika Gonka was recipient of another gift consisting of land and house-site made by Bhāyidēva, son of the great general Tējugi Daņdanăgaka who was the governor of the Kūņdi province.
KOLHAPUR: MAGHANANDI: The same high pontiff Māghanandi is mentioned in one of the two incriptions from Kolhāpur itself. The inscription on stone found near the Pārsvanātha temple close to the Sukravåra gate? refers itself to the reign of the Silāhāra king Gandarāditya and introduces his reputed feudatory Mabāsāmanta Nimbadova. Nimbadova was a devout follower of the Jaina Law. He had perpetuated his religious fervour by erecting the temple of Rūpa-Nārāyaṇa at Kolhāpur, previously. He constructed one more temple dedicated to the god Pārsvanātha in the market site of Kavadegolla and in A. D. 1135 a grant of income derived from imposts was made for the benefit of the temple by several members of the mercantile corporation of Ayyavale Five Hundred. The gift was entrusted to the care of the preceptor Srutakirti Traividya of the Rūpu-Nārāyana Basadi, who, we know, was a pupil of Māghanandi. Rūpa-Nārāyaṇa was an epithet of Gaņdarāditya and the Jaina shrine bearing the name was evidently designated by Niinbadõva, after the title of his master. The present day Pārsvanātha temple near the Sukravāra gate must be survival of the ancient shrine built by Nimbadēva at Kavadegolla.
The second epigraphe also was discovered in the same place near the Sukravāra gate. This record is dated in A. d. 1143 and registers a gift of land and house-site for the benefit of the temple of Pārsvanātha founded at Hāvira Hörilage by Vasudāva, a disciple of Māghanandi. Vijayāditya, son of the king Gandarāditya, of the Silāhāra family of Karād was the donor.
1 Ep. Ind., XIX, pp. 30 f. 3 Ibid., VolIII, pp. 207 ff.

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121
The Silahāra chief Vijayaditya figures seven years later (A. D. 1150) in a similar religious transaction recorded on a stone at Bamani' in the Kagal area of the Kolhapur region. He donated land and a housesite for the worship of the image of Parsvanatha and for the execut ion of the repairs to the temple established by the local official Chōdhore Kamagavunda at Madlür. The gift was handed over to the charge of Arhanandi Siddhantadeva, a disciple of Maghanandi.
The name of Kolhapur is referred to a good number of times in three different forms, viz., Kollapura, Kollagira and Kshullakapura, in the inscriptions of Terdal and Kolhapur noticed above. We may indulge in a brief digression in regard to the origin of the name here. On the analogy of place names like Kollipäka (in Karnataka), Kollipära (in Andhra ), etc., Kollapura appears to have been originally a Dravidian proper name. Its base 'kolli' or 'kollai' is an ancient indigenous expression, and this is found with its allied variations in Kannada, Tamil and Telugu languages. It connotes a forest tract, valley, dry land, etc. On account of its Jaina associations the name appears to have been Sanskritised into Kshullakapura, Kshullaka being an order of Jaina monks." The aspiration in the second syllable of the present name is a later accretion and has nothing to do with the Marathi expression 'kōlhā,' meaning a jackal'. The earliest reference to the place is to be traced perhaps in the pilgrim's record at Kopbal, roughly ascribed to the 10th century A. D.
Maghanandi of the Rupa-Narayana temple at Kolhapur was an eminent personality in the history of Jaina church of this area, and he contributed immensely to the prosperity of the faith by his crudition and efficient administration of the ecclesiastical organisations under him and through the able band of his scholarly disciples, during his long regime of nearly three generations.
Kolhapur was an eminent stronghold of Jainism from early times and it has maintained its reputation almost to the present day. It was reckoned among the four pontifical centres or spiritual thrones sacred to the Jaina community.* This tradition is affirmed in a later inscription,"
1 Ep. Ind. Vol. III pp. 211 ff.
2 Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 272.
3
See No. 39 of the Jaina Epigraphs of the author's collection. As noted above Kollagira was one of the early names of Kolhapur. In his Kavyamimämsä (Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. 1, p. 93) Rajasekhara (9th century A. D.) mentions Kollagiri as one of the regions situated in the Dakshinapatha. Could this Kollagiri represent the tract near about Kolhapur? Contra, N. L. Dey's Geographical Dictionary, wherein Kölagiri has been identified with Kodagu or Coorg (p. 101).
4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXII. p. 460.
5 Inscriptions in Northern Karnataka and Kolhapur State, No. 40.
16

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from the Jaina temple at Vadgaon in the Kolhapur area. The record is dated in A. D. 1774 and refers to the preceptor Lakshmisena Bhaṭṭāraka as presiding over the Simhasanas of Dilli, Karavīra (i. e., Kolhapura), Jina Kanchi and Penugonda. This teacher belonged to Sena gana, Vṛishabha anvaya and Pushkara gachchha. The epigraph incidently mentions Jvālinīdēvi. BELGAUM: HOW Jainism was flourishing in the Belgaum region during the early part of the 13th century A. D. under the benevolent patronage and with the substantial support of the princes of the Ratta family is illustrated by two inscriptions' which were originally found at a Jaina temple in the Belgaum fort and are now deposited in the British Museum, London. Both the epigraphs are dated in a. D. 1204 and register grants to the Jaina temple dedicated to the god Śantinatha by the Ratta ruler Kartavirya IV. The temple was constructed at Venugrama (modern Belgaum) by Bichana or Bichiraja, minister and chief scribe of the king, and named Raṭṭa Jinalaya, evidently after the name of the illustrious ruling family of his masters. Kartavirya IV and Bichana both being devout followers of the faith, it was easy to provide sumptous endowments for the temple, which consisted firstly of a piece of land and secondly of one whole village called Umbaravāņi. The gift property was entrusted to the management of the preceptor Subhachandra Bhaṭṭaraka, disciple of Nemichandra, disciple of Maladharidēva. These teachers belonged to the Pustaka gachchha of the Mula Samgha and Kuṇḍakundanvaya and were attached to the Hanasoge line of the monastic order.
The same occasion afforded an opportunity to enlist their devotion for the cause of the Jaina religion by the local representatives of the commercial guild of Mummuridandas, who granted for the benefit of the above temple the income derived from the imposts on various commodities of trade. These representatives are described in the following interesting terms, viz., 'guardians of the traditional creed of Vira Baṇañjus as prescribed in the code of the lay followers of the Jaina religion (gudda-sastra ), proclaimed by the Jaina monks stationed in Maghapaṭṭipura and recipients of the gracious boon of the goddess Padmavati'. It becomes plain from this that these Mummuridandas were adherents of the Jaina Law.
We may note in this connection the following fact in regard to the parent body of the Vira Baṇañjus, to which the above guild was attached. Allegiance to the faith of Lord Jina appears to have been a part of the creed of the corporation of Vira Banañjus. This is gleaned from the following epithet, commonly occurring in their prasasti, to wit, ' embellished by the banner of the guddas' (gudda-dhvajavirājamāna).
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 15 f.

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123 The Jaina leanings of this body are clearly disclosed by the word
gudda' here, which is a peculier Jaina expression signifying 'a lay follower or disciple of the Jaina faith'. The ordinary sense of the word connoting a mountain' does not fit in the context, though some scholars have tried to interpret it in this sense.'
More confirmatory evidence is at our disposal to show that this corporation of Vira Baņañjus which is characteristically designated as the Five Hundred Svāmis of Ayyāvale, originated and developed in decidedly Jaina environments with the active support of enterprising businessmen of Jaina persuasion. Revealing in this context is the oft-repented phrase which figures prominently in their praśasti, viz., B:ladova-Vásudova-KhapdaliMūlabhadra-vaṁsādbhavarum'. The full sagnificance of this expression which appears to be corrupt at certain points, is not known. I may, however, attempt its plausible interpretation. According to the Jaina mythology, the 24 Tirthamkaras, 12 Chakravartis, 9 Vísudovas, 9 Baladēvas and 9 Prativāsudėvas constitute what are known as 63 Salākā Purushas. We can trace a clear reference to Baladövas and Väsudovas in the above phrasc. The word · Khandaļi' is intriguing and I am once inclined to treat it as a corruption of kandali', 'kandala' meaning' 4. banner'. The alternative suggestion would be to take it as Ākhandala or Ākhandali. Äkhunala is a naine of Indra. Further, Bhadra figures among the Prativāsudevas; but it would be better to assume that Bhadra or Mūlabhadra was the name of some mythological hero of the Kshatriya or Vaisya class. Thus the expression may mean either, • born in the lineage of Mūlabhadra who bore the banner of the Baladovas and Väsudovas' or " born in the lineage of the Baladovas, Vāsudovas and Mūlabhadra who was a scion or devotee of Indra. '
HUKĒRO: Huköri or some village nearby appears to have been & seat of the teachers belonging to the Yāpanīya school. This is gathered from an incomplete reference to the teacher Traikirti and his lay disciple (name lost) contained in a fragmentary inscription found on a stone lying in the compound of the Munsifftrs' court at Hukori."
NORTH KANARA DISTRICT
Formerly as an amateur epigarphist and latterly as a member of the Epigraphical Branch of the Archaeological Department, I surveyed parts of this district comprising the areas of the Sirsi, Siddāpur and Kumta taluks and Bhatkaļ Pētha. The members of the office of the Director of
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 24; Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 39; etc. 2 An, Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1939-40 to 1942-43, Appendix E, No. 8 of 1942-43.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA Kannada Research, Dharwar, have surveyed the southern tract of this district, particularly the Bhatka! Pothā. As a result of these explorative activities a large number of Jaina antiquities consisting of monuments, inscriptions and sculptures has been discovered in this region. These are very useful for reconstructing the history of the Jaina faith in the western strip of Karnataka.
The history of the Jaina church in the western parts of the Karnāțaka presents some interesting features which stand in glaring contrast to that in the main land. Firstly, the rise and growth of the Jaina church in the former arca generally coincides with the decline and almost total eclipse of the same in the latter region. Secondly, minor chiefs and petty families of rulers come to the forefront as the champions of the faith in this later epoch unlike the imperial monarchs and great feudatory dynasties of the earlier centuries. It seems as though Jainism which was strongly opposed and chased by the followers of the Brahmanical faiths in the main land, took refuge in the mountain fortresses of the west coast. Here it gained vigour and thrived for centuries until the advent of modern epoch. This was probably due to the less accessible nature of the terrain and the unbiased minds of its people. Consequently, we find even to this day a good many living centres of Jainism surviving though in a fallen condition in this part of the country. The number of the Jaina centres exceeds those in any other region and they attract a large number of visitors and pilgrims from the Jaina community all over Indin.
During the period of 14th to the 17th century A.D. there fourished in this region four principalities, viz., Nagire, Sangitapura, Biligi and Sõndā. The main facts regarding the first of these chiefdoms known as Nagiri Rājya, have been the subject of detailed study by other scholars." So I shall deal with the other three here in brief. But before we proceed with the subject it is necessary to give the account of an important line of Jaina teachers who Hourished in this area. The history of the Jaina faith in this tract is closely interwoven with the activities of these preceptors who wielded powerful influence over the political and religious life of the rulers and the people.
SANGĪTAPURA PRECEPTORS: It is interesting to observe that Jainism appears to have stepped into this territory from the south and the teachers who were mainly instrumental for the propagation of the faith, hailed from Sravaņa Belgola. These teachers who belonged to the Müla
i Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 340-49; Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, Introduction pp.
14-18, eto.

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125 Samgha, Dēsi gana and Pustaka gachha, claim their descent in the line of pontiffs founded at Sravana Belgola by Chārukirti Pandita sonjewhere by the beginning the 12th century A. D. Srutakirti, a preceptor of Chāru. kirti's line, came to Hāļuvalli or Sangitapura in the Bhatka! Pēțhā and established a pontifical scat some time by the carly part of the 15th century A. D. The succession of these preceptors was hence known as the Sangitapura line. An inscription in the Ratnatraya Basadi' at Bīligi gives the pedigree of these teachers as follows: Srutakirti (I), Vijayakirti (1), Srutakirti (II), Vijayakirti (II), bis two pupils: Akalanka (I), and Chandraprabha; Akularka (1) had three generations of pupils : Vijayakirti (III), Akalanka (II) and Bhattākaļanka.
The earliest date available for Bhattākalauka, the last member, in another inscription from the same temple at Bilīgi, is Saka 1510 (A.Do 1583). Starting on this basis and calculating at the rate of 25 years per generation we can approximately assign Saka 1350 or about a. D. 1430 as the date of Srutakirti 1. The first of the Biligi records mentioned above informs that Chārukirti Pandita bore the titles, Srimad-raya-rājaguru, Manıļalācharya, Mahāvāda-vādiśvara, Rāyavādipitāmaha, Sakalavidvajjana-chakravarti, Baļlā?arāya-Jirarakshāpālaka, and Dēsigaņāgraganya; and these were inherited by the preceptors of the Sangitapura line also.
Origin of the Nagire kingdom and the foundation of the ruling family of Sangītapura were almost contemporaneous events which may be placed during the last part of the 14th century A. 1.9 The rulers of Sangitapura were of Sāluva extraction and the two families were connected by blood relationship. On account of their leanings towards the Jaina creed they readily accepted the spiritual leadership of the preceptors of Sangitapura. Nay, the very establishment of the pontifical seat at Sangitapura by Srutakirti I must have been possible on account of the support
1 This Jaina temple, now in dilapidated condition, contains two inscriptions which are very
valuable for reconstructing the history of the pontifiate of Sangitapura and for under standing the activities of the Jaina ancestors of the Biļigi fainily. I copied these inscriptions in 1938 and the following study is tused from their copies in my possession. Tentative texts of these epigraphs have been published in the Saranu Sahitya 1940, October-Noveinber, by Kirtanakësari B. Sivamurti Sastri who had visited the place in 1926. Subsequently the Kannada Re.earch Office, Dharwar, has also cop.ed and noticed them in their Annual Report, 1939-40, No. 88-89, which contain some errors. The late R. Narasimhachar has referred to one of these inscriptions in his account of Bhatták alanka based on its copy found in the Madras Museum (Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. II, p. 348). But it is now seen that that copy must have been defective in some
parts. 2 Karnatak Inscriptiong, Vol. I, Introduction, p. 14; An, Rep. on Kannada Researob
1939-40, p. 46,

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extended by the early chief of the place. It was soon realised that the guidance of these preceptors was not confined to religious matters alone and that their advice and assistance were equally effective for steering through the troubled sea of politics and other worldly affairs.
Bīķici INSCRIPTIONS: The Biļigi Ratnatraya Basadi inscription No. I furnishes interesting details regarding the religious and secular activities of some of the teachers of the Sangītapura line and it would be of help to notice them here. Vijayakīrti I, it is stated, earned great renown by securing the throne of Sangitapura for Indra Bhūpāla. This Indra Bhūpāla appears to be indentical with Indaradova Odeya of Hāļuvalli who figures in an epigraph from Kajkiņi' dated in Saka 1394 or A.D. 1471. It is possible to read through the inscription and make out the circumstances that led to the estrangement of Indra Bhūpāla from his royal authority and why he had to be reinstated into his own kingdom by Vijayakirti I as suggested by the Biligi record. 'The Kaikiņi epigraph informs us, though vaguely, that there was a dispute between the two brothers, which took a serious turn. These two brothers were possibly Indra and one of his younger brothers, Mallirāja or Sāluvöndra. This fratricidal conflict afforded an excellent opportun the neighbouring rival rulers of Nagire who were frequently at variance with the chiefs of Hāļuvalli. Mallirāya Odeya, one of the rulers of Nagire led an invasion against Hāduvalli. This must have proved a grave threat to the very existence of the Hūduvalli principality. In this critical situation Vijayakirti I appears to have mediated between the contending parties and effected a compromise by virtue of which Indra was restored to his chiefdom.
In regard to Srutakirti Il we are told that he established his disciple Sangirāya. In the absence of specific details and corroborative testimony of other sources it is difficult to interpret this statement properly in its historical setting. Sangirāya appears to have been one of the successors of Indra of the Hāduvalli family though his nunc finds no mention in its genealogical accounts, Either his rule was short-lived or he may be identical with Sāļuvöndra, one of the junior brothers of Indra. The inscription engraved on the Mānastainbha in the Hire Basti at Hāļuvalli introduces a teacher styled Panditarāya who is described as the Parama Guru or supreme preceptor of the Hüduvalli ruler Sāluvöndra. It is dated in Saka 1407 or a. D.
1 Karnātak Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 61. 2 An. Rep. on Kan. Research, 1939-40, p. 47. 3 Karnātak Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 65.

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1484. This teacher might be Śrutakirti II as he appears to have lived approximately by this period.
1
Now we come to Vijayakirti II for whom we are in possession of another synchronism. As the Biligi epigraph avers, he caused to be constructed for his pupil king Devaraya a well-planned town named Baṭṭakala near the western ocean. This town is modern Bhatkal and the king Devaraya seems to be identical with the namesake younger brother of Saluvendra. Saluvendra had another younger brother named Gururaya and the latter's second son Chennarāja was an unflinching promoter of the Jaina doctrine. This Chennaraja is described as the swan in the lotus which are the feet of the sage Akalanka', in an inscription from Mudabhatkal, recording the death of the former under the vow Sallekhana in A. D. 1490. It would be reasonable to identify this Aklaunka with Akalanka I of the above genealogy.
HADUVALLI: Soon after this and before the middle of the 16th century A. D. the rulers of Haduvalli lost their individuality and vanished from the political horizon as a ruling family. The reasons for this may be traced partly in the weak and inefficient administration of these chiefs and the growing strength of the rulers of Nagire. who, by virtue of their close matrimonial alliances, often pushed themselves into the affairs of the former, and partly in the new political arrangement by which the whole area was placed under the authority of one provincial governor by the emperors of Vijayanagara.3 The rulers of Haduvalli were staunch supporters of the Jaina faith and inspired by the wholesome precepts of the pontiffs of Sangitapura they established many religious institutions and endowed them liberally. The large number of Jaina antiquities explored at Haduvalli, consisting of temples, images of bronze and stone representing various deities of the Jaina pantheon, and inscriptions, spread over an extensive area of ruins, testifies to the intensive fervour cherished by these chiefs for the doctrine of Lord Jina and the great encouragement it received at their hands. Kaikini and Bhatkal were other strongholds of Jainism in this region, wherein also has been traced a good number of Jaina antiquities.
An inscription from Haḍuvalli contains a graphic description of the demise of an eminent teacher of the Jaina Law under the vow of
3
1
An. Rep. on Kan. Research (op. cit.) p. 47.
2 Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 66.
3 An. Rep. on Kan. Research, 1939-40, pp. 45-46.
4 Ibid., pp. 30-31.
ō Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 49.

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Sallēkhanā and it would be interesting to notice some of the details here. Sanga Bhupa, born of the parents, Haiva Bhūpa of Nagire and Bhairala Rani, was ruling the chiefdom of Sangitapura or Hāḍuvalli. Haiva Nripa and Manga Mahipati were his two sons. His preceptor Māņikyasēna, disciple of Jayasena, was renowned for his religious austerities and ascetic practices. He was residing in the monastery attached to the temple of Chandraprabha. One day in the presence of the chief, his sons and the faithful adherents of the Jaina doctrine, Manikyasēna communicated his determination to undertake the vow of Sallēkhana and to carry it through with their help and cooperation. Accordingly in the bright fortnight of the month Jyeshtha in the Saka year 1352 and Saumya, the monk commenced his vow with due ceremony. He reduced the quantiy of his food gradually and subsisted on liquid juices only for some days. Finally he gave up everything and after 33 days of absolute fasting passed away on Sravana śu. 1, without physical langour and in perfect control of the senses. The obsequies of the teacher were celebrated by the chief in the manner befitting his greatness and the Nishidhi memorial was set up to perpetuate the event. The epigraph is dated in A.D. 1429 and it is engraved on a stone standing in the Hire Basti.
BILIGI CHIEFS: From Sangitapura we proceed to Biligi in the Siddapur taluk. This was the headquarters of a family of chiefs whose early members were zealous adherents of the Jaina faith for about a dozen generations. Andanna was the founder of this principality and his early headquarters was at Aisur situated near the mountain of Chandragutti.' This event may be placed approximately by the middle of the 14th centruy A. D. Without entering into the genealogical details of this family, which evince some discrepancies in the accounts of different sources, the main succession of ruling chiefs may be made out as follows: Andanna, Parsvabhupa, Mundanna, Kallappa, Narasimha I, Ghanṭanna I, Narasimha II, Virappa, Rangaraja, Ghantanna, or Ghantendra II.
The Biligi Ratnatraya Basadi inscription No. I describes the various temples erected by these chiefs and by the members of the royal household in honour of the Tirthakaras and the munificent benefactions granted
1
A complete account of the Biligi family is given in the Biligiya Arasugala Vamsavali, a Kannada literary work of the last century. The Ratnatraya Basadi insoription No. 1 narrates genealogical history of the house in details from the Jaina point of view.
2 I have discussed almost all the important facts of the history of this family in my article dealing with the 'Six Copper Plate Records of the Biligi Chiefs' under publication in the Epigraphia Indica. Here I am concerned only with the essential particulars of the early rulers who were Jaina by persuasion.

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in their favour. During the regime of Narasimha I the family rose to emi. nence. Brave and ambitious, he appears to have actively participated in the campaigns of the Vijayanagara emperor Krishộadēvarāya (A. d. 1509–29) who bestowed honours upon him. Ghanțaņņa I built the town of Biligi on the bank of the river Sõnanadi and made it the permanent capital of his family. Rangarāja was a successful ruler. He started constructing at Biļigi & Jaina temple called Ratnatraya Basadi; but it was left unfinished probably on account of his premature demise. His son Ghanțēndra II completed it and consecrated the images of Nēmīśvara, Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna therein with great ceremony. Ghaņķēndra II was the most renowned ruler of the family. He was a contemporary of the Vijayanagara king Venkatapati' ( A. D. 1586–1614). A zealous adherent of the Jaina faith, he was well-read and entertained learned men at his court. He was related matrimonially with the Sõndã chief, Arasappa Nāyaka II.
Let us revert to the account of the preceptors of Sangītapura. These teachers seem to have come into closer relationship with the rulers of Biligi during the time of Narasimha Il and his elder brother Timmarasa who became the disciples of Akalanka I and Chandraprabha. Henceforth'the Biligi chiefs claimed these teachers as the hereditary preceptors of their royal family and lavished all attention and honours upon them.
AKAĻANKA AND BHATTĀKAĻANKA: Akalanka II and Bhattakaļanka of the Sangitapura line were the most celebrated teachers who commanded universal l'espect and influence, not only in the chiefdoms on the west coast, but even in other parts of the country. This was due to their profuund learning and versatile scholarship. Well-versed in secular arts, a pleasing personality, of extraordinary ability and immaculate character, Akalanka II rose to eminence as the foremost among the circle of preceptors on account of his incessant practice of proclaiming and expounding the scriptures, tendered with affection. His disciple Bhattākaļanka had mastered several branches of learning, was endowed with many good qualities and excelled in the art of exposition. Proficient in the treatises of his own school of philosophy as well as in those of other doctrines and constantly engaged in study and teaching, he proved himself to be an impressive figure, a critical scholar and a judicious advocate in the royal courts and in the assembly of learned men. His familiarity with the polemical science of logic, his mastery on the science of grammar, poetry, poetics, prosody and drama, his irasight into the Juina scriptures as well as into the Vedic literature extending from the Samhitās down to the Smritis and the Purāņas, his knowledge of the science of polity, astronomy, medicine, mathematics, music
1 The Biligi Ratuatraye Basadi insoription No. 2 expressly refers to the reign of Venka
tapati who was raling from his capital Penagonda. 17

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and danoing and his skill in the lores of architecture, Mantra (holy incantation), Tantra (science of rituals ) and spiritual concentration: these were the subject of praise by all people.'
Akalanka II and Bhattākalanka figure prominently in the inscrip. tions of the Biļigi chiefs wherein they are praised at length and described as the family preceptors and supreme teachers. Rangarāja calls himself the favourite disciple of Akalanka II. Ghantāndra II was equally attached to Akalanka II, but he came into direct and more intimate relationship with Bhattākalanka. From the colophon of the famous work on Kannada grammar, named Karņāțaka Sabdānuśāsana, it is known that its author was the Jaina teacher Bhattākalanka, disciple of Akalanka and that these two teachers bearing all the specific titles mentioned before in connection with Chārukirti Pandita, belonged to the pontifical throne of Sangitapura. This analogy of details supported by the evidence of chronology has led to the irresistible conclusion that Bhattākalanka of the Biligi records was identical with his namesake grammariau. It is stated at the end of one of the two records at Biligi that both of them were the creations of Bhattākalanka. We can detect the perso nality of the learned author Bhattākaļanka even in these epigraphical records from their literary style and scholarly treatment. These inscriptions are dated in Saka 1515 or a. D. 1592. The above work on grammar is dated A. D. 1604.
It would be interesting to take note here, in passing, of two legends touching the great Kondakundáchārya, as related in the Biligi Ratnatraya Basadi inscription No. 1. One of them is like this. Once a mischievous person who was not well-disposed towards the sage, concealed a pot of wine in the cell of Kondakunda and complained against him before the king. The teacher was summoned to the court along with the pitcher. And lol by the power of holy incantation he had turned it into a jar full of jasmine flowers. Hence he became famous as Kuņdakunda (i. e., Jar of Jasmine). We can easily detect in this story an attempt to explain the Sanskritised appellation of the teacher, whose real name was Padmanandi, by a sympathetic tule. The second legend narrates that the preceptor, like a Chāraņa, moved in the space four fingers above the earth, in order to illustrate, as it were, the truth that one who was the living incarnation of forbearance, was superior to this earth which is called Forbearance (kshamā). The miraculous feat of travelling in the air, as attributed to the divine, seems to have been a widely prevalent belief; and
1 This description of the two teachers is based on the contents of the two epigraphs in
the Ratnatray. Basadi at Biļigi. % In my article on Bhattakalankaděva published in the Journal of the Kannada Literary
Academy, Bangalore, Vol. XXX, Nos. 3-4, I have discussed this topic exhaustively in all its bearings. I have summarised here some of the main arguments set forth in the article.

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ity
it is voiced in a good many inscriptions from Śravaņa Belgola. But the interpretation given by one of them differs when it says that he did not touch the dust of earth, because he was untainted by the dust of worldly attachment. In all these records Kondakunda is invariably compared with the Chāraņas.
SÕNDA: From Bīļigi we turn to Svādi or Sõndā in the Sirsi taluk. The small principality of Sõndă came into being in the early part of the 16th century A. D. Arasappa Nayaka II, son of Arasappa Nāyaka I, was its real founder who also contributed to its strength and prosperity in bis long reign of 43 years, from A. D. 1555 to 1598. Swayed by the powerful influence of the prevailing doctrine of Lord Jina, the early members of the house became the adherents of the Jains faith ;" and the preceptors of Sungitapura seem to have had their share in this religious conversion. ArasappNayaka Il had two daughters one of whom was given in marriage to the Biligi chief Ghantēndra II. This matrimonial alliance must have brought Arasappa Nāyaka Il into closer contact with Akalanka II and Bhattākalanka, who were wielding supreme influence in the court and royal household of the Biligi rulers. Arasuppa Nāyaka II readily accepted the spiritual leadership of these teachers and enlisted his allegiance to their religious preceptorship. This is attested by a copper plate record of Aragappa Nāyaka 11 duted in a. D. 1568 wherein he styles himself the favourite disciple of his Exalted Holiness the illustrious Akalankadēva.
During my visit to Sõndā in the month of January 1940, I explored its antiquities and collected some interesting Juina epigraphs found in the area. A Jaina matha under the supervision of a Jaina Svāmi was found in existence at this place. The matha owned a few copper plate records and a large number of manuscript works, which, for want of proper care and protection, were not preserved in a satisfactory state. Some of the documents and works, I was told, had been taken away for study and never returned. I was informed by the Svātniji that the matha was known as the Bhattākalanka Matha. According to another tradition hailing from reliable quarters, I learnt subsequently that it was also called Akalanka Matha. Besides this matha, I also inspected a Jaina temple surviving in a deserted and dilapidated condition. I
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, Nos. 64, 66, 117, etc. 2 Ibid., No. 264. 3 The following brief sketch of the history of the Sondå chiefs is based on epigraphi
cal sources and an extract account of the family. 4 An insoription at Gerasoppe records the death, by samadhi, of Såptaladevi who was
* granddaughter of Arasappodeya. This Arasappodeya was probably oue of the two
carly chiets of the name at Sonda. Vide Mysore Arch. Report, 1928, p. 99. 5 Copper plate records from Svădi, No. 8; Jaya Karnataka, 1995-26.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA noticed herein an image of Adinātha along with his Yaksha Gõmukha and Yakshiņi Chakrēsvarī who bore twelve hands.
Two NISHIDAI RECORDS: Among the Jaina records collected at Sonda two epigraphs engraved on the Nishidhi memorials standing in the funeral ground specially reservd for the followers of the Jaina faith, deserve particular attention. One of them records the demise of a teacher named Akaļanka bearing all the titles of the Sangitapura preceptors, in Saka 1530 or a. D. 1607. It is stated at the end of the epitaph that Bhattākalanka, an advocate of the Syâdvāda philosophy caused the Nishidhi Maņdapa to be erected. The second epigraph registers the death of the preceptor Bhattākaļanka possessing similar titles, in Saka 1577 or A. d. 1655.
Taking into consideration the historical facts discussed above, these two teachers specified in the Sõndā records seem to be identical with Aka. lanka II and Bhattākalanka of the Sangitapura line. Illuminating in this context is the assertion of Dēvachandra who narrates in his Rājāvaļikathe that the grammarian Bhattākalanka studied all the sciences at Svādi or Sõndā, presumably under his teacher Akalanka. It may reasonably be assumed from this that the Sõndă ruler Arasappa Nayaka II, who was a great admirer of Akalanka II, founded the Jaina matha in his capital and installed Akalanka II as its first pontiff. After the demise of his teacher, Bhattākalanka succeeded to the pontifical throne in A. D. 1607. On account of the great reputation of the two teachers, the names of both were associated with the matha. Calculating on the basis of the years of their death as indicated in the above epitaphs, 'we find that Akaļaňka II and Bhattākaļanka died at the ripe ages of about 70 and 90 years respectively.
Jainism lost its hold in this region by the period of the 17th century A. D. The tide of Muslim invasion swept the country and shook the found
1 Kannada SÃbilya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXX, Nos. 3-4, p. 45. 2 While editing the copper plate records from Svādi in the journal, Jaya Karnataka,
1925-26, Prof. Kundangar has noticed a tradition which attributes the foundation of the Akalanka Mathe at Sondā to as early an age as the 4th century A. D. But this is disproved by historical facts. I doubt the existence of any Jaina matha at the place prior to the age of Akalanka II, of the Sangftapura line. Existence of a large number of tenoh ers bearing the name Akaļanka in the Jaina monastic orders has given rise to such wide and speculative legends which are found in other places also. Ou account of the disrupted condition of the monastery no genealogical account of the Akalanka Matha at Sondā is unfortunately available. Nishidhis of teachers who sucoeeded Bhattāka
lanka ovuld be traced in the Jaina burial ground at Sondā. 3 The Biļigiya Arasugala Vamśávali refers to the expedition of a Mohammadan ruler
in the reign of Gbaptêndra III, the grandson of Ghantondra II (verse 126 ).

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189 ations of the old social order.' Added to this were the inroads made by the leaders of the Viraśaiva movement and other rival faiths. Eventually, the chiefs of the two principalities of Biligi and Sõnda discarded the Jaina oreed of their ancestors and became the followers of the Viragaiva school.
DAARWAR DISTRIOT ĀDŪR: Two early inscriptions engraved on a single slab of stone come from Adūr in the Hãngal taluk. The first of these registers a gift of land made to a Jaina temple by Dharma Gāvuņda ; and it mentions three preceptors, Vinayanandi of the Paralūra gaña, his disciple Vásudēva Guru and the latter's disciple Prabhāchandra. The second epigraph refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Kirtivarma II and records the grant of a piece of wet land, probably to the same temple, by the local officials with the permission of the feudatory governor Mādhavatti Arasa, Prabhāchandra Gurăvar, belonging to the Chediya or Jaina temple of Paralūra received the gift. This teacher is evidently identical with his namesake of the former epigraph. The records are not dated, but may be assigned approximately to the middle of the 8th century A. D. from their palaeographical set up and the allusion to the king in the latter inscription. Madhavatti Arasa was probably • chief of the Sēndraka family. We may note here the early Jaina associations of the expression Gurāvar occurring in the name of the above teacher. Gurāvar is the same as Guravar and it has its variant in Goravadigaļ. These denote preceptorship. They are met with in connection with the Jaina teachers mentioned in the Sravaņa Belgola inscriptions, Nos. 5, 6, 7 and 8. The feminine form of the expression, Guravi, also occurs in No. 7. All these epigraphs are dated about A. D. 700. Subsequently the term Gorava acquired specific significance denoting a class of Saivite teachers and priests."
1
2
It is interesting to note how Jaina images are being honoured anwittingly by the followers of the other creeds to this day. In the village Kalkuņi, a few miles from Sirsi, I found a fragment of the Jaina image of a Tirthakara with the triple umbrella being adored us Guru Mūrti by an orthodox family of Brahmaņas. Karnatak Inscriptions, No. 3. Paralūra mentioned in this reoord appears to be identical witb'greater Paralūra' mentioned in a copper plate charter dated in the third regnal year of the early K adamba king Mrigésavarma; Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 35. This suffix of the name evidently derived from Sanskrit 'guru' and applied to Jaina teachers is interesting. Though any teacher can be called a 'guru' or 'goravar', a convention came into being by which a particular community of Saiva teachers, priests or mendicants came to be designated as Goravas. Goravas figure in the Karnataka inscriptions from the 9th oentury onwards and their Saivite affiliations are gufficiently manifest. (Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 201; Vol. X, p. 67; Vol. XV, p. 92; 8. I. I., Vol. VII, No, 580, eto.) The expression Gorava is met with in its Telugu form Goraga in an early Teluga insoription of the 9th century A. D.; Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 157.

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Mulound: Mulgund in the Gadag taluk was a renowned centre of Jainism from early times and this is gathered from a number of epigraphs discovered here, which date from the beginning of the 10th century A. D. In A. D. 902-3 during the reign of the Rashtrakūta king Krishņa II, when his official Vinayambudhi was governing the tract of Dhavala Vishaya or Belvala, Chikārya, son of Chandrārya of the Vaisya caste, caused to be constructed a lofty abode of the Jina, and Chikārya's son Arasārya made an endowment of land for the maintenance of the establishment. The gift was entrusted into the hands of the preceptor Kanakasēna Sūri, disciple of Virasēna, who in turn was the senior pupil (maukha) of Kumārasēna belonging to the Sēna anvaya of Chandrikavāța. Another piece of land was bestowed on the same temple on the same oocasion by the four leaders of the local guild of 360 merchants."
The above information furnished by the epigraph is important in that it introduces many interesting facts. The introductory verses in the Kannada literary work Chāvundarāyapurāņa are devoted to the praise of a large number of renowned Jaina preceptors who were associated with the spiritual lineage of its author Chāvunďarāya. Ajitasēna was the immediate preceptor of Chāvuņdarāya. He was preceded by Aryasõna or Aryanandi. This was preceded by Nāgasēna, Virasēna and Chandrasēna, who seem to be colleagues and 00-disciples of Kumārasēna whose predecessor was Dharmusēna (verses 14 to 20). Thus postulating direct succession, it would seem that Kumārasõna was the fourth predecessor preceptor from Chāvundurāya who composed the work in A. D. 978. This would yield approximately the middle of the 9th century as the age of Kumārasēna.
CHĀVUNDARĀYAPURĀŅA: From his description in the Chāvuņdarāyapurāņa, Kumārasēna appears to have been an eminent divine. He seems to have been connected with Mulgunda where, it is stated, he formed a resolution to observe the vow of Sanyasana with a view to attain liberation from worldly bondage. Accordingly, he repaired to the hill of Kopaņa (modern Kopbal, Hyderabad State) and laid down his life (verse 15). In regard to his predecessor Dharmasēna, we are told that he was foremost among the Traividyas and that he earned renown from his abode at Chandrikāvāta (verse 14).
Now let us revert to the above inscription from Mulgund. In this epigraph Kumārasõna is referred to in highly reverential terms as Āchārya Kumarasõna whose feet were worthy to be worshipped by men, kings and great Ascetios.' Kumārasõna, again, belonged to the Sēna lineage of Chandrikavāța and had a pupil in Virasēna. Further, this Kumārasēna lived two generations earlier than the date of the record; and this would show that his age was by 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 190 ff. In lines 7-8 of the text I would prefer to read,
Chandrikaväta-( 8 )ěn-anvayānugaya'.

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186 the middle of the 9th century A. D. Thus it looks fairly certain that Kumārasõna of the Mulgund epigraph and his namesake of the Chāvuņdarāyaparāņa are both identical. We may also note that according to the epigraph from Mulgund Virasēna was the senior disciple of Kumārusēna. Vīrasēna appears to have had two disciples, viz., Kanakusõna of the inscription and Aryasõna or Aryanandi of the Chávuņdarāyapurāņa. Kanakasēna may possibly have been the senior of the two. From the manner of description in the Chāvuņdarāyapurāņa it may be gleaned that Chandrikāvāta was a place name. The same place is referred to as Chandrikavāta in the Mulgund inscription and the Söna lineage of Kumārasēna is associated with it. This sbows that these teachers belonged to the Sõna lineage and hailed from the place named Chandrikāvāța or Chandrikavăța.
A RECORD ON MANASTAMBHA: Interesting is the revelation made by the inscription engraved on the dhvaja-stambha or flag-pillar standiny in front of the temple of god Nārāyaṇa in this place (i, e., Mulgund). The epigraph refers to this pillar as the Mānastambha and records its erection in A. D. 977– 78. From this it is plain that the pillar belonged originally to a Jaina temple and that it was subsequently appropriattd by the builders of the Nārāyana temple.
MULGUND AND LAKSAMĒŚVARA RECORDS: The epigraph incised on a slab of stone found in a Jaina temple at Mulgund, furnishes valuable information regarding a line of preceptors some of whom were great scholars having specialised particularly in the treatises on grammar. These were Nayasēna and his guru Narēndrasēna. The inscription' is dated in A, p. 1053 during the reign of the Western Chālukya king Sõmāśvara I und registers a grant of land in favour of the Jaina temple named Tirthada Basadi. The gift was made into the hands of Nayasõna by Beldēva, an officer in charge of peace and war, Beļdēva was a devout Juina and a disciple of Nayasēna. Nayasēna is described as having been a consummute master in all grammatical lore. His preceptor Narēndrasēna was the disciple of Kanakasēna and grand-disciple of Ajitasēna. These teachers belonged to the Sēna anvaya or lineage of Chandrakaväta, of the Mula Samgha.
In this context we may also examine the illuminating contents of an inscription form Lakshmēśvara in the adjoining region. It is dated in a D.
1 An. Rep. on S. I. E., 1926-27, Appendix E, No. 89. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, pp. 53 ff. We may note with interest the expression 'Padmavatiya kal
occurring in this inscription (1. 33 ) while specifying the boundaries of the gift land. This must be the stone bearing the figure of Padmavati planted with a view to denote the Jaina association of the gift land. With this may be compared the expression Mukkodeya kal' occurring in an inscription from Kopbal; No. 28 of the Jaina Epigraphs (author's
collection ). 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, pp. 58 ff.

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Na
196
JAINISX IN SOUTH INDIA 1081 in the suoceeding reign of Vikramāditya VI and takes the genealogy of these teachers one generation ahead. After mentioning Narõndrasõna (I) Traividya and his disciple Nayasēna, who are described in identical terms as proficient in the science of grammar as in the earlier epigraph, this record introduces Nayasõna's disciple Narēndrasēna (II) who is styled Traividyam chakrāśvara. Hence on account of their contemporaneity which is supported by the analogy of details, Narendrasēna (1) and his disciple Nayasõna of the Mulgund and Lakshmēśvara records must be identical.
agēna is known to the students of Kannada literature. 1 He is the author of Dharmāmrita and there are reasons to believe that he was also a grammarian. This Nayasēna who is ascribed to A. D. 1112 (circa ), was a resident of Mulgund and disciple of Traividya Narēndrasēna. In his work Nayasēna praises his guru for his profound scholarship and describes how he earned the distinguishing title Traividya-chakrēśvara. These details lead us a step further and help us to equate Narēndra II of the Lakslimēśvara inscription with the namesake guru of the Kannada author Nayasēna. On the strength of this identity we may call Nayasēna of Dharināmțita as Nayasēna II of the Sēnu lineage of Chandrakavāța commencing with Ajitasõna.
CHANDRIKĀVĀTA, ITS IDENTIFICATION: It may be seen from the above discussion that one and the same place is referred to in three different forms, Chandrikāvāța, Chandrikavāța and Chandrakavāta and these variations must be attributed to the change in pronunciation due to the passage of time. This place may be indentified with the present day village Chãndakavațe in the Sindgi taluk of the Bijapur District. This village, as noticed previously, possesses some Jaina antiquities and an inscription found here, dated a. D. 1068, speaks of the setting up of the Nishidhi memorial in the name of the preceptor Māgbanandi Bhattāraka by his disciple nun Jākhiyabbe. Mághaṇandi belonged to the Sūrastha gana wbich, as we know, was another name acquired by the Sēna gaña of the Mula Samgha. Many sections of the Jaina monastic order derived their names from the places they hailed from; for instance, Kittūr gaña, Navilūr gana, Hanasõge anvaya, etc. Accordingly it is but natural that the preceptors discussed above were associated with the Chandrikaváța or Chandrakavāta lineage of the Sēna gaña on account of their ancestor Dharmasõna who was connected with Chandrikávāta. We shall further see that Ajitasēna of the second epigraph from Mulgund must be the guru of Chāvuņdarāya.
AJITASĀNA, his LINEAGE: I may at this stage pause to take a consolidated glimpse of the sources reviewed so far, viz., the Chāvuşdaraya
1 Karpataka Kavicharite, Vol. I, p. 117. % An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, Appendix E, No. 15. 3 Ind. Anto, Vol. XXI, p. 73.

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187 purána, Mulgund inseriptions of Rashtrakůta Krishna II and Western Chalukya Sõmēsvara I and the Lakshmēśvara inscription of Vikramăditya VL, in addition to others bearing on the subject and try to glean the main historical facts regarding this highly distinguished monastic order of Karnataka, which flourished over three long centuries maintaining its great reputation for profound scholarship and wielding considerable influence atnong the rank and file of the society. The monks of this order belonged to the Sēns gana or anvaya of the Müla Samgha. We may trace the history of the preceptors of this line from Dharmasēna onwards, some details about whom are known from the Chāvundarāyapurāņa (verse 14). As stated above, he seems to have settled and founded a monastery at Chandrikāvāța of modern Chāndakavațe in the Bijāpur District. This was somewhere in the beginning of the 9th century A. 1. It is on this, the most reasonable assumption, that we can account for the association of the expression Chandrikavāta or Chandrakavāța with some later members of this line, as found in the inscriptions from Mulgund."
Kumārasõna who was, most probably, a direct disciple of Dharmasõna, seems to have shifted his sphere of activities from Chandrikāvāta to Mulgund near Gadag in the Dharwar District, may be in the later part of his career. The successors of Kumārasēna appear to have selected Mulgund as their permanent headquarters. The Chāvuņdarāyapurāņa introduces the teachers, Nāgasõna, Viragāna and Chandrasēng after Kumārasēnu and it is very likely that these three were immediate disciples of the latter. Mulgund inscription of Křishna II expressly avers that Virasõna was the senior disciple of Kumărasēna and further that Virasēna's disciple was Kanakasēna. There seems to rest some doubt in regard to the next generation of teachers and the Chāruņdarāyapurāņa is not explicit on the point. This sourpe mentions Aryanandi or Aryasēna in the next two verses' (17–18); but it does not specify his relationship with the three colleague preceptors
1
2
The editors of these records have evidently missed the point. Fleet suggests that Chandrikavāta is the name of an enclosure. The Chāyundară yaparāņa uses the expression
Chandrikāvātar-văsa', conveying thereby that it was a place name. Place names ending in văța, våva or vådi, are common in the areas of Karnāțaka and Maharashtra and elsewhere also. According to the accepted reading of verse 18 given in the Kannada Sahitya Parishat edition of the Chāvundarayapurāņa (1928), u teacher named Nayasēns followed Aryanandi and Ajitasõna was the pupil of Nayasēna. The other reading indicated in the foot-note makes Aryasīna the preceptor of Ajitasēna. This must be the correct reading as required by the context and other sources and we can easily equate Aryapandi of verse 17 with Aryasõna of verse 18. Compare, Jaina Literature and History (Hindi) pp. 295 and 296, n. 2.
18

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mentioned previously. disciple of Virasēna. Ajitasāna.
JATI I BUTT MDIA It is however likely that Aryasõna was a direct Aryasõna was suoceeded by his eminent disciple
Ajitasëna was the most renowned teacher of the lineage. He was the preceptor of the Western Ganga princes, Mārasimha and Răchamalla and of the reputed general Chāvuņdarāya. Nēmichandra Siddhāntachakravarti, another great teacher of the age, who was also a preceptor of Chāvandariya, pays glowing tribute to Ajitasõna in bis Gommațasāra as the one 'who had attained perfection and was universally respected (bhuvana-guru)'. This Ajitasõna lived approximately in the latter half of the 10th century a. D. Now, if we calculate the age of Ajitasēna from the generations mentioned in the Mulgund inscription of Sõmēśvara I, it approaches approximately the same period. So, not merely on account of this contemporaneity, but on the solid ground of the fact that both, Ajitasõna of the Chāvundarāyapurāna and his namesake of the Mulgund epigraph, were constituents of the Sēna anvaya of Chandrikāvāta, as seen previously, we are eminently justified in assuming their identity. Ajitasõna appears to have primarily held the pontifical throne at Mulgund, though he might have been brought into contact with other places by his spiritual activities.'
Mallishēņa Sûri was a reputed scholar and author of the Mahāpurāna, Nágakumāra Kávya and other works on Tantric lore in Sanskrit. He lived by the middle of the 11th century A. D. and belonged to the monastic lineage of Ajitasõna. From the colophons of these works a few more details are known regarding these preceptors of the Mulgund monastery. In his biographical account in the Mabāpurāņa, Mallishēņa Sūri refers to Mulgund as a Tirtha or sacred resort and records the completion of the work in this town in Saka 969 or a, D. 1047. The pedigree of Mallishēņa as known from his other works is as follows: Ajitasēna, then his pupil Kanakasēna. The latter had two disciples Jinasēna and Narēndrasēna, and Mallishēna was the pupil of the former. We may here note the identity of this Narēndrasēna with Narandrasēna I of the Mulgund inscription. We may also incidentally observe that Mallishēņa Sūri was well-versed in logic, grammar and poetics, besides other sciences and lores. Postulating a period of 80 years per generation the pedigree of these teachers with their approximate dates may be shown as follows:
1 Compare, Exp. Ind. Val XVI, p. 68. 2 Jaina Literature and History, pp. 413419.

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199
Dharmasana Traividya (C. A. D. 830) (renowned at Chandrikāvāta ) Kuinārasēna (C. A. D. 860)
Virasēna (C. A. D. 890)
Kanakasana (C. A. D. 920)
Āryanandi ( sēna) (C. A. D. 990)
Ajitasõna (C. A. D. 960)
(Chāvuņdarāya's guru) Kanakasāna II (C. A. D. 990)
Jinasēna (c. A. D. 1020) Narēndrasēna I (C. A. D. 1020) Mallishēņa (A.D. 1050)
Navasõna I (C. A. D. 1050) Narēndrasēna II (C. A. D. 1080)
(Traividya-chakrösvara ) Nayasõna II (0. A. D. 1110)
(author of Dharmāmțita ) Asunde: An epigraph from Asuņdi' in the Gadag taluk, furnishes some interesting information, as it speaks of the adıninistration of the village Pasuņdi (modern Asundi) by the preceptor Chandraprabha Bhatára, the high priest of the Dhora Jinālaya at Bankāpura. The village, evidently, was an endowment of the Jaina temple. The inscription is dated in A. D. 925 in the reign of the Răshțrakūta king Nityavarsha, i.e., Indra III. We may inoidentally note the peculiar name of the temple, viz., Dhora. Dhora looks like a derivative from the Sanskrit term Dhruva, and we know that an early prince of the Rashtrakūta family was named Dhruva.
NARRGAL: When the Eastern Ganga prince Būtuga II was entrusted with the administration of some of the northern parts of the kingdom by his ally and brother-in-law, the Rashtrakūta suzerain Kțishņa III, the former appears to have utilised the opportunity to advance the cause of the Jaina religion which was so dear to his heart. The Ganga governor's wife Padmabbarasi constructed a Jaina temple at Narēgal in the Ron taluk; and in the Year A. D. 950 the grant of a tank was made to the charity house attached to
I Bombay Karnataka Ipsoriptions, Vol. I, part i, No. 34.

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140
JAINION IN SOUTH INDIA the temple by the subordinate chief Namayara Mārasinghayyam. The gift was received by the preceptor Gunachandra Pandita, & pupil of Viraṇandi Pandita who was a disciple of Mahēndra Pandita. These preceptors belonged to the Kondakunda anvaya and Dēsiga gana.
LakkuŅDT; ATTIMABBE : Lakkuņdi in the Gadag taluk, the ancient name of which was Lokkigundi, flourished as an important Jaina stronghold. It had the privilege of having been selected as one of the centres of her munificent religious activities by Dānachintāmaņi Attimabbe or Attiyabbe who is well-known to the students of Karnāțaka Jainism and Kannada literature. Attimabbe was the wife of the general Nāgadēva, son of Dhalla of the Vāji family. When her son Padevala Taila, the commander of the forces, was governing the tract of Māsavādi, she constructed a Jaina temple at Lokkiguņņi and made a suitable endowment for its maintenance. The gift was entrusted into the hands of her preceptor Arhanandi Pandita who belonged to the Sūrasta gaṇa and Kaurūr gachchha.' The epigraph furnishing this and the following information is dated in A. D. 1007 during the reign of the Western Chalukya king Ahavamalla or Irivabeđanga Satyāśraya and was found at Lakkuņời. This inscription is of great interest to the
interest to the students of Jainism in Karnataka. It is one of the few epigraphical records, that furnishes an elaborate account of the great pious lady of legendary fame, though many facts about her are fairly made known by Poana in his Sāntinātha Purāņa and Ranna in his Ajitatīrthakarapurāņatilaka.
Attimabbe had attained sainthood by the time of this record and mysterious powers and miraculous performances were being attributed to her. This is illustrated by the seven miracles narrated about her in this epigraph. We shall notice some of them here. 1) She took a vow once to see the Kukkutēśvara Jina on the hill (at Sravana Belgola) without taking food. While climbing the hill she was tired; but she felt relief soon by the showers which, though untimely, were in time, 2) On another occasion fire broke out and spread like wild fire in the city. Dānachintāmaņi sprinkled the holy water of the Jina and it was extinguished. 3) She took an irrevocable decision at one time to fast unto death unless she secured the Jina of Kurulapā ve on the Narmada river. Her desire was fulfilled and the Jina became her life long possession. 4) One more story is like this. At the instance of the king she walked forth into the waters of the river Gödāvari fearlessly with the image of the Jina upon her head; and the river stopped flowing.
1 Bomb. Karn. Insoriptions, Vol. I, part i. No. 38. 2 Not far away from Lakkundi is a village named Kaulur in the Kopbal District of the
Hyderabad State. In the inscriptions of this village the place is referred to as Kaurür.
Kaurar gachohba, probably, derived the name from this place. 3 Bomb. Karn. Inscriptions (op. cit.), No. B2.
This miracle is referred to in an inscription of a. D. 1118, from Oravapa Belgola; Ep. Carn, Vol. II, No, 73,

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The Jaina temple built by Attimabbe at Lakkundi was the crowning glory of her pious achievements in temple construction; and we are told that she had erected till then 1500 Jaina shrines. We may particularly note in this connection the interesting fact that Lokkigundi was a great and prosperous Brahmanical agrahāra administered by One Thousand Mahajanas who are specifically referred to as the Dvijas and characteristically described in the epigraph as having been fond of the Vaishnava Hymn. Pleased with the creation of the magnificent temple in their town, the Mahajanas of the place designated it as the Brahma Jinalaya saying 'this Jina is verily our Brahma'.
141
Jainism continued to receive due sympathy and support from the magnanimous residents of the agrahara town of Lokkigundi at least till the end of the 12th century A. D. This may be gathered from a rapid review of a few more epigraphs discovered at Lakkundi. i) The inscription on the pedestal of an image in the Neminatha Basadi, bearing no date, states that the image was the gift of Samkhadēva of the Mūla Samgha and Dēva gaņa. ii) The epigraph on a stone slab found in the vacant site opposite to the Nagarēsvara temple registers the gift of a site for the charity house, made in favour of the god Tribhuvanatilaka Santinatha of the Vasudhaika-bāndhava Jinālaya, by the One Thousand Mahajanas of Lokkigunḍi. iii) The inscription engraved on a pillar in the maṇḍapa of the Sōmesvara temple, records a gift of gold made by the artisans of the temple of Bharatesvara to the god in A. D. 1118. From this it becomes clear that the pillar must have originally belonged to the Bharatesvara temple which is no more now. iv) The epigraph on the slab built into the roof of the Gaṇeśa shrine registers a gift of gold made by some merchants for the eightfold worship of the god in the Nōmpiya Basadi. The record is dated in A. D. 1185 in the reign of the Western Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla Sōmēsvara IV. The slab bearing the inscription must have been formerly set up in the Jaina temple and subsequently used in the construction of the temple of Ganesa after the former fell into disuse.
(.
HOSUR The epigraph engraved on a slab built into the roof of the Siva temple at Hosur in the Gadag taluk introduces a line of eminent teachers who belonged to the Yapaniya Samgha. The name of the gana is lost on account of the damaged condition of the record. Aycha Gavunḍa was a devout Jaina and he constructed a Jaina temple in memory of his deceased wife Kanchikabbe at Posavur which was his native place. To this temple
1
An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1926-27, Appendix E, No. 31.
2 Ibid., No. 34.
3 Ibid., No. 33.
4 Ibid., No. 53.
5 Bomb. Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, part i, No. 65.

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bo'made a gift of areca-nut garden and house-sites laving the feet of the preceptor Nagachandra Siddhānti in the year A. D. 1028–29, during the reign of the Western Châlukya king Jagadēkamalla I, when Rēvakabbarasi, wife of the governor Vāvanarasa was administering Posavür. Nāgachandra Siddhinti was a preceptor of great reputation, being the pupil of Jayakirti. An earlier preceptor of the line who bore the epithet Traividyadēva, is also nontioned in the inscription.
MUGAD; YAPANIYA PRECEPTORS: A record from Mugad in the Dharwar taluk reveals the existence of another important and well-established line of teachers of the Yāpaniya sect in that area. The epigraph is dated in A. D. 1045 in the reign of Somēśvara I and registers the gift of lands made by the local official Nārgāvuņda Chāvanda Gāvunda in favour of the Samyaktvaratnākara Chaityālaya constructed by him at Mugunda, for maintaining the repairs and feeding the visitors of the four castes. The gift was received by the senior preceptor Govardhanadēva. This teacher belonged to the Kumudi gana of the Yāpaniya Samgha. The inscription furnishes elaborate genealogical history of these teachers; but on account of the dininged condition of the epigraph in some parts, the successive relationship of some of the preceptors is not clear and the names of some of the intervening teachers appear to have been lost.
The earliest teacher mentioned is Śrikirti. After two or three names which are lost, comes Prabhāśasāňka or Prabhāchandra. Ekavira, Mahāvira, Simhanandi (?) and Narāndrakirti appear to have been the brother touchers of Prabhāchandra. The name of Prabhāchandra's disciple seems to be Nāgachandra. The co-preceptor of the latter was Niravadyakirti, who seems to have had a large number of colleagues who were almost contemporary. They were Vasudēva Svāmi, Pārsvadova Svāmi, Subhachandra, Madhavachandra, Balachandra and Rāmachandra. Rāmachandra had two disciples in Munichandra and Ravikīrti. After this we are introduced to the succession of Niravadyakīrti. He was followed by Govardhanadēva. Next comes Anantavirya whose relationship with Govardhanadēva is not dear. Kumārakirti was the co-teachar of Anantavirya and Dámadandi was the former's disciple. Dānanandi again had a brother teacher in Traividya Govardhanadēva whose disciple was Dāmanandi Gandavimukta. At the time of the gift mentioned before Traividya Govardhanadēva was the senior priest and pontiff controlling the affairs of the monastic organisation with its congregation of monks and lay disciples.
The family of Nārgāvuņda Chāvuņda Gāvuņda was a zealous adherent of the Jaina doctrine and this is attested by the following details. Maha.
1 Bomb. Karn. Insoriptions, Vol. I, part i. No, 78,

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Hi JAININEN KARNATAKA
samanta Martanda was the grandson of this Chāvunda. He subsequently repaired the temple constructed by his grandfather and erected a theatrical hall attached to it. This Mārtanda, we are told, was a worshipper of the goddess Padmavati. We may also note incidentally that Mugunda (modern Mugad) was situated in Mugunda Thirty which formed part of Mahārājavādi Nādu in the province of Palasige Twelve Thousand. This territory: was under the administration of the Kadamba feudatory Chattayyadēva.
MORAB: Morab in the Navalgund taluk appears to have been an important seat of the preceptors of the Yāpaniya sect. This is disclosed by a Nisbidhi memorial found in the place. The record on the memorial stone states that Nāgachandra Siddhāntadēva, the pupil of Jayakīrtidēva of the Yāpaniya Samgha, expired in Saka 981 (A. D. 1059 ) by the rite of Samnyasana in the Ghațântakiya Basadi. Nāgachandra is praised as a great scholar and he bore the significant title Mantrachūdāmaņi. The memorial was set up by Kanakaśakti Siddhāntadēva, disciple of Nagar chandra.
JĀVŪR: Interesting is the information furnished by an inscription from Jāvūro in the same taluk. We know from the record that the village Jāvūru had been endowed formerly to the temple of Jvālāmālini at Navilugunda, constructed by Jayakirtidēva. The gift was subsequently renewed and made over to Sakalachandra Bhattāraka. The teachers, Jayakirti and Sakalachandra, seem to have belonged to the Yāpanīya sect. It would appear from the information of this and the previous epigraph that the area of the Navalgund taluk was a stronghold of the Yāpaniya teuchers who were advocates of the cult of Jvālāmālini and proficient in the occult lore.
Soratūr: Coming to the reign of Bhuvanaikamalla or Sõmēsvara II we meet with an important official and feudatory governor who was a devout supporter of the Jaina faith. This was general Baladēvayya of the Ganga extraction, lord of the agrahāra town Saraţavura, who bore the titles Maha samantadhipati, Mahāpradbāna, Hõri-sandhivigrahi, eto. He was a younger brother of Beldēva who appears to be identical with the namesake of the Mulgund inscription of Somāśvara I. Baladēvayya constructed a Jaina temple at Saraţavura (modern Sorațūr, Gadag taluk ), which was named after him. To this temple he made a gift of land and it was entrusted into the hands of the nun Huliyabbājjike who must have been the managing trustee of the establishment. This nun was the disciple (sishyinti ) of Siriņandi Pandita of the Sūrastha gana and Chitrakūta anvaya.
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1928–29, Appendix E, No. 239. 2 Ibid. No. 228.

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Sirinandi. Pandita was the disciple of Kanakapandi Saiddhantika who had a colleague in Sakalachandra. Chandranandi was the preceptor of Sakalachandra whose pupil was Dāvanandi. As a rule, the male members of the monastic order are found to be in charge of the temples as the superintending priests; and so this instance of a nun holding that office is invested with peculiar interest. Baladevayya's guru was Nayasena who appears to be identical with Nayasena I of the Mulgund and Lakshmesvara records discussed above. The epigraph furnishing this information hails from Soratür' in the Gadag taluk and is dated in A. D. 1071.
GUDIGERE: Soon after this we meet with another member of the female section of the monastic order, who played a prominent rôle in a religious transaction, though her part is not as responsible as that of Huliyabbajjike of the above record. This was Ashṭōpavāsi Kantiyār who figures in an inscription from Gudigere in the Dharwar taluk, dated in A. D. 1076. She was a disciple of the eminent and highly influential preceptor Śrīnandi Pandita. At the instance of her teacher she made a gift of land for the benefit of the temple of Parsvanatha at Dhvajataṭāka which is a Sanskritised name of Gudigere. Ashṭōpavasi Kantiyār, it may be noted, is not a personal name, but an epithet connoting 'the nun of eight fasts.'
DONI: Dōni in the Mundaragi Petha was a conspicuous abode of the Jaina doctrine during the period of the 11th to the 13th century a. d. This town whose ancient name was Drōpapura, was being administered by Lakshmi Mahādēvi, the senior queen of Vikramaditya VI, in A. D. 1097. In that year a Jaina temple was constructed in this place by a merchant named Sōviseţți who made a gift of land for its maintenance into the hands of the preceptor Charukirti Pandita, the disciple of Munichandra Traividya of the Yapaniya Samgha and Vrikshamūla gana. Besides the temple constructed by Sōvisetți, a few more Jaina temples must have existed in this place formerly; but they have been wiped out of existence in course of time. This is revealed by the solitary idol of Parsvanatha lying in a desolate condition in front of the Maruti temple and by the inscription engraved on its pedestal."
1 Bomb. Karn. Inss., Vol. I, part i, No. 111. The name of the nan Huliyabbajjike is interesting. Huliyabbe was her proper name and the suffix Ajjike from Sanskrit Aryikä (Arya) is a Jaina conventional term connoting a nun. It may be compared with its other equivalents, Ajji, Ajjia, Aryangana, etc., we have already met with..
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 35 ff. The nun Ashṭopaväsi Kanti is referred to as the "fishyinti' of Srinandi in the record, which means 'a female disciple', being the Kannada feminine from of 'sishya,' Fleet who had edited this record has missed this correct sense (see p. 38).......
3 An. Rep. on S. 1. Epigraphy, 1927-28, Appendix E, No. 74.4 Ibid., No. 81.
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148 The epigraph refers to the Basadi of Marudēvi Avve and states that the ima ge of Párśvanātha was installed therein by the revenge official (Srikaraņādbisa) Boppana in A. D. 1269, when Tipparāja was governing the entire Karnāta Mandala. The name of the temple is interesting. Marudēvi, as we know, was the mother of the first Tirthakara Rishablanātha; and so the temple might have been erected to celebrate her sacred memory. Or else, it derived the name from a local lady of some distinction who was directly or indirectly associated with its construction.
NĪRalgt: An inscription from Niralgi in the Hāvēri taluk registers & gift of land to the temple of Mallinātha Jināśvara constructed by him in his village Nörilage by the regional administrative official ( Nāļprabhu) Mallagā. vunda. The record is dated in A. D. 1147 in the reign of Pratāpachakravarti Jagadēkamalla Il and mentions the Digambara Jaina teacher Hariņandidēva of the Müla Saṁgha, Sūrastha gana and Chitrakūţa anvaya."
MANGUŅDI: Mangundi in the Dharwar taluk rose to distinction as a conspicuous seat of the Jaina faith during the age of the 12th and 13th centuries A. D. It owned a famous Chaityālaya which was known as Nagara Jinalaya. This shrine seems to have been consecrated to the deity Pārsvanātha. The temple was under the management of the preceptors of the Yāpaniya sect. The Bhavyas or the lay followers of the faith residing in the village, inspired by religious fervour, made a series of grants for the benefit of the looal temple. Preceptor Bābubali Siddhāntidēva who was the trustee of the temple, received these gifts. The inscription furnishing these details refers to the reign of Jayakēsi III who was a prince belonging to the feudatory family of the Kadambas of Goa. The epigraph bears more than one date the last of which may be approximately equated with A. D. 1215. The record mentions the names of two generations of preceptors of Bāhubali. One of them appears to be Ekaviryāchārya and the name of his pupil is unfortunately obliterated. The village Mangundi is referred to in the epigraph as Manigu. ndi or Manigundage and also by the Sanskritised appellation Māņikyapura.'
GABAG: Garag, another village in the same taluk, appears to have been a resort of the preceptors belonging to the Kumudi gana of the Yāpani. ya Samgha. This fact is disclosed by two inscriptions found in that yillage. One of the epigraphs is much damaged and the other records the death of a teacher named Sāntivīradēva by the vow of Samādhi. The precise dates
1.
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1933-34, Appendix E, No. 61. 2 Ibid., 1926, Appendix 0, No. 439 and George M. Moraes: Kadamba Kula, Appendix
III, No. 6. 3 Ibid., Nos. 441 and 442.
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of these records cannot be ascertained, but they may be assigned approximately to the period of the 12-13th century A.D.
SHIRUR: An inscription has been found engraved on the pedestal of a l'irthakara image at Shirur in the Kundgōl taluk of the former Jamkhaṇḍi State. The epigraph' which might be ascribed approximately to the period of the 12th century A. D., states that the image of Pärsvanatha Bhaṭṭāraka was presented by Kaliseṭṭi to the Kusuma Jinalaya of the Yapaniya Samgha and Vrikshamula Samgha (evidently a mistake for gana). We may note here with interest the specific attribution of the temple to the Yapaniya sect.
KADAKOL: Kadakōl in the Hāvēri taluk appears to have been a fairly prominent Jaina locality many of whose residents and local officials were Jaina by persuasion. This may be seen from a number of stones and pillars bearing inscriptions, set up as Nishidhis to commemorate the deaths of the men and women devotees of the faith, found in the place. These epigraphs are dated in the 13th century A. D, and speak of the preceptor Śrīnandi Bhaṭṭāraka of the Mula Samgha and Sürastha gana, who appears to have been wielding ecclesiastical authority over the tract.'
KA UR GANA: Two undated inscriptions, one from Kalkeri in the Mundargi Petha and another from Kaginelli in the Hirekerür taluk, furnish information regarding the religious institutions of two monastic sections of the Kāņür gaņa. The former, engraved on the pedestal of a lost image, states that Hali Gavunda, disciple of Bhānukirti Siddhantadeva of the Müla Samgha, Kondakundanvaya, Kāṇur gana and Tintriņi gachchha, constructed a temple for Akalankachandra Bhaṭṭāraka of Kalkere, and installed the image of ParSvanatha therein." The latter, whose provenance is revealing, having been engraved on the belt of a sculptured pillar built into the wall of the tomb of Bhandarikēri Svami (of the Brahmanical order) in front of the Adikēśvara temple, registers gift of the pillar to the Basadi of the Kāņur gana and Meshapashāņa gachchha by the warrior chief Adityavarma. The epigraphs may roughly be ascribed to the period of the 13-14th century A. D.
SANGUR: An inscription from Sangür' in the Hāvēri taluk contains interesting information about a distinguished Jaina family that flourished here. When Harihara il was ruling at Vijayanagara and his provincial governor Madhava was in charge of the administration of Gōva Nagari, the latter had a
1 An. Rep. on. S. I. Epigraphy, 1938-39, Appendix E, No. 98.
2 Ibid., 1933-34, Appendix E, Nos. 51 and 53; Ind. Aut., Vol. XII, pp. 100-102. 3 Ibid, 1927-28, Appendix E, No. 51.
4 Ibid., 1933-34, Appendix E, No. 28.
5 Ibid., 1932-33, Appendix D, No. 105.

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4. JAINIKY IN KARNATAKA general named Jaina Mallapa. This Mallapa received gift of the village Changapura (modern Sangūr) from his superior, probably, for his faithful ser vioes Mallapa died at Gutti in the cyclic year Nala corresponding to A. D. 1377. His son was Sangamadēva. He also died in course of time by drowning himself in the sea in a. D 1395. Sangamadēva's son Nāmaņņa made a gift of land to the temple of Pārsvanātha of Sangür for conducting worship to the tombs of his ancestors who had died by the vow of voluntary death. The epigraph may be roughly ascribed to the 15th century A. D.
TAE SILAHĀRAS OF BASAVURA: A petty family of the Silāhāra stock was ruling in this area for more than four centuries and it deserves to be noticed that the members of this house consistently maintained their devotion to the Jaina doctrine. On account of their association with the administration of the area of Bāsavura, they may be conveniently called the Silāhāras of Bāsavura. Their praśasti avers that they were born in the lineage of Jimūtavāhana and belonged to the Khachara race; and from the other epithets therein it may be gathered that they bore the serpent emblem on their banner and were worshippers of the goddess Padmāvati.
The earliest known member of this house was Kaliyammarasa who was holding the office of Nālgāmundu in the reign of the Rashtrakūța emperor Amõghavarsha Nripatunga in the 9th century A. D. During the subsequent regimes of the Western Chālukyas of Kalyāņa and the Yādavas of Dēvagiri the status of this family seeins to have been raised; for the then members this house are seen styling themselves as the Mahāsākuantas and the Mahāmundalīśvaras. These chiefs held authority essentially over the tract of Bāsa. vura consisting of 140 villages, which appears to have been their native region. This fact is frequently mentioned in the epigraphs. Inscriptions referring to their activities hail from Kõļūr, Dāvagēri and other places in the Hāvēri taluk.
Gurras: Another family of petty chiefs living in this area, who gained some prominence in the history of Karnataka in the 11-12th century A. D., lent their support to Jainism. These were the Guttus of Guttal. This is gathered from an inscription found at Guttal in the Hávõri taluk. The epigraph, dated in A. D. ¡162, refers to the rule of the Mahamandalēsvara
madityarasa of the Gutta house and registers a gift of land made by him to the temple of Pārsvanātha constructed by Kētisetti. The record
1 Bāsavura which was the headquarters of these chiefs may be identified with the modern
village Hire Băsūr in the Hängal taluk. I have explored the place personally. It possesses traces of an old fort on the overhanging bill and other antiquities. The place
is referred to as Vyäsapura in a local inscription of the 12th century A. D. 2 An. Rep. (op. cit.), 1932-33, Appendix D, Nos. 10, 12, 19, 24, 32, eto.; and Ep. Ind.,
Vol. XIX, pp. 180 ff.

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148
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA also mentions two teachers, Somājvara Pandita and Maladharidēva of the Pustaka gachchha.'
Age op DECADENCE : The downfall of Jainism was partly due to the violent activities of the followers of the rival faiths and Karnataka was not free from outbursts of religious persecution. . Other calamities also were added to this. These observations are substantiated by a few epigraphs noticed in this area: An inscription from Aņņigēri' in the Navalgund taluk registers a gift of land to the god Trikūtāśvara of Gadag. The record is dated in A. D. 1184 in the reign of Tribhuvanamalla Sõmēśvara IV, the last ruler of the Chalukya house, and states that the gift was entrusted to the care of Vira Goggidēvarasa. This trustee of the Saivite temple appears to have been a local chief of some importance; and what is significant in the context is the display of the titles of this dignitary in the inscription, such as a death to the Jainas', 'an eagle to the Jaina snake'. This shows that hostile propaganda against the followers of the Jaina doctrine had been organised and the movement of persecution was already afoot in the country by the latter part of the 12th century A. D. This is further confirmed by the evidence of the famous inscription at Ablūre in the Hirekerür taluk, which graphically narrates the victories gained by that unflinching advocate of the Saivite faith, Ekāntada Rāmayya, against the adherents of Jainism by violent methods reinforced by mysterious miracles. The Ablür record is placed approximately by the end of the 12th century A. D.
Jaina religious institutions and works of art must have also become viotims of the forces of vandalism let loose in the country in the wake of foreign invasions. Revealing in this context are the incidents recorded in two insoriptions at Mulgund. One found on & pillar in the Pārsvanātha temple, refers to an encounter with the Mohammadans who burnt the temple of Pārsvanātha and states that the preceptor Sahasrakirti. of Lilitakirti Achārye of the Dēsi gana, Hanasõge anvaya and Pustaka gachchha, died in the fight. Another on a pillar in the Chandranātha Basadi' states that Bandămbike, wife of Nāgabhūpa, reconsecrated the image of Arhat Adinātha, which was polluted by the Mobammadans. The former epigraph bears no date and the latter is dated in A. D. 1675. It is not known whether the two records allude to one and the same raid by the Mohammadan aggressors or to two assaults on different occasions.
1 An. Rep. (op oit. ), No. 51. 3 Ibid., 1928-99, Appendix E, No. 207. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, pp. 297 ff. 4 An. Rep. (op. cit.) 1926–27, Appendix E, No. 92. 8 Ibid., No. 93.

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149
4. Madras Karnātaka
BALLARY DISTRICT ADONI: The area of the Adoni taluk appears to have come under the influence of Jainism at an early age and some of the Jaina relics preserved here deserve to be noted. On the Bárakilla Hill at
exists a rock-cut Jain temple which has treasured sculptures of the Tirthakaras seated in a row, carved in the rock. In the hill fort of Adoni has been discovered the figure of Pārsvanātha with writing inscribed on the rocky side. On a rock at Hālaharavi, a village in the Adoni taluk, has been found an important inscription of the Rashtrakūţa regime. It states that when Chandiyabbe, the queen of Kannara, was administering the district of Sindavādi One Thousand, she constructed a Jaina temple at Nandavara and made suitable provision for its maintenance. Mention is made of a teacher named Padmanandi. The record is dated in Saka 854 or roughly A. D. 932 in the reign of Nityavarsha who might be Indra III. There seems to be some discrepancy in regard to the date. Kannara referred to above might be Kțishņa III who appears to have been holding some subordinate position as a junior prince at the time.
KÕGALI: Kögali in the Hadagalli taluk was an important centre of Jainism from early times. Though the earliest inscription disclosing the prevalence of the faith here, belongs to the 10th century A. D., its history goes back to a still earlier age. The inscription on a slab set up near the Basti' or Jaina temple is dated in A. D. 992 in the reign of Abavamalla or Taila II, the founder of the Western Chālukya dynasty of Kalyāṇa. At that time the king was on his southern expedition and, having captured 150 royal elephants of the Chola king, had encamped at Rodda in the modern Anantapur District. The epigraph describes in detail the settlement of the revenue by allotting the lands and fixing the taxation for the several tenants of Kõgali, as sanctioned by the king. In this connection mention is made of the pontiff Gañadharadēva Bhattāraka who was the supreme religious head of the locality (sthānādhipati). An extensive area comprising several thousand acres of land was alienated and it was prescribed that the income derived from the transactions connected with the titles of land, etc., within the municipal limits of the town, should be utilised for the benefit of the local Jaina temple.
The epigraph found on another slab in front of the same Basti, furnishes interesting information in regard to the origin of the temple and
1 An. Rep. (op. cit.) 1916, Appendix B, No. 540. 2 8. I. L., Vol. IX, part I, No. 77. 3 Ibid, No. 117,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA takes the history of the place several oentaries back. It is stated that the temple was caused to be constructed by Durvinīta who may be identified with the Western Ganga king of the name who ruled in the 5th century a. D. The epigraph registers a gift of land to the temple by the preceptor Indrakīrti for imparting education. Indrakīrti belonged to the Dēsi gaņa of the Mūla Samgha and seems to have been an eminent scholar being respected even in the roy.al court. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Sõmēsvara I and bears the date A. D. 1055.
This inscription comprises an important land mark in the history of Kannada literature and deserves to be studied for its literary merit, particularly the portion relating to the prasasti of Indrakirti composed in the elegant Ragale metre. This prasasti constitutes an independent piece by itself and appears to have been inserted in the record by an admirer of the preceptor, who owned some skill in the art of poetic composition. Harihara (circa A. D. 1200) was the first great poet in Kannada who appropriated the Ragale metre successfully for his narrative compositions on an extensive scale and these are appreciated for their lucidity and easy flow. But here is an unknown poet, the author of the prasasti, who anticipated Harihara being anterior to him by a century and a half. The Jaina environment of the Ragale composition which is usually attributed to the Viraśaiva authors, also, deserves attention. Lastly, the name of the metre, as specifically mentioned in the epigraph, is Tomara Ragale, whereas the same is more familiarly known as Lalita Ragale to the students of Kannada literature,
After a gap of over two centuries we again obtain a glimpse of the state of Jainism in this place (i. e., Kõgali) from inscriptions engraved on the pillars of the same Basti (Jaina temple ) noticed previously. Both these records bear identical dates and refer themselves to the reign of the Hoysala king Rāmanātha. The epigraphs catalogue & series of grants made in the form of money for the daily ablution of the god Cheppa Pārsvanātha. The donors consist of several devotees including ladies, hailing from different regions and belonging to various classes of the society, such as looal officials and chiefs, civil and military funotionaries and prominent merchants. We may note with interest the following places associated with the names of the donors; Kollipāki (Hyderabad State), Hāniya, Koţțūr ( Bellury Dt.), Holagunde Sindavige (Sindagi, Bijapur Dt. ), Uchchangi (Mysore State), Lokundi (Lakkundi, Dharwar Dt.), Soye (modern Sögi, Bellary Dt.). The most significant fact to be noted is the reference to this place in
1 I have discussed in detail this topic along with others in my article entitled "Epigraphy
und Literature', published in the Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, 1946, June

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151 these inscriptions as a Tirtha (Kögaliya Tirtha) or "holy centre', pointing to its religious importance. The inscriptions are dated in a. D. 1276.
At the top of one of these epigraphs is an incomplete piece of writing made up of one verse in the Anushțubh metre in Sanskrit and unfinished part of another. It commences with the description of Kanakanandi Muni of the Samanta Jinālaya of Kollāpura and introduces his disciple Prabhā. chandra. It is not possible to explain, precisely, the purpose of this superscript and why it was left incomplete. But we are already aware of these teachers from the Terdā! record, and it is likely that they were in some way connected with this renowned religious centre in the south.
An eminent Jaina preceptor of Kõgaļi figures in an epigraph from Sögi' in the same taluk. But unfortunately on account of the damaged condition of the record we are not in a position to make out the necessary details about him. The inscription may be referred to the reign of the Hoysala king Vira Ballāļa II (A. D. 1173-1220). It registers a gift of land to the teacher Ubhayāchārya of Kõgali, who belonged to the Mūla Samgha, Dēsi gana and was connected with the monastic order of Hanasoge.
NANDI BĒVÕRU : Nandi Bēvūru, now an ordinary village in the Harapanahalli taluk, was a famous stronghold of the Jaina faith which attracted even members of the royal family and officers of state. In this place was residing in the 11th century A. D. a renowned Jaina teacher familiarly known as the AshţÕpavāsi Bhalāra or the preceptor of eight fasts.' The temple constructed by this teacher at Bāhūru (modern Nandi Bēvūru ) was recipient of a gift of extensive land from the chief Jagadēkamalla Nolamba Brahmādhirāja who was a wember of the Nolamba-Pallava royal family and governor of the region. The local officials and the Brāhmaṇa represeutatives of the locality readily accorded their assent to this religious transaction. Another member of the distinguished royal house, who held the fief of Kõgaļi Nādu, by name Ghaţtiyarasa Iriva-Nolamba Narasimghadēva, caused to be constructed a Débāra or sacred abode in the same place and bestowed it to the teacher. This teacher belonged the Mula Samgha, Dēsiga gaña, Postaka gachchha and seems to have had a disciple named Viranandi. The epigraph* furnishing this information is dated in a. D. 1054 in the reign of the Western Chalukya king Sõmēśvara 1.
MANNERA MASALEVADA: Mannāra Musalevāda, another village in the same taluk, sprang to fame in the 13th century A. D. on socount of the
1 s. I. I., Vol. IX, part I, Nus. 346-347. 3 Ibid., No. 360. 3 Dabara may be derived from Sanskrit. Dēvagņiba.' 4 S. L I, Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 110,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA pious works of a distinguished lady and her faithful son. Kamnayi, mother of Kāśava Paņdita, who was minister of the provincial governor Sāļiveya Tikamadēva, had constructed a Jaina temple dedicated to Pārsvanātha at Mosalevāda. It was subsequently repaired by Kētava Pandita and on this oocasion a gift of land was made for the service of the temple by the local chief Bhairavadēva with the cooperation of his officials and residents of the place. The endowment was left in the management of the preceptor Vinayachandra, disciple of Nēmichandra Rāvuļa, of the Mūla Samgha, Dēsi gana and Postaka gachchha. It is of particular interest to note that the donor Bhairavadova was a devotee of the god Chenna Kāśava and 'an ornament of the Vaishộava lineage'. The inscription" disclosing these facts refers itself to the reign of the Dāvagiri Yādava king Rāmachandradēva and bears the date A. D. 1297.
KOPATANI: Kudatani is a notable place in the Bellary taluk, which owns Jaina antiquities consisting of temples and sculptures.
RAYADURG : Rāyadurg, the headquarters of the taluk of the name, appears to have been a resort of the Jaina religion and specifically of the adherents of the Yāpanīya sect at a later period. This is disclosed by the epigraph engraved on the pedestal of the Rasāsiddha images in the locality. After referring to the construction of a Nishidhi, the inscription mentions the names of eight persons who were, possibly, authors of the sculptures. Among them were Chandrabhūti of the Mula Samgha and Chadrēndra, Būdayya and Tammaņa of the Yāpaniya Samgha."
ANANTAPUR DISTRICT KONDAKUNDE--KONAKONDLA: Now I approach in a solemn mood & unique place of great antiquity in the history of South Indian Jainism, though many of its mysteries are not fully revealed to us on account of the chequered activities of Time. I have visited the place in person and studied its antiquities carefully. The results of my investigations which are reinforced by the impressions I gathered about the place during my visit may be summarised as follows.
Modern Konakoņdla is a village about four miles towards south from the Guntakal Railway Station, situated in the Gooty taluk of the Anantapar Dt. Konakuņtla is another variant of the place name. The former is the official appellation of the locality and to all outward appearance it looks as though it is a Telugu village. But the fact that this is only a later metamorphosis brought about by the impact of Andhra culture and that the
1 8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 387. 3 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1914, Appendix B, No. 109.

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place originally belonged to Karnataka proper, is vouched not only by the Kannada epigraphs discovered in this place, but also by its earlier name Kondakundi still in use among the less sophisticated inhabitants of the region. It is known from the early epigraphs discovered here that Konḍakunde was the ancient name of the place.
The original name of the place appears to have been Kondakunda or Kondakunde which is a purely Kannada term. Whereas place names ending in 'kunda' or 'gunda' are rare in the Andhra parts, such are rather common in Karnāṭaka; for instance, Nargund, Navalgunda, Hungund, etc. Similarly, a large number of place names ending in 'kunram' can be traced in the Tamil country. 'Kunda' of Kannada may be equated with 'kunram' of Tamil and these mean 'a hill'. But when they form components of a place name, we may interpret them as a hill settlement'. Konda also means a hill in Kannada. Now the whole expression Konḍakunda may be construed to convey the sense of 'a place situated on or near a hill'. This description eminently suits even the presentday location of the village which lies in close proximity of a range of hills. Indications, however, are not lacking to assume that the early settlement of the village' commenced on or in the hill range itself.
I have discussed fully the history of Kopana or modern Kopbal in the Hyderabad State, as a supremely holy resort of the Jaina religion, below in Parts I and III of the Jaina Epigraphs. Konakondla or Kondakunde resembles Kopana in many respects. Firstly, both are situated in the hills which are similar to each other in their natural formation and picturesque topographical set up. These hills possess sheltering spots like the natural caves and caverns. Consequently, they comprise fitting resorts for the ascetics performing austerities in seclusion and retirement. Secondly, both have treasured antiquities of the Jaina creed. As we shall see presently, like Kopana, Kondakunde also was renowned as a Tirtha or sacred place in the mediaeval age. Thirdly, except in faint memory in some quarters, the eminence of Kondakunde, like that of Kopana, has been almost completely forgotton and remained unknown to the followers of the Jaina religion.
ANTIQUITIES: Now I would examine the antiquities. Most of the Jaina antiquities of Konakondla are to be traced in the hillock called Rasasiddhula Gutta, about two furlongs towards the north of the village. Rasasiddhula Gutta (in Telugu) means 'the hill of the Alchemists' and this name is
1 The fact that there were more than one settlement of the village is discolsed by the allusion to Kiriya Kopdakunde or minor Kondakunde occurring in the inscription on the hilllock Kailasappa Gutta; 8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 150, line 29.
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significant. On the top of the hillock is a shrine made up of improvised short walls on three sides and without roof. In this shrine are installed two images of Tirthakaras in standing postures, with triple umbrellas and attended by the Sasanadevatās. The sculptures are made of reddish granite stone and measure about 2 feet in height. They may be roughly attributed to the period of the 13th century A. D., if not earlier.
According to the popular belief these icons of Tirthakaras represent the Rasasiddhas or the mystic sages endowed with the art of alchemy. From their unfailing and repeated experiences, the villagers have learnt to recognise the efficacy of these deities possessing miraculous powers. Whenever the rains fail or are delayed, the inhabitants hold prayers and make their offerings in honour of these saints. And then, even before the pilgrims have left the hallowed precincts, they are favoured with the propitious rain.
On a rock behind the shrine of the Rasasiddhas or the Tirthakaras is engraved a big figure of the Jina standing on a lotus. Another rock nearby bears the engraved diagram of a circular Yantra possessing mystic significance.
INSCRIPTIONS: Several boulders not far away from the above shrine contain inscriptions incised on their rocky sides. Some of the epigraphs are in archaic characters of the 7th century A. D., while others belong to the age of the 10-11th century A. D. A few of the records at least could be definitely stated to be Jaina. An early epigraph roughly of the 7th century A. D. refers to 'one revered by Singanandi.' The name of the revered person is not disclosed. But it is apparent that he must have been a venerable personality, most probably, the preceptor of Singanandi; and very likely the epigraph was carved by Singanandi himself. Another inscription of about the 10th century A. D. states that it was the Nishidhi memorial of the teachar Nagasenadeva. A third epigraph of about the 16th century A. D. mentions Sri Vidyananda Svami who is probably identical with the great Jaina scholar Vadi Vidyananda' who flourished in the 16th century A. D. It is stated about this Vadi Vidyananda that he held great festivals in Kopana and other Tirthas. If the above surmise be correct, Vadi Vidyananda might have performed
1 The Jaina monks indulged in the practices of the Tantric cult and engaged themselves in alchemist pursuits in the later age of Jainism in South India. The above name is probably reminiscent of this state of affairs.
2 I may offer an alternative suggestion also. If, on palaeographical consideration, the record is to be placed in the 14th century A. D., theu Sri Vidyananda Svami would most probably be identical with his namesake of the Malkhed inscription; see below, the Jaina Epigraphs, No. 14.
3 Ep. Carn, Vol. VIII, Nagar 46

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155 sonde religious ceremony at Kondakunde also; because it was considered a Tirtha and associated with the sacred name of the great teacher Kondakunda.
We may next review here two more epigraphs found in other places at Konakondla. The inscription' engraved on a slab on the hillock called Kailasappa Gutta, registers a gift of land, flower-garden and house-sites for the benefit of the temple named Chatta Jinalaya. This was constructed at Kondakundeya Tirtha by a lady named Nalikabbe in memory of her deceased husband. The gift was made by Mahamandalösvara Jöyimayyarasa who was governing the tract of Sindavādi One Thousand in A. D. 1081 in the reign of the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya VI. It is of particular interest to note that the place is referred to in this record as a Tirtha, Koņdakunde being the name of the place. We may also note the establishment of the Jinālaya in this place.
Another inscription was found on a slab set up in front of Ādi Chennakēśava temple in the village. The record is, unfortunately, damaged and worn out and so its purport cannot be properly made out. It is a Jaina record. It commences with the familiar invocation to the Jinaśāsapa. The next few lines (ll. 3–10) seem to have contained the description of the place to the effect that it was renowned in the world, being the place of birth of the eminent teacher Padmanandi Bhattāraka who conquered the quarters with his doctrine of Anēkānta, a veritable ship to cross the ocean of worldly existence. The name Padmanandi occurs twice in the description and there is allusion to the Chāraņas, which bears significance ; for Kondakunda is invariably compared with the Chāraņas. After this comes the reference to the Kondakunda anvaya. I am inclined to think that in this highly interesting record, Kondakunda was praised under his proper name Padmanandi. This record would thus furnish almost a conclusive evidence in favour of the identification of the domicile of Koņdakunda with modern Konakondla. In the subsequent portion of the epigraph, we are introduced to a preceptor of great reputation by name Nayakīrtidēva Saiddhāntika Chakravarti, and to the prince Kumāra Tailapa who was administering the tract of Sindavāời wherein the village Kondakunde was situated. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Tailapa's father, the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (A. D. 1076-1126) and the portion containing the precise date seems to have been lost.
FURTHER EVIDENCE: Further, we may take into account a few of the sources that purport to connect the great teacher Kondakunda with this
1 S. I, I., Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 160. 2 Ibid., No. 288,

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place bearing the name. In his Śrutavatara, Indranandi mentions. the preceptor Padmanandi who hailed from Kundakundapura and this Padmanandi has been accepted as identical with Koṇḍakundacharya.1 In the Śravana Belgola epitaph of Mallisheņa, Koṇḍakundacharya is referred to as Kaunda kunda' which shows that he belonged to a place named Kondakunda or Kunḍakunda. More explicit is the statement contained in an inscription of A. D. 1134 from Bastihalli, which refers to the pervading fame of the eminent sage (Kondakunda) who, a fountain of the sentiment of tranquillity (santarasa-pravaha), as it were, hailed from Kondakunde graced by the Charanas. Then, there is preserved a tradition prevailing in these parts, which associates this place with Koṇḍakundacharya; and the authenticity of this tradition stands unquestioned. We may also note in this context that Jaina families had survived in this locality within the living memory of the present generation, though it is a pity that not a single follower of the Jaina faith is residing here at present.
CONCLUSION: Thus judging on the whole from the weight of the above substantial evidence based on a variety of reliable sources, the conclusion seems to be irresistible that the great teacher Kondakundachārya hailed from this place whose earlier name was Kondakunda or Kondakunde and which was subsequently changed to Konakondla under the invence of Telugu, possibly, in the later age of the Vijayanagara regime. The real name of the teacher was Padmanandi, but, in course of time, this name was pushed into the back-ground; and he came to be distinguished more prominently on account of his unique personality, by the characterstic name of the place which was his domicile. This name which was originally Dravidian in general and Kannada in particular, was Sanskritised into Kundakunda and Kundakunda. Still the Dravidian form of the name persisted with equal credit and this is attested by the numerous allusions to the teacher as Kondakunda, especially in the epigraphs.
A JAINA TIRTHA: Kondakundacharya seems to have flourished in the first century A. D.; and this place had possibly developed as a stronghold of Jainism even prior to this age. But it must have sprung to much fame through that eminent preceptor and his well-organised religious activities. This place owned the standing reputation of a Tirtha by the time of the 11th century A. D.; and it might have maintained its fame until a few
++
1
Pravachanasara, Introduction, pp. 4 and 18.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 190, line 13.
3 Rp. Carn., Vol. V, Belur 124.
4
An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1916, p. 134.
5 Pravachanasara, Introduction, p. 22.
6 Jaina Literature and History (Hindi), p. 11.

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centuries later. The sanotity enjoyed by this place and the eminence attributed to it as & Tirtha must have been due to its importance as & Jaina religious centre, as vouched by the preponderence of Jaina relics and associations which are earlier and more numerous than the Brahmánical ones. In faot there is nothing outstanding in the Brabmanical antiquities of the place to justify its claim for a Brahmanical Tirtha.
COMPARISON WITH KOPAŅA: As compared to Kopaņa which was reputed as a Mahātirtha, the Jaina relics of Kondakunde are not as numerous and of as early an age as one would expect them to be, considering its antiquity and eminence. Perhaps therein lies the difference between a Tirtha and a Mahātirtha. There seems to be another reason that explains the comparatively lesser number of earlier Jaina relics at Kondakunde. The practice of inscribing on stone and carving out sculptures in the rock was not rather common in the age in which Kondakundāchārya flourished, as was the case in the later period, say, from the 8th and 9th century A. D. onwards. Besides, on account of its geographical position Kopaņa seems to have been placed in very congenial circumstances, especially political, that contributed to its rapid growth as a Mahātirtha. On the contrary, situated in the border land between Karnātaka and Andhra, Kondakunde had to pass through several vicissitudes many of which must have proved trying, on account of the changing political conditions under the administration of various ruling familiesa professing different faiths. With all this, one is impressed with the simple grandeur and unique glory of Konďakunde that has given to the world the great Kondakunda, one of the greatest exponents of Jaina philosophy and the Leader of Jaina church in South India.
I MADAKASIRA Taluk: The tract of the Maďakasirā taluk must have been a renowned abode of Jaina faith. This is realised from a study of the Jaina antiquities such as temples, Nishidhi memorials and inscriptions found in a considerable number in the villages of Hēmāvati, Amarapuram, Kottasīvaram, Pātasīvaram and Tammadahalli. Hēmāvati was one of the capitals of the Nolamba-Pallava chiefs. A damaged inscriptions on a broken pillar in the courtyard of the Siva temple in this place dated about the 9th century A. D., seems to record some donations to a local Jaina temple by the Nolamba-Pallava ruler Mahendra I and his son Ayyapa.
1 A perusal of the inscriptions found at Konakondla itself shows that it was under the
rule of the Western Chalukyas, the Telugu Cholas, the Nolamba-Pallaves and others. See An. Rep. on 9. I. Epigraphy, 1912, Appendix C, No. 76-78; 1916, Appendix B
Nos, 566-66; eto. 2 Ibid., 1917, pp. 71-75. 3 8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. i. No. 19,

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AMARĀPURAM: At Amarapuram in the 19th century A. D. came into being a magnificent temple dedicated to the god Prasanna Pārsvadēva which was named Brahma Jinālaya. Bālēndu Maladhāridēva, senior pupil of Tribhuvanakirti Rāvula, who belonged to the Mula Samgha, Kondakundānvaya, Dôsiya gaña, Pustaka gachchha and Ingalēsvara bali, was responsible for the creation of the holy structure. Mallisetti, a lay disciple of the former teacher, made a gift of 2000 aroca trees at Tammadaballi for the benefit of the temple. The income derived from the gift was to be used for reconstructing the Jaina temple with stone from the foundation to the pinnacle with the mahāinandapa, bhadramaņdapa, Lakshmimaņdapa, gõpura, enclosure, vandanamnālā (festoons ), mānastambha, sampūrņavāhana and makaratorana. The gift was received by the temple priest Chellapille who hailed from Bhuvalūkanāthanallūr in the southern Pāņdya country. He was a Jina Brāhmaṇa of Yajurvēda, Aitaröya sākkā, Vasishtha götra and the pravara, Kaundinya-Maitrāvaruņa-Vasishtha.' These Brahmanical attributes of the Jaina priest are worthy of note. At this time the region was under the administration of the Noļamba-Pallava chief Irungoļa II who was a patron and follower of the Jaina religion. The record furnishing this information is dated in A. D. 1278. Bāļēndu Maladhāri was an influential preceptor and he also figures in other records of the tract.
Amarapuram contains a good number of Nisbidhi memorials one of which refers to the teacher Prabhăchandra Bhattāraka of Ingalēsvara bali of the Müla Saṁgha, etc. Another celebrates the demise of the preceptor Bhāvasāna Traividya-chakravarti who was a terror to the disputants and belonged to the Müla Sangha, Sēna gana."
KOTTASĪVARAM: The dilapidated mapdapa seen at the entrance into the village of Kottasivaram was originally a decent Jaina temple constructed by a preceptor and renovated by a distinguished lady of the ruling family, This is known from the insoriptions engraved on two of its pillars. One of them states that the Jaina temple was built by Dāvanandi Acharya pupil of Pusbpanandi Maladhāridēva, of Kāṇūr gana and Kondakundanvaya. The other introduces Alpadēvi, wife of the above-noticed Nolamba-Pallava governor Irungola II, and informs that she protected the Jaina charity while it was in a ruined state. Alpadēvi appears to have been a lady of the Alupa
2 3 4 6 6
An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1917, Appendix 0, No. 42 Ibid., No. 40 and p. 113. Ibid., No. 43. Ibid., No. 44. Ibid., No. 21. Ibid., No. 20.

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extraction: She was a devout adherent of the Jaina faith, being a lay disciple of the Kāṇur gana and Koṇḍakundānvaya.
PATASIVARAM : The inhabitants of the village of Patasivaram in the 12th century A. D. must have considered themselves fortunate on account of the presence in their midst of an eminent teacher of the Jaina Law who was an ardent apostle of truth and non-violence. He was as earnest and compassionate in his teachings as he was severe and rigorous in his own studies and incessant religious practices. This was the illustrious Padmaprabha Maladharidēva, disciple of Viranandi Siddhanta-Chakravarti, of the Mula Samgha, Desi gana and Pustaka gachchha. The damaged record on the pillar standing at the southern entrance into the village describes at length the great qualities of this teacher.
PADMAPRABHA MALADHARI: The preceptor Padmaprabha was constantly engaged in contemplating the supreme truth which is immutable, boundless and self-existent. He never indulged in discussions that would hurt the feelings of others. The epigraph gives the following details of date: Saka 1107, Viśvāvasu, Phalguna śu. 4, Bharani, Monday, end of the first naḍi after midnight. The equivalent of this date would be A. D. 1185, February 24, Monday. On this day and at the time specified, Padmaprabha Maladhari was liberated from this worldly bondage i. e., passed away. This information is contained in a verse in the Mahasragdhara metre in the inscription (lines 30-34) of published text which needs emendation. The text emended with the help of the original impressions of the epigraph would read thus: सकवर्ष सदुक्षिति ११०७ परिमितिविश्वावसुप्रान्तफाल्गुumamega 1 ugefifafugazzvi diwarıð um- i fueznedesingle fuisalamocjaaquari gस्तकगच्छं मूलसंघ यतिपतिनुतदेसीगणं मुक्तनादं ॥
The inscription belongs to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Sōmesvara IV. At this time Tribhuvanamalla Bhōgadeva Chōla Maharaja of the Nolamba-Pallava family, was the feudatory governor administering the province from his headquarters at Henjeru. The composition on the second face of the pillar seems to have contained the genealogical account of the spiritual line of this teacher in Sanskrit verse; but unfortunately it is obliterated. We may however note here the occurrence of the name Kirtishēņa of a teacher.
Padmaprabha Maladhari is a memorable personality in the Jaina holy literature. He is the author of a commentary known as Tatparya-vṛitti on the treatise Niyamasara of Kopḍakundacharya. The commentator
18. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 278.

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Padmaprabha was the disciple of Virapandi and he describes himself in his work by the epithets, Sukavi-jana-payōja-mitra (sun to the lotuses, the benevolent poets), Panchendriya-prasara-varjita (free from all projected activities of the five senses) and Gatramatra-parigraha (one whose only possession was his physical body).' It is of interest to note that besides the fact of his being a pupil of Viranandi, the last two of the above epithets are found in the prasasti of Padmaprabha Maladhari occurring in the above inscription at Patasivaram. Hence it is beyond doubt that Padmaprabha Maladhari of the Pataśīvaram epigraph must be the renowned author of Jaina religious work Tatparyavṛitti.
Two inscriptions from the Tumkur District in the Mysore State furnish interesting information testifying to the eminence of Padmaprabha Maladhari and his sphere of influence. One is from Niṭṭuru' in the Gubbi taluk which speaks of a pious lady called Jainambikā as a lay disciple of this preceptor. Another is found in a Jaina temple on the hill at Niḍugallu3 in the Pavugaḍa taluk, This epigraph purports to record the erection of a Jaina temple by a local chief named Gangeyana Māraya. But the inscription prob ing deeper into the history of the religious associations of the donor, narrates that he was initiated into the Jaina faith by Nemi Pandita. Now this Nēmi Pandita, we are told, had attained the summum bonum of his life by serving at the feet of his master Padmaprabha Maladhāridēva, a veritable sage of perfection on the face of this earth (mēdini-siddha). The epigraph further states that Padmaprabha was a disciple of Viranandi Siddhanta-Chakravarti and that he belonged to the Müla Samgha, Desiya gana, Pustaka gachchha, Koṇḍakundanvaya and Vanada bali. These details confirm the identity of Padmaprabha Maladhāri mentioned in the Patasivaram and Niḍugallu epigraphs. The Niṭṭūru and Niḍugallu inscriptions are dated about A. D. 1219 and 1232 respectively and it is clear that Padmaprabha was not living by this time. We may incidentally note the lineage Vanada bali of the monastic order attributed to Padmaprabha in the inscription from Niḍugallu.
TOGARAKUNTA: Togarakunta in the Dharmavaram taluk had attained importance in the age of the 11-12th century A. D. by the activities of the advocates of the Jaina doctrine. A damaged inscription on a stone found in a field near the village refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI and states that his Mahāmaṇḍalēśvara Kumāra Tailapa who is noticed in a former record, was governing the district of Sindavaḍi One Thousand. This Kumara or prince was a son of the king by his queen
1 Compare, Jaina Literature and History, pp. 453 ff.
2 Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Gubbi 8.
3 Ibid., Pavagada 52.

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ici Chandaladēvi who is also mentioned in the epigraph. From the references to his exploits in the praśasti he appears to have played a distinguished role in the campaigns of his father against the Cholas and the Vôngi kingdom. The inscription seems to record gifts of land, garden, house-sites, etc., sanctioned in favour of the god Chandraprabha in the Basadi at Togarikuņte by prince Tailapa at the request of the local officials. The record mentions at the end the preceptor Padmanandi Siddhantadēva of the Krāņür gana."
PENUGONDA: Penugoņda or Penukoņda possesses a few Jaina antiquities; and the place appears to have attained a high status as a Jaina centre in the later period, particularly by virtue of its added political importance as the capital of the Vijayanagara empire. Jinabhushana Bhattāraka mentioned in the inscription in the Pārsvanātha Basadi of the place was probably an early pontiff associated with this region. According to the tradition current among the Jaina community of the Mysore area, Penugoņda is reckoned as one of the four Vidyāsthānas of the Jaina church along with Delhi, Kolhāpur and Jina Kānchi. It is of interest to note that this tradition has been authenticated having been incorporated formally in an epigraph of the Nāgamangala taluk, Mysore State.
This inscription" introduces the pontiff Lakshmisēna Bhatýäraka as the lord of the Siṁhāsanas or spiritual thrones of Dilli, Kollāpura, Jina Kānchi and Penugoņda. Here the term Vidyāsthāna, occurring in similar contexts elsewhere, is replaced by Simbāsana ; and we might see from the praśasti of the Malkhēd teachers, discussed in Part I of the Jaina Epigraphs, that both these terms were treated as synonymous. The inscription refers to the grant of a village received by the teacher from the Mysore king Dēvarāja and may be roughly assigned to a. D. 1680.
Leaving aside the authority over the Delhi region, which needs further confirmation, the inclusion of the other three places in the praśasti of the preceptor Lakshmīsēna, may probably be justified on the assumption that they were the main centres of Jainism in the south recognised among the followers of the faith in that area and at that period. As noticed previously,
s tradition is mentioned in a late inscription froin the Kolhapur region also. We can also see that the region of Penugoņda must have contained a large following of the Jaina fuith. This is attested by the famous charter of the Vijayanagara king Bukka I (A. D. 1368 ), which specifically mentions, along with others, the Jainas of the Penugoņda Nādu, or Penugoņda region.
1 8. I. I., Vol. IX, part i, No. 221. 2 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1902, Appendix A, No. 345. 9 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXII, p. 460. 4 Ep. Carn., Vol. IV, Ng. 43. 5 Ibid., Vol. II, No. 334.
21

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA The history of the pontifical throne of Penugonda seems to date from an early epoch. Jinabhūshaņa figuring in the inscription of the Pārévanātha Basadi mentioned before, might be an early pontiff of this place. The monastic affiliations of this preceptor are not known and we are not sure if the same line continued in an unbroken chain. Any way pontiffs of the Sēna gana are seen exercising the spiritual authority from their seat attached to the Pārsvanātha temple at Penugonda in the 16th century A. D. Pāyaṇavrati,' the author of the Kannada work Samyaktva. kaumudi, was a disciple of the pontiff Lakshmisēna Muni of Penugonda and he lived approximately in the 16th century A. D. Lakshmisēna of the Nāgamangala taluk record might be his later successor.
SALEM DISTRICT Dharmapuri in the Dharmapuri taluk came to the forefront as a resort of the Jaina faith through the efforts of a few zealous devotees in the 9th century A. D. Its ancient name was Tagadūru. Two residents of the place Nidhiyunna and Chandiyaņņa built here a Jaina temple and secured an endowment of the village Mulapalli, free from all encumbrances, from the Nolamba -Pallava king Mahõndra 1. The gift was received by Kanakasēna Siddhānta Bhatāra, pupil of Vinayasõna Siddhānta Bhatāra, of the Müla Samgha, Sõna anvaya and Pogariya gana. Mahöndra I, it may be noted, had chosen Dharmapuri as his headquarters at this time and was having a palace here. Four Samayis, the Nādu, Nakara and the Naraśāsana were the witnesses to this transaction. Some years later the same temple received a gift of another village from Mahöndra I's son Ayyapadēva,
NolamBA-PALLAVA Chiefs: As territorial governors of the feudatory family, the Nolamba-Pallava princes ruled over large parts of Karnāțaka, com mprising portions of the Mysore State and the districts of Bellary, Anantapur and Salem. Mahöndra I of the above record was the first distinguished ruler who expanded and established his dominion on a firm footing. Ancient Henjēru which is modern Hēmāvati in the Anantapur District, was one of the capitals of this family. The Nolamba-Pallava chiefs, though all of them were not formal adherents of the faith, cherished great regard for the doctrine of Lord Jina and warmly patronised the Jaina religious institutions in their kingdom. We have seen how Mahēndra I and his son Ayyapadēva figure as the donors to a Jaina temple in a record from Hömāvati.
The grant made to & Jaina shrine at Marāļ in the Hungund taluk of the Bijāpur Dt. by another ruler of the family, by name Ghateyankakāra,
1 Karnataka Kavicharite, Vol. II, p. 332, 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. X, pp. 65 t.

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has been noticed previously. Further, we have the instances of three chiefs of the same lineage, Trailōkyamalla Nolamba-Pallava Permanaḍi, Jagadōkamalla Nolamba Brahmadhirāja and Ghaṭṭiyarasa Iriva-Nolamba Narasinghadeva, one as the provincial governor, another as the chief of the district and the third as the feudal lord of the tract, all joining together and making their contributions for the promotion of the Jaina religion, in the record from Nandi Bēvūru. Lastly, we may note Tribhuvanamalla Bhōgadēva Chōla Mahārāja of the Patasivaram record, who was a patron of the faith, and Irungōla II and his queen Alpadovi of the Amarapuram and Kottasivaram inscriptions, who were its formal followers and promoters.
SOUTH KANARA DISTRICT
The District of South Kanara is immensely rich in Jaina antiquities, though they are of a late period. In this region is surviving still a large number of Jaina centres which have preserved the religious and social traditions of the oreed. Most of the antiquities of this area have been explored and a good many inscriptions have been fully published in the volumes of Epigraphia Indica and South Indian Inscriptions. The full texts of the inscriptions at Karkala, Mūḍabidure, Voņur and other places are available for study in one place in Volume VII of the latter publication. Historical accounts of some of these centres and epigraphical collections of a few individual places have also been published by several writers in the Gazetteers, Manuals, Survey Reports, etc. The material is too vast to be brought within the limited compass of this brief sketch. It would be an act of real justice if the whole material is studied critically and presented in a decent monograph.
5. Some Notable Facts
In this section I propose to examine some notable facts connected with the history of the Jaina faith in Karnāṭaka. As these facts have not been adequately noticed by other writers, I think it necessary to deal with them here though concisely. Further justification for the treatment of these topics is to be found in the larger context and wider setting of South Indian Jainism wherein we have pitched our studies. For, some facts the significance of which is not properly understood when viewed from a single provincial angle, become conspicuously luminous when placed in juxta-position with similar facts in other parts of the country. This is realised by a comparative study of the main currents of the Jaina religious movement particularly in Karnataka on the one hand and in the Tamil country on the other.
THE YAPANIYAS : The Yapaniyas seem to have played an important rôle in the history of Jainism in South India by influencing the religious

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thought and moulding the monastic traditions of its teachers. Except for one or two legendary accounts of doubtful authenticity, recorded in later literary treatises, not many historical facts are known regarding the origin of the Yapaniya sect. Still, we may take it as fairly certain that this sect was founded in the early centuries of the Christian Era soon after the division of the Jaina church into the Svētāmbara and Digambara orders and that the early provenance of this sect was somewhere in the northern region of Karnataka. A large number of allusions to the Yapaniyas found in the epigraphs of the Kannada country as contrasted with their almost total absence in other regions, shows that the Yapaniyas were, rather exclusively, a product of Karnataka Jainism and that they grew from strength to strength and developed several monastic orders of their own, encouraged by the ruling class and supported by the sections of the populace in many parts of Karnataka from the age of the fifth to the fourteenth century A. D. But it is rather curious to find at the same time that the Yapaniya teachers figure very rarely in the inscriptions of the southernmost parts of Karnataka including Mysore. No preceptor of the Yapaniya order is mentioned in the epigraphs of Sravana Belgola, at least in an explicit manner.
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
As a result of the researches conducted during the past half a century and over, existence of the preceptors of the Yapaniya sect has been revealed in the following places: 1) Āḍaki, Sēḍam and Tengali in the Gulbarga District of the Hyderabad State. This is known from the epigraphs edited in Part II of the Jaina Epigraphs (author's collection). 2) Honnur, Kāgavāḍ, Kolhapur and Rayabag in the Kolhapur region. 3) Badli, Belgaum, Eksambi, Halsi, Hannikeri, Hukeri, Hūli, Kalbhāvi and Saundatti in the Belgaum District. 4) Aihole (?), Hullur and Marol (?) in the Bijapur District. 5) Dōņi, Garag, Hosur, Javur, Manguṇḍi, Morab, Mugad, Navalgund and Shirur in the Dharwar Districit. 6) Rayadrug in the Bellary District. 7) Silāgrāma and Siddhakēdâra in the Mysore State (?). Some of these were very influential centres of the sect.*
may here supplement the above account of the Yapaniya organisations by additional information based on further epigraphic material
1 Journ. of Bomb. University, Arts and Law, 1933, May, pp. 224 ff; Jaina Literature and History (Hindi), p. 41.
2 As some of these centres, e. g., Sedam, Javür, Navalgund, were also noted for the prevalance of the cult of Jvälāmālin!, I am inclined to believe that the Yapaniya teachers, along with others, might have been also responsible for its popularity. Šilagrāma is mentioned in the Kadaba Plates of Prabhutavarsha; Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 345,

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that is available now. Two strongholds of the Yapaniya monks have been discovered in the old Parasgad or present Saundatti taluk of the Belgaum Dt., one at Hosûr and another at Manoli. At the former village flourished during the age of 11-12th century A. D. a line of renowned preceptors who belonged to the Kandur gana of the Yapaniya Samgha. The record furnishing valuable details regarding these teachers was damaged and broken into more than one piece when I visited the place in 1940-41. The fragments were lying near the temple of Basavanna and no whereabouts of the Jaina shrine which is referred to in the inscription as having been dedicated to Santinatha Tirthankara and with which these preceptors were obviously connected, could be traced. Some of the names of the preceptors occurring in the genealogical account of this monastic organisation, be noted here; Subhachandra (I), Chandrakirti, Subhachandra (II), Nēmichandra (I), Kumārakirti, Prabhachandra, Nēmichandra (II).
may
4. JAINISM IN KARNATAKA
The other inscriptions also were secured by me in the same year on partly buried slabs of stones set up in a neglected corner of the village Manoli near the shrine of a local deity named Kariyavva. They constitute three Nishidhi records commemorating the demise of reputed Jaina preceptors who lived and preached here during the 12th century A. D. Three teachers are known from these epigraphs, viz., Bālakirti, his disciple Munichandra, his pupil Palyakirti. Munichandra was a divine of much influence. He was the high priest of the Jaina temple built at Munivalli (i. e., modern Manoli) by Siriyādēvi and a lady of high status who was his lay disciple, was responsible for the erection of his Nishidhi. It is interesting to note that these teachers belonged to the Vadiyur or Vamdiyūr gaņa of the Yāpaniya Samgha. Vamdiyūr gana is one of the less known monastic sections of the Yapaniyas, though we have come across this name more than once in our survey. This name of the order is displayed prominently on the top panel of one of these epitaphs.
Turning to the Dharwar Dt., two more strongholds of the Yapaniya monks are disclosed as having existed in the area near Hubli during the age of the 18th century A. D. One is the suburb of modern Hubli called Hale Hubballi and the other Adargunchi. The inscription on the pedestal of a Jaina image kept in the Anantanatha Basadi at the former place, mentions the Yapaniya Samgha and Kāḍur gana which is evidently the same as Kandur gana. The epigraph at Adargunchi found on a stone set up near a field, records the grant of land made by the Gaundus and the Sthānikas of Adirgunte
1 I am grateful to the authorities of the Epigraphical Branch for their kind permission to utilise this unpublished material in the proof stage, which is accessible to me as a member of the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India. These epigraphs have been registered as Nos. 15 and 63 to 65 of 1940-41, Appendix E, An. Rep, on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-40 to 1942-43,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (ie, modern Adargunchi) in favour of the Jaina temple at Uchchangi which belonged to the monks of the Kāļür gana of the Yāpanīya Samgha. Vahchangi, it may be noted, is identical with the present day neighbouring village Buďarsingi.
An important monastic organisation of the Yapanīyas was the Nandi Samgha and a well-known branch of this was the Pannāgavsikshamūla gana. Most of the preceptors figuring in the epigraphs belong to this gaña, The Vrikshamūla gana mentioned in an inscription from Döņi noticed before, appears to have been identical with the Punnāgavrikshamūla gana. Besides this gana, the Yapanīyas had other influential, though less known, monastic orders. They are the Kumudi gana described in the Garag and Mugad charters; Kandur gaņa mentioned in the Adargunchi, Hosūr, Hubli, Hõli, Hullūr and Saundatti epigraphs; Maduva gana occurring in the Sodam record; Vandiyūr gaņa referred to in the Ādaki, Sūļi, Tengali and Manoli insoriptions; and Kāreya gaña and Mailāpa apvaya met with in the Badli, Hanniköri, Kalbhvki and Saundatti insoriptions. Existence of all these ganas has been colleotively noticed here for the first time. No gachchha is associated with the Yāpanīyas, though Nandi Samgha itself seems to have been referred to as Nandi gachchha in an inscription from the Andhra region. This inscription is the Maliyapūņdi grant of Ammarāja II, reviewed in detail while dealing with Jainism in the Andhra Dēša. In this epigraph mention is made of the Maduva or Köțimaļuva gana of the Yāpaniya Samgha and Nandi gachchha. This is the only instance so far known, revealing the existence of the teachers of the Yāpaniya Sangha in the Andhra country.
No evidence is available so far to show if any preceptors of the Yāpaniya Sangba bad penetrated into the Tamil country.
SVĒTĀMBARA INFLUENCE: Though no direct proof is forthcoming in regard to the activities of the Yāpaniyas in the Tamil land, I am inclined to think that their reformist precepts and liberal practices had much to do in shaping the traditions of the Jaina church in that region even to a larger extent, so to say, than in Karnātaka which was their stronghold. No doubt, as I have discussed before, the Svētāmbaras also had led their missions at an early age in South India; the Svētāmbara monks were in a prosperous state in the area of Banavāsi in the 5th century A. D.; and traces of their following are to be notioed in the southern part of the Telugu country till as late a period as
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy Nos. 34 and 3 of 1941-42. Near the village Adargunohi is a
shrine dedioated to the deity popularly known and adored under the pame Doddappa. As indioated by the name, the idol is fairly big; bat on sorutiny it is revealed that the image is of Mahā virm. The village folk are quite innocent of this fact.

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167 the 16th century A. D.. But still, the Svētambara preceptors were never prominent in the history of the Jaina church in South India.
The Jaina church in South India was apparently dominated by the preceptors of the Digambara order. But a careful study of its working as gleaned from its teachings and particularly its practices reflected in the epigraphical and other sources, leads us to the conviction that the rigidity of doctrine generally attributed to this order was hardly maintained and rarely transformed into action. This need not be interpreted as a reflection on the slackness or lack of moral courage on the part of its preachers. We have to search for the reasons that were responsible for what may be described as the toning down, in the environments these teachers were placed in and in the conditions through which they had to work their way.
All religions have their moorings in social surroundings and these act and react reciprocally. However lofty and rigid the precepts of a religion, they have to be adapted to suit the standards of the people, if that religion is to prosper as a faith. The leaders of the Jaina church in South India who were as practical and sagacious in their social outlook as they were zealous and steadfast in their religious beliefs, chalked out their Own course to achieve their end. The founders of the Yapaniya school appear to have been the early pioneers of the reformist movement in the Jaina church of South India and their example and precept seem to have been followed and assimilated by the teachers of several other monastic orders, tacitly, without making much fuss about it. It is known to the students of Jainism that some of the dogmas of the Yapaniya sect were directly influenced by the doctrines of the Svētāmbara cshool.
REFORMIST TRENDS: I am not concerned here with the theoritical
discussion of the different doctrines advocated by the Svētāmbara, Digambara and Yapaniya schools. So I shall confine myself here with a brief review of three main doctrines of the Yapaniya sect, which testify to its liberal religious outlook and must have made deep impressions on the social life of the people. They are thus:1
1) Parasāsaně mokshaḥ; the followers of the other doctrines also can attain salvation.
2) Sagranthanam mokshaḥ; not necessarily the monks, even the householders are entitled to freedom from worldly bondage.
1 Journ. of Bomb. University (op. cit), p. 227, extract from Śrutasagara's commentary. Compare, Jaina Literature and History, p. 44.

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8) Strinam tad-bhavē mokshaḥ; women can attain liberation in this
It is needless to describe why and how these generous precepts followed by persuasive practices might have contributed to the great popularly and warm reception of the Jaina preceptors wherever they went. I may pointedly refer in this context to the reply given by the nun Kavunti to the Brahmana as an illustration of the proselytizing policy adopted by the Jaina teachers in the Tamil country in particular, as noticed in my review of the Silappadikaram in the 4th Section of the previous Chapter. The same sense of accommodation and capacity for adaptability must have been responsible for the popularisation of the Yakshi cult and also for the ceremonial and ritualistic innovations in respect of the worship of gods by the Jaina priests in South India.
POSITION OF WOMEN: By far the most outstanding factor, more than anything else, that might have contributed to the success of the Jaina faith in South India, appears to be the liberal attitude towards women evinced by the Yapaniyas. For, women are the most potent transmitters of the religious ideas and practices, particularly in India, and the teacher who is able to capture their religious propensities, rules the society. In spite of their rather not ungenerous attitude towards women, entertained by the teachers of the Brahmanical schools, and also of the Buddhist faith, I think, no emphatic assurance like striņām tad-bhavē mokshaḥ, was ever held forth by them. Consequently women must have been induced, in large numbers, to follow the faith that gave them this assurance and quenched their spiritual yearnings.
We meet with a large number of women as lay followers of the Jaina creed in the inscriptions of Karnataka and it is realised from their social status and religious activities that they played a distinguished rôle in the propagation of the faith.' Besides these, we come across a good many nuns also. They are referred to generally as Ajjis, Ajji being the tad-bhava of Sanskrit Āryā, and some times as Kantis. The Ajjis and Kantis seem to denote two different categories of nuns. The Ajjis, who are more numerous, represent, probably, that ordinary class of women who had renounced the world and taken to the life of asceticism. The Kantis appear to have been a special class of nuns who owned a higher status in the monastic organisation with which they were intimately associated by the rigid rules of the order.
1 See Mediaeval Jainism, Chapter V.

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:
169
In the course of our epigraphical review above, we have noticed three instances of nuns who held positions of importance in the Jaina ecclesiastical set up. One is the Kanti Rātrimati of the Honnür inscription, who owned & lay disciple in Bammagāvunda. The other is the nun Huliyabbājjike, disciple of Srīnandi Pandita, who was formal recipient of the gift to a temple, according to an epigraph from Sorațūr. The third is the Ashtöpavāsi Kantiyâr of the Gudigere record. Another well-known instance is that of Kanti, the poetess, who was a colleague and a contemporary of the Kannada poet Abhinava Pampa. Many more instances of Kantis are available in the inscriptions of Karnāțaka and it is unnecessary to notice them all in this brief review.
The logical consequence and natural culmination of the freedom movement for women advocated by the Yāpaniyas, may reasonably be traced in the monastic order of the lady preceptors or Kurattiyārs, which had developed on a large scale in the Tamil country as seen before. This is quite unique in the history of Indian monachism. Thus there was undoubtedly a position of van. tage commanded by the preceptors of the Jaina church in South India, and it must have facilitated their scoring many a success over the champions of the rival creeds.
JAINĀBRĀSAS: It is the inevitable fate of all unorthodox reformists that they are condemned as irreligious and heretics by the more conservative and orthodox sections who pride in their puritanism. This was what happened to the Yāpaniyas and others of their view. The Yāpaniyas' were looked upon by later writers as Jainābhāsas or pseudo-Jaina, and it is interesting to note that of the five monastic orders included in the heterodox category, two, viz., the Yāpanīyas and the Drāvidas, seem to cover the almost entire range of the Jaina church in South India. For, the Yāpaniyas who figure prominently in Karnāțaka and, though sparsely, in the Andhra country, roughly represent the Kannada and the Telugu regions; and the Drāvidas stand for the whole of the Tamil country.
JaIna AsortiCS OF SOUTH INDIA: We are convinced from the foregoing study that Jainism enjoyed wide popularity and was for many long centuries the foremost religion of Karnāțuka and the Tamil land, the two main regions of South India. We have seen how large areas of northern Karnātaka formed the main sphere of intensive activities of the Yāpanīya inonks who held liberal views on religious precepts and practices. We have also gathered an adequate quantity of facts in respect of the religious zeal and efficient proselytizing methods of the monastic groups that flourished in the Tamil country. On the basis of these findings we may note the following useful results:
1 The Yāpantya teachers seem to have practised occult lore at a later age. On account
of this they possibly derived the name 'yopya' or 'secret order'. See Jains Literature and History, p. 41.
22

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1) The Jaina preceptors of South India, especially of the Yāpaniya school, were not on the whole rigid and inflexible in their religious precepts and practices. 2) They were, as far as possible, accommodating and adapted themselves according to the circumstances. 3) They moved with the masses and came freely into contact with the followers of the other faiths. 4) They made some minor concessions to the adherents of other creeds on matters of transcendental region, such as the nature of the ultimate reality, qualifications of an aspirant for liberation, etc. 5) They introduced innovations in their own religion, such as the cult of Yakshi, to capture the imagination of the common people. 6) They established their religious institutions on firm footing by accepting rich gifts of land, money, etc., and made them grow in prosperous conditions. 7) They encouraged women to become not merely lay disciples, but also nuns and preceptors of regular monustic orders.
Sūrastha Gana: A perusal of the inscriptions in parts of the Bombay Karnāțaka area shows that an important branch of the Müla Samgha, called Sūrastha gana, was functioning in the districts of Dharwar and Bijapur, more predominantly in the former. This gaña is invariably associated with the Chitrakūta anvaya and in one case it is coupled with the Kaurūr gachchha. The teachers of the Krāņür gaņa are also known to have lived in these areas in a limited number. We may incidentally note that the Sürastha gaña has been said to be another name of the Sēna Samgha.' This Sēna Samgha was originally a branch of the Mula Samgha, known as Sõna gaña; and it appears to have been subsequently raised to the status of a Samgha.
Yakshi Cult: While studying the history of Jainism in the Tamil land, I have discussed the origin and growth of the Yakshi oult in South India. Here I propose to exainine it in some details as it obtained in Karnāțaka.
Not much early and clear evidence is at our disposal to trace the origin of the Yakshi oult in Karnäţaka, as in the Tamil land, and it is not quite unlikely that the advocates of the Jaina doctrine in the Kannada country were in a way influenced by the innovation of worshipping the Yakshi as an independent deity, introduced and largely practised by the preceptors of the Tamil country, as in other parts of India. But whosoever may be the originator of the Yakshi cult, it must be said to the credit of thc Jaina teachers of
1 All these measures which were actuated by the best of motives and contributed to the
prosperity of the Jains religion at one time, had their perversions at a later age, whep the original ideals felt into disuse and degeneration set in among the monastic orders. The degenerate practices of the monks who took to the life of pleasure and enjoyment, became the subject of severe condemnation by the advocates of austerity. This must be the real reason why such monks were ridicaled as pseudo-Jaina. Compare the article,
Vanaväsi aud Chaityaväsi Orders' in the Jaina Literature and History, pp. 347-69. % Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 73.

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171 Karnataka, that they, with their usual skill and practical insight, adapted the institution to suit the genius of the people and carried it through successfully. Further, unlike the leaders of the Jaina church in the Tamil country, the preceptors of Karnataka, instead of extending the practice of worshipping the Yakshis, seem to have selected one or two particular deities and concen- . trated their attention on them.
PADMĀVATI: Among the secondary deities of the Jaina pantheon chosen for individual adoration as an independent goddess, Padmăvati, the Yakshiņi of Pārsvanātha, stands foremost, being the most popular and widely invoked goddess in Karnātaka. Though her cult might date from an earlier age,' she frequently figures in the epigraphical sources roughly from the period of the 10th century A. D. A large number of minor ruling families, such as the Silāhāras and the Rattas, and many a high official of the state, of the Jaina persuasion, became votaries of this goddess and took pride in styling themselves the favourite devotees of the deity, having adopted the title, Padmāvatidõvilabdha-vara-prasāda, in their prasasti. This title is met with more frequently and prominently in the praśastis of these dignitaries, noticed in the inscriptions of the 11th to the 13th centuries A. D. in many parts of Karnātaka. Thus this furnishes an indication in regard to the extent of popularity and the prevalence of the Yakshi cult in Karnataka,
A. well-known early instance of a family of subordinate chiefs, who adopted Padmāvatī as their tutelary goddess, are the Sāntaras; and how this took place is mysteriously narrated in the inscriptionsa furnishing their early history. Jinadatta, a prince of a ruling family of North India, we are told, came to the south with an image of Padmāvuti. The goddess blessed him with the power of transmuting iron into gold, and through her grace he founded the town of Pombuchchapura which became the capital of his kingdom. The goddoss, it seems, chose her residence in a Lokki tree of the locality and therefore, came to be called Lokkiyabbe. These events may be referred to the 9th century A. D., though the epigraphs describing them are dated in the 11-12th century A. D.
1. As Padmavati figures in the story of the foundation of the Ganga kingdom through
Simbanandi, the cult of Padmavati, it may appear, dates from the 2nd oentary A. D. But this position is misleading; because the inscriptions giving this account are dated in the 12th century A. D., which was the period when the cult was in its ascendency.
Compare, Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sh. 4. 2 How the Yakshi cult bad penetrated into the society and taken deep roots in the
family traditions is illustrated by the names like Yaksharaja, Jakki, Jakkarve, Jākaladövr, etc., borne by a large number of individuals of all ranks, as seen from a
perugal of the insoriptions. 3 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nagar, 55, 48, eto. Compare, Mysore and Coorg from
Inscriptions, p. 138,

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The element of miracle and alchemy attributed to the goddess in the above story of Jinadatta is not accidental; for, Padmavati was by this time enjoying not the simple status of a spiritual god-head, but was being invoked as a Tantric deity invested with mystical powers. The position attained by her, particularly in the Kannada country, may well be compared with that of another deity of the Jaina pantheon, viz., Jvalini or Jvālāmālinī, in respect of whom we have spoken more than once before and shall do so again presently. It is of interest to note that some of the Jaina preceptors, even of a higher status, had taken to the study and practice of occult lores connected with the Mantra Vidya and Tantra Vidya in which these were the presiding deities. An outstanding instance to the point is that of Mallishēņa Sūri.' He belonged to the spiritual lineage of the eminent teacher Ajitasēna, the guru of the great Chamuṇḍa Raya. Mallishēņa was a renowned scholar and author, and the head of a monastery at Mulgund in the Dharwar Dt. Of the three works in Sanskrit composed by him, relating to the occult lore, one named BhairavaPadmavati-kalpa deals with the spells and mystical formularies calculated to bestow superhuman powers with the aid of the goddess Padmavati.' His other work Jvälini-kalpa is on similar lines centring round the deity Jvālinī. Mallishōna lived in the 11th century A. D. Icons of Padmavati testifying to her worship as an individual deity are found in many parts of Karnāṭaka, particularly during the later age.
JVALAMALINI: Another instance that illustrates the prevalence of the Yakshi cult in Karnataka is Jvālāmālinī or Jvālinī, the Yakshini of the Chandraprabha Tirthakara. But her Yakshi nature was so effectively eclipsed by her mystical significance from an early date, that she impresses upon our minds more as a Tantric goddess of occult surroundings than as a prominent member of the Jaina hierarchy of divinities. Hēlāchārya or Elacharya of Ponnur in the North Arcot Dt. is believed to have been the originator of the cult of Jvālinī, as seen before. But the cult seems to have been stabilised in Karnataka by influential teachers like Indranandi Yōgindra and Mallishēņa Sūri, who systematised the occult lore through the treatises like Jvālāmālinīkalpa. Consequently, we find that the cult was more widely prevalent and that there were more centres of the cult in Karnataka than in the Tamil country.
1 Jaina Literature and History, pp. 413 ff.
2
As the story goes, Sri-Venkatesa, the god of the Tirupati Hill, married Padmavati, This is narrated in the Bhavishyottara and Skanda Puranas which are late compositions, It must also be noted that Padmavati is unknown in the earlier Brahmanical traditions of the hierarchy of gods. Therefore it would not be unreasonable to suggest that the popularity of the Jaina goddess Padmavati made the leaders of the Brahmanical religion adopt her within their fold.

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178
Malkhod appears to have been an early and important centre of this oult as Indranandi prepared his treatise in this place. This surmise is strengthened by the allusion to the practice of this cult at Sadam in an inscription of the place. Navalgund and Jāvur area in the Dharwar Dt. was another centre, since a temple had been dedicated in honour of this deity in this tract and provision made for her worship'. There is an allusion to the deity in an inscription from Vadgaon in the Kolhāpur area, which may be taken as a pointer to the prevalence of the cult in that region. Gerasoppa was perhaps another place where the deity was worshipped ; for it possesses a shrine called Jvālāmukhi temple, though I am not sure if this Jvālāmukhi is the same as Jvālāmālinā. Edeballi or Narasimharā. japura in the Kadūr District was another stronghold of the cult. A shrine dedicated to this deity is still preserved here. The enshrined idol of Jvālāmalini at Narasimharājapura is seated on a pedestal bearing the figure of a buffalo and owns the following attributes in her eight hands; dana (gift), double arrow, chakra, triśūla, pāśa, flag, bowlet and kalasa. The image is of the Vijayanagara age. The preceptors of the Yāpaniya sect seem to have played a substantial role in the spread of the Jvālini cult.
* FURTHER ALLUSIONS: Besides Padmāvati and Jvālāmālini, a few more Yakshiņis also seem to have been invoked occasionally by the Jaina followers of Tantric traditions, though such instances are rare. One notable instance is that of Akalanka who is alleged to have vanquished his Buddhist opponents with the aid of Kushmāņdini. Kushmāņdi.or Kushmāņdini is the alternative name of Ambikā, the Yakshiņi of Nēminātha.
From the above discussion it becomes clear that the Tantric worship and rites including alchemy were preached and practised at a later age by the Jaina monks and preceptors on a large scale. Mastery of occult powers and control over the evil spirits appear to have been considered as important attributes that distinguished the Jaina monks from others and went to establish their supremacy. This is illustrated by the example of Traikālya Yogi who is praised for his possession of such powers. It is stated that he made a Brahmarākshasa his pupil and that the very thought of him drove away the evil spirits'.
1 Jaina Literature and History, p. 415, n. 5. 2 An. Rep. on S. 1. Epigraphy, 1928-29, Appendix E, No. 228. 3 Mys. Arch. Report, 1928, p. 100. 4 Ibid., 1916, p. 8; 1931, p. 12. 5 Wo may recall here the teachers of the Yāpaniya order in the Sadam and Navalgund
areas, who were versed in the oooult lore and votaries of the deity Jvälāmālini. 6 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, Intro., p. 84. 7 Ibid., No. 140. A similar legend is known about the Madhva pontiff and author
Vadirajatirtha who lived in the 16th century A. D. He encountered and subjugated 'Brahmarāksha who, thereafter, became bis lite-long servant and was called Närayana

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Besides the legend of Santara Jinadatta, another interesting piece of evidence is available to prove the alchemist pursuits of the followers of the Jaina creed. Some of the labels engraved on the pedestals of the images called Rasasiddhas at Rayadrug' in the Bellary District, which we have noticed before, mention two Jaina teachers and two lay followers of the faith, who seem to have been connected with the authorship of the images. One of the lay followers belonged to the fold of the Yapaniyas. Rasāsiddhas or Rasasiddhas, it may be noted, were the ascetics who indulged in alchemist practices.
CLOSING OBSERVATIONS: This brief survey has revealed a volume of interesting and authentic facts regarding the history of Jainism in South India and proved our enquiry highly fruitful, even beyond our expectations. When I started my investigations into this subject I did not gauge their significance in full and never expected that the harvest would be so very rich. The material is plenty and the sources are numerous, particularly the epigraphical and the iconographical sources, which constitute the most reliable testimony for historical reconstruction. These have not been properly tackled so far, and this is the first attempt of its kind to make a correlated study of the various sources though on a modest scale. An exhaustive study and fuller appreciation of the material is calculated to bring to light many more important aspects of the history of Jainism in the southern parts of peninsular India, which would contribute substantially to our knowledge of Indian religion and culture.
If the Jain antiquities and epigraphs in the Tamil country are rich and vast, those in the Kannada country are richer and vaster. Jainism was the dominating religious faith of this region for centuries. As the poet. has affirmed, the charming land of Karnataka was the cherished abode of the Jaina religion. Jainism had penetrated into almost every nook and corner of this province; and wherever, we go, our searching eyes are confronted with the Jaina relics, temples, sculptures and inscriptions. This is perhaps true in a greater measure in respect of the unexplored area of the Hyderabad Karnāṭaka. The results of a careful investigation and close study of the Jaina antiquities and inscriptions in parts of the Hyderabad State made by the present writer are being published here for the first time as an essential component of this volume, under the caption of Jaina Epigraphs, in the following pages.
Bhuta. The relics associated with this story are still pointed out to the visitors at Sonda in the North Kanara District, which is one of the seats of the Vädiraja Matba. An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1914, Appendix B, No. 109.
1
2 This statement is contained in the following beautiful verse from an inscription: जिनधर्मावासवादुत्तमळविनयदागारवादन्तु पद्मासननिर्पासमवादत्तति विशदयशोधामवादन्छु विद्याधनजन्मस्थानवादत्तसमतरदुर्गभीरसङ्गेहवादत्तेनिसल्कि तुळ्ळनानामहिमेयोळेसेनुं चारुकर्णाटदेशम् ॥ ( Ep. Carn, Vol. VIII, Sorab 261; A. D. 1408.)

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General Survey of Antiquities
"Indian Renaissance could derive its only and tangible inspiration from these ancient historic spots where the national monuments are smouldering away in ruin for want of proper usage and care in spite of the strenuous watchfulness of the Archaeological Department in British India and Native States whose resources under the prevailing system of administering national finances are utterly inadequate for the large need that exists."""
INTEREST IN ANTIQUITIES: It was over a decade ago when I had not yet completed my university education that my interest was roused in the historical antiquities of my native land. My eyes which were till then acc'ustomed to pass over the ancient monuments, sculptured objects and inscribed slabs, etc. scattered around me without understanding their meaning, began to probe into the mysteries that lay hidden in them. I saw large numbers of epigraphs lying in an awfully neglected condition in and outside the temples in almost every village I visited. Some of them were uprooted, some were mutilated and some were effaced. The more I read into their contents, the more I realised their value and importance. I felt intensely for the miserable plight to which they were reduced partly by man and partly by nature. I tried to invite the attention of the responsible persons to the sad state of affairs. I earnestly desired that these antiquities should be rescued from further neglect and damage. I suggested ways and means to the proper authorities for their preservation and study, but received no encouraging response. So acting on my own initiative and relying on my own scanty resources, I made up my mind to apply myself in my own humble way to the task of collecting the inscriptions and studying the antiquities. Thus I thought I could save a few at least of the vast number of antiquities from complete ruin and perpetual oblivion. With this object in view I travelled from village to village in remote and out-of-the-way parts of the country, unmindful of the inconveniences and hardships which I had to encounter often and which at times even amounted to starvation.
METHOD OF EXPLORATION: Though an inexperienced amateur apparently lacking in proper training and systematic study, I conducted my explorations, with an intuitive insight as it were, on lines which, it was recognised
1 Inscriptions of Nagai, p. 49; Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 8.

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later, were none-the legs unscientific or unsystematic. The method I adopted was the same as an initiated archaeologist or & trained epigraphist of the Archaeological Department generally follows. It was like this. As soon 88 I went to a place, I managed to bring myself into contact with the elderly and knowledgeable residents of the village and tried to extract from them as much information as I could relating to the places and objects invested with old traditions, ancient temples, sculptures and images, inscribed stones or stone tablets, copper plate records and other documents, manuscript works on palm leaf or paper, old paintings, etc. Next I moved about to the nook and corner of the locality and personally scrutinised all items of historical interest. Subsequently I copied the inscriptions, noted down the characteristic features of the temples and the soulptures in regard to their style, mode and structure, examined the contents of the documents on copper or other material, noticed the coins and drew up a list of manuscripts if any. In this manner I was able to collect a large number of epigraphical records and gather much valuable information on other items of historical and cultural interest.
In the course of these trips I came into contact with a large number of people and was furnished with opportunities of studying their ways of life. The results of my observations which unfortunately own a tragic bearing in the theme of present studies, may be usefully summarised here. What I was shocked to notice everywhere was the state of degeneration in all walks of life, not only in the political, but also and all the more, in the social, religious and oultural spheres. Thus I found that they had lost all sense of true religion and the art of living. The noble principles of true religion, that were & source of inspiration in the society once, were forgotten. They were pursuing the paths of false ideals and paying homage to sham spectacles. Let alone the high spirit of sacrifice, tolerance of doctrines and catholicity of faith, permeating the practices of the people at one time, which were latterly superseded by the creed of communal discriinipation and conflict of faiths, even the artistic excellence, the characteristic feature of early creations, was. incapable of evoking a feeling of sympathy and sense of appreciation in their hearts. They were callous witnesses of those works of art brought into existence by the religious zeal of their ancestors, swouldering in decay and dilapidation. Nay, some of them had actually and actively contributed to the deplorable condition of the relics by playing the role of the vandal and the iconoclast. To crown all, as the mockery would have it, they had installed unhewn stones or uncouth idols as deities in place and by the side of their earlier counterparts and were busy in worshipping them with great enthusiasm having erected new shrines and temples of indifferent appearance over them!

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Then what about the inscriptions, the authentic and precious do onments lying about in and outside the old temples near their very hearths and fields? These were installed there originally by their forefathers with the avowed intention that the general public should realise their importance and preserve them together with the benefactions registered therein. It may not be proper to expect under the existing conditions that all and sundry should be aware of the contents of these records written hundreds of years. ago in an ancient and obsolete alphabet and language. But it would be just in the fitness of things to hope that our people understood at least their purpose and value in a general way and took due care to protect them from destruction. But alas! on the contrary the attitude betrayed by them in regard to these epigraphical records was one of appalling ignorance and unbecoming lack of understanding. The inscribed stones and tablets were recklessly handled and put to all sorts of reprehensible service. In most cases superstition was rampant investing them with mysterious significance, and it was believed that they held the key to trace the whereabouts of hidd en treasures! What is all this if not a symptom of social deterioration and cultural degradation!
MATERIAL COLLECTED: Most of the collection work pursued in the manner described above was undertaken and completed in course of my tours, in 1930-34, which were planned in suitable stages during different seasons of the year according to my leisure and convenience. Consequently I was able to survey parts of the Gulbarga Dt. and a major portion of the Kopbal Dt. of the Hyderabad State. This area, rich in historical material, has hitherto remained almost unexplored, and no systematic attempt has been made so far to tap its immense resources to the fullest extent. This being the fact and as the material collected by me thus comes from a region which might well be reckoned as a virgin field, it may not be too much to expect that every bit of information gleaned from this tract should be new and interesting in its own way and contribute to our knowledge of history, epigra phy, religion, art and culture of India in general and of Karnataka in particular. These expectations are fulfilled in a large measure even from a perusal of this study which includes only a part of: my total collection.
ITS STUDY AND PUBLICATION: Collection of the original sources is like laying the foundations of a building. It is the preliminary part of the work a true historian has to shoulder. But it does not end with this. Interpretation of the material thus collected in its proper perspective and reconstruction of the edifice of history on this foundation in correlation with the known facts, is the next momentous task he has to apply himself to. With this end in view set myself to a close and intensive study of the material
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at my disposal. In the earlier stages of my study I contributed several articles dealing with the important aspects of my discoveries in the periodicals and journals of Karnataka and Maharashtra. These have been published in the Prachina Karnāṭaka, Jaya Karnāṭaka, Prabuddha Karṇāṭaka, Śaraṇa Sahitya, Karmavira, Samyukta Karnataka, Karnatak Historical Review, Nijama Vijaya, Pragati ani Jinavijaya, etc. A skeleton list of my epigraphical collection has been published in the Karnatak Historical Review, 1934. But my chief concern was to publish my entire collection of inscriptions with full text, critical introduction, translation, notes, etc. in one or two. suitable volumes. Such an opportunity presented itself in 1938 with the sanction of a substantial grant under the scheme for the advancement of Kannada Research sponsored by the Bombay Government. But unfortunately on account of abnormal conditions created by the World War II and other unforeseen difficulties the proposal did not materialise.
JAINA ANTIQUITIES AND EPIGRAPHS: In the course of my explorations I came across a large number of Jaina antiquities including epigraphs. These invited my special attention and became the object of my admiration from the beginning. This may be attributed to the aesthetic sense evinced by the followers of the faith in the selection of picturesque sites for their monuments, the refined mode of craftsmanship exhibited in their works of art and the message of optimism proclaiming itself through their religious life with all its emphasis on ascetic renunciation.
Thus, when my entire collection lay in an unpublished state, a suggestion came in behalf of the Jīvarāja Jaina Granthamala, Sholapur, for publishing the Jaina inscriptions in my possession. I welcomed the idea and in consultation with the editor of the Granthamālā it was decided that I should edit the inscriptions in proper arrangement with full texts, exhaustive introductions and suitable translations.
Accordingly I have taken out all the epigraphs in my collection having a bearing on the religious and social aspects of Jainism, studied them eritically in their historical setting and presented them in proper arrangement in the following two parts of this work. The total number of inscriptions edited here comes to 53. Out of these, Part II contains 17 inscriptions from the Gulbarga District. The remaining 36 inscriptions which hail from the former Kopbal District of Sir Salar Jung's Jagir, are included in Part III of this section. I have also proposed in the present part to take a collective view of the contents of these epigraphs and their main contribution to our knowledge, at a further stage.
But before doing so it would be profitable to take into account the light received from other material also in my antiquarian collection, which

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PART II
JAINA EPIGRAPAS: PARTI is neither meagre nor insignificant in the context of our study. This material consists of such sources as the local traditions, architectural and sculptural relics, literary works, etc. The evidence furnished by this material, though ostensibly not so authentic as that of the epigraphs, is all the same considerably helpful for our purpose. For .it illuminates our way in a large measure by its lucid testimony in places and on points wherein our epigraphs are either not forthcoming or singularly silent. And thus do these sources run to our rescue by filling in many a gap in the historical narrative and prompting us to read more and more details in the colourful picture of the times.
Now, I shall proceed with an examination of these souroes pointing out their significance wherever possible and necessary in correlationship with the contents of the epigraphs at our disposal, First in order will be the places in the Gulbarga District. They are as follows.
ADAKI This village contains a large number of Jaina antiquities which were found scattered in damaged and neglected condition in different parts of the locality. We will notice the conspicuous among them here. :
i) The upper portion of a broken stone pillar was spotted out lying near the temple of Pyāți (i. e., market) Hanumān. This bore the figures of the Jinas in standing and sitting postures carved in miniature size. The purpose of this pillar could not be judged properly; but it is obvious that it must have been originally associated with a Jaina temple or structure. It was probably a Mānastambha.
ii) Near this and in the same place was discovered another stone pillar rectangular in shape bearing inscriptions. These inscriptions have been edited in full as Nos. 9 to 12 in Part II.
iii) In the open space adjoining the house of Bapurao, & resident of the village, were observed three handsome images of Tirthakaras lying in a neglected condition. Fairly big in size, they were carved out in finely polished black granite stone. Their workmanship was of a high order. If my identification is correct, two of them represented Pārsvanatha and Vardhamāna and the third image would be that of śāntinātha. There could be no doubt that they must have been consecrated in temples and worshipped with devotion at one time. But subsequently when the tide turned against the Jaina creed in the country and the temples sanctified by their presence became victims of neglect and decay, they must have been exposed and set aside. It was a matter for wonder as to how they escaped the fate that befell the other Joina antiquities of the place and

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suttived almost anmolested till that day! It is not unlikely that the spell of artistic excellence surrounding them might have by itself acted as a shield that defied the ruthlegs hand of the iconoclast. I do not know what happened to these charming sculptures ever since I took leave of them.
iv) A stone fragmant containing a damaged and worn out epigraph was detected near the Kadim Jumma Musjid. The inscription has been edited as No. 13 in Part II.
Reviewing the nature of these antiquities through the perspective of the epigraphical evidence, the picture that emerges before our eyes in respect of this place will be as follows. Ādaki was an important seat of Jainism which flourished here broadly during the period of the 11th to the 19th centuries A. D. A substantial section of its population including members of the wealthy mercantile community was of Jaina persuasion. It was bristling with many beautiful Jaina temples which were under the management of influential divines reputed for their learning and piety. One of these temples was named Koppa Jinālaya and it was dedicated to the god Pārsvanatha. The image of Pārsvanātha which graced this temple and, which is referred to in the inscriptions as Chenna Pārsva or "Pārsvanātha, the Beautiful, was in all probability one of the sculptures described above. Another temple was called Mādēviya Piriya Basadi. The image of Mahāvīra of the above mentioned three sculptures was probably enshrined herein. The third sculpture might possibly have adorned the temple built by the two merchants, Malliseçți and Kāļisețţi. The ancient name of the village was Adakki and it was situated in the district of Mirinte Three Hundred.
AĻAND This town is situated in the Pāyagā Jāgir at a distance of about 27 miles towards the northwest of Gulbarga. Although not many antiquities of the Jaina faith were discovered here, there are sufficient indications to youchsafe the importance of the place as a stronghold of Jainism in the Mediaeval Epoch. Most of the Jaina relics seem to have been destroyed or submerged under the impact of other creeds that gained ascendency afterwards. This place is referred to as Alande in the inscriptions. It was the headquartes of a district styled Alande Thousand, evidently comprising one thousand villages. This territory is roughly represented by the modern district of Gulbarga. .
... The following three antiquities noticed in the course of my exploration of this place may be mentioned here. i) An inscribed slab the writing on which could be approximately ascribed to the times of the Rashtrakūtas. Nothing could be made out of this record as it was badly obliterated. ii) Two

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images one of which was Pārsvanatha, a fair specimen of sculpture, roughly assignable to the 11-12th century A. D. iii) A beautiful image of Sankha Jinesvara in the possession of Mr. Rajaram Patil, a Jaina resident of the place.
The large number of Jaina families that have survived here to the present day, and a good quantity of religious traditions and manuscript works preserved amongst them, point to the prominence of this place as a resort of the Jaina doctrine. According to one tradition this town was known as Alakāvati in the heyday of its glory. Another tradition credits this place with the honour of a visit by Jinasēna Bhaṭṭāraka, the reputed preceptor of the Rashtrakuta monarch Amōghavarsha Nṛipatunga. The belief is prevalent that a pontifical seat was founded at Malkhod by this divine and that this tract came under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the preceptors of his line. The members of the local Jaina community still pay their homage to the pontifical throne of the Malkheḍ gurus. Being the native place of that inveterate foe of the Jaina creed, Ēkāntada Ramayya,' this town would also have witnessed his early contacts with the followers of the faith.
A peep into the nature of the old religious works preserved in some households here will prove useful. I may note at the outset an unfortunate event that was reported to me in this connection. A big collection of manuscript works on palmleaf, handed down for generations as precious heirloom in some families, was wilfully cast away and destroyed some years ago by persons who were too innocent to realise their worth and too incapable to take proper care of them. Now I will proceed to specify by way of illustration a few such works as I think to be representative from among the many I could glance through hurriedly within the short time at my disposal. A palmleaf manuscript work named Kaumudi Kathe was in the possession of Mr. Hirachand Sakharam Kothari. It is written in early Kannada alphabet of about the 12th century A. D. and ascribed to the authorship of Mangarasa. Students of Sanskrit literature are aware of the existence of a Jaina work named Samyaktva Kaumudi by an author of the Digambara School'. Three authors bearing the name Mangarasa figure in the history of Kannada literature. One of them assigned to the early part of the 16th century A. D. was the author of Samyaktva Kaumudi. No work bearing the above title is attributed to any of these. So this appears to be a new work. The subject merits further investigation.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 237; Śaraṇa Sahitya, 1941, pp. 127–30.
2 H. D. Velankar: Jinaratnakōsa, p. 424.
3 Karpātaka Kavicharite, Vol. I, pp. 416-17; Vol. II, pp. 179 ff.

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:: Another manuscript work in Kannada found with the same owaer was the commentary of a treatise entitled Gitada or Samgīta Vitarăga. Its author as revealed by the colophon is known to be Abhinava Chărukirti Pandita who belonged to the lineaga of pontiffs of Śravaņa Belgola and bore the. epithets, Srimad Rāyarājaguru, Bhūmaņdalācharya, Mahāvāda. vādīśvara, etc. I may mention two more works in manuscript form which were in the possession of another resident of the place, Mr. Padamasetti, Máli Pațil. One was Harivaṁsa Purāņa by Mangarasa,' in Kannada, The other is the well known Kannada poetical work, Bharatēśa Vaibhava by Ratnākara Varņi. 1. Aland played a prominent role, though in an indirect manner, in the history of the decline of Jainism in Karnāțaka. For, this was the native place of Ekantada Rāmayya, the militant protagonist of the Saivite upheaval in the 12th century A. D., who dealt a staggering blow to the followers of the
waw. The famous inscription at Ablūr: recounting his exploits, states that he was born in a Brāhmaṇa family at Alande which is identical with modern Aland. This place is referred to as 'the town of Sõmanātha' in the Ablär inscription. An inscription at Aļand itself which is edited by me elsewhere® describes this place as specially favoured by Sõmēśvara. Sõmēśvara or Sõmanātha appears to have been the favourite deity of Ekāntada Rāmayya; for as revealed by the Ablür epigraph, he later on worshipped god Sõmanātba at Hulige e and founded, after his victory over the Jainas, a temple in honour of Vira Sõmanātha at Ablūr.* The Sõmāśvara temple at Ablūr which contains the above-noted epigraph, also possesses sculptured panels depicting the scenes of Ekāntada Rāmayya's eccounter against the Jainas. One of them shows how he laid a wager by cutting off his head—which was to be restored again to establish the supremacy of god Siva in the presence of the local chief Sankagāvuņda and his Jaina supporters. Another presents the scene of a Jina's image laid prostrate for being smashed by the successful adherents of the Saiva faith. A third one portrays the episode of Ekāntada Rāmayya receiving the certificate of victory conferred on him by the Jainas. At the top of these panels are engraved inscriptions which read like labels describing the scenes. In my recent visit to Ablür, I secured a copy of a manuscript work called Ablūr a Charitre. This is composed in Kannada verse and belongs to a late period. It narrates the achievements of Ekāntada Rāmayya in the legendary fashion. In this poem we are told that conversions from Jainism to Saivism took place on a large
1 2 3 4
This appears to be a new work. Ep. Ind., Vol. V, pp. 237 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pt. i. Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 365 and 258.

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188 scale in the wake Ekāntada Rāmayya's victory. This information, curiously enough, is vouched by the fact that a very large number of miniature Sivalingas were unearthed at Ablūr some years ago. One such was also shown to me. It may be remarked that the epithet Ekāntada of Rāmayya appears to have been borne by him as a contrast to indicate his opposition to and victory over the doctrine of Anēkānta, i. e., Jainism. In my review of Jainism in Karnātaka, above, I have made passing observations on the age of decadence that saw the downfall of Jainism. The evidence adduced bere lends additional strengtḥ to those observations.
Bankūr This village is about 18 miles towards the south-east of Gulbarga. It is reckoned as a holy place and visited by the members of the Jaina community hailing even from far-off places. The centre of attraction for such visitors is an old Jaina temple that has betrayed the hand of the iconoclast and succeeded in preserving the time-honoured objects of worship to the present day. An archaeologist can claim much deeper interest in this place than an ordinary devotee, for it is replete with antiquities which deserve careful investigation in spite of their lying in a neglected and damaged condition. A diligent observer will be able to detect in this locality nicely dressed or carved columns of stones which must have adorned the temples formerly, detached pedestals which must have supported fine sculptures of deities at one time, broken limbs and fragments of images which were under worship in their good old days and other relics in almost each and every street and lane. We may notice a few among them below in some detail.
To start with, we shall proceed to the Jaina temple referred to above. It is popularly known as Basti Gudi. Its original structure, apparently erected in the Chālukyan style of architecture, might be ascribed to a fairly early period. But it appears to have undergone more than one renovation from time to time; and some of the additions and alterations superimposed upon it are of fairly modern date. The temple contains the following images which are under worship; Adinātha, Chauvisa Tirthankara, Pārsvanātha, Vardhamāna, Chandranātha (Chandraprabha), Sāntinātha and Padmāvatī. These are fairly big in size and handsome in appearance, and they are retained in a good state of preservation.
Two sculptures set up in the premises of this temple merit particular attention. One of them is the representation of two monks in a sitting posture, one beside the other, on a slab of stone. These figures are not attended with the triple umbrella or other familiar paraphernalia of the Jinas or Tirthakaras. So it may not be correct to identify them with the latter. Similar sculptures were detected elsewhere also in these parts, and I

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shall have pocasions to refer to them later. In regard to the identification of this sculpture I may suggest the following. As all these temples belong to the Digambara School, it is likely that these sculptures represent two earliest and most eminent teachers of the School. In order to determine which these could be, we shall examine the inscriptions at Sravaņa Belgoļa, the greatest repository of South Indian Jainism. In these epigraphs frequent mention is made of three teachers who figure as the early pioneers of the Jaina doctrine in the South. They are Kondakunda, Umāsvāti alias Gșidhrapiñchbâchārya and Samantabhadra.' This fact is confirmed by other sources also. It may be assumed that the pair of ascetics under consideration stands for the first two of these'. That is only a conjecture. The other sculpture is locally known as Jattinga. This image is set up in a corner of the verandah of the main temple, and a devotee is expected to pay his homage to the deity either at the commencement or termination of his circumambulation of the main shrine. Jaţținga, in common parlance, means 'a wrestler' or 'a hero'; but here, he represents a member of the Jaina pantheon and may be identified with Kshētrapāla or Bhairava.
Turning to other relics, a stone image of Vardhamāna was lying in a field near the village belonging to Kulkarņi Mārtandappa. The sculpture was fairly big in size and decently executed. Another stone image of approximately the same size was noticed on the boundary of the same field. The sculpture is believed to be Padmāvati, the famous Yakshiņi of Pārsvanātha Tīrthakara. But carefully examined, she is found to be Ambikā, the Yakshiņi of Nēminātha, for she bears two hands and is attended with a mango bunch and children, which are her characteristic attributes. At the top of the image was noticed the miniature figure of the Jina. A temple or shrine dedicated to this deity might have been in existence nearby. In another place was detected a slab containing the representation of two warriors with bow and arrow below, having the effigy of Jina at the top.
These and other relios discovered in this village may roughly be ascribed to the period of the twelfth century A. D. They establish the fact that this place must have been a flourishing seat of Jainism in the Mediaeval Epoch. This place finds its mention as Bamakura in the local records of the later days. Its earlier from Bhomukura is met with in an eleventh century inscription of the locality. The earlier and original name of the village thus apears to have been
1
%
It is interesting to note that Samantabhadra is characterised by the epithet Vana visin probably denoting his association with Banavasi; Ind. Ant. Vol. XI, p. 247. This piece of soulpture needs to be distinguished from a Nishidhikalla or Nishidi memorial; for the two parallel figures olearly represent the monks or Acharyas at equal status and there is no indioation to trace the relationship of a teacher and a disciple or a devotee between them as is the onse in the latter soulpture

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Bhumukura which means 'a mirror of the earth'. This is obviously a poetic expression, and it is interesting to note how such a name was familiarized into common usage.
Decadence of religion brings in its train travesty of the original institutions and of the lofty symbols associated with it. This is followed by social degradation, and the degenerate mind of the masses makes room for all kinds of superstitions. This truth is illustrated by the following three instances which came to my notice in this place: i) In a prveious paragraph I have referred to the image of Vardhamana. This sculpture is known as Battale Gauramma or the 'Naked Goddess' among the rural folk. It is worshipped by women desirous of children! ii) At another spot, I saw a fairly big stone pedestal bearing the figures of lions. Lion being the emblem of Mahavira, the pedestal should have originally belonged to an image of Mahavira. But it is now recognised by the villagers as Anagisuva Kallu or the 'Mocking Stone'. Children suffering from scabies of the mouth are taken to this pedestal and asked to mock at it. And they are cured of the disease! iii) Another stone with Jaina sculptures was attributed similar miraculous power. Persons sore with nervous sprain had only to rub the aching limb against it; and the pain was said to vanish in a moment!
CHINCHOLI
This is the headquarters of the taluk of the same name. To the superficial observer, this place apparently bears no trace of relationship with the cult of Lord Jina. But carefully investigated, it would yield many a vestige of the faith. I may mention a few that invited my attention incidentally: i) An image of a Tirthakara was found buried in the butchers' quarter. ii) A Nishidhi memorial stone was noticed in the same place. iii) A fairly big and handsome sculpture of Parsvanatha with his familiar serpent hood was discovered in the market area. iv) Another image of the same size and workmanship with the lion pedestal was detected in the same region. This was evidently Mahavira. These relics testify to the existence, at one time, of more than one fine temple dedicated to the Jaina deities and a good number of followers of the creed in this locality.
GULBARGA
This place has no better story to tell in regard to the vestiges of the Jaina creed, most of which appear to have been either submerged or destroyed. I may mention a few that arrested my attention in the course of my survey: i) A fairly big and nicely cut stone image of Parsvanatha Tīrthakara in the sitting posture and bearing the characteristic serpent canopy was seen near a well in the Jagat area. ii) A similar image of the same deity. in standing posture was observed in the same place. Temples wherein these images were enshrined originally, might have stood at one time somewhere nearby. But no trace of them was to be seen at present. iii) A stone pillar
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rectangular in shape and moulded like the Mānastambha was lying near the Hanuman temple outside the Brahmapura area. These objects may roughly be assigned to the twelfth century A. D.
HĀGARGI This village included in the Saradgi taluk of the Payagā Jāgir is about 5 miles to the east of Gulbarga. The belief is prevalent in regard to this locality that formerly it was a stronghold of the Jaina faith, all the inhabitants having been its followers. This tradition is duly substantiated by the proportionately large number of Jaina families residing in this village to the present day. Further corroborative evidence on the subject is furnished by a piece of sculpture discovered near a well in this village. This sculpture consists of the figure of Pārsvanātha Tirthakara attended by the two Sāsanadēvatās, Dharaņēndra and Padınāvati, all carved in a single frame of stone. The image is fairly big in size. Evidently it must have been installed once upon a time in a temple dedicated to the deity. The well which is known as the Jinadēvara Bhāvi (i. e., the well of has still preserved in its name the Jaina associations of the bygone days.
HARASŪR This big village is about 8 miles to the north-west of Gulbarga. It contains a large number of ancient temples and sculptures many of which are associated with Jainism. I noticed at least three Jaina temples and over a dozen beautiful stone images of Tirthakaras in and near them. The temples presented themselves as fair specimens of the Chālukyan architecture of the Mediaeval epoch; but unfortunately they were standing in a desolate condition. The images were not only not under worship, but were lying in a forsaken state. Many of them were badly damaged and discarded.
One of the temples was in a somewhat better state of preservation than the other two. This was triple-shrined, containing three inner shrines dedicated to three deities. The presiding deity was Pārsva image was installed in the main shrine facing the east. The image was fairly big in size, a fine specimen of sculpture having an imposing appearanoe. It was attended on the two sides by the Śāsanadēvatās, Dharaṇāndra and Padmavati. At the entrance into this shrine were seen the images of the same Jina on the two sides. Of the two collateral shrines facing the north and the south respectively, the former again contained a similar image of the same deity. Outside the entrance of this shrine on each side were installed the
1 I am not sure if this image could be Supärśva and not Pārsvanátha, Epigraphical
evidence is available to show that the image of Supărśva was not unknown to these parts. An inscription on stone from Honwäd, Bijapur District, speaks of a tripleshrined temple in that place, whose central deity was Sántinātha, the two side deities being Pårsvanátha and Supārsva; Ind. Ant., Vol, XIX, p. 269.

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images of the Yaksha pair, Dharaņēndra and Padmãvati. Padmāvati was surinounted by the Kirtimukha motif and held in her four hands, a goad, a rosary, a noose and a fruit. The other collateral shrine possessed an image of Mabāvīra of like workmanship and appearance. On the two sides of its entrance were set up the images of Mahāvīra and Chauvisa Tirthakara, necessarily of smaller size.
The other two temples were in ruins and the images owned by them were dislodged and seriously tampered with. Mention must be made here of two inscribed slabs standing in the first temple described above. The writing on them was almost completely wiped out and, as I have narrated in the introductory remarks of inscription No. 17, this was a deliberate act on the part of the temple priest. Had they been in good condition, the epigraphs should have furnished much useful information regarding the local history of the Jaina faith. Save the solitary family of the priest, no followers of the faith bad survived, neither in this village, nor in the neighbouring locality. It was no wonder then that the Jaina antiquities, as related above, had fallen a helpless victim to the forces of decay and destruction, and their condition was wors with the passage of time. The above notice of the few surviving r enough to vouchsafe the fact that the village must have been an influential centre of the Jaina creed in the heyday of its glory; and this fact becomes all the more significant, as it should be, when viewed in the larger context of its having been a Brahmanical agrahāra on the testimony of some of the wellpreserved epigraphs of the locality.
HATTANŪRU This village situated in the Afjalpur taluk of the Pāyagā Jāgir is about 26 miles to the south-west of Gulbarga To a superficial observer it might appear that this place was devoid of the vestiges of the Jaina creed on account of the overwhelming predominance of the temples and other objects of the Virasaiva cult. A close and careful investigation however has revealed the existence of the following relics of the Jaina faith: i) A small temple was found in a desolate condition in a corner of the village. Two images of the Tirthakaras in the seated posture of Palyankāsana were noticed in the main shrine of the temple. ii) Another image of Chauvisa Tirthakara standing in the Kāyõtsarga posture was detected in the same temple oustide the main shrine. ii) One more Tirthakara image was lying in the premises of this temple. iv) A detached stone pedestal bearing the figures of lions, which should have originally belonged to an image of Vardhamāna, now missing, was built into the fort wall near the main gate of the village.
At the entrance of the main shrine referred to above were seen the sculptures of two Dvārapālakas bearing the Vaishnavite attributes of

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conch and disc. It was therefore evident that the temple was originally associated with the cult of Vaishnavism. It may be seen from the presence of the large number of Jaina images as indicated above that the village should have possessed more than one temple of the Jaina creed. Subsequently, with the ascendancy of the Virusaiva creed both the Jaina and the Vaishnavite temples must have fallen into disuse; and so the Jaina images appear to have been brought from their ruined temples and kept in the deserted Vaishnavite temple. Thus did the two creeds come closer and become friends in their common adversity. In this manner we can explain the apparently anomalous position of the Jaina images in a Vaishnavite temple. The Jaina antiquities noted above are reminiscent of the considerable influence wielded by the creed at one time over the inhabitants of this place.
A few facts regarding the historical significance of this place as gathered from the inscriptions of the area deserve to be noted here. These inscriptions huil from Chinmalli and are dated in the period of the 13th century A. D. The early name of the place was Attinūru and it is characterised as a Fort. It was the headquarters of a tract consisting of eighty villages. This tract was under the administration of the chiefs of the Silābāra stock. Epigraphical discoveries of the past decades have revealed the existence of a large number of units of the Silābāra families that had settled as petty local rulers, in the region of the Gulbarga and Bijapur districts, including the Akkalkot area. One of these units was the family of chiefs administering over the tract of Attinūru'.
HUŅASI-HADAGALI This is a petty village about 8 miles to the west of Gulbarga. It is looked upon as a holy place of pilgrimage and visited by Jainas of these parts. The sole object of interest for such pilgrims is an ancient Jaina temple that has survived to the present day through all the storm and stress of the past eight centuries and over, in a region which was the scene of political revolutions and an arena of warring creeds. The temple is known as the PārsvanāthaPadmāvati Basti. It is designated 'Sri Kshētra Huñasi-Haďagali Pārsvanā. tha-Padmavati Basti' in the official records.
The temple is situated in the western part of the village. It is an extensive structure surrounded by a compound wall with a spacious court-yard providing accommodation for the pilgrims. Most of these constructions are of luter times excepting the main shrine which has been somehow preserved as the earliest nucleus. The original temple appears to have
1
This information is Lased on unpublished inscriptions of my private collection. In an article contributed to the Epigraphia Indica I have discussed the history of the several branches of the Silähåra stock. See Vol. XXVII, part II, pp. 65-74.

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189 been a product of the Chalukyan school of architecture, and there is evidence to gurmise that it has undergone more than one renovation during the subsequent centuries.
The images under worship in the central shrine were reported to be Pūrśvanātha and Vardhamāna. Insufficiency of light stood in the way of my examining them carefully. But there seems to be no reason to doubt the veracity of the information. Epigraphical evidence, however, indicates that this must only be halftruth. The contents of the inscription standing in the verandah of this temple, which has been edited elsewhere (Part II, No. 2), speak of the erection of the temple in honour of Pārsvanātha and the consecration of the image. It is likely that the same original image of Pārsvanātha has been preserved to the present day. The epigraph incidentally refers to another collateral deity, viz., śāntinātba. It is not known when and under what circumstances the latter was replaced by Vardhamāna.
Now, we may scrutinize the icons placed in the verandah of the temple : i) Two of these are the Sāsanadēvatās of Pārsvanātha, viz. Dharaņēndra and Padmāvati. The Yaksha couple resembles each other in having the serpent hood and four arms with their common attributes. The objects held in the four hands are as follows: right upper, a goad; right lower, a lotus bud; left upper, à noose; left lower, a fruit. Padmavati, though a secondary deity, assumed importance in course of time and was worshipped with great popularity. This fact explains the prominence attained by her in this place. ii) The third image is that of Kāli, locally known as Kālamma. This divinity is to be identified with the Vidyādovi of the Jaina pantheon. She has four hands which bear the following attributes: right upper, Varada; right lower, sword; left upper, shield; left lower, fruit. iii) Another sculpture is the representation of two monks in seated posture with the miniature figure of the Jinu overhead. A similar sculpture was noticed at Bankûr, the identity of which has been discussed in an earlier paragraph. iv) Images of Hanumān and Gaņāśa were also noticed by the side of the above deity Kāļamma. These point to the influence of popular Hindu religion on the Jaina followers during the later period.
In the same verandah was noticed an inscription on a stone tablet. This record has been edited in full, in Part II ( No. 2). The epigraph refers to a monk named Arhanandi Bettada Dēvaru who was an ancestor of the line of spiritual teachers of Rakkasayya. Another preceptor who bore
1 As an outstanding instance of the prominanoe gained by this deity we may refer to the
temple dedicated to Padunávatí at Humchcha in the Shiinoga District, Mysore State.

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identical name figures in an inscription at Kaņņûr in the Bijāpur District. Arhanandi of the latter record lived in 1113 A. D. whereas the date of his namesake of the Huņasi-Hadagali inscription may roughly be ascribed to the middle of the 11th century A. D. Hence the two teachers must apparently be different.
INGALGI This village included in the Chitāpur taluk of the Pāyagā Jāgir is about 4 miles to the south from the Shāhabad Railway Station. It contains a large number of temples and other objects, some of which are associated with the cult of Jainism. One temple dedicated to Lord Jina was found deserted in a desolate condition. Another was a mass of ruins. They must have been fair specimens of the Chālukyan architecture in their well-preserved state.
The first temple mentioned above is situated in the heart of the village close to the house of the Police Patil. An inscription on stone found in this temple has been edited in Part II (No. 1). The temple was constructed by Jākaladēvi, a queen of the Western Chālakya king Vikramaditya VI; and
the circumstances of its origin have been narrated in an interesting manner in 'the record. Some innages were observed in a damaged and neglected condition outside this temple. These appeared to have been originally associated with the temple.
The second Jaina temple in ruins noted before is popularly called the Jakkav vana or Vaijakkavvana Gudi (i. e., the temple of Jakkavva or Vaijakkavva). It is located outside the village. Among the surviving fragments of the original temple the following may be mentioned: i) Door-jambs with the carvings of the figures of the Jina in standing and sitting postures. ii) The sculpture of a deity called Jakkavva or Vaijakkavva. The figure is of a non-descript appearance and may be either a Tirthakara or Padmăvati. This otherwise uncared for image is occasionally recipient of some homage on the part of innocent womenfolk who offer flowers and lig before it.
It may be useful now to take into account some of the legends prevailing here: i) It is believed that the village was founded after the deity noticed above, to wit, Jakkavva or Vaijakkavva whose tutelage and influence are still perceptible among the inhabitants of the place. This is illustrated in the amazonian nature of the women of the locality according to some observers. 2) Another legend is rentiniscent of the past glory the place is said to have enjoyed in good old days.when the local merchants were trading
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1933-34, Appendix E, No. 177.

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in elephants and gems. Critically examined, these stories seem to contain some grains of historical truth. Epigraphical evidence is at our disposal, which shows that this village was allotted to his queen Jakaladevi by Vikramaditya VI and that it was administered by her. It may therefore be concluded that these traditions which only appear to be indistinct and tortuous echoes of the above event, attempt to portray in their own way a hazy picture of those times.
An inscription from Hirelingadahalli, Hāvēri taluk, Dharwar Dt.,' speaks of one Jākalamahādēvi, a queen of Vikramaditya VI. The epigraph refers itself to the reign of the king; but its date is lost on account of the damaged and mutilated condition of the stone. This Jakalamahādēvi who appears to have been ruling over the village, made a gift to the god Svayambhūdēva. An examination of the prasasti with which she is introduced shows that she was different from the Jakaladevi of the Ingalgi record. This is confirmed also by the former's religious leanings which are indicated by the gift. Thus we have to conclude that Vikramaditya VI had one more queen who bore the same name as his queen of the Hunasi-Haḍagali inscription, who was administering a village in the Dharwar area, and who was most probably a follower of the Brahmanical faith of her husband.
I have discussed at some length in my introductory remarks on the Ingalgi inscription the probable identity of the deity Mahu Maṇikya occurring in the record. The point may further be elaborated in the light of additional evidence. An inscription from Hunasikaṭṭi, Sampgaum taluk, Belgaum District, incidentally refers to the Basadi of Manikyadeva at Koḍana Pūrvadavalli which has been identified with the present-day Mugaṭkhan Hubballi. The epigraph is dated in A. D. 1130-31 in the reign of the Western Chalukya king Bhulōkamalla and records a gift of land for the worship of the deity Ekasaleya Parsvanatha associated with the above-named temple of Manikyadeva. There is no indication in the record to determine the nature of the god Manikyadeva. But it is clear from the context that he, at any rate, could not have been Parsvanatha; for the latter figures in the same context as a collateral deity. However, it is not unlikely that this Māņikyadēva stands for Vardhamana, the illustrious Jina of the pantheon. Jinamanikya Suri' is the name borne by some members of the Jaina ascetic order. Herein also we can possibly trace a reference to the particular divinity (viz., Vardhamana) of the Jaina pantheon, which was characterised as the 'manikya' or gem among the Jinas or the Tirthakaras.
1 In. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1932-33, Appendix D, No. 105.
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 132. 3 Ibid., Vol. X1, p. 250.

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KAĻAGI This village is about 14 miles to the west of the Chitāpur Station on the Nizam's State Railway. It is regarded as a holy place and its sanctity is compared with that of the Kāšī Kshētra. This claim is justified by the presence, in this place, of a large number of temples dedicated to Siva. In the midst of these monuments of the Brahmanical faith it is interesting to observe the remains of a huge Jaina temple which was found lying in a deplorably desolate condition. The stately image of Pārsvanātha with his serpent hood and other paraphernalia, which must have once consecrated and adorned the temple, was still lying in the debris of ruins. No inscription pertaining to this temple could be traced. All the monuments referred to above may be roughly ascribed to the 12th century A. D. The old name of this place as gathered from inscriptions in other temples was Kāļuge. It was the headquarters of the district styled Mannedaời Thousand. The town was the headquarters of the chiefs of the Bāņa family, who were ruling in these parts.
MAĻKHĒD This village situated in the Södam taluk has been identified with Mânyakhota, the eminent capital of the Rāshțrakūtas of the Dekkan. I have explored this place carefully during my visits to it more than once, with a view to secure confirmatory evidence in support of this identification. But I was rather disappointed with my findings which are as follows. Firstly, this place is poor in antiquities most of which are of a late period. Secondly, there is no trace whatsoever of cither the monuments or inscriptions of the Rāshịrakūta times. In the neighbouring villages which, as we shall see presently, are said to have constituted the suburbs of the great metropolis, I discovered some inscriptions of the later Chālukyas; but no single inscription of the Rāshtrakūțas was found anywhere. This glaring dearth of early relics may probably be ascribed to the close proximity of the river Kāgiņā which might have swept them away or submerged them by its overflowing operations. Excavations may yet reveal some of them. This suggestion is justified by the reported vestiges of old temples and other structures noticed by the residents of this place in the course of diggings for the foundations of new houses.
Now we shall focus our attention for a while on the local traditions which are the next important, though secondary, sources of our information in the present enquiry. A tradition which uninistakably identifies this place with
1 It is probable that the place name, Malakotaka mentioned in the Mudbo! plates
of Pūgavarman, of about the 6th century A. D., is indenital with Malkhēd. If this identification be correct, it would be the earliest epigraphical evidence regarding
the existence of the place prior to the times of the Rashtrakūtas. Vide Progress • of Kannada Research in Bombay Province, from 1941 to 1946, p. 71.

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the illustrious capital of the Rāshtrakūtas, is prevalent among the common folk of these parts. According to this tradition it is believed that this was a very big city extending as far as Sēdam, 10 miles to the east, and up to Dandoti, 4 miles to the west, and including among its suburbs the modern twin villages of Nilhalli and Konkanalli between Sēdam and Malkhöd. Malkhēd, as the report goes, was the seat of the royal palace; the imperial secretariate was housed at Sēdam; the army was stationed at Dandoti; and the treasury was deposited at Nilhalli-Konkanalli. In support of this contention the name Dandoti is said to have been derived from the word dandu' meaning 'an army', which has thus retained its old association to the present day."
Greater corroboration of this belief is vouched by the memories che. rished by the Jaina community of this region. These reminiscences, which may be characterised as peculiarly Jaina traditions, emphasise in their own way on two inter-linked aspects of the problem; to wit, one, Malkhôd was the headquarters of the Rāshțrakūtas of the Dekkan who were great patrons of Jainism; and two, it was an important ecclesiastical centre of the faith. We cannot, in this context, rule out the possibility that some of these traditions might have been influenced by the statements contained in the earlier works of the Jaina religious literature. Nevertheless we shall notice them here for what they are worth.
Chronologically reviewed, the importance of Maļkhēd as a seat of Jainism dates from the early period of the first century A. D. According to the later testimony of Haribhadrasūri, the author of Samyaktvasaptati, Malkhēd with its neighbourhood was inhabited by a fairly good number of followers of the Svētāmbara school of Jainism, when Pädaliptichārya who lived circa first century A, D., visited the place. It is revealing to note in this connection that this evidence of literature in regard to the existence of the followers of the Svētāmbara school in the south is substantiated by the testimony of the copper plate record of the Kadamba king Mrigēśavarmā, which speaks of the great congregation of monks of white robes, engaged in the works as enjoined by the excellent religion propounded by the Arhat', who lived in the 5th century A. D. in as southern a part of the country as the region of Banaväsi.
The belief is voiced in certain quarters associating Maļkhôd with the great teacher Kondakundāchārya. Another source of wider credence makes
1 The old name of the village is met with in the form Daņdabatti in an inscription from
Tengaļi of about the 12th century A. D. (Part II, No. 16). The latter part of the term which is hatti may be conneoted either with the Kannada expression hati denoting 'a settlement or with the Tamil word pati meaning 'an abode', as for instance in
the famous place-name Tirupati. 2 Mys. Arch. Report, 1923, pp. 10-11, 3 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 37.
25

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA the great disputant Akalanka, a native of this place. We have no means at our disposal to verify if the latter tradition has any independent locus standi of its own or to determine if it merely echoes the statements of such literary works as the Kathākośa and the Akalanka-charita. It is not again unlikely that this tradition might have derived its inspiration from yet another source of information which establishes the relationship of Akalanka with the Dēva Saṁgha of Mānyakhēța. While examining the antiquities of Aland we have noted the tradition asserting the foundation at Malkhēd of a pontifical seat of the Jaina teachers by Jinasēna Bhattāraka,” the reputed preceptor of the Rāshtrakūţa emperor Nřipatunga Amõghavarsha ( 9th century A. D.).
Now we may concentrate our attention on the antiquities proper of the place. Leaving aside stray fragments of architectural structures of the bygone age, such as door jambs, lintels, etc., which are found here and there in a small number, since they lead us to no definite results in our quest, we shall proceed to the Nēminātha Jinālaya, the only surviving relic of the Jaina faith. The edifice is neither stately nor conspicuous in dimensions. Still it creates an impression of solid and decent specimen of good architecture. The temple seems to have undergone more than one renovation. Parts of the structure and most of the images deposited herein bear the stamp of archaic style. Taking all aspects into account we may broadly ascribe the period of the 10th to the 13th century as the age of the temple.
Apart from the main image of Nēminātha Tirthakara in the sanctum, the temple is a repositary of a large number of sculptures. These consist of the Tirthakaras, their Sāsanadēvatās and other divinities. They are deposited in the central hall and in the verandah of the temple. Most of them are of fairly big size and nicely executed. I was not able to examine them in detail on account of insufficiency of light and other difficulties. So I shall mention some of them here in a general way. The huge image of Pārsvanātha placed in the verandah is handsomely imposing. It is attended by the Yaksha pair on its two sides, Dharaņēndra and Padmãvati. Inside the central hall were found among others the following sculptures: Chauvisa Tirthakara and Nandiśvara; a twoarmed Yakshiņi which may be identified either with Ambikā, the Sāsanadēvatā of Nēminātha or with Siddhāyikā, that of Mahāvīra; Sarasvati or Śrutadēvi and Bhairava or Kshētrapāla. A representation of the Gañadhara-valayayantra was also noticed here.
Even these cursory details are enough to show that all these sculptures representing several deities of the Jaina pantheon could not have originally
1 S. R. Sharma: Jainism and Karnatak Culture, p. 30. 2 This Jinasēna appears to have belonged to the Sēna gapa. He is to be distinguished
from his namesake author of Harivaṁsapurána, who was his contemporary and belonged to the Pannāta Samgha; Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 142.

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195 belonged to the Nēminātha temple. So we have to infer that they have been brought over from different temples of the locality after their disruption in the declining days of the faith and placed together in this single surviving temple of moderate dimensions. We may note in this connection an illuminating tradition prevalent among the followers of the creed. It is believed that this place contained fourteen Jaina temples which were repositories of fourteen caskets of sacred scriptures ( siddhānta pettige) and that they have gone underground, Leaving aside the latter part of the belief which only explains away an unpleasant historical truth, the tradition stands solidly supported on the evidence of the sculptures noticed above. Furthermore it helps us to account for their presence in one particular place.
In my introductory remarks on Inscription No. 14 of Part II I have discussed at length the importance of the epigraph incised on a pillar of the Nominātha temple and its contribution to the study of the history of the Jaina church at Malkhēd. The grandiloquent title, Sri-nija-ghatikāsthāna-DilliMalayādri-Vijayanagara-Varānga-Patta-Pombuchcha-chaturvidha-siddha-simhāsanādhisyara, associated with the pontifical seat of Malkhëd, seems to bear some historical significance and is reminiscent of the glorious days enjoyed by it in the Mediaeval Epoch. In this prasasti Ma!khod is referred to by the rather sophisticated name Malayādri. In the epigraphical records explored by me at this place and in the neighbouring villages, ranging from the 12th century onwards, the place is mentioned as Maleyakhoda. This place again is characterised in the above praśasti as a ghaţikā-sthāna or 'a seat of higher learning' and siddha-siṁhāsana (primeval pontifical throne ) in conjunction with four other places, namely, Dilli, Vijayanagara, Varānga and Pombuchcha. The conception of a siddha-siṁhāsana, as applied either to a royal or pontifical throne, appears to be of a later date and perhaps of Jaina association. This coupled with the inclusion of Dillī in the list strengthens the view in favour of a late origin of the prasasti. Pombuchcha is the modern Humchcha of the Shimoga Dt. in the Mysore State. It is referred to as Patti-Pombuchcha in earlier records. The expression Varānga' in the above praśasti is again a place-name and it may be identified with Varānga in th Udipi taluk of the South Kanara Dt. It is a decaying Jaina centre of secondary imporatnce containing Jaina temples with inscriptions and a branch Matha. With the inclusion of this place in the list the number of siddha-simbāsanas will be five and not four as specified. This is one more indication which goes to prove the late origin and patched-up nature of the praśasti.
The Jaina belief again regarding the conventional seats of learning which are also termed as Vidyāsthānas (cf. ghaţikāsthāna of the above praśasti) seems to vary in their contents as well as their number according to the regional"

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prominence. For instanc the North Indian tradition mentions eight Vidyāsthānas which are all in the north; viz., Jaipur, Delhi, Gwalior, Ajmer, Nāgaar (Rajputana) Rãmpur-Bhānpur (near Indore), Karanja and Surat. The Mysore Jainas, according to another tradition, mention only four Vidyāsthānas, viz., Delhi, Kolhāpur, Jina Kānchi and Penukonda.' While retaining Delhi, the Maļkhed version differs from this materially and substitutes Malkhôd, Vijayanagara, Varānga and Humchcha as the four other components of the Chatub-Simhāsana. We have to note in this connection the significant fact that the Vidyāsthānas are invariably taken to be identical with the religious headquarters of the pontiffs.
The authors of the Studies in South Indian Jainism refer to a composition named Jaina Birudāvali and cite an extract from the same at the end of their work.' It is not known if the extract comprises the whole piece of composition or only a portion of it. The extract in question appears to be a later day compilation wherein the compiler seems to have pieced together whatever bits of information he could lay his hand on, regarding the Jaina teachers of a particular line or lines. We can trace in this extract an allusion to the Sārasvata gachchha and Balātkāra gaṇa which was the monastic affiliation of the Malkhēd gurus. Proceeding further, the extract seems to contain & reference to the Siddhasimhasana of Malkhod, which name appears to have been read and copied wrongly as Malebegada for Maleyakhēda. We also note with interest the occurrence of some of the descriptive phrases, names and epithets of the teachers of the Malkbõd pattāvali in the extract under reference; for instance, Rāyarājaguru, Mabāvādiśvara, tat-paţțămbhāja-divākarāyamāna, etc. But the unreliable nature of the pedigree of the teachers in the extract is betrayed by the absence of proper order and lack of chronological sense in the enumeration of the succession of teachers. The Birudāvali. however, seems to contain a few authentio allusions to the Malkhēd teachers and therefore deserves to be explored further in detail.
The foregoing detailed examination of the Jaina antiquities and associations of Maļkhôd is enough to convince us of its importance as a Jaina centre from the earliest days till almost modern times. Many eminent teachers wielding influence in the country lived and flourished here. As Jaina religious institutions are particularly renowned for their patronage of learning and generally possess ancient works on religion and other subjects, an attempt was made to explore them here. There are reasons to believe that this place must have preserved at one time a good collection of manuscripts; but the forces of disruption appear to have played their part during the later days.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXII, p. 460. 2 Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 132-34.

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Consequently, my search proved futile. It was reported that some 59 manuscript works in Sanskrit, Prākrit and Kannada surviving in the Nēminātha temple were taken away some time before by Pt. Devakinandanji of the Mahāvira Brahmacharyāśrama, Karanja, Berar. Through the kindness of Dr. A. N. Upadhye I was able to secure a list of these works. They make an interesting reading. Some of the works are already published and are familiar to the students of Kannada literature. In order to indicate the importance of such collections I cite below a few names from the list : 1) Dhammo Mangalamukkiţtham (Prākrit); 2) Bahubalicharitra (Kannada); 3) Rāmāyaṇa by Brahma Jinadāsa; 4) Samyaktvakaumudi (Kannada); 5) Jñūnachandra Kāvya (Kannada); 6) Sārasvata Vyākaraṇa ( Kannada ); 7) Dharmāmțita (Kannada); 8) Tatvārthasūtra (Kannada); 9) Chintāmaņi (Kannada); 10) Sri Gita-vītarāga Ashtapada sikā (Kannada); 11) Dharmaparikshā (Kannada); 12) Hanumān Charitra (Sanskrit); and 13) Añjanācharitra (Kannada).
SARADAGI This village is about 8 miles towards the east from Gulbarga. It comprises the headquarters of a small taluka in the Pāyagā Jāgir of Shāhabād. It is popularly known as Srinivāsa Saradagi on account of the existence, here, in the past, of a beautiful temple dedicated to the god Srinivāsa, which has now been converted into a mosque. Judging from the good number of antiquities scattered in the locality, the place appears to have been a fairly important seat of Brahmanical culture. And it was a pleasant surprise to find in the midst of these antiquities some vestiges of the Jaina faith. I was able to detect here a slab of stone bearing finely carved figures of two ascetics in the sitting posture, surmounted by a small figure of the Jina with the charaoteristic symbol of the triple umbrella. I have discussed above the significance of these representations which were found in other places also. As these sculptures were associated in the former instances with the Jaina temples, it would be reasonable to assume that this piece also was originally connected with a Jaina religious structure.
SĒDAM This town constitutes the headquarters of a taluk of the name in the Gulbarga Dt. It is about 10 miles towards the east from Maļkhôd. While examining the antiquities of Maļkhēd, I have noted a local tradition connect ing this place with Małkhēd of the good old days when the latter formed the capital city of the Rāshtrakūţa rulers of the Dekkan. But no relics which could definitely be ascribed to the age of the Rāshtrakūtas--neither inscriptions nor monuments-could be traced here. All the antiquities of the place are of a later date,

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The place is rich in antiquities such as temples and inscriptions belonging to the orthodox school of the Brahmanical cult and also of the Jaina faith. Among the latter mention may be made of three Jaina temples which were found in an awfully neglected and desolate condition. Constructed in the Chalukyan style, they must have stood as decent specimens of architecture in their original state. Two of these are situated in the Settiyara Oội and the third one is in the Potters' Colony. Inscriptions in these temples have been edited in full (Nos. 3-6 and 8 ) in Part II of this volume. In the introductory remarks of these epigraphs I have described in detail the condition of these temples. In line 44 of Inscription No. 3 there occurs an allusion to a local Jaina temple named Lõka Jinālaya. It might have been built by a chief named Lõka of the Haihaya family. This temple could not be traced. Besides the image of Pārsvanātha in the Chikka Basadi, a few mutilated sculptures of Tirthakaras were found by the side of a well in the Settiyara Oņi.
In the introductory remarks of Inscription No. 7 I have dwelt upon the cult of the deity Jvālini or Jvālāmālini whose worship appears to have been prevalent in this place. Indranandi composed the Jvālāmālinī-stotra at Mānyakhāta or Malkhēd which is close to Sēdam. This piece of information lends further confirmation to the prevalence of the cult of Jvālinī in this locality as revealed by the Sēdam epigraph. It has been shown elsewhere that this deity was popular in other parts of Karnataka also. The cult of Jvālāmālini appears to date from earlier times and may have been introduced in the Tamil country from Karnāțaka where it was widely prevalent. Further support for this suggestion is gained from the discovery of an early commentary of the work in ancient Kannada language written probably by Indranandi himself by the period of the 10th and 11th century A. D.
The Inscription No. 3 from this place introduces us to the teacher Prabhachandra Traividya Bhattāraka who is stated to have belonged to the Ma[du]va gaña. Nothing is known regarding the affiliation of this gaņa. But it is possible to draw an inference regarding the same on the analogy of a cognate order which flourished in the Āndhra country. The Maliyapuņdi grant of Ammarāja II assignable to the 10th century A. D. reveals the existence of a section of the Jaina ascetic order named Kõți-Maduva or Maduva gaña which was associeted with the Yāpaniya Samgha. It is therefore likely that
1 Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 34. 2 An, Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1928–29, p. 88; Progress of Kannada Research in Bombay
Province, 1941-46, p. 25. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 56, 1,50. The text containing this information is faulty; it reads:
'sri-yāpuniya-samla-prapujya-koti-Malava-ganēśa-mukhyo yah.' Herein we may as well construe the name of the gaña as Maduva only instead of Koţi-Msuva and take the expression 'prapūjya-koți' as a qualifying adjunct.

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Maduva gaņa of the Sēdam record was similarly connected with the Yāpaniya Samgha. This surmise is further supported by the fact that there existed in these parts other orders of teachers who belonged to the Yāpanīya Samgha. Prabhāchandra, it may be noted, was a renowned Mantravādi.
In the introduction to Inscription No. 4 I have discussed at some length the heroic nature of the residents of Sēļimba or ancient Sēdam with particular reference to the 'fifty-two warriors' who are characterised as of primeval fame. Besides the allusion in the Dāņi record to these valiant champions as pointed out in the discussion, one more inscription at Mugad in the Dharwar Dt. contains a specific reference to the galaxy of veterans. It is striking to observe that these heroic traditions of yore were handed down to the present generation in the from of a peculiar custom. This was the unique practice of boxing tournaments which the inhabitants of the town used to hold on a mass scale regularly on two occasions every year till it was stopped by the government recently on account to its evil consequences.'
TENGAĻI This village is about 4 miles towards the north-west of Malkhód It does not at present possess any Jaina antiquities worth the name. But as shown in the introductory portion of Inscription No. 16, it must have had at least one Jaina temple in the 12th century A. D. Mention may be made bere of the sculpture of a Tirthakara bearing on its back the Inscription No. 15. From this inscription and another from Ādaki we are acquainted with the existence, in these parts, of a line of teachers who belonged to the Vandiyūr gana of the Yāpuniya Samgha. This section of the ascetic order was not quite unknown previously; for the Sūđi Plates of Būtuga II, which have been dubbed as spurious, specifically refer to this gana and the Samgha. The name of the gana has been read therein as Vadiyūr. The name occurs in the same form in the Tengali inscription also and the anusvāra in the name has been supplied from the Adaki version of the name which contains an anusvāra. Now I shall turn to the places in the Kopbal District.
ĀDŪRU This village is situated in the Yalbargi taluk of the Kopbal Dt. The following Jaina relics were noticed here. i) A basadi (temple ) in an indiffe
1 Bomb. Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, pt. i, p. 72. 2 We may also note in this connection that a similar tradition prevailed in the famous
ancient city of Pratishthana or modern Paithan. Pratishthana was invested with Jaida traditions and writers of Jaina persuasion have incorporated them in their works. Jinaprabhasűri who lived circa 15th century A. D., makes specifio mention, in his work Kalpapradipa, of the "fifty-two warriors' celebrated in that capital of the Satavahanas;
J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X, p. 134. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 180.

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rent state of preservation. ii) An image of a Tīrthakara lying in a neglect ed condition near the temple of the god Kallinātha (Siva). ii) A mutilated stone-pedestal of a Tirthakara bearing finely carved figures of lions. Lion being the emblem of the last Tirthakara, viz., Mahāvīra, the pedestal must have been originally associated with the lost image of the deity. Damaged syllables of an epigraph were traced on this pedestal (Inscription No. 52).
ΚοΡΒΑΣ This highly interesting town has been the scene of my explorative activities more than once; and I have ransacked the antiquities of this place some time in collaboration with local friends interested in research and some time single-handed. The place has also been visited by other scholars and members of the Archaeological Department, Hyderabad. Some articles and monographs containing the results of their findings have been published so far. As is often the case in such circumstances, it becomes difficult to apportion or assign the credit of such discoveries among the different individuals, since their efforts severally and jointly contribute to the sum total of the results. For instance, some of the discoveries which could be claimed as belonging exclusively to the present writer, have been incorporated in his article entitled Kopana-Koppala by the late Shri. N. B. Shastri of Kopbal. For the simple reason that most of the inscriptions discovered at Kopbal were copied and studied also by myself, simultaneously with other explorers, I have included them in my present collection, in addition to such epigraphs as are to be credited solely to my personal account. In this way, the total number of inscriptions hailing from this place, edited in Part III of this volume exceeds all the inscriptions hitherto published or noticed by other scholars.
In regard to the epigraphical material from Kopbal set forth in detail in this volume the following special features deserve to be emphasised. i) This is the first systematic endeavour of its kind to bring together all the Jaina epigraphs of the holy place. ii) Some of the inscriptions were never noticed before and they are being published here for the first time. iii) The readings and interpretations of certain epigraphs given here differ materially in certain respects form those of other scholars who have published them. These have been discussed at length in their proper places.
Now I shall take a bird's-eye-view of the principal antiquities of the place with a view to assess its importance. In the prehistoric age of the early millenniums before the advent of the Christian Era, the bills and valleys adjoining this town appear to have been inhabited by a human race of pigmies as testified by the presence, to the present day, of their funeral relics such
1 Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXII, No. 3 ( 1938).

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as the Dolmens and the Stone Circles. It is interesting to note how the recollection of these ancient times has been preserved in a peculiar manner by the local tradition which recognises these structures under such names as the Mõrõra Agasi (i. e., the gate of the Mõrēs), Mārēra Angadi (i. e., the shop of the Mõrēs ), etc. The expression More' is to be derived from the term Maurya; and these labels are apparently reminiscent of the historio times when this region was probably under the influence of the Mauryan Empire. But a critical examination will lead to the conclusion that such traditions need not be interpreted literally as they only indicate half-way attempts of a confused and unhistoric inind to describe in a vague manner unfamiliar objects of the bygone age.
Another set of traditions takes us into the realm of the Mahābhārata and the Purāņas. These legends seem to assume that this place was asso ciated with certain incidents in the life of the Pandavas, particularly during the period of their exile. Hence it is that certain spots in the Kopbal hills are styled Pāņdavara Vathāra or Pāņdavara Vathala (i, e., the shed of the Pāņdavas). Further amplification of this belief may be traced in the names like Indrakila Parvata, Arjunana Gundu (i. e., Arjuna's boulder) and Handiya Gundu (i. e., Boar's boulder), etc., given to specific hills and hill-tops in the region. These appellations are apparently calculated to justify the claim that Arjuna performed his penance in the hills of Kopbal for the acquisition of the miraculous weapon Pāśupata.
Coming to the Buddhist times this place appears to bave been considered a convenient centre for the propagation of that faith in South India from the times of Asoka. The two ininor edicts of the emperor engraved on the rocks of the Gavimatha and Pallakki Gundu, discovered recently, confirm this surmise. Konkinapulo which was a great seat of Buddhism according to the narrative of Yuan Chwang who visited it during the 7 th century A. D., has been identified with Kopbal. From this we are lead to the plausible inference that Kopbal had by this time proved to be a fertile field for the growth of the Buddhist faith which seems to have flourished here approximately from the 3rd century B. c. to the 7th century A. D.
Jainism too, along with Buddhism, must have wended its way to this attractive place from the early centuries before the Christian era, though no direct evidence is available on the point. Still, the early penetration of the Jaina creed in the 3rd century B. c. further south as far as Sravana Belgola in the Kannada country as attested by the Bhadrabāhu-Chandragupta tradition,
Mediaeval Jainism p. 188-89. Contra Konkinapulo identified with Banavāsi; Kadamba Kula, p. 62, No. 3.
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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA the early age attributed to Kondakunda and other teachers who championed the cause of the faith in the South, and the patronage and support conferred upon it by the early rulers of the Ganga and Kadamba families of Karnātaka, are pointers that squarely justify the above assumption. The earliest epigraphical record that testifies to the eminence of Sravana Belgola as a Jaina holy place is approximately assigned to the 7th century A. D. This compares favourably with the earliest epigraphical reference to Kopbal as contained in a damaged inscription from Halgēri (No. 47) of the present collection, to be assigned approximately to the same period, though there is nothing in the record to connect it with Jainism.
Reference to this place occurs in three forms in the epigraphs: Kupaņa, Kupiņa and Kopaņa. The earliest allusion to the locality as a holy abode from the Jaina religious point of view is found in an inscription at Kopbul itself dated in the 9th century A. D. (No. 19). Subsequently, in the course of about a century or so, references to this place as a sacred centre of Jainism, gleaned from the epigraphical sources and contemporary literature, become sufficiently numerous and substantial, which go to establish its supremacy. From these it looks as though this place vied with Sravaņa Belgola at one time and overshadowed its glory for the time being. It is in no way easy either to trace the reasons that were responsible for the rise of this place as the holiest resort of the Jaina religion or to assess the factors that contributed to its growth. The following outstanding features however emerge from a close perusal of the epigraphical and literary references to this place between the 9th and the 13th centuries A. D.
i) It was reckoned as the foremost and supremely sacred amongst the Tirthas or holy resorts. According to an inscription from the Shimoga District it was distinguished among the millions of Jaina sacred places.' ii) Its purity was considered par excellence and cited as a standard of comparison. iii) It was replete with temples and shrines dedicated to the different deities of the Jaina pantheon. iv) Monks and lay disciples of various ascetic orders were residing here conducting their religious practices. v) Rulers
Kopbal is referred to in Nos. 26, 46 to 49 and 53 of the present collection. In No. 52 of the Bombay Karpatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, part I, from Lakkundi, dated in A. D. 1007, Kopbal is referred to as Kupiņa in laudatory terms. Nos. 127, 191, 345, 384 and 475 of the inscriptions at Śruvaņa Belgola contain reference to Kopbal. It finds mention in Nagar 46, Shimoga 64 and Shikaripur 317 also. For references from Tamil insoriptions cited and discussed by the lateC. R. Krishnamacharlu see the Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal (Hyd. Arch. Series, No. 12, p. 3-5). Among the literary notices the following may be cited: Chåmundarāya's Adipurāņa, verse 15; Ranna's Ajitanāthapurāna, åśvāsa XII, verse 6. For further datails see Mediaeval Jainism pp.187-99, etc.

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and officials of the state vindicated their religious fervour by erecting temples in this holy place. vi) Ascetics from different parts of the country came to this place with a view to end their lives by the religious rite of sanyasana. The earliest renowned instance available on the point is perhaps that of the monk Kumarasēna who approached this place from Mulgund for the purpose.' vii) It was a popular centre of pilgrimage, attracting people from far and near places.
One deplorable fact, however, that weighs heavily on our judgment while holding our balance between Kopbal and Sravana Belgola, merits particular notice. This is the ruin and destruction that has befallen the Jaina antiquities of Kopbal as contrasted with those of Sravana Belgola, which have never been subjected to the fatal hand of the vandal, at any rate, to the extent of the former. But even in the present disrupted state of its relics, the large number of epigraphs constituting either the memorials of those zealous aspirants who courted death on its hills under the vow of sallekhana or the autographs of pilgrims visiting the place; the figures of Tirthakaras and the representations of the Nishidhi scene carved out on the rocks of hills; pillars, coping stones, door-jambs, fragmentary sculptures and pedestals of images, which were originally associated as their integral parts with several temples and shrines, discovered here and there and extensively built into the modern houses and structures-all these speak eloquently for the eminence of the place as a Jaina holy centre, while adding their own weight of local evidence to the testimony of external sources. Inscriptions hailing from the Mysore State speak of the unusually large number of Jaina temples, which was a characteristic feature of this holy place. Reminiscence of this past phenomenon is still preserved in a local saying which avers that the town contained 772 Jaina temples and was regarded by the Jaina community as sacred as the Kasi Kshetra or Banaras, the famous holy place of the Hindus. This numerical figure, even though it looks rather conventional and may not be literally true, unmistakably denotes the proverbially large number of its temples. From among these shrines, a temple dedicated to Chandranatha or Chandraprabha Tirthakara must have stood prominent and been widely known among the followers of the faith. This fact is disclosed by the imprecatory passage in a copper plate charter of Keladi Sadasiva Nayaka, which places this deity on par with Gummaṭanatha of Śravana Belgola and the Nemisvara of Ujjantagiri.*
1 Chamuṇḍaraya's Adipurāṇa, verse 15.
2 In the Sōmanathacharitre of Raghavanka, a Kannada poet of the beginning of the 13th century, there is an allusion to the Maladhari Śramanas from Kopana; Harischandrakavya (Mysore University publication, 1933), Introduction, p. xix.
3 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 127; Vol. VII, Sk. No. 317, etc. 4 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 94.

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From incidental allusions in inscriptions as also from the surviving relics explored in the locality we are in a position to glean a few names of the temples that adorned this town at one time. Here is a list of such temples: 1) Arasiya Basadi (Ins. No, 29); 2) Chandranātha Basadi (Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 94); 3) Jayadhira Jinālaya (Ins. No. 46); 4) Kuća Jinālaya (Ins. Nos. 23-24); 5) Nõminātha Basadi (still surviving and under worship); 6) Pushpadanta Jinālaya (Ins. No. 25); 7) Sāntaladõviyara Basadi (Ins. No. 29); 8) Sāntinātha Basadi. A detached image of Sāntinātha Tirthakara was found preserved in the Nēminātha Basadi. This must have been brought here from the temple originally dedica. ted to the god, which, later on, must have gone to ruin. 9) Timambarasiya Basadi (Ins. No. 29); 10) Tirthada Basadi (Ins. No. 29); 11) According to Ins. No. 22 a temple was erected by Kalyāṇakirti on the spot where Simhanandi expired. Traces of this temple can be detected even to the present day near the cave. 12) Images of Padmavati and other deities are found deposited in the Nēminātha Basadi. These might have originally belonged to the temples dedicated to Pārsvanātha Tirthakara and other divinities.' 13) The present day Venkatësa temple in the fort area must have been a Jaina temple formerly. This is revealed by the pillars bearing the figures of Jinas and other vestiges discovered here.
I may incidentally notice a few interesting facts regarding the political history of the place as revealed by recent epigraphical discoveries. The hilly region and the hill fort of Kopbal appears to have been considered one of the mightiest natural strongholds of strategic importance from the early times. Inscriptions explored in the area of the Gulbarga and Bijapur districts contain allusions to a family of Šilāhāra chiefs who had settled in that region, but originally hailed from Kopaņapura or Kopbal.* This fact is proved
1 The late Mr. Shastri in his article on Kopa'a-Koppala refers to a temple named
Kopanatirthads Dannāyaka Basadi at kopbal (Kan. Sahitya Pari. Patrike, Vol. XXII, No. 3). This is obviously due to wrong understanding of the real position.
See the introduction of Ins. No. 49. 3 I have noticed a few more cases like the above and may mention one conspicuous
instance here. In the modern Virabhadra temple at Nēsargi, Sainpgaon taluk, Belgaum Dt., figures of the Jinas are carved on the doors and images of twenty-four Tirthakaras are found inside the shrine. From this it becomes evident that it was ortginally & Jaina temple. An image of a Jaina deity with an inscription on the pedestal was seen in this temple till recently. But it is reported to have been
destroyed a few years back! 3 The latest testimony to the effect is from Sir John Maloom; Journal of the Hyderabad
Arob. Society, 1916, p. 93. 4 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVII, pp. 68-9.

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by the title Kopaṇapuravaradhiśvara owned by these chiefs; and this title, as in analogous instances, denotes their supremacy over the town at one time. The epigraphs furnishing this information range from the 11th century onwards. Hence we may place the rule of the Silahāra chiefs over Kopbal and the adjoining region roughly during the period of the 9th and 10th centuries A. D.
Instances are also available of chiefs, who did not belong to the Śilāhāra stock, using the characteristic title Kopanapuravaradhiśvara, symbolic of their former authority over the famous town. For example, the feudatory chief Mahamandalēśvara Bibbarasa figuring in Inscription No. 2 of the present collection claims this title. An unpublished inscription from Hodal, of my private collection, dated in A. D. I180, states that chiefs born in the lineage of Nabhiraja were overlords of Kopana. This statement is substantiated by the title Kopanapuravaradhiśvara as applied to a scion of the family, Mahamandalesvara Vira-Ramadēvarasa, mentioned in an unpublished record from Harasur, of my private collection, dated in A. D. 1172. From this it is possible to surmise that these chiefs of Nabhiraja's extraction appeared on the political horizon of Kopbal subsequent to the period of the Silāhāras. Proceeding further, an inscription from Kalhole' in the Belgaum District introduces a subordinate chief Mahamandalēśvara Raja II who belonged to the Yaduvamsa and claimed the title 'supreme lord of Kupana, the best of towns'.
Such was the eminence of Kopbal. But unfortunately all its old glory was completely forgotten during the past centuries till its memory was revived about two decades ago by the activities of scholars interested in historical research. It is difficult to trace the causes that contributed to its sudden downfall and reduced it to a state of abject oblivion. The fact that the place retained much of its grandeur till A. D. 1560, is indicated by the following two inscriptions: i) An epigraph from the Shimoga District, dated about A. D. 1530, mentions Kopana as the fore-most among the holy resorts wherein the great teacher Vadi Vidyananda is stated to have performed acts of piety. ii) In a copper plate record of Sadasiva Nayaka of Keladi, dated in A. D. 1556, mention is made of Chandranatha of Kopana along with Gummatanatha of Belugula and Nemisvara of Ujjantagiri. It is significant to note that Kopana disappears from the scene during the subsequent period and the name figures nowhere in the epigraphical or literary sources. As this period synchronises with the defeat and disruption of the Vijayanagara Empire, we should possibly associate this event with the fall of this great holy centre.
2
1 Ep. Indica., Vol. XII, p. 308.
2 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nagar 46.
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 94.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA It is very likely that on account of its proximity to the Vijayanagara capital, this place also fell a victim to the dire forces of vandalism that were let loose in the country after the battle of Rakkasa Tangadagi ( A. D. 1565).
HALGERI This village is about 4 miles towards the north-west of Kopbal A few inscriptions on stone, some remarkable hero-stones and a Nishidhi slab were noticed here. The Nishidhi stone was built into the platform of the margosa tree near the village chávadi. It bears the figure of an ascetic in meditative posture having at the top the small effigy of the Jina with the triple umbrella. One of the inscriptions (No. 47) has been assigned to the early period of the 7th century A. D. The reference to Kopaņa contained in this record is one of the earliest on the subject.
MADINŪRU This village is about 4 miles towards the north of Kopbal. It possesses a large number of antiquities and only a few of these are of Jaina persuasion. There is a Jaina temple of recent construction and a few Juina families are residing here. The temple is dedicated to the god Chandranātha or the Chandraprabha Tirthakara. Images of Pārsvanātha and other deities of the Jaina pantheon were lying in a forsaken and damaged condition near the temple of Chandranātha and in other places. An image of a female ascetic was also noticed. Only one inscription was found here in the Virabhadra temple. The epigraph furnishes much useful information regarding the history of this place. It constituted an agrahāra and was known by the name Modeganūru. It was one of the headquarters of the Southern Kalachuris during the reigns of the sons of Bijjala II, Râya-Murāri Sõvidēva and others. The presence of the temple of Chandranātha or Chandraprabha Tirthakara in this place seems to bear some significence. We already know from the copper plate charter of Sadāśiva Nayaka of Keladi, dated in a. D. that Kopuna possessed a renowned temple dedicated to the god Chandranātha. Now, perhaps we shall not be wrong if we reasonably surmise that when Kopbal was subjected to the forces of destruction, the famous image of Chandranātha or its substitute was somehow removed, as a measure of safety, to this out of the way, though not remote, village and installed in a temple.
RAJŪRU This small village is situated in the Yalbargi taluk of the Kopbal District and lies a few miles away from the headquarters. Two objects of Jaina interest were noticed here. One is the Jaina inscription edited elsewhere (No. 53). The other is what appears to have been a Nishidbi memorial. This was a piece of stone built into the wall of the Siva temple near which was

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YALBARGI This is the headquarters of a small taluk of the name in the Kopbal District. It is a repository of a large number of Jaina antiquities which were lying scattered in a neglected and desolate condition in and outside the locality. A keen observer was able to detect here fragments of images and their detached pedestals, dressed up or finely carved stones which must have originally constituted parts of temples and their architectural constructions and various other relics of a non-descript nature. Many of these were built into the houses, wells and other buildings of modern times. Taking a collective view of all these objects, one gathered the impression that this place should have been, at one time, a flourishing centre of the Jaina faith along with other creeds that were also welcomed and nourished here by their followers.
What high water mark of culture and refinement the Jaina religion had attained in those days is happily instanced by two sculptures that were originally found buried underground near the Untouchables' Quurter of this village three decades ago and were subsequently removed to Kopbal and thence to the Nawab Salar Jang's palace museum at Surur Nagar, Hyderabad. These images are known as the Chauvisa Tirthankara and Pañchuparamēshthi. In them do we observe a pleasing combination of religious fervour and artistic excellence. Carved in shiningly brilliant black granite and wrought with scuperb craftsmanship, they present the most fascinating specimens of the sculptor's art. Inscriptions on the pedestals of these images have been edited elsewhere as Nos. 49 and 50. Another fragmentary record was noticed on the mutilated pedestal of an image, No. 51. The contents of these epigraphs substantiate the general impression in respect of the prosperous state of this place as a Jaina centre.
In course of my survey of the area in the vicinity of Yalbargi I came across a few antiquities of the Jaina faith in the villages like Adūru and Rājūru; and I have taken due account of them in their proper places. These antiquities in conjunction with those of Yalbargi lead us to the conclusion that this region must have been one of the fertile tracts for the growth of Jainism. Further corroboration of this view is afforded by an epigraph hailing from distant Aihole in the Bijapur District. The inscription was found in the Mēguți temple of the village. It speaks of the Nishidhi memorial set up in honour of a merchant named Rāmisetti. The merchant owned certain privileges (sețţigutta) in the Erambarage region and was a lay disciple of the

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teacher Kumudēndu who was a constituent of the illustrious Mūla samgha and Balātkāra gana.' This record again lends support to yet another piece of information furnished by the Adūru inscription (No. 52) regarding the existence of the teachers of the Balātkāra gana in this region.
Yalbargi is referred to by its old name Erambarage or Erambarıpuram in the early epigraphical records. Being the capital town of the Sinda chiefs who ruled here, it must have been a fairly big place. The chiefs of the Sinda family were feudatories of the Western Chālukyas of Kalyāņa and rose to prominence in the latter part of the 11th century A. D. ViraVikramāditya, one of the last rulers of this family, is referred to in an inscription noticed here (No. 51).
OTHER PLACES Besides the places dealt with in detail in the foregoing account, stray vestiges of the Jaina faith, such as the images of Tirthařkaras or other divinities, were noticed lying in a deserted or damaged condition in the following places: UppinBetyāri, Kaulūru, Kukanūru, Saņņa Sindõgi and Mudhol in the Kopbal Dt., and Kanakagiri and Mālagitti in the Raichur Dt. Their presence in these villages, some of which are insignificant and out of the way, while others are noted as strongholds of the Bralımanical faiths, speaks abundantly for the powerful and pervasive influence wielded by Jainisin at one time in these parts of Karnāțaka.
REVIEW OF THE EPIGRAPHS After this brief survey of the antiquities of the individual villages, I shall now take a collective view of the contents of the epigraphs and review in brief the contribution made by them to our knowledge of the political condition, society, religion, literature and language of Karnātaka of the period with special reference to the region represented by them. Most of the important points arising out of the texts of the inscriptions have been discussed in the introductory remarks on those documents. But such of the topics as could not find a proper place or adequate justification there will be dealt with here in some details.
CHRONOLOGICAL SPAN: The epigraphs belong to different periods of the Karnāțaka history and cover a wide range of nine centuries extending from the 8th to the 16th century A. D. Of these No. 47 from Halgēri furnishes the uppermost chronological limit, while No. 30 from Kopbal provides the lowest.
POLITICAL HISTORY Of the principal ruling families that shaped the political history of Karnāțaka, five main dynasties are represented in the present collection.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 246.

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They are the Earlier Châlukyas of Bādāmi, the Rashtrakūtas of Malkhôd, the Later Chālukyas of Kalyāņa, the Southern Kalachūris and the Yadavas of Dēvagiri. Only one record relates to the Chālukyas of Bādāmi. It hails from Halgēri (No. 47 ) and refers itself to the reign of Vijayāditya Satyäśraya who ruled from A. D. 696 to 733.
The RASHRakūȚAs: Of the Rashtrakūtas of Maļkhēd we have three records, all coming from the region of Kopbal. No. 18 which comes from Kopbal proper belongs to the reigning period of Nřipatunga (A. D. 814-77). Then follows the damaged inscription from Arakēri, No. 48. It has been assigned to A. D. 940, February, in the reign of Krishņa III whom it mentions. Krishna III's ally and brother-in-law of the Western Ganga family, Būtuga II, also figures in this record. The importance of the epigraph lies in the fact that it constitutes one of the early inscriptions of the king's reign. The third epigraph hailing from Uppina Betgēri (No. 46) refers itself to the reign of the same king and is dated in A. D. 964, December. This record is highly important in that it introduces for the first time a hitherto unknown yet prominent line of feudatory chiefs who belonged to the stock of the Rattas and claimed their descent in the Yadava lineage. Sankaraganda II, the latest scion of this family and a subordinate of Krishņa III, was a great patron of the Jaina faith.
The Later CHĀLUKYAS: The Later Chālukyas of Kalyāṇa have the largest number of inscriptions to their credit. They are ten in number and are distributed over the reigns of four rulers. No. 22 from Kopbal is assigned to the first regnal year of Vikramāditya V, which corresponds to A. D. 1009. Tribhuvanamalladēva or Vikramāditya VI, the most distinguished prince of the dynasty, is celebrated by six records, No. 1 from Ingalgi dated in the 18th year of his reign, corresponding to A. D. 1094, introduces his queen Jākaladēvi who was a firm follower of the Jaina faith. The unremitting zeal and exemplary devotion which sustained her in her faith under adverse circumstances, even against the will of her lord, are graphically narrated in the inscription. Little is known regarding the family history of this great lady. She was daughter of Tikka who was probably a member of the Telugu Choda stock.
The Huñasi-Hudagali record of the same ruler, which has been assigned to the early part of A. D. 1098, brings the following items of information prominently to our notice. i) The senior queen Chandaladēvī who is already familiar to us from other sources, was associated with the administration of a portion of Alande Thousand which was one of the major provinces of the kingdom. ii) Vikramāditya VI carried on a victorious expedition against the kingdom of Mālwă in A. D. 1097. This was the third of the series of campaigns launched by the Karnāțaka ruler against his inveterate foes, and in the course
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of this expedition he destroyed the city of Dhārā and strengthened his friendly relationship with prince Jagaddēva, son of the Mālwā king Udayāditya. Jagaddēva is a romantic figure in history and he had a chequered political career. He was on intimate terms with Vikramāditya VI who entertained him in his court as a great favourite. Jagaddova participated in many expeditions of the Chālukya ruler and fought on his side. iii) A feudatory chief named Bibbarusa was ruling over a tract included in the province of Alande. The renaining four inscriptions of the king (Nos. 17, 9, 3 and 10), which are dated in A. D. 1096-97, 1115 (circa), 1124 and 1126 respectively, do not add much information to the political history of the period.
Next we pass on to the reign of Bhūlökamulla or Sõmāśvara III for whom we have two inscriptions, Nos. 4 and 5 from Sēdam. The first of these contains no date and the second introduces a subordinate king named Bhima Dandanātha. The last ruler of the dynasty, Tribhuvanamalla Sömāśvara IV, is represented in one inscription from Sēdam, No. 7. The record merits careful examination on account of certain peculiarities in the genealogical account of the Chālukya house, the date and other items.
The genealogical account of the Chālukya family furnished in a cursory fashion by this record and also by a few more epigraphs of our collection (Nos. 2 and 4 ) differs in certain respects from similar accounts contained in a good number of epigraphs published so far. This account starts with Taila II in the usual manner and mentions Vikramāditya V, Ayyana and Jayasimha II as the sons of Taila II's son, Satyaśraya. But it has to be observed in this connection that these in reality were the sons of Daśavarman or Yaśõvarman, the younger brother of Satyāśraya, according to the more authentic testimony of a larger number of epigraphs discovered elsewhere. Adverting to the closing generations of the genealogical account, the epigraphs of this family in general, mention Jagadēkamalla II and Taila III as the sons of Somēśvara III and further state that Tribhuvanamalla Sõmēśvara IV was the son of Taila III. As contrasted with these statements the present epigraph represents Jagadēkamalla II, Nūrmadi Kshitipa (i. e., Taila III) and Tribhuvanamalla Sõmāśvara IV, all the three, as sons of Sõnāśvara III. Arranged in a tabular form the genealogical account set forth in the present epigraphical collection will be as follows:

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Taila (II) Satyāśraya (Sattinadēva )
Vikrama (V)
Ayyaņa
Jayasimha (II) Trailökyamalla, Āhavamalla or
Somēśvara (1)
Sõmāśvara (II)
or
Tribhuvanamalla
or Vikramāditya (VI)
Bhuvanaikamalla
Bhūlākamalla
or Sömāśvara (III)
Jagadēkamalla (II) Nūrmadi Kshitipa
Tribhuvanamalla. ( = Taila III)
( = Sõmāśvara IV) The inscription in question is dated the third regnal year of the king Sõmēśvara IV and the cyclic year Vikrama. As shown elsewhere the cyclic year is to be taken as the one which coincided with a. D. 1160. This would mean that the king's reign commenced in A. D. 1157-58. This is a new piece of information and it agrees well with the known facts of history. The Chalukya kingdom under the suzerainty of Taila III was passing through a critical period at this juncture. The Chālukya power sustained a severe blow in the eastern part of the dominion at the hands of the Kākatiyas under the leadership of Prola I. It was further undermined internally by the perfidious machinations of the Kalachuri feudatory, Bijjala II, who raised the standard of revolt and assumed the title of an independent Sovereign by the year a. D. 1156-57. Thus overwhelmed by difficulties, Taila III appears to have found a way out to meet the situation by investing his son and youthful successor with royal authority with a view to infuse new enthusiasm among his supporters. It is on such assumption that we can explain the date of the record which falls right within the reigning period of Taila III. Such instances wherein the immediate successor is invested with royal authority during the reign of the ruling monarch are not unknown to history
More circumspection is necessary in regard to the question of identification of the king's headquarters which is stated to have been at Potta
1 Bomb. Gaze., Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 474; Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 162, etc.

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The
lakere. Pottalakere appears to have been one of the strategic headquarters of the Chalukya empire from the early years and it played a prominent rôle in the political and religious life of the country, Brahmasiva, an advocate of the Jaina doctrine and author of two works in Kannada, hailed from this town.' Virasaiva saints, Devara Dasimayya and Sankara Dasimayya, were also associated with this place. According to the Kannada Basavapuraṇam it was the capital of king Jayasimha who is to be identified with the Western Chalukya ruler Jayasimha II (A. D. 1118-42). It might have been so prior to the foundation of Kalyana by his son Sōmesvara I.2 This place was identified by the late Dr. Fleet with the village Danayakanakere in the Bellary Dt.3 But subsequent investigations have led scholars to challenge the correctness of this identification. After visiting the place personally and studying the antiquities closely, Sri B. Sivamurti Sastri of Bangalore has shown that the ancient Pottalakere is to be identified with the present day Potlacheru, Potancharu or Pattancheruvu. This village is situated in the Hyderabad State at a distance of about 18 miles north-west-north from Hyderabad Dekkan. This identification is irrevocably confirmed by the testimony of early inscriptions found in the village itself, containing reference to the place as Pottalakere.*
THE SOUTHERN KALACHURIS: This dynasty is reflected in two epigraphs from Adaki, Nos. 11 and 13. Both of them belong to the reign of RayaMurari Sōvideva. The first dated in the 5th regnal year and Khara, corresponding to A. D. 1171, mentions Seleyahalli as the place of residence of the king. The second is much damaged and adds nothing to our information. Seleyahalli figures as one of the headquarters of the Kalachuri princes during the later period of the Kalachuri regime, particularly in the records of Raya-Murari Sōvidēva and his successor Sankamadeva. The late Dr. Fleet has identified this place with the modern village Sheloli in the Kolhapur area. But this identification has yet to be confirmed.
THE YADAVAS OF DEVAGIRI: Singhana, the most distinguished ruler of this house figures in two inscriptions of the collection, Nos. 12 and 28. The first of these hailing from Adaki furnishes, as shown in the introductory remarks on the epigraph, a. D. 1209 as the initial year of the reign of the king; and this is slightly earlier than the usually noticed commencement of his reign in A. D. 1210-11. The second epigraph from Kopbal which is very much damaged is assigned to Śaka 1163 or A. D. 1240.
1 Karpataka Kavicharite, Vol. I, p. 131.
2 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 440.
3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 162.
4 Sarapa Sahitya, Vol. IX., No. 9, pp. 456-57 and No. 10, pp. 521-25, Also see The Lithic Records of Hyderabad, by Ramakrishna Kavi, p. 16.
5 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 244.

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213 Tax HOYSAĻA Shadow: The Hoysaļa princes who generally ruled in the southern parts of Karnāțaka, do not find a place in the present epigraphical collection. An incidental reference, however, to a distinguished member of the royal household invites our attention towards this family. The allusion is contained in an inscription from Kopbal, No. 29, roughly assigned to the 13th century A. D. The record speaks of a gift of land made to a temple named Sāntaladēviyara Basadi. Sāntaladēvi was a renowned queen of the Hoysała king Vishnuvardhana. She was a zealous devotee and a great patron of the Jaina fuith. Besides other charitable works to her credit, she built a temple at Sravana Belgola, which was named Savatigandhavāraņa Basadi after one of her favourite titles. As we have seen elsewhere, most of the Jaina celebrities of the age took credit in constructing temples in the holy town of Kopaņa. In consonance with this practice of the times it seems likely that the Hoysaļa queen Sāntaladēvi erected a temple at Kopbal also and that it was named after her. Taking all these circumstances into consideration we are reasonably justified in identifying Sântaladēvi of the Kopbal record with Sântaladēvi, the Hoysaļa Queen.
FEUDATORIES AND SUBORDINATES: The fragmentary epigraph from Halgëri ( No. 47 ) of the time of Vijayāditya Satyāśraya mentions a subordinate official named Garõja who was connected with the local administration of the area of Kopaņa and Gutti. The damaged Arakēri epigraph (No. 48 ) of Kannaradēva, to be identified with the Rāshtrakūta monarch Krishņa III, introduces a Western Ganga feudatory bearing the familiar epithets, Satyavākya Konguņivarma-Dharmamahārāja Permānadi, etc. This has been indentified with Būtuga II, as vouched by the intimate blood relationship and close political alliance that subsisted between the Răshtrakūţa ruler and the Ganga prince and also by the jurisdiction of the latter over the tract of Beļvala Three Hundred. In the Uppina Betgēri inscription (No. 46 ) of Rāshțrakūta Krishna III figures his feudatory Sankaragaņda who belonged to the Yādava lineage and was a Ratta by extraction. This sankragaņờa is, in all probability, identical with his namesake who is praised as a great patron of Jainism by the Kannada poet Ranna in his Ajitatirthakarapurāņatilaka.
Sankaraganda is given the title Bhuvanaikarāma in the Uppina Betgēri record, and this has aroused some speculation in the literary circle of Karnāțaka. A work named Bhuvanaikarāmābhyudaya has been attributed to the authorship of the Kannada poet Ponna. This work is not extant at present ; but its existence at one time is testified not only by the statement to the effect,
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. II., Intro. p. 7. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. V. p. 166. 3 Aśvāsa xii, verse 9,

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in his Santinatha Purana, of the poet himself, but also by the identification of certain passages hailing from the work, cited in the Kävyävalōkana and Sabdamanidarpana, two works on Kannada poetics and grammar. It was Rashtrakūta Krishna III who conferred the title Kavichakravarti (poet-sovereign) on the poet Ponna. It seems likely in the context that Krishna III bore the epithet Bhuvanaikarama, and that the poet following the conventions of the age, celebrated his patron's name by composing a work after this epithet as was done by the poet Pampa and others. In view of this the assumption that Ponna wrote his work Bhuvanaikarāmābhyudaya in honour of Sankaraganda, for the simple reason that the latter also bore the title Bhuvanaikarāma does not. hold much water; because Sankaraganda with all his eminence was only a feudatory and occupied a subordinate position.1
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
The Ingalgi inscription of A. D. 1094 (No. 1) incidentally refers to a local chief named Anega who bore the title Birudanka Bhima and was possibly a descendent of Ayyana. The context shows that the region of Ingalgi was under the jurisdiction of this Anega. A chief named Echabhupa who belonged to the Ahihaya lineage, was connected with the Mirinte Nadu and possessed the title Mahishmatipuravaradhisvara, is introduced by an inscription from Aḍaki (No. 9), dated about A. D. 1115. A record from Sedam (No. 7), assigned to A. D. 1160, tells us that the chiefs of the Ahihaya lineage were prosperous in the region of Aral. The region of Aral, referred to as Aral Nadu and Aral Three Hundred, roughly comprised the modern taluks of Seḍam and Chitapur in the Gulbarga District. Ahihaya is a variant of Haihaya and information is available from other epigraphs in the area in regard to the chiefs who claimed to have been born in the Ahihaya race, belonged to the lineage of Ayyana and bore the title Mahishmatipuravarādhīśvara.a Some members of this Haihaya family are also spoken of as administering the tract of Mirinte Three Hundred, in conjunction with that of Aral Three Hundred.3 Mirinte, the headquraters of the tract may be identified with modern Martür near Gulbarga. Thus it appears that several branches of these chiefs had spread over a large area of the modern Gulbarga District. Their family name and the title unmistakably show that these chiefs originally hailed from central India and subsequently settled in the region Karnataka. So they might be designated, in a general way, the Haihayas of Karnāṭaka.
A few more details regarding these Haihaya chiefs may be noticed here from the published and unpublished inscriptions. An inscription from Nāgāi of A. D. 1084 gives the genealogical account of a branch of the Haihaya chiefs, which
1
Prabuddha Karpāṭaka, Vol. XV, pp. 28-35.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, pp. 292-3.
3 Hyd. Arch. Series, No. 8; Inscriptions of Nagai, c.

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commences with Loka I and contains names like Anega I, Aicha, Bijja, etc.1 This genealogy is pushed further to a few more generations by two unpublished insriptions of my private collection hailing from the village Handarki in the Sēḍam taluk. According to one of these records, dated in the Chalukya Vikrama year 43 or A. D. 1118, Choṭṭinaycha had a son named Mutta-Lōka. Next we pass on to the succession of Bacha whose son was Ānega II. This Anega II is described as the lion to the rut-elephahts which were the chiefs of the Tondamandala i. e., the Chōla country. Loka III was the son of Anega II by his wife Mahādēvi. The other record from Handarki belongs to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Sōmēśvara III. The Haihaya chief who figures as the king's subordinate in this epigraph is Bijja III who, most probably, was son of Lōka III. He married a lady of the Chōla extraction named Bachaladēvi, Their son was Lōka IV.
The modern village Aralūru or Allūru in the Sēdam taluk representing the ancient Araluru, the headquarters of the region Aral Three Hundred, appears to have been one of the principal seats of these chiefs of the Haihaya family. The village Handarki, close to Araluru, also seems to have received considerable attention on the part of the members of this family. Handarki contains, besides others, two well-built Siva temples named Anesvara and Lōkōsvara. As Anega and Loka were popular names among the members of this family, it is plain that these temples were built by the chiefs bearing these names or after them. Anega of the Ingalgi record was, most probably, Anega II spoken of before, Besides the temples, the village Handarki possesses a few inscriptions, two of which furnishing much useful information regarding these Haihaya chiefs, have been briefly reviewed above.
·
It would be interesting at this juncture to take passing notice of some more branches of the chiefs of the Haihaya stock who had similarly migrated to other parts of South India. A good number of epigraphs discovered in the Telugu districts of the Madras State reveals the existence of Haihaya chiefs who had settled in that region. Like their kinsmen of the Kannada country these also claimed their origin from the Puranic ancestor Haihaya and called themselves 'Lords of the foremost city of Mahishmati' (Mähishmatipuravaradhiśvara). These Haihaya chiefs of the Andhra country are known as the Kōna-Haihayas or the Haihayas of the Kōna-Mandala."
Reference is already made in a foregoing paragraph to a subordinate chief named Bibbarasa figuring in the Hunasi-Hadagali record of A. D. 1098 (No. 2). He bore the characteristic titles Kopanapuravarādhiśvara and Alande
1 Hyd. Arch. Series, No. 8, Inscriptions of Nagai, c. Some of the early members of this family appear to have been patrons, if not followers, of the Jaina religion. The Loka Jinā, laya mentioned in Inscription No. 3 seems to have been constructed at Sedam by Loka I. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 89, 91; An. Rep. on S. I, Epigraphy, 1932-33, pp. 57-59.

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vedanga, and was administering half the area of 'sixty villages' in the region of 'one hundred and twenty villages of Gonka,' situated in the province of Alande. Bibbarasa appears to have belonged to a family of chiefs who claimed their descent in the lineage of Nabhiraja. The following information regarding the history of this family is contained in an unpublished incription of A. D. 1180 from Hoḍal, of my private collection.
Several chiefs born in the lineage of Nabhiraja ruled from the foremost town of Kopana. The later members of this family may be represented in a genealogical statement as follows:
Dhanka
Javanakula
Gonka I
Bibba
Gonka II
I
Rājarasa
Karta
Mallideva Gonka III
Bibba of the above genealogy may be identified with Bibbarasa of the HunasiHaḍagali record. It may also be noted that Gonka III is given the epithet Alade-vedanga (Alande-veḍanga) in the Hodal record. The tract of 'one hundred and twenty villages' mentioned above was probably carved. out for himself by Gonka I in whose time the family seems to have sprung to prominence.
This Bibbarasa has to be distinguished from his namesake Mahamandaleśvara Bibbarasa referred to in the fragmentary epigraph from Tengali (No. 16). A perusal of good many inscriptions discovered by the present writer at Tengali and Kalagi, has revealed that a family of Bāņa extraction who may be designated the Baņas of Khandava-mandala, was administering in a subordinate capacity in this area. These Bāņa rulers of Khandava-mandala whose existence was hitherto unknown, are ushered in for the first time by the author's epigraphic collection. Mahāmaṇḍalēśvara Bibbarasa was an early member of this family of Banas. The same chief figures in another inscription at Tengali, dated in A. D. 1106, of the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI. A petty local official named Chaudhare Rakkasayya figures as the donor in the Hunasi-Haḍagali record.
Kopparasa, an important general of the Chalukya army, who bore the title Mahapradhana or 'great minister', is introduced by two inscriptions from Aḍaki, dated about A. D. 1115 and 1126 respectively in the reign of

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Vikramaditya VI (Nos. 9 and 10). He hailed from Adaki and seems to have played a distinguished rôle in the campaigns of the king against the Chola country. Though a follower of the orthodox school of Brahmanical traditions, he was catholic in religious outlook and contributed to the prosperity of the Jaina creed in his native place. A chief named Barmadēva is praised in an inscription from Sēdam (No. 4) belonging to the time of Sõmēśvara III (A. D. 1126-38). Another epigraph (No. 5) from the same place and of the reign of the same king, dated in A. D. 1138, discloses the existence of a commander of the forces named Bhimarasa. He was son-in-law of the famous general Kālidāsa of the Vārņasa family! • A dignitary named Chandirāja who appears to have been the Chairman of the body of Three Hundred Mahājanas of Sēdimba, is known from another inscription from Södam (No. 7), dated in a. D. 1160 in the reign of Somośvara IV. A record from Adaki (No. 11) belonging to the reign of the Kalachuri king Raya-Murāri Sõvidēva and dated in s. 1). 1171 inentions Mahāmaņdalāśvara Écharasa of the Mirinte Nadu. He belonged, most probably, to the family of Haihaya chiefs and was probably a grandson of Echabhūpa who, as seen before, figures in another inscription ( No. 9 ) from the same place about two generations earlier. Besides Écharasa, three other chiefs mentioned in
ecord from Ādaki are Vishnudövarasa, Bachidõvarasa and Trilochanadövaraştı. These bure the titles, Mahāpradhāna (great minister) and Danda. nāyaka (commander of the forces).
Social and Religious Conditions As the present selection of epigraphs is based primarly on consideration of a particular religious creed of a section of the society, it is but natural that the social conditions reflected herein are predominantly religious in character and the religion obtaining herein is necessarily of one faith. Still we can take a glimpse of the other faiths also from what incidental references we glean occasionally about them even in these sectarian records. We should do well to remember here that besides Jainism, there flourished in the country other doctrines and creeds mostly of the Brahmanical schools, which wielded powerful influence on the minds of the people. Epigraphical records testifying to this state of affairs are available else where in a considerable number for the period.
Age of Religious HARMONY The one prominent feature of the religious life of the people that impresses upon our minds from a survey of the religious and social conditions of the period is the universal spirit of religious tolerance and harmony thint
1 Inscriptions of Nagai, A. B and C.
28

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prevailed in the country. The followers of the orthodox as well as the so-called heterodox creeds lived side by side in perfect peace and amity. A feeling of mutual understanding and common regard subsisted not only among the different families adhering to different faiths, but even among the members of one and the same family owing allegiance to diverse doctrines, who were closely related with one another by ties of blood, such as the parents and chlidren or the husband and wife. Numerous instances of this high spirit of tolerance and harmony are available in the historical literature of the age. Our epigraphs also furnish in their own limited way a few instances to the point. These have been pointed out in the introductory remarks on the inscriptions and also in their proper place in the following discussion.
Flourishing State of Jainism It has been already known from historical sources that Jainism had had the privilege of enjoying the confidence of a great many ruling princes and large sections of society in Karnāțaka for the period represented by our epigraphs. Evidence of this prosperous condition of the creed is afforded even in the small area circumscribed in the present collection. The towering strength and extensive influence gained by the doctrine of Lord Jina during these times had their origin in the missionary zeal and overflowing piety cherished by its preachers on the one hand and in the unflinching devotion and active co-operation enlisted by its adherents on the other. Adequate evidence is forthcoming from our epigraphs to establish that there flourished during this period great centres of the Jaina faith, eminent teachers who propagated its tenets by their attractive teachings and staunch supporters of the doctrine drawn from the high and low ranks of the society.
CENTRES OF JAINISM The epigraphical contents at our disposal disclose the existence of the following five centres of Jainism in the Gulbarga District. Foremost among them was Malkhöų. Importance of this place has been discussed at some length in an earlier context. Next comes Sodam which is followed by Ādaki and Harasir. The last, but none the loss of less significance, is Bankūr. The evaluation of the antiquities of these places made in the foregoing paragraphs and the information furnished by the inscriptions discovered therein, amply bear out the claim made in their behalf. Reverting to the Kopbal District, Kopbal or ancient Kopana itself stands out surpreme as an eminent centre of the Jaina faith. The overwhelmingly large number of inscriptions noticed here and the presence of other noteworthy antiquities anply testify to its greatness. Another resort was Yalburgi which has treasured to this day some of the anti quities of the good old times. Lastly, we may also note the holy pluce Virapura Tirtha mentioned in the Sõdam record.

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PATRONS OF JAINISM
Many were the members of the royal families, feudatory chiefs and officials of the state, who contributed to the propagation and popularity of the Jaina faith by erecting temples and shrines in honour of the Jaina divinities and by making munificent endowments for their maintenance. Two great ladies of distinguished royal families, who held aloft the torch of Jaina creed under not quite favourable circumstances, are commemorated in our collection. They are Jakaladevi, queen of Vikramaditya VI of the Western Chalukya dynasty, and Santaladevī, wife of Vishnuvardhana of the Hoysala house, figuring in two epigraphs, Nos. 1 and 49.
Among the illustrious feudatories who were firm supporters of the faith and immensely promoted its cause, Butuga II of the Western Ganga family and Mahāsāmantadhipati Sankaraganda of the Raṭṭa extraction are celebrated by two records, Nos. 48 and 46. In the introductory discussion on Inscription No. 46, Sankaraganda has been shown to be identical with his namesake who is eulogised as one of the great patrons of Jainism in his peom Ajitatirthakarapuranatilaka by the Kannada poet Ranna.1 It is interesting to observe in this connection that out of the six stalwarts of the faith enumerated by the poet, two are reflected in our records.
We may next turn to the officials of the state, who either rendered direct service for the promotion of the creed or contributed to its growth, even indirectly, by their attitude of sympathy and encouragement. It has to be noted in such cases that not all the benefactors of the faith were its formal adherents and that many of them actuated by the catholic spirit of religious tolerance and social accommodation helped its cause. Chaudhare Rakkasayya of No. 2, though an official of not high status, was an ardent follower of the faith and actively advocated its cause by alineating a decent endowment to a Jaina temple at Hunasi-Hadagali. Mahamandalesvara Echabhupa of Mirinte Nadu figuring in No. 9 helped the faith by his attitude of sympathy and patronage. More enduring and substantial was the assistance rendered by a high official of Adaki, named Kopparasa Dandanayaka who played a prominent rôle in erecting a Jaina temple in the locality (No. 10.) Praiseworthy is the action of Dandanayaka Bhimarasa of No. 5, who approved the gift made by the city fathers to a Jaina temple at Sodam.
1
The rulers of the principality of Erambarage and their officials seem to have entertained great regard for the Jaina doctrine and substantially helped the growth of Jaina art and religion in their chiefdom. For instance,
Asvasa xii, verse 9.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA Mādaņa Daņāyaka who appears to have been a commander of the forces in the Sinda principality, is credited with the erection of a Jaina temple at Erambarage in No. 49. Dēvaņārya, a minister and a high official under the Sindas, had a votive offering made to a Jaina temple in that capital town of the Sindas as vouched by another inscription from the place, No. 51. The handsomely wrought image of Pañchapıramështhi was a gift made to a local Jaina temple by Dēvaņa, another functionary of the place (No. 50). Lastly, we may note how Lakhkhāņārya, a petty official in the service of a distinguished lady, rendered lasting service to the cause of Jaina religion by endowing a piece of land for the benefit of a temple in the eminently holy town of Kopaņa (No. 29).
Respectable citizens and heads of local bodies joined hands with others in upholding the doctrine of Lord Jina. This is illustrated by the following concrete intances. The chief Barmadēva, the subject of the panegyric by the author of Inscription No. 4, was mainly responsible for the erection of the temple of Sāntinātha at Sēļimba. Chandirāja, the leader of the city fathers' of the town of Sēờimba, was a devotee of Lord Jina (No. 7). Bopaņa, a respectable resident of Kopaņa, earned the gratitude of the faithful members of the Jaina community by his precious donation of the image of Chauvisa Tirthankara to a Jaina temple at Erambarage ( No. 49).
Corporate bodies such as municipal councils and business organisations were not slow to recognise the power and influence of the Jaina doctrine. They welcomed the rising tide of the faith and contributed to its
by encouraging the construction of new temples and associating themselves with the maintenance of gifts and endowments assigned in their favour. Thus do we gather from Nos. 3 and 5 that the Three Hundred Mahājanas of the Sēdimba town, not many of whom were formal followers of the Jaina religion, took a leading part on two different occasions in the establishment of two temples dedicated to the Tirthakaras. Säntin Bhattāraka, in their locality. In like manner do we notice in Inscription No. 11 how the great commercial association known as the Five Hundred Svāmis of Ayyāvale participated in the charitable measures provided for the worship of the god Chenna Pārsva of the Koppa Jinālaya at Adakki through its local representative units. It is interesting to observe here that this organisation of businessmen was as catholic in its religious outlook as it was pervasive in its secular influence over extensive areas in the country. This is vouched by the specific expressiou in its prasasti recording undivided allegiance of its members to the gods Brahmā, Vishņu and Mahāśvara of the Brahmanicul tradition, and also to the divinities Jinēndra and Padmavati of the Jaina pantheon.'
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 25,
popul

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Monastic Orders Various monastic orders of the Jaina Church are mentioned in the inscriptions under study. Before proceeding to discuss their mutual relation and their place in the hierarchy of Jaina ecclesiastical organisation we should do well to recount them here for ready reference in chronological order : 1) Kuņďakunda anvaya without details is mentioned in No. 19 from Kopbal, dated A. D. 881. 2) Sārasvasta gaña without details is mentioned in No. 46 from Uppina Betgāri, dated in a. D. 964. 3) Dosiga gana and Kondakunda anvaya are mentioned in No. 22 from Kopbal, dated about n. ). 1009. 4) Dravila Samgha, Sēna gana and Mālanīra anvaya are mentioned in No. 1 from Ingalgi, dated in A. D. 1094. 5) Müla Samgha, Dēsiya gana, Pustaka gachchha and Piriya samudāya are mentioned in No. 2 from Hunasi-Haďagali, dated in a. D. 1098. 6) Vamdiyūr gana without details is mentioned in No. 9 from Ādaki, dated about A. D. 1115. 7) Maí dulva gana without details is mentioned in No. 3 from Södam, dated in A. D. 1124. 8) Mula Saṁgha, Kuņďakunda anvaya, Krāņār gana and Tintriņika gachchha are mentioned in No. 6 from Sõdam, dated about the 12th century A. D. 9) Müla Saṁgha and Balakara gana are mentioned in No. 25 from Kopbal, dated about the 12th century A. D. 10) Müla Samgha and Dēsiya gana are mentioned in No. 49 from Yalbargi, dated about the 12th century A. D. 11 ) Mūla Samgha, Dēsiya gana, Pustaka gachchha and Ingalīśvara Bali are mentioned in No. 50 from Yalbargi, dated about the 12th century A. D. 12) Müla Samgha and Dēsiva gaņa are mentioned in No. 51 from Yalbaryi dated about the 12th century A. D. 13) Mūla Samgha and Balātkāra gaña are mentioned in No. 52, dated about the 12th century A. D. 14) Yāpaviya Samgha and Vardiyur guna are mentioned in No. 15 from Tengali, dated about the 13th century A. D. 15). Mūla Samgha and Sēna guņa are mentioned in No. 27 from Kopbal, dated about the 13th century A. D. 16 ) Müla Samgha, Bulātkāra guņa, Sarasvati gachchha and Kundakunda anvaya are mentioned in No. 14 from Malkhed, dated about A. D, 1391.
A perusal of the above details helps us to arrive at the following useful results.
i) Müla Samgha which was the most predominant monastic order of the Jaina Church in South India figures prominently in our epigraphs. As Kondakunda anvaya, Dēsiga gana and Sarasvati gachchha (or gaña) were invariably associated with this Samgha, we might assume its presence in the first three instances of the above list, though there is no specific mention to that effect.
ii) Dēsiya or Dēsiga gaṇa was a widely prevalent branch of the Mūla Samgha and it occurs prominently in the present collection also.

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Pustaka gachchha and Ingalēśvara Bali which were important sections of this Samgha have further found a place in our records.
ii) Balātkāru gaṇa was an eminent branch of the Múla Saṁgha and it is represented substantially in our epigraphs, particularly of the Kopbāl District. As the expressions gaña and gachchha are sometimes treated as synonymous we are justified in equating the rather unfamiliar term Sārasvata gana of No, 2 of the above list with Balātkāra gana, taking into consideration the significent fact that Balātkūra gana and Sarasvati gachcnha go together invariably.
iv) Krāṇür gana with Tintriņi gachchha was another branch of the Müla Samgha. It is one of the less known sections of the Jaina monastic orders of South India. Only one inscription in our collection furnishes valuable details regarding 4 new line of teachers who belonged to this order. It has been pointed out elsewhere that this was the earliest line of monks of this gaña known so far.
v) Another well-known branch of the Mūla Samgha was Sõna gana which has been represented in one record.
vi) Besides the Mūla Samgha two more principal ascetic orders that played a prominent role in the religious histry of South Indian Jainism are represented in our collection. They are the Dravida Samgha and thə Yāpaniya Samgha. Dravida Samgha, as indicated by the name, was primarily conected with the Tamil country. The existence of the particular line of teachers in the northerninost parts of Karnataka, who belonged to this Samgha is disclosed for the first time by the Ingalgi record. An early instance of a monk who, probably belonged to the same Sēna gana and Mälanūra anvaya, possibly of the Dravida Sargha, is available in an inscription from Sravana Belgola ( No. 25), to be roughly ascribed to the of the monk's guru, which is stated to be Pattini Guravadigal in this record is a Tamil expression (pattini meaning "fasting'); and this lends support to the surmise that these teachers hailed from the Tamil region. Monks bearing the epithet Pattini' are commonly met with in the inscriptions of the Tamil country, as seen before.
vii) Yapaniya Samgha figures in three inscriptions, explicitly in one and implicitly in two. As it has been shuwn elsewhere, Maduva guņa of Inscription No. 3 and Vaidiyūr gaạit of Inscriptions Nos. 9 and 15 were associated with it. The existence of this Samgha and its two little known gaņas or branches in this part of the country is l'evealed for the first time by our epigraphs.
viii) The convention of elaborately furnishing the details of the monastic order to which a teacher belonged was not strictly adhered to in the

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earlier period. It appears to have been a later development and come to stay almost regularly by the period of the 11th century A. D.
The few instances cited above add to the weight of considerable evidence available in favour of the Yāpaniya and Draviđa Samghas which, as well organised monastic orders of the Jaina Church, must have had their due share in propagating the principles of Jainism among the people of Karnātaka and South India. These two Samghas appear to have continued in it flourishing state till the time of the 13th century A. D. They seem to have fallen into disrepute, however, during the subsequent period and condemned as Juivābhāsa or pseudo-Jaina by some writers of the North. The reasons for this stigma are not fully defined. It may be incidentally noted that the Draviđa Sangha figures in a good number of epigraphs from southern Karnātakat, ranging approximately from the 9th to the 13th century A. 1).
I may at this stage venture a few remarks on the historical study of the Jaina Church in South India which was est:ablished in all regions of Karnātaka, Andhra Deśa and Tamil country. No systematic attempt has been made so far to correlate the sources collected severally in these areas. Some of the problems arising out of an examination of these sources have been discussed elsewhere. The origin and development of the Dravida Sangha is a mystery. According to an inscription from Sravana Belgola ( No. 254), dated in a. n. 1398, Arhadbali divided the Müla Samgha into four sub-sainghas, viz. the Sõna, Nandi, Dova and Simha. It remains to be investigated under what circumstances this took place and how far this arrangement was followed in practice. For, in giving the particulars of a teacher the rule generally observed is to mention the Sangha and its subdivisions, the gaña and the gachchli. Except in rare cases the cpigraphs usually mention the Dosiya gana and the Krāņur gana and not their substitutes, the Dēva Sangha and the Simla Samgha. The Sõna Sugha is invariably referred to as Sēna gaña only. On the contrary, the later subdivision Nandi Samgha appears to have developed its own gaņas instead of itself being reduced to a gana, as it was in the other three instances cited above. It is well-known that Bulātkāra yaņa was an important branch of this Nandi Sumgha. Furthermore, besides the commonly known branches, Mula Samgha, it looks, possessed other less known sections. For example, an inscription from the Kadūr District ( Müdgere, No. 18; Ep. Carn., Vol. VI) contains reference to the Dravida anvaya which was associated with the Mül: Samgha. Similarly, it is interesting to note that the Dravida Saingha
......
1 Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 155. 2 Compare Jaina Literature and History (Hindi), pp. 365-66. 3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 73. 4 S. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 156-57.

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had its divisions named Pustaka gachchba and Nandi gaņa. Again, an epigraph froin Sravaņa Belgoļa (No. 33 ) mentions a sect named Modeya Kalāpaka. The relationship of this sect with the known Samghas or their branches is not known.
TEACHERS AND THEIR PEDIGREES The epigraphs under review contain information regarding a large number of teachers or monks of the Jaina ecclesiastic order. In some cases the individual teachers alone are mentioned, while in others details regarding their spiritual lineage are furnished to some extent. These have been discussed almost exhaustively in the introductory remarks on those particular epigraphs and a few additional observations have also been made in the foregoing para. graphs of this Part. With a view to gain a collective idea of the subject-matter I would here recapitulate in a nutshell the results of our study. I shall take up the individual teachers first and then the teachers with their genealogical accounts next:
1) Jatāsinganandi of No. 20 was an eminent teacher of about the 7th century A. D. He has been identified with the namesake author of Varāngacharitum. 2) Ekachattugada Bhatāra and his disciple Sarvanandi of Kundakunda anvaya figure in No. 19. 3) Two early teachers, Vinayanandi and his disciple Nāganandi, who evidently belonged to the Balātkāra yaņa of Nandi Samgha, are mentioned in No. 46. 4) Mallishūņa and his disciple Indrasõna of the Dravida Sarngha are disclosed by No. 1. 5) Nēmichandra and his disciple Guņavīra of the Vaṁdiyūr gana and Yāpaniya Samgha are known from No. 9. 6) Nāgavīra who was associated with the same Saṁgha and gaña as above, is introduced by No. 15. 7) Rāmachandra and his disciple Prabhācha. ndra, who belonged to the Maduva gaņa of the Yāpaniya Samgha, are ushered in by Nos. 3 and 4. 8) Māghanandi who bore the epithet Siddhānta-chakravarti, figures in No. 49. 9) Mūdhavachandra who belonged to the Ingalāśvara Bali of the Müla Sangha, is noticed in No. 50. 10) Chandrasēna figures in No. 26. 11) Pujyapāda and his disciple Vidyānanda, who belonged to the Mīla Samgha, Balátkāra gana and Sarasvati gachchha, tre known from No. 14.
The following pedigrees of teachers are introduced in our epigraphs. Of these genealogical accounts some contain more details and some less :
i) Simhanandi of No. 22 belonged to Dēsiga gaņa. A succession of teachers who preceded him in the line is set forth in the record. Kalyāṇakirti appears to have been a disciple of Simhanandi.
ii) The succession of teachers enumerated in No. 2 deserves scrutiny. These teachers belonged to Dēsiya gana. This genealogy is identical in the
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Mg. 11; Vol. VIII, Nr. 36.

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early stage with the one given in the Sravana Belgoļa epigraphs, Nos. 66 and 117. After Dövēndra our record mentions Vasunandi and Ravichandra who are not found in the records from Śravaņa Belgola. The teachers who follow next in our epigraph are Pūrņachandra, Dāmanandi, Sridharadēva, Maladbāri and Chandrakirti. It is interesting to note that these names figure in the same suocessive order in an inscription from the Yedatore taluk (No. 24; Ep. Carn. Vol. IV), that gives an account of the teachers of the Hanasoge line which was an important section of the Dēsiya gaņa. But these teachers of identical names in the two lists could not be identical on account of their chrono.
ich is realised from the calculation of generations. The names of teachers who succeeded Chandrakīrti in our record, are not known previously.
iii) A detailed succession of teachers of the Krāņür gana is furnished in No. 6. A comparison of this list with similar lists of teachers of the same gana, found in the inscriptions of the Shimoga taluk ( Nos. 4, 57 and 64; EpCarn., Vol. VII), shows that the account of our epigraph materially differs from similar accounts in the records from the Mysore area. The three teachers who succeeded Rāvanandi in our epigraph are Padmanandi, Munichandra and Kulabhū. shaņa. It is interesting to note that these three names figure in the same consecutive order in the inscriptions from the Sorab taluk (Nos. 140, 233; Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII) and elsewhere, which are of a later period. The teachers who succeeded Kulabhūshaņa of our epigraph bear no reseunblance with the other lines of teachers of this gaņa.
Post-MORTEM MEMORIALS I have alluded elsewhere to a peculiar mode of setting up the Nishidbis or post-mortem memorials, which has remained unnoticed hitherto. This was the practice of dedicating a part or the whole of a holy structure, to wit, a pillar or a maņdapa of a temple, in memory of the deceased person, as in the case of the Nishidhi of Vidyānanda Svāmi in the Nõminātha Jinālaya at Maļkhôd (No. 14). In some cases the Nishidhi memorial was confined to the depiction of the event itself, or to the epitaph only, recording the death of the person as in the case of a few inscriptions from Kopbal (Nos. 19, 20 & 27). If we examine the epigraphs from Sravana Belgola we find that this practice was fairly common in those days. A good many inscriptions from Sravaņa Belgola engraved on the pillars of the maņdapas or halls of a holy structure speak of the death of particular individuals and the setting up of the Nishidbi memorials in their name. From an examination of these structures one would realise the fact that since it was not possible to conceive in all these instances that the structures concerned were built on the physical remnants of the deceased persons or materially connected with them in any other way, they were associated with them merely in name and memory only and were assumed to represent their Nisbidhis.
29

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The following illustrations will elucidate the topic. Śravana Belgola Nos. 126, 128 and 129 are engraved on three different pillars of one and the same temple. Dated in Saka 1037, 1044 and 1042 respectively, they record the death of three distinguished persons and the setting up of their Nishidhis. Since there seems to be little possibility to hold the view that the three persons died at one and the same spot, or otherwise, that their mortal relics were brought over from different places and buried there collectively and a temple erected over them, we have to conclude as indicated above that their Nishidhis constituted simply the memorials of nominal association. We may also study in this connection Sravana Belgola Nos. 254 and 258 which also stand forth as typical instances of the class of Nishidhis under discussion. Śravana Belgola No. 163 is an interesting illustration. Engraved on a Manastambha, it records the death of three individuals. Śravana Belgola Nos. 362
and 389 are incised near two detached structures which are referred to therein as samadhi maṇṭapas. Instances wherein the inscriptions themselves recording the death of a person are referred to as Nishidhis are found in the following epigraphs from Śravana Belgola; Nos. 168, 272, 273, etc. I do not know if we should call such Nishidhi memorials as nominal or spiritual Nishidhis.
GEOGRAPHICAL DETAILS
The epigraphs under study contain references to places and areas of geographical interest. Dhāra, the capital of Malwa, the river Gōdāvari (wrongly for Narmada) and Kōṭitirtha, which belong to the parts of India outside the Karnataka province, are mentioned in No. 2. The Kuntala country which roughly represented the area of Karnataka, figures in No. 7. Alande Thousand and Ededore Two Thousand which comprised two of the major territorial divisions of the Karnataka province, are referred to in Nos. 2 and 48 respectively. A small tract within Alande Thousand was called Gonka's Territory comprising an area of 120 villages. It was further divided into a smaller unit of 60 villages and placed under a feudatory chief (No. 2). Aral Three Hundred comprising a small district figures in Nos. 1 and 7. Another district of about the same extent known as Mirinte Nadu is introduced in Nos. 9 and 11. A small sub-division of Belvala named Kukkanur Thirty is mentioned in No. 46. Reverting to individual places, Jayantipura is referred to in Nos. 9 and 17. Pottalakere is met with in No. 7. No. 50 contains an allusion to Erambarage. Kuvalalapura is referred to in No. 48. Kopana figures in Nos. 26, 46, 47, 48, 49 and 53. Gutti is mentioned in No. 47.
Of the one thousand villages in the province of Alande Thousand we know, besides Alande, the names of seven villages from No. 2. They are Hadangile, two Melakundes (one big and another small), Manali, Kolanür, Belaguppa and Mulavalli. Proceeding to the district of Aral Three Hundred

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we may note its headquarters Aralūru. The villages, Inguņage, Pale Ingunage, Mālagārti and Pallakarate, figuring in No. 1, were evidently included in this region. The record also mentions the river Kāgiņi which flowed in this area. Another flourishing and well-fortified town in the district was Södimba (Nos. 2 and 7). Adakki was a fairly important town in the district of Misinte (Nos. 9 and 11). No. 22 mentions a village named Bichchukunde. The pilgrims records at Kopbal contain references to the following places: Karahada (No. 32), Kollāpura (No. 39), Temguļi (No. 40 ) and Gundakal (No. 41).
The numerical figures occurring in the names of the territorial divisi. "ons noted above denote the numbers of villages contained in those particular units. This view has been now almost unanimously accepted by the scholars. An interesting instance of survival of these names to the modern times is offered by a tradition noticed in the Kopbal area. This tradition refers to the present day regions of Kukanūr and Yalbargi as Kukanūr Thirty and Yalbargi Eighty. We have noted the epigraphical reference to Kukkanūr Thirty above. In the absence of inscriptional evidence we are further enlightened by this tradition to the effect that the tract round about Yalbargi constituted a territorial unit comprising eighty villages. Further, these numerical figures were not conventional and they actually indicated the numbers of villages contained in those geographical units. This fact is supported by the old records of the area, which furnish the names of particular villages included in the unit of Kukkanur Thirty.
LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE All the epigraphs of the present collection including those, the language of which is fully or partly Sanskrit, are written in the Kannada script of the early and mediaeval period. Their language is predominantly Kannada. Some are composed in Sanskrit only and some both in Kannada snd Sanskrit. The benedictory and imprecatory verses of Kannada inscriptions are generally in Sanskrit. The composition of the inscriptions is exclusively prose in some cases and verse in some others, while a few more are composed in the champū style of mixed prose and verse. The language of the Sanskrit records is not generally free from errors and their exprossion is not happy oftentimes. This may be contrasted with the composition of the Kannada epigraphs which present fairly good literary specimens of the period.
In the introductory remarks on individual inscriptions almost all the important points deserving particular attention, such as the orthographical and gtammatical peculiarities, linguistic characteristics, literary merits, prosody, etc., have been dealt with in full. I may here touch upon such of the points as are of general interest.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA The phonetic transformation of the base ir into i and irl, as noticed in the formas like ilda, irl da, etc., merits the attention of the linguist. Express ions like Pattale-karaṇam, denoting an official designation, present good examples of adaptation of the Sanskrit vocabulary for use in the Kannada administrative records (No. 2). The name Kāmalatikā of a metre is disclosed for the first time in No. 7. The passages describing the episode between tbe king Vikramāditya VI and his queen Jākaladēvi (No. 1), the religious austerities of monks (No. 2), the Mahājanas and the impregnable fortifications of the agrahāra town of Sēờimba (Nos. 3, 5 and 7), make a happy reading as decent literary compositions of the age.
Lastly we may note with interest how some of the descriptive verses from our epigraphs are found either reflected or literally reproduced in the incriptions at Sravaņa Belgola. For instance, verse 10 of No. 4 from Sēdam, devoted to the praise of Prabhachandra, with the significant expression, i-bandan = i-banılan, is echoed in Sravaņa Belgola No. 72, with the repetetion of the suine characteristic phrase. The description of Vardhamānadõva cont. ained in verse 8 of the Huñasi-Hadagali record (No. 2) occurs verbatim in a fragmentary inscription from Sravaņa Belgola, No. 71. And again, verse 10 of the same epigraph figures in its entirety in S. B. No. 117. As all the abovenoted three inscriptions from Sravana Belgoļa belong to a later date than the corresponding epigraphs of our collection, we might reasonably assume that the former were influenced by the latter. This coincidence can be explained in another way also. It may be assumed that such verses dwelling upon the eminence of religious teachers were composed by an unknown poet or poets at some earlier period and that they were adapted or borrowed with equal right both by the drafters of the Sēdam and Humasi-Hadagali records on the one hand and of the Sravaņa Belgola inscriptions on the other.

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PART II
Inscriptions in the Gulbarga District
INSCRIPTION No. 1
(Found in a Temple at Ingalgi)
The stone slab bearing this inscription was found in a forsaken Jaina temple in the interior of the village Ingalgi. The main entrance to the temple having been blocked up, I had to get into it with some difficulty by an incon. venient passage through the opening of a fallen side wall. The inscribed slab was set up in a corner of the madhya mantapa of the temple. It measures 56 inches in length and 21 inches in breadth. In the upper portion of the slab are carved the figures of a Jaina ascetic in the middle, the sun and the moon on two sides above him and a cow by his side. The epigraph is well-preserved and contains 58 lines of writing. In the empty space left over at the lower end of the slab are again engraved the figures of an upright dagger and two cows facing each other, familiar emblems of a gift document.
The epigraph is incised in old Kannaḍa script of the eleventh century A. D. and the characters are normal for the period. One rare peculiarity, however, from the palaeographic point of view is worth noting. It is the earlier sign of the initial short i, occurring in the word idan in l. 44. This is made up of a semi-circular are joined by two hollow dots at its lower extremities, like this. The orthographical conventions, such as the doubling of the consonant1 in a conjunct after r, the formation of the upadhmaniya by r (lines 7 and 54), etc., common to the period, are generally observed. Except for the benedictory and imprecatory verses in Sanskrit, the record is composed in the old Kannada language, prose and verse.
The charter commences with the praise of Jinasasana or the commandment of Lord Jina and refers itself to the reign of king Tribhuvanamalladēva or Vikramaditya VI who belonged to the later line of the Western
1 We shall have occasions hereafter to refer to the orthographical convention of doubling the consonant after r. This practice has its origin in ancient times and finds its sanction in the following sutra of Panini; Acho rahābhyām dvě | (VIII-4-46). There is an exception to this rule which is again stated in another sutra thus; Sarochi (VIII-4-49). The exception consists in not doubling the consonants s, sh and s preceded by r, as in varsha, harsha, etc. Instances of conformity to this general rule and also to the exception are normally met with in the inscriptions under study. The rule, however, it may be noted, is optional.

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Chalukya rulers of Kalyāpa. It is dated the Chālukya Vikrama year 18, Srimukha, Phālguna su. 10, Monday. The date is regular and its English equivalent would be A. D. 1094, February 27, Monday. The object of the document is to record an endowment of land for the maintenance of a Jaina temple which was erected at Inguộige by the queen Jākaladēvi with the approval of the king. The gift was made over with due ceremony into the hands of the Jaina teacher Indrasēna Bhattāraka, who was to look after its management.
The genesis of the Jaina sanctuary and how it was founded, is interest. ing and the story is graphically narrated in the record. Jākaladevi, renowned for her beauty and attainments in fine arts, was the beloved queen of Vikramā. ditya VI. She was placed in charge of the administration of the village Ingunige and seems to have been conversant with the affairs of the state. An ardent follower of the Jaina faith, she persisted in her religious practices amidst unfavourable circumstances and even against positive disapproval of her husband. Vikramaditya VI tried his utmost to wean her way from her ways, but did not succeed. One day, a sculptor, having secured audience with the queen, was exhibiting an image of the god Mahu-Māņikya. At that moment, the king happened to come there. Moved by her unflinching devotion, he exhorted her to purchase the image from the artist and enshrine it in her estate village. Accordingly she erected a decent temple and installed the image therein.
This typical anecdote, simple as it is, bears profound significance. For it reveals, in conjunction with other similar instances, the psychological back. ground for the mighty faith of Jainism that wielded powerful influence over the rank and file of the people of Karnăţaka during this period. It need not be judged as something unnatural in respect of the king Vikramāditya, that, inspite of his sympathetic outlook towards other religious creeds in his kingdom, he was himself a staunch adherent of the Brahmanical religion and did not countenance his own beloved wife treading a different path. But all praise to Jākaladēvi who stood firm to her ideals of the spirit and asserted the right of following the faith of her choice according to her convictions.
Jākaladēvi, we are told, was the daughter of Tikka. No more details regarding her personal or family history are available from the record. Although this inscription is being edited here in full for the first time, it appears to have been copied through his Paņạitas by Sir Walter Elliot more than a century ago and included in his unpublished volumes of the Carnat Des Inscriptions. The late Sir John Fleet who had access to these volumes makes a passing
ference to Jākaladēvi among the queens of Vikramāditya VI, evidently on the testimony of this same epigraph'. He further remarks in the same context that she was the daughter of Tikka of the Kadamba stock'.
i Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. II, p. 448.

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281 Now, Tikka is a name not familiar to the genealogical accounts of the known families of the Kadamba stock. No chief of this name could be traced in all the contemporary epigraphs containing references to the Kadamba line. age. While I was pondering over the problem and wondering how this in. correct statement could have emanated from such an accurate and eminent scholar as Fleet, I thought it advisable to scrutinise the text of the present record carefully and try to find out if it contained an expression which would have served as a basis for his remark. The epigraph contains in lines 5-13 a prose passage in eulogy of this lady, wherein we come across the phrase, 'samastāntahpura-nitambini-kadamba-chūļāmaņi', which means 'one who was the crestjewel in the assemblage of lovely ladies of the harem'. Save in the above expression the word “kadamba' occurs nowhere else in the inscription. It is quite plain that the word 'kadamba' in the above passage only means 'an assemblage' and has nothing to do with the Kadamba stock as fancied by Fleet. This enquiry thus leads us to the inevitable conclusion that the erroneous statement made by the learned historian is the result either of a wrong understanding of the expression or of faulty reading in some other part of the record, furnished by the Pandita in the employ of Sir Walter Elliot.
But this is no answer to the main question that confronts us now. Who was this Tikka and to which family did he belong? This name is not met with among the members of the main dynasties that were ruling in this country or other parts of South India at this time; and it looks almost certain that he was not connected with any of them. So he might have been a local chief of some minor family of Karnataka.
I may also suggest here another alternative. The name Tikkal is. rather familiar in the Telugu country. A family of subordinate chiefs known as Telugu Chöļas (or Cholas ) was ruling at this period over the Nellore and Chittoor districts of the Madras State and the name Tikka or Tikkama figures at least in two places in their pedigree'. Of these Tikka I lived in the beginning of the 13th century, i. e., over a century later than Tikka of our inscription. But it is possible to conceive of an earlier ancestor of this family who, as is likely, would have borne the name. We may thus trace a tentative relationship of Jākaladõvi with that family. This non-Karnāțaka origin of Jākaladēvi is perhaps supported by the uncommon monastic affiliations of her teacher, which we shall discuss below.
It may further be observed that Vikramāditya VI seems to have adopted, apparently for some political reasons, the policy of contracting a large number of matrimonial alliances even with the minor and feudatory families.
1 It may be derived from Trivikrama and appears to have been its abbreviation. 2 Sewell and Aiyyangar: Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 396..

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This is seen from an examination of the status owned by the parents of his wives. A typical instance to the point is that of Māļaladövi who was the daughter of a village accountant'. His marriage with Jākaladēvī who probably belonged to a family of chiefs from the Telugu country, might have been actuated by a similar consideration. The validity or otherwise of this surmise will be determined by future researches alone.
In regard to the Jaina teacher Indrasõna Bhattāraka, who received the endowment, the following details are furnished in the inscription. He was the disciple of Mallishēņa Bhattāraka and belonged to the Mālanūra lineage (anvaya ) of the Dravila Samgha and Sēna gaņa. These teachers, we are fur. ther told, were hereditary gurus of Jákaladēvi's family.
This is a new line of teachers not known so far and the information regarding them is being brought to light for the first time by this epigraph. A good number of inscriptions from the Mysore area speaks of teachers who were members of the Dravida Samgh or Draviđa gaña and its branches, Nandi Sangha, Nandi gana, Pustaka gachchha and Arungala anvaya, etc. But teachers who claimed their descent in the Dravila Saṁgha, Sēna gana and Mälanūra Anvaya, as in the present epigraph, were hitherto unknown.
In an early inscription from Śravaņa Belgo!a" which may approximately be assigned to the 8th century A. D., there is a reference to the illustrious Malanūra (or Malanūra according to the Kannada text), which probably stands for Mālanūra anvaya, and the teacher Ugrasõna who is associated with it, probably belonged to the Sēna gaña as his name-ending suggests. No systematic account of the Dravida (or Draviļa ) Samgha, which is said to have been founded at Madura' about the close of the 5th century A. D., has been known. The Mālanūra anvaya, as is clear from the details given in the present record, was, integrally connected with the Dravida Samgha and appears to have originated from a place named Mālanúr. Consequently, if we are to attempt its identification, we shall have to search for it in the Dravida, i. e., Tamil country, and possibly roundabout Madura. There is an old village named Māņūr, in the Palni taluk of the Madura District and it contains early inscriptions. It is likely that this village represents the ancient Mālanūr, which might have been one of the early strongholds of Jainism in the Tamil country in olden times. Another
1 Bom. Gazett., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 419. 2 Vikramaditya VI had another queen named Jākalamahādēvi; vide above p. 191. 3 Ep. carn., Vol. 1, Courg (revised edition), Nos. 34 and 37; Vol. VI Kadur 69; Vol.
VIII, Nagar 36; etc. 4 Ibid., Vol. II, No. 25. 5 Pravachanasăra; Introduction, p. 21. 6 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1909, Appendix B, Nos. 150-153.

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possibility would be to connect Mälanur of our record with the present-day Malur, the headquarters of the taluk of that name in the Kolar District, Mysore State, which also owned some importance.1
Turning to the literary aspect of the inscription, it makes an interesting reading as a piece of classical Kannada literature. This piece of literary art, composed in the elegant champū style and balanced with prose and verse, embellished with the figures of speech, of words as well as of sense, such as alliteration, simile and metaphor, and echoing with pleasing sounds and melodious tunes, deserves to be placed by the side of good specimens of literature of the period.
288
The narration of the excellences of Jakaladevi in prose in lines 5-13 and 17-19 and in verse in lines 13-17 is happy, though conventional. The composer has exercised striking restraint in verse 3 while extolling Jakaladevi's devotion to the Jaina faith-a theme apparently dear to the poet's heart. A silver lining of poetry is harnessed to illuminate the description of even the common. place details of the gift (verses 7-10). The poet who composed this record was Nagarjuna Pandita. He is not known previously. He calls himself the 'son of the Goddess of Learning' (Vägvadhu-nandana), which may be an epithet or a title. He was a Jaina by persuasion.
The inscription contains verses in the following metres: Kanda: vv. 3, 7 and 8; Champakamālā: vv. 2 and 6; Utpalamälä: vv. 5 and 9; and Mattebhavikrīḍita: vv. 4 and 10. The benedictory and imprecatory verses in Sanskrit (1 and 11-15) are as usual in the Anushṭubh and other familiar metres. Attention may be drawn to a few flaws in the metrical scheme. These would have crept in either through the negligence of the composer or ignorance of the scribe. For instance, the defective expression kay-koļvudu- in the 4th pada of the sixth verse; this may be rectified by reading it as kay-koļuvudu-. In the eighth verse which is in the Kanda metre, the second pada contains only 19 mātrās instead of 20. The expression, -tiral dirgghāyumaṁ (1. 50), should be read as tire dirgghayushyamam, or the acquisition of length by the preceding ra may be avoided by a light pronunciation (śithilōchchāraṇa) of the following conjunct in ldi. Among the mistakes of wrong spelling, obviously resulting from the innocence of the engraver, a few may be pointed out; e. g., tāldit-i- for taldit-i- (1. 22), gurugalmenisida for gurugalumenisida (1. 30), and kirttivam for kirttiyam (1. 50). These and others have been corrected in the body of the text itself.
The inscription contains a few expressions of lexical and linguistic interest. The root égol is used in two places (11. 21 and 33) in its primitive as well as causal form. This is not usually met with in the Kannada literature, and it seems to convey the sense of 'dislike'. But its connotation in the present context
1
Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Malur, Nos. 80-81.
80

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appears to be quite different, being that of approval or admiration'. It is possible etymologically to arrive at this sense of the expression from its two components, ē and koļ. The particle 7 yields the sense of confirmation (avadhāraņa ) or invitation (āinantraņa ) and the root koļ means 'to receive'. Another expression is nādudi (II. 25-26), which is also used in a peculiar and unfamiliar sense. According to the context the word seems to mean 'any land or country', almost synonymously with nādu; but it generally means 'a countryman or rustic'. Ekkalāvana (1. 17), made up of two Sanskrit words čka + lavana, means 'a particle of salt', i. e., 'a trifle'. Kāgini (1. 43 ) is identical with käkini, denoting a very small coin. According to the Lilāvati of Bhāskarãchārya, one kākimi is equal to twenty cowries and four kūkinis make one pan. This coin appears to have been in currency in the monitary transactions of the period. The word vinēya in the compound vinčya-nikāya (1. 23) may be derived from the root vi-ni to mean 'to be initiated into the creed). The expression is used here in the general sense of 'followers of the Jaina faith' or 'Jaina community'. The phonetic transformation of ! into r in the abstract nouns, negartte and pogartte (1. 19), derived from the roots negal and pogal respectively, and also in the word artti (1. 32 ) may be noted, Fleet has tried to explain the significance of the fiscal term Tribhõg-ūbhyantara-siddhi (1. 13); but it does not seem to fit in the present context. The expression, according to Fleet, means joint tenure enjoyed by a private person, a god or gods and Brāhmaṇas'. The word 'mūligar' occurring in line 49 is met with also in other inscriptions of Karnāțaka. It seems to mean the elders' or the local representatives indicating the democratic structure of the village unit. These mūligas, may probably be compared with the Mülap:ırishat of the Tamil epigraphs, which is a village assembly. The next word “prabhu's seems to denote the hereditary headmen or officials responsible for the village administration.
The term Mahumāņikyudēva met with for the first time in line 20 of this record is of peculiar interest and calls for explanation. It refers to the image of the Jina installed by Jākaladēvi. The same word occurs again with a slight variation in a verse at another place (1. 31 ) wherein it assumes the form Mahu-māņi-jināśvara. As both these expressions must have been identical and since their proper form might be picked up in a prose passage only wherein the writer is not exercised by the exigencies of metrical composition, we way confine our attention to the form Mahumāņikya. This word is capable of interpretation in two ways; one based on the literal sense of its components and the other on its figurative sense. In either case we have to make some allowanoe in.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 271.

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favour of the above form of the word which, apparently, is not constituted accord. ing to the strict rules of grammar. The first part of the expression, mahu, seems to be an unknown word and still, it may be connected with the Sanskrit word, either mahat meaning 'great' or mahas meaning 'lustre'. In the forn.er alternative the proper form in the compound should have been maha- and in the latter maho. The word manikya means 'a ruby'. Here we are confronted with two possibilities. Firstly, the image might have been made of ruby; but this may not be quite definite. Secondly, it might refer to the ruby, i. e., the red colour of the original Tirthakara. According to the Abhidhanachintamani of Hēmachandra the bodies of two Tirthakaras, Padmaprabha and Vasupujya, were of red colour (verse 49). Either of these Tirthakaras might have been intended here if we accept this interpretation.
235
But I am inclined to think that the expression is used in the present passage in a figurative sense. Mahā-māṇikya means a great ruby or a great jewel in general, taking manikya to be an equivalent of ratna. Such a jewel or the best among the Tirthakaras might be Mahavira, the last and the greatest exponent of the Jaina Law.1
A large number of names bearing geographical significance is met with in the inscription and happily all of them can be identified with their modern survivals in the Gulbarga Dt. The rajadhani Kalyanapura (1.4) is modern Kalyāna. The district of Aral Three Hundred mentioned in 1. 12 must have taken its denomination from a village named A raluru which evidently was its headquarters. This village is independently referred to in 1. 38. It is to be identified with modern Alluru near Handarki. Ingunige (l. 12-13) is the village Ingalgi, the provenance of the record. There must have been in existence an 'old settlement' of this village, which is referred to as Paley-In. gunige in 1. 36. This takes the early history of the village into still earlier times. Malagarti (1. 36) and Pallakarate (1. 40), which figure in the descrip. tion of boundaries of the gift land, are identical with the present-day villages, Malagitti and Halkarați, not far away from Ingalgi. The river Kāgiņā, on whose bank the village Ingalgi is situated, is referred to as 'tore' (river) and Kagini (1 36 and 43). It is peculiarly interesting to note that the well, referred to in l. 40 as Danavana Bavi, still retains practically the same ancient name and is known as Danavvana Bāvi, after a lapse of nine and a half centuries. Line 38 contains a reference to the Pandesvara of Araluru, which seems to
denote a particular deity of the name. A survival of the appellation may be detected in the name of the village Handarki situated near Allūru.
1
I am indebted to Sri. Govind Pai of Manjeshwar, for his kind suggestions in the interpretation of this rather obscure expression. For further observations on this subject, see above p. 191.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA The administrative procedure required that the endowment was duly recognised and confirmed by the feudatory chief in whose jurisdiction the village Inguņige lay. This detail is introduced in verse 9 of the record. It is stated herein that Anega who bore the title Birundanka Bhima, exempted the endowed land from all kinds of impositions and made arrangements for its perpetual maintenance. This Ānega belonged to a family of chiefs who were ruling over the territory roughly covered by the modern tāluks of Sēdam and Chitāpur in the Gulbarga Dt. They claimed their descent in the lineage of the Haihayas and styled themselves the lords of Māhishmatipura'. The genealogical account and family history of these local chiefs is available in details from the inscriptions at Handarki.'
The names of the taxes that were exempted from the gift land are mentioned in the same verse. They are, manneya kūnke, sëshe, kattuřbana, āya and daya. The precise nature of these is not known.
TEXT
i śrīmat-puruwa-gambhira-Syād-vád-āmõgha-lāñchhanaṁ jīyāt-trailokya-nāthasya śāsanam Jina-sa
2 sanaṁ [* ] Svasti [1 * ] Sumasta-bhuvan-ásraya Śrī-Prithvi-vallabha Mahārājādhirāja Paramāśvara Pa
3 rama-bhattārakaṁ Satyāśraya-kula-tiļakaṁ Chāluky-ābharanam Srimat-Tribhuvanamalladēvara vijaya
4 rājyam = uttar-õttar-ābhivriddhi-pravarddhamānam =ā.chandr-ārkkatāraṁ-baram rājadhāni-Kalyāņapurada
5 nela( le )viļinol sukha-saskathā-vinodadiṁ rājyam-geyuttam=ire il Svasty = anavarata-parama-kalyā.
6 ņābhyudaya-sahasra-phala-bhūya-bhāgini / sakaļa-din-ānātha-manassantarppan-õdyogini 1
7 samast-āntarpura-nitambini-kadaṁba-chūdāmaņi [1*] chaturvridhadana-chiņtāmaņi [, *7 Rambhā-vilās-opa
8 hasita-lasan-mũrtti [ * ] dig-valuya-vilasit-õjvala-kirtti [1* ] Kalikāla-Pārvvati [, *7 Abhinava-Sarasvati [ * ] Rāya
9 chētõ-vašíkurana-karaña-Vidyādhari [, *] sakala-kaļādhari [1 *] Sit-adyanēka-mahā-sati-jana-pati-brat-āchāra
10 bil-ādāra-varạnana-kathā-prasurge [1 *] Jina-gandh-õdaka-pavitrikrit-uttamāmge [, * ] Srimad-Arhat-paramēśvara
1 These inscriptions are unpublished and they form part of my private collection. One
of the published inscriptions of Nāgāi contains a genealogical account of these Haibaya chiefs of the Gulbarga District; Hyderabad Archaeological Series No. 8; Inscriptions of Nagai, p. 26,

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287 11 chāru-charan-ārchchana-vinode [1 * ] mrigamad-āmõde [1 * ] sahajabedamgi [1 * ] Tikkan =aņumgi [, *j Śrinnat-Tribhuvanama
12 lla-dēva-visāļa-vaksha-sthala-nivāsiniyar = appa Śrimaj-Jākaladēvi. yar = Aral-mum nūrar=olagan = Im
13 guņigeyam tri-bhög-ābhyaṁtara-siddhiyimd=āļuttam = ire 1 Janakajeyamte sajjana-jana-stute Pārvvatiya
14 te jivit-ēšano! = x-vikalpa-bhāve dhareyaṁte dhrita-kshame Raṁbeyaṁte rūpina nele peṁpuvett = amara-dhe
15 nuvinaṁt = animitta-dāni Kāmana saralaṁtir = ayda( de ) paribhāvise Jäkaladēvi dhātriyo! 11 [2 * ] Bra
16 tamam Chāļukya kshitipati kidisuven = eṁdu pūņdadam kiţisadadam pratipālisid = oṁdu mah-omnati Jūkaladevi
17 g = ekkalāvanam = alte 11 [3 *] Añtu Jina-śāsana-paripāļanasamayado! = śāsana-Lakshmiyuṁ Chāļukya-cha
18 krāśvarana digvijaya-samayado! = Kirtti-Lakshmiyum madavad-arirāya-mada-marddana-samayado! = Vija
19 ya-Lakshmiyum = enisi negarttegaṁ pogurttegam nelegāgi varttisuttam = iral = omdu punya-dinado! = ū-pu
20 nyavatiya puny-õdayadin = orvvam vyavahāri Mahumāņikya-dēva ram taṁd = avasaraṁ baded = õlagisuvu
21 dum = ā-Jināśvaranam Chaluky-īśvaraṁ kaṁdu manad = ēgondu manadaṁnal = appa Srimaj-Jākaladēviyara moga
22 maṁ nõđi ii Jina-bimbarii pratibiỉbain = ill = enipa chelvaṁ tāl(!) dit = i-deyvamuṁ ninag = eṁtuṁ kula-deyvanı = i
23 pratimeyum niṁn=āļkey =ūro! = vināya-nikāyam bage-golvinar nilis = enal = Chāļukya-chakrēša
24 śāsanadim taj-Jina-bimbamań nilisida! = tamn=0?pu nilpasnegań 11 [4 * ] Amtu nilisi | Māçisidappev=im
25 Jina-grihangaļan = embavar = i-prakāradim māļipud = iṁteida alte padichamdam = iļā-valayakk = enalke nā
26 dādig = aļumbam = appa parisõbhege tāy-maney-age bhaktiyim nādisida! = viyat-talaman = 0
27 ttarip-antu Jinēmdra-gēbamaṁ [5*] Antu māļisi Srimad-Dravila-samgha-vana-vasanta-sama
28 yarum Sēna-gana-bhagaña-nāyakarum Mälanūrānvaya-sirās-sēkhararum = enisi.
29 da Śrīman-Mallishēņa-bhattārakara priy-agra-sishyaruń tamn= anvaya-gu
30 rugal-me(lum = e )nisida Srimad = Imdrasēna bhattārakargge vinayadim kara-kamaļamgalam mugidu 1

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA 1 3 1 Esevinegum samantu Mahumāņi-Jināśvara-bimbamaṁ pratishthisiden= id = aty = apūrovam= ene
32 taj-Jina-gēhaman = arttiyimde mādisiden = adakke takka tala-vrittiyumaṁ samakattidem prasā
33 disi manam-oldu kay-kolvu(ļuvu )d = ùrjjitam =āgire māļpud = int = idam [6*] Endu tan-munīmdraran = ēgolisi
34 Šrímach = Chāļukya-Vikrama-kālada 18neya Srimukha-samvatsarada Phálguņa śuddha 10
35 Sõmavárad-amdu Srimad-Iṁdrasēna-bhattārakara kālam karchchi dhārā-pūrvvakaṁ mādiy = ürindar bada
36 galu toreyindań mūďalu Mālagārttiya pola-vēreyiṁ teṁkalu PaleyInguņigeya
37 Malagārttiya per-bbatteyiṁ paduvalu satra-śāleya keyyim badaya) = imtu chatur-āghāta
38 suddhiyam siddhaṁ māời Aralūra Pandēśvarada gadimbada Gandarādityanı piriya kālalu sa
39 lova-namaśyamāgi bitta mattar = irppattondu 21 [1*] A-piriya mattar 1 rkkaṁ kāladiya ma
40 ttar 18 ra lekkad =anitarkkaṁ kāla mattar :80[**] Pallakarateya batteya Dânavana bāviyim
41 mūďalu tómțaṁ mattar [1 *] Basadiyin = temkaņa piriya kēriy = int=i-keyyuman = i-tom
42 tamuman = i-kēriyuman= i-Jinēndra-maṁdiramumaṁ kaṁdu « Pra. ņu( na )ta-sirar-āgi
43 kangal = taņivinegar nādi põgad = i-sthalado? = kāginig =āse-geydavaṁ Kāgiņiyo! = nir-umda gö
44 kuļamgalan =ali(li)dam 11 [7 *] Idan = arid = i-dharmmaman=õvade kiţisidavam go-guru-dvija-nikurumbada gūņam Gam
43 gā-tīrado! = arid = arid = appa pātakaṁ samanisugum 11 [8 *] Muṁ bigidirdda karmma-niga!am gadav - eyde kalaldu
46 põge hast-āmbuja-yugmamam mugivud = allade maṁneya-gāņke sêshe kattum-baņam =āya
47 dāyam = ivu sallavu sarvva-namāsyam = emdu bittam BirudamkaBhiman = osed = Anegan = A
48 yyaņa-vamśav-ullinań 1 [9*] Niyatař chakriya kayyo! =āļke-vaded = a-samantarum nāda maṁneya
49 rui grămada mūligar = prabhugal = imt-i-dharmmamaṁ saṁd = atipriyadiṁ rakshisutikke rakshisu.
50 tiral- dirggh-āyu [shya *] maṁ punya-vriddhiyumam nirmmalakirttivam (yam) pa levar = īChandrārkka-tāram-baram [10 *]

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289
51 Sāmānyo = ya dharmma-sētul = připāņām kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhib sarvvān=ētān
52 bhāginah pārtthivēndrān bhūyo bhūyö yachato Rimachamdraḥ 11[11 *] Vasudhā bahu
53 bhir=ddattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ūdibhiḥ yasya yasya yadā bhūmnis = tasya tasya tadā pha!am || [12*]
54 Mad-vaṁsajā = rpara-mahipati-vaisajā vā yē pālayamti mama dbarmmam = idam samastam pāpād=apé
55 ta manaső bhuvi bhāvi-bhūpāḥ tēshāin mayā virachito = mjalir = ësha mūrdhni [13 *] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām
56 vā yo harēta vasumdharām shashtir = vvarsha-sahasrāņi vishthāyām jāyatē kļimiḥ (14 * ] Vindhy.ațavj.
57 shv-atöyāsu śushka-kõțara śāyinaḥ krishna-sarppã hi jāyaṇtē dēva. bhög-āpahā
58 riņaḥ || [15 *7 Vāg-vadhū-nandanań Jinam( na) pād-ām bhõja-bhțimgam Nāgārjuna-paņditam baredań [1*] Mamgala-mahā-Śrī [11*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Verse 1. May the doctrine of Lord Jina be victorious--the doctrine which is the commandment of the overlord of the three worlds and which bears the glorious and supremely profound Syād-vāda (theory of May-be). as its infallible characteristic mark.
Lines 2-5. Hail! The illustrious monarch Tribhuvamalladēva ( Vikramāditya VI) who is an ornament of the Chaluhya race and bears the titles. Samastabhuvanāsraya (Asylum of the Whole Earth), Sri-Prithvi-vallabha (Consort of the Goddess of Fortune and Earth), etc., is carrying on his victorious rule over the kingdom from his capital Kalyāṇapura.
Lines 5-13. Hail ! Jūkaladevi, his beloved queen, is administering the township of Inguņige, situated in the district of Aral Three Hundred, with tribhõgābhyantarasiddhi. Chiaste and charming, the crest-jewel of the circle of ladies of the royal palace, the veritable Pārvati of the Kali Age, the Goddess of Learning in a novel the form, the queen of Fairies captivating the heart of her master, and well-versed in arts, she is generous and charitably disposed towards the poor and the needy-the wish-fulfilling jewel as it were in bestowing the fourfold gifts. She, whose head is purified by the perfumed water laving the holy feet of Lord Jina, entertains herself in adoring the lovely feet of the Supreme Lord Arhat. Her own lovely form is a gift of Nature. She ię the daughter of Tikka.
1 We may note here the us of the word 'dharma' in the neuter gender, wbich is rare. 2 According to Jainism gift is fourfold: namely, ábära, i. e., food; abhaya, i. e.
freedom from fear; bhoshaja, i. e., medicine; škstra, i. e., saored lore.

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Verse 2. Praise of Jakaladevi: she is pure, faithful and virtuous like Sită and Parvati, and fascinating like the arrow of Cupid.
Verse 3. The Chalukya sovereign took a solemn oath that he would divert her from her vow (observance of the Jaina practices); but lo, he failed. Was it not a trifle to her, even this crowning achievemet of preserving her faith? Such is Jakaladēvi.
Lines 17-19. Thus she is the Guardian Angel, as it were, of the Jaina Doctrine by virtue of her shielding the Jaina tenets, the Fairy of Fame in the campaigns of the Chalukya Emperor and the Goddess of Victory in subduing the pride of the overbearing hostile kings.
Lines 19-22. One auspicious day when it so chanced through her good fortune that a certain trader brought an image of Lord Mahu-Manikya and was paying his compliments in her presence, the Chalukya Emperor made his appearance on the scene. Impressed by the sight, he looked at
her face and said:
Verse 4. "This image of the Jina is peerless in beauty. He is the traditional tutelary deity of your house. Do you install this image in the township of your authority. It will ever be a source of inspiration to the followers of your faith!"
Thus instructed by the Chalukya overlord she installed the imagea monument of her virtues.
Lines 24-33. She caused to be constructed over it a magnificent temple, a model for others to imitate. Then she prayed her family teacher, Indrasena Bhattaraka, the favourite and foremost disciple of Mallishēņa Bhaṭṭaraka, of the Dravila Samgha, Sōna gana and Malanura anvaya, to receive an endowment duly assigned by her for its maintenance.
Lines 33-35. On Monday, Phalguna su. 10 of the Srimukha samvatsara and the 18th year of the Chalukya Vikrama Kala she entrusted the gift into the hands of the teacher after laving his feet with due ceremony.
Lines 35-15. The endowment consists of 21 big mattars of cultivable land, a garden upon and a houses near the Jaina temple.
Lines 42-50. This charity is to be scrupulously protected and properly maintained by the local officials and the higher authorities of the state. No taxes or levies are to be imposed upon and collected from it.
Lines 51-58. Exhortation to the future rulers to preserve the dharma. Imprecation on the violaters. Nagarjuna Pandita, a source of delight to the Goddess of Learning and a bee in the lotus feet of Lord Jina, composed this record. May auspiciousness and glory attend this!

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INSCRIPTION No. 2 (Found in a Temple at Hupasi-Hadagali) The stone slab containing this inscription was kept in the verandah of a Jaina temple at Huņasi-Hadagali. It measures 46 inches in length and 31 inches in breadth. Except in a few places the epigraph is on the whole wellpreserved and runs to 67 lines. The following figures are carved in the space at the upper end of the stone above the writing. The effigy of the seated Jina with the triple umbrella stands in the centre. On its two sides are depicted in a symmetrical manner the figures of an upright dagger and a cow with a calf, characteristic symbols of a religious gift issued under the authority of the ruling power. A little above these on either side are the representations of the sun and the moon, eternal luminaries of the heaven witnessing the law of the dharma in mortal transactions.
The epigraph is incised in the old Kannada script of the 11th century A. D. and the characters are normal for the period. The punctuations are sometimes denoted with spirals. The orthographical conventions of the times, such as reduplication of the consonant in a conjunct after r, the peculiar mode of expressing the upadhmāniya (e. g., amtarpura in l. 13), etc., are generally followed. A few traits, however, in regard to the doubling of consonant, which are not confined to this inscription alone, but are of common occurrence in the epigraphical writings of this age including the present collection, may be noted here. The ? after r is followed not by the same member of the lingual class, but by its dental counterpart; e. g., karnnike in l. 2, Pūrnnachandra in l. 23. Under similar circumstances the aspirate gh, th and dh are combined not with the same aspirate syllables, but with their unaspirate counterparts, which usually precede them; e. g., Argghyatirtha in l. 58, parārttha in l. 39 and Varddbamāna in l. 25. In two instances the kula is wrongly replaced by the Dravidian rala, obviously due to scribal indiscrimination, e. g., pālaka in l. 7 and aldu in l. 15.
But this tendency is noticeable in greater measure in some epi. graphs of this period, i. e., about the 12th century A. D., collected by me in this area. The reason for this confusion and promiscuity seems to be that the ordinary people had by this time begun to lose the sense of understanding the subtle and technical difference between these consonants. The epigraph also contains other instances of incorrect writing. These have been corrected in the body of the text itself or in the footnotes. The language of the record
1 An appalling instance of this promisouity may be cited in an epigraph found in the
temple of Kālalinga at Martūr near Gulbarga, dated in the Chålukya Vikrama year 48. In this inscription even such familiar and well-known words as jaļaja, dbarātala, eto, are spelt as jalaja, dharătala, etc,
81

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is Kannada, and the composition prose and verse, with the exception of the following passages in Sanskrit: the benedictory verse in the beginning, verse 14 describing Rakshasa, the donor, and five imprecatory verses at the end.
The inscription opens with an invocation to the commandment of Lord Jina. After a brief statement, in the Puranic fashion, of the cosmographical set-up of the Bharatakshētra (i. e., India), it recounts the genealogy of the later line of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyāņa, who ruled the country. The narration stops with the king Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI) in whose reign the charter was drafted.
Next we are introduced to his senior queen Chandaladevi who was administering several villages allotted to her in the province of Alande After this figures a feudatory chief named Bibbarasa who was holding charge of a portion of the region comprising 120 villages of Gonka. A small unit of a few villages in this tract was under the jurisdiction of a local officer named Chaudhare Rakkasayya. He was Jaina by persuasion and a lay disciple of Balachandra Siddhantadeva. He constructed a temple of Pārsvanatha Tirthakara in his village Haḍangile and made suitable provision for conducting the daily worship and other rituals of the deity, and also of Santinatha in the adjacent shrine, throughout the year.
•
An establishment was set up to fulfil the said purpose; and it was to be maintained out of the income derived from the land and other property donated by Rakkasayya. The gift property was handed over to the care of the teacher mentioned above. It was further stipulated that the teacher and the successive disciples of this line were responsible for its proper management.
Royal consent was necessary before the property could be finally alienated to the charitable institution. Accordingly a petition to the effect was filed through Bhivanayya who was the Superintendent of Home Affairs and Commissioner of Records. The king was at that time camping in the sacred place called Kōṭitirtha on the bank of the river Narmada (wrongly mentioned as Godavari in the record), on his way back from his victorious campaign against Dhārā and was making propitiatory gifts after performing the Tulāpurusha ceremony (weighing oneself against gold).
The epigraph mentions the following date: Chalukya-Vikrama Varsha 23, Bahudhanya samvatsara, Jyeshṭha amāvāsyā, solar eclipse. The details given here are irregular and so it is difficult to ascertain the correct date of the record. The date is not verifiable as it contains no week-day. But the mention of solar eclipse offers some clue for verification. In the cyclic year Bahudhanya falling within the regnal period of the king there was no solar eclipse on the new-moon day of the month of Jyeshtha. In fact, no solar

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eclipse occurred in any other month of the year, although there was a lunar eclipse on Pushya paurņimā, Saturday. In this anomalous position, however, a suggestion regarding the probable date is happily forthcoming from an unpublished inscription of my collection at Nimbargi, a village situated at a distance of a few miles from Hunasi-Hadagali. The Nimbargi epigraph belongs to the reign of the same king as of the present record, and records a gift made under identical circumstances. We are told in the Nimbargi inscription that in the 23rd regnal year and Bahudhānya samvatsara, the king was on the bank of the
ver Narmadā and had performed the Talāpurusha ceremony on the occasion of the solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Pushya. It looks imporbable that the king stayed in the camp on the bank of the Narmadā issuing gifts for over seven months from Jyōshtha to Pushya, as we shall have to assume, if the dates of both these records are believed to be correct. For this reason we have to accept one and reject the other. We have seen above how the date of the HuñasiHadagali record is unsatisfactory. So we would leave it out of consideration for the time being.
Now let us concentrate on the date of the Nimbargi record and examine it in some detail. In the cyclic year Bahudhānya no solar eclipse occurred on the Pushya amāvāsyā; but in the two previous years Dhātội and Isvara solar eclipses did occur on the specified tithi. Setting aside the case of the year Dhātři in our present investigation as it would be farther from our point, we shall confine ourselves with the solar eclipse in the year īśvara. The discrepancy of the weekday is still there in this case also as the eclipse occurred on Tuesday and not on Thursday as stated in the Nimbargi record. But this may be ignored.
An important aspect of the transaction deserves to be noticed at this juncture. It was a momentous occasion when the king must have accorded his consent to several religious gifts of varied nature. The benefactions which were thus formally sanctioned on the bank of the Narmadā were subsequently given effect to and recorded in their respective places on stone with proper procedure and due ceremony. These events must necessar entailed some lapse of time in their execution. The interval of time and space and the complications of the administrative procedure appear to have been therefore responsible for the failure in noting correctly the details of the original date of the grants on the part of the local officials. Taking these factors into consideration the real position appears to be like this. The king was on the bank of the Narmada in the month of Pushya in the cyclic year Isvara. On the occasion of the solar eclipse which occurred on the new-moon day of the month, he performed the Tulāpurusha ceremony and sanctioned grants to various religious institutions in his kingdom. These charities were

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later on committed to writing in their respective areas. In the meanwhile the cyclic year īśvara had rolled away and Bahudhānya had commenced. The local authorities who handled these affairs at the lower end, had no clear memory of the original date. So they mentioned the Bahudhānya year which was current at that time and connected it with the solar eclipse which was the original occasion of the gift in the previous year.
As a result of the above discussion we should do well to reject the date of the Huņagi-Hadagali record. The correct date on which the grant was originally sanctioned by the king therefore appears to be Pushya amāvāsyā of the 22nd Chalukya-Vikrama year and Isvara samvatsara. The corresponding English date would be A. D. 1098, January 5, Tuesday. It may however be conceded that the document might have been recorded on stone at some later date.
The information incidentally furnished regarding the king's military campaign on Dhārā, while mentioning the date, by this epigraph, is historically important; and it would be worth while to consider it in detail. We may observe in the first instance that it was a major expedition directed against the kingdom of Mālwā, whose capital was Dhārā. The relations that subsisted between the kings of Karnātaka and the Paramāra rulers of Mālwā, ever since the times of the Răshtrakūtas, were other than friendly.
Recrudescence of this hostility took a serious turn against the Paramāra kings in the reign of the Chālukya monarch Sõmāśvara I, father of Vikramāditya VI, who dealt a staggering blow to the Mālwā power by routing its ruler Bhoja. After some time Bhoja was succeeded by his brother Udayāditya who restored the lost fortunes of his family to some extent. Soon after his acoession, Vikramāditya VI seems to have launched an offensive against Mālwā in A. D. 1077. Udayāditya had a younger son named Jagaddēva. He was brave and enterprising. Though nominated by his father as his successor, he renounced his claim to the kingdoin in favour of his elder brother and went to the court of Vikramāditya VI, who loved and trusted him as his own dear sons.
The sovereignty of Mālwā was further undermined during the weak rule of Lakshmadēva and Naravarman, two sons of Udayāditya, who reigned after him in succession. Towards the close of Udayāditya's reign, Vikramāditya VI seems to have led his arms against Mālwā, a second time in a. D. 1087. The campaign referred to in the present record must therefore have been subsequent to the above and the third of the series directed by the Karnātaka ruler during his regime.
1 D. C. Ganguli: History of Paramara Dynasty, p. 94. 2 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, 8k, No. 124. 3 Dongargaon Stone Inscription of Jagaddāva; Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVI, pp. 177 ff. 4 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 452; Ep Ind., Vol. XXVI, p. 182

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245 In the light of the above discussion on the date of the present record, we are able reasonably to fix the approximate date of this expedition. It was probably undertaken about A. D. 1097 and accomplished by the end of that year, any way before 5th January 1098 A. D. We can also find out from the contemporary history of Mālwā that the king who was ruling that country at this juncture was in all probability Naravarman, who is known to have succeeded his brother Lakshmadēva in A. D. 1094.
Basing his remarks on the evidence of an inscription in the Isvara temple at Nimbargi, the text of which he was able to consult in the volume of Elliot's Carnat Desa Inscriptions, the late Sir John Fleet states in his account of the reign of Vikramāditya VI, that the king was present in the northern part of his kingdom in A, D. 1098, The Nimbargi record referred to by Fleet is apparently identical with the Nimbargi epigraph I have utilised in the above discussion of the date. A comparison of the Nimbargi epigraph with the present inscription from Hunasi-Hadagali shows that both of them speak of one and the same expedition led by the king against Mālwā in a. D. 1097. As shown above, since the northern expedition of the king must have come to an end by the end of a. D. 1097, the above statement of Fleet needs slight revision.
The present inscription further informs us that after destroying Dhārā, Vikramāditya VI met Jajjugi Jagadēva, son of Udayi. This Udayi is to be indentified with the Paramāra ruler Udayāditya, the younger brother of king Bhāja, mentioned above. It is interesting to note that he is similarly referred to as Udayi, which is evidently a short form of Udayāditya, in the inscriptions of North India. Jagadēva is obviously identical with Jagaddāva, the junior and favourite son of Udayāditya. The epigraph is silent regarding the part played by Jagadēva in the present expedition. It is well known, however, from other sources that he had great attachment for Vikramăditya VI and took an active part in the military campaigns of the Chālukya Emperor'.
The significance of the epithet Jajjugi applied to Jagadēva in the present record cannot be explained properly. Jajjugi seems to stand for Jõjaor Jõjaka-bhukti, which was an ancient name of modern Bundelkhand. The expression probably indicates, in some manner, Jagadova's connection with this tract or its rulers. Or, it may be due to the confusion on the part of the composer of the record who had no clear notion pertaining to Mālwā or its adjacent territory of Jõjaka-bhukti. It may however be noted in this connection that the Chandella power was eclipsed for some time on account of the severe
1 History of Paramara Dynasty, p. 158. 2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 452. 3 History of Paramara Dynasty, pp. 141 and 157, 4 Ep. Iod., Vol. XXVI, p. 18 %.

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blows inflicted upon it by its adversaries, namely, the Chalukyas of Karnāṭaka and of Gujarat and the Paramaras of Malwa, prior to the date of our record.' Under these circumstances it is not unlikely that Jejakabhukti which was the territory of the Chandellas, was captured and placed under the governance of Jagadeva by his father Udayaditya. In this manner we can explain the association of the title Jajjugi with Jagadeva.
The next item of historical information supplied by our epigraph is in respect of Chandaladevi, one of the senior queens of Vikramaditya VI. She was a princess of the Silahara family of Karaḍ, who wooed the Chalukya king in a svayamvara as described by his court-poet Vidyapati Bilhana in the historical poem, Vikramāňkadēvacharitam." Chandaladevi is known from a large number of epigraphs. But her connection with the province of Alande is disclosed for the first time by two inscriptions of this area, discovered by me. One of them is the Aland inscription of Yuvarāja Mallikarjuna, The other is the present record which speaks of her administration over several bhatta-grāmas of the Alande Nādu.
We may here make an attempt to ascertain the connotation of the term bhatta-grāma mentioned above. Bhatta is derived from the Sanskrit word bhakta, which comes from the root bhaj, meaning to share, enjoy'. Hence we can interpret the expression bhatta-grāma as a 'village intended for one's own enjoyment or private maintenance'.
Chandaladevi is usually referred to by the epithets, Nritya-Vidhadhari and Abhinava-Sarasvati or Abhinava-Sārada. From what information is available regarding the attainments of this lady, it may be surmised that these expressions were not merely formal. She appears to have been well-educated and accomplished in music, dancing and other fine arts.
We may note here with interest how Rakkasayya, the donor of the present epigraph, assigns the merit of his gift in favour of this distinguished lady (Chandaladēviyara dharmavagi, l. 47), who was to a certain extent associated with the administration of the territory. This was evidently intended to place on record his sense of respect to the great lady by the donor and to enlist her sympathy for the benefaction.
Now we proceed to make acquaintance with Bibbarasa. He was a feudatory chief who bore, among others, the titles, Kopaṇapura varādhisvara and Alandeveḍanga. No more historical details are available about him in the present record. But this deficiency can fortunately be made good with the help of another unpublished record in my private collection. It is an
1 Compare H. C. Ray: Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, pp. 696-99.. 2 Canto 8.
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVIII, No. 5,

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inscription on stone set up in the Ramalinga temple at Hodal in the Gulbarga District. The epigraph is dated in A. D. 1180 and narrates the genealogical account of a family of chiefs who claimed their descent in the lineage of Nabhirāja. The record further points out that they were lords of the excellent town of Kopana (modern Kopbal, Hyderabad State ). Their hereditary fief comprised a unit of Sixty Villages in the region of One Hundred and Twenty Villages of Gonka. This account is substantiated by another unpublished inscription from Harasur in my private collection. It is dated in A. D. 1172 and contains a reference to the authority of two members of this family over the tract.
The name Gonka appears among the ancestors of this family in the Hodal inscription. After him a chief named Bibba is mentioned. He is followed by two more generations. The title Alandeveḍanga (ornament of Alande) is met with in the prasasti of these chiefs in the same epigraph. These details supported by the contemporaneity of the two namesakes go to prove that Bibbarasa of the present epigraph is identical with Bibba of the Hodal record. The epithet 'Padmavatidēvilabdhavaraprasada', applied to Bibbarasa in our record, indicates that he was a follower of the Jaina faith. Chaudhare Rakkasayya appears to have been a subordinate and petty officer under Bibbarasa as the context shows. It is not possible to determine the powers and functions attached to his office as Chaudhare. Being a staunch adherent of the Jaina faith he zealously practised its teachings. He was a lay disciple of the great teacher Balachandra Siddhäntadeva. This teacher was a constituent of the Mula Samgha, Desiga gaņa, Pustaka gachchha and Piriya samudaya (senior section).
The pedigree of the teachers to which Balachandra belonged is set forth at some length in the inscription. It commences with Koṇḍakundacharya, the pioneer of Jaina church in South India, and gives the following. names in succession in the line of his spiritual disciples: 1 Konḍakunda, 2 Gridhrapiñchhacharya, 3 Balākapiñchhacharya, 4 Gupanandi, 5 Devendra, 6 Vasunandi, 7 Ravichandra, 8 Pürnachandra, 9 Damanandi, 10 Śrīdharadeva, 11 Maladhari, 12 Chandrakirti, 13 Nayanandi, 14 Vardhamana, 15 Divākaranandi-Traividya, the senior, 16 Jinachandra-Mahamantravadi (note the epithet), 17 Sarvanandi, 18 Balachandra, 19 Maladhari, 20 Kalyanakīrti, 21 Arhanandi-alias Beṭṭada Deva, 22 Balachandra Siddhantadēva.3
1 He was also known as Umasvati according to other sources. Inscriptions from Sravana Belgola and later Jaina writers from the 14th century onwards, speak of Gridhrapiñchhacharya as another name of Kopdakunda. But our record clearly states that the former was the successor of the latter. See Pravachanasara, Introduction, pp. 4-5.
2 The relationship between this teacher and his predecessor in the above list is not quite explicit. About fifty years later there flourished a teacher named Arhanandi Beṭṭadadeva, of the same monastic affiliation, in the Bijapur region. Vide above pp. 189-90.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA A scrutiny will show that this list is not complete. The succession of teachers as in some other similar cases does not seem to represent an unbroken chain and many a gap is conceivable particularly in tha earlier stages of the pedigree. Some inscriptions at Sravaņa Belgoļa contain genealogical accounts of different lines of Jaina pontiffs who belonged to the Dēsi gana of the Müla Samgha. References to the Jaina teachers who were constituents of the Dēsi gana and Pustaka gachchha could be traced in a large number of inscriptions discovered in various parts of Karnāțaka, including Mysore. But barrring the identity of a few names here and there, most of the teachers enumerated in the above list appear to be new and so far unknown. Considering the fact that the gift was left in charge of the teacher Balachandra Siddhantadēva who was to supervise its proper management, it may be assumed that he lived either at Hadangile itself (identified with modern Hunasi-Hadagali) or some place not far away in that area.
The high official who was instrumental in securing the king's approval for the gift was Bhivaņayya. His designation stated in full is as follows: Mahápradhāna (Chief Minister), Manevergade (Superintendent of Home Affairs), Sabavāsigal-adhishthāyaka (Leader of the Sahavāsis ), Pattale-karana (Commissioner of Records), Manneyar-adhyaksha (Head of the Subordinate Chiefs) and Daņdanāyaka (Commander of the Forces). In different official capacities and with some variations of titles he figures in other records of about the same period.
The inscription mentions the following names of geographical interest. Alande Sāsira or Alande One Thousand is mentioned in lines 15 and 47: the same is referred to as Alande Nādu in 1. 18. We come across references to this territorial division in the epigraphs of this area. This tract is alluded to in
passing manner in an inscription from Chinna-Tumba!am, Adoni taluk, Bellary District."
This region consisting of one thousand villages, inoluded roughly a large portion of the modern Gulbarga District and a part of the Usmānābād District. Its headquaters must have been at Alande from which it took the name. This place is identical with modern Aland, a fairly big town about 27 miles to the northwest of Gulbarga. An inscription discovered at Aland itself speaks of the place as the chief village of the province of Alande One Thousand'. The same epigraph again refers to the place as Alandāpura, adding that it owed its sanctity to the presence of the god Sõmāśvara. It is thus
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1928–29, Appendix E, No. 90, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I,
pt. ii, p. 481, eto. % South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 161, 1. 43. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVIII, p. 33.

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beyond all doubt that it is this game Alande, which, acoording to an inscription from Ablūr, was the native place of Ekāntada Rāmayya who championed the Saivite movement with great zeal in the latter part of the 12th century A. D.'
A. small area within the A.lande province was known as Gonka's One Hundred and Twenty. This tract included 120 villages and apparently derived its name from Gonka, an early ancestor of the chiefs who claimed their descent in the lineage of Nābhirāja as shown above. The region of Goñka is met with in lines 19 and 47. A subdivision of this region comprising nearly half of it and containing 60 villages was being governed separately by Mahāmaņdalēśvara Bibbarasa who, as seen above, was a descendent of Gonka. This territorial unit situated as it was in the province of Alande is referred to as its kampana, i. e., subdivision in l. 47.
The following seven villages situated in the subdivision of Sixty seem to have been under the direct control of Chaudhare Rakkasayya. They are Hadangile, two Melakundes, Maņali, Kolanūru, Belaguppa aud Mülavalli (1. 48). Of these Hadangile is identical with modern Huñasi-Hadagali, the provenance of the present epigraph. The two Melakundes are represented by the present-day Hire (i. e., big) Melakundi and Chikka (i. e., small) Melakundi, Maņali by Malli, Kolanūru by Kollūru, Belaguppa by Belaguppi and Mūlavalli by Munalli. The villages Piriya Melakunde, Alūru, Nilanūru and Hattikunde which are mentioned while defining the boundaries of the gift land (11. 52–53) may easily be identified with modern Hire Melakundi, Alūru, Nilūru and Hattakundi respectively. All these villages are situated within a radius of about twelve miles from Huñasi-Hadagali, some of them being quite closeby. The measurement of the gift land is stated to have been made according to the local standard specified as that of Kalumbarage (1. 51). This place is to be identified with modern Gulbarga, the headquarters of the district. This is mentioned as Kalabarage in later records. It may be noted in this connection that the earlier and inore familiar name of the town still used persistently in common parlance by the people is Kalbargi. This name has evidently been Persianised into Gulbarga during the Mohammadan regime.
Reverting to the names outside Karnāțaka, Dhārā (1. 44) is identical with the present-day Dhár in Mālwā. Jajjugi (1. 44) which seems to denote Jõja-bhukti or Jõjaka-bhukti, is Bundelkhand. Kõțitirtha (1. 45), according to the Matsyapurāņa (Chapter 101), was a sacred place situated on the bank of the river Narmadā. How it derived this name is explained by the following story. Near this place, we are told, took place a great battle between the Dēvas and the Dānavas (gods and demons ), in which a crore of the latter were killed. Subsequently, the gods installed the god Siva under the name
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 246. 32

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Kōṭisvara (kōti-crore) on the site. The place was thereafter known as Kōṭisvara or Kōṭitirtha.
The other holy places, Kurukshetra, Vārāṇasi, Gange, Prayage, etc., mentioned in the imprecatory context (11. 57-58), are well-known. Of the remaining Yamnādēvi is the river Yamuna and Tavi, the river Tapī. Payōshņi was the name used to denote either Pain-Ganga, a branch of the river Wardha in Madhya Pradesh; or Pūrṇā, a tributary of the Tapi. There is no indication to say which is meant here.
Arghyatirtha (1 58) which figures frequently in the inscriptions of this period, is rather difficult to identify. No such name could be traced among the places which have been considered sacred according to the conventions either of the Brahmanical or the Jaina faith. But we may reasonably conjecture that it was probably a mistake for Arka-kshetra on account of the phonetic affinity between the expressions, Arka and Arghya. In that case, it may be identified with Kōpārka (arka = sun) or Black Pagoda, about 20 miles northwest of Puri in Orissa, sanctified by the temple dedicated to the Sun god, called Kōņāditya. It is also called Padmakshetra or Suryakshetra1.
The epigraph is not without its literary and linguistic merit. Save a few verses in Sanskrit, the record is drafted in the champū style, so common to the age, being an admixture of Kannada prose and verse. The composition on the whole does not rise to the high classical level; still some of the descriptive passages are endowed with poetic merit which calls for appreciation. In spite of the faulty language and halting expression, the imagery underlying the description of the ascetic eminence of the teachers Kondakunda and Maladhāri in verses 7 and 10, is not ill-conceived. Furthermore, the poetic fancy exhibited in verse 11 dwelling upon the austerities of the sage Arhanandi is a fine achievement of literary art, consummated with pleasing effects of sound and sense. The arrangement of verses composed in different metres is as follows: Kanda: vv. 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22; Champakamālā : v. 10; Utpalamālā: vv. 16, 18; Mahasragdhara: vv. 5, 11. The benedictory verse in the beginning (No. 1) is in Sanskrit and its metre is Aryagīti. Verse 14 devoted to the praise of Rakkasayya is also in Sanskrit and its metre is Upajati. Verses 23 to 29 are imprecatory. Of these 23 to 27 are in Sanskrit and the remaining two in Kannada. Verse 28 is in the Kanda metre and 29 in the Mattebhavikrīḍita.
Metrical defects have crept in some places. For example, the 4th syllable of the 3rd pada of verse 5 is short, whereas it should have been long. This flaw may be rectified by reading gra as śrī. In the 3rd pada of verse 16
1 Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India. p. 11.

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251 six syllables, viz., pempina chaudhare are superfluous and they should be omitted to avoid the metrical anomaly. The 4th pada of the same verse is again faulty and it may be set right if we read gunań-golgun as gunań-golugur. In the next verse (17) there is a hitch about the termination proper. This oan be overcome if we read the last word as manujar (ending in consonant) instead of manujaru (ending in vowel').
The epigraph contains a large number of words and expressions which offer an interesting study in social history and language. A noteworthy feature of phonetic transformation wherein the consonant , is changed to I may be traced in the following few instances. They are mikk-z da in l. 37, Tulāpurusham ildu in l. 45 and paduvaluv-ilda in 1. 52. In these expressions the second component is ildau, being past participle of the root ir. Such instances however are not peculiar to this record alone. They are more or less common and found in inscriptions from the 7th to the 12th century A. D.
It is not easy to derive or explain the etyinological significance of the terin Chaudhare which denotes either a title or a designation of Rakkasayya, occurring in lines 36 and 47. This word is met with elsewhere in the Kannada inscriptions of this period. Its other variants are Chaudore, Saudore, etc. Subsequently, the expression is found more commonly used in North India, in the form of Chaudhari which means 'a headman of a trade or caste, a village chief, an officer of a royal guard', etc. The expression "Sahavāsi' occurring in this record and in other inscriptions of Karnāțaka, denotes a class or community. Bhivaņayya of the present epigraph was a Sahavāsi as gleaned from his epithet, Sahavāsiga!-adhishthāyaka. According to an inscription from Lakshmāśvar he also bore the epithet Kāśmiravishayamukhamaņdana. This is reminiscent of his connection with Kāśmira. From this and other epigraphical allusions to the effect, it becomes clear that the Sahavāsis hailed from Kāśmira." Two authors in Kannada, Ranganātha and Niranjanāvadhūta, who lived circa in the 17th century A. D., claim their descent in the Sahavāsi cominunity.
Tulāpurusha is a gift of gold or valuables to an amount equivalent to the weight of the donor and it is reckoned foremost among the sixteen Mahādānas of Brahmanical traditions. The expression tushțidāna' or propitiatory gift, used in this connection, is not familiarly known from other sources.
The word beļļavāsa in l. 31 appears to convey the sense of 'naked ness'. Bella usually means 'white' and in its extended application it may further
1 Ep. Ind. Vol. XVI, p. 33. 2 Compare Kannada Sähitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXVI, No. 1, pp. 76 ff. In this article
the origin of the Sahavāsis is discussed in details. 3 Karṇātaka Kavicharite, Vol. II, pp. 490 and 541. 4 It is interesting to note that the expression bellaväsa is met with in the sense of
'nakedness' in the Dharmaurita of Nayasēna (p. 107). This shows that it was current in the language at one time,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA mean 'innocent or uncovered. The probable connotation of the expression bhattagrāma (1. 15) has been discussed above. Attention may be drawn to the form pattale derivd from Sanskrit patrika in the expression Pattalc-karanam (l. 46). Putt-adarda in l. 29 is used in the sense of 'heavily encrusted'. Nerambärade in l. 36 means 'unaided or single handed'. Kattala in l. 29 seems to denote 'black solid mass'. The expression karma-vichchhitti in l. 20 seems to refer to the Jaina conception of severance of karma from the soul, technically known as nirjarā. The epithet Traividya qualifying the teacher Divākaranandi in 1.25 is of common occurrence among the Jaina monastic orders. It signifies 'one well-versed in the three sciences, viz., grammar, logic and philosophy'. The term rishayarkala (1.50) needs comment. The correct form should be rishiyarkaļa or rishigaļa; for the original word is rishi, derived from Sanskrit rishi. We have to observe in this connection that the Jaina ascetios are invariably referred to as rishis in inscriptions.
TEXT 1 Svasti [1* 1 samasta-surāsura-mastaka-makut-ambu-jāla-jala dhautapadar( da-)prastuta Jināmdra-śāsanam = astu chiram bhadram = ama
2 ļa-bhavya-janānám [1* ] Dharey = erb = ambujam = irppudu sa(sa )radhi-sarovarada naduve karņnikevõl= Mamdarav=irppud=irppud = ā-Mamdara
3 giriyimdań temkal = esova Bharatakshotra [2*] A-Bharatakshētradi Chalukya chakrāśvarara vamśāvatārav=emt=emdode i Krainadinh
4 de Tailapań Sattima-dēvam Vikramāṁkan= Ayyaņan = urvvīramaņam Jayasimha-ořipottamaniṁ Trailokyamallan= Āhavamalla ! [3*]
5 Tad-anamtarań Bhuvanaikamalladēvaris baliya II Salladu tējań ripunțipa-mallaṁg = allade peraṁge mūruń jagado! = vallidar = ārum
6 Tribhuvanamallamg=ene Bappan = aṁkakāram negaldam # [4*] Vși u Ninag=ēkachohbatram = akk=i-bhuvana-bhavanam = i-lokad = āyushyam = ellam nina
7 grakk = any-āvani-pā lala )kar = atibhayadim tamma sarvasvamam tettu nija-gra"( sri )-pāda-padmakk = eraguge piridum prītiyim viśva-dhātrī-tala
8 mar Chāļukya-Rāma-kshitipati dayeyiṁ rakshis = ā-chandratāraṁ [5*] Svasti [i*] Samasta-bhuvan-āśraya Śrī-Pri( Pri )thvi-vallabha Mahārājādhi
9 rāja Paramāśvara Parama-bhattārakaṁ Satyāśraya-kula-tilakam Chāļukyābharaṇam [* ] 'Srima/ mat)-Tribhuvanamallaniļāmahitam Nahu
1 The metre is faulty here. This syllable should be long and not short. If gra is
corrected to brī, the metre as well as the sense would be allright. 2 With this begins a verse in the Kanda metre, though there is no indication to that
effoot in the text itself.

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258 10 sha-Pțithu-Bhagiratha-charitam bhūmaņdaļamah sakal-asāmandalam = avadhiy-appinam sādhisidam @[6 *Svasty = anavarata-parama-kalyan-.
11 bhyudaya-sahasra-phaļa-bhõga-bhāgini [1*] Dvitīya-Lakshmisamāne, kala-hamsa-yāne i Rāya-jhalappa-kalpa (!pa )kuja-samāliņgita-ka
12 Ipalate i sāmaṁta - simamtini - parivșite i dushta - darppishthasavati-siro-vajra-mushti i din-ānātha-kathaka-vaitālika-suvarộna-vộishți vandichim
13 tāmaņi, amtarpura-chūļāmaņi [*] Malapa-vīdyādhari [1*] sakala-kaļādhari (1 * ] Rāya-manõja-rāja-ratii Adabala Sarasvati
14 nritya-Vidhyādhari 1 savatī-gaja-kēsari i Kali-kāla-Sarasvati [*] Śrīmal mat)-Tribhuvanamalladēva-visāļa-vaksha-sthaļa-nivāsiniyar = appa ŚrīmatPiri
15 yarasi Chandaladēviyaru Alamde-sāsira-pramukhav-anēka-bha tta grāmamgaļumam dushța-nigraha-sishța-pratipāļanadimd=a!(!)d = arasu-geyyuttam=ire
16 Tat-pāda-padm-õpajivi [1 *] Samadhigata-paṁcha-mahā-tabda (1 *7 Mahā-mandalöśvarai Kopaņapuravar-ādhisvaramı Alamde-vedamgam [, *7 Manneya-simgań [, * 7 Satya-yu
17 dhishthiram bhaya-lõbha-nishthuram i samgrāma-Shanmukham parivāra-śrīmukhań i bamdara bhāvam i marevuge kāvam i dēva-guru-dvijapādārādhakarivairi
18 baļa-sādhakaṁ [*] dādiga-bāṁțekāram [1 * ] rājan-aṁkakārań i Padmāvatīdēvi-labdha-vara-prasādam [1 *] dāna-vinodam [*] Śrīman-mahāmaədalāsvaraṁ Bibbarasam Alarde-nā
19 da Gomkana nür-ippatt-aruvattu bādav = app=ātmiya-maņdaļaman = akhaņda-pratāpadim niddā(nir-ddā)yādyam = mādiy = aragu-geyyu-ttam = ire @ @ Śrī-cha
20 ritra-samriddhi mikka vijaya-śri karmma-vichchhitti pūrvv-achāry. oktame rājanītiy = enisutt = irdd = i-tapö-rājyadim bhū-cha
21 kraṁ besakeyye samda munibțimd-adhīśvarar=kKoņdakuṁdāohārygar dhțita-dhairyyar = äryateyin = ēn=āchārygaro! = varyyaro 11 [7*]
22 Avara sishya-prasishyaru [*] Griddhrapimchhächāryaru i Baļākapimchhāchāryyaru i Guņanaṁdi-padita-dēvaru
23 Dēvēmdra-siddhānta-dēvaru [* | Vasunamdi-bhattārakaru Ravichamdra-bhattārakaru i Pūrạnachaṁdra-siddhāṁta-dēvaru [*] Dāmanaṁdisiddhāṁta-dēvaru i Sri
24 dhara-dēvaru | Maladhāri-dövaru , Chandrakīrtti-bhattārakaru Nayanamdi-dēvaru # Suranadiya tārahārada suradaṁtiya Rajatagiriya
25 chandrana belpiń piridu vara-Varddhamānara parama-tapodhanara ki[ rtti ] mūr umjagado! v'[8*] Traividyar = appa piriya Šri-Divākaranamdi-siddhāṁ
1 This verse is met with in Sravana Belgola, No. 71.

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1
26 ta-devaru Maha-mamtravādi Jinacham dra-devaru Sarvvanaṁdisiddhamta-devaru Rati-patiya jūju bhavyapratatiya kanderavi tapada
27 ......... satad odavu Balachandra-bratipati Jina-samaya-mādhavimadhu-samayam 1 [9] Balayutaram balalchuva Latām
ōdisi
28 ta-saramg = idiragi tagi samchalisi palamchi tūld = avanan = mey-vagey-ada dūsarim kaleyade nimda karvvunada kaggina sippin = ama29 rkke-vetta kattalam enisittu putt-aḍardda meyya malam Maladhari-dēvaram [10] Kalyāṇakirtti-dēvaru Ghana-jāļaṁ dhūpa-dhūm-ōdgamam = udaka-kaņam tam
30 dulam dirggha-dhar-am bu-nipātam male vidyut-pratati soḍarggal = abda-s(8)vanam ghamṭika-nis(s)vanam = āgalu(1) vriksha-mula-vrata-niyamadol irdd-Arhanamdi-vra
31 timdramge nitamtam pada-piṭh-archchaneyan = esaguvamt = adud = ambhōdakālam [11] Imtu mara-modalu kal-nele bellavasadalum dridhar Śrīmad-Arhanandi
appa 32 Beṭṭada-dēvar avar apugina gudḍam Puṭṭidan = anargghyaratnam puṭṭuva-volu Kōṭirāja-viprāgranigaṁ neṭṭane Tailabbegav = oda-vuṭṭe gupam Rakkasayya
=
33 navani-talado u [12] Atreya-gōtra-pavitram Sutrāmam Jainamatada vibhu-bhavanakkam nētraṁ vādi-kulakkam dhatriyoli-Rakkasam payōrāsi
34 varam [13] Day-anna-sastr-aushadha-dana-yuktō munimdrapādām buja-matta-bhrimgah jayaty=asau sūryya-sama-pratapas = chamdrärkkatāram bhuvi Rakshas-akhyaḥ || [14 *]
35 Padevaḍe Rakkasan-amtire paḍevudu purushārtthamaṁ mahāpurushan avam kuḍuva chaturvvidha-dānam kuḍugum svargg-apavargga-sukhasampadamam [15] Dhariniyam Sur-a
36 ri raseguydoḍe Vishnu Varaha rūpadim-bērade põgi tamda teradimde nij-anvaya-vrittiyam neram-bārade koṇḍu baṁdu tanag=ăgire māḍida pempina Chaudhare Rakka
37 sayyan antaro chalakke bal-kapi gaḍ= emdu gunam-gol(lu)gum jagaj-janam [16] Takkarige namtar ish tarig = akkariga-janakke goṭṭa karuna-rasadim mikkilda samtan = emdo
38 [de] Rakkasan emdēke nuḍiyut-irpparo manujaru [17 *] Tat-sati | Mānava-mānini-janado! = em dorey = em bude patra-danad = uddanige deva-pūjeya vibhu
=
1 Eight matras in the second line of this verse in the Kanda metre are lost here. 2 This verse occurs in Sravana Belgola No. 117.
3 The third line of this verse in the Utpalamala metre is faulty here on account of the excess of six syllables, viz., penipina chaudhare. If this expression is dropped, the metrical flaw would be rectified.

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39 tige si!ada sampadakke tatv-anuguņa-vrat-ācharana-lilege sākshararakshaņa-ksham-ānūna-parārttha-výittige mahā-sati-ratnaman = Akkaņabbeyaṁ (18 *] Ariv=ārppu
40 satya-śauchada nerev = anupama-punya-murtti kāṁtā-ratna meredu pati-vrata-guņado! = nered-idd = iy = Akkaņabbe pati-hitey = enipa! 11 [19 *) Āy=irvva
41 ra magaṁge 11 Jina-nāthan = ishța-deyvaṁ muninātham Bālachaṁdra-dēvam guru bhavya-nikāyam bāṁdhava-janam- ene jagado! Šāṁtan - amtu nõmtavar =olare [20*] Inajan= ene
42 chāgi kāṁtege manasijana-vol = opput = irppan = Arhana baṁtam munivaṁge kāļa-sarppanum = enisidan = i-Sāṁtivarmman = anvita-dharmma il [21 * ] Ātana sati visada-guna-vrāt-ānvite dharmma
43 mūrtti pati-bhaktiyo! =ā-Siteg = Arumdhatige Kubhi( bhți )jjātege dore Malliyakkan = emba! = pesarim @ [22 *] @ Svasti (1 * ] Srima [t * )Tribhuvanamalla-dēvar niravadhi-pratāpadimd = 0
44 tti Dhāreyam nirādhāra mādiy=alliy = Udayiya makka! Jajjugi Jagadēvanam kāņisikoņdu baruttum Chāļukya-Vikrama varsa(sha )da 23 neya Bahudhanya samvatsarada
45 Jē(Jyē )shthad = amāvāsyeya sūryya-grahanadamdu 'Gödāvari-tīrada Kõțitirtthadali Tulā-purusham=i du purāņ-oktiyimd=anēka-tushțidānamgalam kuduv-alliya
46 dan-ochita-kāladal = Mahāpradhānaṁ mane-verggaờe Sabavāsigal = adhishthāyakaṁ Pattaļe-karaṇaḥ Manneyar = adhyaksham daņdanāyakaṁ Bhivaņayyaṁgala binna
47 padim Nritya-Vidyadhari Chamdaladēviyara dharmmavāgiy= Alamde-sāsirada Chaudhare Rakkasayya-nāyakar = ā-nāļa kampaņam Gorkananūrippatta-ru
48 vattam(ttum) bäờada baliya tamma prabhutvad = ūrgga! Hadamgile i eradu Melakuṁde i Manali i Koļanūru i Beļaguppa Mūlavalli yiṁt= ivarol =ā-Hadaṁgile
49 yal=tāvu māļisida kal-vesada basadiya Pārsvanātha-dēvarggav. - alliya kelada pagtasāleya Sārtinātha dēvarggam saṁtatam māļuv = abhishēkakkam= ashțavidh-ārchchanegaṁ Ji
50 vaday-āshtami modalāgiy = anēka-parvva-mahā-pūjega!gam risha (i)yarkka! = āhāra-dānakkam -ā-yeradu basadiya khanda-sphuțita-jirņn-oddhārada be
51 sakkav =ā Hadamgilega vāyavgada holada) = Kalumbaragegal = Nudidaṁte-gaṁdana gaạimbadalu bitta kariya nelam mattaru hanneradu matta kaladiyal - omdu
1
This name is a mistake for Narmadā. See the introductory disoussion.

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: 52 mattaruvare törhțap - ordu garam = -basadiyim tenkaluṁ paduvaluv = i da hattu manega!ma (!uma )n = ā-keyge mūďalu Piriya-Melakuṁdegimd = Alūrige põda batte:
53 temka neţța kalı paduva Nilanūra vola-vēre i badaga Hattikuṁdeya hola-võre yivu chatussime Yiṁt = i-vșittig = ella maru-vaņav=eradu gadyāṇa ponnam tettu
54 tamma gurukulam Śri-Müla-samghada Dösiga-gañada Pustakagachohada Piriya-samudāyam Sri-Bāļachamdra-siddhāṁta-dēvara sishya-prasishyasamtatiya naishthika
55 tapõdhanar=idd = i-dharmmamam yatnadiṁ pratipāļisuvamt.āgi Rakkasayya-nāyakar = kkottar=imt=ivu modalāgiy=anēka-dāna-dharmma-paropakāramgaļiṁ purushārttha
56 mam saphaļa māļi tamma putra-pautrādigaļuv = arasugal(ļu)m=ikramadim nadeyisuvaṁt-āgi śāsanamam māļi punya-kırtti-śāsanaman= achamdrārkka
57 sthāyiy-āgi nilisidaru i nela nilvinegam bhadram śubham mamgalam @ I-dharmmavan =ār-orvvar = i-vșitti-sahitam rakshisida mahā-purusharu Kurukshētra i Vāraņā
58 si 1 Gamgei Prayāge i Argghyatīrttha i Payoshại , Gage 1 Yamnă-dövi | Narmmadā-dēvi Tāvi i Gödāvari Tumgabhadrā yiṁt = i-punyanadigaļalur pāpa-kshyam = eni
59 suva mahā-tīrtthagalalum = ubhaya-mukhi kõți kavileya kõduń kolagumaṁ ponnalum pańcha-ratnadalum kattisi chatur-vvēda-pāragar = appa Asamkhyā
60 ta Brāhmaṇarggam mahā-tapādhanarggam dānamaṁ kottant = appa phalavan - eydi svargadal = ananta-kālam sukham-irpparu @ Mad-vamsajār=paramahipati-vamsajā
61 vā pāpād = apēta-manaső bhuvi bhāvi-bhūpā yē palayanti mama dharmmam=imam samastam tēshāṁ mayā virachito =ñjalir = ēsha mūrdhni u [23 *] Sāmā
62 nyo =yam dharmma-sētur = nri(nri )pāņāṁ kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ sarvvān = ētān= bhāvinar = pārtthivēndrān=bhūyo bhūyo yāchatē Rāmachandraḥ [ 24 *]
63 Vasudhā babubhir = dattā rājabhiḥ sagarādibhiḥ yasya yasya yadā bhūmis = tasya tasya tadā phalań 11:25*] Sva-dattalā )ṁ para-datta(ām vā yo harēta va
64 suṁdharāṁ shashțir = vvarsha-sahasrāņi vishthāyām jāyatē krimihi (b) [ 26 *] Na visham visham=ity =ābu( hur =)dēvasvam visham - uchyatē vishain = ēkākinan

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65 'harti devasvam putra-pantrakaṁ [27] Śasanam - idāvud = elliya sasanamar-ittar-eke salisuven-an-i-sasanaman emba pātakan - āsakalam Rauravakke
66 galagalan iligum [28] Priyadimd = int = idan eyde kava pur(ru)shamgayum mahā-śrīyum akkum idam kayada patakaṁge palavum tirtthamgalo!
=
67 Varanasiyoluya(!=ē)ļ-kōji(ți) munimdraram pasugalaṁ Vēdadhyaram komda mikkayasam pordugum=emdu sär(r)idapud – i-saiļ-āksharam brāji(dhatri )yol @ [ 29 *]
=
ABSTRAKT OF CONTENTS
Verse 1, Invocation to the commandment of Lord Jina.
Verse 2. In the midst of the lake which are the oceans, rests the earth like a lotus. The mountain Mandara resembles its pericarp. To the south of the Mandara lies the illustrious Bharatakshētra.
Lines 3-6. Genealogical account of the Chalukya sovereigns, who ruled successively in the Bharatakshetra, from Tailapa (II) to Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI)."
Lines 6-10. May the Chalukya Rama (i. e., Vikramaditya VI) protect the earth in peace and prosperity for a long time.
Hail! The illustrious monarch, Tribhuvanamalla, who is an ornament of the Chalukya race, bears the titles, Samastabhuvanãśraya ( Asylum of the Entire Earth), etc., and equals Nahusha, Prithu and Bhagiratha in his career, has brought the expansive earth under his sway.
Lines 10-15. Hail! His senior queen Chandaladevi, who is a personification as it were of the Goddess of Fortune (Lakshmi), the very Goddess of Learning (Sarasvati) in human form, the veritable Queen of Fairies (Vidyadhari) in the art of dancing, skilled in all lores, a liberal donor to the needy and the helpless as well as to the bards and the entertainers, is administering several important villages in the province of Alande Thousand, which were alienated for her own use.
Lines 16-19. Their subordinate Mahamandalēśvara Bibbarasa who bears the epithets, Kopaṇapuravaradhiśvara (Supreme lord of the eminent town of Kopana), Alandeveḍanga (Ornament of Alande), Padmavati-devilabdhavaraprasada (who had won the favour of a boon from the goddess Padmavati), etc., is exercising unrivalled authority over his tract of Sixty (Villages) amongst the One Hundred and Twenty of Gonka in the Alande province.
1 This and the following two lines were not quite legible on the stone; but I have ~-~-~-~-~-~-~-~-~-~-~-~- reconstructed them here fully as they are familiar and of common occurrence.
2 For the genealogical account see p. 211 above. 33

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Lines 20-21.
Ah how supreme among the ascetics is that great teacher Kondakunda to whom the whole earth became subservient while he was ruling over the kingdom of austerities, fortified by the decisive victory which was his sublime character and the diplomatic code which was his severance of the karma!
Lines 22-29. The teachers who followed him as his spiritual disciples in succession, are as follows: Gridhrapiñchhacharya, Balākapiñchhācharya, Gunanandi-Panditadeva, Devendra-Siddhantadēva, Vasunandi-Bhaṭṭāraka, Ravichandra-Bhaṭṭāraka, Pūrṇachandra-Siddhantadēva, Damanandi-Siddhantadēva, Śrīdharadēva, Maladharidēva, Chandrakirti-Bhaṭṭāraka, Nayanandidēva, Vardhamanadeva who was far-famed, the senior Divakaranandi-Siddhantadēva who was a Traividya, Mahāmantravādi Jinachandradēva, Sarvanandi-Siddhāntadēva, Balachandra, Maladhāridēva who preserved as a trophy of his victory over the mighty Cupid, the accumulated dust on his body hardened into a thick crust; Kalyāņakīrtidēva.
Verse 11. After him Arhanandi. When he was practising the Vow of Trunk-of-a-tree (Vrikshamulavrata), it appeared, the Rainy Season offered worship at his feet, with the circle of clouds for the fuming incense, the drops of rain for the rice-grains, the long and ceaseless showers for the wreaths of flowers, the flashes of lightning for the lights and the thunders for the sounding of bells.
Lines 32-48. A lay disciple of the spiritual son (i. e., disciple) of this Arhanandi, alias Beṭṭada-Deva (Ascetic of the Mount), is Rakkasayya. He is born of Kōṭirāja, the foremost among the Vipras and Tailabbe. He belongs to the Atreyagōtra and is the guardian of the Jaina doctrine. He indulges in bestowing the four-fold gifts, viz., mercy, food, holy doctrine and medicine.
People admire the great quality of determination in this Chaudhare Rakkasayya, which was exhibited when he restored the lost fortunes of his ancestors. He is kind and courteous to all and exceedingly tranquil. Despite this all, it passes one's comprehension why people should call him Rakkasa i. e., Evil Spirit. His faithful and pious wife is Akkanabbe. Their son is Santa or Santivarma. He is fortunate in having Lord Jina for his favourite deity and the teacher Balachandra for his guru. His wife is Malliyakka.
Lines 43-47. Hail! In the Chalukya-Vikrama year 23rd and the oyolio year Bahudhānya, on the occasion of the solar eclipse on the new-moon day of the month Jyeshtha, when Tribhuvanamalladēva was (in his camp) at the Kōṭitirtha on the river Godavari' and having performed the Tulāpurusha
1 Godavari is a mistake for Narmada; see the introductory discussion.

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ceremony was making several propitiatory gifts according to the injunctions of the Puranas, on the way back from his expedition against the city of Dhara which he reduced to a helpless state, and after an interview with Jajjugi Jagadeva, son of Udayi, a petition was submitted to the king at the opportune moment by Bhivanayya, Chief Minister (Mahapradhana), Superintendent of Home Affairs (Manevergade), Commissioner of Records (Pattalekarana) and Commander of Forces (Dandanayaka); and it was granted. Lines 47-57. Accordingly, for the merit of Nritya-Vidyadhari Chandaladēvi, Chaudhare Rakkasayya Nayaka bestowed land, garden, oil-mill and houses for performing the daily ablutions and eight-fold worship of the two deities, for conducting special rituals on Jivadayashṭami and other ceremonial occasions, for feeding the ascetics and for executing the repairs in the temple of Parsvanatha and also of Santinatha in the adjoining hall, constructed by him at Haḍangile which along with six other villages was under his jurisdiction. These villages were situated in the kampaņa of Sixty Villages among the Hundred and Twenty of Gonka in the province of Alande Thousand. The gift was entrusted into the hands of his teacher Balachandra who belonged to the senior section (piriya samudaya) of the Mula Samgha, Desiga gana and Pustaka gachcha. The endowed property was to be maintained with scrupulous care and piety by the successive pupils of the teacher. Rakkasayya Nayaka set up this inscribed tablet so that the succeeding descendants of his family and the future rulers might preserve this charity in perpetuity with the sun and the moon. May good fortune and auspiciousness attend this as long as this earth endures.
259
Lines 57-67. Benediction on the preservers of the religious charity and imprecation against its transgressors.
INSCRIPTION No. 3
(Found in a Deserted Temple at Sēdam)
This inscription was found incised on a pilaster on the right of the entrance in the verandah of a deserted Jaina temple at Seḍam.' The temple is situated in the locality known as Seṭṭiyara Uni, i. e., Settis' Quarters. This name is significant, as it denotes that this locality was once inhabited mainly by the members of the merchant class, who, possibly, were Jaina by persuasion. The precincts of the temple were grossly misappropriated by the tenants of the nighbouring houses, who had stacked its interior with cattle fodder and used its verandah for storing large quantities of cowdung meant for preparing fuel cakes. The inscribed portion of the pilaster measures 46 .5 inches in length and 12 .8 inches in breadth. At the top of it are carved the familiar representa
1 Bare texts in Kannada script of this and the following inscription have been published in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol, VII, Nos. 723-24,

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tions of a gift-deed, viz., the figure of a Jaina ascetic, a cow with a calf, the moon and the sun, etc. The epigraph contains 58 lines of writing which is in a good state of preservation.
The characters are of the old Kannada variety commonly met with in the inscriptions of the 12th century A. D. They own no peculiar features desery. ing special attention. The use of spirals instead of strokes for marking the punctuation, as in the previous inscription, may be noted in some places. The orthographical traditions of the age, such as the doubling of the consonant in a conjunct after r, are generally maintained except in such cases as varsha, 1. 34. The word priya is written as priya in lines 19 and 54. With the exception of such rare instances the composition on the whole is free from errors, clerical or otherwise. The language is, as a rule, Kannada in prose and verse, save two Sanskrit verses in the body of the record. It may also be noted that one benedictory verse in the beginning, and another imprecatory verse at the end, are both as usual in Sanskrit.
The charter commences with the praise of the Commandment of Lord Jina. Next it refers to the victorious reign of the illustrious king Tribhuvanamalladēva of the Western Chalukya dynasty, who was at this time residing in the town of Jayantīpura. This is followed by the description of a distinguished Jaina teacher named Prabhāchandra Traividya Bhattāraka, who was superintendent of a holy place named Virapura and belonged to the Mal du ]va gaņa. At this stage we are introduced to a succession of teachers to which Prabhāchandra Bhattāraka was related. Then comes a lengthy account of the Three Hundred Mahājanas of the agrahāra town of Sõđimba. We are told thereafter that these three hundred representatives of the town constructed a temple in honour of the deity śāntinātha Tirthankara and made suitable gifts for its upkeep and for conducting daily worship and other rituals therein. The temple was named Brahmajinālaya.
The inscription is dated the Chālukya-Vikrama gear 48, Śõbhakřit samvatsara, Māgha su. 10, Monday. The date is regular. The corresponding Saka year was 1045 and the English equivalent of the date would be a. D. 1124, January 28, Monday.
The record furnishes some new information regarding the Jaina teachers who flourished here during the period. Though not specifically stated to that effect, it may be gleaned from the context that the temple and its property were entrusted to the supervision of the renowned pontiff Prabhāchandra Traividya Bhattâraka who occupies a prominent place in the circumstantial account of the gift. He was the Principal of the Virapura Tirtha which must have been & sacred place. Virapura appears to have

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281
been a place of some distinction for the followers of the Jaina faith. The place was, in all probability, situated somewhere in this region; but I have not succeeded in its identification. The full details of the line of pontiffs to which Prabhachandra belonged are also not known. In such contexts the Samgha, gana and gachchha of the monastic order of the teacher are usually mentioned; but this epigraph is almost silent on this point. It may, however, be noted that it does contain a reference to the Maduva gana. Existence of this gana' in the Jaina monastic order is disclosed for the first time by the present inscription. It is of interest to note the description of Prabha chandra as a great Mantravādi, i. e., one versed in occult lore.
The teacher Prabhachandra is praised in two verses (2 and 3). It would be reasonable to identify Prabhachandrayati of the first verse with Traividya Prabhendu Bhaṭṭāraka of the next verse, who was a disciple of Traividya Ramachandra Muni. This would give us only two generations of teachers, Ramachandra and his disciple Prabhachandra, though it is possible to think of another teacher of the name Prabhachandra as the guru of Ramachandra from the manner of the description, which is rather ambiguous and confusing. A glance at the description of the Mahajanas of Seḍimba who were responsible for the creation of the Jaina temple and evinced such active interest in fostering that faith, discloses certain interesting features of the religious conditions prevailing in those days. It may be gathered from references to their proficiency in the Vedic studies and devotion to the god Nārāyaṇa, that not all of them at least were followers of the Jaina doctrine. Nevertheless, it redounds to their credit and the marvellous spirit of religious tolerance that ran so high in that age, that they extended their co-operation, one and all, to the fullest measure, in establishing the religious institution of Jaina persuasion in the midst of their own agrahāra town.
It is further stated regarding these Mahajanas that they performed the Abhichāra Hōmas (exorcising rites) that split asunder the fortified gates of Kanchipura and that they were able to induce the presence of the deity, Jvalini of golden ear-rings, evidently by virtue of a similar rite. These statements testify to the belief entertained by the people in those times in the rites of the Sakta and Tantric cults. It would be again interesting to note that indulgence in such practices on the part of the City Fathers did in no way conflict with their cherishing devotion to the Vedic god Nārāyaṇa or paying homage to the Jaina Tirthankaras. We shall discuss the significance of the deity Jvälini in a later context.
Allusion to Kanchipura in the present record has not much historical value as contemporary evidence; for the city which was once the seat of Pallava
1 This appears to been a Yapanyla gana; see pp. 198-99 above,

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sokereiguty had lost its importance by this time. We may, however, trace therein an echo of the long-drawn hostilities that subsisted between the Pallavas of Kanohi on the one hand and the earlier line of Chālukya rulers of Karnataka on the other, during the 7th and 8th centuries A. D.
Three places of geographical interest are mentioned in the record. Two of these, viz., Jayantipura (1. 6) and Sēờimba (11. 29, 33, 36, 43), are rospectively identical with the present-day Banavāsi in the North Kanara District and Sodam or Seram, the headquarters of the taluk of the name, where the inscription was found. The third Virapura has been noticed before. In verse 4 there is a reference to the following three places of mythological fame; viz., Khāņdava (forest), Lanka (the island of Ceylon) and Traipura (three aorial cities built by a demon).
The epigraph merits some attention as a piece of literary composition. A major part of the record is written in good prose embellished with figures of speech and poetic descriptions bearing on the Jaina teacher Prabhāchandra and the Three Hundred Mahājanas of Sėdimba. The inscription contains one verse (No. 4) in the Mattābhavikrīạita metre, which is devoted to the praise of the strong and well-fortified town of Sēdimba. Though overdrawn on the conventional model of the age, still the imagery conceived in the verse, is pleasing and presents a charming picture of the theme. The closing verse in Kannada dealing with the imprecation is also in the above metre. The two Sanskrit verses of benediction and imprecation are in the Anushțubh metre. The two Sanskrit verses (2-3), inserted in the body of the record to describe the Jaina teachers, are in the Aryā metre. Their composition, however, is not quite up to the mark.
A few words of lexical interest may be noted here. The phrase nirvanavági in 1. 37 is used in the sense of consummation. It is derived from the Sanskrit word nirvahana and its usage in such a context deserves attention. The expression padisalisi märpantāgi in 11. 42-43 refers to the alterations necessitated in the repairing process of the temple and conveys the sense of reconstructing on the same original model, retaining its appearance', so that the harmony and symmetry of the structure might not be disturbed. The word pratipatti in the expression vritti-pratipatti in l. 48 means solemn undertaking'. This expression is met with in a similar context in an inscription from Hosur in the Gadag taluk, Dharwar Dt.
| Bomb, Karn. Insoriptions, Vol. I, pt, ih, p. 190, 1. 18.

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TEXT
1 Śrīmat-parama-gambhira-Syād-vād-amōgha-lāṁchhanaṁ 2 jiyā [t] = trailōkyanathasya śāsanam Jina-sasanam | [1*] 3 Svasti [*] Samasta-bhuvanasraya Śri-Prithvi
4 vallabha Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara Pa
5 ramabhaṭṭārakam Satyasraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-ābha6 ranam Śrima [*]-Tribhuvanamalla-devaru Jayamti-pu7 rada neleviḍinolu sukha-samkathā-vinōdadim rā
8 jyam-geyyuttamire @ Svasti [*] Samasta-sāstr-āmṛita9 pārāvāra-pāragarum tad-ukta-tapo-nushṭhāna-nishthi
10 tarum sakal-ēlāpāla-mauli-lāļita-chāru-charan-ā
11 ravimda-dvaṁdvarum nirasta-dvandvarum tushāra-hāra-Hara-has-ă 12 bhāsa-kirttigaļuṁ | jñāna-nidhāna-dipavarttigaļum [*] Mamtravādi13 Makara-dhvajarum [*] paravādi-gaja-mrigarajarum [*] Ma[ du ]va14 gap-ambara-bhānugalum [*] Sri-Virapura-Tirth-adhipatigalu15 mappa Śrīmat-Prabhachandra-Traividya-bhaṭṭāraka-dēvas – chiram jiyat II
16 Jina-pati-mata-tattva-ruchir nnaya-pramāņa-pravīņa-nisita-ma17 tih para-hita-charitra-patro babhau Prabhachamdra-yati
1
18 nathaḥ [2] Khyātas Traividy-apara-nāmā Śri-Ramachandra-muni19 tilakaḥ pri(ri)ya-sishyaḥ Traividya-Prabhēmdu-bhaṭṭārakō lōkē @ [3*] 20 Svasti [*] Yama-niyama-svädhyāya-dhyana-dhāraṇa-maun-ā21 nushṭhāna-japa-samādhi-sila-sampannarum nuḍidu matt-enna22 rum Kamchi-pura-dvara-kavāṭa-puta-bhedan-abhichāra-hō23 ma-sadhakarum virōdhi-kul-āraṇya = pāvakaruṁ [*] Chatur-vvēda. 24 pārāvāra-paragarum bahuvidha-vachana-rachana-pra
1
T
H
25 viņarum Chavushashți-kalānvita-vasumati-girvvāņaruṁ | hēma26 kumḍala-Jvālinī-dēvy-ākarshaṇarum samasta-vidyā-visēshaṇa27 rum saran-agata-vajra-pamjararum vairi-dik-kumjararum [*] Sri28 Nārāyaṇa-dēva-pada-pamkaja-bhramararum appa Sri
200
M
29 mad-agraharam Sēḍimbada aśēsha-Mahājana-Muṁnnü
30 rvvarum sthiram jiyāt @ Naraniṁd aggada Khāṁḍavam negalda 31 Lamka-dvipam-amt omdu vānaranim Traipuram orvva tāpasana kimchin-matra
=
=
32 köp-agniyim paribham-bettuvu dēva-nirmmita gaḍan tam em
33 du nichcham nirākarisutt irppudu perchchi tējad-odavim Sēḍimba34 d=adambaram @ [4] Svasti [*] Śrimach Chāļukya-Vikramavarshada 48 ne
35 ya Sōbhakrit-samvatsarada Magha-suddha 10 Sōmaváradaṁdu 36 asesha Mahajanam Münürvvarum Seḍimbadalu basadiyam

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"JAIMUM IN SOUTH INDIA
37 nirvvāṇav-āgi māḍisi Śāṁtinātha-dēvaram pratishtheyam mā38 di mahā-vibhutiyim suvarnna-kalaś-ārōhaṇam mā
39 di Brahma-jinälayam emdu pesaran iṭṭu mattam = a-Śâm tinā40 tha-devargge samtatam māḍuvashṭa-vidh-archchanegam Jivaday
=
ashṭami
41 Namdisvarad-ashtami samkramana grahana parvvada mahā-pūje42 galu(i)gam prāsādam pala-kālam-irppamt-ägi paḍisalisi mārppam48 t-agi khamda-sphuțita -jirnn-öddharada besakkam Sedim bada pa44 duva voladalu Lōka-jinālayada keyi kālaḍi
45
=
ya nālvattu mattarimgav omde-simey-agi hattida temkaņa de46 seyalu aśesha Mahajanam Mūnūrvvarum oḍambaṭṭu koṭṭa 47 keyi kalaḍiya mattar-irppatta-nālku mattam hu-domṭav = om48 du gāṇav = omdum = imt = i-vritti-pratipattiyam kott maryya
i-έāsana
a
49 deyam tappal-iyade tam-tamma putra-pautr-ādigaļum 50 rasugalum pratipālisuvamtagi śiļā-lipt-āksharamgaļ-āgi śā51 sanamam madḍi punya-kirtti-sasanaman = achamdr-arkka-sthāyi52 y-agi nilisidaru [*] nelam niluvinegam Mamgala-mahā-Śrī Śrī [u*] 53 @ Sva-dattam para-dattām va yō harēta vasumdharam shashtir= vvarsha-saha
54 srāņi vishṭhāyām jāyatē kṛi(ri)miḥ u [5] Pri(ri)yadimd=int = idan=eyde.
55 kāva purushamgayum jaya-śriyum = akkum idam kā
56 yade koyva papige kurukshetrāmtadoļu Varaṇāsiyo
57 1ēļ-kōți munimdraram kavileyai Vēd-āḍhyaram komdudomdaya. 58 sam sarddapud emdu säridapud i-sail-aksharam dhatriyo! @[6*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
Verse 1. May the doctrine of Lord Jina be victorious-the doctrine which is the commandment of the overlord of the three worlds and which bears the glorious and supremely profound Syād-vāda (theory of May-be) as its infallible characteristic mark.
Lines 2-8. Hail! The illustrious monarch Tribhuvanamalladēva, who is an ornament of the Chalukya race and bears the titles, Samastabhuvanāśraya (Asylum of the Entire Earth), etc., is ruling the kingdom from his residence at Jayantipura.
Lines 8-15. Hail! May he live long-His Holiness, the illustrious pontiff Prabhachandra Traividya Bhattarakadēva, who has crossed the nectarocean of the scriptures, who is firmly rooted in practising the austerities as prescribed in them; whose charming feet are graced by the crests of kings, who has

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265 overcome the duality of nature, whose fame is immaculate like the snow, a necklace of pearls and the lustre of Siva's laughter, who is the wick of the light which is the treasure of knowledge, who is the Cupid as it were among the Mantravādis, who is a lion to the elephants in the form of adverse disputants, who is the sun in the firmament of the Ma[du]va gana and the superintendent of the illustrious Virapura Tirtha.
Verse 2. Renowned is the great sage Prabhāchandra who owns profound interest in the tenets of Lord Jina, whose sharp intellect is adept in adducing proofs in favour of the Jaina system of philosophy and who is the fitting abode of the career devoted to the welfare of others.
Verse 3. Distinguished is the illustrious teacher Rāmachandra who bears the epithet Traividya, an ornament of the monks. His favourite disciple is Traividya Prabhēndu ( i. e., Prabhāchandra ) Bhattāraka.
Lines 20-30. Hail! May they live for ever-the Three Hundred Mahājanas of the eminent agrahāra of Sėdimba; who possess the virtues of self-restraint, self-discipline, study of the scriptures, meditation, concentration, silence, performance of religious exercises, chanting the holy syllables and tranquillity of mind; who never go back on their words uttered once; who perform the exorcising ritual by pouring the oblations in the sacred fire for breaking open the doors of the city.gates of Kānchipura; who are a conflagration to the forest of opposing clans; who liave crossed the ocean of the four Vedas; who are well-versed in composing manifold forms of speech; who are the gods on earth endowed with sixty-four arts; who entice the deity Jvūlini of golden earrings; who have qualified themselves in all lores; who are an adamantine cage as it were to the refugees seeking protection; who are unassailable like the elephants of the quarters; and who are attached like bees to the lotus-feet of the illustrious god Nārāyaṇa.
Verse 4. In times of yore the extensive forest Khāņqava was destroyed by Nara (Arjuna, a man); the impregnable island of Lankā was consumed to flames by a Vāvara (Hanumān, a monkey); the Three Cities (Traipura) were reduced to ashes by a spark of fire springing from an incensed ascetic (i. e., Śiva). But lol unique is the glory of this citadel of Sedimba, which is waxing ever stronger with its over-bearing splendour, defying any assault-a creation of the immortal hand as it were !
Lines 34–52. Hail! In the Chalukya-Vikrama year 48, the cyclic year being sõbhakrit, on Māgha su, 10, Monday, all the Three Hundred Mahā. janas completed the construction of a basadi at Sěđimba and installed the image of the god śāntinātba therein. In great splendour they set up a golden pinnacle on it and named it Brahma Jinālaya. Then for performing the daily eight-fold
34

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worship of the god śāntinātha, for conducting special rituals on such ceremonial occasions as Jivadayāshtami, Nandiśvara-ashtami, Sarkramana and eclipses, and for the preservation and maintenance of the repairs of the structure, all the Three Hundred Mahājanas by common agreement made a gift of 24 mattars of cultivable land, a flower-garden and an oil-mill. They also gave a solemn undertaking that they would safe-guard the interests of the endowment in all respects and that their successors also would duly maintain and preserve the charity. Accordingly, they caused to be incised this charter on stone so that it might endure as long as the sun and the moon-a monument to their righteous reputation. May auspiciousness and glory attend this as long as this earth lasts!
Lines 53-58. Blessings on the protectors of the charity. Imprecations against the transgressors.
INSCRIPTION NO. 4
( Found in a Deserted Temple at Sēņam ) This inscription was found incised on a pilaster on the left of the entrance in the verandah of the same deserted Jaina temple at Sēdam, wherein the previous inscription (No. 3 ) was discovered. The inscribed area of the pilaster measures 47 by 12 inches. The epigraph contains 65 lines of writing. It is on the whole in a good state of preservation, though slightly damaged and worn out in some places. The observations made on the characters, use of spirals for marking the punctuation and the orthographical conventions in respect of the previous inscription are applicable to this inscription also. In addition, the following points may be noted : The Dravidian ! and Sanskrit | have been used promiscuously in the following instances: Chalukya for Chalukya (1. 9), imb-ali- for imb-ali- (1. 50 ). In the expressions, ildapudu ( 1. 45 ) and -ilda (1. 50 ), the consonant r of the root ir has been changed to the Dravidian l. The forms, priya for priya ( 1. 26 ) and munibrinda for munivrinda (1. 31 ), may also be noted. Barring a few conjunctive expressions in prose such as aritu (1. 11 ), tat-putraṁ (1. 19 ) and mattan ( 1. 40 ), the language of the record is Kannada verge throughout, interspersed with three verses in Sanskrit.
The epigraph apparently begins with an invocation and ends with an imprecation in the usual manner of grant documents. But as revealed by its contents, its purpose is not to record any gift. So it may be classed as a sort of prasasti or formal eulogy, intended to commemorate certain distinguished personalities who were associated with the temple. This position is again confirmed by its failure to mention the king's reign and regual year or other details of the date.

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267 First among the personalities eulogised is the king himself. He is Bhūlókamalla or Sõmāśvara III of the Western Chalukya house of Kalyāņa. He was son of the illustrious monarch Vikrumāditya VI. The names of the ancestors of his family are enumerated in a running genealogical account, which is further prefaced by the geographical description of Bharata-kshētra, the saine as the one given in the Hunasi-Hadagali record (No.2). This passage ends with a prayer for a long and prosperous rule of the king Bhūlākamalla.
Next comes the illustrious teacher Traividya Prabhāchandra Bhattāraka. He was a disciple of Traividya Ramachandra. He is followed by the chief Barmadēva, a distinguished citizen of the township and a staunch devotee of Sāntinātha Tirthankara. Barmadēva appears to have been mainly responsible for the construction of the temple in the name of the deity at Sēdimba on account of his personal interest in the god and also because he was probably the head of the Three Hundred representatives of the place, who as stated in the previous record, actively cooperated in establishing this religious institution in their township. The last part of the epigraph is devoted to the praise of the invulnerable citadel of Sēļimba and its three hundred heroic guardians.
Even though the epigraph is undated, it is not difficult to assign an approximate date to it. It must have been composed during the reign of the king Bhūlõkamalla whom it eulogises. This king reigned from 1126 to 1138 A. D. Hence 1138 A. D. would be the outer limit for the date of the record. Thus we notice that the interval is not much between this and the previous record which is dated in 1124 A. D. Furthermore many of the events of the former inscription continue to figure herein. We may note in particular in this connection the construction of the Sảntinātha Jinālaya and the presence of the teacher Prabhāchandra Bhattāraka. So the position of this record in regard to the previous charter appears to be that of a supplementary document drafted on some subsequent suitable occasion; and this occasion was utilised by the poet for furnishing further details regarding the establishment of the Sāntinātha or Brahma Jinālaya and for lavishing compliments on the three hundred leading citizens of the town, their principal and the ecclesiastical head in charge of the religious institution, who were all responsible for its creation and maintenance.
From the description of the Jaina teacher Traividya Prabhāchandra, it may be gathered that he was very learned, well-versed in the Juina system of philosophy and a successful disputant. Prabhāchandra and his guru Rāmachandra are praised in four verses, two of which ( 743 ) are identical with those in the previous inscription. But the order of these two verses in the present inscription is the reverse of what obtains in the preceding epigraph.

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This alteration confirms the existence of only two generations of teachers and not three as it is suggested from the ambiguous manner of description in the foregoing charter.
Barmadēva who played a prominent rôle in the foundation of the Santinatha temple, appears to have been the president or head of the assembly of three hundred representatives of the locality. He was a zealous adherent of the Jaina doctrine and advanced its cause by establishing the religious institution as seen from the present record.
"
The high-sounding and rather exorbitant claims made in favour of the invincible nature of the citadel of Sedimba and its heroic guardians seem to contain some truth about them. The fortifications, it is related, were lofty and surrounded by a ditch which was very deep and unfathomable. They ensured perfect safety and protection in time of distress to those who took shelter behind them. Unsurpassed in valour were the fifty-two chosen champions' of the town. One of the outstanding exploits attributed to their credit was the storming of the gates of Kanchi. The number and reputation of this privileged body of warriors appear to have been conventionally maintained from generation to generation. As pointed out in a similar context while dealing with the foregoing record, the allusion to the storming of the gates of Kañchi is an echo of the protracted hostilities between the ruling princes of Karnataka and the Tamil country.
The fifty two warriors' referred to above are characteristically described as 'of primeval fame'. This praise does not seem to be formal or hyperbolic. For one will be interested to note a reference to these 'fifty-two warriors' in an earlier inscription and from a place far away from Sedimba. The epigraph in question is from Dōni, Mundargi Petha, Dharwar Dt.' It is dated in the Chalukya-Vikrama year 19, corresponding to A. D. 1094. While describing the 'three hundred members' of the guild of Ugura, the record states that in the great qualities of shielding the refugees and aggressively encountering the enemy, they stood comparison with the 'fifty-two warriors'. These 'fiftytwo warriors' seem to be none else than the fifty-two heroic champions of Sēḍimba who were also reputed for the two virtues mentionad above as described in the epigraphs of the place. The Dōni record, it may be observed, is one generation earlier than the present inscription. This shows that the town was invested with heroic traditions which were zealously preserved and handed down for generations among its inhabitants. It was on account of this characteristic feature that the galaxy of warriors was remembered with interest and cited as an example even in places remotely situated.
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1927-28, Appendix E, No. 77.

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269 We may now look at the inscription from the literary point of view. The verses describing Prabhāchandra, Barmadēva, and the citadel and councillors of Sēdimba in particular, are happily conceived and fairly executed with joyous effects of sound and sense. The imagery detailed in verses 14 and 16 to emphasize the safety of Sõdimba, inspite of its drawing upon familiar mythological illustrations, is appreciably poetic. Besides the opening benedictory verse which is identical with the same of the Huñasi-Hadagali record (No. 2), verses 7 to 9 are composed in Sanskrit. Verse 9 is in the Anushțubh metre. Verses 7 and 8 which are identical with verses 3 and 2 respectively of the previous record are in the Aryā metre. The metrical arrangement of the remaining verses in Kannada is as follows:
Kanda: Verses 2, 5, 15, 17; Champakamālā : Verses 3, 12; Utpalamālā : Verses 13, 14; Mattēbhavikrīļita : Verses 4, 11, 16; Mahāsragdharā : Verses 6, 10, 18.
The second pāda of the 10th verse is metrically defective on account of the excess of two syllables and this defect may be rectified by deleting them as shown in the foot-note on the text.
The phrase āney-āley-undige sale in l. 10 needs to be construed as a case of sati saptami to yield proper sense. The first compound word in this phrase is not quite familiar in Kannada literature and may be paraphrased as 'stamp of authority'. The word mukurunda in 11. 43-44 seems to have been used wrongly for makaranda, meaning 'nectar or honey', or mukura, meaning 'mirror? The lengthy compound expression, Kāñchi-puţabhedanapatutara-kavāța-puta-vighatanar in ll. 53–54, is clumsily pedantic and does not easily convey due sense. The forms of the numerals chavushashţi and bāvanna are No. 3 and here, denoting sixty-four' and 'fifty-two' are voteworthy, as they are more familiar to the students of Prākrit and allied vernacular languages. The, root tupp-en in l. 56 is onomatopoetic and means 'to spit out'. It is interesting to note that its cognate is found in the modern Tamil language. The expression aga itta derived from the root aga (to dig) means'a ditch'; agasta is its later day derivative.
TEXT i Svasti [1* 1 samasta-sur-āsura-mastaka-makut-ām2 su-jāla-jala-dhauta-padam (da-) prastuta-Jinêmdra-śāsanam = astu
3 chiram bhadram = akhila-bhavya-janānāṁ [1* ] Dharey-embambujam - irppu
4 du sal sa Jradhi-sarovarada naduve karạnike-volu(1) Maņdaram=i. 5 rppud = alli Mandara-giriyimdam temkal = eseva Bharat 2-kshē
6 tra o [2* ] A-Bharata-ksbētradoļu Chāļukya-chakrēsvarara vams--

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a
7 vatārado! | Age negevamdadiṁd = ogeda Rásbțrakumā8 rakaraṁ poraļchi komd=agaạitav = āda permmege tavar-mma9 ney=āgi Cha!()ukyar = anvayam negaļe negalteyam taledu tam10 naya tējado! =āņey-õley = uņdige sale sādhya
il v-āda nelanam taledań nripa-mēru Tailapam 11 [ 3* | Amtu i Juuatā-sam
12 stutan =āda Tailana magam Satyāśrayam tam( n )-nțipālana 13 putraṁ vibhu Vikramam tad-anujaṁ Śriy= Ayyan-ā14 rvvisan =ātana tam(m)mam Jayasimhan= ātana magań Trai15 lõkyamalla-kshitīšan=enipp = Āhavamallan=ātana ma16 gaṁ Somośvar-örvvīśv raṁ [4*1 Tat-sshödaraṁ 11 Sri17 mast*] Tribhuvanamallan = ila-mahitam Nahusha-prithu18 Bhagiratha-charitam bhū-maņdaļamam sakal-áśā19 mamdaļam = avadhiyappinań sā lhisidań 1 [5* ] Tat-putrami
20 Ninag = ēka-chchhhatram = akk = i-bhuvana -- bhavanam =i-lõkad = āyu
21 shyam = ella ninag = akk = any-āvani-pāļakar = atibhayadiṁ tamna 22 sarvvasvamam tettu nija-sri-pāda-padmakk = era23 guge piriduṁ pritiyiṁ viśva-dhātri-janamam Bhi24 Tökamalla-kshitipati dayeyim rakshis =ā-chamdra-tāram [6*7 25 Khyätas = Traividy-āpara-nāmā Sri-Rāinachaṁdra-muni26 tiļakaḥ pri (ri) ya-sishyah' Traividya-Prabhoṁdu-bhattārako 27 lokē [7* ] Jina-pati-mata-ta [t*]tva-ruchir = nnaya-pramā28 pa-pravīņa-niśita-matiḥ, para-hita-charitra-pātrā
29 babhau Prabhūchandra-yatināthaḥ [ 8* ] Prabhachaṁdramunim drasya
30° mukha-chardrasya chamdrikā vidvaj-jana-mano-jātaḥ (ta-) khēda. 81 tāmasa-bāriņī [9*] Muni-b(v)riṁd-ārādhyan =i baṁdane ku-ma
32 ta-mata-dhyamsan =ī bamdan = i bamdane vād-ibh-ēmdra-kaṁthiravan = akhi
33 la- guņa-gan-oddamanri baṁdan=i bamdane Chiruvāk-ādi vādi-pra34 karam = ele manā-garvramam tõrad = ir=mmāņ=enutum Traivi35 dyan=i bamdane guņa-gana-dhāmam Prabhāchaṁdra-dēvaṁ II [10*] 36 Bhuvan-āścharyam = enalke mādisidar=í-lõkam gunam-go37 Ivinam divij-ēmdr-árchchita-Sāṁtinātha-Jinapa-śrī-gēhamam 38 dal mahotsavadim Mēru-nag-ēmdra-chaitya-grihadim mēl = embi39 naṁ Śāṁtinātha-visisht-agraņi Burmmadīva-vibhuga! = samya
40 ktva-ratnākarar !! [11*] Mattum | Ninag = abhivriddhiy=akke subham - akke
1 Read - sishyan - Trice. % Read gun-oddama. The word. gana consisting of two syllables is superfluous as it is
required neither by the sense aor by the metre which has become faulty on its account

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871 41 subh-odayam = akke puņyam = akk = anupama-Lakshmiy = akke 42 jayam = akk = ajar-āmaram = akke punya-bhājana vara-Sāṁ43 tinātha-jina-pāda-payőruha-bhřimga sajjan-ānana-muku.
44 rumda bhavyajana-bāṁdbava sa [d-* ] dvija-vaṁsa-bhushaņa 11 [12*] Amba
45 ramań paļańch-alev(y jut = ild-ıpud = ikkida kõte Nāga - lokambarav = eyde
46 muțțidud = aga!(! )d = aga!(1) itta diśā-diś - antarāļaṁ - baram = eyde pa
47 rvvidudu tējada sājad = agurvy = enalke Sedimbado} = etti kāduv = ada
48 ţargg=idu mastaka-śūlam = allade [13*] Ambudhi mēre-dappi kavid = 1
49 dhareyam koluvaṁdu Vishņup = Īśam-beras = i jagat-trayamumam 50 basiro! = nilis =ittu kāvavõl=imbal (1) id=ilda nāl-deseya nā51 duga!am perag = ikki kāva Sodimbada viprar = omd=aļavan= 7-VO
52 galveṁ Chaladamka-Rāmarań [14*] E-doreyar = sSõdimbad = anādiya
53 bāvanna viraro! = machcharadiṁ kāduvar = ār - kKārchipuțabhēdana-pa
54 țutara-kavāța-puța-vighatanaro! ! [15*] Surarum Daitya
55 rum = abdhiyam kadeyut = irppaṁd = ugra-Sěsh-āhi bhikarakõp-āgra
56 hi Kālakūta-visamam tuppemdad – ā-'Dēvarum suraruṁ bhitiyi.
57 n = õduvaṁdu Girisaṁ kāvamdadim kādar = i-dhare. kett = öduva kāla
58 daṁdu palaraṁ Sūdimba durgg-ūdhipar l (16* ] Saraņ= emdu mūru 59 lokas bageyim kaikomųu kāva mahim-āspadarol sa60 ran-agata-pari-pamjarar = Aravimd-ādarana doreyar= i
61 Mūnūrvvar (17*] Toda! = ēn = i-dharmmanam rakshisida narane di
62 rggh-ayur-ārögyam = urvvi-vidita-prakhyāti vamśõnnati Ma63 dana-nibh-ākāram = avyākulam Sri-sudati-nāthatvum=ist=i. 64 bhavado! = eseguv = alliñ balikkam Surēmdr-āspadado! – kūd = jw 65 ppar = attal - pogaļal = ariyen=ān=eyde --v--[@ 18*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS . Verse 1. Hail! May it confer prosperity on all its faithful followers -the profoundly admired commandment of Lord Jina whose feet are washed by the water which is the assemblage of rays shooting from the diadems on the crests of all the gods and the demons.
i
Divarum is a mistake, read Daityarun.
.
.
.
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JADNISI IN SOUTH INDIA Verse 2. In the midst of the lake which are the oceans, rests the earth like a lotus. The mountain Mandara resembles its pericarp. To the south of Mandara lies the shining Bharata-kshētra.
Verses 3-6. Genealogical account of the Chālukya sovereigns who ruled successively in the Bharata-kshētra, commencing with Tailapa (II) who restored the Chalukya sovereignty after over-throwing the Rashtrakumāras (i. e., Rāshtrakūtas), down to Bhūlākamalla.' May the king Bhūlākamalla protect the earth in peace and prosperity for a long time.
Verse 7, Renowned is the ornament of the ascetics, the illustrious teacher Rāmachandra who bears the epithet Traividya. His favourite disciple is Traividya Prabhēndu (i. e., Prabhāchandra) Bhattāraka.
Verse 8. Resplendent is the great sage Prabhāchandra who owns profound interest in the tenets of Lord Jina, whose sharp intellect is adept in adducing proofs in support of the Jaina system of philosophy and who has vindicated his career devoted to the welfare of others.
Verse 9. The lustre emanating from the moon-face of Prabhachandra, the prince of the ascetics, dispels weariness and lethargy from the minds of the learned.
Verse 10. LO! Here comes the most worshipful in the circle of monks; here moves the demolisher of the doctrines of false faiths; here marches the lion to the elephants, the reputed disputants; here walks the supreme abode of all good qualities, Traividya Prabhāchandradēva, announcing thus “Oh! You advocates of the doctrine of Chārvāka and other schools, do not display the ignorant pride of your heart, throw it away, down with it!”
Verse 11. The Chief Barnadēva, the mine of jewels which is the doctrine of Samyaktva, foremost among the chosen devotees of Lord Säntinātha Jinēsvara adored by the great gods, caused to be completed with impressive ceremony this magnificent temple in His honour, an object of admiration to the whole world I
Verse 12. May all that is good, wealth, prosperity, fortune, success in life, great religious merit, eternal welfare, attend on you, Barmadēva -- you, a bee in the lotus-feet of the supreme Sântinātha, a kinsman of the followers of the Jaina faith and an ornament of the lineage of the Twice-born.
Verse 13. With its fortifications butting against the heavens, the excavations of its ditch fathoming the nether-world and the eminence of its natural splendour pervading the quarters and their intermediate space, this citodel of Sēdimba is indeed a source of headache to the aggressive adversary!
www
.
1 Bee the genealogical account, p. 211 above.
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278 Verse 14. How can I adequately describe the gallantry of the Vipras of Südirba, firm in determination like Rāma, who protect the uprooted souls coming from the four quarters by offering them asylum, like the god Vishņu protecting the three worlds along with the god Šamkara by accommodating them in his belly, when the surging ocean overflowing its bounds engulfs this earth at the time of deluge !
Verse 15. Who can stand on equal terms with the fifty-two champions of Sēdisba by challenging them in a rival combat— the fifty-two eternal champions, who split asunder the massive gates while storming the city of Kānchi ?
Verse 16. Just as it was the god Girića (i. e., Sankara) who gave protection when the gods and the demons had taken to flight, stricken with fear at the sight of the Kālakūta poison spit out by the fierce and infuriated serpent Šēsha, on the occasion of the churning of the ocean, so did the master guardians of the citadel of Sõdimba offer security to the people running amock in distress.
Verse 17. These Three Hundred deserve to be counted anong those gallant souls who volunteer to offer asylum and protect the three worlds saying, Here is the shelter'. Perfect cage as it were to those seeking refuge, they are the compeers of the god with the lotus in his naval (i. e., Vishņu).
Verse 18. Those who protect this religious institution will enjoy long life, renown and prosperity in all respects in this life and untold happiness afterwards in the heaven.
INSCRIPTION NO. 8
(Found in a Dilapidated Temple at Sēdam) . This inscription was found incised on a slab set up at the entrance of a deserted and dilapidated Jaina temple at Sõdam. The temple was noticed in a deplorable condition situated as it was in the Potters' Colony near the southern gate of the town. Its precincts had been encroached upon by the neighbouring houses, the occupants of which had taken full liberty in turning it into a busy workshop for conducting their multifarious activities, such as, soaking the lumps of clay, storing the powdered charcoal and airing their raw-products.
The slab measures roughly 48 by 16 inches. The epigraph comprises about 70 lines of writing; and inspite of the condition of neglect and filth in which it was placed, it was found in a fair state of preservation except for the last four lines which are damaged and worn-out. The characters are old Kannada of the 12th century A. D. and call for no remarks from the palaeographical point of view. The orthographical conventions of the age, such as
35

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the duplication of the consonant following r in a conjunct, are generally followed. The epigraph contains stray errors of grammar and spelling, apparently resulting from the ignorance of the scribe. These have been corrected in the body of the text itself. Leaving alone the benedictory and imprecatory verses in Sanskrit, the record is composed in old Kannada, prose and verse. The prose portion of the record containing the prasasti of the Three Hundred Mabājanas of Sēờimba and the verses dealing with the genealogical account of the Chalukya house, are almost identical with similar passages in the previous
The verse 14 devoted to the praise of the Vipras of Sēdimba in the foregoing record is repeated almost verbatim in the present record (verse 9).
The epigraph commences with a prayer to the Commandment of Lord Jina. After describing the cosmographical position of the Bharatakshētra (i. e., India ) in the manner of the two previous records (Nos. 2 and 4), it proceeds to narrate the genealogical account of the later line of the Chālukya rulers of Kalyāņa. This starts with Taila II and stops with Somośvara 111 or Bhūlokamalla, to whose reign the record belongs. Next we are introduced to two military officers who commanded the forces, Kālidāsa and his son-in-law, the general Bhimarasa. This is followed by the praise of the heroic Brāhmaṇas of Sõdimba and the eulogy (praśasti ) of the Three Hundred Mahājanas of the place.
Then comes the gift item. On Thursday, the full-moon day of Māgha, in the 12th regnal year of the king Bhülőkamalla, the cyclic year being Pingaļa, the Mahājanas of Sēdiṁba, under the leadership of the general Bhimarasa, made a gift of cultivable land for the benefit of the temple of AdiBhattāraka situated in the southern quarter of the town. Two more gifts were made presumably on the same date and to the same temple, one by the Mummuridaņdas of the Ubhaya Nānā Dēsis, led by the Mahajanas of the town, and the other by a merchant named Räisetti. The first of these gifts consisted of certain shares in the incomes derived from the toll duties on various commodities.
The date is regular and its corresponding Christian equivalent would be Thursday, January 27, a. D. 1138. The Saka year which is not cited in the record was 1059. It may however be noted that the full-moon day had commenced on the previous day, i. e., Māgha śu. 14, Wednesday, at .92.
The commander of the forces, Kālidāsu, is known from other records also. He may be identified with Käliyarasa or Kalimarasa who figures in two inscriptions from Nāgāi' in the Gulbarga District, dated in a. D. 1087 and 1093 respectively in the reign of Vikramāditya Vl. It is gathered from these
1 Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 8, Inscriptions of Nagai, pp. 33 and 43.

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epigraphs that he belonged to the Vanasa family and bore the titles, Mahapradhāna, Mahāprachanda-dandanayaka, Kaditavergade (Superintendent of Records), Kannada-sandhi-vigrahi (Minister for peace and war for the Kannada country), Chalukya-rajya-samuddharana (Upholder of the Chalukya sovereignty) and others. As the present charter is dated nearly half a century later than the two inscriptions mentioned above, we may reasonably assume that he was not living at the time of our record. We may seek further justification for this surmise in the cursory manner he is referred to in this record. His son-in-law, general Bhimarasa, is introduced for the first time by the present epigraph.
The claims put forth for the courage and valour of the Three Hundred Mahajanas of Seḍimba, through some of the epithets in their prasasti, seem to possess some bearing on facts as pointed out in the introductory remarks on the foregoing charters. These Mahajanas, it may be noted, are referred to as the Vipras or Brāhmaṇas in verse 9 of this and verse 14 of the previous record. This is substantially attested by their characteristic description in the prasasti, which contains more than one allusion to their leanings for the Brahmanic faith. Further, it is these Mahajanas or city fathers who are addressed as the guardians and masters of the citadel of Sedimba in verse 16 of the preceding document. It is interesting to note how this assembly of various representatives maintained its heroic traditions with due pride.
The deity Adi-Bhaṭṭāraka in whose honour the gift was made is evidently Adinatha or Rishabha, the first of the twenty-four Tirthakaras of the Jaina pantheon. We might easily identify the temple in the southern quarter of the town, which was consecrated to this deity, with the dilapidated temple in the Potter's Colony where the epigraph was discovered. The present day condition of the temple has been described in the opening lines of this introduction.
As a major part of the record, particularly almost all the descriptive passages in prose and verse, is identical with its corresponding part of the previous inscription, not much material is left out for an independent literary appreciation. The expression 'Chaitra-Pavitra' occurring in line 54 conveys two festivals, the Chaitra festival and the Pavitra festival. Of these the first was celebrated in honour of the deity in the month of Chaitra. The second is the one known as the Pavitrotsava or the festival of Pavitrārōpaņa, when 'garlands of sacred thread made of cotton or silk are put on the necks and other parts of the body of the holy image'. This festival was celebrated in one of the months from Jyeshtha or Ashadha to Kartika. The term Ubhaya Nānā Dēsis in 1. 54
1 See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 52-53,

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seems to denote the two-fold classes of the mercantile association carrying on their activities inside as well as outside the country.
Regarding the metrical scheme of the verses, the following points may be noted. Verses 1–5 are identical with verses 1-5 of the foregoing record. The sixth verse is in the Mattēbhavikrīdita metre. Verses 7-8 are in the Kanda metre, whereas verse 9 is composed in the Utpalamālā metre.
TEXT 1 @ Svasti [*] samasta -sur- īsura-mastaka- makut-ūmsu-jala-ja!adhauta-padan (da-)
2 prastuta-jin-omdra-sasanam = astu chiram bhadram = akhila-bhavyajanānāṁ (1*]
3 Dharey = erb= ambujam = irpudu sa( sa radhi-sarovarada naduve karọnike
4 võl = Mamdaram = irppud = illi Mamdara-giriyimdam teṁkal = eseva Bharata
5 kshetram 11 [2*] A-Bharata-kshētradolu Chālukya-chakrēsvara-vams-āvatā
6 radoļu | Age negevamdadimd=ogeda Rāshtrakumārakaram po7 ralchi komd=agaạitav = āda permmege tavar-maney-āgi Chalukyar
8 nvayaṁ negaļe negalteyaṁ taledu taħnaya tējado} = āņe9 y-õley-umdige sale sādhyav=āda nelanam taledam nripa-me10 ru Tailapam » [3* ] Janatā-saṁstutan=āda Tailana magam
11 Satyāśrayan tam (n)-nțipāļana putram vibhu Vikramam tadanujaṁ Śri
12 y-Ayyan-orvvīšan = ātana tammam Jayasimhan =ātana magam Trai
13 lõkyamalla-kshitisan=enipp= Āhavamallan =ātana magam Sõme14 svar-orvvīśvaraṁ | [4*] Tat-sahodaraṁ Śrīmat-Tribhuvanamalla
15 n = ila - mahitaṁ Nahusha - Přithu-Bhagiratha-charitam bhū. mandala
16-17 maṁ saka!-āśā-maņdaļam = avadhiy-appinam sādhisidan [5*7 Tad-apaty-öttaman= atyudātta-mahima Sõmésyar-örvvis'varam padulim tā
18 !da dharitriyam nija-bhuja-prõddēśado! = dēśadol = vidit-otsāba19 m = agurvyu-vettiral = adēm kaikomdano vikram-āspadan= Imdra
20 dvipa-tāra-bāra-Hara-bās-ödyad-yaso-Laksbpiyaṁ | [6*] Svasti [1*] Sa
21 mastabbuvanásrayam Sri-Prithvi-vallabhar Mahārājādbirājam

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22 Paramāśvaram Paramabhattārakaṁ Satyāśraya - kuļa - tiļakas Chāļuky-ā
23 bharaṇaṁ Śrimad-Bhūlokamalla-dēva-vijaya-rājyam = uttar-õtta
24 r-ābhivriddhi - pravarddhamānam = ā-chamdr-ārkka - tăram saluttam = ire
25 Tat-pāda-padm-õpajīvi u Damd-ādhisa-sikhämaņi
26 damdita - vidvishta - damda-nayaka - nikaraṁ chamda-bhujaṁ negaldań bhū
27 nandalado? = Kāļidāsa-damd-ūdhisar o [7*] A-negalda Kūlidāsa28 chamū-nāyakan = aliyan = uklıila-sil-āvaliyar tän = orvvane pa
29 dedu gun-âmbhõnidhiy = ene nega!dan = eseye Bhima-chamūpamu [8*]
30 Aṁbudhi mēre-dappi kavid = i-dhareyaṁ koļuvalli Visbņup = iśamberas = 1.
.31 jagat-trayamumam basirolu (!) nilis =ittu kāvavõl = iṁb=a! (!) id = irdda
32 nal-deseya nādugalam perag = ikki kāva Sõdimbada vipraromd=aļavan = ē
33 vogalveṁ kadana - prachamdara || [9*] Svasti [ * ] Yamaniyama-svādhyāya-dhyā
34 na-dhāraņa-maun-ānushthāna-japa-samādhi-Sīļa-saṁpannarum [*] 35 nuựidu matt-ennarum | Kārchipura-dvāra-kavāța-puța-bhēdan-ā36 bhichāra-hõma-sādhakarum , virõdhi-ku!-āraṇya-dāva-pāvakaruń i 37 hēma-kumdala-Jvālini-dēvy-äkarshaņarum i samasta-vidyā-vise
38 sh-õtkarshaņaruń i chatur-vVēda-pārāvāra-pāragarum | chatuhshashti-kal-ā
39 nvita-vasumati-giryvāṇarum 1 aupāsan-āgnihotra-dvija-guru-dēva
40 pūjā - tatpararuń [1*] 8(s) arach - chamdr-ājvaļa - kirttigaļumi Mukusda-mūrttiga
41 ?um=appa Sēqimibad = aśēsha-Mahājanam Mū(u)nnūryvarum sthiram jiyāt al
42 a Svasti [1*] Śrīmach = Chāļuky a-chakravartti Bhūlākamalla43 dēva-varshada 12 neya Pinigaļa-samvatsarada Māghada
44 rạnamāsye Brihaspativārada idu Sriman - Mahāpradhānam Hiri.
45 ya-daħda-nāyakaṁ Kālimayyamga! = aliya Mahā-pracham
46 da-damda-nāyaka Bhimarasa-pramukham = aśēsha mahājanamgaļum Śrimat-Sē
47 dimbada temkaņa basadiya Adibhattāraka-devaṁge samtatar māp=
po

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48 shta-vidh-ārchchanegam Jivaday-āshtami Namdiśvarad - ashtami samkramana-graha
49 ņ-ādi parvva-dinada mahā-pūjegalge( gam) khamda-sphuţitajīrṇn-o
50 ddhārakkaṁ kotta keyi padura-volad = elavada hāla kāla-mattaru 51 nālvattaydu [1* 7 bhatta-gēriya dāriyim paduvana kēdage-tomța 52 kāla-mattaru 2 [1*] mattam Mahājana-pramukhav-āgi53 y=Ubhaya-Nānādēsiya Mummuridamdavum Stha54 la-mukhyav-āgi Chaitra-Pavitra-parvva-nimittav-āgi 55 ash tavidh-ārchchaneya püjege bitta āya si56 reya hasubege belliya hāga allav-arisina 57 hörimge belliya hāga i bhattada hēriņge sõļa58 sa 2 [1* ] ettu katte kõnana hörige meņasu so I a59 dake 10 [1*] eleya hēriņge ele 25 [*] aṁgudiya bha60 ttada sauţu i gāņadalu enneya sautu i intri61 risa ( sid=ā) yav =ā-chumdr-ārkka-sthāyi-varaṁ sthiram jiyāt @
62 Sva-datta (ā)ṁ para-datta (ã)m vã yö harēti vasundharā [ņ*] shashth(t)i
63 varsha-sahasrāņi visht(th)āyāṁ jāyatē kri (ri)mi[h*] @[10*] 64 Svasti [.* ] Samasta-pras (s) asti-sahitam Sri65 matu Rāi-settiyu bițța kei 66 matta svataladara tötadim bada67 ga . . . . . . . . . . 68-70 damaged and worn out.
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Verse 1. Hail! May it confer prosperity on all its faithful followers --the highly praised Ordinance of Lord Jina whose feet are washed by the water which is the assemblage of rays shooting from the diadems on the crests of all the gods and demons.
Verse 2. In the midst of the lake which are the oceans, rests the earth like a lotus. The mountain Mandara resembles its pericarp. To the south of the Mandara lies the shining Bharatakshētra.
Verses 3-6. Genealogical account of the Chālukya monarchs who ruled successively in the Bharataksbētra, commencing with Tailapa (II) who restored the Chalukya sovereignty having overthrown the Rāshtrakumāras (i. e., Rāshțrakūtas), down to Somēśvara (III)."
Lines 20-24. The illustrious monarch Bhūlākamalladēva (i. e., Sõmēsvara III) who is an ornament of the Chālukya race and bears the
1 See the genealogical account on p. 211 above,

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279 titles, Samastabhuvanāśraya (Asylum of the Entire Earth), etc., is having his victorious reign with ever increasing prosperity.
Verse 7. Renownd in the realm was the mighty-armed Kālidāsa, the crest-jewel among the commanders of the forces and the chastiser of the leaders of the hostile hordes.
Verse 8. His son-in-law is the illustrious general Bhima, the ocean of all virtues.
Verse 9. How can I adequately describe the gallantry of the Vipras of Sëờimba, formidable in war, who protect the uprooted souls coming from the four quarters by offering thein asylum, like the god Vishņu protecting the three worlds along with the god Sankara by accommodating them in his belly, when the surging ocean overflowing its bounds engulfs this earth at the time of the deluge ?
Lines 33-41. May they live for ever-the Three Hundred Mahājans of Sēdiunba, who possess the virtues of self-restraint, self-discipline, study of scriptures, meditation, concentration, silence, performance of religious exercises, chanting the holy syllables and tranquillity of mind; who never go back on their words uttered once; who perform the exorcising ritual by throwing oblations in the sacred fire for breaking open the doors of the city-gates of Kāñchipura; who are a conflagration to the forest of opposing clans; who entice the deity Jvālini of golden ear-rings; who excel in all the lores; who have crossed the ocean of four Vedas; who are the terrestrial gods skilled in the sixty-four arts; who are diligent in worshipping the ceremonial sacred fire, the Brāhmaṇas and the preceptors; whose reputation is brilliant like the autumnal moon; and who are incarnations of the god Vishņu as it were.
Lines 42-52. Hail ! In the 12th regnal year of the illustrious sovereign Bhūlākawalladēva of the Chālukya family and the cyclic year Pingala, on the full-moon day of Māgha, Thursday, the Great Minister and Senior Commander, Kālimayya's son-in-law, the Great and Formidable General Bhimarasa, in conjunction with all the Mahājanas, made a gift of 45 mattaras of cultivable land and a garden for performing the daily eight-fold worship, for conducting special rituals on such ceremonial occasions as Jivadayāshtamī, Nandiśvara-ashtamī, Samkramana and eclipses, etc. and for the preservation and maintenance of repairs in the temple of the god Adi-Bhattāraka in the southern quarter of the illustrious Sēdimba.
Lines 52-61. And again, under the leadership of the Mabājanas, the Nana Dēsis of the two-fold categories and the Association of Mummuridanda, functioning through their local representatives made a gift of certain shares in the incomes derived from the toll duties on various commodities such as

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females' garments, raw ginger, turmeric and paddy, etc., for conducting the eight-fold worship in the festivals of Chaitra and Pavitra.
Lines 62-63. Imprecation. Lines 64-67. A supplementary gift of land made by Rāi-setti.
INSCRIPTION NO. 6 (Found in a Dilapidated Temple at Sēdam ) This inscription was found incised on another slab set up on the other side of the entrance into the deserted and dilapidated Jaina temple in the Potters' Colony at Sēdam, the condition of which has been described at length in the opening lines of the introduction to the previous inscription (No.5). The slab measures about 44 by 13.8 inches. It contains 63 lines of writing and the epigraph, inspite of its badly negelcted condition, is on the whole in a good state of preservation. However a few letters in the beginning of lines 4 and. 21-24 are damaged and worn-out.
The characters are old Kannada of the 12th century A. D. and are similar to those of the previous record. The medial long i is generally distinguished by a loop at the left end of the spiral on the top of the letter. Use of spirals for punctuation may be noted in a few places. The orthographical conventions of the period, such as the reduplication of the consonant after in a conjunct letter, are generally observed. A few errors of spelling like the use of & for s in l. 34, which might be attributed to the ignorance of the engraver, have been noticed and corrected in the body of the text itself. The language of the major portion of the record, i. e., lines 1–39, is Sanskrit and Kannada verse; and of the remaining portion, i. e., lines 40-63, Kannada prose with Sanskrit finish.
The epigraph does not, as usual, comprise a gift document. Its object appears to be to eulogise a Jaina pontiff, and this eulogy is prefaced by the genealogical account of the teachers that preceded him in the spiritual lineage. The familiar reference to the reigning king, the date and the circumstance of the gift are conspicuous by their absence.
The inscription commences with the praise of the Commandment of Lord Jina. Next we are introduced to the Mula Samgha from which emanated the lineage of Kundakunda. Kraạür gana arose out of this lineage. Tintriņika gachchha was an off-shoot of this Krāņur gaņa. In this lineage hailed the preceptor Chaturmukha who bore the epithet Siddhāntadova (i. e., master of philosophy). Many illustrious teachers succeeded him; and subsequently, in their line appeared the renowned ascetic Viraņandi. The pedigree of the preceptors thus narrated at some length may be shown as follows in a tabular statement.

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281
Chaturmukha (Siddhāntadēva )
(after some generations)
Viranandi
Rāvanandi
Arhanandi
Padmanandi
(after some generations)
Munichandra
Pushpadanta alias Maladhāri
Kulabhūshana
Subhakirti
Govardhana
Nênichandra
Tribhuvanachandra After this comes in prose a lengthy descriptive passage containing the eulogy of the reputed divine Nēmichandra Paņditadēva. The epigraph ends with a formal benediction to this pontiff.
There is no evidence in the record to determine its date. However considerations of palaeography would lead us to assign it approximately to the middle of the 12th century A. D. It is likely that it was composed nearabout the date of the previous record, i. e., A. D. 1138.
The occasion and purpose of the document also are nowhere stated. The record is also silent regarding the rôle played by the pontiff Nēmichandra Panditadēva in any transaction relating to the Jaina temple. But it would be reasonable to assume from the provenance of the inscription that he was intimately connected with the temple of Adi-Bhattāraka in whose favour a gift was made in the previous epigraph. We may also presume that he was in charge of the religious institution and that the gift was entrusted into his hands. The occasion of the present inscription would thus appear to be the same as noted in the foregoing charter. It was a fitting opportunity therefore to place on record the sense of reverence and admiration cherished by the local officials and the councillors of the town of Sēờimba for the great pontiff and his spiritual lineage; and this opportunity was utilised by setting up this inscription which is a sort of memorial and supplementary document, by the side of the other record. In this manner we can, not only explain, but open justify the characteristic omission of many an essential detail in the present document.
36

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i
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The inscription is important in as much as it reveals for the first time the existence in this area of a hitherto unknown line of pontiffs who belonged to the Mūla Saṁgha, Kondakunda anvaya, Krāņūr gana and Tintriņi gachcha. Although the pedigree of teachers narrated herein is brief and incomplete, still it serves its useful purpose to a great extent. From the inscriptions discovered in the Shimoga and Mysore districts of the Mysore State, we know of teachers who belonged to the Múla Samgha, Kondakunda anvaya, Krāņur gana and Tintriņi gachchha and had settled in those parts. Inscription No. 233 of Sorab taluk, Shimoga Dt.
ishes the names of three successive generations of teachers of this line.' They are Rāmanandi, Padmanandi and Munichandra. A glance at the above genealogical table will show that these names figure successively in the same order in the present epigraph, the name Rāvanandi being a variant of Rāmanandi. But we cannot establish the identity of the two lists on account of the disparity of their dates. Whereas the teachers mentioned in the epigraph of the Mysore state might have lived approximately by the end of the 11th and beginning of the 12th century A. D., their namesakes of the present record could be placed earlier by about a century at least. This may be ascertained by calculating the number of generations mentioned in our epigraph and also taking into account a few more generations which are indicated as having been left out.
We may notice the importance of the inscription in yet another aspect also, in that it furnishes a glimpse of the religious and philosophical notions entertained by the Jaina followers of Karnāțaka in the mediaeval century. It may be argued that these beliefs are inherent in the general tenets of the Jaina faith and there is nothing uncommon about them. But as the particular context and the local setting in which they are presented carry some significance, it would be worth while to review them here. We have to note the particular fact in this connection that these ideas are reflected incidentally in oourse of the description of the pontiff Nēmichandra.
In the first place we may observe the supremely unique position occupied by the Jina or the 'perfect, enlightened soul in the system of Jaina philosophy. He is addressed as Arhat and characterised by the epithets,
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Malavalli, No. 31; Vol. VIII, Sorab, Nos, 233 and 262; etc. 2 Ibid., Vol. VIII. 3 Our epigraph mentions Tribhuvanachandra, the last of the line, who must have been
living at the time of the record, i, e., A. D. 1138. Three generations are named between him and Arhapandi who was a contemporary of Rāvanandi. To these we should add a few more geuerations which are stated as having succeeded the former. Thus we see that about 7-8 generations or two hundred years approximately might have intervened between Tribhuvanachandra and Rävanandi. The latter therefore would have lived approximately in the first part of the 10th century A. D.

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288 Bhagavat, Paramēśvara and Parama-bhattāraka (1. 43), which indicate 'paramount supreme god-head'.
It would be interesting to examine how this view does not conflict with the main thesis of Jainism denying the Creator of the Universe. An allusion to this thesis is found in the phrase, 'nirastak-ēśvara-syād-vādasamaya' in l. 54. The Jaina conception of the state of the liberated soul is contained in the expression, ‘niravadhi-nirupamāna'-, etc. in lines 51-53. Here, in order to elucidate the point, the poet has drawn upon a very happy analogy which is familiar to the students of poetics. The experience of the final beatitude is compared to a sentiment (rasa ) which commands a position of firunness (sthūyi bhāva). But this is not an ordinary senti. ment like sringāra, vīra or karuna. It is the supreme sense of harmony (parama-samarasibhāva ) replete with unbounded, unequalled and eternal bliss. This state has therefore to be contrasted with all other mundan
re devoid of harmony and susceptible to change (vibhāva). The expression shad-anāyatana' in lines 46-47 seeins to denote the six well-known systems of philosophy, Sānkhya, Nyāya, Vaiśēshika, etc. They are not recognised by the Jaina school. That is why they are criticised here as anāyatanas, which means "unsupported or unfounded. The epithet, 'chāturvarna-śravaņa-samghādbärarum', in lines 59-60 contains a reference to the congregation of monks of the four classes, viz., Brāhmaṇa, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sūdra. Thus ordinarily understood, it might speak for the penetration of the Jaina faith to all the sections of the people and may be taken as one more testimony of its influence in the society. But the term Chāturvarna-sramana-samgha (see Pravachanasāra III, 49 and Jayasēna's com. on it), means, according to Jaina tradition, the Jaina congregation or order consisting of rishi, muni, yati and anagāra, or householder, houselady, monk and nun.
Considered as a whole, the record does not rise to the high-water-mark of classical composition. But some portions of it are not devoid of poetic merit and call for appreciation as tolerable specimens of literary art of the period. Such are the descriptive passages dealing with the ascetics Pushpadanta, Subhakirti and Govardhana (verses 10–12). The latter portion of the record (lines 40–63) devoted to the eulogy of the pontiff Nēmichandra is a good instance of figurative prose invested with long compounds and ringing with alliterations after the conventional style of the age. The earlier part of the epigraph consisting entirely of verse, with the exception of a few conjunctive expressions, such as tach-chhishyar (1. 14), etc., contains 14 stanzas in various metres. Of these eight are in Sanskrit and the remaining six in Kannada. The Sanskrit verses are distributed according to their metrical scheme as follows: Anushțubh:

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Verses 1 and 13, Indravajrā: Verses 2 and 10, Upajāti: Verses 3 and 12, Mālini : Verse 11, Aryāgīti: Verse 14.
A slight defect may be detected in the first pāda of the second verse in the Indravajrā metre. It consists in the use of a short syllable instead of a long one for its ending. We may note with interest the alliterative arrangement of the second letter in three pādas of the 11th verse which is in Sanskrit. This is technically known as the ādi-prāsa or dvitiy-ākshara-prāsa. It is a peculiar feature of classical Kannada poetry. Its introduction, therefore, in Sanskrit in this instance, which has its parallels elsewhere also, is noteworthy. This speaks for the influence of Kannada on Sanskrit.
The metrical lay-out of the Kannada verses is as follows: Kanda: Verses 4-8, Mahasragdhară: Verse 9.
TEXT i Srimat-parama-gambhīram (ra-) Syād-vād-āmögha-lāṁchhanai 2 jiyā [t* ] trailõkya-nāthasya śāsanaṁ Jina-śāsanań 11 [1*] 3 Sri-Mūla-samgh-õdita-Komdakumda-nunn-ānvay-odanvati sa
4 'nūta-Krāņūr-gganō = bhūd-guņa-trana-rāsis = tasmimś= cha gach chhū=ja
5 ni Timtriņīkah[2* ] Tasy =ānvayo Śri-niļayõ = Py = avēsmā bhū6 viśrutā viếruta-pāradriśvā chatuh-samudra-brita
7 suddha-kirttih Siddhänta-dēvah sa Chaturmmukh-ākhyah 1 [ Avarim
8 d = anamtaram bhū-bhuvana-prakhyātar = enibarum negaļda-bali9 kk = avadāta-kirtti-Lakshini-pravaram Sri-Viraṇamdi-yatipati
10 nega!dań 1 ( 4* ] Avar = agra-sishyar =ānata-bhuvana-SriRāvaņamdi
11 saidh(ddh )ămtikarum kavi - gamaki - vādi - vāgmi-pravarar=nneg!d = A
12 rhaņamdi-saidh (ddh Jāintikaruń ! [5*] A-Rãvaņaṁdi-sishyar = tār-āchala
13 vi[ śa ]da-kīrtti pasurise negaļdar=mMēr-ūpamāna-dhairyya-Śrī
14 ramaņar =pPadmanaṁdi-saiddhāṁtēšaru [ 6 *] Tach=chhi-shyar il Munichardra
15 munimdı - öttamar = anupama - chāritra-chakravartti-vesarvve [tt
1 2
The letter worn out here might be d-vi. The text appears to be faulty here. If the expression tär-acha a is emended as tārăpada for whjok there is some possibility, it may yield a better sense,

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[8] Tad-Arha
[romdu]
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JAINA EPIGRAPHS: PART II
2
16 'neva[ ḍiya ]n=ēldar akhil-avaniyo! saiddhanta-chakravarttipra17 varar [7] Tad-amtēvasigal Dalita-madana-drumam kamdali18 ta-mada-pratati-mūla-kuddāļan = enalu Kulabhushaṇanaṁ 19 Jina-muni-kula-bhushananam
pogalvanimn ē-vogalvom2
20 namdi-munimdra-sishya - prasishya-samtanadolu | Dhareyol = be
21
*samanisit = enal = atyumnati-Śrī manam-gomḍire gam22 [tva ]v=ambhōnidhiyolaḍare śumbhat-tapaḥ-prēya23 'nirbbhara-harsham nitte-vatt opp ire negaldan = ilā - bhā24 [gadolu] bhavya-sevy-acharaṇam Śrī-Pushpada
25 [nta-] bratipati dhṛita-madhy-ahna-kalpa-drum-āmkaṁ [9 *] 26 Kām-ebha-kumbha-sthala - bheda-simhō mōh-ā
27 dri-nirddaraṇa-vajra-damḍah | bābhāti charitra-pa28 vitra-gōtraḥ Śrī-Pushpadamtō Maladhāri-dēvaḥ | [10 *]
285
29 Ajani janita-bōdhas = tasya śishyō vinēya-vra
30 ja-kumuda-kuļānāṁ Kaumudi-nātha-kalpaḥ |
31 kunaya-kuja-kuṭhārō Bhārati-karṇṇapūraḥ sa ja
32 yati Subhakirttiḥ kīrtti-kāntā-manojaḥ [ 11 ] Tadiya-si
33 shyō bhuvi bhavya-sevyah Siddham ta-ratnākara-varddhan-ēmduḥ
34
vardhanō varddhita-Jaina-dharmmaḥ Śaśāmka-ś(s)am
35 kāśa-yaśaḥ-prakāśaḥ | [12 *] Tasy = ānujō Manōj-ā
36 rir=ir(v) = ā-rāmā-ma [naḥ-kramaḥ] Nemichamdraḥ śarach
37 rumdra-kirtti-Sriyaḥ patiḥ [13] Jayati jagati-tal-eśva
#1
1 The text is corrupt here. As I am unable to make out the exact sense of the expression, I may suggest an emendation in the text thus: anavadhiyin eldar. This would mean, (Munichandra) rose to unlimited eminence.' This emendation, it may be observed, is in keeping with the whole trend of poetic description. It may further be justified by reading the rather ambiguous syllables -nevadiya- as navadhiyi- and assuming that the substitution of kula for lala is a scribal slip.
The form v (p)ogalvom is third person singular. Its ending in vom, which is more common in the earlier period, may be noted as a peculiarity.
3 Two long letters are lost here.
They might possibly be deyva
They might be bhira.
4 Two long letters are lost here. 5 One long syllable worn out here
might be sĩ.
6 These three letters are reconstructed from the context. Only a portion of the akshara 16 is legible.

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tamdraḥ [14*]
ripa
ni
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
38 [ra-] siromani'-dyuti-sata-prachumbita-charaṇaḥ i 39 Sri-Gōvarddhana - śishyas
=
Tribhuvanachamdrō nirasta-dustara
40 @ Svasty anavarata-nata-naranatha-nāgēmdra-nāki-nāyaka41 nikaya-kamaniya-kanakamaya-makuta-tata-gha
42 tita-hat (th) ad-aruna-mani-gana-kiraṇa-rāga-ramjita-charana-sarasiruha - Bhagavad-Arhat-parameśvara-parama-bhaṭṭāra44 ka-mukha-kamala-vinirggata sad-asad-ādi-vastu
43
45 svarupa-nirupaṇa-pravana-raddhämt-adi-samasta
46 sastr-amrita-pārāvāra-pāradṛiśvarum shad-ana[ ya]47 tana-vitata-jimūta-matariśvarum dvādasa-vi
48 dha-virājamāna-tapō-rājādhirājarum Kräṇur-ggana-bha
49 gaṇa-tārā-rājarum | chāru-charitra-chamdan-ōdyāna-lī
50 la-vihara - vidhvasta - dustara-duḥk(shk )armma-gharmmarum | pa
1
51 lita-parama-Jina-dharmmarum niravadhi-nirupamāna ni52 ty-anamda-namdat-parama-samarasibhāva-samadhishthita-nishṭhā
53 rākṛita-nikhila-vibhāvarum | apratihata-prabhāvarum | 54 nirasta [k-e(s)vara-] Syādvāda-samaya-śāsana-sila-paṭṭa55 rum sarasa-Sarasvati-lalaṭa-paṭṭarum i kshīra-nīrā56 kara-hara-nihāra-nirm mala-yaśah-prasara-su
57 dha-dhavalita-dig-amgana-nilayarum prabala-madana58 mada-pralayarum samyama-saradhi-samupajani59 ta-sakala-guna-mani-gan-alamkararum chatur-vva60 rnna-śravana-samgh-adhararum Śri-Subhakirtti-saiddhanta
1
61 dēva-pad-arādhakarum bhavya-prabōdhakaru
62
m = appa Śrīman-Nemichamdra-pamdita-dēvas' = chiram jî63 yate e
1
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
Verse 1. May the doctrine of Lord Jina be victorious, the doctrine which is the ordinance of the overlord of the three worlds and which bears the glorious and supremely profound Syādvāda (theory of May-be) as its infallible characteristic mark.
Verse 2. In the Mula Samgha arose the Kondakunda anvaya. Out of this sprang the Krāṇur gaṇa, and this gave birth to the Tintriņika gachchha.
1 Traces of some letters between this and the previous akshara are visible. The scribe seems to have attempted to inscribe this letter first in that space, but left it out on account of the rugged surface of the stone.

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Verse 3. In this lineage hailed the eminent ascetic Chaturmukha alias Siddhāntadēva (Master of Philosophy) who was an abode of splendour and whose pure fame extended as far as the four oceans.
Verse 4. After many monks had distinguished themselves after him, Virañandi of spotless fame, foremost among the ascetics made himself illustrious.
Verse 5. Prominent among his spiritual disciples were the revered preceptors, Rāvanandi Saiddhāntika and Arhaņandi Saiddhāntika, a poet, a reciter, a disputant and an orator par excellence.
Verse 6. The preceptor Padmanandi Saiddhāntēša of unsullied renown was the disciple of Rāvaņandi.
Verse 7. His disciple was Munichandra of unimpeachable character, supreme among the ascetics and foremost among the great veterans of the Jaina philosophy.
Verse 8. His disciple was Kulabhūshaņa, an ornament of the family of Lord Jina. He had exterminated the tree of cupid and was a spade as it were in digging out the sprouting roots of the mass of egotism.
Verse 9. In the line of disciples who succeeded Arhaņandi, eminent was the sovereign ascetic Pushpadanta, a towering personality, supreme in austerities, whose exemplary conduct was an object of adoration to the followers of the Jaina faith.
Verse 10. Resplendent is the venerable Pushpadanta-Maladhāri who sanctified the lineage by his character. He was a veritable lion in splitting asunder the temples of the elephants of sensuality and a thunder-bolt in pulverizing the mountain of infatuation.
Verse 11. His disoiple was Subhakīrtti. He was knowledge personified, a veritable axe to the trees of evil doctrines, an earring of the Goddess of Learning, a consort of the Lady Fame; and the Lord of Moonlight as it were to the bed of blue lotuses which were the followers of the Jaina faith.
Verse 12. His disciple was Govardhana whose reputation was brilliant like the lustre of the moon. An object of worship among the faithful and the moon swelling the ocean of philosophy, he contributed to the prosperity of the Jaina religion.
Verse 13. His younger brother-disciple is Nēmichandra, lord of the Lady Fame shining like the autumnal moon, whose mind is averse to sensuality like the god Sankara.
Verse 14. Victorious is the ascetic Tribhuvanachandra, disciple of the illustrious Govardhana, who has cast away the insuperable sense of inertia

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and whose feet are kissed by the flood of lustre radiating from the jewels in the diadems of ruling princes.
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Lines 40-63. May he live for ever, the illustrious teacher Nēmichandra Panditadeva; who has seen across the nectar ocean of scriptures containing elucidation of the true nature of the existing and non-existing objects and other propositions, which have sprung from the lotus mouth of the revered and supreme lord, the great Master Arhat whose lotus feet are ever adorned by the rays of lustre emanating from the cluster of rubies studded in the charming golden diadems worn by the hosts of the sovereigns of men, the lords of serpents and the leaders of gods; who is a whirlwind to the mass of clouds, the six unestablished doctrines; who is consummate master in the performance of the eminent twelvefold austerities; who is the moon in the circle of stars of the Krāṇur gana; who has quenched the unbearable heat of evil actions by his sportive excursions in the sandalwood garden of righteous character; who has protected the religion of the great Lord Jina; who has brushed aside all transitory emotions by his well-established position in the supreme state of harmony, blissful with the unbounded, unequalled and perpetual bliss; whose prowess is never challenged; who is like an incised slab of stone bearing the inscription of the doctrine of May-be (Syadvāda) denying the existence of god-head; who is an ornamental plate, as it were, adorning the forehead of the graceful Goddess of Learning; who has brightened the abodes of the ladies of the quarters by the white paint of his pervading fame, immaculate like the milky ocean, a necklace of pearls or snow; who has annihilated the over-powering intoxication of the God of Love; who is bedecked with the jewels of several virtues sprung from the ocean of self-restraint; who is the support of the congregation of fourfold class of monks; who is worshipper of the feet of the illustrious teacher Subhakirti Saiddhantadēva; and who imparts intensive knowledge to the followers of the Jaina doctrine.
INSCRIPTION NO. 7
(Found on a Pillar at Sēḍam)
This inscription was found incised on a square pillar of stone set up on a raised platform near the northern gate-way of Seḍam. The pillar which was probably standing free originally was now partly covered by the wall of a building, evidently of later day construction. The epigraph is written on two sides of the pillar. The inscribed area on each side measures 50 inches in length and 12 inches in breadth approximately. The document consists of 140 lines, of which 72 are carved on one face and 68 on another.
The characters are old Kannada prevailing in Karnāṭaka in the 12th century A. D. They are of a roundish mode and executed neatly. There are

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few palaeographical peculiarities worthy of special attention. The use of spirals as a mark of punctuation in a majority of cases to denote the end of a passage in verse or prose may be noted. The outstanding orthographical convention of the age, viz., the doubling of the latter member of a conjunct consonant made up of r, is generally adhered to. With the exception of the opening verse in Sanskrit, the language of the record is Kannada verse and prose. The writing is not free from clerical mistakes and these have been corrected in the body of the text itself.
Commencing with an invocation to the Boar-incarnation of Vishnu, the charter proceeds to describe the geographical position of the Bharatakshetra as in Inscriptions 2 and 4. This is followed by the genealogical account of the Chalukya princes, who ruled in this country. The genealogy starts with Taila II, who founded the later line of the Western Chalukya Dynasty of Kalyāṇa and is brought down to the last ruler of the house, Tribhuvanamalla (Sōmēśvara IV). The record then states that he was ruling over the kingdom and that under his rule the Kuntala country was enjoying the fruits of peace and prosperity. The Kuntala country included a tract known as Aṛal Nāḍů or the district of Aral. This region presented a picturesque spectacle with its natural resources and thriving villages and towns. Sēḍimba was a notable town in the Aral district. It was distinguished by the large number of its temples. Its fortifications were strong and impregnable and its administrators, the Three Hundred Mahājanas, ensured security within its walls to persons seeking protection in times of distress. They had a leader named Chandirāja. He was a man of great ability and many sterling virtues. He claimed to be a devout adherent of the Jaina faith. He constructed a splendid gate-way with towering bastion, which was considered to be a fitting monument to his fair name and high reputation.
It may be seen from the above brief summary of the contents of the inscription that unlike the usual manner of inscriptions, this epigraph does not constitute a charter of gift. The main object of the document is to record the construction of the bastion. This occasion has been utilised to commemorate the event by a description of the circumstantial details. The opportunity has also been seized for paying a tribute to the councillors of the town and their chief who was primarily responsible for the construction.
But for the departure noted above, the inscription falls in line with the general conventions of epigraphical records. Reviewing the genealogical account contained in the epigraph we may notice one discrepancy. After describing Nurmaḍi Kshitipa in verse it proceeds to praise Tribhuvanamalladēva in the next verse. Any student who is familiar with the history of the Western Chalukya family of Kalyāņa, will easily see that
37

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JAINIBM IN SOUTH INDIA Nūrmadi Kshitipa is identical with Trailökyamalla or Taila III who bore the title Nūrmadi Taila. Similarly, we may at once identify Tribhuvanamalla with Sõmāśvara IV, the last ruling king of the dynasty. Now we know for certain from the testimony of numerous records that Tribhuvanamalla was the son of Nūrmadi Taila. But the present record states that the former was the younger brother (anujāta) of the latter. Here the expression anujāta appears to be a careless slip on the part of the composer for the word tanujāta. Or, one may defend the poet by interpreting the expression anujáta as 'one born after him in the family'.
There is yet another point in the historical portion of the record deserving consideration. The epigraph does not give all the details of the date but mentions only the third regnal year of the king and the cyclic year Vikrama. In the absence of details we are not in a position to verify the date. The next best thing in this connection would be to see how far the available details of the above date help us in finding out the probable correct date of the epigraph. Taking our stand on the year Vikrama and knowing the historical fact that the Chālukya hegemony came to a close by the end of the 12th century, we may permit for our examination two years, a. D. 1160 and 1220, which approximately correspond with the cyclic year. If we accept the former date it would yield A. D. 1157-58 as the first year of the reign of the king Tribhuvanamalla Sõmēsvara IV. A slight consideration will convince us that the latter date is inadmissible. For aught we know, Tribhuvanamalla Somēśvara IV ruled till the year A. d. 11891 and there are two inscriptions which reler to his belated reign in A. D. 1198.9
So we might accept A. D. 1160 as the approximately correct date of our record. But obviously, there are some difficulties in accepting this view and we have to see our way to reconcile them. It is known historically that Trailökyamalla Taila III succeeded his brother Jagadēkamalla II in A. D. 1151 and he continued to rule upto the year a. D. 1162. This will mean that our record was brought into existence right within the reigning period of Trailokyamalla Taila III and so its reference to his son Tribhuvanamalla Somāśvara IV as the reigning king and citing the regnal year for the latter, run counter to known facts.
i 2 3
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II. p. 466. Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Cd. 36; Arch. Surv. An. Ref., 1936-37 pp. 99-100, According to another view Taila III ruled till A, D. 1156 and his throne was usurped by Bijjala ( Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 110). But there is evidence to show that he ruled longer though his power must have been crippled by that year.

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JAINA EPIGRAPRS : PART II But a peep into the political conditions that prevailed at this period will show that there are other aspects of the problem which deserve serious consideration. We have to note in the first instance that this was the period when the Chālukya sovereignty was being challenged from more than one quarter, and it had lost its former strength and power of resistance. The greatest of all the forces that were working for its overthrow was from inside. It was the Kalacburi feudatory governor Bijjala II, who was aspiring for the Chālukya · throne. Bijjala usurped the Chālukya kingdom finally in the year a. D. 1162. But there is enough evidence to indicate that he was planning for power since as early a date as a. D. 1152. As shown by Fleet, his intentions were fully betrayed by A. D. 1156. By the year of our record the process of usurpation had almost reached its culmination. It is not unlikely therefore that Trailõkyamalla Taila III, viewing with concern the growing menace to his kingdom, had appointed his son as his rightful successor and invested him with sovereign powers. The above review of the situation will lead us to the conclusion that there is no room to doubt the veracity regarding the statement of date in our record. This statement on the contrary helps us read correctly into the troubled political picture of the times.
Now let us proceed to the next item of historical information in the record. It forms part of the local history of the region. This is in respect of the citadel of Sõdimba and its dauntless leaders. There is much to be appreciated in the description of the stronghold as detailed herein; for such accounts are rarely met with in the mass of epigraphical literature. Obviously, the town must have been a well-fortified centre and noted for its efficient defensive arrangements. As noticed previously, it was an agrahāra and the number of its elected councillors or the Mahājanas remained the same, that is to say, Three Hundred, as it was during the reign of Vikramāditya VI (Ins. No. 3). Inspite of their general leanings for the orthodox practices of the so-called Brahmanism, such as the study of the four Vedas and devotion to the god Nārāyaņa, they consistently maintained the attitude of religious eclecticism, which was characteristic of the age. This position, noticed formerly in an earlier instance, is confirmed once more by the present epigraph.
1 An inscription at Chikkalgi, Jamkhandi taluk, speaks of Bijjala II as Mahābhujabala
chakravarti and cites A. D. 1157 as his 5th regnal year; An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1938-39, Appendix E, No. 50. I have discussed this topic in detail in my lectures on the Kalachuris of Karnataka delivered at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, in 1951,
and published in the Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vols. XXXVI-VII. 2 Bomb. Gaz, Vol. I, pt. II p. 474. 3 History provides us with instances of joint rule of the princes of a royal family and of
junior members associated in the administration of the senior ruling kings.

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Not only did the Mahājanas entertain great regard for the faith of Lord Jina, but even directly contributed to the propagation of the faith by establishing and encouraging religious institutions of the persuasion in their township. We do not know whether it was a chance or a rule that the presidentship of the chosen representatives of the town was held by a follower of the Jaina faith. Any way, it was so in the two specific instances before us. One is Barmadēva of Inscription No. 4. The other is Chandirāja of the present epigraph. We may also reasonably assume that a substantially large number of the town assembly was directly included in the fold of the believers of the doctrine. All this speaks for the abundance of influnce wielded by the faith of Lord Jina among the residents of this important and distinguished township.
The epithet, ‘hēma-kumdala-jvālini-dēvy-ākarshaņarum, figuring in the passage comprising the eulogy of the councillors of Sēờimba (1. 107), is of interest to the student of Jainism and hence it deserves to be examined closely. It is not for the first time that we meet with this epithet here in the present inscription. It occurs in similar passages in two earlier inscriptions from Sēdam, Nos. 3 and 5 (lines 25 and 37). There (No. 3), while discussing the religious leanings of the councillors, it was suggested that the deity "Jvālini of golden earrings might be connected with the ritualistic ceremony of the Tantric cult.
But a scrutiny of the sacredotal development of the Jaina pantheon and the conventions of the age as evidenced in similar instances, would lead us to the reasonable conclusion that the goddess might as well be associated with the ritualistic practices of the followers of the Jaina doctrine. We know, according to the pantheon of the Digambara School, that Chandraprabha, the eighth Tirthankara had for his Yakshiņi or Sāsanadēvatā a divinity named Jvālini or Jvālāmālini. This guardian goddess is known as Bhrikuti in the terminology of the Svētāmbara school.
Again, turning to another category of Jaina divinities known as Vidyādēvis, we come across the name Mahājvālā or Jvālāmālini among them. This may be easily equated with Jvālini of our record.
As we are primarily concerned here with the Digambara sect of Jainism, we would devote our attention, for a while. to the iconographical
iconographical details of the Yakshini Jvālini or Jvālāmālini and the Vidyadovi Jvālāmālini according to the scholastic conception. The Yakshiņi Jvālini is shiningly white in complexion, has a buffalo for vehicle and holds in her hands disc, arrow, noose, shield, trident, sword, bow, etc. White in complexion,
1 B. C. Bhattacharya : Jaina Ioonography, p. 128.

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293 the Vidyādēví Jvālāmālini rides a buffalo and bears the weapons, a bow, shield, sword and disc.
Probably what may be regarded as the only iconographical detail furnished by the present inscripton in regard to the goddess Jvālini is that she bore the golden earrings. This characteristic feature of the deity worshipped by the councillors of Sēdimba may favourably be compared with that part of the above canonical description of the two divinities, which specifically refers to the shiningly white complexion of their persons. It must however be admitted that the above iconographical details of the Yaksbiņi or the Vidyadēvi contain no direct allusion to the golden earrings, which, on the contrary, figure prominently in the epigraphical record under study.
The hypothesis regarding the identity of Jvälini of our record with the Yakshiņī in the Jaina pantheon, is happily supported by the authority of an epigraph from Jāvūr, Navalgund taluk, Dharwar Dt., which speaks of the existence of the basadi or temple of the goddess Jvālāmālini at Navalgund." This record thus unmistakably testifies to the prevalence of the worship of the deity of the Jaina pantheon among the followers of the faith in the Kannada country and shows that even individual temples were erected in her name. In like manner, it seems likely that the town of Sēdimba also contained a separate temple dedicated to the Jaina goddess Jvālini who was adored by the members of the Jaina community in general and the unbiased representatives of the local assembly in particular.
The following names of geographical interest deserve attention. Pottalakere which is said to have been the residence of the king (1. 45) has, as shown on page 212 in Part I, to be identified with Pattancheruvu near Hyderabad. This place appears to have been a fairly important Jaina centre, The Kuntala country in ancient times seems to have comprised roughly the major portion of the northern Karnāțaka, including the Kannada districts of the Bombay and Madras States and later on, its northern limit extended as far as the river Gödāvarī. As shown previously, Aral Nāļu (1. 59 ) or the district of Aral derived its designation from the headquarters of that name, This tract roughly included the area covered by the present day taluks of Sõdam and Chitāpur in the Gulbarga Dt. The territory consisted of three hundred villages and it has been mentioned as Aral Three Hundred in the
1 Jaina Iconography, p. 173. 2 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1928-29, Appendix E, No. 228. 3 For more elaborate discussion on the cult of Jvälini see above pp. 47-48, 143 and 172-73, 4 Contra. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 162. 5 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 437, f. n. 5. 6 Annals of Bh. Or. Res. Institute, Vol. XXV, p. 40.

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Ingalgi inscription (No. 1). Similar allusions to the region may be noted in the Inscriptions of Nāgāi, B, C and D.' The learned editor of these inscriptions has failed to identify the place, Aralūru, which was the headquarters of the district. But it is beyond doubt that it is represented by the modern village Allūru which is situated in the Chitāpur taluk and contains ancient temples and inscriptions. We are further informed by the present record (verse 11) that this area was the home of the chiefs born in the Ahihaya lineage, who were ruling in this region. As pointed out in the introductory remarks on the Ingalgi epigraph (No. 1), there is a reference to a ruling chief of this family in that record. The genealogical account of the chiefs is found in an unpublished inscriptions at Handarki in my private collection. One of the published inscriptions form Nāgāi also contains the genealogy of these Ahihaya or Haihaya chiefs.
We may now turn to the literary side of the inscription. Except for the invocatory verse in Sanskrit, the record is composed in Kannada and the major portion of it is in verse. The only noteworthy passage in prose is the eulogy of the Three Hundred Mahājanas of Sēờimba. But this is only a repetition of a similar passage found in the foregoing epigraphs of this collection (Nos. 3 and 5). Many of the verses dealing with the genealogical account of the Chalukya sovereigns and some of the stanzas extolling the citadel of Sodimba and its heroic custodians are already familiar to us on account of their occurrence in the previous inscriptions (Nos. 4 and 5). The remaining passages that are new and worth considering here are the geographical descriptions of the Kuntala country and the district of Aral, and verses devoted to the praise of the president of the town assembly and the bastion constructed by him.
It may be observed from the above analysis of its contents, that the task of the composer of this record has been like that of a renovator who builds a new edifice on an old framework. The skill of the renovator consists in seeing that his new construction fits in with the earlier piece of art. Judging on the whole, it has to be said to the credit of the poet-author of our epigraph that he has succeeded to a large extent in maintaining the reputation. We do not know who composed the descriptive verses on Sēdimba met with in the preceding epigraphs which are dated about a generation earlier. We are equally in dark regarding the composer of the present inscription, whoever he be. Anyway, the old verses were there handed down froin the predecessors. The present poet took them up, inserted them suitably in his new composition and presented the whole as a uniform piece of decent literary production,
1 Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 8. 2 Ibid, p. 26,

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295 The stanzas generally run on conventional lines without much novelty. Still, a fine idea here and a nice imagery there catch the eye of the reader. For instance, we may note with appreciation how the citadel of Sõdimba is shown to be superior to Lankā in verse 18. Agreeable is the simile drawn elaborately in verse 23 between Chandirāja and Chandra (moon). The metaphor in verse 27 identifying the newly constructed bastion with the sparkling face of the lady, the town of Sõdimba, is ingenious. But this happy impression is occasionally marred by laboured constructions, ill-assorted expressions and clumsy formations. Verse 24 is the worst instance to the point. The word nirppu in l. 68 seems to be a mistake for norppu. The prefix tiru in the expressi papa-, is superfluous-(1. 70). The phrases, nitgevatta mahimīvashtambha etc. in l. 120 and vadhi-vadana-sauchádambara-sri in l. 131 are clumsily pedantic. The poet is fond of substituting b for v in Kannada as well as Sanskrit words; for instance, vraja l. 57, agurbbu l. 79. The use of kula for rala in aga?itta1. 77, aga! I. 87, imbali. 1. 91 and podalke l. 114, is technically incorrect. Attention has already been drawn elsewhere to the occurrence of the augment ? in the past tense forms of the root ir; e. g., irl dano l. 35.
Coming to the metres figuring in this inscription a new name is ushered in for the first time by our poet. It is the Kāmalatikā Vșitta. This name is unfamiliar to the students of Sankrit or Kannada literature. But an examination of the verses composed in this metre will show that except for the novelty in name, this metre is in no manner new to the Kannada literature. It is the same as the metre Utpalamālā. The metrical analysis of the metres ocurring in this record is as follows: Champakamālā: Verses 3, 10, 14, 23 ; Kāmalatikā: Verses 8, 16; Kanda : Verses 2, 5, 6, 9, 12, 13, 15, 21, 22, 26; Mahāsragdhară: Verses 11, 28; Mattēbhavikridita : Verses 4, 17, 18, 20, 24, 25, 27; Utpalamālā : Verse 19.
TEXT
First Side 1 @ Jayaty =āvishkritam Vishộor = Vāråhus kshõbhit-ārņnavam 2 dakshiņ-onnata-dańshtr-āgra-viśrānta3 bhuvanam vapuḥ @[1* ] Jay-ābhivriddhir = astu @ 4 Dharey = emb= ambujam=irppudu saradhi-saro5 varada naduve karạnikevolu Maņdaram = irppu6 d=alli Masdara-giriyimdai teṁkal = eseva Bhara7 ta-kshētram 11 [2*] A-Bharata-kshētradoļu Chāļukya-cha8 krēsvarara vaṁsāvatārado! @ @ Age nege9 v=aṁdadimd=ogeda Rāshtrakumārakaram po10 raļchi komd=agaņitav-āda permmege tavarmmaney-ā

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA 11 gi Chaļukyar = anvayam negale negalteyaṁ taledu tamna12 ya tējado! =āņey-õley-umdige sale sā
13 dhyav=āda nelanam taledam nripa-mõru Tailapam @ [3* ] @ Antu @
14 Janatā-saṁstutan =āda Tailana magań Satya15 śrayam tam-nțipālana putram vibhu Vikramam 16 tad-anujaṁ Śrīy= Ayyan-õrvvisan =ātana tam(ta). 17 mmam Javasimhan =ātana magam Trailökyama18 lla-kshitisan = enipp= Ahavamallan=ātana ma19 gam Sõmēsvar-õrvvīśvaram @ [4*] Tat-sahodaram @ Kamda @ 20 Srima [t*-7 Tribhuvanamallan = ilā-mahi21 tań Nahusha-Pșithu-Bhagiratha-charitam bhūmam22 dalamam sakal-āśā-mamdalam = avadhiy-appinam 23 sādhisidam @ [5*] Kamda @ Ātana sutan= akhiļa-ka24 l-ānvitam Somāśvara-kshitiśvaran = udit-odyö25 tita-kirtti-vilāsaṁ bhūtalado! =ta26 nna pesare pesar = ene negaldarn - [6*7 Kamda @ Ā27 tana tanujam Danuja-brātaman = alev = Abjanā28 bhan = emd=ene ripu-samghātaman= aledam nikhiļa-khyā29 tam Jagadēkamallan = ari-nțipa-mallaṁ @ [7*] Tad-anu30 jaṁ @ Kāmulatikā vșittam @ Māļavanaṁ nara!chi Ma31 gadh-āśan = adhīšateyam kalalchi Nēpāļa-nți32 pāļan-oţtaji (je) yan = aţtaman= ērisi Chola33 nam bhujābhīļa-kļipāņadim tavisi Pām34 dyanan =amdaled =ā-Kaļiņganam chāļisi Nū35 rmmați-kshitipan=ēn = esed = ir!dano bhūtal-āgra36 do! @ [8*] Ātan =anujātun= upam-ā37 titam bhū-vallabha-kshamā-vallabhan rint=ītane Mār38 dhātan = enipp=ātata-mahimā-prasiddhiyam 39 prakațisidam [9* ] Svasti [*] Samasta-bhuvan-ā40 śraya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha Mahārājādhi. 41 rājam Paramāśvaram Parama-bhattārakam 42 Satyāśraya-kuļa-tiļakam Chāļu43 ky-ābharaṇam Srima (t*.] Tribhuvanamalla-dēva44 ru mūre( a )neya Vikrama-samvatsarada45 lu Pottalakereya nelevidino! sukha. 46 samkhal ka )thā-vinodadim rājyam geyyuttam=ire @ @ 47 Champakamāle Bagegole karbbadań purav = &48 gurvvise rājise rājadhāni dittige-vare pa49 ţţaņaṁ pratidinas parisõbhise khēdam=iñ= 50 t= id=ēm sogayisut - irddudo tad-avani-pati

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297 51 Pālana-su-sthit-ā-gukha-sthagita-jana-pramo52 da-bhara-răjita-Kuntaļa-dēšav = urvviyo53 ! @[10*] Mahāsru( sra)gdhare @ Adarol nady-s54 dri-nānā-nalina-vana-taļāg-otkar-ödyāna55 tānāspadav=ārām =ābhirāmam dhana-ka56 naka-samșiddha-praj-ākīrṇnav=urvvi-vidita-grā57 ma-braja-bhrājitav = Ahiha58 ya-vam-odbhav-õrvvīša-rājy-ābhyudaya-Śrī59 janma-gēham satatav = esed – Aral-nāļu 60 kaņg = oppi tõrkkuṁ @ [11*] Antum= allade @ All-alli61 ge tirtthamgaļin = all-allige dibya-dēvatā-nila62 yadin =ant = all-allige pū-go!adimd – elliyum = ā63 nāļu nādeyum sogayisugur [12*] Bhõg-opa64 bhõgadiṁd = anurāgadin = anavadya-vșittiyiṁ sukrita-sat-ó65 dyõgadin = irppa janamgaļin =āgaļuv =ā-vishaya66 V=ēm manaṁ-golisidudo @[13*] Vșitta @ Birudina bim67 kav-illada negalte poguļtege sallad = ārppu bittarisa68 da ni( 7 )ippu nityateyan=āṁt= amardd = oppada pempu 63 sompan=āvarisadar=ill = enippa mahi70 m-onnatiyam paded = irddud = emdodam tirupariva 71 rộnipamt= alave tad-vishayam jagati-ta-l-āgra72 do! (14*] A-vishay-āṁtarāļadoļu @ @
Second Side 73 @ Sēờimbam = emba puram=adu nādādig =aļumbav=enipa vibu74 dhālayadim kūờe sogayisuvud = adarim rõdisuvu75 du divija-rāja-rājita-puramam @[15*] Kāmalatikā-vșittam @ @ 76 Ambaramaṁ palańch-aleyut = irddapud = ikkida kõte Nāga77 lokaṁ-baram=eyde muțțidud = agal( 1 )d = aga!(!)itta diśā-diśā78 ntarāļam-baram = eyde parbbidudu tējada sāja79 d = agurbb=enalke Sõdimbado! – etti kāduv = adațaṁg=idu ma80 staka-śūlam = allade @[16*] Mattēbhavikriditam @ @
Naranimd = &81 ggada Khāṁdavaṁ negaļda Lamkâ-dvipam = aṁd = omdu vānara
nim Traipu82 ram = orbba tāpasana kimchin-mātra-kop-agniyiń 83 paribham-bettuvu dēva-nirmmita gadań tām-emdu nichchań ni84 rākarisutt = irppudu perchhi tējad = odavis Sõdimbad =ādamba85 ram @[17*] Taradiṁd = attale mūru kõți vipula-prākārav = ē! = em. 86 tu gõpurav = en.gõți nišācharar = ppratidinaṁ kād = irppar=an 87 bhödhi-bhikarav =āgird - aga!(1) emba Larhke paribhaṁ-bett = irdud
- emd=a
38

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100
88 ndadanh dorey = end = enbude balpinol =jayavadhu-Samranh89 bha Sēļimbado! @[18*7 Ambudhi mēre-dappi kavid = i-dhareya 90 kidipaṁdu Vishņuv = Isam-beras = ī-jagat-trayamumam basiro91 l = nilis =ittu kāva-vol = imb=a!(!)id = irdda nāl-deseya nāduga92 ļam peragrikki kāva Sēļimbada viprar = omd-aļavan= ē. 93 vogaļvem chalad-amka-Rāmaram @[19*] Surarum daityarum= &94 bdhiyam kadegutt (t)=irpp-aṁd = ugra-Šēsh-āhi bhikara-ko- . 95 p-āgrahi kālakūta-vishamam tupp-emdod =ā-Daitya96 ruṁ Surarum bhītiyin=āļuvamdu Girićam kāv-amda97 diṁ kādar= i-dhare kett = õduva kālad-amdu palaraṁ Sėdimba
durgg-ādhi98 par @[20*] Saraņ= emd=ene kāva guņam śaranidhigam tamagav
= alla99 d=ill = eṁd = akhil-orvvare kūrtu kirttisutt = ire dhareyo! Munnū
rovar=istu neg!davar =āļdar @ [21*] Svasti [*] Yama-niya101 ma-svādhyāya-dhyāna-dbāraṇa-maun-ānushthāna-parāyaṇa japa- taj 102 samādhi-sila-guna-sampannarum i nudidu matt-ennarum i
Kāmchi103 pura-dvāra-kavāța-puța-bhēdan-ūbhichāra-hõma. 104 sādhakaruń i virõdhi-kul-āraṇya dāva pāvakarum 105 chatur-v Vöda-pārāvāra-pāragaruń | bahuvidha-vachana-ra106 chanā-pravīņaruń i chatu[h*]shashți-kalānvita-vasumatī-girvvāṇarumi 107 hēma-kumdala-Jvālinī-dēvy-ākarshanarum i samasta108 vidyā-viśēshanarum śaran-āgata-vajra-pamjararum 109 vairi-dikkumjararuń | Sri-Nārāyaṇa-dēva-pāda-pamkaja-bhrama110 rarum=appa Srimad-anādiyagrahāram Sēdimibad -2111 bēsha Mahājanam Mūnūrvvar svāmiga! sthiram jīyāt al 112 Avarol = udāttaguņam bhū-bhuvana-prakhyātan =ātma113 gõtra-pavitram divija-naga-dhairyan = Arhat-stavana-param Chadi
dirāja114 n=ūrjjita-tējam u [22*] Jasada poda! (!) ke chandrikeya sāṁdr.
ateyam 115 mige saumyatā-guņam pasarise samtatam kuvaļayakk = anu116 rāgaman =ēļge chelvan=ārjise paripūrņa-Chamdran-ene varttisu. 117 vam dvija-rājan= emba pemp = esed = ire-u-vvv 118 chamdran = apākrita-tandratā-tamam 11 [ 23*] Sthiti-sāratvav = agu
rvvu-vetta 119 khiļa-bamdhu-brāta-sampritiyaṁ satatam pu120 đțise nitte-vatta mahim-āvashţambha-samrambha-samgati nēryva121 ţt=alavațţud -emd=enal = ad = ēm kaikomdano sat-ka122 vi-stuti-vistārita-kirtti sambhavita-lõk-ā

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299
123 namdamaṁ Chamdramam [24] Jasad olpunnati hempu her
mme hesa
124 r = achāram bratam silavanm = esakam sauchav udatta-vṛitti bala
125
vāṭōpaṁ jaya-Śrī guṇa-prasaraṁ dharmma-guṇaṁ dayāaty-audaryyav = uddāmatā-vyasanaṁ tannav= enalk
126 vibhavav
=
adēm me
127 redanō tann = amdamaṁ Chamdrama || [25*] @ Kam @ Maḍisidam kirtti
1
128 Śrī-krīḍā griham = embinam dharitri-chakram Sēḍimba-purada bagi129 1-māḍamani-Chamdirājan =ūrjjita-tējam || [26*] Dharey = emb:
abja-nivāsa
130 dol = nelasi Sēḍimb-ābjini-kāmte bhāsuravagirddapal = ā-va131 dhu-vadana-sauch-aḍambara-śrīy = id= embara māt= opp =i132 re Chamdirajan = olavimdam tat-pur-ōdagra-gōpuramam 133 māḍisi maime-vettanitarar - ppēlimnarar = embinaṁ @ [ 27*] 134 Dig-adhiśa-bratav ullaṁnegav akhila-diśā-danti-santānav = u135 annegav urvvi-chakrav = ullannegav udanidhi-samdōhav=u136 annegaṁ panne(a) ga-rāj-ā [dhi] s (s) av=1 ullannegav Ina-Sasibimbamgalu
137
annegam nilke gata-krur-ari-varggam samadhika-jaya-samsa138 rgga seḍimba-durggam [28*] Svasti [*] Samasta-guna-sampa
nnan = appa Māḍiha
139 la Mallōjana putram saujanya-pātraṁ rūvāri-jana-mitram 140 Rāmōja kadeda sila-susanam [*] Mamgala-maha-Śrī-Śrī-Śrī [*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
=
=
=
=
Verse 1. Victorious is the Boar incarnation of Vishnu that has stirred up the oceans and held the earth resting on the tip of its lofty right trunk.
Verse 2. In the midst of the lake which are the oceans rests the earth like a lotus. The mountain Mandara is its pericarp. To the south of the Mandara mountain lies the shining Bharatakshētra.
Verses 3-9. Genealogical account of the Chalukya monarchs that ruled successively in the Bharatakshētra beginning with Tailapa (II) who reinstated the Chalukya sovereignty after overthrowing the Rashṭrakumāras (i. e., Rashtrakutas) and ending with Tribhuvanamalladēva (Sōmēśvara IV).1 Lines 39-46. The illustrious king Tribhuvanamalladeva, who bears the titles, Samasta-bhuvanasraya (Asylum of the Entire Earth), Sri-Prithvi
1
1 See the genealogical account on p. 211.

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JAINJSX IN SOUTH INDIA vallabha (favourite Lord of the Goddess of Fortune and the Earth), Chalukyabharaṇa (an ornament of the Chālukya race), etc., is ruling the kingdom from his residence at Pottalakere in the third year of his reign which was the cyclic year Vikrama.
Verse 10. How splendid is the appearance of the Kuntala country on the surface of the earth on account of the overflow of joy among the people endowed with abiding happiness resulting from the efficient - administration of the king, with its pleasing hamlets, charming villages, prosperous towns and imposing cities!
Verse 11. In this country fascinating to the eyes is the district of Aral, delightful with its rivers, mountains, lakes, groves and gardens and be decked with villages and towns inhabited by wealthy subjects. This tract is the native place of the Goddess of Prosperity presiding over the kingdom of the princes born in the Ahihaya lineage.
Verse 12. Furthermore, this region is exceedingly graced with sacred spots, magnificent temples dedicated to the deities and flower ponds situated at every stage.
Verse 13. How attractive is the region by virtue of its inhabitants indulging in all kinds of pleasures, assiduously pursuing respectable avocations and engaged in performing manifold meritorious acts !
Verse 14. One cannot adequately describe this region which has attained such a distinction by its eminence in the eyes of the world.
Verse 15. In this region stands the town of Sādimba fittingly grace. ful with its innumerable temples on account of which it is mocking as it were the city of the immortals.
Verse 16. With the fortifications rubbing against the heavens, the excavations of its ditch fathoming the nether world and the eminence of its natural splendour pervading the quarters and their intermediate space, the aitadel of Sõdimba is indeed a source of head-ache to the aggressive adversary!
Verse 17. In times of yore the extensive forest of Khāņdava was destroyed by Nara (Arjuna, a man); the impregnable island of Lankā was consumed to flames by a Vānara (Hanumān, a monkey); the Three Cities (Traipura) were reduced to ashes by a spark of fire springing from an incensed ascetic fi. e., Siva). But lo I unique is the privilege of this citadel of Sēļimba, which is waxing ever stronger with its over-bearing splendour, defying any assault, a creation of the immortal hand as it were !
Verse 18. It was built in three tiers one above the other; its massive ramparts were sevenfold; it had eight bastions; eight hundred millions of demons were guarding it day and night; the terrific ocean itself comprised its

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80L
encircling ditch; nevertheless it was captured the impregnable island of Lankā! Can it therefore, in any manner, stand comparison with the migty fort of Sēļimba, an object of pride to the Angel of Victory?
Verse 19. How can I adequately describe the gallantry of the Vipras of Sēdisba, firm in determination like Rāma, who protect the uprooted souls coming from the four quarters by offering them asylum, like the god Vishņu protecting the three worlds along with the god Sankara by accommodating them in his belly, when the surging ocean overflowing its bounds engulfs this earth at the time of deluge?
Verse 20. Just as it was the god Girisa (i. e., Sankara ) who ensured safety when the gods and the demons had taken to fight stricken with fear at the sight of the Kalaküța poison, spit out by the fierce and infuriated serpent Sôsha on the occasion of the churning of the ocean, so did the guardians of the citadel of Sēdimba offer security to the people running amock in distress.
Verse 21. “The virtue of protecting those who say "Please, grant us refuge !' is found in two places only, namely, the ocean and the city fathers of Sēļimba.” Recipients of such praise, thus do the Three Hundred (Mahājanas) administer.
Lines 100–111. May they live for ever—the entire body of the Three Hundred Mahājanas of the eminent agrahāra of Sēdimba, who possess the virtues of self-restraint, self-discipline, study of the scriptures, meditation, concentration, silence, performance of religious exercises, chanting the holy syllables and tranquillity of mind; who never go back on their words, uttered once; who perform the exorcising ritual for breaking open the doors of the city gates of Kāñchipura; who are conflagration to the forest of opposing clans; who have crossed the ocean of the four Vedas; who are well-versed in composing manifold forms of speech; who are the gods on earth endowed with the sixty-four arts; who entice the deity Jvālini of golden ear-rings; who have qualified themselves in all lores; who are an adamantine cage as it were to the refugees seeking their asylum; who are unassailable like the elephants of the quarters and who are attached like bees to the lotus feet of the illustrious god Nārāyaṇa.
Verse 22. Foremost among them is the far-famed Chandirāja, an abode of great virtues. The mountain of the gods (Mēru) in courage, he has sanctified his family. He is devoted to the praise of Lord Arhat.
Verse 23. Not merely in name but in all other respects, this Chandra is identical with his heavenly namesake (the Moon). It is thus. The lustre of his reputation has spread like the moonlight; mildness is his great

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA virtue ; he rouses the affections in the hearts of mon; he is the lord of the twice-born; and he has driven away the night of inertia.
Verse 24. He is a source of joy to the world of men and ever so to the circle of kinsmen. His fame has been expanded by the praise of good poets.
Verse 25. Good name and renown, dignity of behaviour, exemplary conduct, religious observance, Bound character, purity of heart, nobility of mind, successful career, piety, kindness and generosity--these are the qualities possessed by Chandra and displayed with the characteristic grace of his own.
Verse 26. This Chandirāja of surpassing eminence caused to be constructed the storeyed gate way of the Sēdimba town, which was conceived by the people to be a sportive hall as it were for his Lady Fame.
Verse 27. Having erected with fervour the towering bastion of the town, Chandirāja attained glory and the people exclaimed, “Say, who else is like him." The bastion was fittingly praised as the spotless splendour resting in the face of the Lady Lotus of Sēļiṁba.
Verse 28. May this last for ever, as long as the earth, the oceans, the sun and the moon, the guardians of the quarters and the lord of the serpents (Šēsha) survive--this citadel of Sēdimba, baffling the onslaught of the relentless foe and incessantly united with waxing victory!
Lines 138–140. This epigraph was incised on stone by Rāmāja, son of Malloja of Mādihā), a receptacle of goodness and a friend of the community of sculptors. May auspiciousness and glory attend this !
INSCRIPTION NO. 8
(Found in the Chikka Basadi at Söđam ) This inscription was discovered at Sēdam. It was engraved on a pillai of the central hall in a dilapidated Jaina temple known as Chikka Basadi. The temple is situated in the Settiyara Õņi or Merchants' Quarter, not far away from the other Jaina temple wherein inscriptions Nos. 3 and 4 were discovered. The condition in which the other Jaina temple was found has been described in the introductory part of No. 3. But the state to which the present temple was reduced was simply horrible and cannot be adequately described. The temple must have been obviously dedicated to the Tīrthankara Pārsvanātha. I could trace the image which represented this deity. It was a fairly big sculpture nicely carved in the mediaeval fashion. I found this image roughly handled and thrown away in the backyard of the temple. It was lying in a mutilated and filthy condition. This back-yard as well as other parts of the temple were being used as a publio latrine by the tenants of the neighbouring houses. The whole atmosphere was therefore stinking with foul and repulsive smell.

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808 The inscription is very brief and consists of only two lines. It is written in Kannada script of about the thirteenth century A. D. Its language is Kannada. The object of the epigraph is to record a gift of land to the god Pārsva or Pārsvanātha Tirthankara. It is not known who was the donor. This and the other details of the gift are not mentioned. In the absence of adequate information, it is not possible to determine the precise date of the inscription. It mentions merely the cyclic year Nandana. So we have to fall back on palaeographical consideration alone and assign the thirteenth century A. D. as its approximate date.
Looking to the size and other features of the temple, it appears to have owned considerable importance in the locality. So it may not be unreasonable to surmise that it might have contained one or two inscriptions giving many a detail relating to the history of the temple. But unfortunately, I could discover no other epigraphical record in the temple excepting the present one. It is not unlikely that in case such inscriptions had existed herein, they might have succumbed to the fatal hand of the vandal whose activities, as described above, had their full play in reducing this sanctuary to a mass of obnoxious ruins. Or who knows a careful search in the dilapidated debris may yet reveal their existence one day!
TEXT 1 Pārs( s )va-dēvarige keyi mattaru 12 2 Naṁdana saṁvachha ( tsa hra [ll *]
TRANSLATION A gift of cultivable land measuring 12 mattarus was made to the god Pārsvanātha in the cyclic year Nandana.
INSCRIPTION NO. 9
(Found On A Stone Pillar At Aďaki) This inscription was found incised on a stone pillar set up in front of the temple of Hanuman inside the village Ādaki. The deity is familiarly known as Pyāți (Market) Hanumān. The pillar is square in shape and the writing extends over three of its sides. The inscription under study is engraved on one of these sides, which may be referred to as the first side for the sake of convenience.
It is not known at which spot the pillar stood originally. At any rate, it is beyond all doubt that the pillar has nothing to do with the temple of Hanumān which, evidently, is a later day construction. Hence the proximity of the pillar to the Hanumān temple has to be considered as only an accident.

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20€
JAMNIBM T OUTH INDIA . A peep into the contents of the inscriptions on the sides of the pillar discloses the revealing fact that all of them are mainly concerned with the activities of the followers of the Jaina faith. They testify to the existence of two Jaina temples in the locality and speak of the donations made in their favour. This was in the 12th century A. D. Subsequently, with the decline and disruption of the Jaina faith in the country the temples must have been dilapidated and ruined. At present the village contains no trace of any temple dedicated to Jina. But a few fragments of sculptures representing the Jaina deities are scattered over here and there. I saw some of these and also an image of Pārsvanātha lying in a forsaken condition in the vicinity of this stone pillar. So it seems likely that the two Jaina temples figuring in the inscriptions on the pillar were situated somewhere nearby.
The inscription consists of 57 lines. Though damaged in one or two places, the record is on the whole well preserved. It is written in old Kannada script of the 12th century A. D. The characters are normal of the period and call for few remarks. The doubling of the consonant in a conjunct letter after pr and other orthographical traditions of the age are generally maintained. The language of the record is Kannada and the composition is prose and verse. The invocatory stanza in the beginning and another verse in the body of the text are in Sanskrit. Barring stray mistakes of spelling, the document is appreciably free from errors.
The charter opens with the familiar praise of the ordinance of Lord Jina and refers itself to the reign of the Western Chālukya sovereign Tribhuvanamalladěva or Vikramāditya VI. This is followed by an elaborate eulogy of the eminent pontiff and philosopher, Gunavīra Siddhāntadēva, who was the disciple of Nēmichandra Siddhāntadēva and belonged to the Vandiyūr gana. Next we are introduced to the feudatory chief Mahānandalēśvara Echabhūpo who was administering the Mirinte Nādu (district). He was born in the family of Ahihaya lineage, whose members bore the title, Supreme Lord of the foremost town of Māhishmati. Then comes the description of Koppadēva and two local merchants, Asiyakāla Mallisețţi aud Sireya Kālisetti. While describing the righteous and munificent nature of the two members of the trading community mention is made of the Jaina temple caused to be constructed by them. The record ends with the enumeration of names of the sons of the two merchants and other members of the mercantile class.
The inscription is rather peculiar, because it does not constitute a charter of gift in the usual manner of epigraphical records. Its immediate object and the occasion also are nowhere stated. But these can be easily inferred from the allusion to the construction of a Jaina temple by the two merchants though the statement to that effect is made in a cursory fashion.

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It was to commemorate this very event that the record, in all probability, was composed and set up. Thus we may be justified in treating this epigraph as a sort of memorial document or eulogy (prasasti). Looking from this point of view, we can explain the nature of its contents in a satisfactory way. The two local merchants who were zealous adherents of the Jaina faith and charitably disposed, erected a temple in the midst of their flourishing town with the co-operation of their grown-up sons and other members of the community. This is the main theme of the inscription. In the circumstantial account of the subject we have to accommodate the reference to the ruling king and local officials of the region, whose active sympathy and benevolent patronage were essential for the establishment and well-being of such socio-religious institutions. Further, none the less important in this context is the part played by the ecclesiastical head of the community, who is ever a source of inspiration and a support of all noble aspirations and philanthropic works.
305
Mahamaṇḍalēsvara Echabhupa who was apparently responsible for the administration of the tract, belonged, as revealed from his characteristic epithets and titles, to the family of chiefs that bore the title, Mahishmatipuravaradhiśvara (Supreme Lord of the foremost town of Mahishmati), and claimed their descent in the Ahihaya or Haihaya lineage. The above title indicates that the original home of these chiefs was Mahishmati which has been identified with Maheśvar or Mahesh on the right bank of the Narmada, forty miles to the south of Indore.' It was the capital of the Haihaya country. Several families of chiefs who bore the dynastic designation, Haihaya or Kalachuri, ruled in the central and northern parts of India from the sixth century onwards. Ahihaya is the variant of the name Haihaya and the latter is more commonly met with in the inscriptions. We may thus observe that the Haihayas of Karnataka who may be approximately dated from the 10th to the 12th century A. D., were an off-shoot of the main stock of Haihayas of Northern India, some of whose members appear to have migrated to and settled in the south.
As noticed on two former occasions,' these Haihaya chiefs of Karna. taka were ruling roughly over that area of the Gulbarga district, which is now covered by the Chitapur and Seḍam taluks. The inscriptions, while describing their territorial jurisdiction, speak of their sway over the tracts of Aral Three Hundred and Mirinte Three Hundred, each of which as denoted by the numerical
÷ 1 Nundo Lal Dey: Geographical Dictionary, p. 120. According to another view Mahishmati is modern Mandhata on the Narmada, Nimar Dt., Madhya Pradesh; H. C. Ray: Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 738.
2 See the introductory discussion on inscriptions Nos. 1 and 7. 39

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;
JAINTSM IN SOUTH INDIA
figures, comprised three hundred villages. One of the inscriptions from Nāgāi furnishes a genealogical account of a family of these chiefs. An inscription from Handarki takes this account two generations forward. In this genealogical account occurs the name Aicha, which appears to be a variant of Echa. But as Écha of the present epigraph is about two generations later than Aicha of the Nāgāi or Handarki inscriptions we are not well advised in identifying the two. This leads us to the surmise that Echabhūpa of our record was either a later member of the above family or belonged to a collateral branch of the same. The latter conjecture is supported by the fact that Echabhūpa is associated with the tract of Mirinte only, whereas the other members of the family figuring in the Nāgāi and Handarki records are connected with the two tracts, Aral and Mirinte. This distinction may be explained by assuming that the original family was split up subsequently and their territory also was divided.
Regarding Koppadēva who forms the subject of praise in the inscription, no details are furnished. But it is known from the following record that he was the chief of Adakki and held the responsible office of the commander of forces. We shall revert to him again while dealing with the next epigraph.
Adverting to the teacher Guņavīra Siddhāntadēva, the record is not adequately communicative in regard to the historical details, such as his lineage, spiritual ancestry, monastic headquarters, etc. The only items of information we know about him are that he was a disciple of Nömichandra Siddhāntadēva and belonged to the Vandiyūr gaņa. The Vandiyūr gaṇa is not noticed previously and is introduced for the first time by the present record. This piece of information is further amplified by another inscription in the present collection ( No.15), which again refers to this gaṇa and associates it with the Yāpanīya Samgha. From the general description of Guņavira Siddhāntadēva, the following points may be gathered about him. He was a zealous advocate and a great supporter of the Jaina doctrine. Well-versed in the system of Jaina philosophy, he successfully refuted the tenets of the rival schools. Profound in knowledge and immersed in austerities, he wielded great influence among the followers of his faith.
Although no specific date is mentioned in the record, an attempt may be made to assign an approximate date to it. From the fact that the epigraph refers itself to the reign of Vikramāditya VI, who ruled from A. D. 1076 to 1126., we may, in the first instance, fix these years as the broad limits of our inscription. But these limits can be narrowed down on the following
1 Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 8, p. 26. % My unpublished private collection.

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considerations. The next inscription (No. 10) which is engraved on another side of the same pillar is dated in the 50th regnal year of this king corresponding to A. D. 1126. The teacher Guņavira Siddhāntadēva, the two merchants, Kālisetti and Mallisețți and Koppadēva of the present record, figure in the next inscrip tion also. Hence, this record could not have been far removed from the date of the following epigraph, i. e., A. D. 1126. So allowing a reasonable period of about 10 years on the inner side of the above date we may roughly assign A. D. 1115 as the age of the present inscription.
The inscription contains the following names of geographical interest. Jayantīpura (1. 5), as already known, is Banavāsi. The identity of Māhishma. tīpura (1. 35) has been noted previously. Mirinte Nāļu (1. 40) is the same as Mirita or Miriti Three Hundred figuring in the Nāgāi and Handarki inscriptions. As this tract is mentioned in conjunction with Aral Three Hundred in those inscriptions it might have been contiguous with the latter. Mirinte Nāļu or Miriti Three Hundred, as is generally the case, must have derived its name from the seat of its headquarters, Miriti or Mirinte. This place may, possibly be indentified with modern Martūr, a village about 8 miles to the south-east of Gulbarga on the Central Railway. As an alternative we may suggest the identity of Mirinte with Miriyāņa, another village in the Gulbarga District.
As a piece of literary composition the record does not come quite up to the mark. The two prose passages in Kannada describing the Jaina teacher and the chief Echabhūpa (11. 6–28 and 32-41) are more or less formal and conform to the normal standard of similar compositions of the period. The Sanskrit verse ( No. 2) inserted in the body of the record is devoted to the praise of the teacher Guņavira Sidhāntadova. It is composed in the Sārdūlavikrīļita metre and does not convey the sense properly on account of halting conception and faulty expression. The three Kannada verses (3-5) dealing with Koppadēva and the two merchants are hackneyed. Besides, they are wanting in diction and defective in metre. They are set up in the Champakamālā metre. The third pāda of the third verse is an instance of metrical defect. We may also note in this context the hitch caused by the two expressions, santatigalu and Jinēmdranolu occurring in the second and third pādas of the fifth verse. This hitch is the result of affixing the vowel u to the expressions which should properly speaking end in consonant, as santatiga! and Tinēídranol. But we may observe here that this practice appears to have been a general tendency of the times when the poetic composition was passing through a state of transition.
† The term kāshāya or kashāya in l. 14 denotes, according to the Jaina terminology, the four passions, to wit, anger (krõdha), pride (māna), deception (māyā) and greed (lõbha). The number seven in 1. 9 seems to refer to the

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Saptabhangi Naya or the seven modes of looking at a thing through the phases of existence and non-existence, which is a characteristic feature of the Jaina philosophy.
trailō
TEXT
1 Śrīmat-parama-gambhira-syād-vād-āmōgha-lāṁchhanaṁ jīyā [t *].
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
2 kya-nathasya sasanaṁ Jina-sasanam [1] Svasti [1] Samasta
3 śraya Śrī-Prithvi-vallabha Mahārājādhirāja Paramēśvara Paramabha4 ṭṭāraka Satyāśraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-abharanam Śrimat-Tri
bhuvana
bhuvanama
5 lla-dēvaru Jayantipurada neleviḍinol sukha-sam katha-vinōdadim rajyam-geyyuttamire Svasti [*]
6
7
maņi-mayūkha-rēkhāļamkṛita-charaṇa
8 raśmi . Bhagavad-Arhat-paramēśvara-paramabhaṭṭāraka... 9 rggata-sad-asad-adi-sapta. . . . samālimgita-raddhāmt-ādi-samasta 10 dhigalum Jinēṁdra-sūkt-āmṛita-rasāsvādigalum Jina-sa11 maya-s(s)aradhi-sam varddhana-s( s )arat-samaya-samudita12 sampūrṇna-sudha-marichigalum kumata-tama[s-tamaḥ-pata-] 13 la-prabhēdana-prachanda-tigma-rochigalum Jina-samaya14 sarōjini-virājamāna-rāja-marāļarum kāshāya
15 kadali-shanda-khandan-oddanda-chanda-sundalarum vāk-kā16 mini-pin-ōnnata-payodhara-dvay-alamkrita-tarala-ma17 sak-acharaṇarum Vamdiyur-ggana-samuddharaṇarum 18 tuhina-himakirana-sura-sarit-phēna-sam kāśa-viśad-ā19 ntah-patala-bahala-dhavalikṛita-sakala-diku-chakrarum 20 vinata-vineya-chakrarum bhavya-jana-mākanda-nandanavasantarum sakala-dosha-ripu-kula-kṛitāntarum bhakta22 jana-sasya samiti-samvarddhana-sudha-prakarsharum guṇa23 gan-ōtukarusharum Śrī-Nēmichandra-siddhanta-dēva-pad-ara24
21
al
25 silimukharum Jinēmdra-kathita-vimala-charitra-para26 [me] svararum muni-jan-ādhiśvararum samasta-vastu 27 [jñā]na-dipa-varttigalum divya-tapo-murttigalu[ m = a 28 ppa Srimad-Gunavira-siddhanta-dēvas' chiram jiyātu(t) Nṛi29 tyanti bhuvane yatas = su-vimala yat-kīrtti-haṁsī sadā tasmād = eva cha tan-nadi-dravaṇaka-kshir-abdhivad
30
Kālimdi
vinda-saurabh-asvadan-ōnmatta-silimukharum
1 The three aksharas lost here might be 'svarupa'.
=
1
1 vartato

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS: PART II
31 [pra] vavaha-phēna-nichayō Gaṁgā-taraṁgāyatē staumi 32 Sri-Guņavira-nama-munipaṁ kām-ēbha-kamṭhīravaṁ 11 [2*] Svasty=
irvva
40 mahāmaṇḍalēśvaram Mirimte-nada Echa-bhūpa (= chi ]ram ji41 yat Jaladhi-gabhira-dhirateyan = i-dharaṇīvaran = āda
42 [vi]ryyad = aggalikeyan = ante kalpa-taruvarppan = akhaṁḍitasatya-sau
43 [ryya ]domd=alavige Manu-muni-prabhri( bhri )tigalu padiy all,
=enale nanna
33 ka-bhaṁgura-taramga-samghata-vichi-chchhāya-lavaṇ-abdhi-vala34 ya-valayita-vēļāvana-Gaṁgātīra ......1 ma
35 dhya-des-adhiśvara Mahishmatipuravar-adhiśvara à [hiha]36 ya-vamsa-kuļ-ōdbhava vivēka-Vanajōdbhava vandi-ja
2
37 pa-[vriksha dakshina-bhuja-sambhava vīra-sāsana-siļā.. daļa [ dam ]38 kakāra gamḍa-Gōpāļa malevara-gāļa saṁgrāma-Rāma 39 satya-Radheya s(s)auch-Amjaneya parabala-sadhakam Śrīman
negalte
+
309
44 nna keyy = alavige Koppadevana mahatva-guņaṁga [la]
45 n = anņa bannisalu u [3*] Esed=ire kirttiv-ett = A[ siyakala]
46 ya Malliseṭṭiyim pesara negartteyam padeda rūḍiya Sire
47 ya Kaliseṭṭiyim dasagunav = aytu dharmmavenal amt=avar.
48 rin eyde maḍidi-basadiyan = omdu nālageyol =ē-vogalvam
49 pogalvam dharitriyolu (1) u [ 4*] Maraduvasatyavam nuḍiya bēḍi50 da vastuvan arggavill=enalk- ariyan aśesha-bhavya-janasam
=
=
tatigaļu
51 pogalvaṁna bhaktiyam mereva Jinēmdranolu para-hitaārthame enis irppan = emdu herarikeya dāniyam pogalvud = i-dha
52 meyy
[re]
53 Sireya Kaliseṭṭiya [5] Svasti [1*] Śrīmatu Sireya Kāļiseṭṭi54 ya putraru Duchiseṭṭiyum Chandisettiyum Mallisetți55 yum Nemiseṭṭiyum Malliseṭṭiya putram Bächisețți56 yum Parisvaseṭṭiya putram Jakkiseṭṭiyum Śrī 57 Śri Śri በ
=
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
Verse 1. May the doctrine of Lord Jina be victorious-the doctrine which is the ordinance of the overlord of the three worlds and bears the
1 The three aksharas lost here might be 'paryanta-'.
2 The two syllables damaged here are obviously 'naka'.
3 The text appears to be faulty here.

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supremely profound theory of Maybe (Syad-vāda) as its infallible characteristic mark!
Lines 2-6. Hail! The illustrious emperor Tribhuvanamalladēva who bears the titles, Samastabhuvanāśraya (Asylum of the Entire World), Chāļukyabharaṇa (Ornament of the Chalukya lineage), etc., is ruling the kingdom from his residence at Jayantipura.
Lines 6-28. Hail! May he live for ever-the illustrious teacher Guṇavira Siddhantadēva, who has seen through the ocean of scriptures containing elucidation of the sevenfold aspects of the existing and non-existing objects and other propositions, which have sprung from the revered and supreme lord, the great Master Arhat whose feet are decorated by the rays of jewels-; who indulges in tasting the nectar-juice of the excellent maxims of Lord Jina; who is the full moon of the autumn beaming with splendour, swelling the occean of the doctrine of Jina; who is the fierce sun destroying the expanse of darkness of the evil doctrines; who is a royal swan shining in the lotus lake of Jaina philosophy; who is the wild and impetuous elephant crushing the multitude of plantain trees which are the kashāyas (passions); who is a fickle gnat gracefully dallying with the plump and protruding breasts of the Lady Speech; who is the upholder of the Vandiyur gana; who has brightened the quarters by the reflection of his mental orb, immaculate like the snow, the moon, and the foam of the heavenly river (Ganga); who is revered by the faithful followers; who is the spring season to the mango-grove of the believers of the Jaina tenets; who is the god of death to the hostile hordes of all evils; who surpasses the nectar divine in fostering the plantation of devotees; who excels in virtues; who is the intoxicated bee enjoying the fragrance in the lotus feet of the eminent teacher Nemichandra Siddhantadeva; who is the supreme master of spotless character as enjoined by Lord Jina; who is the paramount ruler among the circle of monks; who is the wick of the lamp of knowledge illuminating the nature of all objects; and who is the personification of sublime penance.
Verse 2. I praise the illustrious ascetic Guņavīra, a lion to the elephant of passions. As the swan which is his spotless fame incessantly dances about all over the earth, the blue sea appears like the milky ocean and the dark mass of foam in the river Yamuna creates an impression of the waves of the river Gangā.
Lines 32-41. Hail! May he live long-the glorious Mahamandalēśvara Echabhupa of the Mirinte Nadu, who bore the epithets, supreme ruler of the central region encircled by the salty ocean and extending as far as the bank of the river Ganga; overlord of the foremost town of Mahishmati; born in the family of the Ahihaya lineage; the Lotus-born (Brahma) in wisdom; the wish-giving tree to the minstrels; one who is born from the right hand of the creator, i. e.,

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a Kshatriya ; ... ... the cowherd warrior (Krishna); ruin to the adversaries ; Rāma in battle; Rādhöya in truth; Añjanēya in purity of character; and vanquisher of the opposing forces.
Verse 3. How can I adequately describe the great qualities of the Governer Koppadēva who reminds one of the sea by his fortitude, is eminently valorous, and a very generous donor.
Verse 4. Renowned are the two great merchants, Asiyakāla Mallisetti and Sireya Kālisetti. By virtue of their piety, righteousness became tenfold. Who can describe with one tongue this temple constructed by these two ?
Verse 5. Never does he utter a lie even unconsciously. He never knows how to refuse whatever anybody asks of him. His devotion to Lord Jina is such as is praised by the faithful followers of the faith, one and all. He acts up to the belief that his very existence is for the good of others.
Such is the reputation of the great philanthropist, Sīreya Kālisetti.
Lines 53-57. Hail! The sons of the illustrious Kālisetti, Dūchisetti, Chandisetti, Mallisetti and Nēmisetti, Mallisetti's son Băchisetti, and Pārisva. setti's son Jakkisețți. May it be thrice glorious !
INSCRIPTION NO. 10
(Found On A Stone Pillar At Ādaki) This inscription was seen incised on another (the second) side of the stone pillar at Adaki bearing the previous inscription (No. 9). The probable original position of the pillar and its contribution for understanding the history of the Jaina faith in its local setting have been discussed in detail i introductory observations on the foregoing record. Since the epigraph conforms with the general standards of the age, it does not call for any special remarks from the palaeographical or orthographical points ef view. .
The record comprises 47 lines of writing. It is on the whole fairly preserved except in a few places where some letters have been damaged and lost. The alphabet and the language are Kannada and the composition is prose throughout with the sole exception of one imprecatory verse at the end, which is in Sanskrit. The writing is generally free from inaccuracies. The following solecisms, however, which may be attributed either to the clerical slip or phonetic corruption deserve to be noted; yadus for yajus in l. 6. vriksha for vriksha in l. 7, Saras-chandra for Sarach-chandra in l. 19 and vitipāta for vyatīpāto in l. 33. Other minor corrections have been shown in the body of the text itself.
A word of explanation is necessary regarding the first two lines of the text, which have been indicated as cancelled by putting them in the rectangular

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brackets. The engraver, it seems, started to incise the record on the pillar. But on account of some confusion and mistake either on the part of himself or the clerk who dictated it, he had to give it up. Then he began once more with the opening expression Svasti and carried it through. Instances of such freaks are sometimes, though rarely, met with in epigraphical documents.
The document is drafted in a businesslike manner. It does not, as usual, commence with the prasasti and the reference to the reign of the sovereign ruler who, as we know from its later portion, was the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya VI. On the contrary it introduces rather abruptly an official of the state who was his subordinate. This was the commander of forces, Kopparasa, who is to be identified with Koppadēva of the previous record. Next come the seven members of the local mercantile community, whose names are specified. These, we are subsequently informed, took a leading part, by joining hands with the army officer Kopparasa, in erecting a temple dedicated to Lord Pārsvanātha at Adakki. The temple was named Koppa Jinālaya evidently after the military general. For the maintenance of this temple Kopparasa endowed landed property consisting of a garden and a shop. The merchant guild of the locality also made provision for burning perpetual lamps out of certain levies collected from each shop and business transactions. The inscription as usual ends with an imprecation.
The inscription is dated the Chālukya-Vikrama year 50, cyclic year Viśvāvasu, Phālguna śu. Thursday. There seems to be an omission of the tithi, which was either tritīyā or daśami, preferably the latter. The Christian equivalent of this date would be a. D. 1126, January 29 or February 4, Thursday. It may be noted here that the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya VI, in whose regnal year the record is dated, was alive and ruling at this time.
The general-Kopparasa who is not known previously, is brought to light properly for the first time by this record, without of course overlooking the claim of the foregoing epigraph which barely mentions his name. He is styled the illustrious great minister'. He belonged to the Kāśyapa götra and was the chief of Adakki. He bore a string of titles and epithets some of which are more significant as they reflect a glimpse of the political and social life of the period. We may note in the first instance the following two titles which refer to one and the same context and need to be studied jointly. They are, the destroyer of the Chola forces' and 'the protector of the Chālukya army'. We know from history that the Chālukya sovereign of the Kannada country carried his arms against the Chõļa rulers of the Tamil land in several battles. In one or more of these fronts Kopparasa appears to have distinguished himself by his military skill and valour..

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313 The epithet chaturvēda pāraga' (1. 6) indicating the proficiency of Kopparasa in the four Vedas, appears to be conventional and need not be interpreted literally. But, in other respects, it is useful as it points to his family traditions which were Brahmanical in the orthodox sense. Nevertheless, it is interesting to observe how this dignitary takes a leading part not only in establishing a Jaina temple in his own village, but permitting his name to be associated with it permanently. It is not known whether Kopparasa was merely a distant admirer of the Jaina faith or was actually initiated into its fold. At any rate his example adds one more instance to the mass of evidence which proves that, in those days, our society was not divided into water-tight compartments based on religious or communal differences.
The seven members of the local mercantile community alluded to before were all Jaina by persuasion. They belonged to the Vaisya class of the society. Devout followers of the Jaina doctrine, they took delight in bestowing the chara. oteristic fourfold charities as prescribed in the religion, to wit, food, security, medicine and sacred lore. They were lay disciples of the illustrious teacher Gunavīra Siddhāntadēva.
The record furnishes no details regarding this teacher. He is already known to us from the foregoing epigraph, which describes him at some length. Sireya Kālisetti who is one of the seven merchants specified in the present record, also figures prominently in the previous inscription. While recording the supplementary gift made by the guild of local merchants, the epigraph mentions two Jaina temples. One of them, evidently, was the Koppa Jinālaya built by Kopparasa and the seven merchants as narrated in the present recor other, in all probability, was the one constructed by Sireya Kāļisetti and Asiya. kāla Mallisetti as known from the foregoing inscription.
The only place name occurring in the epigraph is Ādakki ( 11. 10 and 27). This is identical with the present day Adaki, the provenance of the record.
The epithet, 'garbha-sārasvata', qualifying the general Kopparasa merits attention. The expression ‘sārasvata' may be derived from Sarasvati which may mean either the Goddess of Learning or the river of that name. In the former case, the epithet will mean 'one who was nurtured in learned traditions even from bis very childhood'. In the latter case, it will denote his descent in that particular community which originally hailed from the region of the river Sarasvati. The members of this community are still found in parts of Kurnāțaka and Mahārāshtra and known as the Sārasvats. * The expression dandige-möhi occurring in l. 41 bears lexical interest. Dandige is the rod of the weighing balance and möhi may mean a load or weight. The Kannada root mohu, according to the lexicographer, means 'to place down';
40

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and the noun möhi may be derived from this root. So the whole expression will mean 'an operation or transaction of weighing an article'. We can arrive at a similar sense by another way also. This is to connect mõhi with the noun mõpu meaning 'a load'. The noun māpu of Kannada has its parallel in the Telugu root mõpu which means 'to load'. The above expression is not familiar to the students of Kannada language and deserves to be noted.
TEXT (1 Svasti [* Tyakālavatta Síreya Kāli Śrimatu Guņavi2 Malliseţtiyaru ra-siddhānta-dēvaru ]
1 Svasti [, *7 Samasta-prasasti-sahitam Sriman-Mahāpra2 dhānanum Chola-kataka-sūrekāranum Chāļukya3 kataka-rakshā-pālakanum lõk-āpavāda-niratiśa4 ya-satya-sampannanum nudidu-matt-ennanum pra5 tijñā-Parasu( su )rāmanuń śisht-öshta-kalpa-druma6 num Ri(Ķi ) -Yadu( ju )s-Sām-Atharvaņa-chatur-vVēda-pāra7 ganum áśrita-jana-kaļpa-vri( vội )kshanum Srimatu Kāsya8 pa-gõtra-pavitranuṁ garbha-Sārasvatanuṁ Śrimatu 9 ...dēva-daņdanātha-suputranuń Chāļukya-da10 .... tha-mukha-darppaņanuv=enisida Ādakkiya 11 prabhu Koppa-d'ndanāthaś= chiraṁ jiyātu(t) Svasty = &12 nēka-guņa gam-alamkrita satya-śauch-ächāra-chāru13 châritra-naya-vinaya-suśīļa-sampannarum(ru)m=ābā14 [r-ābha ]ya-bhaishajya-śāstra-dāna-vinodarum Jina15 gun-odaka-pavitrīkļitottam-āṁgarum pamcba-vimsa16 ti..."vyapēta Samyag-darśana-siddhānta-ra17 tarum...... Srimad-Gunavīra-siddhāntadēva-chara18 na-sarasīruha-silīmukharum Vaisya-ku19 la-kumudini-sa( sa raś(ch)-chamdrarum = appa Śrīmatu Sarka20 rasettiya putra Sīreya Kālisettiyarum A21 [si]yakāla Jakkisettiya putra Saṁkisettiyarum 22 Nēmi]settiyaruń Vattada Mallisettiyarum Pā23 riśva-settiyarum Varddhamāna-seţtiyarum Kāļise24 ttiyarum Svasti [* Srimach-Chāļukya-Vikrama-varsha25 50 neya Visvā[vasu ) samvatsarada Phālguna suThe two aksbaras lost here obviously are 'pdana.' Two or three syllables are lost here. They might be some word like mala or dosha. Compare 1. 48 of the Kårkala Inscription wherein we meet with the expression, 'patchavimsati-mala-vidūra-samyag-dfishţi- Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII. p. 133.)
1 2

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26 ddha (10*7 Brihaspativāradaṁdu Śrīmad-daņdanāyaka Ko27 pparasaru pramukhav-āgi Adakkiyalu basa28 diyam = māạisi Pāriśva-dēvara pratishtheya mā29 di mabă-vibhūtiyim kalas-ārõhaņam māļi 30 Koppa-jinālayav=emdu pesaran=ittu mattam =ā-Pārsva31 dēvarige satataṁ māļuva ashța-vidh-ārchanegam Ji
32 vaday-āshtami Naṁdiśvarad-ashtami samkramaņa gra: 33 haņa vi( vya )tīpāta parvva-dinada mahā-pūjegaṁ prās sā}
34 dam pala-kālam=irppant =āgi padisalisi mārppant =āgi 35 khanda-sphuțita-jīrṇn-oddhārada besakkam Adakkiya tem36 kaņa Koppa-jinālayakke Kopparasa-daņdanāyakarı 37 sarvvanamasyav-āgi bitta toța Brahmadēvana keeyim 38 badagalu kāla mattaru 1 Biruvara-kēriyim ba39 dagana Nēmisettiy = amgaļi va( yo )ndu [:*] Samasta nakaraṁga40 ļu ya( e )radu basadiya dēvara namdādīvigege amgadi41 yalu timgaļige bitta ya(e)ņñe araśana 1 x dardi42 ge māhi vyavaharisuvalli 11 [1* ]Intri-dharmmavan=ār-o43 rvvaru kiţisuvaru ene(i)tu puạya-tirthamga! = anita44 rol go-Brāhmaṇaram sva-hastadim vadhisida mahā45 pátakar= apparu u Sva-dattām para-dattāṁ vā yo ha46 rēta vasuṁdharāṁ shashtir-vvarsha-sahasrāņi vi47 shthāyām jāyatē krimiḥ u Maṁgala-maha-Sri Sri
ABSTRACT Of Contents Lines 1-11. Hail! May he live long-the general Koppa Daņdanātha ; the chief of Adakki; possessor of several distinctions; the illustrious great minister; destroyer of the Chola army; guardian of the Chalukya forces : profoundly truthful; far above public calumny; who never goes back on bis word uttered once ; Parasurāma in vindicating his solenn vow; the wish-giving tree to the cultured and the deserving; proficient in the four Vedas, Rik, Yajus, Sāman and Athar. vaņa; the desire-fulfilling plant of his dependants; born in the pure, eminent Kāśyapa gotra; votary of learning from the state of embryo (or born in the lineage of the Sāras atas); son of the illustrious general (name lost); and a mirror to the faces of the Chālukyan generals.
Lines 11-24: Hail! The illustrious Sireya Kāļisetti, son of Sankarasetti; Sannisetti, son of Asiyakāla Jakkisetti; Nēmisetti; Vattada Mallisetti; Pārisvasețţi; Vardhamānasetti and Kāļisetti; all these who are graced with an assemblage of several virtues; who are endowed with truthfulness, cleanliness, proper conduct, charming demeanour, politeness, modesty and exemplary charda cter; who indulge in bestowing the gifts of food, security, medicine and sacred lore; whose heads are purified by the holy water · which are the virtues of

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Lord Jina; who are devoted to the philosophy of Samyak Darśana (right faith); who are bees in the lotus feet of the eminent teacher Gunavira Siddhantadēva and who are the autumnal moon to the blue lotuses which are the Vaisya families.
Lines 24-39: Hail! In the illustrious Chalukya-Vikrama year 50 and the cyclic year Viśval vasu], [on the 10th day*] of the bright half of the lunar month Phalguna, Thursday, the illustrious general Kopparasa took a leading part with the cooperation of the seven merchants (specified above) in constructing a Jaina temple at Aḍakki, installing the image of the god Pārsvanatha therein and setting up the golden pinnacle over the same with great eclat. The temple was named Koppa Jinalaya. Then, for performing the daily eightfold worship of the god Par'svanatha, for conducting special rituals on such ceremonial occasions as Jivadayashṭami, Nandiśvara ashtami, samkramaņa, eclipses and vyatipata, for the preservation and maintenance of the repairs, and for the renovation of the structure, the general Kopparasa made a perpetual endowment consisting of a garden land measuring one mattar and a stall for the benefit of Koppa Jinalaya situated in the southern quarter of Aḍakki.
Lines 39-42. For burning perpetual lamps before the gods in the two temples, all the members of the local mercantile association collectively assigned a fixed quantity of oil for each shop and income derived from levies on business transactions.
Lines 42-47. Imprecation against the transgressor of this religious charity. May auspiciousness and glory attend this!
INSCRIPTION No. 11
(Found on a pillar at Aḍaki)
This inscription was noticed on another (third) side of the same stone pillar at Aḍaki, on which the two former inscriptions (Nos. 9 and 10) were found. The observations on the palaeographical, orthographical and other aspects made in respect of the two previous records are in general applicable to this epigraph also, though it is removed by about half a century later from them. The present inscription is better preserved than the two foregoing epigraphs on the same pillar.
The document comprises 49 lines of writing, of which the first line is made up of a large number of the auspicious letter Sri. The writing is almost free from inaccuracies. The alphabet and the language are Kannada and the composition is prose. The imprecation at the end consists of two familiar verses. Une of them is in Kannada and the other in Sanskrit.

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Without indulging in elaborate conventions such as the invocation in verse, description of the country or the genealogical account of the ruling king, as noticed in some earlier instances, the charter commences in a matter-of-fact manner. It introduces us at once to the reign of the king Raya-Murâri Sōvidēva who was a prince of the Southern Kalachuri family.' Then come the names of four officials who were associated with the local administration. After this figures the famous commercial corporation of five hundred magnates and their local representatives. The object of the inscription is to record a gift for conducting daily worship, etc., to the deity Chenna Parsva in the Koppa Jinālaya of Aḍakki by the local representatives of the business body with the approval of the state officials. The gift consisted of certain incomes derived from the cess on the sales of several commodities.
The record is dated the fifth regnal year of the king, the cyclic 'year Khara, the fifth day of the bright half of the lunar month Pushya, Monday. The date is not regular and the tithi pañchami appears to be a mistake for the paurnime or the full moon day. We know from other records that the king Sōvideva ruled from A. D. 1167 to 1176. So with this correction of the tithi the Christian equivalent of the date would be A. D. 1171, December 13. On Monday the tithi śu. 14 lasted till .25 and paurņima commenced subsequently. Raya-Murari Sōvideva was the son and successor of Bijjala of the Kalachuri lineage, who usurped the Western Chalukya throne and established the sovereignty of his family in Karnataka. The prasasti of this Kalachuri family is detailed in I. 2-8. The king was at this time residing in the town of Seleyahalli.
First among the four local officials referred to above is the Mahamaṇḍalē. svara Echarasa of Mirimte Nadu. No more details are furnished regarding this dignitary in our record. From inscription No. 9 we are acquainted with one Echabhupa who was also similarly associated with Mirimte Naḍu. Further, we have seen that Echabhupa belonged to a family of chiefs who claimed their descent in the Ahihaya or Haihaya lineage and were ruling in these parts. So
1 The late Dr. Fleet introduced this family by the name Kalachuryas of Kalyani. But a closer study of the epigraphical documents of this family discovered subsequently shows that its ancestors were more intimately related with the Kalachuris of Central India and that they carefully preserved their early traditions. The family is referred to as Kalachuri also in a large number of records. The city of Kalyana was neither the original headquarters of the family after their immigration into Karnataka, nor did it enjoy the honour of being their main capital for considerable part of their regime. Hence it would be more apt to designate this dynasty as the Southern Kalachuris or the Kalachuris of Karnataka. I have discussed at length these and other points regarding the history of this family in an article published in the journal Epigraphia Indies, Vol, XXVIII, No. 4.

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on the analogy of name and particularly his relationship with the Mirimte Nādu, we might surmise that E harasa of the present record was a member of the family of Haihaya chiefs who had settled in this tract; and judging from the convention of repeating the names in a family, it seems likely that Echarasa of the present inscription was the grandson of Echabhupa of No. 9.
no
The other three officials specified are: Vishnudēva, Bachidēva and Trilochanadeva. They bore the titles, 'the Great Minister' and 'Commander of the Forces'; and are characterised as the 'great lords of Aḍakki'. We have means to ascertain whether these were connected in any way with Kopparasa of the former record. But indications are not lacking to surmise a possible connection between the two as both hailed from Aḍakki and were its chiefs on the ore hand and bore identical titles on the other. So it looks probable that they belonged to the family of Kopparasa and were his descendants.
The Five Hundred Svāmis of Ayyavale represent a famous commercial organisation which was directing and supervising the business operations in the country. Its original headquarters appear to have been situated at Ayyavale or modern Aihole in the Bijapur Dt. Its designation Five Hundred Chiefs' is symbolic and seems to have been derived from the original strength of its members. A reference to these 'five hundred' is contained in the epithet, 'pañchasata-vira-sasan-labdhanēka-guna-ganalamkrita' of their prasasti, which means 'who were graced with many privileges obtained by virtue of the regula tions of the five hundred heroic founders. From the characteristic description of its members it may be gathered that this organisation was equipped with defensive arrangements against eventualities. With its elaborate machinery of affiliation and control, this corporation of businsssmen was supremely influential and had its branches functioning not ony in the vast area of Karnataka, but also in the territories of Tamil, Telugu and other provinces. Mummuridandas, Nanā Dēsis and other organisations which are frequently met with in the epigraphical records appear to have been affiliated to it. Mūvattāru or Thirty-Six Bidu which occurs in the present inscription, might have been one more local organisation affiliated to it.
The Koppa Jinalaya mentioned in 1. 29 is evidently the same temple, which, as we have seen in the foregoing record, was built in the southern quarter of Adakki under the leadership of the general Kopparasa and was named after him. The presiding deity of this temple was Parsvanatha, who is here addressed as Chenna Parsvadeva. Chenna means 'beautiful' and the expression signifies
1
A picturesque description of the Mummuridandas who are praised for their valour and other virtues, occu.s in two inscriptions from surugoḍu in the bellary District. Vide South Indian Inseriptions, Vol. IX, part i, Nos. 296 and 297.

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that the image was 'charmingly handsome. The image appears to have aoquired this designation subsequently, as it is not found in the previous record.
The inscription contains four names of geographical interest. Two of these, viz., Mirimte Nāļu and Adakki ure already known from two previous inscriptions (Nos. 9 and 10). Of the remaining two, Kālamjarapura in l. 3 refers to the early home of the Southern Kulachuris in Central India. It is the present day Kalinjar in the Banda Dt. of Bundelkhand. The other is Seleyahalli referred to in l. 9 as the place of residence of the king Sövidēva. This figures in the epigraphical records as one of the headquarters of the Southern Kalachuri rulers. It is probably identical with the modern village Sheloļi in the Kõlhāpur State.'
TEXT i Sri Sri Sri Sri Sri Sri Sri Śrī Śrī [i* 7 Sva2 sti [* | Samadhigata-paṁcha-mahāśabda Mahārājādhi rāja Paramā 3 svaraṁ Kālaṁjara-puravarādhiśvaraṁ Kalachurya-ku!a-ka4 mala-mārttaṁợam kadana-prachamdam māna-Kanak-ācha5 la subhatar-āditya kaligal-amkusa 12 gaja-sāmantam sa6 rapāgata-vajra-pamjaraṁ pratāpa-Laṁkēśvaraṁ Sanivāra 7 siddhi Giri-durga-malla Chaladaṁku-Rāma sõhusa-Bhima 8 nämādi samasta-prasasti-sabitaṁ Srimatū Rāya9 Murāri-Bhujabalamalla Sõyidēvaru Seleyaha10 lliya-kuppada nelevīdinalu suk( kh )a-samkathā-vinoda11 dim rājyam-geyyuttam = ire @ 5 @neya Khara-sam12 vatsarada Pushya-suddha panchami Sõmavāradan13 du samasta-prasasti-sahitaṁ Sriman-Mahamamda14 lēśvaram Mirimte-nāda Echarasarumi Sriman-mahā-pra15 dhānam damdanāyakar = Ādakkiya mahā-pra16 bhugalu Vishņudēvarasaruń Bāchidēvarasarum Tri(ri)17 lochanadēvarasaruń mukhyavâyi Svasti [ * ] sanasta18 vastu-vistirộna-ghürņnis t-ā rạnava-parita-bhū19 tala-bhuvana-vikhyatarum pañcha-sata-vira-śāsana20 labdh-ānēka-guna-gan-āļamkrita-śarirarum ( satya-sau21 ch-achāra-chāru-chāritra-naya-vinaya22 jõāna-vīra-Başamju-dharmma-pratipāļana-visuddha-gu23 dda-dhvaja-virājit-ānūna-sāhasa-saty-ā [ chāra ]24 Vira-Lakshmi-samālimgita-viśāla-vaksha-sthalarum
1 Bomb. Gax., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 469. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 244. 3 These strokes are superfluous. 4. This spiral which marks the punctuation is superfluous.

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25 Baladēva-Vāgudēva-Kamďali-Mülabhadra-vams-o26 dbhavarum = appa Srimad-Ayyāvaley-Aynūrvvaru 27 svāmigaļu pramukha Mūvattāru Biļu 28 Mummuridumdamga! = Ubhaya Nānā-Dēsigaļu 29 mukhiyavāgi Śrimad-Adakkiya temkaņa Koppa30 jinālayada Chenna-pārsva-dēvar=aṁga-bhõgav-ashța-vi31 dh-ārchanegam (Jivaday-āshtami ] Narii32 diśvara [d=ashtamigrahaņa ]parvva-dinaṁga33 ligam nitya-pūjegaṁ bitļa āyaṁ horimge bha34 tta māna 1 tūkada [ kha]ņdakke homge be35 lliya hāga [1] eņikeya khaņdakke hom36 ge belliya hāga 1 sīreya koņda-kotta37 lli homge belliya bhāga 1 melasim38 ge hoṁge belli hāga 1 niliya gulige39 ge hoṁge belliya hāga 1 eleya hērim40 ge ele 50 imt = i-dharma-pravarttaneyam nade41 vamt = appavaru tamma tamma dharumav=emdē pratipāli42 suvadu u Sthiradimd=iṁt=idan = eyde kāva purushaṁ43 g =āyum jaya-sriyum = akkum=idas kāyade kā44 yva pāpige Kurukshētramgalolu Vāraṇāsigalo 45 ļu kõți-munisdraram kavileyam Vēd-ādhyaram ko46 ndud-ond-ā( a )ja-am śāsanavāgi sārdapud = id = i-sai47 l-āksharaṁ dhātriyoļu # Sva-dattaa )ṁ para48 dattām vā yo harēta vasuṁdbarāṁ shashtir=v7a49 rsha-sahasrāņi visht(th)āyāṁ jāyatē kļimiḥ II
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Lines 1-11. May it be glorious! Haill The illustrious king Rāya. Murāri Sõvidēva is ruling the kingdom in peace and prosperity from his residence in the town of Seleyahalli; Sõvidēva, who is the possessor of all the distinctions, such as-one who has aptly acquired the five great sounds ; paramount sovereign among the great kings; the supreme suzerain; overlord of the foremost town of Kālanjara; the sun to the lotus of the Kalachurya lineage; fierce in bittle; the golden mountain of prestige; the san among the seasoned wa riors ; goid to the fi.hting champion; ruler of elephints; adamantine cage of the refugees; the Lord of Linkã in prowess; master of Saturday victory;
estler of the hill forts; Rawa in determination; Bhima in adventure and cha upiun of mighty arms.
Lines 11-40. In the fifth year of his reign and the cyolic year Khára, on the fifth day (tithi) of the bright half of the lunar month Pushya, Monday, the illustrious Mahāmaņdaļēśvara (feudatory chief) Echarasa of the

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891 Mirinále Nádu, who bears several distinctions, accompanied by Vishnudēvarasa, Bichidēvarasa and Trilochanadēvarasa, who hold the distinguished titles, the Great Minister' and 'the Commander of the Forces' and are the great chiefs of Adakki; haill in conjunction with the Five Hundred Svāmist of the illustrious town of Ayyāvale; who are renowned over the expanse of the whole earth replete with objects and encircled by the rumbling ocean; whose persons are graced with many a merit secured by virtue of the regulations promulgated by the five hundred heroic founders; whose extensive chests are embellished with the unblemished figures of banners, symbolic of their obser. vance of the heroic creed of the traders, characterised by truthfulness, cleanli. ness, proper conduct, charming demeanour, politeness, modesty and wisdom, and embraced by the heroic goddess of unflinching enterprise and honesty of dealing; and who are born in the lineage of Baladēva, Vāsudēva, Kaņdaļi and Mulabhadra--these five hundred Svāmis, functioning through their local representatives, the Thirty-six Bidu, Mummuridaņdas and the Ubhaya Nānā Dēsis, made a gift of the income derived from the cess on the sales of such commodities as paddy, female garments, pepper, etc., for the offering and eight-fold service, for the daily worship and ceremcnial worship on Jivadayāshtamī, Nandiśvara ashtami, eclipses and festivals, to the god Chenna Pārsva of the Koppa Jinālaya in the southern quarter of the illustrious town of Adakki.
Lines 40-42. Those responsible for the management of this religious gift should preserve it as if it were their own personal charity.
Lines 42-49. Benediction on the protectors of the religious charity and imprecation against its violators.
INSCRIPTION NO. 12
(Found on a stone pillar at Adaki) This inscription was found engraved below the previous inscription (No. 11) on the stone pillar at Ādaki, already known from three preceding epigraphs. Its characters are Kannada of a slightly later period. Its language is Kannada. The record consists of eight lines composed in prose.
The charter commences directly with the mention of the regnal year of the Dēvagiri Yādava king Singhaņa. Then it registers a gift made to the god Chenna Pārsva of the Koppa Jinālaya situated in the southern quarter of the illustrious town of Ādakki by the Mummuridandas, Ubhaya Nānā Dēsis, the local chief and the Dēsigas. The gift consisted of one ladle of oil collected from each oil-mill and it was to be utilised for burning a perpetual lamp before the god.
1 I have discussed some important epithets in the praśasti of this organisation in an
earlier context; see p. 123 above. 41

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The document is dated the 45th regnal year and the cyclic year Sobhakṛit, Ashadha ba. 5, Wednesday. The regnal year cited seems to be too high for the king, as he was known to have ruled for 37 years only. So the numerical figure 45 may be a mistake for 35. In the cyclic year Sōbhakṛit the corresponding Śaka year was 1165 and the Christian equivalent of the date would be A. D. 1243, July 8, Wednesday."
The Devagiri Yadava monarch Singhana usually bears a string of high-sounding birudas. But he is introduced here, briefly, with only two of his outstanding titles, namely, Yadava-Narayana and Pratapa-chakravarti. We are already familiar with the Mummuridandas and the Ubhaya Nānā Desis who figure as donors in the foregoing inscription also. But it has to be remembered in this connection that though the names are the same, the individuals represented by them must have been different on account of the remoteness of time. For as shown previously, they comprised different sections of a huge commercial organisation directing and controlling the business transactions in particular localities. It is not known precisely who were the Desigas that are mentioned among the donors. Probably, they were the local representatives of Aḍakki like the Mahajanas.
It is interesting to recall here one or two points regarding the Jaina temple and the god figuring in this inscription. The temple which was named after its founder Kopparasa had come into being more than a century ago, as noticed in inscription No. 10. His name was still preserved in association with the temple and the deity Parsvanatha which had assumed the epithet 'Chenna' by the time of the subsequent record retained the popular name.
TEXT
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Śrī svasti [*] Śrīmatu Yādava-Nārāya a Pratapa-chakravartti Simghaṇadēva-varushada 45 neya S(S)ōb(bh)akratu samvatsarada Ashadha bahula 5 Budhavāra Śrīmatu Āḍa
kkiya temkaṇa Koppa-jinālayada Chenna-Paršva-dēvara namdādīvigege Mummuridaṇḍm gal = U}bhaya-Nana-Desigaļu prabhu mukhyavāgi Dē
sigaru biṭṭa dharmma ga( a )nakke [sauțu ] Śrī [*]
1 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 522.
2 While editing the Methi inscription of the Yadava king Krishna, of Saka 1176, I had to restudy the chronological position of Singhana's reign; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVIII, part vii, No. 49. It is seen from a few authentic records that Singhana's reigu actually commenced in A. D. 1197-98. Thus viewed, there would be nothing unusual in this Aḍaki epigraph citing his 45th regnal year. On the contrary, it offers additional piece of evidence in favour of the earlier commencement of Singhapa's reign.

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TRANSLATION
May it be auspicious! Hail! In the 45th year of the illustrious king Sim. gbañadēva who bears the titles, Yādava-Nārāyana ( Krishna of the Yādava lineage) and Pratāpachakravarti (Supreme sovereign of Prowess) and the cyclic year Sõbhakrit, on the 5th day of the dark fortnight of the month Āshādha, Wednesday, a gift of one ladle of oil on every oil-mill was made for burning a perpetual lamp before the god Chenna-Päráva of the Koppa Jinālaya in the southern part of the illustrious town of Adakki, by the Mummuridaņdas, Ubhaya Nānā Dēsis, the local chief and the representatives. May it be auspicious!
INSCRIPTION NO. 13
(Found on a stone in a mosque at Ādaki) This fragmentary inscription was detected on a broken piece of stone at Ādaki. The stone was being used as a stepping stone for the entrance into the Kadim (old) Jumma Masjid ( mosque). As the slab bearing the document was being trampled down for years, the writing had become largely effaced and illegible. It could be gathered that this was only a fragment of a bigger inscribed tablet. But I was not able to trace the other portion or portions of the slab in spite of my search. So I had to content myself with whatever could be gathered from the fragment.
It may be seen from the text given below that it was not possible to make out the record in continuous lines. Only a few words and expressions here and there were legible and they have been reproduced here. In between them many words and lines must have been lost. The inscription is engraved in Kannada characters of the 12th century A. D.
Considering the abject condition to which the inscription had been reduced, the light received from it is more than what could be expected. Though the king's praśasti appears to have ended with the Sanskrit phrase as in some earlier records of this collection, the language of the record seems to have been mainly Kannada. In the earlier portion, the epigraph seems to describe a feudatory chief who bore the title Mamdalēśvara-vedamga (the gallant among the feudatory chiefs). Afterwards we meet with the familiar praśasti of the Southern Kalachuri rulers of Karnātaka. The name of the Kalachuri king to whose reign the record seems to belong, is wellpreserved. He is Rāya-Murāri Sõvidēva, the same of inscription No. 11. As the epigraph prays for his long life, it is clear that he was ruling the kingdom at the time. Sõvidēva ruled from a. D. 1167 to 1176. So the record must have come into existence during this period.

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Subsequently, the inscription refers to the Mādēviya Piriya Basadi at Adakki. This indicates that the town of Adakki must have contained another big Jaina temple which was designated after Mādāvi or a 'great queen. Who this greut queen' was, we are not in a position to say. The inscription evidently belonged to this temple and after its destruction it must have been cast about and mutilated. I was not able to find out even the probable site where this distinguished temple stood at one time. Its ruin had been effected 80 completely.
Proceeding further, we get some clue regarding the object of the document. The expression ashțavidhārchane and the reference to the Five Hundred of Ayyāvale put together help us in reconstructing the context on the lines of inscription No. 11. The local representatives of this commercial corporation seem to have made a gift for the eight-fold worship, etc., of the deity in the Jaina temple spoken of before. Unfortunately, the name of the deity and all other details of the gift are completely lost.
TEXT .............. Maṁdalēśvara-vedunga...... ...............Sani vārasiddhi Giridurggamalla ...............nāmādi-samasta-prasasti-sahitam Rāya-Murāri Sõvidēvah sthiram Jiyāt ll ...........
Adakkiya Mādāviya Piriya basadiya............ ... ... ... ... ... ... ashțavidh-ūrchane............ .................. Srimad-Ayyāvaley-aynūrvvaru..................
A BSTRACT OF CONTENTS ............ the gallant among the feudatory chiefs ...........
May he live for ever-Rāya-Murāri Sövidēva, who bore all the distinctive epithets and titles, such as Sanivārasiddhi (master of Saturday victory), Giridurgamalla (wrestler of the hill forts ) ...........................
(The representatives of) the illustrious Five Hundred of Aygāvale (made a gift) for conducting the eightfold worship (of the deity) in the great Jaina temple of Mādēvi (or the great queen) at Ādakki.

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325 INSCRIPTION NO. 14
(Found in a temple at Malkhod) This inscription was detected in the Nõminātha temple at Malkhod. It was engraved on a pillar of the madhyamandapa (central hall) of the sanctuary. The writing is not well preserved, having been damaged and worn out in some places. The inscribed area of the pillar measures about 14 by 10.5 inches. The document contains 19 lines, of which the last line is made up of a series of the auspicious letter Śri. The characters are Kannada and evince normal features of the period.
It may however be noted that the mode of the letters is rather cursive and they slightly resemble the script of the Telugu country. Adverting to orthographical traits, that of doubling the consonant in a conjunct letter formed of n is retained. The language is Sanskrit and the composition is prose. The writing is generally free from errors, except for the confused use of the sibilants in the following instances; māshë for -māsē in l. 2, Sanivārë for Sanivārī in 1. 3, vādisvara for vādisvara in l. 12, and shishya for sishya in l. 15.
The epigraph commences directly with the mention of the date. It is dated the Saka year 1319 current and the cyclic year Angira, the 10th tithi of the dark half of the lunar month Phālguna, Saturday. The date is not regular and some error appears to have crept in while recording it. The citation of the Saka year seems to be incorrect. The cyclic year Angira or Angirasa corresponded with the Saka year 1314 expired or 1315 current. If we make this correction, the date would be regular in its other details. Then its Christian equivalent would be a. D. 1393, February 22, Saturday.
After this comes a reference to the Nēninātha Chaityālaya. It is followed by the praśasti of a line of Jaina pontiffs who belonged to the Mula Samgha, Kundakunda anvaya, Balātkāra gaña and Sarasvati gachchha. These teachers bore the titles, Rāya-rājā[guru ], [Maṁdalā ]chārya, Mahāvādavādiśvara, Rāyavādi-pitāmaba, Sakula-vidvajjana (chakravarti ) and Saiddhāntāchārya. Then we are introduced to two teachers, namely, the illustrious Pūjyapāda Svāmi and his favourite disciple Vidyānanda Svāni. The purpose of the record is disclosed in the concluding portion. It is the erection of the Nishidhi or post-mortem memorial in honour of the second of the teachers named above in the central hall of the Nēninātha temple itself.
1 In a former voutext (above p. 195) I have observed that Malkhol is mentioned as Male.
yakheda in the inscriptions of the area, of the 12th century and laier. Au en lier allusion to this place is however found in an epigraph at Pankūr, dated the Chālakya Vikrama year 19, Bbăva, corresponding to A. D. 109 -9). In course of rec unting various deities in the vioinity of Bankūr, this record refers to the god Boptēśvara of Malikoda. This form of the place-Dame as well as its deity are both interesting.

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As may be seen presently from the following discussion, the inscription is supremely important in more than one respect. But unfortunately, it does not furnish many details regarding the two teachers specified above or their spiritual lineage. In regard to the titles enumerated above, it may be noted that they appear to be rather popular during this period; for they figure with some variations in the prasastis of more than one eminent line of teachers. For instance, the pontiffs of the lineage of Chārukirti Paņditadēvāchārya of Śravana Belagola bore among others all the titles mentioned above excepting the last one. The teachers who belonged to a branch of this line subsequently founded at Sangitapura or Hāduvalli in the North Kanara district, also claimed these titles. One more instance indicating the popularity and prevalance of these titles is found in the Kāp copper-plates of Keladi Sadāśivanāyaka, dated A. D. 1556. In this record Dēvachandra, a preceptor of the Krāņār gana and Tintriņi gachchha is associated with these titles.*
The erection of the Nishidhi or post-mortem memorial recorded here is rather peculiar and this subject deserves scrutiny. The word Nishidhi is spelt differently as Nisidi, Nisidhi, etc. The Nishi dhis, generally speaking, represent such structures as are constructed on the site where a follower of the Jaina faith died or where his mortal relics were cremated or buried. But our inscription explicitly states that the Nishidhi of Vidyānanda Svāmi was set up in (the form of) the central hall of the Nēminātha temple. There are reasons to believe that the Nominātha temple must have been in existence prior to the 14th century A. D., the date of the record. The temple might have been renovated by the time of the record and on this occasion the central hall of the renovated temple might have been dedicated to the sacred memory of the deceased pontiff. It is unlikely that the physical remains of the teacher were buried in the precincts of a public place of worship like the present temple existing from earlier times, and a structure was built on the spot.
If the above surmise be correct, it looks as if this is a strange and unique mode of erecting the Nishidhi, not known previously. But a careful study of the
1 These titles with a slight variation are associated with the teacher Hēmasēpa figuring
in an insoription from Mulgund, dated Saka 1342, Sārvari or circa A. D. 1420; An. Rep, on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1926-27, App. I, No. 95. This Hēnasēna, as his name suggests, might have belonged to the Sēua gana and he was, most probably, a later disciple in the eminent line of preceptors from Chaudrikāvăţa, disoussed previously; see above,
pp. 134 ff. 2 Sarana Sahitya, Vol. III, Nos. 10-11, p. 635. See also South Indian Inscriptions,
Vol. VII, No. 247. 3 Karnataka Sabănusasanan (revised edn.) p. 471. 4 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 93. 0 Annals Bb. Or. Res. Inst, Vol. XIV, p. 264.

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epigraphical evidence available on this point would show that this impression is unjustified. A good number of instances from the inscriptions at Śravaņa Belg. oļa may be cited in support of the above view. These instances prove that it was a practice in those days to set up Nishidhi memorials by associating them with a part or the whole of a sacred structure, such as a maņdapa or a pillar of a temple. Nos. 126, 128, 129, 254, 258, 362 and 389, among others, of the inscriptions of Śravaņa Belgola,' will not only illustrate but support the above thesis. This topic has been discussed more elaborately earlier
Now we shall concentrate our attention on the history of the Jaina church at Malkhēd and see if the present record could shed any light on its dark aspect. As showu elsewhere, Mx]khēd must have been a great centre of Jainism from the early times and many a religious teacher of eminence must have flourished here. But in the present pitiable state of disruption and decadence of the Jaina faith no connected and authentic information could be gathered in respect of the line or lines of teachers that flourished here. During my tours in this area and visits to this place I collected some odd bits of information. Subsequently, with a view to verify my information and focus some reliable light on it, I wrote to a few eminent scholars interested in these studies. But the replies I received from them were disa pointing. Nobody seemed to be in possession of at least a few facts regarding a portion or portions of the ecclesiastical history of the place. So I have to fall back on my own resources and make the best of what scanty material is available from my collection and study.
Leaving aside the semi-legendary accounts which connect the great teachers Koņďakunda aud Akaļanka with this place, we have to give some cre. dence to the consensus of local traditions which attribute the foundation of a line of pontiffs in this place by Jinasēna Bhattāraka, the reputed teacher of the Rāshțrakūta king Amõghavarsha Nřipatunga who lived in the 9th century A.D. Jinasēna probably belonged to the Sēna section of the Mula Samgha.' The details regarding the gana and gachchha of his spiritual lineage are not known. We do not know how long the line of pontiffs founded by Jinasēna continued to function. But it appears to have come to an end after some generations.
Subsequently, another line of teachers seems to have established itself at Malkhēd some time by the 13th century A. D., if not earlier. This line, in all probability, was associated with the Balātkāra gana and Sarasvati gachchha of the Mūla Sangha and Kondakunda anvaya. The present record furnishes the hames of two teachers of this line. They are Pujya; āda and his disciple Vidyā
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. II. 2 Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XII, p. 238.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA nanda. Meagre though this information, it is based on epigraphic evidence and thus helps us to extend our vision on both sides.
Even to the present day, Malkhôd is supposed to be the headquarters of a line of Jaina gurus who wield some influence among the Juina community of these parts. Though divested of much of their former dignity, they have preserved some traditions. It would be useful to examine them carefully with a view to glean any possible links for the pontifical history of Maļkhēd. We-may note with great relief in the first instance that the Maļkhēd gurus are addressed by the term Balutkāraguņa. This expression undoubtedly is a corruption of the designation Balatkāra gana. Reading through this tradition we can surmise that the present gurus of Malkhôd are the spiritual descendants of the line of teachers who belonged to the Balātkāra gana. As Balātkārı gaņa formed part of the Mūla Samgha and Kondakunda anvaya and was associated with the Sarasvati gachchha, we can fill in these details also in the account of their lineage.
The present line of Mulkhēd gurus claims its foundation by the pontiff Abhinava Nēmichandra Siddhäntukirti Bhattāraka. But surprisingly enough, their pattāva!i commences with the preceptor Vidyānanda Svāmi. The pattāvaļi of the Malkhēd gurus in my possession was taken down as it was recited by a priest of the Nēminātha temple at Malkhēd some twenty years ago. As the priest was not a well-educated person, one might doubt its autlienticity. So its accuracy is not beyond question. The succession of teachers may not be reliable and many names might have been conveniently left out. Inspite of my thus being conscious of its deficiencies, I have to use it in the present discussion; because it is the only source so far available to me on the subject. The list of the Malkhēd pontiffs according to the pattāvaļi runs as follows: The sequence of names may not necessarily denote direct succession in all cases. 1 Vidyānanda Svāmi; 2 Nõmichandra Siddhāntakirti; 3 Buddhisāgara; 4 Mantravādi Dēvēndrakirti; 5 Danda Dēvēndrakīrti ; 6 Chandrakīrti; 7 Mahondrakirti; 8 Śrīdhanakirti; 9 Dēvēndrakirti; 10 Rājēndrakīrti ; 11 Ratnakirti.
The preamble to the pattāvaļi contains the formal prasasti of these teachers, which may be recorded here. It is thus: Nija-ghatikā-sthāna-DilliMalayādri-Vijayanagara-Varāmga-Pațța-Pombuchcha-Chatarvidha-siddha-simbasanādhiśvara.' Here the place-name Malayādri stands for Malkhôd. The other items in the prasasti have been commented upon at some length earlier in Part I. Vidyānanda Svāmi is referred to in the pattāvali as SrimadAbhinava-Gajapati-Vādi-Vidyānanda-Svāmi. In another version of the praśasti
1
I bave discussed elsewhere the significance of the expression Siddhasimhásada and suggested its Jaida association ; vide p. 195 above. It is however not unlikely that the conception is influenced by the Tantric cult wherein prominence is given to the Siddhas For the Tantrio influence on Jainism, see Jaina Iconography, pp. 183-84.

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noted down by me at Aland, Nemichandra Siddhāntakirti (No. 2 of the above list) is given the epithets, Śrīmad and Abhinava, and he is represented as the originator of the present line of Malkhed pontiffs.
This Nemichandra Siddhantakirti appears to have been a prominent personality. His title 'Siddhantakirti', which may be contrasted with the unostentatious name of his predecessor Vidyananda Svami, and the suffix 'kirti' in particular, which was subsequently adopted by his successor disciples, suggest that he might have introduced some important land-mark in the traditions of the order.
I am now inclined to identify Vidyananda Svami of the present record with his namesake who figures at the top of the above list of pontiffs of Malkhed. My reasons for this identification may be enunciated as follows. Like Vidyananda of the Malkhed paṭṭāvali, Vidyananda of our inscription must have held a high position in the monastic order of the Jaina church, as may be seen from the dignified titles of his line. Both of them were members of the same spiritual lineage. Vidyananda of the inscription belonged to the Mula Samgha, Koṇḍakunda anvaya, Balātkāra gaṇa and Sarasvati gachchha. Vidyananda of the paṭṭavali also must have owned the same spiritual distinction as indicated by the significant designation Balutkaraguna of the Malkhed pontiffs preserved till the present day. This identification would receive further support even from the imperfect details of the paṭṭavali, which need not be adduced as a prima facie argument against the hypothesis.
Happily, by a strange stroke of coincidence, some more sidelight is forthcoming in respect of our teacher Vidyananda. This light is particularly welcome, and all the more so, because it emerges from another reliable epigraphical source which is not only thoroughly contemporary, but is also discovered in the same region of Hyderabad. This epigraph was found at Tēr in the Osmanabad District. It is incised on the pedestal of an image of Pārsvanatha in a Jaina temple. In view of the importance of the epigraph in our present discussion and for convenience of reference I may give the following relevant extract from its text:
1 Svasti [*] Śrī Śākē 1313 [Prajapati ]-samvaschhare Phalguna
vadi 11 Budhavārē
2 Śrī-Mülasamghiya-Śrī-[ Vardhamāna -svami-chaityalaya-kṛita-jīrņņō3 ddhārē samāyāta-Siddhant-acharya-Śrīmat-Pujyapāda-svāmināṁ priya 4 8( )ishya-Sri-Vidyānanda-svāminām...
5
**pādukā u
1 This district is contiguous to the Gulbarga District wherein Malkhed is situated.
2 G. H. Khare: Sorceus of the Mediaeval History of the Dekkan, Vol. II, pp. 82-83. 42

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The above record is dated the Saka year 1313 and the cyclic year Prajāpati, the 11th tithi of the dark fortnight of the lunar month Phālguna, Wednesday. The writing is damaged in the latter portion and so its purport is not fully known. But its object appears to be to record the installation of the sandals of the revered teacher Vidyānanda Svāmi, favourite disciple of the illustrious teacher Pūjyapada Svāmi. These sandals, we are further informed, were received in the Jaina temple of Sri-Vardhamāna at Tēr on the occasion of its renovation.
A close comparison of the essential details concerning Vidyānanda Svāmis, furnished by the Malkhēd and Tēr records, will show that the two must be one and the same individual. The date of the Tor record is regular and its Christian equivalent corresponds to A. D. 1392, March 20, Wednesday. It may be reasonably assumed that Vidyānanda had died before this date and so his sacred relics were brought over to Tēr from Maļkhēd for commemoration. Over a year further might have elapsed by the time of the Malkhöd record, when as shown above, a Nishidhi memorial was set up in his honour by dedicating the central hall of the Nēminātha temple to his holy name. These events testify to the high sense of veneration cherished by the Jaina community of these parts towards the teacher Vidyānanda Svāmi in particular and the spiritual line of Maļkhôd pontiffs in general.
We may also take note here of another eminent Jaina teacher by name Vidyānanda Svāmi figuring in an inscription on stone standing in the Pārsvanātha Basti at Kaikiņi," Bhatka! Pēțhā, North Kanara District. The epigraph speaks highly of a devout follower of the Jaina religion, named Päyaņņa who constructed a temple dedicated to Pārsvanātha at Kaikiņi and made a gift of land for the same. This Pāyaņņa was the favourite disciple of Vidyānanda Svāmi who belonged to the Balātkāra gaña and Sarasvati gachchha. The inscription 8 dated Saka 1340 or A. D. 1417 and it is not known if the preceptor Vidyananda Svāmi was living at the time. If we consider this as the date of Pāyaņņa, the teacher Vidyānanda may be taken to the previous generation. This would make the Vidyānanda Svāmis of the Kaikiņi and Malkhēd records contemporaneous. Noting this fact along with the common details of the monastic order of the two teachers, it may not be wrong to suggest their identity.
TEXT 1 Svasti [1* ] S'ākē 1313 pravarttamānē Amgi2 ra-sa nivatsarē Phālguna-māsh(s)ē krishna-pakshē dasa
(Sa)myā3 mi [(6) ani]vārē kanaka-kalasa-bhāsura-Jināśvara-sada
1 Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 41.

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881
4 nē subhagam-bhavi[ shņu l-madhya-parisarā Sri-Ne5 [mi] nātha-chaityālayē Śri-Mūla-Samghē Bala6 tkāra-ga[ņē ] Sarasvati-gachchhē Śri-Kumdakum7 d-ānvayē amamda-chid-ānaṁda .............
[Lines 8-10 are damaged. ] 11 ........ Rāya-rāja-[guru] ......... 12 [Maņdalā ]chārya-Mahāvāda-vādīs( 6 )vara Rāya13 vādi-pitāmaha Sakala-vidvajjana-[ chakravartti]14 Saiddhāṁt-āchāryya-Srimat-Pūjyapāda-svā15 mināṁ priya-sh( s )ishya-Srimad-Vidyānamda16 [svāminām] nishidhir=iyam kārūpitā .... 17 ... ... s($)ubham bhadraṁ .......... 18 damaged. 19 Śrī Sri Sri Sri Śrī Śrī Śrī [1*7
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Haill In the saka year 1313 current and the cyclic year Añgira, on the tenth day of the dark fortnight of the month Phālguņa, Saturday, in the Nēminātha Chaityālaya, with its central hall growing ever beautiful, being the abode of Lord Jina and resplendent with the golden pinnacle, this Nishidhi was set up in the name of the illustrious teacher Vidyānanda Svāmi, the favourite disciple of the eminent preceptor Pūjyapāda Svāmi, who belonged to the reputed Müla Samgha, Balātkāra gaña, Sarasvati gachchha and the distinguished kundakunda anvaya and bore the titles, Rāya-rāja-[ guru) (the royal preceptor) Maņdalāchārya (ecclesiastical head of the region),
vāda-vādīśvara (the supreme advocate of his doctrine in great polemic contests) Rāva-vādi-Pitāmahu (the grand father or Brahmã among the royal disputants), Sakala-vidvajjana-chakravarti (the sovereign ruler among all the learned) and Saiddhāntāchārya (the great exponent of the established doctrine of Jina). May it be auspicious. May it be all glorious.
INSCRIPTION NO. 15
(Found on the back of an image at Tengali) This inscription was discovered at Tengali, a village about four miles from Maļkhôd. It was incised on the back of a Tirthankara image lying near the temple of Pāņduranga. The image was made of soap-stone and measured about 8 inches in height and 6 inches in breadth.
The epigraph is a short label inscription made up of six lines. It is engraved in round and handsome Kannada alphabet of about the 13th century A. D. The inscription is not dated. The language of the record is Kannada

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
The record states that the image was caused to be made by Bammadēva, a lay disciple of the preceptor Nagavira Siddhantadeva who belonged to the Vandiyur gana of the illustrious Yapaniya Samgha. As it was a common practice in those days, the image might have been offered as a gift to a local temple and adorned it either as the central figure or an auxiliary piece.
In the course of my survey of the antiquities at Tengali, I could not discover many vestiges of the Jaina faith and had to satisfy myself with this single piece of Jaina sculpture. But after my perusal of the present inscription I gathered the impression that this village must have contained at least one Jaina temple in the period of the 12th-13th century A. D. This impression was justified not only by the evidence of the present sculpture, but also by a reference to a Jaina temple found in another inscription of the place (No. 16). It is clear therefore that the present image was associated with the Jaina temple mentioned in the following epigraph or a different shrine situated in the locality. It has to be observed that no trace of such a temple or temples is available at present and it must have been completely destroyed in the later age.
Nothing is known about Bammadēva, the donor of the image. But it may reasonably be inferred that he was a local chief of some status. Not many details are disclosed by the record regarding the preceptor Nagavira Siddhanta. dēva also. We do not know from which place he hailed. But his connection with the Vandiyur gana furnishes some clue regarding his identity. This gaņa is already known to us from an inscription at Aḍaki (No. 9). But the additional information which we get from the present inscription is that this gana was a constituent of the Yapaniya Samgha.
Yapaniya Samgha along with four other sects of the Jaina ascetic order was considered heterodox in the later days of the faith. But in the earlier days this sect functioned as an important institution and commanded much influence in Karnataka and other parts of South India. A large number of inscriptions on stone and copper containing references to the teachers who belonged to this sect have been discovered in many parts of Karnataka.' But the existence of this sect in this part of the country during the 12-13th century is revealed for the first time by two epigraphs in the present collection, viz., the present inscription and the Adaki record (No. 9). It is very likely that the teacher Nāgavīra Siddhāntadēva of the present record was connected with the spiritual line of the teacher Guņavīra Siddhantadēva figuring in the Adaki inscription. This is suggested by the identity of their epithets and common name-endings.
1 Journal of the University of Bombay-Arts and Law, Vol. I, 1932-33, p. 224.

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TEXT
1 Śrī-Yāpaniya2 Samghada Va[m*]di
3 Yur-gganada Nāgavīra4 Siddhanta-devara guddam Ba5 mmadēvanu māḍisida pra
6 time [*] Mamgala-maha-śrī [*]
888
TRANSLATION
This image was caused to be made by Bammadeva, the lay disciple of the teacher Nagavīra Siddhantadeva who belonged to the illustrious Yapaniya Samgha and Vamdiyur gana. May auspiciousness and great glory attend this!
INSCRIPTION NO. 16
(Found on a stone piece at Tengali)
This inscription was found incised on a piece of stone at Tengali near Malkhed. The fragment bearing the epigraph was built into a dilapidated wall standing in front of the mosque known as Kari-masūti ('black mosque'). The stonepiece measures 15.6 inches in length and 8.5 inches in breadth. It may be observed from the contents of the document that the inscription is fragmentary. The main portion of the record is lost and only a few lines at the end are preserved. These lines also are neither complete, nor do they run continuously.
The epigraph is engraved in Kannada characters of about the 12th century A. D. The language is Kannaḍa. The important part of the document which should have contained information about the reigning king, the date and the circumstances of the gift, etc., is missing. The extant portion relates to some details regarding the boundaries of the gift land. It also refers to a few supplementary gifts, that seem to have been made on the occasion of the main gift.
In the preserved lines of the inscription occurs the reference to a Basadi or Jaina temple. Meagre though this information, it carries much significance with it. It proves beyond doubt the existence of a Jaina temple in this locality during the 12th century A.D. This evidence coupled with that of the previous record shows how places which were once active abodes of the Jaina faith have been completely wiped out of all its traces.
In line 13 of the text there is a reference to the Mahāmaṇḍaļēśvara Vīra Bibbarasa with whose approval the gift is said to have been made. This Vira Bibbarasa must be identical with his namesake who also figures as the approving authority in another inscription at Tengali, dated in a. D. 1106, the 31st regnal

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year of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI. We may further recognize this Vira Bibbarasa as a scion of the Bāņa family, the members of which were ruling in these parts, first as the feundatories of the Chalukyas of Kalyana, and subsequently under their successors, the Kalachuris. A good number of epigraphs collected by this author at Tengali and Kalagi, furnishes interesting details concerning these Bāņa rulers. It seems two brothers named Chandarasa and Bandarasa, claiming their descent in the lineage of the mythical hero Bāņa, son of Bali, carved out for themselves a small principality consisting of one hundred villages in the region of Mannedaḍi Thousand sometime in the 10th-11th century. The area of Temguli Seventy, apparently made up of seventy villages, was included in this principality which was termed Khaṇḍava-maṇḍala. These chiefs distinguished themselves by the epithets, Baṇavamśōdbhava (born in the lineage of Bana) and Khandava-manḍaladhiśvara (overlords of the region of Khāṇḍava-mandala). They also bore the epithet Durmukhakshitipāla-labdha-vara-prasada (those who had secured the gracious boon of king Durmukha), the significance of which is not clear. Vira Bibbarasa was an early member of this family who distinguished himself by his valour, philanthropy and religious fervour. Another renowned member of a later date was Vira Gonkarasa who was a subordinate of the Western Chalukya king Taila III in A. D. 1162. Vira Gonkarasa's son Udayaditya and Vira Gonkarasa, son of Vira Kāļarasa who must be another chief of the same family, figure jointly as donors in an inscription at Kalagi of the reign of the Kalachuri ruler Raya-Murāri Sōvidēva, dated in A. D. 1173. The Banas are a conspicuous family of chiefs who played a subordinate rôle in the political history of South India from the 3rd to the 16th century A. D. They had spread into various branches and settled themselves in parts of the Andhra Desa, Tamil Naḍ and Mysore State.1 But the present family which may be designated the Banas of Khandava-mandala has been brought to light for the first time by the inscriptions of this area.
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
I may incidentally point out here the presence of a member of the Bāņa family in an unfamiliar region, which has remained unnoticed so far. In an earlier context I have reviewed a few Jaina inscriptions from Lakkundi, in the Gadag taluk, Dharwar Dt. On the base of a pillar in the Nannesvara temple in this village is incised an inscription which states that the rows of pillars in the said temple were ordered to be prepared by Devalabbe of the Hebbāņa family. Some members of the Bana extraction describe themselves as the Per-Baņas or Heb-Baņas, i. e., Great Bāņas. Such
1 "The Banas in South India'; Journal of Indian History, Vol. XXIX (1951), pp. 153 ff. 2 The Banas of Khandava-maṇḍala'; Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XXI, Parts I-IV, pp. 98-101.
3 See pp. 140-41 above.
4 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1926-27, Appendix F, No. 47.

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883 references are met with particulary in the inscriptions of the Telugu country. The advent, however, in the Gadag area, of Dāvalabbe who evidently belonged to the family of Great Bāņās, cannot be explained at present for want of adequate information.
The names of four villages are met with in the portion of the epigraph under review. They are Hiriya-Jambuge, Daņdahatti, Kõravāra and Temguļi. These may easily be identified with the present day villages Jambigi, Daņdoti, Kõravār and Tengali respectively. The first three villages are within the radius of a few miles from Tengali and Malkhēd. As I have shown elsewhere Daņdahatti, according to the tradition, formed part of the great metropolis of the Răshtrakūța emperors, identified with modern Malkhöd. Tengali is the provenance of the two inscriptions, Nos. 15 and 16.
TEXT .1 = ā-Kamchavalladim teņkalu kāla kamba 1350 ā-vūriṁ teñka basadi. Gavarēśvara-tõtadiṁ baďagalu Bhōgēśvaradēvara .halli Hiriya-Jambugeya prabhu ma... lu krayam-gomdu [bi]ța keyi Nāgimarasa ..śrīmad-Daṁďahattiya Mahāprabhu Nāgara
..madiyaṁ prīti-dānavāgi kotta keyi manne...........ba
.baďagal = ā-kāla kamba 300 segolava.lu kotta keyi chelleya-bāviya sarisadalu
dadim badagal =ā-kāla kam ba 450 mattam = &...tta keyi Kõravārada batteyimd= omdu hu...prabhugaļu kotta gadde Amranātha-dēvara ba
Srimanu-Mahamandalāśvaraṁ Vira-Bibbarasa........ matiyim kotta kabbina tõța gaddeya Bammadē
.badagalu mattaru...mattav -alli.........gereyim.
...yan = ā-Temguliya Mahāprabhu Sõvarasaru17 ..................gakkam Chaitra-pavitrakkam pūjāriy = aßan-ā
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Lines 1-5: A Jaina temple to the south of the village, the garden of Gavarāśvara, the god Bhögēśvara and the chief of Hiriya-Jambuge are mentioned.
Lines 6–10: The Mahāprabhu (great chief) Nāgarasa of the illustrious Damdahatti is mentioned.
Lines 11-17: Reference is made to the route leading to the village Kõravāra and the god Āuranātha.
The illustrious Mahāmaņdalēśvara Vira Bibbarasa is mentioned. A gift by the Mahāprabhu Sõvarasa of Temguļi is referred to.
.....

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
INSCRIPTION NO. 17
(Found in a temple at Harasür) This inscription was found at Harasūr. It was incised on a large slab of stone set up in a neglected Jaina temple. Most of the record was damaged and worn out. A few words and expressions that were legible here and there have been picked up and put together in the following text. The inscription must have been fairly big extending over a large number of lines. But on account of its effaced condition it was not possible to take proper account of them. I saw another slab of stone set up in the same temple, which, also, must have contained an inscription. But it was so completely wiped out that I could not make out even a single word in it. I learnt later on from the priest of the temple that he himself had wilfully rubbed out these inscriptions in desperation; for he was constantly harassed by the treasure-hunting Bairāgis on the one side and the residents of other communities in the village on the other.
The inscription is engraved in Kannada characters of about the 12th century A. D. The language is Kannada. The epigraph commences with a prayer to the commandment of Lord Jina. Next it seems to have contained a genealogical account of the kings of the Western Chālukya dynasty of Kalyāņa, brought down to the reigning king Tribhuvanamalladēva or Vikramāditya VI. This seems to have been followed by a description of the Mahājanas of the place. It is gathered from other inscriptions in the locality that this village was an agrahāra in the 12th century A. D. and was known by the name Śālega Simaļa. After this we come across a lady named Kāļikabbe and a member of the mercantile community, named Kāļisetti. These persons figure in another contemporary record of the place, from which we know that the latter was the son of the former and that they were Vaisya by caste. It seems, they were Jaina by persuasion. Now comes the date portion most of which is unfortunately lost. The inscription mentions a regnal year of the king [Tribhuvana ]malladēva, and the cyclic year Dhātu. As the king reigned from A. D. 1076 to 1126 the cyclic year Dhātu was the one which corresponded with a. D. 1096-97. The king must have been residing at Jayantīpura or Banavāsi at that time as may be gathered from a reference to the place. The record also speaks of a faudatory chief, who bore the titles, Mahāmaņdalēśvara and Kopanapuravarādbīśvara (overlord of the foremost town of Kopaña which is modern Kopbal in the Hyderabad State).
TEXT ...............m= astu........................ bhavya-janānāṁ...................... ................Chālukya-pratāpa-chakri
..................vipra-samkuladim ......

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897
...............................Svasti []*] Yama-niyama................ shat-karma-nirata ............... ...............guņi Kāļikabbegam ..........
................ Kālisețți........
................ malla-dēva-varshada ... neya Dhātu--samvatsarada............ ........Jayamitīpurada-nelevīļi......... ........... ... ... ... ....Mahāmaņdaļośvaram Kopanapuravarādbiśvaraṁ..
..................guru-pād-ārādhakam
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Hail! May it confer prosperity on all its faithful followers--the profoundly admired Commandment of Lord Jina whose feet are washed by the water which is the assemblage of rays shooting from the diadems on the crests of all the gods and the demons.
The emperor of prowess of the Chalukya lineage........
Hail! thosc who were endowed with the virtues of self-restraint, selfdiscipline, etc., and were engaged in the performance of the six-fold actions......
The virtuous Kāļikabbe ........................... Kāļisetti...................
In the year of the king [Tribhuvana ]malladēva and the cyclic year Dhātu... ... ...from his residence at Jayantipura ... . . . . . . . ........
The feudatory chief (who bore the title ), lord of the foremost town of Kopaņa..................worshipper of the feet of the preceptor......

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PART III
Inscriptions in the Kopbal District
INSCRIPTION No. 18
(Found on a Stone at Kopbal) This inscription was discovered at Kopbal, on a piece of white stone lying by the side of a tomb known as Khadiralingana gōri' (Khadirlinga's tomb) near the fort. When I visited the place subsequently, the stone was missing and could not be traced." The stone which contained the inscription in full originally, must have been bigger in size. But as may be seen from the contents of the epigraph, it was later broken and more than one of its sides mutilated. Consequently, the record has to be incomplete and fragmentary. The maximum length and breadth of the stone piece measure 29 and 25 inches respectively.
The inscription is engraved in big characters carved deeply into the stone. The script is archaic Kannada of the 9th century A. D. The language is Kannada and the composition is in verse. The record consists of six lines of writing all of which are damaged to a greater or lesser extent. The partially preserved text of the epigraph has retained remnants of two stanzas. One of them is in the Sārdulavikrīḍita metre and the other in its cognate metre Mattēbhavikriḍita. Of the second stanza remnants of only two lines are traceable. It is likely that the epigraph consisted of these two verses only. In that case, it may be inferred that we have lost only two complete lines of the record.
Each line of the inscription on stone appears to have accommodated one entire hemistitch of the verse. As the syllabic contents and the quantity of the two metres represented here are fixed, we can easily find out the precise number and nature (short or long) of the letters that are lost in each line. This has been indicated by introducing suitable signs in the body of the text below.
The epigraph commences with a reference to the illustrious king Nripatunga Vallabha who, we are told, had destroyed all his enemies and was ruling the kingdom. The third and fourth lines of the first verse next speak of a warrior who encountered the enemy in a fight and attained the heaven. The first two lines of the second verse and, as a matter of fact, the whole of it appears to have been devoted to the praise of the great qualities of the hero
1 In my recent visit to the place in 1955 I found the stone again.

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339 who laid down his life for a noble cause. The inscription is thus of the nature of memorial documents which are engraved on what are known as hero-stones commonly met with in all parts of Karnātaka.
The illustrious king Nripatunga Vallabha mentioned here must obviously be the great Rāshtrakūța emperor, Amoghavarsha Nripatunga. He reigned from a. D. 814 to 877. As the record refers to his reign, it might be placed broadly within this period. The martyr appears to have been a person of some position and dignity. The circumstances of his death and all other details regarding the encounter which cost him his life are not known.
The Rīshtrakūta emperor Nripatunga was a great patron of Jainism and Kopaņa or Kopbal, the provenance of the record, was an eminent centre of the faith as revealed by a large number of inscriptions in the present collection and other sources also. It may be recalled that an allusion is made to this place in the work Kavirājumārga attributed to this emperor. It would thus be interesting to view the present record in this setting, though one might think that it has no proper bearing in the present scheme of our study.
TEXT i Svasti [1*) Śri-Nripatungavalla[ bha] - - --~-- 2 dhvast-ūrāti-narēndran =āle nelanaṁ śrijai v - -v - [*] 3 prastāvan = dal = id=endu talt= iridu matt = and =āji (yo) - 4 prastutyaṁ padedar surēndra-sukhanaṁ vikrānta - -v-[lll*] 5 vu - - ru-guạ-aughan =appa pa[ dev = ill =īta ) --- 6 vv--vu- kadanado....
TRANSLATION Lines 1-4. Hail! When the illustrious Nripatunga Vallabha, destroyer of his enemies, was ruling the earth,....... ........ having decided
this, verily, is the opportune moment !' and having valorously put up an intensive fight on the field of battle on that day................ the highly praised warrior attained the happiness of the lord of the gods..............
Lines 5-6. ..................... who was a reservoir of great qualities
.... ...in the encounter.......
INSCRIPTION No. 19
( Found on a Hill-rock at Kopbal) This inscription was found on the rock of a hill adjoining the fort aroa at Kopbal. It is incised on the southern hill side of the gorge known as Chandrāmana Gudda (the hill of Chandrāma). The rock is known as Chandrāma Bandi and the gorge is also called Vaņți Kolla or “Camel Vale'.

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JAINISM IX BOUTE INDIA
The record consists of six lines of writing. The letters are fairly big and neatly incised. The characters are Kannada of the 9th century A. D., which have still preserved their archaic traits. The language of the first four lines is Kannada and the composition is prose. The last two lines are composed in Sanskrit verse.
The use of the cursive forms of the final m and , may be noted in the following words; sishyar in 1. 2, mudipidar in l. 4, chitram in l. 5 and mangaļam in l. 6. The earlier orthographical mode which preferred retention of class-nasals to anusvāra may be observed in a number of words; for example, entu in l. 1, dandu and Kundakunda in l. 2. This feature becomes more pronounced in the combination of two words, when the preceding anusvāra is changed to the nasal of the class to which the following consonant belongs; for instance, ürggan = tirtthakada in 1. 3 and pala-kälan = tapaṁ-geydu in l. 4. Similarly the convention of doubling the consonant after g may be detected in the expressions, Saruvanandi and ürggan (1. 3), kuryyāt (1.6), etc. In tīrttha (1, 3), the reduplicated aspirate has been replaced by its unaspirate counterpart. We may note with interest the phonetic transformation of r to l in the word ildu derived from the root ir. The writing is appreciably free from errors. We may however note the following two small exceptions to this rule, salsaṁ)nyasana (1. 4) and kuryyat sii (ch=chliri). The Sanskrit verse contained in lines 5-6 is in the Aryā metre.
The epigraph opens with the mention of the date in words which is the Saka year 803. Next it introduces the illustrious divine Sarvanundi, disciple of Ekachattugada Bhatāra. The object of the document is to record the death of the former under the vow of saṁnyasana. The closing verse describes in poetic language the eminence of Sarvanandi and ends with a prayer.
The date is not verifiable in the absence of necessary details. Its Christian equivalent would roughly correspond to A. D. 881–82. The record does not furnish historical details regarding the teacher Sarvanandi. It is not known wherefrom he hailed. His spiritual lineage also is not stated in full. The epigraph simply mentions his Kundakunda anvaya. The three eggentials of the spiritual lineage of a teacher generally mentioned, are the Saṁgha, the gaña and the gachchha. But they are conspicuously absent here. The omission appears to be natural; for, the practice of specifying a particular teacher in strict association with these details, was not fully evolved at this period. This view is confirmed by an examination of similar instances occurring in the epigraphical records of the early period.
The divine Sarvanandi is not known previously and is disclosed for the first time by the present record. An inscription from Coorg refers to a teacher of the same name who was almost contemporaneous with the present

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS: PART III
841 teacher. But he cannot be indentified with Sarvanandi of this record as the former is stated to have been the disciple of Sivanandi. Another consideration that goes against this identification is this. The Coorg epigraph' shows that its Sarvunandi was living in a. D. 888, the date of the record; whereas according to the present inscription our Sarvanandi passed away in A. D. 881-82.
The expression Ekachattuguda Bhatāra which occurs as the name of Sarvanandi's preceptor is rather queer. This could be neither his designation nor his title. It appears to be a sort of nick-name by which he was popularly known. This nick-name was acquired by him probably on account of his association with an earthen vessel which he always carried with him; as the expression chattuga' in the name may be connected with the Kannada word chatti' meaning an ‘earthen pot. The whole expression may therefore be rendered as the monk of an earthen jar.
Brief as the record is, it furnishes interesting information about the personality of sage Sarvanandi. He was a great ascetic and an uble exponent of the Juina doctrine. By his saintly character and constant practice of preaching he wielded supreme influence on the minds of the people. He does not seem to have originally belonged to this place, i. e., Kopaņa. Like many an ardent aspirant of the faith, he appears to have migrated to this town to spend his last days here; because, this place was esteemed as one of the most sacred centres of Jaina religion, and there prevailed the belief that one would attain emancipation from all worldly bouds by laying down one's physical sheath here.
This inscription has been subsequently published by the Archaeological Department, Hyderabad. Since some of the main points in the record have not been properly dealt with in that publication, it would be worth while to discuss them here. Firstly, the last part of the third line of the epigraph has been read in that publication as, ürggan = tirtthakkam = upakūrigaļāgi. This has been interpreted as “having become a benefactor of the village and the holy spot. This reading of the text cannot be justified even according to the touched up photograph of the record published therein. So my reading runs thus; ürggan = tirthakad = upakārigaļāri. This may be rendered as 'having obliged the people of the town by imparting the holy doctrine'. Tirtha or Tirthaka here means the holy doctrine.' This interpretation, furthermore, is supported by the last verse which stresses the characteristic merit of the teacher by saying that he was engaged in preaching the holy doctrine incessantly. The former reading purports to make a distinction between ur
1 2
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 103; Ep. Carn, Vol., Coorg Inscriptions, No. 2. Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 12; Inscription No. 2.

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(-town) and tirtha (= holy place). This is unwarranted, because Kopaņa was both ūr and tirtha combined into one, and there is no reason to believe that such a distinction ever existed. Secondly, the word ildu in the same line has been translated as "having alighted.' This is obviously wrong, because, the sense to alight' is conveyed by the root ili and not by il. Here the form ildu is clearly derived from the root ir meaning to stay, to reside' and any number of instances of the phonetic transformation of r into ! can be cited from the epigraphical sources of the period.
Now we go to the word mudipidlar, which has been translated as completed the (vrata )' in the publication. This does not hit the mark precisely. The root mudipu is often rendered to mean to expire, to end one's life, etc. The idea of death is more prominent in the expression than the idea of completion of the vow. This word occurs more commonly in the Jaina terminology and it has acquired a special significance of its own. Consequently, the word has assumed the nature of a Jaina technical term. The basic root is mudi and mudipu is its causal form with the suffix pu added on toit, on the analogy of the roots ali-pu, tiļi-pu, etc. This root has its parallels in the other sister languages of the Dravidian group, viz., Tamil and Telugu. The root both in its primitive as well as causal form generally means to end! But according to the Jaina religious convention it is not merely ending or dying. The expression is used to denote the death of a devout follower of the Jaina faith, who voluntarily undertakes a solemn vow to end his life by fasting so that he might free himself once for all from the bonds of karma and thus accomplish his object by this act of self-denial. So, we shall be nearer the mark if we translate the word mudipidar as 'attained final emancipation.' The solemn vow according to the Jaina religious vocabulary is called saṁnyasana (1.4). It is also known as sallékhanā and samadhi-marann.
On account of the highly poetic idea conceived in it, the last verse deserves our special appreciation. Herein Sarvanandi is compared and contrasted with Indra, the god of clouds and rain. By means of the material clouds Indra cools the heat of summer for the time being. But here is our Sarvanandi who, by his subtle and immaculate spiritual teachings and practices, perpetually quenches the heat of sinful actions. How unique is his personality!
TEXT 1 Svasti [[*] Śri-Saka-varisha entunūra mūraneya varisa2 dandu Kuņďakund-ānvayada Ekachattugada-bhatūrara sishyar 3 Sri-Sarvvanandi-bhatārar = ill = ildu ürggan = tirtthakad = upa
kariga! –āgi 4 pala-kālan= tapam-geydu sa(sam)nyasanan = nõntu mudipidar [0*]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS : PART III 5 Anavarata-sõstra-dāna-pravimala-chăritra-jaladharaiś = chitram [*]
6 durita-nidāgha-vighātam kuryyāt-śrī (ch-chhri)-Sarvvanandindraḥ 11 . Maṁgaļam [*]
TRANSLATION Lines 1-4. Hail! In the glorious Saka year, eight hundred and three, the illustrious teacher Sarvanandi Bhatāra, disciple of ĒkachattugadaBhatāra, of the Kundakundu lineage, having stayed here and graciously imparted the teachings of the holy doctrine to the residents of the town and after practising austerities for a considerable time, attained final emancipation by the vow of Saṁnyusana.
Lines 5-6. May this Indra, the illustrious sage Sarvanandi, destroy in a miraculous manner the heat of summer, namely, the sinful actions, by means of the clouds which are his immaculate practices, intensely purified by the incessant teaching of the holy scriptures! May it be auspicious!
INSCRIPTION NO. 20
(Found on a Hill-top at Kopbal) This inscription was discovered on the top of a hill in the mountain range near Kopbal. This hill is popularly known as Pallakki Guņậu or Palanquin Boulder on account of a boulder shaped like a palanquin surmounting it. It was on this same rock and by the side of the present inscription that a Minor Rock Edict of Asoka was discovered. Two foot-narks are carved out on the same rock near the present epigraph.
The epigraph consists of only two lines of writing. It is incised in Kannada script. The language of the record is Kannada. The engraver does not seem to have had proper training, since he has betrayed his ignorance by committing mistakes even in the few syllables of this brief record. The akshara ta does not bear traces of length and so it is better to read it as such though wrongly for tā. The inscription states that the foot ( = feet), that is to say, the foot-marks of the teacher Jaţā-Singanandi were o out by Chāvayya. It is quite plain that the foot-marks referred to in the record are those found near the inscription noticed above.
The epigraph is not dated. The only means by which we can assign a date to it, though approximately, is the evidence of palaeo
graphy. On this ground we can place the inscription roughly in the · 10th century A. D.
It is a common practice in this country to preserve the memory of the revered personages, particularly the spiritual teachers, in the form of their foot-marks. These figures are assumed to represent the sacred feet of those worthies and are worshipped as such by their
1 Hyd. Arch. Series, No. 10.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA disciples and devotees. Such foot-marks are generally carved at the spot where the revered persons spent a part or last moments of their life ; and inscriptions furnishing details regarding them are incised nearby. This is one way of celebrating the memory of the deceased among the followers of the Jaina faith also and such memorials are termed the Nishidhis.' Thus it becomes clear that the foot-marks on the hill described above perpetuate the memory of the teacher Jață-Singanandi who seems have passed away on the hill, under the vow of Sallökhanā according to the Jaina religious custom. Chāvayya’ who engraved these foot-marks must have been a disciple or devotee of the teacher.
Now who is this Jațā-Singanandi ? An eminent teacher and scholar who is variously styled Jațila, Jatāchārya and Jaţā-Simhanandi is known from literary sources in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Kannada languages. He is the author of a Sanskrit poetical work composed in the classical style, named Varāngacharitam. This work has been lately edited and published by Dr. A. N. Upadhye. It is very likely that Jatā-Singanandi of our epigraph is identical with the teacher Jațā-Simhanandi of the literary fame.
But this proposed identification presents one great difficulty and
hronological disparity. It is proved on substantial grounds that the author Jațā-Simhanandi must have lived by the 7th century A. D.3 But, as seen above, we can not assign a date earlier than the 10th century A. D. to Jațā-Singanandi of this inscription. Still there is a way out of this difficulty as suggested by the learned editor. It is to assume that the memory of the spot where the preceptor Jaļā-Simhanandi breathed his last on the sacred hills of Kopbal was preserved in tradition by the succeeding generations and that a later devotee of the teacher desirous of setting up a memento in his name incised the foot-marks as well as the inscription on the hill.“
TEXT 1 Jata (ā)-Simganamdi āchāryyara padava 2 Chāvayyam māļisidam (u*]
TRANSLATION This foot, i. e., foot marks, of the teacher Jațā-Singanandi, was caused to be made by Chāvayya.
1 Ann. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XIV, p. 264. 2 This name might be an abbreviation of Chävuņdayya. 3 Varāngacharitam, Intro. p. 22. 4 Ibid., p 23.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS : PART III
845 INSCRIPTION No. 81
(Found in the Fort-wall at Kopbal) This inscription was traced below an image at Kopbal. It was
e of a Jaina ascetic seated in the Padmasana posture, carved out on a rectangular slab of black stone. The image was built into the wall of a bastion of the fort near the well known as Daņakana Bävi. Similar pieces of stone bearing inscriptions were found to have been built into the same sector of the fort wall. But as these records were inaccessible nothing could be made out about them.
It was a general practice with the builders of Jaina temples to set up the image of a seated Jaina ascetic at the top of the main entrance of the Jaina sanctuary. This was evidently intended to serve the religious as well as architectural purpose. This idol represents the Jaina ideal of life and is symbolic of the faith. The figure is identified with the Jina and the piece of sculpture is particularly known as the Jina-bimba. Tradition confirmed by recent discoveries testifies to the existence of a large number of Jaina temples in the ancient town of Kopbal. So it would be reasonable to surmise that the piece of sculpture bearing the present inscription embellished one of these temples. Subsequently, when ruin and devastation visited this place, this stray piece of sculpture appears to have been utilised in the construction of the fort. It was a sheer chance that the sculpture with its inscription was conspicuously preserved till the present day.
The epigraph consists of a single line. Its alphabet is Kannada. The characters which are neatly carved belong to the 10th century A. D. The language is Sanskrit. The inscription purports to record an obeisance to the Jina-bimba or the figure of Lord Jina.
TEXT 1 Oń Jina-bimbāya namah [*]
TRANSLATION Om I Obeisance to the image of Lord Jina.
INSCRIPTION No. 22
(Found in a Cave at Kopbal) This inscription was discovered in a cave in the hills of Kopbal. The cave is situated towards the south of the Pallakki Gundu of inscription No. 20. The epigraph is engraved on the rocky wall of the cave facing its entrance. The record consists of eleven lines of which the first eight lines are of almost equal length and the last three a bit longer. This lack
44

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of uniformity in the engraving may be attributed to the rugged and uneven surface of the rock.
The epigraph is engraved in characters of about the 11th century A. D., and they exhibit slightly archaic traits. The script and the language are Kannada. The composition is partly prose and partly verse. The orthographical convention of doubling the consonant in a conjunct letter after r is strictly adhered to. Preference is shown to the nasal member of the class over anusvära, which, as observed in the case of inscription No. 19, is an earlier trend in orthography. The following are some instances to the point: Simhanandi, 1.2; band - imgini-, 1. 5; 1.7; munindrar, 1.9; ingini-, 1. 10; Santinatha, 1. 11. Dental n is substituted for its cerebral counterpart while reduplicating the latter; e. g., annanum in 11. 2 and 3. The root negal, should really end in the Dravidian 1. This position is correctly maintained in the present record. But it may be noted in this context that this root has almost invariably lost its original form, and is consistently written as negal in almost all the other inscriptions under study and elsewhere also in the epigraphical records ranging from the 11th century onwards. We may note the earlier verbal forms ending in or in sadhisidor (1. 2) and geydor (1. 3). The past participle form ilda in l. 4, derived from the root ir, may be noted in this inscription also. The record is almost free from mistakes with the exception of the word pratishțe in l. 11. Simhanandi is written as Simhanandi also (1. 5).
=
The epigraph commences straightway with the mention of the first year of the reign of the illustrious king Vikramāditya. Next we are informed that the revered teacher Simhanandi who was on fast for one month under the vow of Sallekhanā attained consummation, that is to say, passed away. Five disciples whose names are specified, attended to his funeral ceremony. Then comes Kalyāṇakirti who, in all likelihood, was the properly initiated and direct disciple of the deceased monk. To perpetuate the sacred memory of his teacher he erected a temple on the spot where Simhanandi breathed his last. He also had this inscrip. tion engraved. The record gives some details regarding the monastic
order of Simhanandi and mentions the names of a few members of this line. The last part of the inscription pays compliments to Kalyāṇakirti and mentions his meritorious acts.
Now let us review the contents of the inscription critically in larger details. Considering all possibilities and the evidence of palaeography in particular, Vikramaditya whose reign the epigraph refers itself to, might be Vikramaditya V of the Western Chalukya house of Kalyāņa. He ruled

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847
from A. D. 1008 to 1015; and as the record refers to the first year of his reign, it may be assigned approximately to a. D. 1008.
. Though the record is not quite explicit on the point, there seems to be little doubt regarding the spiritual order of the teacher Simhanandi. He belonged to the Dēsiga gana and Kondakunda anvaya. It is known that the Dôsiga gana was a section of the Müla Samgha. We may again note here the laconic nature of the epigraph in furnishing not all the details as regards the lineage of the teacher. This may be due to the fact that such a convention had not yet fully evolved as we find it in the later period. The inscription mentions the names of five teachers who evidently belonged to the spiritual lineage of Simhanandi and were his pr eminence. It is not clear if a direct succession in respect of them is meant here. The names of the teachers as furnished by the record, including Simhahandi and Kalyāṇakirti are as follows: 1) Ravichandrāchārya; 2) Guņasāgara ; 3) Guņachandra; 4) Abhayaņandi; 5) Māghaṇandi; 6) Simhanandi; and 7) Kalyāṇakīrti. From the high tribute paid to his memory in the epigraph, Simhanandi appears to have been a sage of great renown. He does not seem to have been a resident of the place and associated with any local monastery. The record specifically states that he came to the holy place and practised austerities. So he must have been an outsider like Sarvanandi of inscription No. 19. Like many other preceptors he must have sought fulfilment of the great ambition of his life, viz., freedom from physical bondage, in relinquishing his mortal coil in this supremely holy place.
It is worth noting in this context that a good number of sculptures commemorating the demise of Jaina aspirants in this sacred place are found carved on the rock of the Gavimath hill and other places. All of them do not bear inscriptions. Still the testimony afforded by such Nishidhis is valuable for assessing the importance of the place.
The epigraph does not disclose in clear terms the relationship of Kalyāṇakirti with Simhanandi. But we shall be justified in assuming that the former was the disciple of the latter. Kalyāṇakirti appears to have been an eminent divine and influential monk. He does not seem to have been present on the spot at the time of his master's demise. But arriving there later he acquitted himself creditably. It was he who was responsible for the construction of the Jaina temple in honour of his preceptor and the setting up of this memorial inscription. The temple was erected on the spot where Simhanandi breathed his last. Kalyānakirti had already earned a good name and gratitude from the followers of the faith for having installed an excellent image of Lord Jina at Bichchukunde. He was associated with the Jaina temple of Nāgadēva, possibly at Bichchukunde,

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$48
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA which appears to have been under his charge. The last verge of the inscription further speaks of the installation of the image of Sāntinātha at Bichchukunde. It is not clear if this installation is identical with the one alluded to before. It is likely that both the statements refer to one and the same, event, because of the place where the installation took place being identical. Lastly, we may note the characteristic manner in which the Nishidhi memorial was set up for Simhanandi, viz., by erecting a temple on the spot where he passed away. In The five disciples of Siṁhanandi who attended to the obsequies of the teacher are these : Simhanandi-aņna, Matisāgara-aņna Naralókamitra, Brahmachāri-anna and Svāmikumāra. From the suffix anna (brother) and kumara (junior) figuring in the names, they appear to have been junior members of the order under probation. The supplementary place accorded to Svāmikumāra in the statement seems to indicate his secondary rôle in the affair.
Though devoid of poetic merit, the epigraph merits consideration as a piece of literary composition. The first three lines of the inscription are in prose and the rest of the epigraph is in verse. The metrical portion of the record contains six stanzas.' Five of these are in the Kanda metre; and the remaining one which is the third in order, is in the Mattēbhavikridita metre. The honorific suffix tammadigal, meaning His Holiness', applied to Simhanandi, is not commonly met with in the Kannada epigraphs. The more familiar expression used in such contexts is guruvadigal. Tammadiga! however, appears to have been more familiar in Tamil parts. Ingini-marana or Ingita-morana is a variety of the familiar vow of Samnyasana also known as Sallēkhanā or Samādbimaraņa. Etymologically, it may be derived from the Sanskrit root ing, meaning 'to desire'. The expression fittingly characterises the observance ; for the person who undertakes it, does so out of his volition.
TEXT i Svasti [1* 7 Sri-Vikramādityana prathama-rājyadolu Sri-Simhanandi: tammaļigal imginī-marana[ do! =ā ]
2 ondu timgaļiņ sādhisi[ do jr [ * ] Sri-Simhana[ ndi ]-annanum Matisāgara annanun - Nara ö- .
3 kamitranuṁ Brahmachūri-annanuṁ nālvaruṁ vinayaṁ-ges ydo ]r [Svāmi 7 kumāranum
4 Posatu Jinabimbamaṁ pūjise divijar = b Bichchukundeyol = niri[ si 1 ja]gakk - esed = i da Nagadēvana basadiya Ka
1 The editor of the Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal has noticed only five stanzas. % The editor of the above publication wrongly names the metre as Särdalavikridita. 3 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 24-5, 33-4, eto, 4 Varängacharitram, Intro. p. 22, n. 2.

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5 lyāṇakirtti kirttige nōntam [ 1*]Ō gahanamo niri[ sidan = u ]ttumgal dri lya mege Simhaṇandyacharyyam bandimgiņi-mara
*****
6 nam-geydoḍasamgade Kalyāṇakīrtti Jinasasanamaṁ [2] Modalimdimtalavatta Desiga-gana-Sri Kondakundanval y-a]
7 spadam- acharyyar avāryya-viryyar anagha[ r*] Chandrāyaṇādhīsar of pp-o jdav-ild=ant avarim balikke palarum
8 karma-kshayam-geydar avudan = embem ba ikitta sanda Ravichandracharyyarind = ōliyol [ 3*] Guna
9 sagara-munipatiga! Gunachandra-munindrar Abhayanandi-munindrar = ggana-dipakar enisida Maghanandigal nega dar-i-ba[ li ]-kra
10 madindam [u] [ 4*] Kadu-tapam = ingini-marapadol oḍalam tave nōntu Simhanandyacharyyar mudipid-edeyol bedemgam padedire maḍisi Jinendrachaityalayamam [ 5 *]
11 Atisayade Santinathana pratishte( the )yam Bichchuku[ nde ]yol māḍi mahōnnata-dharınma käryyadim vasumatiyol galdar [ 11 6*]
Kalyāpakirtti-munipar
ne
=
849
=
=
TRANSLATION
Lines 1-3. Hail! In the first year of the illustrious king Vikramāditya, His Holiness the illustrious Simhanandi attained the fulfilment of the vow of Voluntary Death which he practised for one month.
The illustrious brother Simhanandi, brother Matisagara Naralōkamitra and brother Brahmachari performed the funeral ceremony. Svamikumara was also there.
Verse 1. Kalyanakīrti of Nagadēva's Basadi deserves all praise in the matter-Kalyāṇakirti who had already distinguished himself having installed at Bichchukunde a unique image of Lord Jina, an object of adoration to the gods.
Verse 2. Oh how marvellous is the achievement of Kalyāņakirti, who set up this memorial record of Lord Jina in honour of the great teacher Simhanandi who repaired to the summit of this lofty mountain and attained his end under the vow of Voluntary Death renouncing everything.
Verses 3-4. In the Desiga gana formulated of yore and in the lineage of Kondakunda, resplendent were those early divines, unsurpassed in prowess, free from sins and adept in the practice of the vow of Chandrayana. Subsequently, a good many ascetics following their example destroyed the bondage of karma. How can I describe it in details? Afterwards, in their lineage adorned latterly by Ravichandracharya, the monks, Gunasagara, Gunachandra, Abhayanandi and Maghanandi, the illuminator of the order, distinguished themselves in succession.

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Verses 5-6. The great monk Kalyāṇakīrti earned renown in the world by his supremely righteous performances, having constructed a splendid temple in honour of Lord Jina on the spot where the sage Simhanandi attained final emancipation by wearing away the body under the rigorous austerities of Voluntary Death, and having installed in a marvellous manner the image of śāntinātha at Bichchukunde.
INSCRIPTION NO. 23
(Found on a pedestal at Kopbal) This inscription was noticed on a mutilated stone pedestal of an image at Kopbal. The pedestal was lying near the well, known as Daņakana Bāvi, in the fort area. The image was missing and so it was not possible to ascertain its precise nature. The inscription is damaged and some of the letters have been irrevocably lost. The available portion of the epigraph consists of three lines, which are carved in tiny handsome alphabet.
The characters are Kannada and the language is Sanskrit. The inscription contains no date; but it might be assigned approximately to the 11th century A. D. on palaeographical considerations.
The record is a label inscription. It purports to be that the image was a gift to the Jaina temple named Kuśa Jinālaya. The gift seems to have been made by one [Mā ]chidēva in memory and for the merit of the deceased ( Sa ]marāya who was most probably the former's father.
At the end of the epigraph is engraved the expression, Pārsva'. This term evidently is an abbreviation of Pārsvanātha, the name of a Tirthankara. From this we might infer that the pedestal belongs to the lost image of Pārsvanātha. This image might have been one of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, which were installed in the Kuśa Jinālaya. This surmise is further supported by the next inscription which in the same manner seems to refer to another Tirthankara, Chandraprabha.
TEXT 1 ...dēvādi-sadrūpaṁ [Mã]chidāvēna kā[ri ].... 2 ....[Sā]marāya-paroksha-ya[ 86].... 3 ....Kusa-jinālayē Il Pā[ róva] Il
TRANSLATION This original and true form of the god......was caused to be made by [Mā]chidēva, (for being installed) in the Kuśa Jinālaya in memory and for the merit of [Sā]marāya....... (This is) Pā [rsva).

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JIANA KPIGRAPES : PART III
351 INSCRIPTION No. 24
(Found on a pedestal at Kopbal) This inscription was observed on another mutilated stone pedestal of an image at Kopbal. The pedestal was lying in the same place where the pedestal containing the foregoing inscription was discovered. As in the farmer case, the image set up on this pedestal also was missing. This epigraph is more dainaged than the previous one and many of the letters have been irrevocably lost. Three lines could be traced in the available portion of the epigraph which is engraved in tiny handsome alphabet, identical with that of the other epigraph noticed just before. The characters of the record are Kannada and the language Sanskrit. The inscription contains no date; but it might be ascribed approximately to the 11th century A. D. on palaeographical considerations. It may be further seen that even the contents of the present inscription are almost the same as those of the preceding epigraph. Thus it appears that both these pieces of sculpture were prepared simultaneously as a gift to the same temple by the same donor and their labels engraved by the same engraver.
As stated above the record is zore mutilated than the previous one, But with the help of its twin we can find out its purport. It seems to register the gift of the image to the Kuśa Jinālaya in memory and for the merit of [Sā]marāya. The donor might have been the same person [ Mā ]chidēva. There are traces of the letters 'prabha' at the end of the third line. This might be a remnant of the effaced name Chandraprabha. In that case the lost image might be that of Chandraprabha Tirthankara which along with the images of other Tirthankaras might have been installed in the Kuća Jinālaya.
TEXT 1 .... dēvā......drūpam.......... 2 .... Samarāya-parõ.......... 3 ....Kusa-jinālayē... ....... prabha
TRANSLATION This......true form of the god......(was caused to be made )......(for being installed) in the Kuća Jinālaya.....in memory of......[ Sā]marāya...... (This is) [Chandra ) prabha.
INSCRIPTION NO. 28
(Found on a podestal at Kopbal) .. This inscription was discovered on a stone pedestal of a mutilated Jaina image at Kopbal. The pedestal was lying in the ditch near the well,

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known as Daņakana Bāvi, in the fort area. No part of the mutilated image which surmounted the pedestal could be traced. So we are not in a position to say anything regarding the nature of the image except that it was seated in the Padmāsana posture.
The epigraph is in a fair state of preservation inspite of its having been roughly handled. It consists of two lines. The characters and the language are both Kannada. The inscription mentions no date; but it can approximately be ascribed to the 11-12th century A. D. on considerations of palaeography.
The epigraph contains the following information. The image in question was installed in the shrine of Pushpadanta Tirthankara, which was associated with the Müla Saṁgha and Balakara gaña. The sculpture was made by Sāṁsaja, son of Bomunisa. Balakara gaña is evidently the Balātkāra gana. The two names Bommisa and Sāmsaja and particularly the expression made' in the statement of the record point to the fact that Sāmsaja might have been the sculptor-donor of the image, who not only executed it but dedicated it to the said temple.
Brief though the inscription, it is profoundly significant in that it furnishes, in the first instance, direct confirmatory evidence on the existence of manifold religious institutions in this sovereign centre of Jainism. A local tradition asserts that Kopbal contained an immensely large number of Jaina temples. This tradition finds its support from an allusion in the epigraphical sources also. An inscription from Śravaņa Belgola of the 12th century a. D. informs us that there were twentyfour Jinamuni-samghas in Kopaņa. We might interpret these muni-samghas or monastic organisations with reference to the several ascetic sections or groups, such as the Samgha, gana and gachchha into which the Jaina church was divided. The present epigraph offers a concrete instance to the point. While specifying pointedly that the temple to which the image in question was dedicated, belonged to the Mūla. Samgha and Balātkāra gana, it helps us to believe in the existence of similar shrines owned by other Samghas and gaņas also.
1 The more familiar expression in such contexts is the phrase "caused to be made', when the
donor gets the image made by the soulptor and has the label engraved on its pedestal. ... 2. Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 345. 3 According to an inscription from the Shimoga Dt. there lived in Kopana in the first part
of the 12th century A. D. an eminent preceptor named Vaddächärya Vratipati who belonged to the Müla Samgha, Kundakunda anvaya and Kränur gana. The record tells us that he was more renowned than Némidēva (i. e., probably Nēmichandra, the guru of Chăvundarāya). Unfortunately no more details are available about the preceptor Vaddächărya of Kopana who had attained such high reputation among the followers of the fait; see Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sh. No. 64; Vol. II, Intro, pp. 14, 25, etc.

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From the expression saudha, which conveys the sense of a dignified structure, used to describe the shrine of Pushpadanta Tīrthankara, it appears to have been a magnificent edifice. We do not know if the lost sculpture in question occupied the place of the central or main image in the sanctuary or served the subsidiary rôle as it was the practice to install the images of other deities by the side of the main deity in the same temple.
TEXT
1 Śri-Mūla-Sam[gha *}' da Balakara-ga[na* ]da'
Pushpadamita-tīrtthamka2 ra saudadali Bommi[ sa ]-maga Sāmsaja
mādida pratime [u*]
TRANSLATION This image was prepared by Sāmsaja, son of Bommisa (for installation) in the mansion of Pushpadanta Tirthankara, owned by the Balakara gana of the illustrious Mūla Samgha.
INSCRIPTION No. 26
(Found on a Hill-rock at Kopbal) This inscription was noticed on a rock of the hill adjacent to the fort area at Kopbal. It is incised on the southern side of the vorge kno Chandrāmana Gudda (or the Hill of Chundrāma). The epigraph is situated about a few yards higher up on the same rock on which the inscription No. 19 is oarved. The epigraph is associated with some carvings which merit our attention.
The carvings comprise the following scenes depicted on the rock olose to the left of the inscription. The scenes are set up in two parallel columns of representation. In the upper panel of the first column immediately to the left of the epigraph is carved the standing figure of a Tirthankara with the triple umbrella at the top and a fly-whisk on either side. The lower panel below this contains the figures of a teacher and two disciples. The teacher is holding in his hand a book of palm leaves, which evidently indicates his act of preaching the holy doctrine from the scriptures. In the lower panel of the adjacent left hand column the same scene of the teacher and two disciples is repeated, In the panel above this in the same column we see a teacher in standing posture. The figure is plain and without decoration.'
1 Here the soribe appears to have used the abbreviations, San for Sanigha and ga for gaya, 2 See Hyderabad Archacological Series, No. 12, plate L, ..
45

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Now the first columu, I think, portrays the general feature of the Jaina faith as promulgated by the Tirthankaras and expounded by the monastic örder of monks. The second column has its bearing on the specific personages figuring in the epigraph. The epigraph speaks of the teacher Chandrasõna and his lay disciple Chandappa. The plain standing figure in the upper panel might be the teacher imparting religious instruction.
The epigraph is somewhat worn out on account of long exposure to the sun and rain; and as the letters are not deeply incised, it does not yield faithful impressions. The inscription is brief consisting of five short lines of writing. Its script and language are Kannada. The characters evince slightly later tendency. The record is not dated, but we might ascribe it approximately to the 13th century A. D. on palaeographical considerations. Its object is to record the setting up of the Nishidhi memorial in honour of the deceased Guddagala Chandappa, a lay disciple of Chandrasēnadēva and a resident of the illustrious town of Kopaņa.
It may be noted in this connection that my reading of the text of the record materially differs from that of the editor of The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal." I have read the name of the deceased person as G Chaṁdappa, whereas the editor reads it as Gurugaļa Bhumậappa. I have examined the inscription in situ and see more justification in the reading given here.
Another consideration incidentally points to the correctness of my reading. As remarked in the introduction of inscription No. 19, the gorge or the hill which contains some of these inscriptions is traditionally known as Chandrāmana Gudda, and the rock in paticular containing this epigraph is called Chandrāmana Bandi. These names are suggestive and indicate that they might have been derived from the association of the locality with an individual named Chandrāma or Chandra. This Chandra may be easily identified with Chandappa of the present epigraph. This Chandappa, we may further note, was a resident of the place and might have been we his time among the Jaina inhabitants of the town by his devotion to the faith and as a disciple of the reputed teacher Chandrasēna. He seems to have attained final emancipation by observing the vow of Sallēkhană, under the instructions of the teacher, either in the gorge or more likely on the hill-rock where the present inscription is engraved. Memorable as the event was, it was preserved in tradition by the townfolk even during the time of the succeeding generations, and the hill area and the rook were commonly associated with the name of the religious martyr.
1 Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 12, p. 6.
.

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No details, however, are forthcoming in regard to this Gudḍagala Chandappa or the teacher Chandrasena. As stated before, the inscription speaks of the setting up of the Nishidhi memorial. Here in this case, and in a few others which we shall presently examine, the expression Nishidhi refers to the inscription itself; and this may be taken as a kind of memorial; for, apart from the present record and except for the carvings described above, no relic of a structure or any construction could be traced on the hill or in the vicinity.
1 Śri-Kopaṇada
2 Chamdrasēna-dēva
855
Another important aspect of the inscription lies in its reference to the ancient name of the place itself. Though modern Kopbal has been identified with ancient Kopana, on the strength of a volume of circumstantial evidence, this record constitutes the only piece of authentic epigraphical document hailing from the same locality that attests the seal of absolute confirmation on the issue.
TEXT
3 ra gudda Guda(dd)gala 4 Chamdappana ni5 sidhi [*]
7.8
INSCRIPTION No. 27
(Found on a Hill-rock at Kopbal)
TRANSLATION
This is the memorial set up in honour of the late Guḍdagala Chamdappa, a lay disciple of the teacher Chandrasenadeva and a resident of the illustrious town of Kopana.
This inscription was found on a rock of the hill adjacent to the fort area at Kopbal. It is incised at a distance of a few yards away from the previous inscription (No. 26). The epigraph is worn out on account of long exposure to the sun and rain and only faint traces of the writing have been preserved.
The record, is brief comprising six short lines. It is engraved in the Kannada alphabet and the language also is Kannada. The characters bear the stamp of a later period. The epigraph contains no date; but we might ascribe it to the 13th century A. D., judging by the standards of palaeography. The purpose of the record is to perpetuate the memory of a person named Payana who died according to the Jaina religious rite of Sallekhanā. Pāyaṇa was a lay disciple of a divine who belonged to the Mula Samgha and Sēna gana, The name of the teacher is lost. The epigraph seems to contain a few more details in regard to the deceased person, but they are not legible.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA :: 5: The editor of The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal has made out the record almost completely. According to his reading the following additional information could be gathered about Pāyaṇa. He was pattana-svami or chief of the town assembly and the son of Chokka? Vodeya Nākigetti.
The inscription avers that it is the Nisbidhi of Pāyaṇa. As in the previous case, there is no indication in the present instance also to assume that the expression Nishidhi refers to any construction or even representation on or near the spot of the epigraph. So we have to interpret the expression with reference to the inscription itself which is both an epitaph and a memorial in the name of the deceased.
TEXT 1 Srimatu (Müla-sam]gha
Sēna-gana.....dēva-bhata(tā)ra3 ra......gudda .... 4 de......[se]ttiya maga 5 .........[Pāyal6 ņana nishidbi ( 1*]
TRANSLATION This is the Nishidhi (memorial) set up in honour of the late Pāyaṇa... the son of......setti, a lay disciple........dēva-bhatāra belonging to the illustrious Mūla Sangha and Sēna gaņa.
INSCRIPTION NO. 28
(Found in a Temple at Kopbal) This inscription was found incised on a slab of stone in the Něminātha Basadi in the fort area at Kopbal. The slab was built into the pavement of the temple. It is not known where the inscribed slab was kept originally. But it is obvious that it was somehow displaced from its original position and very roughly handled. The renovation of the temple seems to have taken place some time ago. On this occasion or even before, the slab was removed and put into service for the new construction. The persons who were responsible for the renovation were too ignorant or callous to notice the writing on the stone. The mason's hammer had its own rôle to play in the act of vandalism. As a result of all these unhappy vicissitudes the epigraph is miserably mutilated and woefully worn out for the most part of it.
The extant portion of the slab measures 38 inches in length and 22 inches in breadth. It contains about 61 lines of writing. These lines could be counted from the traces of letters left over at the extremities though most of the middle portion of the record is entirely effaced, obviously on account of its being frequently trampled down by the devotees visiting the temple. : Che name read as 'Chokka' in line 3 might be 'Chikka'. op. cit., p. 7.

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859
The inscription is engraved in Kannada alphabet and the characters are very small and well-shaped. The language of the first 50 lines is Kannada; and the remaining 11 lines are composed in Sanskrit. A few words here and there that could be deciphered with some relevancy have been picked up from different lines and presented here in the form of the text of the epigraph. It goes without saying that the major portion comprising the most important items of the record, which must have contained valuable information about the religious activities in this great centre of the Jaina faith, has been irretrievably lost.
The text at our disposal mentions Pratāpachakravarti Simhana. Simhaņa, as we know, was a renowned ruler of the Yādava dynasty of Dēvagiri, to whose reign the record apparently belongs. This assumption is supported by the date and another significant expression in the text. The date is the Saka year 1163 coupled with the cyclic year Śārvari. The Saka year cited is to be taken as current and as such it agrees with the cyclic year. Its Christian equivalent would be A. D. 1240. The partly preserved expression dakshinasesha may be construed to contain a reference to the conquest of the southern t by the sovereign. We know from the Haralahalli record that Simbana conquered the southern country as far as the river Cauvery and planted a pillar of viotory on its bank."
The epigraph contains other references which may be noticed here. The term Padmāvati indicates most probably the Jaina Šāsanadôvatā of Pārsvanātha Tirthankara. Mention is made of the office of Rājasröshthi or Merchant Prince denoting the dignified designation of a member of the commercial organisation. The phrase rāja-rajat-kirita-tata-pujita seems to be a part of the descriptive passage relating to the Arhat or a Tirthankara.
The object of the epigraph appears to be to record & charitable endowment of land for the benefit of one of the Jinālayas of Kopbal. The gift of land appears to have comprised 10 mattars. The boundaries of the gift land are specified in detail and this portion, curiously enough, besides being in Kannada
Sanskrit also. Generally speaking, even in the records composed in Sanskrit, the portion relating to the boundaries of the gift land is writte the local language so that it could be followed by the local authorities who were responsible for its preservation and maintenance. But here the case appears to be rather peculiar. The repetetion may perhaps be attributed to the idea of confirmation. The practice seems to have been prevalent in those days, to set up stones bearing the representation of the triple umbrella on the boundaries of & land assigned to the Jaina temples. Such stones are referred to in the inscription by the term, mukkodeya kal in Kannada and chhatra-traya-påshana in
1 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XV, p. 385.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA Sanskrit. This symbol is characteristically Jaina in conception and execution. Instapoes of this practice are found in the Tamil country also. The river Tungabhadrā, which is a few miles away from Kopbal, seems to have been refered to in the gontext of the boundaries of the gift land.
TEXT
.. Padmāvati .. ... Rāja-Śröshthi-[ni ]yoga. ...raja-rājat-kiriţa-tata-pūjita..... ... bhřimhganum ... ... ... nirupama
mahime ......... prasāda-datta ....... ............... dakshiņāsēsha .............. ...... Pratāpa-chakravartti Simhana
............ [Saka-varsha ] 1163neya Sa( Śā)rvva[rī]-samvatsarada. .... dharmma-kārya-nimittam.... .......ghale ...... mattaru 10............ ......... mukkodeya kal ...... ......... mukkodeya kal ......... mukkodeya kal ........... ......... makkodeya kal ......... gõpura-purah-sthāpita-chchhatra-traya .................. dakshiņasyām disiT urga ...... gulmah. ...... sthāpita-chatuḥ-koņa-gilā 1 ......... pradēša-sthāpita-silā ...
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
...... Padmavati .........
............Office of Merchant Prince .........a bee (in the lotus feet)...... adored by the glimmering coronets of kings ... ... ... ... unparallelled eminence ............conferred by the grace...........................all the southern (countries)
................ Simbaņa, Paramount overlord of prowess.............. in the Saka year 1163 and the cyc ic year Sārvarī.........for the charitable purpose..................ghale.........mattaru 10............stone with the figure of the triple umbrella ............stone with the figure of the triple umbrella ........ ...stone with the figure of the triple umbrella, set up in front of the tower........ ...............cluster.........[Tungabhadrā] towards the southern direction.........

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INSCRIPTION No. 29
(Found on a Temple-pillar at Kopbal)
This inscription was discovered on a stone pillar of a Siva temple at Kopbal. The temple is situated near a well, known as Irammana Bavi, outside the town and towards the south. The original place from where the pillar seems to have been brought over here is not known. The contents of the epigraph reveal that it must have originally belonged to a Jain temple. In the hey-day of its glory this town possessed a large number of Jaina temples. Ruin and destruction came upon this place afterwards. During these later days of decline this pillar seems to have been removed from one of the dilapidated Jaina temples and built into the present temple of Śiva, which apparently is not
an old construction.
The epigraph is in a fair state of preservation and comprises twelve lines of writing. Its script and language are Kannada. It contains no date; but may be ascribed approximately to the 13th century A.D. from an exa mination of its characters. There is not much to note on the orthographical or other aspects of the record, though the convention of doubling the consonant with r is met with in one or two instances.
The record is brief and thoroughly businesslike. All the formalities such as the invocation, etc., usually associated with a gift document, are safely excluded. The object of the epigraph is to record an endowment of land to the Jaina temple named Santaladeviyara Basadi. The name of the donor, which is slightly damaged, appears to be Lakh khaṇārya. He was an officer of the illustrious lady Gaurādēvi and held the office of the Steward of the Betel Bag. The gift land appears to have been procured fiee from all impositions by purchase from the one Hundred and Ten Mahajanas of the place and assigned to the above named temple.
These transactions involve a number of interesting personalities; but unfortunately we are not in a position to note any historical details about them. Firstly, Gauradevi appears to have been a lady of some repute, who owned an officer like the Steward of the Betel Pouch. Secondly, there is no indication in the record to connect the One Hundred and Ten Mahajanas with Kopbal. But on the strength of circumstantial details furnished by the epigraph we would be justified in presuming that they belonged to this very town. Thirdly, the name of the Jaina temple, which was the beneficiary of the gift: suggestive. We know that Santaladevi was the name of a queen of the eminent Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana and she was a zealous adherent of the Jaina faith. It seems therefore likely that she might have erected a Jaina temple in this supremely holy centre of Jainism, and the temple was named after her as Santaladeviyara Basadi,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA After a brief statement of the gift the record proceeds to desoribe the boundaries of the gift land. In course of this description some valuable information is incidentally disclosed in regard to the Jaina religious institutions of the place. The lands belonging to the following Jaina temples are mentioned as adjoining the gift land: 1) Arasiya Basadi; 2) Tirthada Basadi; 3) Timambarasiya Bagadi. The names of these Jaina temples are again dignified and suggestive; but unfortunately we are not in a position to throw out any definite suggestions in respect of them. The allusion to these three temples in addition to the one named above leaves no doubt in our mind regarding their location and also the provenance of the present inscription; for we know for certain that this eminent centre of the Jaina faith contained an enormously large number of Jaina shrines and so the above-named temples must naturally have formed a few among them.
We may now consider one or two words of lexical interest occurring in the record. The expression hattuge is used in the sense of neighbourhood or proximity. The word ghase seems to denote a specific land measure, though its precise extent can not be ascertained. Two varieties of this specific measure are mentioned ; one is the nisada (lengthwise) ghase and the other agalada ( breadthwise ) ghale. The word gale is still in vogue in some parts of Karnātaka among the agriculturists. It denotes the work of cultivation turned out by a pair of yoked bullocks in one day'. This word occurs in No. 28 also.
TEXT 1 Svasti [1* ] Srimad-Gaurādēviyara Hadapada La2 khkhāryya Samtaladēviyara basadige [Chi]kko8 diya holadalli mūsu mattaru keyya nū4 ru-padimbara keyya sarvpa-bādbā-parihārav-āgi 5 badedu kotta sāgana[ 1* 1-ā-sthaļakke simey = ent= eṁdade 6 mūļal = Arasiya-basadiya mãnyada ha7 ttugeyimd=agalad ghale 14 Il- badagalu Tirttha8 da-basadiya bhāga-sthalada mãnyada hattuge. 9 yim nilada ghale 47 paduvalu Timambarasi10 ya-basadiya mānyada hattugeyim badaga! = agala11 da ghale 14 il- teṁkal – Arasiya-basadiya mă12 nyada mattar = ondara battugevim niļada ghale 47 [1/*]
TRANSLATION Hail This is the charter of endowment of cultivable land measuring three mattarus in the field of Chikkoại (smaller canal) made over to the Basadi of Santaladēvi after procuring it free from all impositions from the hands of the One Hundred and ten representatives of the place by Lakhkhä[nā]rya,

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881
the Steward of the Betel Pouch of the illustrious Gaurādēvi. The boundaries of the land are as follows: To the east, 147 breadthwise ghales in the neigh. bourhood of the land endowed to the Arasiya Basadi; to the north, 47 lengthwise ghales adjacent to the endowed land under the possession of the Tirthada Basadi; to the west, 141 breadthwise ghales towards the north in the vicinity of the endowed land owned by the Timambarasiya Basadi; to the south, 47 lengthwise ghales adjoining the one mattaru of endowed land belonging to the Arasiya Basadi.
INSCRIPTION No. 30
(Found on a Boulder in the Hill at Kopbal) This inscription was noticed on a boulder on the top of a hill near Kopbal. This is removed by some distance towards the south from the boulder named Pallakki Gundu, the provenance of inscription No. 20. The boulder comprises one of the sides of an arch-shaped natural cavern.
Before reviewing the contents of the epigraph in detail we should do well to devote our attention to the illustrations found in the cavern; for these are not only situated near the inscription under study, but are also closely associated with its contents. To the left of the epigraph is drawn a triangular niche which seems to represent a shrine. Inside this triangle is the figure of a Tirthankura with the triple umbrella overhead, standing on a pedestal. The symbolic pair of fly-whisks is shown on either side of the Tirthankara outside the triangle. A pair of foot-marks is also incised on the rock nearby. All these engravings are of the nature of a rough sketch and there is no fineness about them.
The inscription consists of four lines of writing; and is in & fair state of preservation. The epigraph is rather indifferently incised and the letters are not neatly executed. Its script is Kannada. The first line is written in Sanskrit language, whereas the remaining three lines are composed in Kannada. No date is mentioned in the record; the characters are of the later period, and we may ascribe the epigraph approximately to the 16th century A.D. on palaeographic grounds.
The inscription commences with an invocation to the illustrious deity Chhāyā-Chandranātha. Then it states that the holy feet, that is to say, the foot-marks of the illustrious preceptor Dēvēndrakirti Bhattāraka were carved by his favourite disciple Vardhamānadēva. Now in the light of these contents of the epigraph we can read into the representations described above. The figure of the Tīrthankara inside the triangular niche evidently stands for the deity Chhāyā-Chandranātha of the inscription. The foot-marks may be referred to those of the teacher Dēvēndrakirti. As discussed in connection with inscription No. 20, these foot-marks must have been carved to perpetuate tho

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memory of the teacher after his demise. The monk Dēvēndrakirti, like many of his class, appears to have ended his life under the vow of Sallēkhanā on the particular spot in this hill near Kopbal, and his sacred memory was thus preserved, according to the usual custom, in the form of his foot-marks by his disciple. No details regarding the monk Dēvēndrakirti or his disciple Vardhumānadēva are recorded in this epigraph.
Now who is this Chhāyā-Chandranātha mentioned in the epigraph? It has been suggested in the foregoing paragraph that he might be identical with a Tirthankara of the Jaina pantheon. But no such name could be traced among the twenty four Tirthankaras known to us. Still, as Chandranātha and Chandraprabha are identical, we may identify Chhāyā-Chandranātha with the Tirthankara Chandraprabha. Now, there seems to be some significance attached to the expression Chhāya qualifying the name, which cannot be explained properly. We may, however, note the following points in this connection. A tradition is prevalent in the Jaina community of the Dharwar and Belgaum area in respect of the deity Chhāyā-Chandranātha. This tradition points to the existence of an image representing this deity in the hills known as Chinchali Gudda about two miles away from Mulgund. It is reported that the image is carved on a rock and is clearly visible in the shadow of the rising sun. We may further observe in the present context the existence of a temple at Mulgund dedicated to Chandraprabha Tirthankara.'
The inscription has been published in the Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal.' It may be seen that my reading of the text differs materially from that given therein. My reading is based on in situ examination of the record and may be claimed as being correct. The important words in the epigraph, viz., madiya pada end kațțisidaru, are missing in the text of the above publication. In the absence of these expressions it is not possible to explain properly the representation of the foot-marks on the rock. The characters also are not so late as to be ascribed to the 18th century A. D.
TEXT 1 Srimach-Chhāyā-Chamdranātha-svāmi vijayatë [1*7 2 Srimad-Dēvēmdra kīrtti-bhattāra kara maờiya pă[da] 3 [a ]vara priya shi(si)(sya (shya )rum = ā- ]Vardhamānadēvaru 4 [kațti įsidaru [u*]
TRANSLATION Victorious is the illustrious Lord Chhāyā-Chandranātha. These holy foot-marks of the eminent divine Dēvēndrakirti Bhattāraka were carved out by his favourite disciple Vardhamänadēva.
I Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, p. 54. 2 Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 12, p. 8.

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INSCRIPTION No. 81
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This and the following fourteen inscriptions were discovered in a cave in the hills near Kopbal. It is the same cave which contains the epigraph of Simbanandi (No. 22). All these inscriptions were noticed on the rock forming the roof of the cave. The first peculiarity to be noted in respect of these writings is that unlike the other inscriptions discovered at Kopbal, they are such records as are not incised in the rock but written on it. The second peculiarity is the material used for this writing. We do not know what it is precisely; but it appears to be a kind of chemical ink or paint, white as well as
. The solution must have been so fast that it has proved to be indelible even after a lapse of several centuries. The third peculiarity consists in their being the names of pilgrims or visitors.
Though constituting mere names the importance of these records might be judged from the following observations. 1) All these names indicate that the persons who bore them were the followers of the Jaina faith. 2) Some of these records are early ones and may be classed with the oldest Jaina records hitherto discovered at Kopbal. 3) References to the places to which the visitors belonged, contained in some of these records, show that they came from far off parts and go to establish the great reputation of this holy place. 4) Like Sarvanandi of No. 19 and Simhanandi of No. 22, some of the pilgrims seem to have spent their last days in this holy place.
None of these records bears any precise date. The characters of some of these writings exhibit earlier traits. Others are of a slightly later period. So from the palaeographic point of view they may be ascribed approximately from the 10th to the 13th century A.D. The alphabet and the language of these writings is Kannadı. The names given hereunder are only a few of the larger number of them noticed in the cave,
TEXT 1 Pārisakirtti-dēvaru bamdaru
TRANSLATION The divine Pārisakirti visited this place.
INSCRIPTION No. 82
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the previous inscription. The place Karahaďa to which the pilgrim seems to have belonged, might be identified with modern Karād in the Satara Dt., Bombay State.

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TEXT 1 Karahada Iṁdranāgarņa [ * ]
TRANSLATION Indranāgaņņa of Karahadu (visited this place ).
INSCRIPTION No. 38
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the previous inscription. Pāyaṇa appears to be a lay disciple like Indranāgaņņa of the former record. The year of the visit of the pilgrim is also recorded herein.
TEXT 1 Pāyaṇa baṁdaru [ * ] Plavamga saṁ [ * ]
TRANSLATION Pāyaṇa visited this place in the cyclic year Plavanga.
INSCRIPTION No. 84
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the foregoing record. The pilgrim appears to be a divine like Pārisakirti of No. 31. The epithet Māsõpavāsin, meaning 'one who observed the fast of one month' is interesting.
TEXT 1 Māsõpavāsi Mahānaṁdi [ * ]
TRANSLATION Mahānandi, the faster of one month (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. 36
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the preceding inscription. The pilgrim seems to have been either a professional priest of a Jaina temple or a lay disciple associated with one.
TEXT 1 Bastiya Sārtappa [ * ]
TRANSLATION Säntappa of the Basti (Jaina temple) (visited this place ).
INSCRIPTION No. 86
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the previous inscription. The pilgrim sooms to be a lay follower of the faith.

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865
TEXT 1 Chakkajīya Chandrappa [*]
TRANSLATION Chakkajīya Chaṁdrappa (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. 37
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the above record. The pilgrim appears to be a lay follower of the faith.
TEXT 1 Lakhaṁņa [*]
TRANSLATION Lakhaņņa (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. 88
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was detected on the same rock as of the above record. The pilgrim may be a divine.
TEXT 1 Vardhamā
TRANSLATION Vardhamāna (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. 89
(Found in a cave at Kopbal ) This was detected on the same rock as of the above record. Kollāpura is the modern Kolhāpur. The actual name of the pilgrim is missing.
TEXT 1 Kollāpurada Sõbanana maga .... [1*]
TRANSLATION 1 ... son of Sobaņa of Kollāpura (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. 40
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was discovered on the same rock as of the above record. The pilgrim hailed from Temguli, which is to be identified with the modern Tengaļi near Malkhēd in the Gulbarga Dt. It may be noted that two inscriptions of this collection, Nos. 15-16, come from Tenguli.

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866
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
TEXT 1 Temguliya Samgappa [ * ]
TRANSLATION Samgappa of Teṁguļi (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. 41
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the above record. The pilgrim was a resident of Gumdakal, which may be identified with modern Gunțakal, a well-known Railway Junction.
TEXT 1 Gumqakalla Sõmigudda [1*]
TRANSLATION Sõmigudda of Gundakal (visited this place ).
INSCRIPTION NO. 42
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was noticed on the same rock as of the above record. It is not known if the name represents a pilgrim or the place wherefrom he hailed.
TEXT 1 Brahmasamudra [1*]
TRANSLATION Brahmasamudra (visited this place)
INSCRIPTION No. 43
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was copied from the same rock as of the above record. The name Todaramalla is interesting. It may be either a title or a personal name. In case it be the latter, the person might be the pilgrim's father.
TEXT 1 Tõdaramalla Namjinathanu [*] Namjinātha (who bore the title or was the son of) Tõdaramalla (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION No. #
(Found in a cave at Kopbal) This was copied from the same rock as of the above record. The inscription contains details of a date; but they are not verifiable in the absence of the Saka year. The pilgrim appears to be a chief of some importance. The title Misaraganda borne by him figures among the titles of the members of Sāļuva dynasty of Vijayanagara at a later period.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS: PART II
TEXT
1 Misaragamḍa Kallappa-Nayakaru [*]
2 Rakshasa-samvatsara Margaśirsha su. 11 Guru [*]
367
TRANSLATION
Misaragamḍa (manly among the manly of the moustaches) Kallappa Nayaka (visited this place) on Margaśīrsha śu. 11, Thursday, of the cyclic year Rakshasa.
INSCRIPTION No. 45
(Found in a cave at Kopbal)
This was copied from the same rock as of the above record. The pilgrim appears to be a lay follower of the faith.
TEXT
1 Mallaneya maga Namjarāyanu [*]
TRANSLATION
Nanjaraya, the son of Mallane (visited this place).
INSCRIPTION NO. 46
(Found on a stone near Uppina-Betgeri)
This inscription was discovered on a slab of stone near the village Uppina Betgeri. The stone was lying on the boundary of the field owned by the Mali Gauda (revenue official) of the village and situated about a mile and a half away towards the north from the locality. The details regarding the original place of the inscription are not known. The story, however, concerning its later vicissitudes was reported as follows. The stone, it seems, was lying some time back in a lane of the village called Hirekēri (big street). People held mysterious notions about it and believed that it was a means of finding out hidden treasures. Accordingly, some treasure-hunters from the neighbouring villages made an attempt to steal it away. While they were carrying it in a bullock-cart at night, they were haunted by terrific apparitions. Frightened at this experience, they removed the stone from the cart and threw it out. Since then it was lying at the very spot where I found it during my visit to the place as specified above. But it may be seen from its contents that the main interest of the inscription is to record the gift to a Jaina temple at Kopana or modern Kopbal. Hence we would be justified in assuming that the inscribed slab belonged originally to Kopbal only and that in the later days of decline of the faith, it might have been somehow removed to Uppina Betgeri which is about fifteen miles from Kopbal. At any rate, there is nothing in the record to trace its connection in any manner with the village of Uppina Betgēri.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
The slab is of white stone with blackish tinge. It is of medium size and almost square in dimensions. Contrary to the usual practice, no figures are carved at the top of the slab above the writing. A space of about two feet is left over after the termination of the record. The record consists of 26 lines and it is in a fair state of preservation. However a few letters are worn out in some places. The characters belong to the tenth century A. D. and evince normal modes of the period. The alphabet is Kannada which has still retained its archaic features. The orthographical convention of doubling the consonant following r in a conjunct group is observed. Almost invariably anusvāra has given place to the nasal of the following letter. The language is Kannada and the composition is prose except for the last two imprecatory verses in Sanskrit.
As the elaborate convention of introducing a record with the invo: cation and other formal details had not yet fully evolved at this period, the inscription, in the manner of a number of similar epigraphs of this area, commences directly with the mention of the reigning king. This was the illustrious emperor Akālavarsha Chalake-nallāta Kannaradova. Then comes the date which is the Uttarāyaṇa-samkrānti of the Saka year 887 and the cyclic year Raktākshi. After this we are introduced to a subordinate family of chiefs claiming their descent in the Yadava lineage. Next, we are told that a chief named Sankaraganda of this house erected a Jinālaya at Kupaņa and desired to endow land for its maintenance. The object of the document is to record an endowment of land for the benefit of the temple by a local chief named Rattayya. The gift was entrusted into the hands of the illustrious divine Nāganandi Paņdita Bhatāra of the Súrastha gana.
The epigraph is highly important and a critical examination of its contents reveals interesting facts regarding the political and religious life of the region. Firstly, the king Akālavarsha Kannaradēva is to be identified with Krishņa III of the Rashtrakūta house of Maļkhed. This is vouched by the date as well as the distinctive title, Chalake-nallāta, which was characteristically assumed by him.' The Saka year 887 cited here is to be taken as current. In the cyclic year Raktākshi, the Uttarāyaṇa-samkrānti occurred on Pushya ba. 2, Friday. The Christian equivalent of these details would be a. D. 964, December 23, Friday. In the absence of reference to the week-day, the given date is not subject to closer verification.
The record furnishes the names of six immediate ancestors of Sankaraganda and they are as follows: Pāņarāja, Sankaraganda I, Appuvarāja, Sankhapayya, Gommarasa, Asagamarasa and Sankaraganda II. The last named Sankaraganda II is the donor Sankaraganda. The inscription attributes the following titles to him. Mahāsāmantādhipati ( supreme among the feudatory
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI. p. 179.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS : PART II
369 rulers), Jayadhira (firm in victory), Bhuvanaikaräma (the one Rāma of this earth), Abhimana-dhavala (unblemished in pride ), Rattara-Mēru (the Golden Mountain of the Ratta house), Rāja-Bhūrīśrava ( Bhūriśrava among the rulers of wide reputation), Vidvishța-Nārāyaņu (god Nārāyaṇa to the hostiles), Satyārņava (ocean of truth) and Dharma-ratnākara (mine of jewels in religion). These titles testify to the dignified position held by Sankaragaņda II in the kingdom and also distinguish him as a great personality endowed with excellent character and religious faith.'
Now an attempt may be made here to see if any further information could be gathered in regard to this Sankaraganda from the epigraphical or literary sources, which would help us to understand his personality better. Fortunately, three inscriptions which might be assigned approximately to the period of the present epigraph, speak of a subordinate chief named Sankaraganda who was governing the province of Banavāsi. One of these is a herostone from Tālagund in the Shimoga District.This belongs to the reign of Akālavarsha Kandhara Ballaha who may be identified with Krishna III of the Rashtrakūta line of Malkhôd. Another is from Kyāsanār in the Dharwar Dt. This record mentions Kandara Vallabha as the reigning king who is to be identified as before with the Rashtrakūta king Krishņa III. In this inscription Sankaraganda is addressed as Mahāsāmantādhipati. The third inscription again comes from the above place and is associated with the reign of Krishna III's successor Nityavarsha Khottiga. It may be observed from the above details that it is one and the same Sankaraganda who figures as the governor of the Banavāsi province in these three epigraphs. Thus we are justified in identifying Mahāsāmantādhipati Sankaraganda of our epigraph with his namesake of the above three epigraphs, as the latter also bore the distinctive title Mahāsāmantādhipati as disclosed by one of the inscriptions from Kyāsanār.
Three more inscriptions discovered recently in the area of the Hāngal taluk, Dharwar Dt. throw welcome light on the career and activities of Sankaraganda. One from Lakshmipur is found to be the earliest of them. It refers itself to the reign of the Rāshtrakūta king Indra III and informs that the tract of Banavasi Twelve Thousand was partitioned into two and
1 In regard to the title Rattara Mēru occurring in the above pra'sasti it may noted that it is met with in an inscription of the 11th century A. D. froin Saundatti in the Belgaum Dt. It was borne by Dayima an early member of the Ratta family that ruled at Saundaiti:
J. B, B, R. A. S., Vol. X, p. 214. 2 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 183. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, p. 283. 4 Ibid, p. 284. 5 An. Rep. on Indian Epigraphy, 1947-48, Appendix, B, No. 203,
47

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870
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA placed under the administration of two officers, one Bankeya and another Sankaraganda. This Bankeya may be identified with Bankeya II of the Mukula or Chellakõtana family. The epigraph is dated Saka 846, a mistake for 847, Pārthiva, corresponding to A. D. 925–26. Two inscriptions from Hāvanagi" speak of the authority of Sankaraganda over entire Banavāsi Nāļu. In these records he is styled Mahāsāmantādhipati, which title is absent in the earlier inscription from Lakshmipur. The epithets Jayadhira, Bhuvanai. karāma and Abhimānadhavala are applied to Sankaraganda in the two epigraphs from Hāvanagi, one of which mentions his epithet Rattara Mēru in addition. The Hāvanagi inscriptions belong to the reign of Rāshtrakūța Indra III, but mention no specific date.
The following facts emerge from the contents of the above epigraphs. The Lakshmipur record seems to indicate that Sankaraganda commenced his career as a subordinate officer of Indra III sometime prior to A. D. 925-26. He had to collaborate, to begin with, in the administration of the Banavāsi regio: with Bankeya, another subordinate officer of a respectable family of chiefs Within the next few years he was promoted to the full authority over the region and raised to the rank of Mahāsāmantādhipati. He continued in that office for a long time subsequently, about half a century, during the reigns of three successive Răshtrakūta rulers, viz., Indra III, Krisbņa III and Khottiga. As a high official of the state, he seems to have utilised his vast resources and influence for the promotion of the Jaina faith and earned las name among its great patrons. This is gathered from the following.
Happily Sankaragaņda is known from a literary source also. In his work Ajitatirthakarapurāņatilakam, the Kannada poet Ranna describes the great luminaries of his times, whose pious and philanthropic activities contributed to the shining glory of the Jaina faith. In this context he mentions the following names in succession and states that each one of the successors excelled his or her predecessor in religious fervour. They are Būtuga (II), Marula," Nolainbāntaka or Mārasimha, Chāvuņdarāya, Sankaraganda and Attimabbe. Ranna wrote his Purāņa in A. D. 993 when he was aged over forty years. So it is just likely that the poet knew Sankaraganda in his young age as his senior contemporary, though the latter does not seem to have lived by the time of the above date. We are hence justified in assuming that Sankaraganda of the epigraphs and his namesake of the Parāņa were contem
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXII, pp. 224-25. 2 An. Rep. on Indian Epigraphy, 1949-50, Appendix B, Nos. 86 and 90. These insorip
tions were copied by me in course of the epigraphical survey of the Hängal taluk. 3 Aśvāsa XIT, verse 9. 4 This name has been wrongly read as Mama!a in the published text of the work.

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JAINA EPIGRAPES : PART III
971
poraneous. Judging from this contemporaneity and taking into account the high family, eminent position and religious devotion owned by the former it is bighly probable, nay, we are almost certain, that the two are identical.
Sankaraganda hailed from a family which was of the Rāshtrakūta extraction as indicated by his title Rattara Mēru. A number of families associated with the Rāshtrakūta lineage that were ruling in Karnāțaka and other parts of India in the mediaeval age have been discovered hitherto. Yet we have no means 'to ascertain whether Sankaraganda was connected with any of the known branches. But from the list of his immediate ancestors given in the present record he seems to belong to a family that was established in Karnāţaka some time ago. This family is not known so far. By a rough calculation of twenty-five years per generation we may place Pāṇararāja, the earliest ancestor of Sankaraganda, approximately in the first quarter of the 9th century A. D. Thus he becomes a contemporary of the king Nripatunga Amõghavarsha I of the main line of the Răshtraküțas of Malkhöd.
A zealous adherent of the Jaina doctrine as he was, it is in the fitness of things that Sankaragaŋda constructed a Jaina temple at Kopaņa, the para. mount centre of Jaina religion. Such an act seems to have been believed to be a consummation of their devotion by the followers of Jina. We have to note in this context the specific name of the temple which was Jayadhira Jinālaya. As we have observed above, Jayadhira was one of the titles borne by Sankaraganda; so the temple was evidently named after this title of his.
It may be seen from the above discussion that Sankaraganda who was in charge of the administration of the Banavāsi province had no jurisdiction proper over Kopaņa or its adjoining area. This is why we do not see him, in spite of his vast resources, make an endowment himself to the temple of his construction. He had therefore to depend upon somebody else to fulfil his meritorious intentions. It is for this reason and under these circumstances that we are introduced to a generous local chief who came forward to assist the holy cause. He owned some estate close by in the tract of Kukkanūr Thirty. Out of this private property he alienated three hundred mattars of land for the temple erected by Sankaraganda. This chief was named Rāttayya. He is not known before. He was a scion of the Chalukya lineage and a Mahāsāınanta (feudatory ruler). He bore the following titles: Tējörņava (ocean of valour), Guņaśuddhamärga (pure and virtuous in conduct), Pagege Balganda ( a tough warrior to the foe), Nudidante Ganda (firmly true to his words), Kritayugagalla (a thief of the righteous age). The record gives the genealogy of the following five generations of his ancestors : Govaņa, Rāja, Bikkiyaņņa, Sūdraka, Goggi, Rāttayya.

Page #398

872
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA The illustrious teacher Nāganandi Pandita Bhatāra who received the endowment was the disciple of Vinayanandi Siddhānta Bhatāra, who in turn was the disciple of Srinandi Bhatāra. As he was to look after the management of the religious institution and its property, he appears to have been a resident of Kopaņa and connected with a monastic establishment of the place. It is stated that he belonged to the Sūrastha gaña. No more details are furnished in regard to the spiritual lineage of the teacher. We may however note that Śūrastha or Sūrastha gaṇa which is known from many later inscriptions was associated with the Sēna gana of Mūla Samgha.
The record contains the following two geographical allusions. Kupaņa in l. 11 is obviously identical with modern Kopbal. The tract Kukkanūr Thirty mentioned in l. 19 comprises a subdivision of the region, Belvala Three Hundred, as known from other epigraphs. It included thirty villages having its headquarters at Kukkanūr. This Kukkanür is represented by the present-day Kukanūru, a town in the Raichur Dt.
TEXT i Svesty = Akálavarshadēva Śrī-Prithvi-valla bha Mahārājādhirāja Paramēśva
2 ra Paramabhattāra kam Chala kenallātań śrīmat-Kannaradēvana rājyav = .
3 uttar-õttar-ābhivșiddhiyiṁ salutt-ire [*] Saka-nripa-kāl-ātītasamvatsara-sa
4 tamgal 887neya Raktākshi-samvatsaram pravarttisutt-ire [*Yāda
5 va-vamsadol = Pāṇararājan=ātana magam Samkaragamdan=ātana maga
6 n=Appuvarājan =ātana magam Samkhapayyan =ātana magam Gommara7 san =ātana magan= A sagamarasan=ātana magam [*] Svasti samadhiga8 ta-pancha-mahāśabda Mahāsāmast-ādhipati Jayadbira Bhuva
9 naikarāman= Abhimānadhava!am Rattara-[mē ]ru Rāja-Bhūriśrava Vidvi
10 shța-Nārāyaṇa Satyārņņavam Dharmma-ratnākaraṁ Śrīmat Samkaraga
11 ndarasam Kupañado! = tanna māļisida Jayadhīra-jinālayada ta
12 la-vșittige polanı bədidode [*] Chalukya-vaṁsado! - Gōvaṇan = ātana magam Rājan =ā
13 tana magam Bikkiyaņņan=ātana magań Sūdrakan=ātana magam Goggi
1 The name of this game was read earlier as Sarasva. As the correct reading is Sürastha
only, the statements on pages 231-22 and 324 (ante) have to be revised. 2 See ante, p. 170.

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JAINA KPIGRAPES : PART M
873 14 y = tana magam [* 7 Svasti samadhigata-pancha-mabāśabha Maha15 sãmantaṁ [tējārņnava sammanadāņma săralol?ida ] guna-buddha-piā16 rgga pagege balgandarii nudidante gandań Kritayuga-gallar Śrimat 17 Rāttayyam Śūrastha-ganada Śrinandi-bhatārara sishyar Vinayanandi
18 siddhāntada-bhatūrar = avara sishyar-Nāganandi-pa mditabhatārargge Utta
19 rāyaṇa-samkrāntiyol kālaṁ-karchi Kukkanūr=mmūvattar=oļa. 20 gaņa, i... tanna paravariy-appa sānta[ vojlanań
21 mūnūru-mattarari, man-Sāmyam =āge koţtam [11* ] 22-26 Svadattāṁ paradattám vă yo harēta vasundharāṁ shashţir=vvarsha
sahasrāņi vishthāyām jāyatē krimiḥ u [1*] Sāmānyō =yam dharmmasētur = nnļipāņām kālo kālē pā!anīyā bhavadbhiḥ sarvvān=ētān = bhāvinar = pārtthivēņdrān= bhūyo bhūyō rāchatē Rāmabhadraḥ [2*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Lines 1-4: Hail! While the reign of the illustrious monarch Akālavarsha Kannaradeva who bore the titles, Sri-Pșithvīvallabha (Favourite Lord of the Goddess of Fortune and Earth), Mahārājādhirāja (Overlord of Great Kings), Parainēśvara (Supreme Ruler), Parama-bhattāraka (Paramount Sovereign) and Chalakenallāta (Worthy in Determination is proceeding with increasing prosperity and when the year [8]87 calculated according to the reckoning of the Saka king, along with the cyclic year Raktākshi is progressing;
Lines 5-7: In the lineage of the Yādavas there was Pánararāja; his son Sankaraganda; his son Appuvarāja ; his son Sankhapayya; his son Gommarasa ; his son Asagamarasa ; his son
Lines 7-12: Hail,' the illustrious Sankaragandarasa, who has aptly acquired the five great sounds, who is supreme among the great feudatory rulers and who bears the titles, Jayadhira (Firm in Victory ), Bhuvanaikarāma (the One Rāma of the Universe), Abhimāna-dhavala (Immaculate in pride), Rattara-Mēru (the Golden Mountain of the Ratta house ), Rāja-Bhūriśrava (Bhūriśrava among the rulers of wide reputation), Vidvishța-Nārāyaṇa (veritable god Nārāyaṇa to the hostiles), Satyārņava (Ocean of Truth) and Dharma-ratnākara (mine of jewels of Righteousness), made a requisition for land for the basic maintenance of the Jayadhira Jinalaya erected by him at Kupann.
Lines 12-21: In compliance with this requisition, hail, the illustrious chief Rātțayya; born in the Chalukya lineage; son of Goggi, who was the son of Sūdraka, who was the son of Bikkiyanna, who was the son of Rāja, who was the son of Gõvaņa; who has aptly acquired the five great sounds ; who

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374
JAINIGM IN SOUTH INDIA is a great feudatory ruler and who bears the titles, Tejõrņava (ocean of valour), Pagege-balganda (tough warrior to the fue), Nuļidante-ganda (firmly true to his words), Kritayuga-galla (thief of the righteous age) and others; on the occasion of the Uttarāyana-sarkrāṁti, having laved the feet of the divine Nāganandi-pandita Bhatāra, the disciple of Vinayanandi Siddhāntada-Bhatāra, the disciple of Śrīnandi Bhatára, belonging to the Sürastha gana, alienated to the temple, with full proprietory rights,
e hundred mattars of cultivable land out of his own estate, situated in the tract of Kukkanūr Thirty.
Lines 22-26: Imprecation against the transgressors of the charity. Prayer to the future rulers of the country to preserve and maintain the charity.
INSCRIPTION NO. 47
(Found on a stone at Halgeri) This inscription was noticed on a piece of rough white stone at Halgēri, a village situated at a distance of about four miles towards the north-west of Kopbal. The stone was fixed into the platform constructed around a margoga tree near the village Chāvaļi. The stone is irregular in shape. It measures approximately 28 inches in length. The breadth at the top is about 18 inches and at the bottom about 24 inches. The contents of the inscription show that the record is only fragmentary. So the original stone must have been bigger and with the breakage and mutilation of the stone, a large portion of the docu. ment also has been irretrievably lost. Even the existing portion of the epigraph is not well preserved, some of the letters having been damaged and partly worn out.
The record consists of six lines of writing. The characters are big in size, and they are boldly and deeply carved. The script and language are both Kannada, the former being of the archaic variety of about the 7th century A. D. The inscription commences directly with the mention of the ruling king. This was Vijayāditya Satyāśraya. Next it introduces a certain officer of Kopaņa and Gutti, named Garöja. The rest of the record hereafter is lost.
It is clear that the king Vijayāditya Satyāśraya figuring here is the Western Chālukya monarch of the name who belonged to the earlier line of the house. As the epigraph refers itself to his reign it must have been brought into existence during his reigning period. The record is not specifically dated, or the date might have been lost. But we know from other sources that this king reigned from a. D. 696 to 733. This must be the broad limit of the date of the inscription. The officer Garāja mentioned above is described as the three-fold administrator' of Kopaņa and the lord of Gutti. He was holding the office of karanam which means 'a secretary'. Kopaņa which is

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JAINA EPIGRAPES : PART 1
$75 modern Kopbal and Gutti which is modern Gooty in the Anantapur District are noted from early times as strong hill-forts. Garāja appears to have been in charge of the area commanded by these forts. As the reading of this portion of the document is not free from doubt and the subsequent portion of the record is missing, the precise nature and significance of the administrative position of this officer cannot be determined.
Our main interest for the inclusion of the epigraph in the present scheme of studies lies in its reference to the town of Kopaņa. This is the earliest reference to this holy place and centre of Jainism, that could be traced 80 far in the epigraphical sources. Its importance for the study of the local history has been discussed in an earlier context (see p. 202).
TEXT 1 [Svasti ] [1* ] Sri-Vijayāditya-Satyā2 sraya Śri-Prithvi-vallabha Ma8 hārājādhirāja Paramāśvara. 4 Bhatās rakö] prithivi-rājyadandu Ko[ pa ]5 nada (mūru pa ]tiyuṁ Guttiy=odeya[ num] 6 Garðjanuṁ karaṇam=āge madevalere
TRANSLATION Hail! While the illustrious suzerain Vijayāditya Satyūsraya (Asylum of Truth) who bore the titles, Sri-Prithivi-vallabba (Favourite Lord of the Goddess of Fortune and the Earth ) Mahārājādhirāja (Paramount Overlord of the great rulers), Paramāśvara (supreme sovereign) was ruling the kingdom of the earth and when Garāja, the three-fold governor of Kopana and lord of Gutti, was holding the office of the Secretary.
INSCRIPTION No. 48
(Found on a paved stone at Arakèri) This inscription was noticed on a rough white stone at Arakēri, a village situated at a distance of about seven miles towards the north of Kopbal. The stone was built into the pavement of the temple of Basavaņņa in the village. The stone which is almost rectangular in shape measures 56 and 28 inches in length and breadth respectively. The stone has been roughly handled and damaged for the most part of it. Consequently the inscription on it is effaced in a large number of places. The characters which are big in size are boldly and deeply carved. The alphabet is Kannada of about the 10th century A. D. and it has still retained its archaic mode. The language is Kannada. The extant portion of the record consists of 27 lines of writing and the lost lines as such might

Page #402

876
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
'be not many. The orthographical peculiarity of doubling the consonant after r in a conjunct letter deserves to be noted.
The epigraph commences directly with the mention of the ruling king to whose reign it belongs. This was Akalavarsha Kannaradeva. Then it seems to indroduce a feudatory provincial governor. Next comes a local chief and an officer who appears to have been directly connected with the administrative affairs of the area. The object of the inscription seems to be to record a gift, most probably of land. The other details in regard to the gift are lost.
The name and the title of the ruling king noted above are distinctly associated with the Rashtrakuta dynasty of Malkhed. The name of the feudatory governor which is partly preserved may be read as Permānaḍi. He is endowed with the following titles which might be deciphered with certainty: Satyavakya, Komgunivarma, Dharmamahārāja and Kuvalalapuravarēśvara. It is clear from these titles which were characteristically borne by the princes of the Western Ganga house ruling in Mysore, that the feudatory governor was a member of that family.
We may here make an attempt at precise identification of the reigning king and his feudatory of the above description. In the Rashtrakuta house of Malkhed two later monarchs bore the name and the title, Akālavarsha Kannaradeva. One was Krishna II and the other Krishna III. The members of the Ganga house came into closer contact with the Rashtrakūtas in the reign of Krishna III. This contact was deepened by the matrimonial alliance between the two royal houses. Būtuga II was the contemporary ruler of the Western Ganga house. He was not only the brother-in law of Krishna III, but his close ally and associate in his career of political ambition. In view of these historical facts we can identify the Western Ganga feudatory of the present record with Butuga II who also bore the appellation Permanaḍi. This identification gains support through the reference to the territory under his authority, which, as suggested by the partly preserved expressions in our record, was Gangavāḍi Ninety-six Thousand and Belvala Three Hundred. All doubts in the matter are cleared by a comparison of the present record with similar epigraphs which unmistakably speak of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna 111 as the suzerain and the Western Ganga prince Būtuga II as his feudatory governing the above-named territories of Gangavaḍi and Belvala.1
The record contains a date which is partially preserved. It is the cyclic year Vikari and Phalguna su. 1. There is a reference to the
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part 11, pp. 410 and 418; Fombay Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. I, pt. 1, Nos. 36-38. In these inscriptions Bütuga is referred to as Bütarya and Bütayya.

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377
reckoning of the Saka years; but the precise year is lost. The date therefore does not admit itself for verification. We may however arrive at an approximation. The cyclic year Vikāri in the present case corresponded with the Saka year 861 expired. Calculating on this basis the approximate Christian equivalent of the date of the present epigraph would be A. D. 940, February 12, Wednesday. Krishņa III commenced his reign in December 939 A. D., and not many records have been discovered pertaining to the early period of his reign.' So this inscription furnishes one of the early dates for his reign; and his association with the Ganga ally and feudatory in a record as early as this is also noteworthy.
In this context we may note a few facts about Būtuga II. He was a zealous adherent and a great patrun of the Jaina faith who actively endeavoured for its promotion. He has been classed with the reputed Chāvundarāya and Attimabbe of classical fame by the Kannada poet Ranna (10th century A. D.) in his work, the Ajitatīrthakarapurāņatilakam, while paying compliments to the distinguished personages of his times, who staunchly sponsored the faith.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the record. Firstly, the expression 'vādi' in l. 8 should be reconstructed as "Gangavādi'. Gangavādi Ninety-six Thousand was the well-known province under the rule of Western Ganga princes. This territory roughly corresponded with the area of the Mysore State. The words Three Hundred in line 9 might be a part of the fuller expression Belvala Three Hundred. This tract roughly included parts of the present-day Gadag taluk of the Dharwar Dt. and the adjoining area of Kopbal in the Hyderabad State. The reconstructed territorial division Ededore Two Thousand, figuring in lines 14-15 represented "a stretch of country between the rivers Krishņā on the north and Tungabhadrā on the south comprising a large part of the present Raichur district”: Modern Kopbal was probably included in this tract. Kuvalālapura (1. 6) is modern Kolar in Mysore State.* Lines 21-22 seem to contain a reference to [Ko]pana which is modern Kopbal.
TEXT 1 Svasty = Akālavarshadēva Sri-Prithvi-valla ...... 2 rājādhiräjā Paramēśvara.............
........... 3 Śrimat Kannaradēva-pravarddhamāna-vi........... 4 m= uttar-õttaram = abhivriddhige salutt-ire [*]
5 Satyavākya [ Kom ]gu[ ni ]va[rmma ] Dharmmama[hā] 1 A. S. Altekar: Rashtrakūtas and their Times, pp. 115 and 122. 2 Aśvāsa XII, verse 9. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 396. 4 Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 29 and 32.
48
...
.
..
.
.
..

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
6 rāja Kuvaļāļa pura varē'svara........
7 rmmānaḍigal devar... 8 vadi-tombattaru-sasira..
9
munnurumaṁ dushta,
10 tt-ire [*] Samadhigata... 11 sishta-jana-vatsa...
12 drōha-kā..
13 damaged.
14 ndam vairi-kṛitānta.
15 dore irchchasirada..
16 nripa-kal-atīta-sam[ vatsara..
17 neya Vikari...
18 Iguna 'suddha pra.. 19-21 damaged.
22 panada polada..
23 naman nirisi.
=
24 dibhiryasya... 25 Svadattāṁ..
26 rsha-saha.
27 da bhōgapatigal kādu......ha-śrī [*]
..[Pe]
.biṭṭa bā
TRANSLATION
Lines 1-23. Hail! The illustrious suzerain Akālavarshadēva Kannara
deva bearing the titles, Śri-Prithvi-vallabha (Favourite Lord of the Goddess of Fortune and Earth), Mahārājādhirāja (Supreme Lord of the Sovereigns), Parameśvara (Paramount Ruler) ...... is ruling (the kingdom) victoriously with ever increasing prosperity. And...... Permanaḍi bearing the titles, Satyavākya (Truthful in Speech), Komgunivarma, Dharmamahārāja and Kuvalalapuravarēśvara (Lord of the foremost town of Kuvalala) is governing the province of Gangavaḍi Ninetysix Thousand and Belvala Three Hundred feudatory chief. (who is) affectionate towards the people of righteous veritable God of Death to the hostiles......... Ededore Two
The
conduct,.
1 It would be interesting to trace the origin and significance of the title Permānaḍi. It figures primarily in the inscriptions of the Gangas of Mysore. Next we have to note the occurrence of the similar title Permadi subsequently in connection with the later Chalukyas of Kalyana and their feudatories. Permadi appears to have been contracted from Permanadi. In Paramardhi, also met with in inscriptions and literature, we have the Sanskritised equivalent of Permaḍi. Permanaḍi which is a contraction of Perumanadi, consists of two words, perumän (meaning 'great') and adi (meaning 'foot' indicating respecatability). It is likely that the expression peruman is influenced by Tamil and derived from the Sanskrit pramukha. Compare Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, p. 39.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS: PART III
379
Thousand
In the expired years according to the reckoning of the (Saka) king ...... the cyclic year Vikāri, on Phalguna su. 1 having set up
field of [Ko] pana
Lines 24-26. Imprecation.
Lines 26-27. chiefs in charge of the administration should protect the gift village. May auspiciousness and great glory attend this!
INSCRIPTION NO. 49
(Found on an image unearthed at Yalbargi)
This inscription was noticed on the pedestal of an image at Kopbal. The image bears the name Chauvisa Tirthakara. It was kept in the Neminatha temple when I visited the place in 1930. But as the report goes, it did not originally belong to Kopbal. It was unearthed along with another image bearing the following record some years back at Yalbargi, the headquarters of the taluk of the name in the Kopbal District. When I visited Yalbargi subsequently, I was shown the actual spot where the two images were dug out. The spot is near the present-day Untouchables' Quarter (Mādara Kēri) outside the locality. These images were afterwards removed and kept in the temple at Kopbal. So it is reasonable to treat them with reference to their original find-spot which is Yalbargi and not Kopbal. The inscriptions on these images have been briefly noticed in the Mysore Archaeolgical Report for the year 1916, wherein their provenance has been attributed to Kopbal. Hence it becomes clear that they must have been discovered originally at Yalbargi some time earlier. These inscriptions have been subsequently published in the Hyderbad Archaeological Series, No. 12.1
The image is made of nicely polished black granite stone. As the name denotes it represents not one deity, but a composite sculpture made up of all the Twenty-four Tirthakaras of the Jaina pantheon. The central piece is the majestic figure of Parsvanatha with his serpent hood, flanked by the two Sāsanadēvatās, Dharaṇëndra and Padmavati, at the bottom and the syn.bolic pair of fly-whisks at the top. The remaining 23 Tirthakaras are represented in miniature size on the arch-like aureola surrounding the main deity. The whole sculpture is gorgeously executed and presents a rare specimen of superb craftsmanship of the age.
The inscription consists of four lines. The characters are small and handsome and carefully engraved. The alphabet and the language are
1 See Nos. 9-10, pp. 11-13. In the Mysore Archaeological Report specified above the name of the Jaina temple wherein the images were found is stated to be Chandranatha Basadi (p. 83). This is not correct; for there is no Jaina temple of the name at Kopbal. Similarly, in the Hyderbad Archaeological Publication, the temple has been wrongly called Chauviss Tirthankara Basti (p. 11).

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Kannada. The epigraph is not dated, but it may be ascribed roughly to the 12th century A. D. on palaeographical considerations. The epigraph is on the whole fairly preserved though slightly damaged in some places. We may notice the observance of the orthographical rule of doubling the consonant in a conjunct letter after r. The record contains a few inaccuracies of spelling.
The epigraph states that the image of Chauvisa Tirthakara was dedicated as a gift to the Jaina temple erected by Mādaņa Daņāyaka by Bopaņņa, & resident of the illustrious holy town of Kopaña on the occasion of consummation of certain religious vows and performances. Mādaņa Daņāyaka was a constituent of the illustrious Mūla Samgha and Dēsiya gaña. Bopaņņa was son of the parents, Emmeyara Prithigauda and Malauve, and a lay disciple of the illustrious divine Māghanandi Siddhānta-chakravarti, bearing the titles, Rāya rājaguru (royal preceptor of the princes) and Maņdalāchārya (ecclesiastical head of the province).
The location of the temple to which the image was presented is not specified in the record. But as the image was found at Yalbargi, we might safely assume that the temple was situated in the town of Yalbargi itself. When vandalism became rampant and the temple that gave protection to the image succumbed to the forces of destruction, the image appears to have been carefully removed and buried underground with a view to preserving it from the tragic fate of mutilation by its faithful devotees. Yalbargi was the capital of the feudatory governors of the Sinda house, some of whom at least appear to have been great patrons of the Jaina faith. This place is replete with Jaina antiquities. The importance of the place as a great centre of Jainism is further attested by the fact that Bopaņņa who was himself a resident of the great holy town of Kopaņa made a votive offering to a Jaina temple at Yalbargi.
Mādaņa Daņāyaka who was responsible for the erection of the temple at Yalbargi was in all probability a military officer under the Sinda rulers of Yalbargi. Māghanandi Siddhānta-chakravarti appears to have been a great pontiff holding the high position as the ecclesiastical head of a large part of the country. But unfortunately, in the absence of specific date and other details in regard to his spiritual lineage, headquarters, etc., we are not in a position to identify him from among a large number of divines bearing the name, who are known to have lived at this period. This epigraph is one of the early instances wherein occur the pontifical titles, Rāyarājaguru and Mandalāchārya, as applied to Māghanandi, which came into vogue more prominently during the subsequent period.
The epigraph contains an allusion to Kopbal, the great centre of Jainism, which is mentioned as the illustrious holy town (tirtha) of Kopaña'. This deserves to be noted.

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JAINA HPIGRAPBS : PART III
881
TEXT 1 @ Svasti[*] Śri-Mūla-Samgha Dēsiya-ganada Mādaņa-daņāyaka mādisida ba[ sadi ]ge Rā
2 ya-rājaguru Mamặalāchāryyar=appa śrīmad(n)- Māghanamdi-siddhānta-chakravarttigaļa ( pri]ya [guddagaļu Śrī]- Kopaņa
3 tīrtthada Emmeyara [Prithi ]gaudana priyāṁgane Malauvege pu[]tida suputraru Bopannarā taṁ ... lāmja.
4 ļi mu[ khya ]v-āgi e[lla] nõmpigeyu Chauvis'a (sa )-tīrtthakara māļi. si ko[t*]taru [*] Mamgala-mahā-śrī-sri-sri @
TRANSLALION Hail! This image of Chauvisa Tirthakara (Twenty-four Tīrthakaras) was caused to be prepared and dedicated on the occasion of consummation of several religious vows ......, to the basadi (Jaina temple ) erected by Mādana Daņāyaka, a constituent of the Dēsiya gana of the illustrious Müla Samgha by Bopaņņa, worthy son of Emmeyara (Prithi ]gauda and his beloved wife Malauve, a resident of the illustrious holy town of Kopaņa and a favourite lay disciple of the illustrious pontiff' Măghanandi Siddhāntachakravarti (Supreme master of the Jaina philosophy ) who bore the titles, Rāyarājaguru (royal preceptor of the princes) and Maņdalāchārya ( ecclesiatical head of the province). May ::uspiciousness and great glory attend this !
INSCRIPTION No. 50
(Found on an Image unearthed at Yalbargi) This inseription was detected on the pedestal of an image at Kopbal. The image is known by the name Pañchaparamēshthi. It was kept in the Nēminātha temple when I visited the place in 1930. But as observed in the introductory remarks on the previous epigraph, this image along with the one bearing the foregoing inscription was unearthed about forty years ago at Yalbargi.
The sculpture in question is executed in the same style as of the image of Chauvisa Tirthakara noticed previously. It is carved out of nicely polished black granite stone. Panchaparamēshthi is a Jaina technical term which represents the following five dignitaries; Jina, Siddha, Āchārya, Upādhyāya and Sādhu. So the present image constitutes all these five into one composite piece. The main central figure is that of the Jina. This may be recognised from the characteristic triple umbrella over its head and the two fly-whisks depicted in miniature size on its two sides. Of the remaining four, two seated figures which are plain and undignified are portrayed on the two sides of the Jina near his shoulders. The other two are shown in seated postures at the bottom on the

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
two sides of the feet of the Jina. These lower ones appear to be more dignified bearing the canopy and other attributes. I am inclined to identify the two top figures as those of the Upādhyāya and the Sādhu and the lower ones as the Siddha and the Achārya. The whole sculpture is handsomely incised, and presents a rare specimen of superb craftsmanship of the age.
The document consist of six lines of writing. The characters are small and decently engraved. The alphabet and the language are Kannada. The epigraph is well preserved. It contains no date, but may be ascribed to the 12th century A. D., approximately, on palaeographical considerations.
The inscription states that the image of Pañchaparamēshthi was prepared on the occasion of the celebration of the vows of Siddhachakra and Srutapanchami by Dēvaņa, son of Achaņņa, Sēnabõva of the capital town of Erambarage, and a lay disciple of Mādhavachandra Bhattāraka, a constituent of the illustrious Mūla Saṁgha, Dēsiya gaña, Pustaka gachchha and Ingalēśvara
bali.
The provenance of the temple to which the image in question was dedicated is not specified. But it is obvious that it must have belonged to Erambarage itself as indicated by its find-spot. When the temple was subsequently faced with destruction, the image seems to have been preserved underground by the faithful devotees. Erambarage was the capital of the Sinda chiefs who ruled here as feudatory governors under the Western Chālukyas of Kalyāņa. It is identical with modern Yalbargi in the Kopbal District. Ingalāśvara baļi to which the divine Mădhavachandra Bhattāraka belonged, was an important section of the Müla Samgha, Dēsiya gana and Pustaka gachchha. In the absence of the precise date and the details in
the spiritual lineage, the headquarters, etc., of the monk, it is not possible to arrive at the correct identification of this Madhavachandra The vow (nompi) of Siddhachakra was celebrated in honour of the Siddhas and the ritual of Śrutapanchami was connected with the study of the Jaina scriptures.
TEXT i Svasti [1*] Śri-Müla-Saiga (gha) Dēsiya gaņa Pustaka-gachchha Yimgale
2 s'varada baliya Mādhavachaṁdra-bhattārakara gudda Śrima3 d rājadhāni-pattaņam Era in barageya kulās gri] (grya) sēnabo4 va Achaạna yavara maga Dēvananu Siddhachakrada nõmpi
5 Srutapaṁchami nompige māļisida Pamchaparamāshthigala pratime [i*]
6 Mangalam ( 1 * ] 1 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1916, p. 83.

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888
TRANSLATION Hail! This image of Pañchaparamēshthi was prepared on the occasion of the celebration of the vows of Siddhachakra and Srutapanchami, by Dēvaņa, son of Achaņņa, the higly born Sēnabõva (local revenue official) of the illustrious capital towa Erambarage, and a lay disciple of the divine Mādhavachandra, a constituent of the illustrious Mūla Samgha, Dēsiya gaña, Pustaka gachchlia and Ingalēśvara baļi (section). May it be auspicious !
INSCRIPTION No. 51 (Found on the Pedestal of an Image at Yalbargi) This inscription was discovered on the pedestal of a mutilated stone image at Yalbargi. The pedestal was lying on the platform adjoining the gate of and outside the ginning factory. The upper portion of the image above the pedestal except for the feet, was lost and could not be traced. It must have been a small image as could be judged from the reinnant of the pedestal.
The epigraph too was not in a good state of preservation; and it was damaged and worn out in many places. It was engraved in small round characters. The alphabet and the language are Kannada. The record is not dated, but might be ascribed approximately to the 12th century A. D. on palaeographical considerations. The purpose of the document seems to be to record the erection of the double-shrined temple in honour of Pār'svanātha Tirthakara and dedication of the present image to the same by the wife of Dēvaņārya, a high official of the principality of the Sinda chiefs.
Dēvaņārya is stated to have been the chief minister (Mahāpradhāna) and Tantrādhishthāyaka of the illustrious Mahāmaņdalēśvara (feudatory ruler) Vira Vikramāditya. The designation Tantrādhishthāyaka seems to denote the office of the superintendent of political affairs. It is easy to identify Vira Vikramāditya with the feudatory prince of the Sinda house bearing the name : for we know that Yalbargi was the headquarters of the princes of the Sinda family and a prince named Vikramāditya ruled here. Further details in regard to this prince are furnished by other epigraphs. He was son of Chāmunda II. He figures with his brother Bijjala as ruling the chiefdom jointly. The inscriptions containing references to him range from a. D. 1169 to 1220. On the evidence of these records we may place the present charter sometime by the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century A. D. As we already know, the Sindus were the feudatories of the Western Chālukyas of Kalyāṇa and were subsequently related by the bond of matrimony with the Kalachuri house of Karnāṭaka.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 114.

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The name of the donor who was the wife of Dēvaņārya is lost. She has been described in respectful terms and appears to have been a pious lady. She claimed allegiance to a teacher of the Müla Samgha and Dēsiya gana with which she seems to have been spiritually associated. More details in regard to the spiritual relationship of this lady are unfortunately lost. As observed previously, Erumbarage was an eminent stronghold of the Jaina faith which appears to have been patronised by the rulers and fostered by their officials. This is the third votive epigraph of the series from Yalbargi under study which lends confirmatory evidence in favour of this surmise.
TEXT Svasti [* śrīman-Mabāmaņdalēśvara Vira-Vikramādityadēvana Mahāpradhāna Tamtr-ādhishthāyaka Dēvaņārya-nāyaka ... ... ... punya-kāṁti chaladamka-Rāma ... ... ... [ suhādri] Mūla-Samgha Dēsiy.a-gana .................. chiņtāmaņi sajjana-jana-chūdāmaņi ......... nāyakiti ............ Pārsvanātha-chaitya-dye( dva)yaman= ettisiy = ā-sthānamam tammage ......... māļisi bittaļu [11* ]
TRANSLATION Hail! The lady ......... of meritorious lustre, ......... Mūla Saṁgha, Dēsiya gaña ......... the wish-fulfilling jewel, crest-jewel among the persons of righteous conduct ...... wife of Dēvaņārya Nāyaka who was Great Minister and Superintendent of Political Affairs, of the illustrious ruler, Mahāmaņdalēśvara (the great feudatory governor) Vira (valourous) Vikramādityadēva, caused to be erected the double-shrined temple of Pārsvanātha and dedicated (this image ) having had it prepared ...... the religious institution.
INSCRIPTION NO. 82 (Found on the Pedestal of an Image at Adūru) This inscription was discovered on the pedestal of a mutilated stone image. The pedestal was cast away and lying near Aļūru, a village situated in the Yalbargi taluk. Apart from the image which was broken and lost, even the surviving pedestal was partly damaged. Consequently, the epigraph was worn out, and could not be deciphered in full. The inscription comprises two lines of writing. It is engraved in small and round Kannada characters. The language is Sanskrit. The record is not dated but might be assigned approximately to the 12th century A, D, on palaeographical considerations. On account of the damaged nature of the epigraph the reading of some of the letters in the text given below is not beyond doubt.
It is a small label inscription. Its purport seems to be to record the gift of the image by a certain divine who was the head of the local congregation

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385
of monks belonging to the illustrious Müla Saṁgha and Balātkāra gaña. The pocasion of the gift, the temple to which the image was dedicated and other details in regard to the transaction are irretrievably lost. The donor appears to have been a monk of some status. The discovery of this inscription in this village which possesses no traces of the faith of Lord Jina at present, indicates at once the existence of religious institutions and followers of the faith in the past in this locality and its neighbourhood.
TEXT 1 Śrī-Mūla-Samgha-sambhava Ba......ga (ņādhyaksha )......... 2 samyya( ya )minā sõ(sho)da ś& ......... (prākṣitā cha saba ) ...
TRANSLATION ...... by the monk ...... president of the Ba[ lātkāra ) gaña, constituent of the illustrious Mūla Sangha ......... the sixteen ......
INSCRIPTION NO. 58
(Found on a stone slab at Rājūru) This inscription was detected on a slab of stone at Rājūru, a village situated in the Yalbargi taluk. The slab was set up against the front wall of & temple of Siva in the locality. In the upper portion above the writing, the slab contains the representations of the Sun and the Moon at the top, a Jaina monk in the sitting posture in the middle and a cow being suckled by the calf by the side. The inscribed portion of the slab is greatly damaged and much worn out. Fragments of some lines and a few expressions here and there could be made out with some difficulty. It was not possible to count the lines in their proper order.
The epigraph is engraved in Kannada characters of medium size. The language is Kannada except for the invocatory verse in Sanskrit. The composition is both prose and verse. The document appears to have contained a date; but the date portion of the record is thoroughly effaced. So, as the next alternative, we have to take into consideration the evidence of palaeography, and approximately ascribe its date to the 12th century A. D. ..... The charter commences with the familiar Sanskrit verse invoking the commandment of Lord Jina. After this a major portion of the record is completely worn out. This might have contained an account of the reigning king and the cirumstantial details of the gift. It is clear from the extant portion that the object of the epigraph is to register an endowment of land in all probability for the benefit of a Jaina temple of the locality. Next comes the imprecatory passage. This is followed by a verse which, most probably, contained the praise of the donor.
49

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
.
.
..
The village contains at present neither a Jaina temple nor any followers of the faith. But some mutilated and scattered relics of the faith were discovered here in the course of my exploration. The impression gathered from these vestiges, that this locality had at one time come under the influence of the Jaina doctrine, is substantially supported by the testimony of this epigraph.
TEXT Srimat-parama-gambhira...... .........Jinaśāsanaṁ 11[1*1
...........tamna māļi..................paņa poladola........................ mādi bittaru ma 10 kisu-ma 2......
..................kelage gadde kamma............ D =i-dharmmamaṁ pratipālisidavargge Vāraņāsi Kurukshētra Prayāgey = emba...... ......kațţisi chaturvvēda-śāstraparāyaṇar = appa Brāhmaṇargge koţța puņyam=idanu laṁghisi kițisidavargg =ākaļugalan = ā-Brāhmaṇaruman=ā-tirthagaloļu koṁda pātakam= eydugum u Dvija............d=õtpaļavana-rajanikara............jana-tushţikaraṁ vrijina.........sujan-āgraņi...... 1 = ene mechchada... ! [2*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Verse 1. May the doctrine of Lord Jina be victorious— the doctrine which is the commandment of the overlord of the three worlds and which
as its infallible characteristic mark.
..............
.........
...
...
...
.
...............
made a gift of ten mattars of cultivable land and two mattars of red land...... and wet land below, measuring kamma ... ... ... in the field ............
Those who preserve this charitable endowment will accrue great merit; its transgressors will incur heavy sin.
Verse 2. Who will not appreciate ...... the moon to the bed of blue lotuses,.............. source of joy to the persons ...... the foremost among the men of righteous conduct?

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REVIEW AND RETROSPECT
Research is proyresive. Its progress depends upon the activities of the persons engaged in it leading to new light and fresh discoveries. The major part of the present work was put into shape about a decade ago. Some new material, mainly epigraphical, has been explored since, and a few sources have been restudied and assessed in the meanwhile. As these are found to bear intimate relationship with what has been discussed earlier in this volume, it is considered necessary to review some of them here briefly.
I JAINISM IN KARNATAKA
More Facts Of all the areas in Karnāțaka, Dharwar Dist. has yielded on the whole considerably large, and nonetheless valuable, number of Jaina antiquities of various kinds. These show that many renowned Jaina teachers and institutions of different sects and orders, including the Yāpaniyas, flourished here.
Aņņigēri in the Navalgund taluk was an early stronghold of this faith. The epigraph engraved on a pillar set up in front of the Banaśankarī temple, dated circa 751 A. D., speaks of the erection of a Jaina temple by Kaliyamma, the headman of Jēbulagori. Aạnigere is described as the rājadhāni of the Belvala country in an inscription of the place belonging to the 11th century About a century later, we have an epigraph on a slab set up in front of the temple of Purada Virappa. This recorde bearing a date in A. D. 1184 contains an allusion to a group of five Jaina temples and another Jaina temple named Permāļi. A teacher named Sõmadēva who belonged to the Müla Saṁgha and Kondakunda anvaya figures in another inscription in the Jaina basti, of A. D. 1267
Two mutually supplementary inscriptions from Gāwarwād and Annigēri dated in A. D. 1071-72 in the reign of Sõmēśvara II, furnish an interesting account of the Jaina institutions that thrived at Annigēri. Sometime in the previous century when Ganga-Permāļi Būtuga II was governing the Belvala region, he enhanced the glory of the city of Aņņigere, built there a Jaina temple and endowed it sumptuously. This temple which became famous as Permāļi Jinā laya after its founder, must be the one noted above. The trusteeship of this temple was handed down in a line of teachers who belonged to the Balātkāra gana of the Nandi Samgha which was a branch of the Müla Samgha. Their
1 Bomb. Kärn. Inss., Vol. I, pt. I, No. 6. 2 Ibid., No. 115. 3 An. Rep. on 8, I. Epigraphy, 1928-29, App. E, No. 207. 4 Ibid., No. 204, 6 Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, pp. 337 ff.

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succession was as follows. Vardhamāna was an early preceptor to the Ganga family. He had two disciples, Vidyānanda Svāmi and Māņikyanandi, the latter styled Tärkikarka, i. e., 'the sun of logicians'. Māņikyanandi was succeeded by the three generations of disciples, viz., Guñakirti, Vimalachandra and Gunachandra. Gandavimukta I and Abhayanandi were the two disciples of Guņa. chandra. Abhayanandi's succession was continued one after another by Sakalachandra Siddhāntika, Gaņdavimukta II and Tribhuvanachandra. We are then told that since the Jaina establishment had lost its hereditary possessions as a result of the disastrous invasion of the Chõļa king, they were restored to the last named trustee teacher by the abovementioned Chalukya king.
We have already noted the importance of Lakkuņdi as a prosperous centre of Jainism. An inscription on a pillar of the Jaina temple in the village, dated in a. D. 1172, informis us that it was constructed by Ballele Jimayya and that Mahāsēna Pandita was functioning as its trustee in the above year. Two epigraphs noticed earlier have brought to light the existence here of Jaina temples bearing the interesting names Vasudhaikabāndhava Jinālaya and Nõmpiya Basadi. The inscription on the pedestal of a broken Jaina image kept in the Nagarāśvara temple` states that it was the gift of Rājavve, lay disciple of Traividya Narēndrasõna who appears to have been connected with the teachers of the Chandrikāvāta lineage.3
Lakshmēśvar which was known in former times as Purikaranagara, Purigere, Puligere, etc., is a famous place renowned in history and literature. It was an eminent centre of Jainism also, as revealed by its rich antiquities including a good number of inscriptions. The epigraphs which record various benefactions to the Jaina institutions that flourished here, ranging in date from the 8th to the 16th century, contain allusions to many Jaina temples and teachers who held charge of them. The names of the Jaina temples are as follows: Sankha-vasati, Tirthavasati, Mukkara-vasati, Rāchamalla-vasati, Gangakandarpa-jinamandira, GangaPermādi-chaityālaya or Permāļi Basadi, Sri-Vijaya-vasati, Marudēvi temple, Dhavala-jinālaya, Goggiya-basadi, Anesejjeya-basadi and Sāntinātha temple. It is interesting to note that as suggested by their titles and designations some of these were named after the princes of the Western Ganga house; for instance Ganga Permāời was the title of Būtuga 1I; Gangakandarpa, that of Mārasimha; and Rāchamalla was a Ganga ruler. Sankha-jinālaya appears to have been the earliest and highly honoured of these temples. This has survived to the present day, as well as a few others.
1 An, Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1926-27, App. F, No. 30. 2 Ibid., 1984-85, App. E, No. 75. 8 Soe above, p. 136.

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Adverting to the Anesejjeya-basadi, mentioned above, we may note that it was erected by Kunkumamahādēvi, sister of Chālukya Vijayāditya, as stated in a later eleventh century inscription from Gudigere. This statement is confirmed by a contemporary copper plate charter of this king, recently discovered at Shiggaon. The record which is dated A. D. 718, speaks of a Jaina temple constructed by Kunkumadēvi at Purigere and the royal grant of the village Guddigere made in its favour. It would be reasonable to assume that one and the same Jaina temple is referred to in both these epigraphs.
An important line of teachers who had settled here from early centuries, belonged to the Dāva gaña of the Mūla Samgha. Pūjyapāda and his disciple Udayadēva Pandita or Niravadya Paņdita who was a preceptor of the Western Chālukya king Vinayāditya, figure in an inscription of the early 8th century. Rāmadēvāchārya, his pupil Jayadēva and the latter's pupil Sri-Vijayadēva are mentioned in a record slightly later than the above. An epigraph of the 11th century speaks of Dēvēndra Bhattāraka, his disciple Ekadēva and the latter's disciple Jayadova Pandita. Gaņdavimukta Bhattāraka and his pupil Tribhuvanachandra Papdita, of the Mula Smgha and Balātkāra gaña, introduced by an inscription of A. D. 1074 are evidently identical with Gaņdavimukta II and Tribhuvanachandra of the Aņņigēri epigraph reviewed above. Śrīnandi Pandita and his elder brother Bbāskaranandi Pandita who belonged to the Sūrastha gana are known from an inscription of a. D. 1077. Indrakirti Pandita who was the priest of the Goggiya-basadi figures in an inscription of the reign of Bhūlokamalla or Sõmāśvara 111. There lived in the 13th century an influential teacher named Rājaguru Padmasēna who was responsible for the renovation of SriVijaya-jinālaya. In two inscriptions of the 15th and 16th centuries are mentioned Hēmaņācharya, Hēmadēvāchārya and Sankhaņāchārya, as connected with Sankha-basadi.In regard to the Dēva gaņa noted above, we have noticed its occurrence in an earlier context also in a record from Lakkundi. This gaña appears to be indentical with the more familiar denomination Dēsiya gana."
Interesting is the information furnished by an inscription at Rāņābennür dated A. D. 859. This epigraph speaks of a gift of land made to Nāganandyāchārya of the Singhavura gaña in favour of a Jaina temple constructed by Nāgulara Pollabbe. Singhavura is evidently derived from Simhapura and this name of a gana is not known previously. Equally interesting is the disclosure made by an epigraph at Mõțebennür in the same taluk dated A. D. 1066. While
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 37-38; An. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1945–46, A, No. 49. 2 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 104 ff. and An, Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1935-36, App. E, Nos. 6
9, 18, 28-29, eto. 3 Vide above, p. 141. 4 Ibid., p. 223. 6 An. Rep. eto for 1933-34, App. E, No. 116.

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describing a gift made by Mahāmaņdalēsvara Lakshmarasa, the governor of Banavāsi, it introduces the donee śāntinātha Bhattāraka as a member of the Mūla Sangha and Chandrikāvāța-vamsa. In a previous context we have dealt with the teachers of the Chandrikāvāta lineage who originally hailed from the Bijapur Dt. and later settled in the Dharwar region. The said śāntinatha seems to have been connected with this line. Another inscription of about the 13th century, from Mötebennūr, invokes the succour of Chandranāthasvāmi and mentions the teacher Jinachandra.
From Artāl in the Bankapur taluk hails an inscription introducing the teacher Kanakachandra of the Müla Saṁgha and Krāņār gaņa. This is dated circa A. D. 1123. An epigraph bearing no date from Kalkēri in the Mundargi Petha, noticed earlier, also furnishes information about the teachers of the same gana (Kāņūr) and Tintriņi gachchba, that had settled there. These were Bhānukirti Siddhāntadēva who sponsored the erection of a Jaina temple and Akalankachandra Bhattāraka of Kalikere in whose favour it was set up.
In an undated inscription from Mākanūro in the Rāņēbennür taluk figures the preceptor Nandibhattāraka of the Mula Samgha and Sūrastha gaņa. Another preceptor of the same gaņa, by name Sahasrakīrti, finds mention in an incompletely dated epigraph at Mantagi’ in the Hangal taluk. From two other inscriptions discovered here Mantagi appears to have been a busy centre of Jaina activities. One of these dated A. D. 1166 states that Kalidēva Setti of Panthipura, i. e., Hāngal, constructed a temple for the deity Chaturvimśati Tirthakara and endowed it suitably. Nāgachandra Bhattāraka who was the priest of this temple received the gift. The other epigraph of about the sanie period enumerates several gifts made to different Jaina temples of the place by the Kadamba chiefs Harikēsaridēva. Harikāntadēva and Tovimarasa. This record mentions Uppamtāychana Basadi of Bankāpura and Kontimahādēviya Basadi.8
The patronage received by the Jaina faith at the hands of the royal household of the Dāvagiri Yādavas is illustrated by an inscription at Tadkod in the Dharwar taluk. This is dated in the 14th year of Ramachandra and Chitrabhānu, corresponding to a. D. 1282 and reveals that a Jaina temple was caused to be constructed by Sarvādhikāri Māyadēva under the orders of the king's
1 An. Rep. etc. for 1933-34 App. E, No. 113. 2 See above, pp. 134 ff. 3 Op. cit., No. 108. 4 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1943-44 and 1944-45, App. F, No. 1. 6 Ibid., 1927-28, App. E, No, 51. 6 Ibid., 1934-36, App. E, No. 50. 7 Ibid., 1947-48, App. B, No. 210. 8 Ibid., No. 207-208.

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mother, the queen of Kanparadēva. Another epigraph in the same place invokea Chandranātha Jina and mentions the teachers, Balachandra and his disciple Vāsupūjya.? No Jaina temple exists at present at Tadkod and the above records are traced in the Kalamēśvara temple.
Allusions to the Jaina temples known as Dora or Dhöra Jinālaya are met with in two inscriptions, one at Chhabbi in the Hubli talukand another at HalsangiS in the Indi taluk of the Bijapur District. This name is rather interesting. Dhõra is perhaps the Prākrit form of Dhruva," and we know of a Rāshtrakūta king of this name who was very famous. We are not in a position to assert if these temples were named in his memory. Another suggestion may be to treat döra as an equivalent of tõra in Kannada, meaning 'big.' This reminds us of the famous Hoysala capital Dõrasamudra which seems to be Sanskritised into Dvārasamudra.
Kõlivad in the Hubli taluk is well known as the native place of the renowned Kannada poet Kumāra Vyāsa. In my recent exploration of this place I found that besides the antiquities of the Brahmanical faith, it contained a few earlier relics of Buddhism and Jainism. Among the last named is a fragmentary epigraph found on a stone lying in the compound of the Kalamēśvara temple. This inscription bears the sculpture of Jina at the top and commences with the usual praise of the Jinaśāsana. It belongs to the reign of the Răshtrakūta king Koţtiga (966-373 A. D.) and mentions the king's subordinate of the Ganga house, part of whose prasasti, Satyavākya-Konguņivarma-Dharmamahārāja, is preserved. This might be Mārasimha III.
The contents of a tenth century inscription engraved on a boulder called Jõgibaņdi near the village of Bellatti in the Shirhatti taluk are interesting. They show that the Basadio of Bellaţți gana was brought into existence by Ayatavarma who was the Pergade of Ajjarayya. Some of the Jaina ganas or sections of the monastic order are known to have derived their designations from place-names;" for instance the Erekittur gaņa, Vandiyur gana and Kandūr gana were obviously named after those particular places. Similar is the case with some of the gachchhas, baļis and anvayas. The present gaṇa which evidently owed its designation to the village of Bellatti itself, which has retained
1 An. Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1926, App. C, Nos. 445-46. 2 Ibid., 1939-40 to 1942-43, App. F, No. 15 of 1941-42. 3 Ibid., 1937-38, App. E, No. 25. 4 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 393. 5 Outstanding among the Buddhist relios is an image of Tārā bearing a twelfth centary
Năgari inscription on its pedestal. Vide Journal of India History, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 88 ff. 6 It is likely that this Basadi was represented by the rocky cavern itself nearby and not by
an elaborate structure, 7 Compare Jaina Sahitya aura Itihāsa (Hindi), p. 55.

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its name in tact to the present day, adds one more conspicuous illustration, to the above observations.
There prospered a good many other places also in the Dharwar Dt. which clain our attention on account of the activities of several Jaina teachers and their devout followers. They are as follows: Amminbhāvi in the Dharwar taluk; Dambal in the Mundargi Petha, which was also a resort of Saiva followers and a centre of Buddhist faith; Komargop and Kurhatti in the Navalgund taluk; Maņţūr in the Hubli taluk; Kundgöl, Gadag, Akkūr and Hattimattúr in the Haveri taluk; Mattikatti and Hūvina-Sigli in the Bankapur taluk; Bāļūr, Bālehalli, Belvatti and Yalavațti in the Hangal taluk.
Ingaļāśvara in the Bagevadi taluk of the Bijapur Dt. was a thriving stronghold of the Jaina faith as attested by the name Ingaļēśvara Bali, evidently associated with this place, which was an important section of the monastic order of Mūla Samgha, Dēsiya gana and Pustaka gachchha. Existence of a temple called Tirthada Basadi in this place and Dēvachandra Bhattāraka who was its managing priest are known from an epigraph at Tammadhaddi' in the Muddebihal taluk. A study of the inscriptions at Ingalēśvara itself gives a fair idea about the influential status of the Jaina teachers and the faithful adherents of the Jaina doctrines residing here.
Ascendency of this faith in the region of Hungund has been noticed earlier. This is substantiated by one more inscription at Hungund itself recording the erection of a Jaina temple by Bāhubali, pupil of Indranandi of the Dēsiya gaña and Pustaka gachchha, in the latter half of the 19th century; and another at Hire-Singanagutti mentioning Balachandra of the same monastic affiliation.
That some of the officers under the Yādavas were zealous in the promotion of the Jaina faith in this area, is seen from an epigraph at Kalkēri in the Sindgi taluk, dated about a. D. 1244 in the reign of Singhaņa. It is gathered from this record that Mahāpradhāna Malla in conjunction with others constructed a temple of Ananta Tīrthakara at the instance of the preceptor Kamalasēna Muni. An inscription at Dēvūr in the same taluk adds one more interesting instance to the Nishidhi memorials. This record incised on a slab of stone states that it was the nisidhi, all in one, of Simgi-setti, Dāvi-setti, Padumavve and Singeya, who were lay disciples of Nēmidēva of the Mūla Samgha, Dēsi gaña, Pustaka gachchha and Ingalēśvara baļi.
1 An, Rep. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1929-30, App. E, No. 70. 2 Ibid., 1930-31, App. E, Nos. 14-18. 3 Bomb, Karn. Inss., Vol. I, part II, Nos. 123 and 209. 4 An, Rep. eto., 1936–37, App. E, No. 53. 8 See above, pp. 225-226.

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893 Below the inscription are carved two female figures with folded hands facing each other with a burning lamp in the centre.'
Other places of interest in the Bijapur area are Tumbigi in the Muddebihal taluk, Hūvina-Hippargi in the Bagevadi taluk, Halsangi in the Indi taluk, Algūr in the Jamkhandi taluk and Mudhol. The last named town is noted to be the native place of the famous Kannada poet Ranna. But when I explored this locality recently, I found that it contained very few Jaina antiquities worth the name. A Tīrthakara image of a late date was all that I could detect in a ruined site. No Jaina families are known to reside here at present. This provides one more instance showing how places which were once eminent centres of Jainism have in course of several centuries been completely wiped out of all traces of that faith.
A damaged inscription in Kannada found in a cave near Bhose in the Tasgaon taluk of the Satara Dt. mentions the sage Vāmanandi of the Müla Samgha and Kāņār gana. Besides the famous temple of Koppēśvara or Koppanātha, Khidrāpūr in the Kolhapur Dt., has preserved an imposing and handsome temple dedicated to Adinātha. Sirsangi in the Parasgad taluk of the Belgaum Dt. had a Jaina temple of some status and the preceptor Gaņdavimukta Siddhāntadõva was connected with it. The epigraph incised on the Sahasrakūța pillar in the well-preserved Jaina temple at Aināpir in the Athni taluk, states that it was the creation of a pious devotee named Rēvisetti. The renovation of a temple known as Ratnatraya Basadi by Bammaņa is recorded in a 12th century inscription at Athni. From the identification of the figures on the doors as the Jinabimbas and the sculptures of the Jinas inside, it can be determined that the present Virabhadra temple at Nēsaragi in the Sampagaon taluk was originally a Jaina shrine.
Maski in the Raichur Dt. of the Hyderabad State is reputed to be the provenance of a famous Minor Rock Edict of Asoka. Explorations carried on here have revealed that it was also a seat of Jainism in the age of the 11th and the following centuries. It was at this time called Rājadhāni Piriya Mosangi, being the headquarters of the adjoining tract. Two inscriptions of this place dated in A. D. 1027 and 1032 respeotively, speak of the gifts made
1 An. Rep. etc. 1936-37, No. 22. 2 An. Rep. on Epigraphy, 1946-47, App. B, No. 243. 3 This is ths oorreot name of the god siva here. It has been erroneously Sanskritised into
Kopāśvara or Köpanātha and a legend has grown around this form of the name, köpa
meaning anger'. 4 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1939-40 to 1942-43, App. E, No. 76 of 1940-41. The
original name of this village was ķishišsingi and a local inscription derrates the legend that the sage Kishyaśținga was born on the adjoining bill. Could it bave been derived from the Rishis, i. e., Jaina monks? 50

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in favour of two Jaina temples. The donor in the former case was Sõmaladēvi, daughter of the Chālukya king Jayasimha II Jagadēkamalla and the latter is described as Jagadēkamalla Jinālaya of the Dõsiya gaña which was in charge of the preceptor Ashțõpavāsi Kanakanandi. Gabbūr in the same district, known as Hiriya Gobbūr, was a centre of craftsmen, some of whom were engaged in minting operations. An inscription of A. D. 1109 discovered here registers gifts for the benefit of Brahma-jinālaya or Nagara-jinālaya, made by the guild of businessmen and others.
In an earlier context I have commented on the Jaina caves at Ellora. Among them the cave of Pārsvanātha is of special interest as I could gather in my recent visit to this place. The image of Pārsvanātha is unusually large and highly impressive, associated as it is with the standing Yaksha pair and a group of devotees. What is of paramount interest is the wheel at the base of the image with its edge facing the front. This appears to be the representation of Dharmachakra set in motion by the Jina. It is a rare aspect of the Tirthakara which I noticed here depicted for the first time.
An additional piece of interesting information is forthcoming from a stone inscription recently discovered at Kopbal in the course of my annual tour. Th
refers itself to the reign of Rashtrakūta Indra and is dated Saka 811 and Sõbhana. If the cyclic year Sobhana is a mistake for Saumya, the date would be A. D. 889. The record goes on to describe the king's commander of the forces, [Am]marasa, who proceeded to pay his homage to the holy place (tirtha-vaṁdanārtham baṁdu). Next we are introduced to the chief Aliyamarasa of the Kadamba family who had constructed a Jaina temple in this place. The inscription then speaks of the offering of worship in this new temple and bestowal of great gifts (mahādāna) on the occasion of the setting up of the pinnacle over this Basadi, as it was celebrated.
Antiquities of three more places in the North Kanara Dt. are worthy of review. The active pursuit of their faith by the Jaina adherents in the 12-14th century is disclosed by the inscriptions found in the Basti at Banavāsi, which also contain references to the teachers of the Mūla Samgha, Dēsi gana and Pustaka gachchha. Kumtha fared better as a stronghold of the faith during this period. From the inscriptions explored in the Pārsvanātha temple, we learn that this town was a resort of the preceptors of three different monastic sections of the Müla Sangha, viz., Dēsiya geia, Pustaka gachchha ; Sūrastha gana, Chitrakūța gachchha; and Krāņār gana. One of them describes the death by samādhi of a Kadamba princess named Kanchaladēvi who was the pupil of Ganjiya-Maladhāridēva of Krāņār gana.'
1 See above, p. 99. 2 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1947-48, App. B, Nos. 237-244, etc.

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Bhatkal sprang to eminence as a centre of Jainism from the beginning of the 15th century, particularly under the patronage of the chiefs of Hāduvalli or Sangitapura who were ardent followers of the faith. An epigraph of A. D. 1545 in the Pārsvanātha Basti records the erection of the said temple with its Mānastambha and various gifts in its favour by the wealthy and pious traders of the town as well as the queen Chennādēvi. We learn the following interesting facts from three inscriptions in Banda Basti, dated about A. D. 1556. This temple dedicated to Vardhamāna Jina was constructed by Nāraṇa Nāyaka, a general of the queen Bhairādēvi. Another dignitary named Timma Nāyaka had the shrine of Ratnatraya Basadi built in memory of his father. This was dedicated to the Jinas, Aranātha, Mallinātha and Munisuvrata. This chief is also credited with the renovation of the Chaturmukha Basadi built by Dēvarāya. Amongst other antiquities of this place worthy of note are the metallic representations of Panchaparamāshțhi, Padmăvatī, Nandiśvara and Brahmadēva,
We have known a few details about Padmaprabha Maladhāri through epigraphical and other sources. This teacher is commemorated incidentally in another inscription of the 12th century, which appears to be contemporaneous. The epigraph incised on the image of Vardhamāna, now worshipped as a Hindu idol, at Kammarchôdu in the Alur taluk of the Kurnool Dt. states that the image in question was reconsecrated by Chandavve, wife of the merchant chief Rāyara-setti, who was the favourite pupil of Padmaprabha Maladhāri.
Activities of the Jaina devotees at Chippagiri, another stronghold in the same taluk, are reflected in no less than twelve inscriptions of the place, belonging to the 13th century and later. In these figures a prominent teacher named Kõsanandi of the Dēsiya gana and Postaka gachchb4. Mādhavachandra is another teacher. A record of the 16th century there mentions Viśālakīrti of Ādavāni. Rāyadurg in the same district was a Jaina resort as late as the 14th century. The epigraph incised on the pedestal of a Jaina image here, which is evidently of Anantanātha Jina, speaks of its installation in A. D. 1355 by a local official named Bhögarāja at the command of the Vijayanagara king Harihara I. This dignitary was a lay disciple of Māghanandi, pupil of Amarakīrti, of the Nandi Samgha, Balātkāra gana and Sārasvata gachchha.
1 For details regarding the Jaina antiquities of Bhatkal see An. Rep. on Kannada Research
in Bomb. Province, 1939-40, pp. 29, 71–74, 81 and 90. 2 See above, pp. 159-160. 3 Madras Epigraphical Report, 1916, App. B, No. 560 of 1915. 4 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1943-44 and 1944-45, App. E, Nog. 63-74 of 1938-39, 5 8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. II, No. 404,

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We may incidentally consider here one or two facts in regard to Jainism in the Tamil Nad also. While discussing the Jaina strongholds in the Madura region, we have noticed individually a number of Jaina antiquities in places like Muttupatti, Seţţippodavu and Pochchi Pallam." All these are known under the general name of Samaņarmalai or the hill of Jaina monks' Recently, consequent upon the representations made by the zealous Jainas of the area, this eminent hill has been brought under proper protection of the Department of Archaeology. The inscriptions of this place have also been studied more carefully.
Vijayanangalam in the Coimbatore Dt. which has treasured a few survivals of the faith to the present day, was one more stronghold of Jainism in the Tamil country.
II Jaina Monk SYMBOLISED The overwhelming volume of evidence adduced so far makes it abundantly clear that Jainism exercised mighty influence for several centuries on the cultural life of the people and moulded its course in its various channels. The Jaina monk and missionary carrying the light of the doctrine penetrated into the farthest recesses of the land and established a shrine and a monastery for the propagation of his creed. Leading á life of devotion and selfless service, he made great impression on the mind and heart of the masses who were attracted towards him. The Jaina monk attended not only to their spiritual yearnings and religious needs, but also looked to their material requirements. He provided food to the hungry, medical aid to the ailing and security to the afflicted.
. More than anything else, the rôle played by the Jaina monk in the realm of learning is supreme and ever shining. He educated the rising generations from the rudimentary knowledge of three Rs to the highest levels of literary and scientific studies. He initiated the intelligentsia into the mysteries of literary art and inspired their creative genius. All this produced epoch making results as witnessed by the posterity. Some of the best and earliest literary productions in South India are from the Jaina poets and authors. The torch of learning once lit was incessantly held aloft and radiant.
The Jaina contributions severally to the making of South Indian literatures are noteworthy. The grandeur of Kannada literature to a considerable extent and that of the Tamil one in a substantial measure, will be diminished if we exclude the Jaina works from their range. As we have observed in the early pages of this volume, Teluga literature too appears to have been partly indebted in its initial career to the Jaina authorship, although an amount of
1 Above, pp. 57 ff. 2 T, 8. Sripal: Samaņarmalai Chelvom (monograph in Tamil), 1954.

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.
uncertainty prevails in this respect. This surmise, however, is supported by the fact that the earliest extant work on the Telugu prosody is attributed either to the Jaina authorship or Jaina patronage. This is the Kavijanāśrayamu by Malliya Rêcha, an ornament of the Śrāvakas and disciple of Vādindra-chūdāmaņi, who flourished by the beginning of the 12th century. It is modelled on similar works in the Kannada literature.
The Jaina monk thus came to be regarded as a symbol of learning and passed into the proverb as a scholar par excellence. This is illustrated by the following interesting citation which through a series of epic metaphors bestows the highest praise on him. The passage runs thus:
सवर्ण बळपंगोळे गाडिवि बिलगोळे बलविरोधि वज्रगोळे दा-।
नवरिपु चक्रंगोळे कौरवारि गर्दगोळे पाणगावं नित्वं ॥ “Who can withstand the Jaina Monk in a contest, when he lifts his pen ? As when Arjuna, his Gāņdīva bow ? Indra, his thunderbolt ? Vishņu, his disc? Or Bhima, bis mace ?"
III JAINISM Versus SAIVISM The decline of Jainism was partly due to the Saivite upheaval in almost all parts of South India. I have discussed this topic in proper places in course of my survey of Jainism in the present volume. While dealing with Jainism in Karnāțaka I have indicated that the aggressive activities of the Saivite leaders like Vira Goggidēva' and Ekāntada Rāmayya in the latter half of the 12th century hastened its downfall. In view of its importance and as more facts can also be marshalled on this subject I propose to treat it here in more details.
A perusal of the Aņņigēri inscription alluded to before shows that Vira Goggidēva was a feudatory chief wielding considerable influence. He claimed his descent in the lineage of the renowned epic king Sagara. A formidable warrior on the field of battle against his enemies, he was a staunch devotee of the god Siva. He sacrificed his wealth and other resources for the promotion of Siva's faith and endeared himself among its followers by his pious acts. The epigraph? describes the exploits of Vira Goggidēva against the Jainas and the Jaina deities in the following terms:
1 Kavijanaśrayamu (ed. Jayanti Rămayyapantulu, 1917 ), Preface, pp. 1 ff. 2 Sabdamapidarpana ( Karn. Sab. Parishat ed., 1920), p. 144. The source of this passage is
not known. 3 The original word is balapa which means & piece of soap stone used for writing in olden
days. Consequently it connotes any instrument of writing, penoil, pen, eto. 4 Above pp. 23, 63, 81-82, etc. 5 Above p. 148. 6 Above pp. 182–83. 7 This inscription is not fully published. Only a brief summary of its contents is given in the
An. Rep, on S, I. Epigraphy, 1928-29, App. E, No. 207.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
TEXT Jayina-mriga-bēņtekāram Jayin-āgamadhūmakētu Jagina-kuthārań i Jayina-phani-Vainatēyam Jayin-antakan-enisi negaļdan-i-Goggarasar 11 Aggada Ghatāṁtakiyan-ada nurg-āgire yoạedu kaleda Jinanam tām sale Durgatiyoļ-ikki mețțida Goggarasaṁ raņa-Kumāran-āhavadhiram 11
TRANSLATION This Goggarasa became widely known by his acts which characterised him as the hunter of the wild beasts which are the Jainas, a fire to the Jaina scriptures, an axe to the followers of Jina, an eagle to the snakes, namely the adherents of the Jaina doctrine, and God of Death to those who professed the Jaina creed. Unshaken in encounters, veritable God of War on the fields of battle, Goggarasa smashed to atoms the highsouled deity Ghatāntaki and reduced to an abject state the Jina, bereft of his grandeur.
We have one more epigraph which narrates the activities of the champions of the Saivite faith against those of Jainism and Buddhism. It is from Tālikõți' in the Muddebihāl taluk of the Bijāpur Dt. It belon ys to the same reign as that of the Aņņigēri inscription, viz., Tribhuvanamalla Sõnēśvara IV, and bears an almost identical date which is in A. D. 1184. In this record, large portions of which are unfortunately damaged and lost, are set forth in detail the achievements of Saivite devotees with special reference to an eminent upholder of the faith. I give below the relevant extract culled from this inscription.
TEXT Para-samaya-giri-vajra-damdaruń jagadal-uddamdarum Jina-sanayavana-dahana-dāvānalarum munidarge hāļāhalarum Bauddha-samaya-vidhvamsanapravīņaruń bageyalu jāņaruń anya-samayigaļa benna bāran = ettuvarum seņasuvara nettarań maru!gaļim kudisuvarum parasamaya.gharaţtarum ... ... ... ... kālana nālageyam kiļvaruń ... ... ... namjan= amjad = umbaruń ... ... ... ... ... bahuvidha-nishthegir Haranaṁ parikse-bhavanam-tarisi para-sama[ yigalu ]mañ saṁharisi jaramam māṁkarisuv = uddamdarum ... ... ... Pariyalige Aņilevāļa Uņukallu Sampagāvi Bölūru Mārudige Anampūru Karahāda Kembāvi Bammukūru modálāgi anantadāśa-dēśāntaradal = idirāda parasamayigaļaṁ padalpadisi lõkaman =ākaṁpam-goļisi basadigalam hosedu mukki Sivaliṁga-simbásanaman kangoļisi chalamaṁ meredu dhiradoļu neredu syarga-martya-pātāļado! = Anamgāriya hemmeyumam tamma prīty-āchārada tõrmeyumam kaladal = ikki torpante tõrida purātana-nūtanar=enisida asamkhyāta ganamgala nāmādi-samasta-prasastisahitam ......... sakala ganamgaļa dēvatārchanega!am māļpamtāgi Śrīmanu-Mahāmandalēśvaram Viruparasadēvaru Vira-Dāsaṁge gana-maţhavāgi koţta keyi
1 Op. cit., 1929-30, App. E, No. 68. This inscription is not fully published. Only a brief
summary of its contents is given at the above place,

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TRANSLATION The venerable master Mahāmandalēśvara Viruparasa endowed land as gana-matha to Vira-Dāsa for worshipping the deities of all the votaries of Siva - Viruparasa who was invested with the entire encomium of the countless advocates of Siva, who though living in the new age, are imbibed with the spirit of the votaries of that hallowed past, who are adamantine hammer to the mountains in the form of adverse doctrines, who are peerless among mankind, a conflagration to the wild forest of Jaina creed, quintessence of poison to those who cross their path, adept in crushing the Buddhist tenets, considerate in their intentions, who whip out the skin on the back of the supporters of other faiths and make the fiends drink the blood of their opponents, who are the grindstone to the rival creeds, who can pull out the tongue of the God of Death or eat the poison undaunted, who cause Hara to appear in the hall of contest by their intense devotion and demolish the partisans of hostile faiths, who are the towers of strength defying the advance of age, who have harassed the advocates of alien doctrines, encountering them at Pariyalige, Anilevāda, Uņukallu, Sampagāvi, Bēlūru, Mārudige, Aņampūru, Karahāda, Kembāvi, Bammukūru and other places in various parts of the country, which made the world quake, pounded and powdered the Jaina temples and raised the thrones of Sivalingas and have thus vindicated their conviction of faith and steadfastness of devotion, displaying aloft as it were on the open altar the paramountcy of god Siva and the superiority of their favourite creed in the worlds of god and men and the netherworld.
The above extract contains allusions to the repression of other creeds in general and Jainism and Buddhism in particular. But it is easy to gather that the performances of these votaries of Siva were primarily directed against the protagonists of Jainism which was the predominant faith of the land as seen from the specific reference more than once to the Jaina creed and the devastation of the Jaina temples in various parts of the country. Since Buddhism had a very limited appeal among the people of Karnāțaka, we have to treat such allusions to the Buddhist creed as in the present record and also in the Ablūr inscription, as only incidental. It is of interest futher to observe that many of the regions, such as Uņukallu (modern Uņakal near Hubli), Sampagāvi (Sampagaon in the Belgaum Dt.), and Bammukūru (Bankūr in the Gulbarga Dt.), mentioned in the foregoing passage, where the supporters of hostile creeds are said to have been harassed by the protagonists of Saivism, are known to us as having been strongholds of Jainism.
Among these Bammukūru or Bankūr deserves particular attention. In An earlier context while giving an account of the general survey of antiquities* in
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 255. 2 Above-xpp. 183.85. Bammukūr is also mentioned in Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Channagiri No. 9 - (11th century).

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA the Gulbarga Dt., I have dealt with this place and shown that it abounds in Jaina vestiges. This village has preserved even to the present day its importance as a Jaina centre of pilgrimage though on a modest scale. During my explorations of this place I noticed here a few inscriptions of the 11th and 12th centuries bearing on other subjects, but no Jaina epigraph was available to me. Nor have I come across so far, barring its casual mention in an inscription of the place, any other epigraphical reference from outside to this interesting resort of Jainism, which appears to have been in a thriving state at least till the end of the 12th century.
It is thus seen from the present study that besides Ēkāntada Rāmayya there lived in the latter half of the 12th century two more aggressively powerful leaders of the Saivite movement who launched a severe offensive against Jainism and its supporters in Karnātaka. Vira Goggidēva of the Aņņigēri inscription and Viruparasa of the Tāļikõți epigraph played a decisive rôle in loosening the hold of Jainism in the northern parts as did Ékāntada Rāmayya in the south. Then we have to take into consideration the achievements of Basavēévara, the great champion of the Virasaiva faith, who, though he raised his standard of revolt primarily against the orthodox practices of Brahmanical religion, did not spare Jainism that came in his way.'
It may not be out of place to review in the context the genesis of the dispute between the Kalachuri usurper Bijjala II and Basavēśvara, the great champion of the Virasaiva sect. This conflict which had far-reaching repurcussions in the political and social life of Karnātaka has not been properly traced to its reg igin and this has led to much confusion of thought among the writers on the subject. In order to ascertain the true facts of the matter we have to give due credence to the events as narrated in his Basavarājadēvara Ragale by the poet Harihara who lived at a time not far removed from the age of Basavēśvara and was thus obviously nearer the actual scene.. A perusal of this account reveals that Bijjala's hostility towards Basavēśvara was not due to the alleged circumtance of the former being either a follower or supporter of the Jaina faith. Bijjala, as seen from the above source, was a protagonist of the orthodox form of Brahmanical religion. Basavāśvara, on the contrary, was a reformist directing his assaults against the rigidity of Brahmanical creed and propagating his new liberal cult of equality amongst the devotees of Siva. Enough epigraphical and other evidence is available to prove that Bijjala II, like
1 The sayings of Basavëśvara contain passages testifying to the above statement. The
Brāhmaṇas and their dogmas are criticised severely and inore often in these passages than the Jainas to whom only passing references are made. See for instance the Basavannanavara Shatsthalada Vachanagalu (edited by Basavanal), Nog. 571, 576, 583 and 688 for the criticism levelled against Brahmanism by Basavēs vara. Also compare Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIX, pp. 143 ff. and my lectures on the Kalachuris of Karnataka, Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 102 ff.

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REVIEW AND RETROSPECT
401
all members of the Kalachuri house, was a staunch adherent of Saivism, though later Puranic writers of the Jaina and Virasaiva persuasion of the 15-16th centuries and, following them, some modern scholars represent Bijjala as Jaina. The tension between Jainisin and Saivism was no doubt increasing at this period in different camps, as seen above, but we might safely assert that Bijjala and Basavesvara in particular were not directly responsible for it.'
IV BAD DAYS FOR JAINISM
In the foregoing pages I have delineated a modest picture of Jainism in South India in its various vicissitudes as gathered from historical sources. Jainism had its years of prosperity and adversity in different regions at different periods. But its general decline on a large scale may be approximately dated from the 13th century onwards. It is not the purpose of this brief note to go into the details of the several causes, political, social, religious, etc., that contributed to its decadence. But it is my intention here briefly to indicate that the rise of the rival creeds, particularly of the orthodox order, and their active hatred of Jainism in its philosophical and other aspects, are to a considerable extent responsible for the rapid downfall of the latter. That the Hindus, even of the orthodox class, were on the whole far more lenient towards other creeds than the people of other countries, is amply proved by the religious history of our country. Systematic and wholesale persecution of the followers of rival religious sects, as such, was a thing rather unknown in the early period of our history.
Speaking of Buddhism in India a recent scholar observes thus: "It was a long and hard fight that the scholars of Vedanta and Mīmānsā led against the Buddhists. But it was a fight with peaceful weapons. It never came to a real hard persecution of the Buddhists, as in Tibet, China or Korea." These observations may as well apply to Jainism also in most cases. But this state of religious tolerance and equilibrium was disturbed in subsequent times. Excesses against the adherents of opposite faiths, particularly of the heterodox class, were perpetrated in many parts and on many occasions. I may illustrate these remarks with special reference to Jainism by focussing our attention on the facts which have been previously noticed severally in different contexts. For obvious reasons I have to exclude in the present review the contest that took place between the Jainas and the Bauddhas.
1) While surveying the history of Jainism in the Andhra Dēśa, we have seen that the Kaifiyats and Local Records pertaining to a large number of places, contain accounts of the persecution of Jainas which seem to reflect the events that took place actually.
1 See Kan. Sah. Parishat Patrike (op. cit.), pp. 89 ff.; More Inscriptions at Ablur, Ep. Ind., XXIX, pp. 139-144.
2 Johannes Nobel: Central Asia (Nagpur, 1952), p. 45.
3 See above pp. 11 ff.
51

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA 2) The campaign of hatred and harassment carried on against the Jainas was sustained till as late a period as the 16th century. This is instanced by the Śrīśailam record mentioning a Virasaiva chief who prided over his achievement of beheading the Svētāmbara Jainas.
3) The testimony of another record is equally eloquent on the subject. This epigraph which comes from Elamalapalle,' nearabout Śrīśailam, is dated in A. D. 1529, i. e., slightly later than the above inscription. It describes a devotee of the god Mallikärjuna as 'the establisher of the Six Darśanas' and 'a menace to the heads of the Svētāmbara Jainas' (Svētāmbara-tala-guņdu-ganda).
4) Proceeding to the Tamil country works like the Periyapurāņam contain graphic accounts of the persecution of the Jainas. Statements blackmailing the Jainas are found in the treatises like the Sthalapurāņa of Madura. As it would be unsound to treet such writings as figments of imagination, we have to assume their veracity making due allowance for the tendency to exaggerate. These descriptions are further substantiated by the representations in sculptures and paintings in places like Tiruvattūr and Madura.
That the Jainas were not permitted to pursue their ancestral faith peacefully even in Karnāțaka which was their most favoured land, is seen from the militant activities of Ekāntada Rāmayya which have been depicted in contemporary literature, inscriptions and sculptures. Vira Goggidēva and Viruparasa added fuel as it were to the fire of aggression let loose by Ēkāntada Rāmayya. In the latter half of the 14th century the Jainas were considerably harassed, and they had to appeal for protection to the ruling power of Vijayanagara. A study of the circumstances that necessitated mediation by the Vijayanagara king Bukka I, and the conditions that were imposed in favour of the Juinas in the kingdom,* make this fact clear.
I may conclude this brief note with a citation of an eminent scholar who has made a close study of the subject and arrived at a similar result.
“And nothing is more regrettable than that in the matter of showing tolerance to the followers of their rival creeds, especially to the Jainas, the Hindus of southern India should have been so ungenerous as to have had recourse to a method of retaliation and revenge which was so alien to the prover. bially hospitable nature of the Hindus.”
1 An. Reps, on S, I. Epigraphy for 1943-44 and 1944-45, App. B, No. 24 of 1943-44. 2 Vide above, p. 82. 3 Vide above, pp. 182–83. 4 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 334; B. A. Saletore: Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 288 ff. 5 Mediaeval Jainism, p. 270.
.

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APPENDIX I
No.
Place
1
Ingalagi
HuñasiHadagali
3
Südam
Do.
Do.
LIST OF INSCRIPTIONS EDITED IN THIS VOLUME
(Jaina Epigraphs : Parts II and III ) King and Date
Contents in Brief W. Chālukya Vikramāditya Records gift to a Jaina temple by the VI; A. D. 1094,
queen Jākaladēvi. Mentions her February 27
preceptors of the Dravida Sangha and
Sēna gana. Do.
Records gift to a Jaina temple by A. D. 1098, January 5
Chaudhare Rakkasayya and describes in detail the line of his teachers commencing with Kondakundācharya. Contains much historical information.
Records gift to a Jaina temple by the A. D. 1124,
Mahājanas of Sēdmba. Describes the January 28
teacher Prabhachandra Traividya of
the Maduva gaña. W. Chālukya
Describes the chief Barmadeva who Somośvara III
erected the temple of Śäntinätha, the (A. D. 1126-38)
Three Hundred leaders of Sõdimba and
the teacher Prabháchandra Traividya. Do.
Records gift to a Jaina temple by the A. D. 1138,
Three Hundred Mahājanas of Sëdimba January 27
and others. Circa 12th century
Describes a line of preceptors who belonged to the Mūla Sangha, Krānür gana and Tintriņika gachchha. Nēmi
chandra is the last teacher mentioned. W. Chālukya Somēśvara Describes the construction of a bastion IV; A. D. 1160
at Sõdimba by Chandiräja, the headman
of the town, who was a devout Jaina. Circa 13th century
Records gift to Pārsvanātha. W. Chalukya Vikramā- Describes the preceptor Guņavira ditya VI; circa A, D.
Siddhāntadeva of the Vandiyur gana, 1115
Koppadēva Dandanāyaka and others, who were all associated with a local Jaina temple.
Records gift to a Jaina temple by A.D. 1126, February 4 Kopparasa Dandanāyaka of Adakki.
With this charity were associated the local Jaina merchants and the above
named teacher. Kalachuri Raya-Murāri Records "gift to the Koppa Jinalaya Sövidēva ; A. D. 1171,
by Mahāmaņdaļēśvara Echarasa and December 13
others,
7.
Do.
Do.
Adaki
10
Do.
Do.
á
Do.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Adaki
Yadava Simhapa; A. D. 1243, July 8
13
Do.
Kalachuri Råya-Muräri Sovidēva (A, D. 1167-76)
Malkhed
A, D. 1393
Records gift for burning a lamp in the Koppa Jinālaya by the members of the trading community. Records gift to a Jaina temple by a chief and members of the trading community. Records the setting up of the Nishidhi memorial in the Nēminātha temple for Vidyānanda Svāmi of the Mula Samhgha and Balātkāra gaña, bearing the titles, Rāyarăjaguru, etc. States that the Tirthakara image was caused to be made by a lay disciple of Nāgavira Siddhāntadēva of the Yapaniya Samgha and Vandiyūr gana. Refers to a Jaina temple and mentions Mahamandalesvara Bibbarasa of the Bāņa family It is a Jaina record, much worn out. Contains some descriptions.
15
Tengali
Circa 13th century
16
Do.
Circa 12th century
17
Harasūr
18
Kopbal
W. Chālukya Vikramāditya VI (A. D. 1096–97) Răshtrakūta Nripatunga (A. D. 814-77) A. D. 881-82
Fragmentary. Memorial to a warrior.
Circa 10th century
Circa Ioth century W. Chālukya Vikramāditya V; A. D. 1008
Circa 12th century
Records the death by saihnyasana of the teacher Sarvanandi of the Kundakunda anvaya. States that the foot-marks of the preceptor Jațăsinganandi were caused to be carved by Chāvayya. Records obeisance to the Jinabimba. Records the demise by samadhi of the preceptor Simhanandi and the erection of a temple in his memory by his disciple Kalyāṇakirti. Fragmentary. States that the image was made for installation in the Kuša Jinālaya. Fragmentary. States that the image was made for installation in the Kūsa Jinālaya. Damaged. States that the image was made by Sārnsaja for installation in the temple of Pushpadanta Tirthakara, of the Müla Samgha and Balātkāra gaṇa. States that it was the Nishidhi memorial of Guddagala Chandappa, disciple of Chandrasēna and a resident of Корара,
Do.
Circa 13 th century

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APPENDIX I
405
27
Kopbal
Circa 13th century
28
Do.
Do.
Yadava Simhaņa; A. D. 1240 Circa 13th century
Do.
30
Do.
Do.
Circa 16th century
31-45
Do.
Circa roth to 13th century
Uppina Betgēri
Ráshtrakūta Krishọa III; A. D. 964, December 23
Halgēri
48
Arakëri
W. Chālukya Vijayāditya ( A. D. 696-733) Rāshtrakūta Kțishọa III; A. D. 940, February 12
States that it was the Nishidhi memorial of Pāyaṇa, of the Müla Samgha and Sēna gaņa. Worn out. It is a Jaina record; mentions Padmavati. Records gift to Sārtaladēviyara Basadi by Lakhkhäņārya, an officer of Gaurådēvi. States that the footmarks of Dévēndrakirti were carved by his disciple Vardhamänadēva. Invokes Chhāyachandranātha Svāmi. Pilgrims' records. Contain names of the Jaina pilgrims who visited Kopaņa, sometimes associated with the places they hailed from. Registers gift to Naganandi Papdita of the Sūrastha gana for the Jayadhira Jinālaya constructed by Mahāsāmantādhipati Sankaraganda of the Yādava lineage at Kopaņa. Fragmentary. Mentions Kopapa and Gutti. Worn out. Seems to mention the rule of Ganga Bütuga II over Gangavādi and Belvala. Refers to Kopaņa. States that the image of Chauvisa Tirthankara was gift to the Jaina temple of Mädana Daņāyaka by Bopaņa of the Kopaņa Tirtha, disciple of Maghanandi Siddhānta-chakravarti. States that the image of Panchaparamēshthi was a votive offering made by Sēnabova Divaņa of Erambarage, disciple of Madhavachandra of the Ingaļésvara bali. Damaged. Seems to record that the image was a gift by the wife of Dövaņārya, a minister of Mahamaņdaļośvara Vira-Vikramaditya of the Sinda family. Damaged and worn out. Seems to state that the image was the gift of a teacher of the Māla Sangha and Balātkāra gaña. Worn out. Praises the Jinaśāsana and scems to record gift to a Jaina temple.
49
Yalbargi
Circa 12th century
50
Do.
51
Do.
52
Adūru
53
Rājöru

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APPENDIX II शिलालेखोंके देवनागरी प्रतिलिपि और हिंदी सारानुवाद
गुलबर्गा जिलेसे प्राप्त शिलालेख
[१] इंगळगि गांवके भीतर एक जीर्ण मन्दिरसे प्राप्त दानपत्र, प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(चालुक्य विक्रम राज्यवर्ष १८ = १०५४ इ० ) श्रीमत्परमगंभीरस्याद्वादामोघलाञ्छनं [1] जीयात्रैलोक्यनाथस्य शासनं जिनशासनं ॥ [१] __ स्वस्ति [1] समस्तभुवनाश्रय-श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभ-महाराजाधिराज-परमेश्वर-परमभट्टारकं सत्याश्रयकुलतिलकं चालुक्याभरणं श्रीमत् त्रिभुवनमल्लदेवर विजयराज्यमुत्तरोत्तराभिवृद्धि-प्रवर्द्धमानमाचन्द्रार्कतारबरं राजधानी-कल्याणपुरद नेह(ले)वीडिनोळ् सुखसंकथाविनोददि राज्यं गेयुत्तमिरे ॥ स्वस्त्यनवरतपरमकल्याणाभ्युदयसहस्रफळभोगभागिनि । सकळदीनानाथमनस्सन्तर्पणोद्योगिनि । समस्तान्तःपुरनितंबिनीकदंबचूडामणि [1] चतुर्विधदानचिंतामणि [1] रंभाविळासोपहसितलसन्मूर्ति [1] दिग्वळयविळसितोज्वळकीर्ति [1] कलिकालपार्वति [1] अभिनवसरस्वति [1] रायचेतोवशीकरणकरणविद्याधरि [1] सकळकळाधरि [1] सीताद्यनेकमहासतीजनपतिव्रताचारशीळोदारवर्णनकथाप्रसंगे [1] जिनगन्धोदकपवित्रीकृतोत्तमांगे [1] श्रीमदर्हत्परमेश्वरचारुचरणाचनविनोदे [1] मृगमदामोदे [1] सहजबंडंगि [1] तिक्कन[गि [1] श्रीमत्रिभुवनमल्लदेवविशाळवक्षस्थळनिवासिनियरप्प श्रीमजाकलदेवियररल्मुंनूररोळगणिंगुणिगेयं त्रिभोगाभ्यंतरसिद्धियिंदाळुत्तमिरे ॥
जनकजेयंते सजनजनस्तुते पार्वतियंते जीवितेशनोळविकल्पभावे धरयन्ते तक्षमे रम्बयन्ते रू-[1] पिन नेले पेंपुवेतमरधेनुविनंतनिमित्तदानि कामन सरलंतिरय्द(य्दे) परिभाविसे जाकलदेवि धात्रियोळ् ॥ [२] ब्रतमं चालुक्यक्षितिपति किडिसुवेनेंदु पूण्दडं किडिसदडं [1]
प्रतिपाळिसिदोंदु महोंनति जाकलदेविगेक्कलावणमल्ते ॥ [३] अंतु जिनशासनपरिपाळनसमयदोलु शासनलक्ष्मियु चालुक्यचक्रेश्वरन दिग्विजयसमयदोळ् कीर्तिलक्ष्मियुं मदवदरिरायमदमईनसमयदोळ् विजयलक्ष्मियुमेनिसि नगर्त ग पोगर्नेग नेलयागि वर्तिसुत्तमिरलोदु पुण्यदिनदोळापुण्यवतिय पुण्योदयदिनो व्यवहारि महुमाणिक्यदेवर तंदवसरं बढदोलगिसुवुदुमाजिनेश्वरनं चलुक्येश्वरं कंडु मनदेगोण्डु मनदंनळप्प श्रीमज्जाकलदेवियर मोगमं नोडि ॥
जिनबिंब प्रतिबिंबमिलेनिप चेल्वं ताल्दितीदेवमुं निनगेंतुं कुलदेय्वमीप्रतिमयं निनाळ्केयूरोक्विने ।]
यनिकायं बगेगोळ्विनं निलिसेनल् चालुक्यचक्रेशशासनदि तजिनबिंबम निलिसिदतनोल्पु निल्पनेगं ॥[५] अंतु निलिसि ॥
माडिसिदप्पेविं जिनगृहंगळनेबवरीप्रकारदि माडिपुदितिदल्ते पडिचंदमिळावळयक्केनल्के ना-।
डाडिगलुबमप्प परिशोभेगे ताय्मनेयागे भक्तियि माडिसिद वियत्तळमनोत्तरिपन्तु जिनेंद्रोहम ॥ [५] भन्तु माडिसि श्रीमद् द्रविळसंघवनवसन्तसमयलं सेनगणभगणनायकलं मालनूरान्वयशिरश्शेखररुमेनिसिद श्रीमन्मल्लिषेणभहारकर प्रियाप्रशिष्यरूं तनन्वयगुरुगळ्मे(लुमे)निसिद श्रीमद् इन्द्रसेनभट्टारकर्गे विनयदि करकमळंगळ मुगिदु ॥
प्रसेविनेग समन्तु महुमाणिजिनेश्वरबिम्बमं प्रतिष्ठिसिदेनिदत्यपूर्वमेने तजिन गेहमनतिथिदे मा।
डिसिदेनदक्के तक्क तळवृत्तियुमं समकहिदें प्रसादिसि मनमोल्दु करकोळुवुर्जितमागिरेमा पुदिन्तिदं ॥ [६] एन्दु तन्मुनींद्ररनेगोलिसि भीमचालुक्यविक्रमकालद १८ नेय श्रीमुखसंवत्सरद फाल्गुण शुद्ध १० सोमवारदंदु श्रीमदि

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म्द्वसेनभट्टारकर कालं कार्श्व धारापूर्च्चकं माडियूरिन्दं बडगलु तोरेयिन्दं मूडलु मालगार्त्तिय पोलवेरोयें तेंकलु पळेयिंगुणिगेय मालगार्त्तय पेब्बयिं पहुवलु शत्रशालेय केरिय बडगलिंतु चतुराघाटशुद्धियं सिद्धं माडि भरलूर पन्देश्वरद गरिबद गण्डरादित्यन पिरिय काललु सर्व्वनमश्यमागि बिट्ट मत्तरि सोन्दु २१ [1] आपिरिय मत्सर १ क्के कालडिय मत्तर १८ र लेक्कदनित काल मत्तर ३८० [ । ] पल्लकरटेय बहेय दानवन बाबियिं मूडलु तोटे मन्तर [१] बसदियिन्तेंकण पिरिय केरियिन्ती के ट्युमनी तोण्टमुमनी केरियुमनीजिनेन्द्र मंदिरमुमं कंडु ॥
APPENDIX II
प्रणु (ण) तशिररागि कण्गळ् तणिविनेगं नोडि पोगदीस्थळ दो का -[ 1 ] गिणिगासेगेय्दवं कागिणियोऴ्नीरुंड गोकुळंगळनं ळिदं ॥ ७ ॥
इदरिदधर्ममनोवदे किडिसिदवं गोगुरुद्विजनिकुरूं -[ । ]
बद गोणं गंगातीरदोळरिदरिदप्प पातकं समनिसुगुं ॥ [ ८ ]
बिगिदिई कम्र्मनिगळं गडवेरदे कळल्दु पोगे हस्तांबुजयुग्ममं मुगिवुदलदे मंनेय गाण्के शेषे क [1] हुँ बणमायदायमिवु सल्लवु सर्व्वनमस्य मेंदु बिहं बिरुदंक भीमनोसेदानेगनय्यण वंशवुळ्ळिनं ॥ [4] नियतं चत्रिय कय्योळाळकेवडेदासामन्तरं नाड मैनेयरुं ग्रामद मूलिगर्भ भुगळिन्तीधर्ममं संदति -[ ।] प्रियादें रक्षिति रक्षिसुतिरल् दीर्घायुष्यमं पुण्यवृद्धियुमं निर्मळ कीर्तियं पडेवराचन्द्रावतारम्य ॥ [ १० ] सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः [।
सर्व्वानेतान् भागिनः पाथिर्वेदान् भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः ॥ [११]
वसुधा बहुभिर्द्दत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [ । ] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम् ॥ [१२] मद्वंशजाः परमहीपतिवंशजा वा ये पाळयंति मम धर्ममिदं समस्तं [ । ] पापादपेतमनसो भुवि भाविभूपास्तेषां मया विरचितोञ्जलिरेष मूर्ध्नि ॥ [१३]
स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरां [] षष्टिवर्ध्वर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते कृमि: ॥ [१४] विन्ध्याटवीवतोयासु शुष्ककोटरशायिन: [ । ] कृष्णसर्पा हि जायन्ते देवभोगापहारिण: । [१५] वाग्वधूनन्दनं जिनपादांभोज-भृङ्गं नागार्जुनपण्डितं बरेदं [1] मङ्गळमहाश्री [ ॥ ]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद -- जिनशासन की प्रशंसा । समस्तभुवनाश्रय आदि अनेक विरुदोंके धारक चालुक्यभूषण त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव अपनी राजधानी कल्याणपुरसे राज्यशासन कर रहे थे। उनकी जैनधर्मपरायणा रानी, तिक्ककी पुत्री जाकलदेवी इङ्गुणिगे ग्रामका शासन करती थी वह निरन्तर जिनचरणोंकी पूजा में रत रहती थी। उसके पति राजा ने उसे जिनधर्मसे पराङ्मुख करनेकी प्रतिज्ञा ले रखी थी, पर वह असफल रहा। एक शुभदिन रानीके सौभाग्यसे एक व्यापारी महुमाणिक्यदेवकी प्रतिमा लेकर आया और रानीके समक्ष अपने विनय भाव दिखला रहा था कि उसी समय राजा त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव आ गया और रानीसे कहने लगा कि यह जिनमूर्ति अनुपम सुन्दर है, इसे अपने अधीन ग्राम प्रतिष्ठित करो। तुम्हारे धर्मानुयायियोंको यह प्रेरणाप्रद होगी । इस तरह राजाकी आशासे रानीने मूर्तिकी प्रतिष्ठा करा दी, और सुन्दर मन्दिर भी बनवा दिया । मन्दिरकी व्यवस्थाके लिए उसने, द्रविळसंघ, सेनगण, मालनूर अन्वयके मल्लिषेण भट्टारकके प्रधानशिष्य तथा अपने कुलगुरु इन्द्रसेन भट्टारकसे दान स्वीकार करनेकी प्रार्थना की । यह दान, चालुक्यविक्रमके १८ वें राज्यवर्षमें श्रीमुखसंवत्सर फाल्गुन सुदी १० सोमवारके दिन, समारोह पूर्वक भट्टारकजी के चरणोंकी पूजा कर उन्हें सौंपा गया । दानमें २१ बृहत् मत्तर प्रमाण कृष्यभूमि, १ बगीचा और जैनमन्दिरके समीपका एक घर दिया गया । स्थानीय राजपुरुषों और उच्च अधिकारियोंको दान की रक्षाका आदेश । इस शिलालेखकी रचना जैनकवि नागार्जुन पण्डितने की ।
[ नोट-यह दानपत्र चालुक्यवंशके इतिहास तथा तत्कालीन धार्मिक प्रवृत्तिपर प्रकाश डालता है । ]

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
[२]
हुणसी - हडगलीके मन्दिरसे प्राप्त, कचडमें ( लगभग सन् १०९५ इ० )
स्वस्ति [। ] समस्तसुरासुरमस्तकम कुटांशुजाळजळ धौतपदं (द - ) [ 1 ] प्रस्तुत जिनेन्द्रशासनमस्तु चिरं भद्रममळभव्यजनानां ॥ [ 9 ] धरेबंबुजमिदुस (श) रधिसरोवरद नडुवे कण्निकेवोल्मं- [1] दर विविदामन्दर गिरियिन्दं तें कलेसेव भरतक्षेत्र ॥ [ २ ] आभरतक्षेत्रवि चालुक्यचक्रेश्वर वंशावतार वेंतेंदोडे ॥
क्रमदिदे तैलपं सत्तिमदेवं विक्रमांकनय्यणनुब्र्वी- [1] रमण जयसिंहनृपोत्तमनं त्रैलोक्यमल्लनाद्दवमल्ल ॥ [३] तदनंतरं भुवनैकमल्लदेवारं बळिय ॥
सल्लदु तेज रिपुनृपमलंगलदे पेरंगे मूरुं जगदोळ् [1] वल्लिदरारुं त्रिभुवनमलंगेने अप्पनंककारं नेगळ्दं ॥ [४]
वृ ॥ निनगेकच्छत्रमक्की भुवनभवनमीलोकदायुष्यमेलं, निनगक्कन्यावनीपाळकरतिभयदि तम्म सर्वस्वमं ते[ 1 ]
निज (श्री) पादपद्मक्केर गुगे पिरितुं प्रीतिथिं विश्वधात्रीतळमं चालुक्यरामक्षितिपतिदयेयिं रक्षिसाचन्द्रतारं ॥ [५] स्वस्ति [1] समस्तभुवनाश्रय- श्री पृथ्वीवल्लभ-महाराजाधिराज-परमेश्वर-परमभट्टारकं सत्याश्रयकुळ तिळकं चाळुक्याभरणं [1]
श्रीमत्रिभुवनमलनिळामहितं नहुषपृथुभगीरथ चरितं [1] भूमण्डळमं सकळाशामण्डळमवधियप्पिनं साधिसिदं ॥ [६] स्वस्त्यनवरतपरमकल्याणाभ्युदय सहस्रफळ भोग भागिनि [1] द्वितीयलक्ष्मीसमाने । कलहंसयाने । रायझळप्पकल्पकुजसमालिंगितकल्पलते । सामंतसीमंतिनीपरिवृते । दुष्टद पिष्ठसवतीशिरोवज्रमुष्टि । दीनानाथकथकवैताळि कसुवर्णवृष्टि । वन्दिचिंतामणि । अंतःपुरचूडामणि [] मलपविद्याधरि [1] सकळकळाधरि [1] रायमनोजराजरति [1] भडबळ सरस्वति । नृत्यविद्याधरि | सवतीगजकेसरि । कलिकाल सरस्वति [1] श्रीमत्रिभुवनमल्लदेवविशालवक्षस्थळ निवासिनियरप्य श्रीमत्परियरसि चन्दलदेवियरु अलंदेसासिरप्रमुखवनेकभत्तग्रामंगलुमं दुष्टनिग्रहशिष्टप्रतिपाळनदिंदाळदर सुगेय्युतमिरे ॥ तत्पादपद्मोपजीवि [ ।] समधिगतपंचमहाशब्द [1] महामण्डळेश्वर [1] कोपणपुरवराधीश्वरं । अलंदेवेडंगं [] मनेयसिंग [1] सत्ययुधिष्ठिरं । भयलोभनिष्ठुरं । संग्रामषण्मुखं । परिवार श्रीमुखं । बंदर भावं । मरेवुगे कावं । देवगुरुद्विजपादाराधकं । वैरिबळसाधकं [ ।] दाडिगबेटेकारं राजनंककारं । पद्मावतीदेवीलब्धवरप्रसादं [। ] दानविनोदं [1] श्रीमन्महामण्डलेश्वरं बिब्बरसं भलंदेनाङ गोंकन नूरिप्पत्तरुवत्तु बाडवप्पात्मीयमण्डळ मनखण्डप्रतापदि निद्दा (निर्दा) यादयम्माडियर सुगेय्युत्तमिरे श्री चारित्रसमृद्धि मिक्क विजयश्री कर्म्मविच्छिति पूर्वाचार्योक्तमे राजनीतियेनित्सिद्दी तपोराज्यदि [ । ] भूचक्रं बेसकेय्ये संद मुनिबृंदाधीश्वरक्कोण्डकुन्दाचार्यद्धृतधैय्र्यरायैते यिनेनाचायँरोक् वर्ग्यरो ॥ [७] अवर शिष्यप्रशिष्यरु [1] गृपिंछाचार्यरु | बळाकपिकाचारु । गुणनंदिपंडितदेवरु | देवेंद्र सिद्धान्तदेवरु [1] वसुनंदिभट्टारकरु । रविचंद्र भट्टारकरु । पूर्णचंद्र सिद्धांतदेवरु [1] दामनंदिसिद्धांतदेवरु | श्रीधर देवरु । मलधारिदेवरु । चंद्रकीर्त्ति भट्टारकरु | नयनदिदेवरु ॥
सुरनदिय तारहारद सुरदंतिय रजतगिरिय चंद्रन बेल्पिं [1]
पिरिदु वरवर्द्धमानर परमतपोधनर की ( र्त्ति ) मूरंजगदोळ् ॥ [ ८ ]
विचरम्प पिरिय श्रीदिना कर नंदिसिद्धांतदेवरु | महामंत्रवादिजिनचंद्र देवरु । सर्व्वनंदिसिद्धांतदेवरु |
रतिपतिय जूजु भव्यप्रततिय कण्देरवि तपद
[1]
सतदोदवु बालचंद्रमतिपतिजिन समयमाधवीमधुसमयं ॥ [९]
बळयुतरं बळल्लुव लसांतशरंगिदिरागि वागि संचळिसि पलंचि तूळ्दवननोडिसि मेय्वगेयाद दूसरिम् [1] कळेयदे निंद कर्बुनद कग्गिन सिप्पिनमक्के वैत्त कत्तळ मेनिमित्तु पुत्तडई मेय्यमलं मलधारिदेवरं ॥ [१०] कल्याणकीर्तिदेवरु ॥

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409 धनजाळं धूपधूमोद्गममुवककणं तंडुळे दीर्घधारांबुनिपातं माले विद्युत्प्रततिसोडर्गळब्दस्वनं घंटिकानि[1] स्वनमागल्वृक्षमूळव्रतनियमदोलिईईनंदिव्रतींद्रगे नितांतं पादपीठाचनेयनेसगुवंतादुदंभोदकालं ॥ [११] इंतु मरमोदलु कलूनेले बेळ्ळवासदलं दृढरप्प श्रीमद्भहनन्दि बेहददेवरवरणुगिन गुई। पुटिदनय॑रस्नं पुष्टुषवोलु कोटिराजविप्रामणिगं [1] नेहने तैलब्बेगोडवुट्टे गुणं रकसय्यनवनीतळदोळ् ॥ [१२] भात्रेयगोत्रपवित्रं सुत्रामं जैनमतद विभुभवनकं [1] नेत्र वादिकुळकं धात्रियोळी रकसं पयोरासिवरं ॥ [१३] दयामशास्त्रौषधदानयुक्तो मुनींद्र पादांबुजमत्तभंगः [1] जयत्यसौ सूर्यसमप्रतापश्चंद्रार्कतारं भुवि राक्षसाख्यः ॥ [१४] पडेवडे रक्कसनतिरे पडेवुदु पुरुषार्थमं महापुरुषनवं [1] कुडुव चतुविधदानं कुडुगुं स्वर्गापवर्गसुखसंपदमं ॥ [१५] धारिणियं सुरारि रसेगुरदोडे विष्णु वराहरूपदि बेरदे पोगि तंद तेरविंद निजान्वयवृत्तियं नेरं [1] बारद कोण्डु बंदु तनगागिरे माडिद पिन चौधरे रक्कसय्यनन्तारो चलके बल्कणि गडेंदु गुणंगोळुगुं जगजनं ॥ [१६] तकरिगे नंटरिष्टरिंगकरिगजनके गोट्ट करुणारसदि [] मिक्किळ्द शांतनेन्दोडे रक्कसनेंदेके नुडियुतिपरो मनुजरु ॥ [१७] तत्सती ॥ मानवमानिनीजनदोळे दारेयबुदे पात्रदानदुद्दानिगे देवपूजेय विभूतिगे शीळद संपदके त- [1] स्वानुगुणवताचरणलीलेगे साक्षररक्षणक्षमानूनपरार्थवृत्तिगे महासतिरत्नमनक्कणब्बेयं ॥ [१८] अरिवाए सत्य शौचद नेरवनुपमपुण्यमूर्ति कांतारत्नं [1] मेरेदु पतिव्रतगुणदोळ् नैरेदिहीयकणब्बे पतिहितयनिपळ् ॥ [१९] आयिर्खर मगंगे ॥ जिननाथनिष्टदेवं मुनिनाथं बाळचंद्र देवं गुरु भ[1] म्यनिकायं बांधवजनमेने जगदोळ् शांतनंतु नोंतवरोळरे ॥ [२०] इनजनेने चागि कांतगे मनसिजनवोलोप्पुतिनहन बंट [1] मनिवंगे काळसर्पनुमेनिलिदनीशांतिवर्मनन्वितधर्म ॥ [२१] आतन सति विशदगुणवातान्वित धर्ममूत्ति पतिभक्तियोळा-[1]
सीतेगरुंधतिगे कुभृजागे दोरे मल्लियकनेंबळ् पेसरि ॥ [२२] स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमत् त्रिभुवनमल्लदेवर् निरवधिप्रतापदिदेत्ति धारेयं निराधार माडियल्लियुदयिय मक्कळ जज्जुगि जगदेवनं काणिसिकोण्डु बरुत्तं चालुक्यविक्रमवर्षद २३ नेय बहुधान्य संवत्सरद ज्येष्ठदमावास्येय सूर्यग्रहणदंदु गोदावरीतीरद कोटितीर्थदलि तुलापुरुषमिर्दु पुराणोक्किार्यदनेकतुष्टिदानंगळं कुडुवलिय दानोचितकालदल्महाप्रधान मनेवेर्गडे सहवालिगळधिष्ठायक पत्तळेकरण मन्नेयरध्यक्षं दण्डनायकं भीवणव्यंगळ विसपदि नृत्यविद्याधर चंदलदेवियर धर्मवागियलंदेसासिरद चौधरे रक्सय्यनायकरानाड कंपणं गांकननूरिप्पत्तरुवत्तुंबाडद बळिय तम्म प्रभुत्वदूर्गळ हडंगिले । परडु मेळकुंदे। मणलि । कोळनूरु। वेळगुप्प । मूलवळ्ळि यिन्तिवरोळाहडंगिलेयल्तावु माडिसिद कलवंसद बसदिय पार्श्वनाथदेवर्गवलिय केलद पट्टसालेय शांतिनाथदेवर्ग संततं माडुवभिषेकक्कमष्टविधार्थनेगं जीवदयाष्टमी मोदलागियनेकपर्वमहापूजेगळ्गं रिषयर्कळाहारदानकमायेरडु बसदिय खण्डस्फुटितजीर्णोद्धारद बेसक्वा हडंगिलय वायन्यद होलदलू कलुबरगेयल नुडिदतगंडन गर्डिबदलु बिट्ट करिय नेलं मत्तर हनेरडु मत्त कालडियलोंदु मत्तरुवरे तोंटवोंदु गाणमाबसदियिं तकलुं पडुवलुचिर्द हत्तु मनेगळ्म(लुम)नाकेय्गे मूडलु पिरियमेळकुंदेयिंदालारिंगे पोद बट्टे । तेंक नेट्ट कल् । पडव नीलनूर वोलवेरे । वडग हत्तिकुंदेय होलवेरे यिवु चतुस्सीमे । यिंतीवृत्तिगेल्ल मरुवणवेरड गयाण पछि तेत्तु तम्म गुरुकुलं श्रीमूलसंघद देसिगगणद पुस्तकगच्छद पिरियसमुदाय श्रीबाळचंद्रसिद्धांतदेवर शिष्यप्रशिष्यसंततिय नैष्टिकतपोधनारिदीधर्ममं यत्नदि प्रतिपाळिसुवंतागि रकसय्यनायकको हरितिवु मोदलागियनेकदानधर्मपरोपकारंगा पुरुषार्थमं सफळ माडि तम्म पुत्रपौत्रादिगळुवरसुगळ् (लु)मीक्रमादि नडेयिसुवंतागि शासनम माडि पुण्यकीर्तिशासनमनाचंद्रार्कस्थायियागि निलिसिदरु । नेल निल्विनेगं भद्रं शुभं मंगलं [1] ईधर्मवनारोकरीवृत्तिसहितं रक्षिसिद
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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
महापुरुष कुरुक्षेत्र । वारणासि । गंगे । प्रयागे । अर्ध्यतीर्थ । पयोष्ण । गये । यम्नादेवि । नर्मदादेवि । तावि । गोदावरि । तुंगभद्रा fयंती पुण्यनविगळलं पापक्षयमेनिसुव महातीर्थगळलुमुभयमुखि कोटि कबिलेयं कोडं कोळगुमं पोचलं पंचरत्नदलु कहिसि चतुब्र्वेदपारगरप्प असंख्यात ब्राह्मण महातपोधन दानमं कोgaप्प फलवनेरिद स्वर्गदलनन्तकालं सुखमिरु [1]
मद्वंशजाः परमहीपतिवंशजा वा पापादपेतमनसो भुवि भाविभूषा [1]
ये पालयन्ति मम धर्ममिमं समस्तं तेषां मया विरचितोअलिरेष मूर्ध्नि ॥ [२३] सामान्योर्य धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः [ 1 ]
सर्व्वानेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान् भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः ॥ [ २४ ]
वसुधा बहुभिर्दता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [ । ] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम् ॥ [ २५ ] स्वदतां परदतां वा वो हरेत वसुंधर। [1] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते कृमिहि (मिः) ॥ [२६] न विषं विषमित्याहु (हुर् ) देवस्वं विषमुच्यते[ । ] विषमेकाकिनं हंति देवस्वं पुत्रपौत्रकं ॥ [२७] शासनमिदावुदेल्लिय शासनमारिसरेके सलिसुबेनानी [1] शासनमनेंबपातकना सकळं रौरवडे गळगळनिळिगुं ॥ [२८] प्रियददिन्दिने काम पुरुषंगायुं महाश्रीयुमक्कुमिदं कायद पातकंगे पलवुं तीर्थंगळोळ् वारणा -[1] सियोक्कोटिमुनींवरं पशुगळं वेदाव्यरं कोंद मिक्कयशं पोंर्दुगुमेंदु सारिदपुदीशैळाक्षरं धात्रियोळ् [ २९ ]
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हिन्दी सारानुवाद - जिनशासन चिर जीवे । तैलप द्वितीयसे त्रिभुवनमल्ल (विक्रमादित्य षष्ठ) तक चालुक्यराजाओंकी वंशावली । त्रिभुवनमलदेवने विस्तृत भूभागपर अपना शासन स्थापित किया । उसकी ज्येष्ठ रानी चन्दलदेवी अलन्देसासिर प्रान्तके अनेक प्रमुख गावोंपर शासन कर रही थी। उनका अधीनस्थ अनेक विरुदोंका धारी महामण्डलेश्वर बिब्बरस नामका सामन्त था जो कि अलन्दे प्रान्तके गोङ्का तालुकाके १२० गावोंमेंसे ६० पर अप्रतिहत शासन करता था । आचार्य कुन्दकुन्दकी स्तुति । उनसे लेकर अर्हन्नन्दि तक आचार्योंकी पट्टावली । अर्हन्नन्दीके शिष्यका श्रावकशिष्य रक्कसय्य था जो आत्रेयगोत्र में उत्पन्न विद्याप्रणी कोडिराजका पुत्र था । वह जैनधर्मपरायण था तथा सदा ही चारदान देता था । चौधरे रक्कलय्यकी प्रशंसा । उसकी पत्नीका नाम अक्कणव्वे तथा पुत्रका नाम शान्त अथवा शान्तिवर्मा था । वह भी जिनेन्द्रभक्त तथा आचार्य बाळचन्द्रका शिष्य था । उसकी पत्नीका नाम मल्लिक्क था । एक समय त्रिभुवनमल्लदेवने अपनी अतुलित शक्तिसे धारानगरीको जीतकर तथा उदयिके पुत्र जज्जुगि जगदेवसे भेंट कर लौटते समय रास्तेमें गोदावरी ( वस्तुतः नर्मदा ) नदीके किनारे कोटितीर्थ नामक स्थानपर पड़ाव डाला तथा शास्त्रोक्त विधिले तुलापुरुष उत्सव करके नाना दान व मंगल कर्म किये । उस शुभ अवसर पर महाप्रधान, मनेवेर्गडे (गृहसचिव), पत्तळेकरण ( अभिलेख आयुक्तक), दण्डनायक भीव्रणय्यने एक दानपत्र उपस्थित किया जो कि स्वीकार कर लिया गया । दानपत्रके अनुसार नृत्यविद्याधरी बन्दलदेवीके कल्याणके लिए चौधरे रक्कसय्य नायकने अपने अधीन गांव हडगिलेमें बने हुए शान्तिनाथ और पार्श्वनाथके मन्दिरमें नित्य अभिषेक और अष्टविधपूजनके लिये, जीवदयाष्टमीके विशेष उत्सव तथा अन्य उत्सवोंको मनानेके लिये, साधुओंको भोजन तथा मन्दिरकी मरम्मत करानेके लिये भूमि, १ बगीचा, १ कोल्हू तथा कुछ मकान दानमें दिये। यह दान मूलसंघ, देशिगगण, पुस्तक गच्छ, पिरियसमुदायके श्रीबालचन्द्र सिद्धान्तदेवके हाथोंमें सौंपा गया, और वह उनके शिष्य प्रशिष्यों द्वारा प्रतिपालनीय है । रक्कसय्य नायकने यह उत्कीर्ण शिलापट्ट इस लिये लगा दिया कि उसके उत्तराधिकारी और भावी राजागण सदा काल तक इसको चालू रखें ।
[ नोट-इस शिलालेखसे तत्कालीन राजनीतिक इतिहास, सामन्तपद्धति तथा धार्मिक इतिहास पर अच्छा प्रकाश पड़ता है । ]

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APPENDIX 11
411
सेडमके एक सूनसान जैन मन्दिरसे प्राप्त, संस्कृत मिश्रित कन्नड
( चालुक्य विक्रम राज्यसंवत् ४८ = ११२४ ई.) श्रीमत्परमगंभीरस्याद्वादामोघलांछनं [1] जीयात्रैलोक्यनाथस्य शासनं जिनशासनं । [१]
स्वस्ति [1] समस्तभुवनाश्रय श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभ महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर परमभट्टारकं सत्याश्चयकुळतिळकं चालुक्याभरणं श्रीमत्रिभुवनमल्लदेवरु जयंतीपुरद नेलेवीडिनाळु सुखसंकथाविनोददि राज्यं गेय्युत्तमिरे सस्ति [1] समस्तशास्त्रामृतपारावारपारगरुं । तदुक्ततपोनुष्ठाननिष्ठितरुं । सकळेळापाळमौळिलाळितचारुचरणारविंदद्वंद्वरं । निरस्तद्वंद्वरं । तुषारहारहरहासामासकीर्तिगर्छ । ज्ञाननिधानदीपवर्तिगळु [1] मंत्रवादिमकरध्वजरुं [1] परवादिगजमृगराजरं [1] मडवगणांबरभानुगळु [1] श्रीवीरपुरतीर्थाधिपतिगळुमप्प श्रीमत् प्रभाचंद्रविद्यमष्टारकदेवश्चिरं जीयात् ॥
जिनपतिमततत्त्वरुचिर्भयप्रमाणप्रवीणनिशितमतिः । परहितचरित्रपात्रो बभौ प्रभाचंद्रयतिनाथः ॥ [२] ख्यातस्वैविद्यापरनामा श्रीरामचंद्रमुनितिळकः । प्रियशिष्यः विद्यप्रभेदुभट्टारको लोके ॥ [३]
स्वस्ति [1] यमनियमस्वाध्यायध्यानधारणमौनानुष्ठानजपसमाधिशीळसंपनरं । नुडिदु मत्तेवरं । कांचीपुरद्वारकवाटपुटभेदनाभिचारहोमसाधकरुं । विरोधिकुळारण्यपावकरुं [1] चतुर्वेदपारावारपारगरुं । बहुविधवचनरचनाप्रवीणरुं । चषष्टिकळान्वितवसुमतीगीर्वाणरं । हेमकुंडलज्वालिनीदेव्याकर्षणरुं । समस्तविद्याविशेषणरुं । शरणागतवज्रपंजररूं । वैरिदिकुंजररुं [1] श्रीनारायणदेवपादपंकजभ्रमररुमप्प श्रीमदप्रहार सेडिंबद अशेषमहाजनमुंजूवरं स्थिरं जीयात् [1]
नरनिंदग्गद खांडवं नेगळ्द लंकाद्वीपमंतोंदु वानरनिं त्रैपुरमोर्व तापसन किंचिन्मात्रकोपानियिं । परिभंबेत्तुवु देवनिर्मित गडन्तामेंदु निश्चं निराकरिसुत्तिप्पुदु पर्थि तेजदोदविं सेडिंबदाडंबरं ॥ [४]
स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमचालुक्यविक्रमवर्षद ४८ नेय शोभकृत्संवत्सरद माघशुद्ध १० सोमवारदंदु अशेषमहाजनं मूनूर्वकै सेडिंबदलु बसदियं निर्वाणवागि माडिसि शांतिनाथदेवरं प्रतिष्ठेयं माडि महाविभूतियिं सुवर्णकळशारोहणं माडि ब्रह्मजिनालयमेंदु पेसरनिट्ठ मत्तमा शांतिनाथदेवगर्गे संततं माहुवष्टविधार्थनेगं जीवदयाष्टमि नंदीश्वरदष्टमि संक्रमण ग्रहण पर्वद महापूजेगळिगं प्रासादं पलकालमिर्पतागि पडिसलिसि माप्पंतागि खंडस्फुटितजीर्णोद्धारद बेसक सेडिंबद पडव वोलदलु लोकजिनालयद कोयं कालडिय नाल्वत्तु मत्तरिंगोंदेसीमेयागि हत्तिद तेंकण देसयलु अशेष महाजन मूनूर्वस्मोडंबटु कोट्ट केयि कालडिय मत्तरिय॑त्तनाल्कु मत्तं हूदोंटवोंदु गाणवोंदुर्मिती वृत्तिप्रतिपत्तियं कोट्टीशासनमर्यादेयं तप्पलीयदे तंतम्म पुत्रपौत्रादिगळुमरसुगर्ल प्रतिपाळिसुवेतागि शिळालिसाक्षरंगळागि शासनम माडि पुण्यकीर्तिशासनमनाचंद्रार्कस्थायियागि निलिसिदरु [1] नेलं निलुविनगं मंगळमहा-श्री श्री [1] . स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरा [1] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ॥ [५] प्रियदिदिन्तिदनेयदे कावपुरुषंगायुं जयश्रीयुमकुमिदं कायदे कोय्व पापिगे कुरुक्षेत्रांतदोळु वारणासियोळेळकोटि मुनींद्ररं कविलेयं वेदाढ्यरं कोंदुदोंदयसं साईपुदंदु सारिदपुदी शैलाक्षरं धात्रियोळ् ॥ [६]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-जिनशासन स्तुति । समस्त भुवनाश्रय आदि विरुदोंके धारक त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव उस समय जयन्तीपुरसे शासन कर रहे थे। वीरपुरतीर्थके अधिपति, रामचन्द्र विद्यके शिष्य, मडुवगणके सूर्य एवं बडे मंत्रवादी प्रभाचन्द्र विद्य भट्टारककी प्रशंसा । अग्रहार ग्राम सेडिम्बनिवासी, नारायणके भक्त, चौंसठ कलाओंके जानकार, ज्वालामालिनीदेवीके भक्त तथा अपने अभिचार होमके बलसे कांचीपुरके फाटकोको तोड़ डालनेवाले तीन सौ महाजनोंकी प्रशंसा । उन महाजनोंने चालुक्यविक्रम राज्यसंवत् ४८ में शोभकृत्संवत्सरके माघ सुदी १० सोमवारके दिन सेडिम्बमें एक मन्दिर बनवाकर उसमें भग० शान्तिनाथकी मूर्ति प्रतिष्ठित करा दी, तथा मन्दिर पर स्वर्णिम कलशारोहण कर उसका नाम ब्रह्मजिनालय रख दिया। उन लोगोंने मन्दिरकी मरम्मतके लिए, नित्य नैमित्तिक पूजादिके लिए २४ मत्तप्रमाण कृष्य भूमि, १ बगीचा और १ कोलू दानमें दिया और दानको चालू रखनेका उपक्रम किया। [नोट-इस शिलालेखसे तत्कालीन जैन गुरुओं और धार्मिक इतिहास पर प्रकाश पड़ता है।

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412
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
[४] सेडमके पूर्वोक्त सूनसान जैन मन्दिरसे प्राप्त प्रशस्ति, संस्कृत मिश्रित कन्नड (वरण्डेमें वामपार्श्वके चौकोर खम्मे पर उत्कीर्ण, समयका उल्लेख नहीं, पर लगभग सन ११२६-३८ के बीच) स्वस्ति [1] समस्तसुरासुरमस्तकमकुटोशुजाळजळधौतपदन।] प्रस्तुतजिनेंद्रशासनमस्तु चिरं भद्रमखिळभव्यजनानां ॥ [१]
धरेयेबबुजमिप्दु शरधिसरोवरद नडुवे कणिकेवोल्मंदरमिप्र्युदल्लि मंदरगिरिथिदं तकलेसेव भरतक्षेत्र ॥ [२] भाभरतक्षेत्रदोळु चालुक्यचक्रेश्वरर वंशावतारदोळ् ॥
अगे नेगेवंददिंदोगद राष्ट्रकुमारकर पोरळिच कोंदगणितवाद पेमगे तवर्मनेयागि चळुक्यरन्वयं [1] नेगळे नेगळ्तेयं तळेदु तनय तेजदोळाणेयोलयुंडिगे सले साध्यवाद नेलनं तळेदं नृपमेरु तैलपं ॥ [३] अंतु । जनतासंस्तुतनाद तैलन मगं सत्याश्रयं तकृपाळन पुत्रं विभु विक्रमं तदनुजं श्रीयय्यणोशिना-[1] तन तम्म जयसिंहनातन मगं त्रैळोक्यमल्लक्षितीशनेनिप्पाहवमल्लनातन मगं सोमेश्वरोर्वीश्वरं ॥ [४] तत्सहोदरं ॥ श्रीमत्रिभुवनमल्लनिळामहितं नहुषपृथुभगीरथचरितं [1] भूमण्डलमं सकळाशामंडळमवधियप्पिनं साधिसिदं ॥[५] तत्पुत्रं ॥ निनगेकच्छत्रमकी भुवनभवनमीलोकदायुष्यमेल्लं निनगकन्यावनीपाळकरतिभयदि तम्म सर्वस्वमं ते-[1] तु निजश्रीपादपकरगुगे पिरिदुं प्रीतिथि विश्वधात्रीजनमं भूलोकमल्लक्षितिपति दययिं रक्षिसाचंद्रतारं ॥ [६] ख्यातस्त्रैविद्यापरनामा श्रीरामचंद्रमुनितिलकः [1] प्रियशिष्यस्वैविद्यप्रभेदुभट्टारको लोके ॥ [७] जिनपतिमततत्त्वरुचिर्भयप्रमाणप्रवीणनिशितमतिः । परहितचरित्रपात्रो बभौ प्रभाचंद्रयतिनाथः [८] प्रभाचंद्रमुनींद्रस्य मुखचंद्रस्य चंद्रिका । विद्वजनमनोजातखेदतामसहारिणी ॥ [१] मुनिवृंदाराध्यनी बंदने कुमतमतध्वंसनी बंदनी बंदने वादीभेद्रकंठीरवनखिळगुणगणोहामनी बंदनी ब-[1] दने चार्वाकादि-वादिप्रकरमेले मनोगति॒मं तोरदिआणेनुतुं त्रैविधनी बंदने गुणगणधामं प्रभाचंद्रदेवं ।। [१०] भुवनाश्चर्यमेनल्के माडिसिदरीलोकं गुणंगोळ्धिनं दिविजेंद्रार्चितशांतिनाथजिनपश्रीगेहमं दल् महो- [1] सपदि मेरुनगेंद्रचैत्यगृहदि मेलेबिनं शांतिनाथविशिष्टामणि बर्मदेवविभुगळ् सम्यक्त्वरत्नाकरर् ॥ [११] मत्तं ॥ निनगभिवृद्धियके शुभमके शुभोदयमके पुण्यमकनुपमलक्ष्मियके जयमकजरामरमके पुण्यभा- [1] जन वरशांतिनाथजिनपादपयोरुहभंगसज्जनाननमुकुरुंद भव्यजनबांधव सद्विजवंशभूषण ॥ [१२] अंबरमं पळंचलेयुतिळ्दपुदिक्किद कोटे नागलोकंबरवरदे मुट्टिदुदगळ्दगळित्त दिशादिशान्तरा- [1] ळंबरमेय्दे पविदुदु तेजद साजदगुर्वे नल्के सेडिंबदोळेसि कादुवदटर्गिदु मस्तकशूलमल्लदे ॥ [१३] अंबुधि मेरेदप्पि कविदीधरेयं कोळुवंदु विष्णुवीशंबरसीजगत्रयमुमं बसिरोळ्निलिसिटु काववो- [1] लिंबलिदिळ्द नाल्देसेय नाडुगळं पेरगिकि काव सेडिंबद विप्ररोंदळवनेवोगळ्वं चलदंकरामरं ॥ [१४] एदारेयर्सेडिंबदनादिय बावन्न वीररोळ् मच्छरदिं [1] कादुवराकांचीपुटभेदनपटुतरकवाटपुटविघटनरोळ् ॥ [१५] सुररं दैत्यरुमब्धियं कडेयुतिप्पंदुशेषाहि भीकरकोपाग्रहि काळकूटविषमं तुप्पेंदडादेवरु [1] सुररु भीतियिनोडुवंदु गिरिशं कावंददि कादरीधरे केटोडुव कालदंदु पलर सेडिंबदुर्गाधिपर ॥ [१६] शरणेंदु मूरुलोकं बगेयिं कैकांड काव महिमास्पदरोळ् शरणागतपरिपंजरररविंदोदरन दोरेयरीमूनूवर ॥ [१७] तोदळेनीधर्ममं रक्षिसिद नरने दीर्घायुरारोग्यमुर्वीविदितप्रख्याति वंशोन्नति मदननिभाकारमव्याकुळं श्री- [1] सुदतीनाथत्वमिती भवदोळे सगुवलिं बळिके सुरेंद्रास्पददोळ् कूडिप्परत्तल पोगळलरियेनानेय्दे ----- ॥ [१८]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-जिनेन्द्र शासन भव्य जनोंका कल्याण करें । राष्ट्रकूट वंशको पराजित कर चालुक्य शासनकी स्थापना करनेवाले तैलप द्वितीयसे लेकर भूलोकमल्लतक वंशावली । (७१० पद्योंमें) श्रीरामचन्द्र त्रैवेद्यके शिष्य प्रभाचन्द्र भट्टारककी प्रशंसा, जिससे मालुम होता है, कि वे जैनदर्शनके प्रकाण्डपण्डित तथा सफल वादी थे । (११-१२ पद्योंमें) सम्यक्त्व रत्नकी खानि अप्रणी बर्मदेवने बड़े महोत्सवके साथ जिनेन्द्र शान्तिनाथके मन्दिरको पूरा करा दिया, इससे उसके पुण्य, धन, धान्य, वैभव, सौभाग्यकी अभिवृद्धि की कामना की गई है। (१३ वें पद्यमें) सेडिम्बका दुर्ग अपने उन्नत प्राकार और अत्यन्त गम्भीर परिखाके कारण शत्रुओंसे दुर्जेय था।

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APPENDIX II
- 418 (१४ वे पद्य) सेडिम्बके विनोंकी बहादुरीकी प्रशंसा । (१५ वे पद्यमें) सेडिम्बके अतुलित पराक्रमवाले बावन वीरोंने कांचीपुरी पर आक्रमण कर उसके दृढ़ फाटकोंको तोड़ डाला था । (१६ वें पद्यमें) सेडिम्बदुर्गके स्वामी शरणागत प्रतिपालक थे। (१७ वे पद्य) यह तीन सौ महाजन वीर त्रिजगतको आश्रय देने वाले थे। (१८ वे पद्यमें) इस धार्मिक स्थानकी रक्षा करनेवालोंका दीर्घायु एवं आरोग्यलाभ होगा।
[५] सेडमके एक ध्वस्त जैन मन्दिरमें प्रवेशद्वार पर एक पाषाण पर उत्कीर्ण प्रशस्ति, प्राचीन कन्नड
(चालुक्य नृप भूलोकमल्लके राज्यसंवत् १२ = ११३८ इ.) स्वस्ति [1] समस्तसुरासुरमस्तकमकुटांशुजाळजळधौतपद [1] प्रस्तुतजिनेंद्रशासनमस्तु चिरं भद्रमखिळभव्यजनानां ॥ [१]
घरेयेवंबुजमिप्दु शरधिसरोवरद नडुवे कणिकवोल्मंदरमिप्युदल्लि मंदरगिरियिद तेकलेसेव भरतक्षेनं ॥ [२] मा भरतक्षेत्रदोळु चालुक्यचक्रेश्वरवंशावतारदोळु ॥
भगे नेगेवंददिंदोगेद राष्ट्रकुमारकर पोरल्चि कांदगणितवाद पेम्पेंगे तवर्मनेयागि चलुक्यरन्वयं [1] नेगळे नेगळ्तेयं तळेदु तनय तेजदोळाणेयोलेयुडिगे सले साध्यवाद नेलनं तळेदं नृपमेरु तैलपं ॥ [३] जनतासंस्तुतनाद तैलन मग सत्याश्रयं तंनृपाळन पुत्रं विभु विक्रमं तदनुजं श्रीयय्यणोशिना-[1] तन तम्म जयसिंहनातन मग त्रैलोक्यमल्लक्षितीशनेनिप्पाहवमल्लनातन मगं सोमेश्वरोश्विरं ॥ [४] तत्सहोदरं ॥ श्रीमत्रिभुवनमल्लनिळामहितं नहुषपृथुभगीरथचरितं [1] भूमण्डळमें सकळाशामण्डळमवधियप्पिन साधिसिदं ॥ [५] तदपत्योत्तमनत्युदात्तमहिमं सोमेश्वरोर्वीश्वरं पदुळिताळ्द धरित्रियं निजभुजप्रोद्देशदोळ देशदोळ् [1] विदितोत्साहमगुर्दुवैत्तिरलदें कैकोंडनो विक्रमास्पदनिंद्रद्विपतारहारहरहासोद्यद्यशोलक्ष्मियं ॥ [६]
स्वस्ति [1] समस्तभुवनाश्रयं श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभं महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वरं परमभट्टारकं सत्याश्रयकुळतिळकं चालुक्याभरणं श्रीमद भूलोकमल्ल देवविजयराज्यमुत्तरोत्तराभिवृद्धिप्रवर्द्धमानमाचंद्राकेतारं सलुत्तमिरे ॥ तत्पादपन
दंडाधीशशिखामणि दंडितविद्विष्टदंडनायकनिकरं [1]चंडभुजं नेगळ्दं भूमंडळदो काळिदासदंडाधीशं ॥ [७] मानेगळ्द कालिदासचमूनायकनळियनखिळशीळावलियं [1] 'तानोर्चने पडेदु गुणांमोनिधियेने नेगळ्दनेसेये भीमचमूपं ॥ [८]
अंबुधि मेरेदप्पि कविदी धरेय कोळुवल्लि विष्णुवीशंबरसीजगत्रयमुमं बसिरोग्निलिसिट्टु काववो-[1] लिंबनिदिई नाल्देसेय नाडुगळं पेरगिकि काव सेडिंबद विप्ररोंदळवनेवोगळ्वं कदनप्रचंडर ॥ [९]
स्वस्ति [1] यमनियमस्वाध्यायध्यानधारणमौनानुष्ठानजपसमाधिशीळसंपनरु [1] नुडिदु मत्तेबरं । कांचीपुरद्वारकवाटपुटभेदनामिचारहोमसाधकरुं। विरोधिकुळारण्यदावपावकरुं । हेमकुंडलज्वालिनीदेव्याकर्षणलं । समस्तवियाविशेषोस्कर्षणहं । चतुर्वेदपारावारपारगरुं । चतुःषष्टिकळान्वितवसुमतीगीर्वाणरूं । औपासनाग्निहोत्रद्विजगुरुदेवपूजातत्परलं [1] शरचंद्रोज्वळकीर्त्तिगळु । मुकुंदमूर्तिगळुमप्प सेडिंबदशेषमहाजन मुजूर्वरं स्थिरं जीयात् ॥
स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमचालुक्यचक्रवर्ति भूलोकमल्लदेववर्षद १२ नेय पिंगळसंवत्सरद माघद पोर्णमास्ये बृहस्पतिवारदंदु श्रीमन्महाप्रधान हिरियदंडनायकं काळिमय्यंगळिय महाप्रचंडदंडनायक भीमरसप्रमुखमशेष महाजनंगळु श्रीमत्सेडिंबद तेकण बसदिय आदिभट्टारक देवंगे संततं माळ्पष्टविधार्चनगं जीवदयाष्टमि नंदीश्वरदष्टमि संक्रमणग्रहणादि पर्वदिनद महापूजेगळ्गे खंडस्फुटितजीर्णोद्धारक कोट केयि पडुववोलदेलवद हाळ कालमत्तरु नाल्वत्तय्दु [1] भट्टगेरिय दारियिं पाइवण केदगंतोंट कालमत्तर २ [1] मत्तं महाजनप्रमुखवागियुभयनानादेसिय मुम्मुरिदंडवु स्थळमुख्यवागि चैत्रपवित्रपक्रनिमित्तवागि अष्टविधार्थनेय पूजेगे बिट्ट आय सीरेय हसुबेगे बेळ्ळिय हाग । मल्लवरिसिन हेरिंगे बेळ्ळिय हाग । भत्तद हेरिंगे सोळस २ [1] रतु कत्ते कोणन हेरिंगे मेणसु सो। अडके १० [1] प्रलेप हेरिंगे प्रले २५ [1] अंगडिय भत्तद सउटु । गाणदल प्रण्णेय सउटु । इन्तिरिसिदायवाचंद्रावस्थायिवरं स्थिरं जीयात् [1]

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414
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
rai veqai या यो हरेति वसुंधरां । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते कृमिः ॥ [१०] स्वस्ति [1] समस्तप्रशस्तिसहितं श्रीमतु सबिलेडियु बिट्ट केह मत्त स्वतळदर तोटाई बढ
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हिन्दी सारानुवाद - जिनेन्द्रशासन भव्यजनोंका कल्याण करें। राष्ट्रकूटोंको नष्ट कर चालुक्य साम्राज्य स्थापित करनेवाले तैलप द्वितीयसे लेकर भूलोकमल्ल अर्थात् सोमेश्वर तृतीय तककी वंशावली | श्रीमद् भूलोकमल्ल (सोमेश्वर तृतीय ) का विजयराज्य प्रवर्धमान था। पहले जो कालिदास नामका दण्डाधीश था, कालिदासका जामाता भीम उसका चमूपति था । सेडिम्ब के विप्रोंकी (चतुर्थ शिलालेख के समान ) प्रशंसा तथा तीन सौ महाजनोंकी (तृतीय शिलालेख के समान) प्रशंसा । चालुक्यचक्रवर्ती भूलोकमल्लके राज्य संवत् १२ व पिङ्गल संवत्सर माघशुक्ल बृहस्पतिवार के दिन, महाप्रधान प्रधानदण्डनायक कालिमय्यके जामाता प्रचण्डदण्डनायक भोमरसकी प्रमुखता सभी महाजनोंने भग० आदिभट्टारक ( आदिनाथ ) की नित्य नैमित्तिक पूजाके लिए, तथा मन्दिरकी मरम्मतके लिए सैडिम्ब ग्रामकी दक्षिण दिशामें ४५ मत्त प्रमाण कृष्य भूमि और १ बगीचा दानमें दिया । तथा उसी दिन उक्त महाजनोंकी प्रमुखतामें उभय नाना देशीय (एक प्रकारके व्यापारी जो देशके भीतर व बाहर व्यापार करते थे) लोगोंने और मुम्मुरिदण्ड संघने अपने स्थानीय प्रतिनिधियोंके द्वारा, चैत्र और पवित्र पर्वके दिन भगवान्की अष्टविध पूजार्थ, वस्त्र, सोंठ, हळदी, धान्य आदि वस्तुओं पर चुंगी करले प्राप्त आयमेले कुछ भाग दानमें दिया । इसी तरह राइलेट्टिने भी भूमि दानमें दी ।
1
[ नोट
-इस शिलालेखसे तत्कालीन राज्यशासनके शब्द, धार्मिक पर्व और दातव्य वस्तुओं पर प्रकाश पड़ता है । चैत्र पर्व उक्त भगवान् की पूजाके लिए चैत्र महीनेमें मनाया जाता था तथा पवित्र पर्व ज्येष्ठ या असादसे लेकर कार्तिक तक किसी एक महीने में मनाया जाता था जिसमें मूर्तिके गलेमें व अन्य अंगों में सूत या सिल्ककी मालाएँ पहिनायी जाती हैं ।]
[६]
सेडमके एक जीर्ण जैन मन्दिरसे प्राप्त प्रशस्ति लेख, संस्कृतमिश्रित कन्नडमे ( लगभग सन् ११३८ इ. )
श्रीमत्परमगंभीरस्याद्वादामोघलांछन [1] जीयात् त्रैलोक्यनाथस्य शासनं जिनशासनं । [ १ ] श्रीमूल संघोदितकोंडकुंदनुच्चान्वयोदम्वति सद्विनूत [ । ] क्राणूर्गणोभूगुणरत्नराशिस्तस्मिंश्च गच्छोजनि तित्रिणीकः ॥ [२] तस्यान्वये श्रीनिळोप्यबेश्मा भूविश्रुतो विश्रुतपारवा [1] चतुःसमुद्रश्रितझुद्धकीर्त्तिः सिद्धान्तदेवः स चतुर्मुखाख्यः ॥ [ ३ ]
भवरिंदनंतरं भूभुवनप्रख्यातरेनिबरं मेगळ्द बळि [1] कवदातकीर्तिलक्ष्मीप्रवरं श्रीवीरणदियतिपति नेगन्ददं ॥ [ ४ ] भवरप्रशिष्यरान तभुवनश्रीरावर्णविसैद्धांतिकरुं [1] कविगमकिवादीवाग्मिप्रवरर्नेगळ्द र्हदि सैद्धांतिकरुं ॥ [५] भारावर्णदिशिष्यर्तार।वळविशदकीर्ति पसरिसे नेगळ्द [1] रूपमान धैर्यश्रीरमणपद्मनंदिसैद्धांतेशरु ॥ [६]
तष्ठियर् ॥
मुनिसुमद्रसमरनुपमचारित्रचक्रवर्ति पेसवें ।] तनवधियिनेळ्दर खिळावनियोळ् सैद्धान्तवक्रवर्तिप्रवरर ।। [७] तदंतेवासिगढ़ ||
दळितमदनडुर्म कंबुठितमदप्रततिमूलकुद्दाळनेनलु [1] कुलभूषणनं जिनमुनिकुळभूषणनं पोगबर्निनेयो गळ्यों ॥ [ 6 ] तदविमुनींद्र शिष्यप्रशिष्य संतानदोलु ॥
धरेयोक् बेदु [ देवं ] समनिसितेनहमतिश्री मनंगों

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APPENDIX It
डिरे गंभीरत्वर्वभोनिधियोळकरे शुभन्तपः प्रेयसी नि-[1] र्भरहर्ष निट्टेबट्टोप्पिरे नेगळदनिळा[ भागदोलु ] भव्यसेव्याचरण श्रीपुष्पद [न्त ] मतिपतिष्टतमध्याह्नकल्पदुमांकं ॥ [९] कामेभकुंभस्थळमेदसिंहो मोहाद्विनिर्दारणवज्रदंडः ।
बाभाति चारित्र पवित्रगोत्रः श्रीपुष्पदंतो मलधारिदेवः ॥ [१०] अजनि जनितबोधस्तस्य शिष्यो विनेयव्रजकुमुद कुळानां कौमुदीनाथकल्पः । कुनयकुजकुठारो भारतीकर्णपूरः स जयति शुभकीर्तिः कीर्तिकान्तामनोजः ॥ [19] तदीयशिष्यो भुवि भव्यसेव्यः सिद्धान्तरत्नाकरवर्धनेंदु [1] गोवर्धनो वर्धितजैनधर्मः शशांकसंकाशयशःप्रकाशः ॥ [१२]
तस्यानुजो मनोजारिरिवारामामनः क्रमः । नेमिचंद्रः शरश्चंद्ररुद्रकीर्तिश्रियः पतिः ॥ [१३] जयति जगती तळेश्वरशिरोमणिद्युतिशतप्रचुंषितश्चरणः । श्रीगोवर्धनशिष्यस्त्रिभुवनचंद्रो निरस्तदुस्तरतंद्रः ॥ [ १४ ]
स्वस्त्यनवरतनतनरनाथनागेंद्र नाकिनायक निकाय कमनी यकनकमयमकुटतटघटितहठदरुणमणिगणकिरण रागरंजितचरणसरसी रूह भगवद हेत्परमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकमुखकमळविनिर्गतस दस दादिवस्तुस्वरूपनिरूपणप्रवणराद्धांतादिसमस्तशास्त्रामृतपारावारपारहश्वरुं । षडनाय तनवि ततजीमूतमातरिश्वरं । द्वादशविधविराजमानतपोराजाधिराजरुं क्राणूर्गणभगणताराराजरं । चारुचारित्रचंदनोद्यानलीलाविहार विध्वस्तदुस्तर दुष्कर्म धर्मरुं । परिपाळितपरमजिनधर्मरुं । निरवधिनिरुपमाननित्यानंदनंदस्परमसमरसी भावसमधिष्ठितनिष्ठानिर। कृतनिखिळविभावरुं । अप्रतिहतप्रभावरुं । निरस्तकेश्वरस्याद्वादसमयशासनशिळापट्टरुं । सरससरस्वतीललाटपट्टरुं । क्षीरनीराकरहारनीद्दारनिर्मळयशः प्रसरसुधाधवळित दिगंगनानिळ्यरुं । प्रबळमदनप्रळयरुं । संयमशरधिसमुपजनितसकळगुणमणिगणाळंकाररुं । चातुर्वर्णश्रवणसंघाधाररुं । श्रीशुभकीर्तिसैद्धान्तिदेवपादाराधकरुं । भव्यप्रबोधक रुमप्प श्रीमन्नेमिचंद्र पंडितदेवश्विरं जीयात् ॥
हिन्दी सारानुवाद -- जिनशासनप्रशंसा । मूलसंघ, उससे कुन्दकुन्दान्वय, उससे क्राणूरगण और उससे तिन्त्रिणीक गच्छ निकला । (पद्य ३-१४ तक निम्नप्रकार की पट्टावली दी गई है चतुर्मुख (सिद्धान्तदेव )
1
कुछ पीढ़ी बाद
वीरणन्दि
रावणन्दि ( रामनन्दि )
पद्मनन्दि
मुनिचन्द्र
कुलभूषण
415
अर्हन्दि 1 कुछ पर्दिके बाद
पुष्पदन्त ( मलधारि )
शुभकीर्ति
गोवर्धन
त्रिभुवनचन्द्र
अन्तमें (४०-६२ पंक्तियोंमें ) नेमिचन्द्र पण्डितदेवके अनेक गुणोंकी स्तुति की गई है।
नेमिचन्द्र

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416
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
[ नोट- उक्त क्षेत्रमें मूल संघके अमुक गण एवं गच्छके आचार्योंका अस्तित्व, तथा मध्यकालीन कर्नाटक में जैनोंकी दार्शनिक एवं धार्मिक विचारधारा पर इस शिलालेखसे प्रकाश पड़ता है । ]
[७]
सेडमके एक शिलास्तंभपर खुदा हुआ लेख, प्राचीन कन्नड (लगभग सन् ११६० इ.)
[ पहली ओर ]
जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्वाराहं क्षोभितार्णवम् [1] दक्षिणोचतदंद्राग्रविश्रान्तभुवनं वपुः ॥ [१] जयाभिवृद्धिरस्तु ॥
धरे बुजमिदु शरधिसरोवरद नडुवे कर्णिकेवोलुमं [1] दरमिपुदल्लि मंदरगिरिविंद तेंकले सेव भरतक्षेत्रं ॥ [२] भा भरतक्षेत्रrोळु चालुक्यचक्रेश्वरर वंशावतारदोळ् ॥
अगे नेगेवंद दिँदोगेद राष्ट्रकुमारकरं पोरळिच कोदगणितवाद पेर्मेगे तवर्मनेयागि चळुक्यरन्वयं [1]
गळे गळतेय तळे तंनय तेजदोळाणेयोलेधुंडिगे सले साध्यवाद नेलनं तळेदं नृपमेरु तैलपं ॥ [ ३ ] अन्तु ॥ जनतासंस्तुतनाद तैलन मगं सत्याश्रयं तं नृपाळन पुत्रं विभु विक्रमं तदनुजं श्रीयय्यणोर्वीशना-[1] तन तमं जयसिंहनातन मगं त्रैलोक्यमल्लक्षितीशनेनिप्पाहवमल्लनातन मगं सोमेश्वरोवीश्वरं ॥ [४] तत्सहोदरं ॥ कंद ||
श्रीम[त्] त्रिभुवन मल्ल निळामहितं नहुषपृथुभगीरथचरितं [1]
भूमंडळमं सकळाशा मंडळमवधियप्पिनं साधिसिदं ॥ [ ५ ] कंद ॥
आतन सुतनखिळकळावीतं सोमेश्वरक्षितीश्वरनुदितो -[1]
थोतितकीर्तिविळासं भूतळदोळ् तत्र पेसरे पेसरेने नेगदं ॥ [ ६ ] कंद ॥
आतन तनुजं दनुजश्रातमनलेवखनाभनेंदेने रिपुसं [1] घातमनलेदं निखिळख्यातं जगदेकमल्लनरिनृपमलं ॥ [७] तदनुजं ॥ कामलतिका वृत्तं ॥
माळवनं मरळिच मगधेशनधीशतेयं कळल्चि नेपाळनृपाळनोहजेयनमनेरिसि चोळनं भुजा -[1] भीळकृपाणदिं तविसि पांख्यननंड लेदाकलिंगनं चाळिसि नूर्मडिक्षितिपने नेसेदिनो भूतळाप्रदो ॥ [ ८ ] आतननुजातनुपमातीतं भूवल्लभक्षमावल्लभनिन्तीतने मांधातनेनिप्पाततमहिमाप्रसिद्धियं प्रकटिसिदं ॥ [ ९ ]
स्वस्ति [1] समस्तभुवनाश्रय श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभ महाराजाधिराजं परमेश्वरं परमभट्टारकं सत्याश्रयकुळतिळकं वाळुक्याभरणं श्रीम [त्] त्रिभुवनमलदेवरु मूरनेय विक्रमसंवत्सरदलु पोळकेरेय नेलेवीडिनोक् सुखसंकथाविनोददिं राज्यं गेय्युतमिरे || चंपकमाले ॥
बगेगोळे कर्बद्धं पुरवगुर्विसे राजिसे राजधानि दिट्टिगेवरे पट्टणं प्रतिदिनं परिशोभिसे खेडमिंतिर्दे [1]
सोगयिसुतिर्दुदो तदवनीपतिपाळन सुस्थितासुखस्थगितजनप्रमोदभरराजितकुंतळदेशवुर्वियोक् ॥ [१०] महास्नग्धरे ॥ अदरोळ् नद्यद्विनानानळिनवनतडा गोल्करोद्यानतानास्पदवारामाभिरामं धनकनकसमृद्ध प्रजाकीर्णवुर्वी । विदितमामब्रजभ्राजितवहिहयवं शोद्भवो वश राज्याभ्युदय श्रीजन्मगेहं सततवेसेदरलनाडु कण्गोपितोकुं ॥ [११] अन्तुमदे ॥
अल्लल्लिगे तीर्थगळिनललिगे दिव्य देवतानि बदिन -[ । ]न्तलल्लिगे पूगोळ दिंदेलियुमानाडु नाडे सोयसुगुं ॥ [१२]

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APPANDIX II
भोगोपभोगदिदनुरागदिननवयवृत्तियिं सुकृतशतो- [1] योगविनिर्प जनंगळि नागळुधाविषयवें मनंगोळिसिदुदो ॥ [१३] वृत्त ॥ बिरुदिन बिकविल्लद नेगळूते पोगळूतंगे सल्लदार्पु वित्तरिसद ने' नित्यतेयनांतमदोप्पद पंपु सौंपना- [1] वरिसदरिलेनिप्प महिमोतियं पडेदिर्दुदेंदाडं तिरुपरिवर्णिपंतळवे तद्विषयं जगतीतळायदोळ् ॥ [१४] भाविषयांतराळदोळु ॥
[दुसरी ओर सेडिंवमेंब पुरमदु नाडाडिगळुषवेनिप विबुधालयदि [1] कूडे सोगयिसुवुददरिं रोडिसुवुदु दिविजराजराजितपुरमं ॥ [१५] कामलतिकावृत्तं ॥
अंबरम पळंचलेयुतिर्दपुदिकिद कोटे नागलोकंबरमेयदे मुद्दिदुदगदगळिस दिशादिशातरा- [1] ळंबरमेय्दे पर्विदुदु तेजद साजदगुर्बनल्के सेडिंबदोळेत्ति कादुवटंगिदु मस्तकशूलमल्लदे ॥ [१६] मत्तेभविक्रीडितं ॥ नरनिंदग्गद खांडवं नेगळ्द लंकाद्वीपमंदोंदुवानरनिं त्रैपुरमा तापसन किंचिन्मात्रकोपामियिं [1] परिभं बेत्तुवु देवनिर्मित गडं तामेंदु निश्चं निराकरिसुत्तिर्पदु पेर्चि तेजदोदविं सेडिंबदाडंबरं ॥ [१७] तरदिंदमुळे मूरुकोटि विपुळ प्राकारवेळेंटु गोपुरवेण्गोटि निशाचरप्रतिदिनं कादिपरंभोधिभी-[1] करवागिर्दगळंब लंके परिभ बेत्तिर्दुव्दन्दडं दोरेयेंदेंबुदे बल्पिनोळ् जयवधूसंरंभसेडिंबदोळ् ॥ [१०] अंबुधि मेरे दप्पि कविदी धरेयं किडिपंदु विष्णुवीशंबेरसी जगत्त्रयमुमं बसिरोळ् निलिसिटु काववो [1] लिं बळिदिर्द नाल्देसेय नाडुगळं पेरगिक्कि काव सेडिंबद विप्ररों दळवनेवोगळवें चलदंकरामरं ॥ [१९] सुररुं दैत्यरुमब्धियं कडेयुतिप॑दुग्रशेषाहि भीकर कोपाग्रहि काळकूटविषमं तुप्पेंदोडा दैत्यरु [1] सुररुं भीतियिनोडुवंदु गिरिशं काददि कादरी धरे केहोडव कालदंदु पलरं सेडिंबदुर्गाधिपर ॥ [२०] शरणदेने कावगुणं शरनिधिगं तमगवल्लदिल्लंदखिळो-[1] वरे कूर्त कीर्तिसुत्तिरे धरेयोल् मुझूर्वरितु नेगळ्दवराब्दर ॥ [२१]
स्वस्ति [1] यमनियमस्वाध्यायध्यानधारणमौनानुष्ठानपरायण जपतपसमाधिशीळगुणसंपचरं । नुडिदु मत्तेचीं। कांचीपुरद्वारकवाटपुटभेदनाभिचारहोमसाधकरं । विरोधिकुळारण्यदावपावकरुं । चतुर्वेदपारावारपारगरुं । बहुविध वचनरचनाप्रवीणरुं । चतुःषष्टिकळान्वितवसुमतीगीर्वाणरूं । हेमकुंडळज्वाळिनीदेव्याकर्षणरं । समस्तविद्याविशेषणरुं । शरणागतवज्रपंजररं । वैरिदिकुंजररूं । श्रीनारायणदेवपादपंकजभ्रमररुमप्प श्रीमदनाद्यग्रहारं सेडिंबदशेष महाजन मूनर्वामिगळ् स्थिरं जीयात् ॥
भवरोळुदात्तगुणं भूभुवनप्रख्यातनात्मगोत्रपवित्रं [1] दिविजनगधैर्यनईत्स्तवनपरं चंदिराजनूर्जितते ॥ [२२] जसद पोदळके चंद्रिकय सांद्रतेयं मिगे सौम्यतागुणं पसरिसे संततं कुवळयकनुरागमनेळगे चेल्वना- [1] जिसे परिपूर्ण चंद्रनेने वर्तिसुवं द्विजराजनेंब पैसेदिरे......चंद्रनपाकृततंदतातमं ॥ [२३] स्थितिसारत्ववगुर्ववेत्तखिळ बंधुबात संप्रीतियं सततं पुहिस निदे॒वष्ट महिमावष्टंभसंरभसं[1] गति नेट्टळवटुंदेंदेनलदें कैकोंडनो सत्कविस्तुतिविस्तारितकीर्तिसंभघितलोकानंदम चंद्रमं ॥ [२५] जसदोळपुनति हेपु हेम हेसराचारं ब्रतं शीळवण्मेसकं शौचवुदात्तवृत्ति बळवाटोपं जयश्रीगुण-[1] प्रसरं धर्मगुणं दयाविभववत्यौदार्यवुद्दामताज्यसनं तत्रवेनल्कदें मेरेदनो तमंदमं चंद्रम ॥ [२५] कं ॥ माडिसिदं कीर्तिश्रीक्रीडागृहमेखिन धरित्रीचक्र [1] सेडिंबपुरद बागिल्माडमनी चंदिराजर्जिततेजं ॥ [२६] धरेवजनिवासदोळ् नेलसि सेडिवाब्जिनीकांते भासुरवागिर्दपळावधूवदनशौचाडंबरश्रीयिदें।] बर मातोप्पिरे चंदिराजनालविंदं तत्पुरोदप्रगोपुरमं माडिसि मैमेवेत्तनितरळिनरारबिनं ॥ [२७] दिगधीशबातवुळ्ळनेगवखिळदिशादन्तिसन्तानबुळ्ळसेगवुर्वीचक्रवुळभेगबुदनिधिसंदोहळ्ळोगं प[1] नगराजाधीशबुळ्ळन्नेगविनशशिबिंबंगलुळ्ळलेगं निस्के गतरारिवर्ग समधिकजयसंसर्ग सेडिंबदुर्ग ॥ [२०]
स्वस्ति [1] समस्तगुणसंपन्चनप्प माडिहाळ मल्लोजन पुत्रं सौजन्यपात्रं रूवारिजनमित्रं रामोज कडेद शिलाशासन [1] मंगळमहाश्री श्री श्री [1]
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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-विष्णुके वराहावतारकी स्तुति । तैलप द्वितीयसे लेकर त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव (सोमेश्वर चतुर्थ)तक चालुक्य राजाओंकी वंशावली । समस्त भुवनाश्रय आदि बिरुदोंके धारक त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव अपने शासनके तृतीय वर्ष में, विक्रम नाम संवत्सरमें पोट्टलकेरे स्थानसे शासन कर रहे थे । उनके अधीन कुन्तलदेशमें धनधान्य सुवर्णसे समृद्ध तथा अहिहयवंश (हैहयवंश) के राजाओंकी अभ्युदयश्रीका जन्मस्थान अरल्नाडु (जिला) था। वहां अनेक मन्दिरोंसे विराजित सेडिम्ब नामका नगर था। उसका दुर्ग शत्रुओंसे अजेय था। सेडिम्बके विनों और तीन सौ महाजनोंकी (पूर्ववत्) प्रशंसा । उनमें प्रमुख एवं प्रख्यातकीर्ति गुणवान् चन्दिराज था जो बड़ा अर्हद्भक्त था। उसने अपने उज्वल नाम और यशके अनुरूप अपने पुण्यके लिए सेडिम्ब नगरका उन्नत दरवाजा (गोपुर) बनवा दिया। यह सेडिम्ब दुर्ग सदा काल तक रहे । इस शिलालेखको माडिहाळ निवासी मल्लोजके पुत्र रामोजने पाषाण पर उत्कर्णि किया। [नोट-इस शिलालेखसे तत्कालीन राजनीतिक एवं धार्मिक इतिहासका दिग्दर्शन होता है ]
[८]
सेडम गांवके भीतर चिक्कबसदी नामके मन्दिरसे प्राप्त-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
( लगभग १३ वी शताब्दि इ.) पार्श्वदेवरिगे केयि मत्तरु १२ नंदन संवछ(स)र [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-पार्श्वनाथ देवको नन्दन सम्बत्सरमें १२ मत्सर प्रमाण कृष्यभूमि दानमे दी।
[९] आडकी गांवके भीतर एक शिलास्तंभपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(लगभग सन् १११५ इ.)
[पहली ओर] श्रीमत्परमगंभीरस्यावादामोधलांछनं [1] जीयात्रैलोक्यनाथस्य शासनं जिनशासनम् ॥ [१]
स्वस्ति [1] समस्तभुवनाश्रय श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभ महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर परमभट्टारक सत्याश्रयकुळतिळकं चालुक्याभरणं श्रीमत् त्रिभुवनमल्लदेवरु जयन्तीपुरद नेलेवीडिनोळ् सुखसंकथाविनोददिं राज्यं गेय्युत्तमिरे ॥ स्वस्ति [1]..... ....मणिमयूखरेखाळंकृतचरणरश्मि[गढुं] भगवदर्हत्परमेश्वर परमभट्टारक ......र्गतसदसदादि सप्त .... समालिंगितराद्धांतादिसमस्त ... धिगळु जिनेंद्रसूक्तामृतरसास्वादिगढुं जिनसमयशरधिसंवर्धनशरसमयसमुदितसंपूर्णसुधामरीचिगर्ल कुमततमस्तमःपटळप्रभेदनप्रचण्डतिग्मरोचिगढुं जिनसमयसरोजिनीविराजमानराजमराळहं काषायकदळीपंडखंडनोइण्डचण्डशुण्डाळलं वाकामिनीपीनोमतपयोधरद्वयालंकृततरळमशकाचरणरं वंदियूर्गणसमुद्धरणहं तुहिनहिमकिरण. सुरसरितफेनसंकाशविशदान्तःपटळबहळधवळीकृतसकळदिकुचक्रर घिनतविनेयचक्र भन्यजनमाकन्दनन्दनवसन्तर सकळदोषरिपुकुळकृतान्तरं भक्तजनसस्यसमितिसंवर्धनसुधाप्रकर्षलं गुणगणोतुकरुषरुं श्रीनेमिचंद्रसिद्धान्तदेवपादारविन्द सौरमास्वादनोन्मत्तशिलीमुखरं ..... शिळीमुखरं जिनेंद्रकथितविमळचारित्रपरमेश्वरकै मुनिजनाधीश्वररं समस्तवस्तु[स्वरूप] शानदीपवर्तिगळु दिव्यतपोमूर्तिगळुमप्प श्रीमद्गुणवीरसिद्धान्तदेवखिरं जीयात् ॥
मृत्यन्ती भुवने यतस्मुक्मिळा यत्कीर्तिहसी सदा तस्मादेव च तन्नदीप्रवणकक्षीराब्धिवर्तते [1] कालिंदीप्रववाहफेमनिचयो गंगातरंगायते सौमि श्रीगुणवीरनाममुनिपं कामेभकंठीरवम् ॥ [२]

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APPENDIX II
स्वस्त्यनेकभंगुरतरंगसंघातवीचिच्छायलवणान्धिवळयवळ यितवेळा वन गंगातीर[ पर्यन्त ] मध्यदेशाधीश्वर माहिष्मतीपुरबराीश्वर आहियवंश कुलोद्भव विवेकत्रनजोद्भव वन्दिज[ न क ]ळ्पवृक्ष दक्षिणभुजसंभववीरशासन शिळा दळर्दककार गंडगोपाळ मलेवरगाळ संग्रामराम सत्यराधेय शौचांजनेय परबळसाधकं श्रीमन्महामण्डलेश्वरं मिरिंतेनाड एचभूपश्चिरं जीयात् ॥
419
जळधिगभीर धीरतेयनी धरणीवरनाद वीर्यदग्गळिकेयनन्ते कल्पतरुवार्पनखंडितसत्यशौर्यदों -[1]
दळविगे मनुमुनिप्रभृतिगळु पडियल्लेनले नचचकेय्यळविगे कोप्प देवन महत्त्वगुणंगळनण्ण बण्णिसलु ॥ [३] प्रसेदिरे कीर्तिवेत्तसियकाल नेगळतेय मल्लिसेट्टियि पेसर नेगते थं पडेद रूडिय सीरेय काळिलेहियिं [ 1 ] दसगुणवाय्तु धर्मवेनलंतवरिर्वरिनेयदे माडिदी बसदियनोंदुनालगेयोळेवोगळवं पोगळ्वं धरित्रियोक् ॥ [ ४ ] मरदुवसत्यवं नुडिय बेडिद वस्तुवनार्गविल्लनल्करियनशेष भव्यजन संततिगळु पोगवन भक्तियं [] मेरेव जिनेंद्रनो परहितार्थमे मेय्येनिसिपैनेंदु हेररिकेय दानियं पोगळ्बुदीधरे सीरेय काळिसेट्टिय ॥ [५] स्वस्ति [ । ] श्रीमतु सीरेय काळिसेट्टिय पुत्ररु दुचिसेट्टियुं चन्दिसेट्ठियुं मल्लिसेहियुं नेमिट्टियुं मल्लिसेहिय पुत्रं बाचिसेट्टियुं पारिश्वसेट्टिय पुत्रं जक्किसेट्टियुं [1] श्री श्री श्री ॥
हिन्दी सारानुवाद - जिनशासन प्रशंसा । समस्त भुवनाश्रय त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव जयन्तीपुरसे शासन कर रहे थे । वन्दियूर गणके नेमिचन्द्र सिद्धान्तदेवके शिष्य गुणवीर सिद्धान्तदेवकी अनेक रूप से प्रशंसा । माहिष्मतीपुरवराधीश्वर, हैहयवंशोद्भव, महामण्डलेश्वर, मिरिन्तेनाडुके एचभूप की प्रशंसा एवं दीर्घ जीवनकी मंगलकामना । ( पद्य ३ में ) शासक कोप्पदेवकी प्रशंसा तथा (पद्य ४-५ में) मन्दिरके निर्माता असियकाल मल्लिसेट्टि एवं सीरेय काळिसेट्टिका उल्लेख तथा सीरेय काळिसेट्टिके सत्य दानशीलता, भक्ति आदि गुणोंकी प्रशंसा । अन्तमें काळिसेडि चिसेहि चन्दिसे मल्लिसेट्टि और नेमिसेट्टि तथा मल्लिसेट्टिके पुत्र बाचिसेट्टि और पारिश्वसेविके पुत्र किसेट्टिकी मंगलकामना ।
[१०]
आडकी गांवके भीतर एक शिलास्तंभपर - प्राचीन कन्नड में
(सन् ११२६ इ. )
[ दुसरी ओर ]
स्वस्ति [1] समस्तप्रशस्तिसहितं श्रीमन्महाप्रधाननुं चोळकटकसूरेकारनं चालुक्यकटकरक्षापाळकनुं लोकापवादनिरतिशयसत्यसंपन्ननुं नुडिदुमत्तेननुं प्रतिज्ञापरशुरामनुं शिष्टेष्टकल्पद्रुमनुं ऋग्यजुस्सा माथर्वण चतुर्वेदपारगर्नु भाश्रितजनकल्पवृक्षनुं श्रीमतु काश्यपगोत्रपवित्रनुं गर्भसारस्वतनुं श्रीमतु... देवदण्डनाथसुपुत्रनुं चालुक्यद [ ण्डना ]थमुखदर्पणवेनिसिद भडकिय प्रभु कोप्पदण्डनाथश्चिरं जीयात् ॥
स्वस्त्यनेकगुणगणाळंकृतसत्यशौचाचार चारुचारित्रनयविनयसुशीळ संपन्न आहाराभय भैषज्य शास्त्रदानविनोदरुं जिनगुणोदकपवित्रीकृतोत्तमांगरुं पंचविंशति[मल ] व्यपेतसम्यग्दर्शन सिद्धान्तर तरुं ... श्रीमद्गुणवीर सिद्धान्तदेवचरणसरसीरुह'शिळीमुखरं वैश्य कुळकुमुदिनीशरश्चंद्ररुमप्प श्रीमतु संकरसेट्टिय पुत्रं सीरेय काळिसेट्टियरुं असियकाल जकिसेहिय पुत्रं संकिसेट्टियरुं नेमिसेट्टियरुं वट्टद मल्लिसेहियरुं पारिश्वसेहियरुं वर्द्धमानसेहियरुं काळिलेट्टियरुं स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमच्चालुक्यविक्रमवर्ष ५० नेय विश्वावसुसंवत्सरद फाल्गुनसुद्ध [१०] बृहस्पतिवारदंदु श्रीमद्दण्डनायक कोप्परसरु प्रमुखवागि भाडकिलु बसदियं माडिस पारिश्वदेवर प्रतिष्ठेय माडि महाविभूतिथिं कळसारोहणं माडि कोप्पजिनालय तेंदु dering मतमा पार्श्वदेवरिगे सततं मादुव अष्टविधार्थनेगं जीवदयाष्टमी नंदीश्वरदष्टमी संक्रमण ग्रहण व्यतीपात - पर्वदिनद महापूजेगं प्रासादं पलकालमिर्पन्तागि पडिसलिसि मार्पन्तागि खण्डस्फुटित जीर्णोद्धारद बेसकं आडकिय

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कण कोप्यजिनालय कोप्परसदण्डनायकरु सर्वनमस्यवागि बिट्ट तोट ब्रह्मदेवन के [ रे ]मिं बडगलु काल मत १ freer arrrr बडगण नेमिट्टियंगडि बोन्ड [1] समस्तनकरंगळु यरड बसदिय देवर नंदादीविगेगे अंगडियलु सिंगाको बिट्ट यपणे भरशन १ ॥ दण्डिगे मोहि व्यवहरिसुवल्लि ॥ [1] इन्तीधर्मवनारोर्बरु किडिसुवरु प्रति पुण्यतीर्थंगळ नितरोल् गोब्राह्मणरं स्वहस्तदिं वधिसिद महापातकरप्पह ॥ स्वदत्तां परदतां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरां । पटर्वर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ॥ मंगळमहाश्री श्री ॥
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
हिन्दी सारानुवाद --- आडकी के स्वामी सेनापति कोप्पदण्डनाथकी प्रशंसा । वह चोलकटकका विध्वंसक तथा चालुक्य सेनाका संरक्षक था । वह काश्यपगोत्र तथा सारस्वतकुलमें उत्पन्न हुआ था।
अनेक गुणोंसे समलङ्कृत, सम्यग्दर्शनके सिद्धान्तोंमें सततरत श्रीकाळिसेद्दि, संकिसेहि, मल्लिसेट्टि, वट्टदसेट्टि, पारिश्वसेट्टि, वर्धमानसेट्टि, काळिसेट्टिकी प्रशंसा । ये सब गुणवीर सिद्धान्तदेवके शिष्य थे । श्रीमान् चालुक्यनृपविक्रमके ५० वें वर्ष, विश्वावसु संवत्सरमें फाल्गुन सुदी १० गुरुवारके दिन सेनापति कोप्पने उक्त सात वणिजोंकी सहायतासे आडकीमें एक विशाल जैन मन्दिर बनवाया और उसमें बड़े महोत्सव पूर्वक भग. पार्श्वनाथकी मूर्ति स्थापित की तथा ऊपर स्वर्णकलशारोहण किया। उस मन्दिरका नाम कोप्पजिनालय रखा गया । उसले भगवान्की दैनिक एवं विशिष्ट पर्वों में अर्थात् जीवदयाष्टमी, नन्दीश्वर अष्टमी, संक्रान्ति, ग्रहण, व्यतीपातके समय पूजाके लिए तथा मन्दिरके संरक्षण, मरम्मत, एवं कुछ नये निर्माणकार्यके लिए एक मन्तर प्रमाण बगीचेको स्थायी निधिके रूपमें दे दिया तथा आडकीके दक्षिणमें एक दूकान ( या कमरा) भी दे दिया। दोनों मन्दिरों में भगवानके आगे सतत दीपक जलानेके लिए आडकीके व्यापारीसंघने प्रत्येक दूकानसे तैलकी मात्रा नियत कर दी तथा व्यापार पर करसे जो आमदनी होती थी उसे भी मन्दिरके लिए दे दिया ।
[ नोट - इस लेखसे तत्कालीन धार्मिक इतिहास एवं व्यापारीसंघ और उनकी दानविधि पर प्रकाश पड़ता है । ]
[११]
asht rich भीतर एक शिलास्तंभपर - प्राचीन कन्नडमें
( लगभग सन् ११७१ इ. )
[ तीसरी ओर ]
श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री [1] स्वस्ति [1] समधिगतपंचमहाशब्द महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वरं कालंजरपुरवराधीश्वरं कळचुर्य कुळकमलमार्तंडे कदनप्रचंडं मानकनकाचळ सुभटरादित्य कलिगळंकुश गजसामन्तं शरणागतवञ्चपंजरं प्रतापलंकेश्वरं शनिवारसिद्धि, गिरिदुर्गमल्ल चलदंकराम साहसभीम नामादिसमस्त प्रशस्तिसहितं श्रीमतु रायमुरारि भुजबळमल्ल सोयिदेवरु सेलेयहळ्ळियकुप्पद नेलेवीडिनलु सुखसंकथाविनोददिं राज्यं गेय्युत्तमिरे ॥ ५ नेय खरसंवत्सरद पुष्य सुद्ध पचमी सोमवारदन्दु समस्तप्रशस्तिसहितं श्रीमन्महामंडळेश्वरं मिरितेनाड एचरस श्रीमन्महाप्रधानं दंडनायकराडकिय महाप्रभुगळु विष्णुदेवरसरं बाचिदेवरसरं त्रिलोचन देवरसरं मुख्यवागि स्वस्ति [1] समस्तवस्तुविस्तीर्ण घूर्णितार्णवपरीत भूतळ भुवनविख्यातरूं पंचशतवीर शासन लब्धानेकगुणगणाळंकृतशरीररुं सत्यशौचाचारचारुचारित्रनयविनयज्ञानवीरवर्णजुधर्मप्रतिपाळनविशुद्धगुडध्वजविराजितानून साहससत्याचारवीरलक्ष्मीसमालिंगितविशाळवक्षस्थळरुं बलदेव वासुदेवकंडळिमूलभद्रवंशोद्भवमप्य श्रीमदय्यावळेयय्र्वरु स्वामिगळु प्रमुख मूचत्तारु बीड मुम्मुरिदंडगळुभवनानादेलिग मुख्यवागि श्रीमदाडकिय तेंकण कोप्पजिनालयद चेम पार्श्वदेवरंगभोगवष्टविधार्थनेगं जीवदयाष्टमी नंदीश्वरदष्टमी

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ग्रहणपर्वदिनंगळिणं नित्यपूजेगं बिट्ट आर्य हेरिंगे भत्त मान १ तूकद खण्डके होंगे बेकिळ्य हाग १ प्रणिकेय खण्डके होंगे बेलपहाग १ सीरेय कोण्डकोहल्लि होंगे बेळ्ळिय भाग १ मेळसिंगे होंगे बेकिळ हाग १ नीलिय गुळिगेगे होंगे बेल्लिय हाग १ प्रलेय हेरिंगे प्रले ५० इंतीधर्मप्रवर्तनेयं नडेवंतप्पवरु तम्म तम्म धर्मवेदे प्रतिपाळिसुवदु ॥
APPENDIX Irr
स्थिरदिदिंतिदनेयदे काव पुरुषंगायुं जयश्रीयुमक्कुमिदं कायदे काय्व पापिगे कुरुक्षेत्रंगळोळु वारणा -[1] सिगोळु कोटिमुनींवरं कविलेयं वेदाव्यरं को दुदोंदजसं शासनवागि सार्दपुदिदीशैळाक्षरं धात्रियोळु ॥ स्वदतां परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधराम् [1] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते कृमिः ॥
हिन्दी सारानुवाद- स्वस्ति । कलचूर्यवशंके राजा रायमुरारि सोविदेवकी प्रशंसा । वह सेलेयहळ्ळिसे शासन कर रहा था । उसके राज्यके ५ वें वर्ष, खर संवत्सरके पौष सुदी पञ्चमी दिन सोमवारको मिरिन्तेनाडुके महामण्डलेश्वर ( अनेक बिरुदधारी) ऐचरसने महाप्रधान, दण्डनायक एवं आडकीनगर के महाप्रभु विष्णुदेवरस, बाचिदेवरस एवं त्रिलोचनदेवरसके साथ तथा अय्यावळे नगरके पांच सौ स्वामियों' ( इनकी अनेक विध प्रशंसा) के स्थानीय प्रतिनिधियों-छत्तीस बीड, मुम्मुरिदण्डों और उभयनानादेशियोंके सहयोग से एक दान दिया । यह दान आडकीके दक्षिणमें स्थित कोप्पजिनालयके चेन्नपार्श्वनाथकी नित्यनैमित्तिक पूजाके लिए दिया गया था । और यह दान भी, धान्य, स्त्रियोंके कपड़े, पीपर आदि मसालेके पदार्थों की बिक्री पर लगे करोंसे प्राप्त द्रव्यके रूपमें था । अन्तमें दानकी रक्षाके लिए अनुरोध ।
[ नोट : - इस महत्त्वपूर्ण लेखसे दक्षिणी कलचुरि वंश तत्कालीन व्यापारीसंघ एवं दानविधि पर प्रकाश पड़ता है । ]
[१२]
आडकी गांव भीतर एक शिलास्तंभपर - प्राचीन कन्नडम ( सन् १२४३ इ. )
[ पूर्वोक्त लेखके नीचे-ऊसी ओर ]
श्री स्वस्ति [ 1 ] श्रीमतु यादवनारायण प्रतापचक्रवर्ति सिंघणदेववरुषद् ४५ नेय शोभक्रतु संवत्सरद भाषाढबहुळ ५ बुधवार श्रीमतु आडकिय तेंकण कोप्पजिनालयद चेनपार्श्वदेवर नंदादीविगेगे मुम्मुरिदण्डंग कुभयनाना देसिगळु प्रभु मुख्यवागि सिगरु बिट्ट धर्म गाणके सौटु १ श्री [ ]
मंडलेश्वरasa स्थिरं जीयात् ॥ श्रीमदय्यावळे तूर्वरु
हिन्दी सारानुवाद - श्रीमान् यादवनारायण प्रतापचक्रवर्ती सिंघणदेव के ४५ वें वर्ष शोभकृत संवत्सरमें आषाढ वदी ५ बुधवारको मुम्मुरिदण्डों, उभयनानादेशियों तथा स्थानीय मुखियों और प्रतिनिधियोंने आडकीके कोप्पजिनालय में चेन्न पार्श्वप्रभुके सामने सतत दीपक जलाने के लिए प्रत्येक कोल्हू पीछे एक कलछुल तैल दान दिया ।
[ नोट - सिंघणके राज्यसंवत् पर तथा विविध व्यापारिक संघों पर महत्त्वपूर्ण प्रकाश ]
[१३].
आडकी गांव भीतर एक मस्जिद के पास पत्थरपर - प्राचीन कन्नडमे - त्रुटित
( लगभग सन् ११७० इ. )
शनिवारसिद्धि गिरिदुर्गमल्ल. नामादि समस्तप्रशस्तिसहितं रायमुरारि सोविदेवः भाडकिय मादेविय पिरिय बसदिय
अष्टविधार्थने
... ...

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- हिन्दी सारानुवाद - मण्डलेश्वर
रायमुरारि सोविदेव सदा जयवन्त हो । अय्याबळे के पश्चात प्रभुओंके प्रतिनिधियोंने आडकीमें स्थित मादेवी ( महारानी) के बृहत् जैन मंदिर अविध पूजनके लिए दान दिया ।
[ नोट-कलचूरियों की दक्षिण शाखा पर एवं तत्कालीन व्यापारिक संघपर प्रकाश ]
[१४]
मलखेडगांवके भीतर नेमिनाथजिनालयके एक स्तंभपर - कन्नडलिपिमें
(सन् १३९३ इ. )
स्वस्ति [ 1 ] शाके १३१३ प्रवर्तमाने अंगिरसंवत्सरे फाल्गुनमासे कृष्णपक्षे दशम्यां शनिवारे कनकक ळशभासुर जिनेश्वरसदने सुभगंभविष्णु मध्यपरिसरे श्रीनेमिनाथ चैत्यालये श्रीमूलसंघे बलात्कारगणे सरस्वतीगच्छे श्रीकुंडकुदान्वये रायराजगुरु मंडलाचार्य महावादवादीश्वर रायवादिपितामह सकलविद्वज्जनचक्रवर्ति सैद्धांताचार्य श्रीमत्पूज्यपादस्वामिनां प्रियशिष्य श्रीमद्वियानंदस्वामिनां निषिधिरियं कारापिता भद्रं ....... श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री श्री [ ॥ ]
मंदचिदानंद
शुभं
हिन्दी सारानुवाद - शकसंवत् १३१३ ( या १३१४), अंगिरस संवत्सरमें फाल्गुन वदी १० शनिवार के दिन नेमिनाथ चैत्यालय में प्रसिद्ध मूलसंघ, बलात्कारगण, सरस्वतीगच्छ, कुन्दकुन्दान्वयके ( अनेक बिरुदधारी) आचार्य पूज्यपाद स्वामीके शिष्य विद्यानन्दस्वामीके नाम पर यह fafeध बनवाई गई ।
[ नोट -- मलखेडके विद्यानन्द स्वामीकी तिथि निश्चय करानेवाला महत्त्वपूर्ण लेख ]
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
[१५]
तेंळी गांव भीतर एक मूर्ती पीठपर- प्राचीन कचडमे ( लगभग १३ वी शताब्दि इ. )
श्रीयापनीय संघद [वं ]दियूर्गणद नागवीर सिद्धान्तदेवर गुड्डुं बम्मदेवनु माडिसिद प्रतिमे [1] मंगळमहा श्री [ ॥ ]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद - श्री यापनीयसंघ वन्दियूरगणके आचार्य नागवीर सिद्धान्तदेवके गृहस्थ शिष्य बम्मदेवने यह प्रतिमा बनवाई ।
[ नोट- १३ वी शताब्दीमें यापनीय संघका अस्तित्व एवं उसके एक गणका पता ]
***
[१६]
गळगांव भीतर एक पत्थरपर - प्राचीन कन्नडमें - त्रुटित
( लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ. )
...
... ला कंचवळ्ळदिं तेंकलु .. ... काल कंब १३५० आबूरिं तेंक बसदि गवरेश्वर तोटर्दि बडगलु भोगेश्वर देवर हoिळ हिरियजंबुगेय प्रभुम लु कथंगों बिट केयि नागिमरस श्रीमद् iser महाप्रभु नागर मडियं प्रीतिदानवागि कोह केयि मने बडगला काल कंब ४५० यि कोरवार बहेयिंद हु प्रभुगळु कोट्ट गद्दे भम्रनाथदेवर ब ...... श्रीमनु महामण्डलेश्वरं वीर बिब्बरस मतिथि कोट्ट कब्बिन तोट गtय बम्मदे ........... बडगल मत्तरु ...... raft. यता गुळिय महाप्रभु सोवरसरु गé चैत्रपवित्र पूजारियशना..
......
मतम ........
....... गराय ...
...
...
......
...
...
*****

Page #449

APPINDIX II हिन्दी सारानुवाद-ग्राम के दक्षिणमें एक जैन मन्दिर, गवरेश्वर का बगीचा, मोगेश्वरदेव तथा हिरियजम्बुगेके प्रभुका उल्लेख । दण्डहत्तिके महाप्रभु नागरसका उल्लेख । कोरवार प्राम और आम्रनाथदेव को जानेवाले पथ का उल्लेख । श्रीमान् महामण्डलेश्वर वीर बिम्वरसका उल्लेख । तेजुळीके महाप्रभु सोवरसके दानका उल्लेख । [नोट-खाण्डवमण्डलके बाणवंशी राजाओंके इतिहासके लिए उपयोगी लेख]
[१७] हरसूर गांवके भीतर एक जिनमंदिरमें पत्थरपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें-घिसाहुवा
(लगभग सन् १०९६-९७ इ.) ... ... मस्तु ... ... ... भव्यजनानां ... ... ... ... चालुक्य प्रतापचक्रि ... ... ... विप्रसंकुळदि ... ... ... स्वस्ति [1] यम नियम ... ... ... षट्कर्मनिरत ... ... ... गुणि कालिकब्बेगं ...... काळिसेहि ...... ... ... मल्लदेव वर्षद ...... नेय धातुसंवत्सरद ... ... ... ... जयंतीपुरद नेलेवीडि ............ महामंडळे वरं कोपणपुरवराधीश्वरं ... ... ... ... गुरुपादाराधकं ........................ ... ... ... ....
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-जिनशासन भव्यजनों का कल्याण करे। चालुक्य (पश्चिमी) नृप त्रिभुवनमल्लदेव विक्रमादित्य ६ वें का शासन . . . . . . महिला काळिकब्बे ... (तत्पुत्र)... काळिसेट्टि (दोनों जैन धर्ममें निरत)...... त्रिभुवनमल्लदेवके वर्ष ... ... धातुसंवत्सर में ... जयन्तीपुर से . . . महामण्डलेश्वर, कोपणपुरवराधीश्वर . . • गुरुपादाराधक . . . . . .
कोप्पल जिलेसे प्राप्त शिलालेख
[१८] कोप्पल गांवके भीतर किलेमें एक कबरके पास पत्थरपर-प्राचीन कन्नड में -त्रुटित
( लगभग ९ वी शताब्दि इ.) स्वस्ति श्रीनृपतुंगवल्लभ ...... ध्वस्तारातिनरेन्द्रनाळे नेसनं श्रीजै ......[1] प्रस्तावन्दलिदेन्दु तळितरिदु मत्तन्दाजियो ...... प्रस्तुत्यं पडेदं सुरेन्द्रसुखमं विक्रान्त ......[॥१] ...... रुगुणोधनप्प पडे [ विल्लीत ] ......... कदनदो .............
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-रिपुविध्वंसक नृपतुंग वल्लभके शासनकालमें . . . . . . यही उपयुक्त क्षण है यह निश्चयकर और उस दिन युद्धक्षेत्रमें बहादुरीसे प्रचण्ड युद्ध करके उस शूरवीरने सुरेन्द्रसुख प्राप्त किया। [नोट-जैनधर्म के महान हितैषी राष्ट्रकूट नरेश नृपतुंग वल्लभ से संबंधित लेख]
[१९] कोप्पलके पहाडके एक प्रस्तर पर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(सन् ८८१-८२ इ.) स्वस्ति [1] श्रीशकवरिष एण्टुनूर मूरनेय परिसदन्दु कुण्डकुन्दान्वयद एकवटुगद भटारर शिष्यर श्रीसर्वनन्दिभटाररिलिन्दु अर्गन्तीर्थकदुपकारिगळागि पलकालन्तपंगेय्दु संन्यसनमोन्तु मुडिपिदर ॥]
भनवरतशाबदानप्रविमलचारित्रजलधचित्रम् [1] दुरिवनिदायविधातं कुर्यात् श्रीसर्वनन्दीन्द्रः ॥ मंगळम् [1]

Page #450

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA हिन्दी सारानुवाद-शक संवत् ८०३ में कुन्दकुन्दान्वयके एकचढगद भारक (मिट्टीके पात्रधारी) के शिष्य श्रीसर्वनन्दि भट्टारकने इस स्थानमें निवास कर यहां नगरवासी लोगों को अनेक उपदेश दिए और बहुत समय तक कठोर तपश्चरण कर सभ्यास विधिसे अन्त किया। श्रीसर्वनन्दि सब पापों की शान्ति करें।
[नोट-इससे एक नये सर्वनन्दि भट्टारक और उनके गुरु का पता चलता है। यहां भाषा विज्ञान के कुछ नये शब्द भी मिलते हैं।
[२०] कोप्पलके पहाडके ऊपर एक प्रस्तर पर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(लगभग १० वी शताब्दि इ.) जटासिंगनंदि भाचार्यर पदव चावय्यं माडिसिदं [॥]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-चावय्यने आचार्य जटासिंहनन्दिके चरण चिन्होंको निर्मापित किया। - [नोट-आचार्य जटासिंहनन्दिके उल्लेखका महत्त्वपूर्ण लेख । संभव है वरांगचरितके कर्ता आचार्य जटासिंहनन्दि-जो कि ७ वी इ हुए थे-का यह तपःस्थान रहा हो, और इस परम्पराको जागृत करनेके लिए उनके चरणचिन्ह १० वीं शताब्दीमें स्थापित किये गये हों।]
[२१] कोप्पलके किलेकी दीवारमें एक मूर्तिक पीठपर-कन्नड लिपिमें
__(लगभग १० वी शताब्दि इ.) ॐ जिनबिंबाय नमः [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-ओम् । जिन प्रतिमाके लिए नमस्कार ।
[२२] कोप्पलके पहाडमें एक गुफेकी दीवारपर-प्राचीन काडमें
(लगभग १००८ इ.) स्वस्ति [1] श्रीविक्रमादित्यन प्रथमराज्यदोलु श्रीसिंहनन्दितम्मडिगळ् इंगिनीमरणदोळा ओन्दु तिगळिं साधिसिदोर [1] श्रीसिंहनन्दि भण्ण- मतिसागर अण्णनुन्नरलोकमित्रनुं ब्रह्मचारिअण्ण- नाल्वरं विनयंगेरदार स्वामिकुमारनु ।
पोसतु जिनबिंबमं पूजिसे दिविजर् बिबुकुन्देयोळ् निरिसि जग-[1] केसविर्द नागदेवन बसदिय कल्याणकीर्ति कीर्तिगे नोन्तं ॥ [१] ओ गहनमो निरिसिदनुत्तुंगाद्रियमेगे सिंहणन्धाचार्य ब-[1] न्दिगिणिमरणंगेयदोडसंगदे कल्याणकीर्ति जिनशासनम ॥ [२] मोदलिदितळवट्ट देसिगगण श्रीकोण्डकुन्दान्वयास्पदमाचार्यरवार्यवीर्यरनघर् चान्द्रायणाधीशरो- [1] प्पोदबुन्दन्तरि बळिके पलरुं कर्मक्षयंगेयदरावुदनेबें बळिकित्त सन्द रविचन्द्राचार्यरिंदोळियोळ् ॥ [३] गुणसागरमुनिपतिगळ् गुणचन्दमुनीन्द्ररभयणन्दिमुनीन्द्र-। गणदीपकरेनिसिद माषणन्दिगळ् नेगळ्दरीबळिक्रमादिन्द ॥ [४] कबुतपमिङ्गिणिमरणदोळोडलं तवे नोन्तु सिंहनन्याचार्य [1] मुडिपिदेडेयोन बेडेग पडेदिरे माडिसि जिनेन्यत्वाळयम [॥ ५] अतिसयदे शान्तिनाथन प्रविष्ठयं विचकुन्देयोल माडि महोबत धर्मकार्यदि बसुमतियोळ कल्याणकीर्तिमुनिपर नेगकदर [ ॥ ६.]

Page #451

APPENDIX II
428 हिन्दी सारानुवाद-श्री विक्रमादित्यके प्रथम वर्ष श्रीसिंहनन्दिने एक माह तक अभ्यास कर समाधिमरणसे स्वर्गवास पाया । सिंहनन्दि, मतिसागर, नरलोक ब्रह्मचारि और स्वामिकुमार ने अन्तिम संस्कार किया । नागदेव बसदिके कल्याणकीर्तिने विशुकुन्देमें जिनभगवान्की अनुपम मूर्तिकी प्रतिष्ठा कर प्रसिद्धि प्राप्त की थी । कल्याणकीर्तिने सिंहनन्द्याचार्यके सम्मानमें जिनभगवान्के स्मारकको स्थापित किया । देशिग गण, कुन्दकुन्दान्वयमें रविचन्द्राचार्य, गुणसागर, गुणचन्द्र, अभयणन्दि और माघनन्दि आचार्य हुए । कल्याणकीर्तिने सिंहनन्दिके मरणस्थल पर जिन-भगवान्के मन्दिरका निर्माण कर तथा बिचुकुन्देमें शान्तिनाथ भगवान्की मूर्तिकी प्रतिष्ठा कर प्रसिद्धि प्राप्त की। [नोट-यह लेख देशिगणके आदिम आचार्योंके इतिहासकी दृष्टिसे महत्त्वका है।]
[२३] कोप्पल गांवमें उपलब्ध एक मूर्तिके पीठपर-कन्नड लिपिमें
(लगभग ११ वी शताब्दि इ.) देवादिसद्रूपं माचिदेवेन कारि ... सामरायपरोक्षयशो ...... कुशजिनालये ॥ पार्श्व ॥
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-कुश जिनालयमें सामरायकी स्मृति और यशके लिए माचिदेवने.... देवके आदि और सपको निर्माण कराया । यह पार्श्वनाथ ....।
[२४] ___कोप्पल गांवमें उपलब्ध एक मूर्तिके पीटपर-कन्नड लिपिमें
(लगभग ११ वी शताब्दि इ.) ... देवा ... द्रूपं ...... सामरायपरो ....... कुशजिनालये ...... प्रभ [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-कुश जिनालयमें .... देवके .... सद्रूपको सामरायकी स्मृति में निर्माण कराया । यह.... [चन्द्र] प्रभ....।
[२५] कोप्पल गांवमें उपलब्ध एक मूर्तिके पीठपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ.) श्रीमूलसं[घ ]द बलकरग[ ण ]द पुष्पदंततीर्थंकर सौददलि बोम्मिसमग सांसज माडिद प्रतिमे [॥]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-मूलसंघ बलकर गण (वलात्कारगण) के पुष्पदन्ततीर्थङ्करके भवन (मन्दिर) में बोम्मिसके पुत्र सासजने प्रतिमा निर्माण की।
[२६] कोप्पलके पहाडमें एक प्रस्तरपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(लगभग १३ वी शताब्दि इ.) श्रीकोपणद चंद्रसेनदेवर गुड्डु गुड्डगळ चंदप्पन निसिधि [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-यह निषिधि (स्मारक) कोपणके निवासी, चन्द्रसेनदेवके शिष्य गुडगळ चन्दप्पकी स्मृति में स्थापित किया गया है।
54

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426
[२७]
कोप्पल पहाडमें एक प्रस्तर पर - प्राचीन कन्नडमें ( लगभग १३ वी शताब्दि इ. )
...
......
श्रीमतु मूलसंघ सेनगण ... . देवभटारर .. गुड्डु .. डे सेट्टियमग. पायणन निषिधि [ ॥ ] हिन्दी सारानुवाद - यह निषिधि (स्मारक) मूलसंघ सेनगणके .... देवभटारके शिष्य • सेट्टिके पुत्र स्वर्गीय पायणकी स्मृतिमें बनायी गई ।
तथा........
......
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
[२८]
कोप्पल गांवके भीतर नेमिनाथ मंदिर में एक पत्थरपर - प्राचीन कन्नडलिपिमें, त्रुटित तथा जीर्ण
( सन् १२४० इ. )
...
पद्मावती
प्रसाददत्त
निरुपममहिमे [शक वर्ष ] ११६३ नेय स (शा) वेरी संवत्सरद
कोडेक .
• कोडे
गोपुरपुरःस्थापितच्छत्रत्रय
दक्षिणस्यां दिशि तुंग
प्रदेशस्थापितशिला ...........
हिन्दी सारानुवाद - प्रतापचक्रवर्ती सिंहण ( यादव नरेश ) के शार्व्वरी संवत्सरमें, अनेक राजाओंके मुकुटोंके अग्रभागसे पूजित चरण भौरे ( शिष्य या भक्त ) ... राजश्रेष्ठी के नियोग ( आफिस ) दरवाजासे दक्षिण दिशा में तुंगभद्रा
१० मत्तर ...... 1
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राजश्रेष्ठिनियोग
. राजराज किरीटतटपूजित
दक्षिणाशेष
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धर्मकार्य निमित्तं • मुकोडेय कल्
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गुल्मः
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भृंगर्नु
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प्रतापचक्रवर्ति सिंहण घळे , सुक्कोडे कल् स्थापितचतुः कोणशिला ।
[ २९ ]
कोप्पलमें एक मंदिर स्तंभपर - प्राचीन कन्नडमें
... ...
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मत्तरु १०
शकवर्ष १९६३ के पदकमलोंके
दान कार्यके लिए .. नगर
[ नोट - लेख में त्रिछत्र से समन्वित पाषाणोंसे भूमिकी सीमाका निर्देश है । लेख तत्कालीन सामाजिक इतिहास की दृष्टिसे महत्त्वका है । इसमें वाणिज्यसंघके एक सदस्यको राजश्रेष्ठी लिखा है और उसके आफिसका निर्देश है । ]
( लगभग १३ वी शताब्दि इ. )
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स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमद् गौरादेवियर हडपद लख्खा ये सांतलदेवियर बसदिगे चिक्कोडिय होलदल्लि मूह मत्तह hor नूरुपदिंवर her सर्वबाधापरिहारबागि हडेदु कोह शासन [1] आा स्थळके सीमेयेन्तेंदडे मूडलरसिय बसदिय मान्यद हत्तुगेविंदगलद घळे १४ ॥ - बडगलु तीर्थदबसदिय भोगस्थळद मान्यद हत्तुगेयिं नीळद घळे ४७ पडुवलु तिमंबरसिय बसदिय मान्यद हत्तुगेयिं बडगलगलद घळे १४ ॥ - तेंकलरसियनसदिय मान्यद मत्तरोन्दर हत्तुगेमिं नीळद घळे ४७ [ ॥ ]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद - श्रीमती गौरादेवीके ताम्बूलाध्यक्ष लक्खार्यने चिक्कोडके क्षेत्रमें स्थानीय ११० प्रतिनिधिओंसे सब बाधाओं (कर आदि) से रहित प्राप्त कर तीन मत्तर प्रमाण कृप्य भूमि को शान्तलदेवी की बसदिके लिए दान में दिया जिसका कि यह शासन पत्र है । इसके बाद चारों दिशाओंमें भूमिकी सीमाका निर्देश है।

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APPENDIX DE
[३०] कोप्पलके पहाडमें एक पाषाणखंडपर-कन्नडमें
(लगभग १६ वी शताब्दि इ.) श्रीमच्छापाचंद्रनाथस्वामी विजयते [1] श्रीमद् देवेंद्रकीर्तिभट्टारकर मडिय पाद अवर प्रिय [ शिष्यरुमा ] वर्धमानदेवरु [ कटि ]सिदरु [॥]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-श्रीमान् छायाचन्द्रनाथ जयवंत हों। श्रीमान् देवेन्द्रकीर्ति भट्टारकके चरण चिन्होंको उनके प्रिय शिष्य वर्धमानदेवने उत्कीर्ण कराया।
[३१] यह तथा निम्नलिखित चौदा लेख कोप्पलके पहाडमें एक गुफेके भीतर, जिसमें अंक २२ का शिलालेख है, उपलब्ध हुए। किसी ढंगके शाई से लिखे हुए यह सब प्रायः यात्रिकों के नाम हैं।
(लगभग १० से १३ वी शताब्दि इ.) पारिसकीर्तिदेवर बंदरु [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-पारिसकीर्ति देव इस स्थानमें आये थे।
। [३२] करहडद इंद्रनागंण । हिन्दी सारानुवाद-करहडके इन्द्रनागण्ण यहां आये थे।
[३३] पायण बंदरु [1] प्लवंग सं [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-प्लवंग संवत्सरमें पायण इस स्थानमें आया था।
[३४] मासोपवासि महानंदि [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-मासोपवास करनेवाले महानन्दि यहां आये थे।
[३५] बस्तिय सांतप्प [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-जैन मन्दिरका सान्तप्प यहां आया था।
[३६] चकजीय चंद्रप्प [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-चक्कजीय चन्द्रप्प इस स्थानमें आये थे।
[३७] लखंण [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद --लखण्ण इस स्थानमें आया था।

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
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[३८] वर्धमान [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-वर्धमान इस स्थानमें आया था
[३९] कोल्लापुरद सोबणन मग ...... [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद--कोल्लापुरके सोबणका पुत्र यहां आया था।
[४०] तेंगुळिय संगप्प [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-तेङ्गुळिका सङ्गप्प यहां आया था।
[४१] गुंडकल सोमिगुड [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद --गुण्डकल (वर्तमान गुण्टकल रेल्वे स्टेशन) का सोमिगुड्ड यहां आया था।
[४२] ब्रह्मसमुद्र [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-ब्रह्मसमुद्र यहां आया था।
[४३] तोडरमल्ल नंजिनाथनु [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-नञ्जिनाथ तोडरमल्ल इस स्थानमें आया था।
[४४] मीसरगंड कल्लप्पनायकरु [1] राक्षस संवत्सर मार्गशीर्ष सु. ११ गुरु [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-राक्षस संवत्सरके मार्गशीर्ष शु. ११ गुरुवारको मीसरगण्ड (श्मश्रुवीरों में वीर) कल्लप्पनायक यहां आया था।
[४५] मल्लानेय मग नंजरायनु [1] हिन्दी सारानुवाद-मल्लानेका पुत्र नाराय इस स्थानमें आया था।
[४६] उप्पिनबेटगेरी गांवके बाहर एक खेतमें उपलब्ध पत्थरपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
. (सन् ९६४ इ.) स्वस्त्यकालवर्षदेव श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभ महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर परमभट्टारकं चलकेनल्लातं श्रीमत्कार देवन राज्यवुसरोतराभिवृद्धियिं सलुसिरे [1] शकनृपकाळातीतसंवत्सरशतंगळ् ८८७ नेय रक्ताक्षिसंवत्सरं प्रवर्तिसुत्तिरे [1] यादव

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APPENDIX II
429 वंशदोळ पाणराजनातन मग शंकरगंडनातन मगनप्पुवराजनातन मगं शंखपययनातन मगं गोम्मरसनातन मगनसगमस्सनातन मगं [1] स्वस्ति समधिगत पञ्चमहाशब्द महासामंताधिपति जयधीर भुवनैकरामनभिमानधवळ रट्टरमेरु राजभूरिश्रय विद्विष्टनारायण सत्यार्णवं धर्मरत्नाकर श्रीमत् शंकरगण्डरसं कुपणदोळ् तम माडिसिद जयधीर जिनालयद तळवृत्तिगे पोलनं बेडिदोडे [1] चळुक्यवंशदोळ् गोवणनातन मगं राजनातन मगं बिक्कियण्णनातन मगं सूद्रकनातन मग गोग्गियातन मगं [1] स्वस्ति समधिगत पञ्चमहाशब्द महासामन्तं [तेजोर्णव सम्मनदाण्म सारलोळ्ळिद] गुणशुद्धमार्ग पगंगे बलगण्डं नुडिदन्ते गण्डं कृतयुगगळं श्रीमत् राहय्यं शूरस्थगगद श्रीनन्दिभटारर शिप्यर् विनयनन्दि सिद्धान्तद भटाररवर शिष्यर नागनन्दिपंडित भटारगें उत्तरायणसंक्रान्तियोळ् कालंकर्चि कुक्कनूवत्तरोळगण ..... ...... तन्न परवरियप्प सान्त वोलनं मूनूरु मत्तरं मण्साम्यमागे कोर्ट []
स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धराम् [1] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ॥ [१] सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुपाणां काले काले पाळनीयो भवद्भिः [1] सर्वानेतान्भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान् भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः ॥ [२]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद--अनेक विरुदधारी अकालवर्ष कन्नरदेव (राष्ट्रकूट नरेश कृष्ण तृतीय) का राज्य उत्तरोत्तर अभिवृद्धिमान् था। रक्ताक्षि संवत्सर एवं शक संवत् ८८७ में यादववंशमें उत्पन्न अनेक विरुदधारी महासामन्त शङ्करगण्डरस (जिसके पूर्वजोंके लेखमें नाम दिये हैं) ने कोपणमें अपने द्वारा निर्मापित जयधीर जिनालयकी नित्यप्रतिकी आवश्यकताओंकी पूर्ति के लिए भूमिकी प्राप्तिके लिए प्रार्थना की। चालुक्यवंशके अनेक बिरुदधारी महासामन्त राय्य (जिसके पिता प्रपितामह आदिका उल्लेख लेखमें है ) ने उत्तरायण संक्रान्तिके समय सूरस्थ गणके मुनि श्रीनन्दि भटारके प्रशिष्य और विनयनन्दि सिद्धान्त भटारके शिष्य नागनन्दि पण्डित भटारके पाद प्रक्षालनकर कुक्कनूर ३० में स्थित अपनी जागीरसे ३०० मत्तर प्रमाण कृष्यभूमिको स्वामित्वके अधिकार पूर्वक जिनालयको दे दी। दान की सुरक्षाके श्लोक।।
[नोट-यह लेख चालुक्यवंशके तत्कालीन राजनीतिक एवं धार्मिक जीवनके अनेक विषयों पर प्रकाश डालता है]
[४७] हल्गेरीगांवके भीतर एक पत्थरपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें-त्रुटित
( लगभग ८ वी शताब्दि इ.) स्वस्ति [1] श्रीविजयादित्यसत्याश्रय श्रीपृथ्वीवल्लभ महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर भटार[को] पृथ्वीराज्यदन्दु कोपणद [मूरु प]तियुं गुत्तियोडेयर्नु गरोजनुं करणमागे मदेवळेरे ......
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-पृथ्वीवल्लभ, महाराजाधिराज, परमेश्वर भट्टारक श्रीविजयादित्य सत्या श्रय जब कि पृथ्वीपर शासन कर रहे थे और जब कोपणका शासक एवं गुत्तिका स्वामी गरोज, सचिव के पद पर था ..... ।
[४८] अरकेरी गांवके भीतर बसवण्णमंदिरमें एक पत्थरपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें जीर्ण
___ (विकारि संवत्सर [शक ८६१] = इ. स. ९४०) स्वस्त्यकालवर्षदेव श्रीपृथ्वीवल्ल......राजाधिराज परमेश्वर... ... ...श्रीमत् कारदेव प्रवर्धमानवि ... मुत्तरोत्तरमभिवृद्धिगे सलुत्तिरे [1] सत्यवाक्य [को गुणिवर्म धर्ममहाराज कुवळाळपुरवरेश्वर ...... पेर्मानडिगळ् देवर् ... ... ... वाडि तांबत्तारुसासिर ......... मुरुमं दुष्ट ... ......सिरे 1] समधिगत ... ... ... शिष्टजनवल्स..,

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... ... ब्रोहका ... ... वैरिकृतान्त ... ... ... दोरे इछासिरद ...... नृपकाळातीतसंवत्सर ... ...... नेव विकारि ... ल्गुनशुद्ध प्र ... ...... पणद पोलद ...... नमभिरिसि ...... दिमिर्यस्य ...... स्वदत्ता ... ... पंसद ......... बाड भोगपतिगल् कादु ... ... हा श्री [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-अनेक बिरुदधारी अकालवर्ष पृथ्वीवल्लभका राज्य उत्तरोत्तर अमिवृद्धिमान् था। और अनेक बिरुदधारी कुवलालपुरवरेश्वर पेर्मानडि (गंगनरेश बूतुग द्वितीय) गङ्गवाडि ९६ हजार तथा बेलवल ३०० पर शासन कर रहा था।...शिष्टजन पर स्नेह करने वाले इस सामन्तने, जो कि विरोधियोंके लिए यमराज था .... एडोदोरे २०००....
शक संवत् .... बीतनेपर विकारि संवत्सरके फाल्गुन सु. १.... कोपणके क्षेत्र .... शापात्मक श्लोक। भोगपति (शासनाधिकारि)द्वारा गांव दानकी सुरक्षाके लिए प्रार्थना । मंगल महाश्री।
[४९] यलबर्गी गांवसे प्राप्त एक मूर्तिके पीठपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ.) स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमूलसंघ देसिय गणद मादणदणायक माडिसिद बसदिगे रायराजगुरु मंडलाचार्यरप्प श्रीमद् माघनंदि सिद्धान्तचक्रवर्तिगळ प्रियगुडगळु श्रीकोपणतीर्थद पम्मेयर पृथिगौडन प्रियांगने मलौवेगे पुट्टिद सुपुत्ररु बोपण्णरा तं... लांजलि मुख्यवागि प्रल्ल नोपिगेयु चौविस तीर्थकर माडिसि कोहरु [1] मंगळमहा श्री श्री श्री ॥
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-राय राजगुरु मण्डलाचार्य माघनन्दि सिद्धान्तचक्रवर्तिके प्रिय शिष्य तथा कोपणतीर्थ निवासी एम्मेयर पृथिगौड और उसकी पत्नी मलौवेके पुत्र बोपण्णने अपने धार्मिक वतोंकी समाप्ति पर चौवीस तीर्थङ्करकी यह मूर्ति बनवाकर श्रीमूलसंघ देसिय गणसे सम्बन्धित तथा मादण दण्डनायक द्वारा निर्मापित बसदिके लिए समर्पित किया।
[५०] यलबगी गांवसे प्राप्त एक मूर्तिके पीठपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें
(लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ.) ___ स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमूलसंघ देसियगण पुस्तकगच्छ यिंगळेश्वरद बळिय माधवचंद्रभट्टारकर गुहु श्रीमद् राजधानीपट्टणं परंवरगेय कुळाप्रि(ज्य) सेनबोध भाचण्ण यवरमग देवणनु सिद्धचक्रद नॉपि श्रुतपंचमी नोपिगे माडिसिद पंचपरमेष्ठिगळ प्रतिमे [1] मंगळ [1]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-यह पञ्चपरमेष्ठीकी मूर्ति सिद्धचक्र और श्रुतपञ्चमी व्रतोंके उत्सव पर मूलसंघ देसिय गण, पुस्तकगच्छ इङ्गळेश्वर बळिके आचार्य माधवचन्द्र भट्टारकके गृहस्थ शिष्य तथा एरम्बरगे निवासी आचण्ण सेनबोव (पटवारी) के पुत्र देवणने बनवायी । मङ्गल हो।
[५१] यलबर्गी गांवमें उपलब्ध एक मूर्तिक पीठपर-पाचीन कबडमें
(लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ.) स्वस्ति [1] श्रीमन्महामंडळेश्वर वीरविक्रमादित्यदेवन महाप्रधान तंत्राधिष्ठायक देवणार्यनायक ...... पुण्यकांति चलदकराम ...... [सुहाद्रि ] मूलसंघ देसियगन ... ... चिंतामणि सज्जनजनचूडामणि ... ... नायकिति ... ....... पार्श्वनाथचैत्य व यमनसिसि यास्थानमं तम्मगे ... ... माडिसि बिहळु [1]

Page #457

431
APPENDIX II हिन्दी सारानुवाद-श्रीमान् महामण्डलेश्वर वीर विक्रमादित्यदेवके महाप्रधान, तत्राधिष्ठायक देवणार्यकी पत्नी (जिसके लेखमें विशेषण दिये गये हैं) ने पार्श्वनाथ भगवानके दो चैत्य (वेदिका) वाले मन्दिरको बनवाकर उस मन्दिरके लिए यह प्रतिमा निर्माण कराकर भेंट की।
आडूगांवमें उपलब्ध एक मूर्तीके पीठपर-कन्नड लिपिमें
(लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ.) श्रीमूलसंघसंभवब ...... ग [णाध्यक्ष] ... ... संयमिना षोडश ............ [प्राकृता च सह ] ......
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-श्री मूलसंघ बलात्कारगणके अधिपति (किसी) मुनि ने ....... सोलहवें .....।
राजूरु गांवमें एक पत्थरपर-प्राचीन कन्नडमें-जीर्ण
__ (लगभग १२ वी शताब्दि इ.) श्रीमत्परमगंभीर... ... ... जिनशासनं [1]
... ... तंन माडि ... ... ... पण पोलदोळ ... ... ... माडि बिहरु म १० किसु म २ ......... केळगे गई कम्म ... ... ... नीधर्ममं प्रतिपाळिसिदवर्गे वारणासि कुरुक्षेत्र प्रयागेयेब ... ... ... कटिसि चतुर्वेदशास्त्रपरायणरप्प ब्राह्मणर्गे कोह पुण्यमिदनु लंघिसि किडिसिदवर्गाकळुगळ ना ब्राह्मणरुमनातीर्थगळोळु कोंद पातकमेय्दुगुं ॥ द्विज ... ... दोत्पळवनरजनीकर ... ... जनतुष्टिकरं वृजिन ... ... सुजनाप्रणि ... ... नेने मेचद ......॥[२]
हिन्दी सारानुवाद-जिनशासनकी प्रशंसा । कयी पक्तियां त्रुटित। .... क्षेत्रमें १० मत्तर कृष्यभूमि, २ मत्तर लाल भूमि, नीचे गीली भूमि जिसका प्रमाण ..... कम्म था। जो दान की रक्षा करेगा उसे पुण्य होगा और जो हानि पहुंचा देगा उसे पाप। सुजनोंमें अग्रगण्य मनुष्योंको तुष्ट करनेवाले ...... नीलकमलराशिके लिए चन्द्र के समान ..... कौन प्रशंसा न करेगा?

Page #458

INDEX
Abhayanandi 347, 388 Abhichāra-höma 261 Abhidhana-chintamani 38 p.,
235 Abhimandala Bhatāra, -I, -II
59 Abhinava Adisēna 51 Abhinava-Chārukirti 182 Abhinava-Nēmichındra
Siddhantakirti 328 Abhinava Pampa 169 Ablūr 182, 183, 399 Ablūra-charitre 182 Ablūr epigraph 148, 182, 249;
Sõmēśvara temple at 182; -Vfra Sīmanātha at 182 Achanna 382 Achărya 381 Achchanandi, saine as Ajja
nandi 63 n. Adaki 164, 166, 179, 180, 199,
212, 217, 219, 221, 303, 311, 316, 321, 323; -inscription 212, 214, 216, 217, 332,
-Koppajinālaya of 317 Adakki, mod. Adaki 180, 227,
306, 313, 318, 313, 321, 322; -Koppaiinälaya # 220: -Mädēviya Piriya basadi at
324; -Párávanā: ha at 312 Adargupchi 165, 166, 166 n. Adavāni 395 Adibhattaraka, same as Adi-
nätba or Rishabha 220, 275;
-temple of 38, 274, 281 Adichennakośava temple at
Kondakunde 115 Adi Jina 50 n. Adikeśava temple at Käginelli
146 Adinātha, same as Rishabha
183, 275, 393; -Arbat 148; -image of 13; -temple 47;
-Tirthakara 36, 47 Adipurāna 202 n., 203 n. Adirgunte, mod. Adargunchi
160
Adiśvara 47, 74 Aditya I, Chõla ruler 46 Adityavarma 146 Adoni 149 Adūr 133 Adūru 207, 384 Agrahāra, Brahmanical 141 Aguptāyika, -era 111, 111 n.,
112; -kings 111 Ahavamalla, Taila II 149;
-Irivabedanga Satyāśraya
140; Somēśvara I, 211 Abihaya, same as Haibaya 214,
294, 304, 305, 317 Ahimsā 91 Aicba 215, 306 Aihole 164, 207, 318; -Mēguți
temple at 104 Aināpur 393 Aindra Vyakarapa 90 Aisūr 128 Aitariya säkhā 158 Aivarmalai, hill 31, 61, 62, 73 Ajitanāthapurāņa 202 n. Ajitasina 134-36, 137 n., 138
139, 172 Ajitatirthakara-purāņa-tiluka
140, 213, 219, 370, 377 Ajivakas 19, 19 n., 25 Ajjikā 21 Ajjanandi 56, 57, 58, 59, 60,
61, 62, 63, 69; -Bhatāra 42 Ajjarayya, Pergade of 391 Ajji 77, 77 n., 106 Ajjiná 77 n. Ajmer 196 Akalanka 127, 129, 132, 132
n., 173, 194, 327; -I 125 127, 129; -II 125, 129, 130,
131, 132, 132 n. Akalankachandra Bhattāraka
390; -of Kalkere 146 Akalankacharița 194 Akalan kadova 131 Akaļanka-matha at Sondă 131,
132 n.
Akhandala 123 Akhandali, same as above 123 Akkalkot, inscription at 101 Akkädövī, sister of Jayasimha
II 105, 105 n. Akkúr 392 Alade Vedanga, same as
Alande Vedanga 216 A laharwalai 37, 62 Alakāvati 181 Alandāpura 248 Aļand 180, 182, 329 Alande, modern Aland 180,
182, 226, 248 Aland inscription of Yuvarāja
Mallikārjuna 246 Alande Nādu 246, 248;
-Province 210, 216, 242, 246, 249; -Sāsira 248; -Thousand
180, 209, 226, 248 Alande Velanga 215, 246 Algür 393 Aliyamarasa 394 Allūru 215, 235, 294 Alpādovi 158, 163 Alupa, family 158 Aļurittimalai 29, 52 Alūru 249 Alvár 74 Amanasamudram 81 Amaņēśvara Swami 81 Amarakirti 395 Amarapuram 157, 158 Amarāvati 5, 7, 12 Ambika, Yakshiņi 37, 65, 69,
73, 74, 173, 184, 194 Amma I 20 Amma II ( Vijayāditya II )
19, 20, 21 Ammayävunda 118 Aumarasa 394 Ammarāja Il, Maliyapūņdi
grant of 166, 198 Ammipabhāvi 392

Page #459

INDEX
433
Amoghavarsha- Nřipatunga
115, 327, 371 Anagisuvakallu 185 Anaimalai, hills 28, 56, 61, 63
n., 62, 71, 73, 81, 82 Aņampūr 398, 399 Anandamangalam 36, 38, 73;
-sculptures at 71 Ananta 95, 109 Ananta Jina, temple of 23 Anantamati 109 Anantanātha, Jina 37,109, 395;
-Basadi 165; -Tirthakara
37, 392 Anantavirya 4, 105, 142 Andaņņa 128 Andarmadam 54 Andbaka Vishaya 4, 5, 8 Andhra 9 Andhradośa, Jainisin in 401:
-inscriptions from 166 Andimalai 49 Anega 214, 215, 236, I, II 215 Anūkäuta, doctrine of 155, 183 Anośvara temple 215 Anga, country 4,6, 100; -sacred
text 18, 89 Angaliya Mallisetti 117 Añilevada 399 Aņiyada lagiyâr 95 Anjanācharita 197 Anka 114 Ankāśvara (Avkalēśvara) 112 Ankaleśvara 114 Anmakonda 13; -Hill 22 Annigere 107 Annigēri 387, 389, 397, 398,
400; -inscription from 148 Anniya Bhattūraka 105 Anurādhāpura 25 Anvayas: Arungaļa 76 n., 232;
Chitrakūta 105, 107, 143, 145, 170; Dravida 76 n., 223; Hanasoge 113, 116, 122, 136, 148, 151, 225; Kondakunda 22, 76 m., 140, 146, 155, 158-60, 221, 282, 327-29, 347, 387; Kundakundu, same as
55
above, 117, 120, 122, 221, 224 | Arikósari 102 n.; -II 102 325, 340, 362 n.; Mailapa Arishtanani, Acharya 44; 112, 115, 118, 166; Mála- -Bhatāra 41 nüra 221-22, 232, Nigama
Arittanomi Periyar 57, 57 n., 109; Sawgha 19; Sõna 34-35,
61, 80 137-38, 162; Vrishabhi 122
Arivan 87, 87 n. Aparăjitā, Yakshiņi 109
Arivar Kovil 82 Appar, Saiva saint 33, 35, 63,81
Arjuna 201 Appāņdår 94
Arjunana Gundu 201 Appāņdār temple 96
Arkakshetra 250 Appuvarāja 368
Artā! 390 Arakiri 209, 375
Arugar, temple of 38 Arakéri epigraph 213
Aruhanandi lihatāra 108 Araimalai Alvār 66
Aryanandi 111 Aral 214, 306; -district 289,
Āryithandi 137 11., 139; -same 294; -Nadu 211, 289, 293;
as Ajjunandi 62; -same as -Three Hundred 214, 226,
Arysena 134, 135, 137 265, 275, 293, 305, 307 Aryanganā, uuns 77 11. Aralūru, same as Allūru 215 Arya laydita 107, 10S Araluru (modern Allūru ) 215, Arya Perumbakkan 38
227, 235, 294; -Pandeśvara Aryasēna 106 of 235
Aryasēna 137 n., 138; -same Aramblianandi, Jajna deity as Āryanandi 134, 135, 137 43, 44
Asagamarasa 368 Aranātha 395
Asatyabhashana Kathānakam Arangam, saine as Srirangam 8 87,83
Ashta vidhircle 27), 324 Arasappanāyaka, Sonda chief,
Ashtöpavasi 57, 57 11., 61 -I 131; -II 129
Ashtöpavāsi 117; -Bhutāra Arasappodeya 131, 1311. Arasărya 134
151;-Kanti 144, 144 n., 169 Arasara basadi 107
Asiyakala Mallisetti 304 Arasiya basadi 204, 360 | Asmaka, country 103 Arasībidi 105
Asöka 1, 7, 9, 10 n., 30, 201 ; Arattanimi, Kuratti 67;
-Jaina 3; -Minor Rock -Bhatūra 69
Edict of 313, 393 Arghyatirtha 250
Asoka Tree 50 n., 86 -87, 90; Arhanandi 20, 113, 114, 190, -the god of 49 250, 281, 282 n.; -same as
Assaka, same as Asmaka 103 Bettadadova 247; --Betta: Asundi 159 dadēva 189, 247; -Pandita Attili 20
140; -Siddhāntadeva 121 Attilinända 20 Arhat 17, 38, 45, 87 1., 88, 88 Attimabbe, Danachintamani
n., 89, 91, 97, 97 n., 110, 11] 110, 111, 370, 377 -abode of 86; -hill of 45; Attinuru 189 -holy mountain of 44; Attiyabbe, same as Attimabbe -shriue dedicuted to 95: 140 -temple of 110
vasarpiại cycle 111 .

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484
Ayatavarma 391 Aychagarupda 14!
Ayyana 210, 211, 214; -Maha
děv1 19
Ayyapa 157 Ayyapadeva 162
Ayyavale, modern Aibole 318; -Five Hundred Svāmis of 108, 120, 123, 220, 318, 324
B
Bibinagar 108
Bacha 215
Bachaladevi 215
Bachidēva 318
Bachidévarasa 217
Badayya 152
Badli 112, 113, 118, 164, Bahubali, deity 50, 61, 103,
166 95,
Bahubali, teacher 23 Bahubali, teacher 113 Bahubali, teacher 117
Bahubali, teacher 145 Bahubali, teacher 392 Bahubalicharita 197
Bahubali Siddhäntadeva 145 Bahudhanyanagari 103 n. Baichaya Dandanatha 23 Bakavadha-parva 103 n. Balachandra, teacher 42 Balachandra, teacher 391 Balachandra, teacher 392; -Bhattaraka 117; -Siddhantadeva 242, 247, 248 Baladeva 123, 143; -Kuruvadigal 66
Baladevayya 143, 144 Balakapiñchhacharya 247
Balakirti 165
Baleballi 392
Balendu Maladhari 158 Bali 334
Balis: Arhad 223; Ingalesvara 23, 158, 221-22, 224, 372, 382; Väpada 160
Ballāļadeva 119
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Ballale-Jimayya 388 Bajar 392
Bamakura, modern Bankür
184
Bamani 121
Bammadeva 332
Bammagavunda 119, 169 Bammana 393
Bammukür, modern Bankür 399, 399 n.
Bana, mythical hero 334;-royal family 42, 192, 216, 334, 334 n., 335; -of Khandavamandala 216, 324, 334, 334 n.
Banaras 203
Bandarasa 334
Bankapura 390; -Dhora Jinalaya at 139
Bankeya, II 370
Bänkar 183, 189, 213, 325 n., 399
Barakilla, hill at Adoni 149 Barmadeva 217, 267, 268, 269, 292
Barmadevarasa, Sinda chief
106
Barmana, Mantara 106 Basavapurana 212 Basavarajadevararagale Basavesvara 400, 400 n. Basavura 147, 147 n. Bastigudi 183
Bastihalli 156
400
Běhůru, modern Nandi Bēvürt
151
Banasankari temple (at Anni- Bettadadeva, same as Arha
geri) 387 Banavasi 98, 107, 166, 184, 193, 201, 262, 307, 336, 370, 390, 394; -Nadu 370; -Province 369, 371: Twelve Thousand 108, 369 Bandabasti 395
nandi 247 Bhadra (Mülabhadra) 123 Bhadrabahu 2, 3, 5,25,26, 27, 32 -and Chandragupta tradition 1, 2, 10, 26, 201; -Charita 327; -migration of 98, 100 Bhagavat 97 n.
Bandambike 148
Bhagavati, goddess 70, 81; Aradhana 8; -malai 94; -temple 68, 81, 91 Bhagaladevi 114, 116 Bhairadevi 395
Belaguppa, modern Belaguppi 226, 249 Belaguppi 249 Belavatti 392
Beldeva 135
Belgaum 122, 164 Bellaṭṭi 391
Bēlāru 398, 399
Battale Gauramma 108
Bayisetti (of Jagatapigutti) 51
Belugula, Gommatanatha of 205
Belvals, region 226, 376, 387 -Three Hundred 107, 213,
372, 376, 377
Bēta, Pergade 22
Bhairala Rani 128 Bhairava 152, 184, 194 Bhairavapadmavatīkalps Bhandarikerisvami, tomb of
164
Bhanukirti, teacher 23
Bhanukirti, teacher 146
Bhanukirti, teacher 390 Bhanuvarma 110
Bharata 103
Baṭṭakala, modern Bhatkal Bhaskaracharya 234
127
172
Bharatakshetra 242, 274, 289 Bharat davaibhava 182
Bharatesvara, temple of 141 Bharavi 104
Bhaskaranandi, teacher 108 Bhaskaranandi, teacher 389 Bhatari Bhagavati 69

Page #461

INDEX
485
28
145
Bhatariyar (of Tiruchchāšana / 211, 291, 291 m, 400, 401;! 370, 376-77, 388; -Ganga ttumalai) 69 -of Sinda family 383
-Permādi 387 Bhatka! 127, 395 Bikkiyanna 371
Bütärya, same as Būtuga 376 n. Bhatta-grāma 242, 252
Bilbaņa, Vidyāpati 246 Büţayya, same as Būtuga 576 n. Bhattakalanka 125, 125 n.,
Biligi 124, 125 n., 127,-29, 131, 129, 130, 1300. 131-32,
133; -rulers 128, 128 n., 132, n.; -Matha 131
129, 130, 131; -Ratnatraya
Carnat Des Inscriptions 230, Bhattiprola 6, 8, 29
basadi 125, 126, 128, 129
245 Bbāvanagaodhavárana 106
Ceylon Arasadi Keliya, game
n., 130 Bhavanandi Bhatāra 42
Birudan kabhima 214 Bhāvasēna Traividyachakra
Chuitra-pavitra 275 Birudāvali 196 varti 158
Chaitsa-druma 50 n. Black Pagoda 250 Bhavishyöttaraparāņa 172 n.
Chaityalaya ( at Mangundi) Boar-incarnation of Vishnu 289 Bhavyas 145
Bödana, same as Podana 102, Bhãyidēva 120
Chakratfrtha 111
103 n. Bbima 21 ; -II, Chālukya 20,
Chakravartis, twelve 123 Bodhan 102 21; -Dandanātha 210
Chakrēśvara 99 Bödhana 103 n. Bhimarasa 217, 219, 274, 275
Chakrośvari, Yakshini 109 Bommamalai 53, 54 Bbivanayya 242, 248, 261
Chalakenallata 368 Bommisa 352 Bhogarāja 395
Chalukya, family 192, 209, Bontēśvara (of Malikīda) Bhoja 245
210-212, 244-46, 274, 289325 n.
91, 294, 312, 371, 388 n., Bhömukura 184
Bopana 220 Bhose 393
389, 394; -of Bādāmi 209; Bopanna 380 Bhrikuți, goddess 292
- Eastern 13, 14, 19, 20, 21; Boppana (Srikaraṇādhisa) 145 Bhūlūkamalla 191, 267:-Somē
-of Gujarat 246; -of Brabmā 220 śvara III, 117, 210, 211,
Kalyāņa 113-15; 117, 209, Brahmachāri-anna 348 267, 274, 389
274, 230, 331, 378 n.; -of Brahmadēva 220, 395 Bhūmandalācārya 182
Karnātaka 19,246,- Western Brahmadiya 79 Bbūmukura 185
19, 22, 104-5, 111, 125, Brāhmi 28, 29, 29 n., 31, 32,
133, 137, 140-42, 151, 155 Bhuvalokanāthanallúr 158
51, 56, 57, 60, 64
157 n., 159-60, 190-91, 212, Bhuvanaikamalla 113; -Somē Brahma Jinadāsa 197
215-16, 219, 260, 267, 304, svara II 143
Brahma Jinālaya 141, 158, 307, 312, 317, 334, 346, Bhuvanaikarāma 213
267, 394
389; -of Kalyāna 147, 149, Bhuvanaikarāmābhyudaya 213, Brahmarākshasa 173
208, 242, 289, 336, 382-83 214 Brahmasēna 106
Chālukyan Architecture 183, Bibbarasa 205, 210, 215-16, Brahmaśiva 212
186, 190, 189, 198;-Kingdom 242, 246-47, 249, 333, 334 Bșihatkathakośa 8,8 D.
107 Biohana (Bicharăja) 122 Budarsingi 166
Chāmokām bā 20 Bichohukunde 227, 347,-image Buddha 4, 18, 26, 29, 100, 101 Champū 233, 250 of Jina at 347; -Sāntinātha Buddhasri 4
Chămunda II 383 at 348 Buddhisāgara 328
Chāmundappai, lady 44 Brobirāja, same as Bichaya 122 Bukkamantrīsvara, Immadi Chāmundarāya 103, 172 . Bijapur, Archaeological
23
Chandaladēvi 116, 161, 209, museum at 108
Bukka I 161, 402; -II 35 242, 246, 395 "Bijawada 19 Bundelkband 249
Chandum 79 Bijja 215 Bussetti 51
Chándakavate 107, 136 Bijjala, Kalaohari ruler 106, Būtuga, Ganga chief 139, 219, Chandarasa 334
108, 290 n. 291; -II 206, 376 n,; -II 199, 209, 223, Chandella, family 245, 246

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436
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Chandirāja 217, 220; 289, 295 | Chärvākas 11-12 Chandiyabbe 149
Chārukirti Pandita 125, 130, Chandiyanna 162
144, 326 Chandra 295
Chatta-Jipălaya 155
Chattayadeva 143 Chandrabhūti 152 Chandragupta 1, 2, 5, 7 n.,
Chattuga 341 113 n.; --patnam 7 n.
Chatuh-sinhāsana 196 Chandragutti 128
Chaturmukha, god 89
Chaturmukha, teacher 280-81 Chandrakavāta or Chandrika
Chaturmukha Basadi 395 vāta, same as Chandrikāvāta
Chaturvinšati Tirthakara 390 135-37
Chaudhare 247, 251 Chandrikävāta, modern Chandakavate 134-137, 137 n.,
Chaudhari 251
Chaudore 251 138-139, 326 n., 388;-Sēna
Chauvísa Tirthakara 95, 183, lineage of 134 ; - Vaihsa 390
187, 194, 207; -Image of Chandrakirti, teacher 116,
220, 379-81 --Basti 379 n. Chandrakirti, teacher 117
Chavayya 343-44 Chandrakirti, teacher 165
Chavunda 143 Chandrakirti, teacher 225, 247
Clīvundariya 134, 136, 138, Chandrakirti, teacher 328
202 n., 203 n., 352 n., 370, Chandrakirti Pandita 120
377; -Purāņa 50 n., 134-37, Chandramana Bandi 354;
137 n., 138 -Gudda 339, 353-54
Chāvundayya 344 n. Chandrañandi 144 ; -Achārya
Chodiya, Jaina temple 133 Chandranātha 94, 203, 206,
Chellakötans, same as Mukula
370 362,-same as Chandraprabha
Chellapille 158 183; -Syami 390; - Basadi
Chenbādēvi 395 148, 204, 379 n.; -Pärsva.
Chennakośvara 152 nätha Basadi 22; -Jina 391;
Chennarāja 127 -of Kopaña 205; -Image of
Chennapärśva 150, 220, 317206; Temple of 206
18, 321 Chandraprabha 48, 125, 128- Chüra, family 44-45, 78, 86
29, 161, 172, 203, 292, 350, Chhabbi 391 351, 354, 362; -same as Chhatratraya Pashāņa 357 Chandranātha 206; Bhatūra Chlāyachandranātha 161-62 139; - basti 48
Chikárya 134 n. Chandrasena, teacher 21
Chikka-basadi 198; -at Sedam Chandrasēna, teacher 134, 302 137
Chikkalgi 291 n. Chandrasena, teacher 354-53 Chischali 185; -gudda 362 Changāpura, modern Sangür
Chinmalli 188 147
Chinna-Tumbalam 248 Chănkirāja 106
Chintamapi 84, 197 Chāraṇas 68, 74, 78, 86-90, 92,
Chippagiri 395 99-100, 130-31, 155-56;
Chirupo lal 66-67 -Hill of 68, 70, 99
Chitāpur 190, 236 Chāraṇādri 99 -of Elora 90
Chitaral 62, 68 Chāraņa-rishis 4
Chittāmûr 50, 71, 83, 94
50
| Chokka Vodeya Nākisetti 356 Choda ( Chola), Telugu 157n.,
231 Chola, family 80, 83, 87, 147,
161, 215, 312, 388 -Country
27, 86, 217 Chölavandipuram 73, 81 Chottinaycha 215 Conjeevaram 82 Coorg, inscription from 340 Cyclic Years: Angira 325
Angirasa (same as above) 325; Bháva 325 n., Cbitrabhãnu 390; Dhấtu 336; Khara 317, Nandana 303; Pārthiva 370; Prajāpati 330; Rákshasa 242; Raktākshi 368; Śārvari 357; Saumya 394, Sobhakrit 322, Sõbbana 394; Srimukha 230; Vikari 377Vikrama 211, 290
D Dadāpuram 44 Dadiga 10 Dakshiņa Dēša 47 Dakshiņāpatha 96, 121 1. . Dămanandi 142 Dāmanandi 225, 247 Damba! 392 Damila 26 n. Dānachintamani 140 Daņakan& Bāvi 345, 350, 352 Dānavana Băvi 235 Dānavas 249 Dänavulapadu 17, 22 Daņāyakanakere 212 Danda Dēvēndrakirti 328 Daņdahatti, modern Dandoti
193 n., 335 Dandoti 193, 335 Dasakumāracharita 103 Daśavarman 210 Dāvanandi 144, 158 Dayāpāla 55 Dayāpăla Periyār 66 Dāyima 369 n. Dēbāra 49 n., 151, 151 n. Dejja mahārāja, Rashtrakūţa king 111
:

Page #463

Delhi 161, 196 Désigas 321-22 Deva, sadigha 223 Dévachandra 26-27, 132, 326; -Bhaṭṭāraka 392; -Jaina author 26
Devadānas 79
Devagiri 147;
-Yadavas 212, 321-22, 357, 390
Devagudi 17
Devakirti 115; -Pandita 105 Devalabbe 334-35
Deval Masjid 102 Devana 220, 382
Devanampiya Tissa, Ceylon king 26, 30
Divanarya 220, 383-84 Devara Dasimayya 212 Devaraja, Mysore king 161 Devaraya 127, 395
Dēvas 249
Devasena 42
Dévavarma 99
Devendra 225, 247
Devendrakirti 328, -Bhattaraka 361, 389 Devisetti 392
Devür 392
Dhalla 140
362;
Dhammo mangalamuk kiṭṭham
197
Dhanada 1, 3-4, 6, 8, 10, 13, 90
Dhanadapura G Dhanka 216
Dhara, modern Dhar 210, 226, 242, 244, 245, 249
Dharanendra 186-87, 189, 194,
379
Dharanikōta 12
Dhäräsiva 100; -Caves 100101
Dharmabhushana 22 Dharmachakra 50
394: -Buddhist 52;-Jaina 45, 52 Dharmadova 53
Dharmadevi 133
:
INDEX
Dharmamrita 1, 3, 5, 9, 136, 139, 197, 251 n. Dharmapariksha 197 Dharmapuri 20, 162 Dharmasena 33
Ekadeva 389
Dharmasena 134, 136-37; Ekantada Ramayya 397, 400,
40!
Ekavira 145
-Traividya 139 Dhavala Jinalaya 388;-Vishaya, same as Belvala 134 Dhora 139; -Jinalaya 139, 391
Dhruva 139, 391
gere 144
Digambara poet 3, 77, 77 n., 48, 97-98, 145, 161, 167, 181, 184, 292; -Jinas 79 n. -School of Iconography 37 Dilli 161, 195; -Simhasana of 122
Dipavatia 25, 26 Diväkara 20
Dhvajatataka, same as Gudi- Eladipaṭṭam, cavern 29, 51
Elamalapalle 402
Diväkaranandi 252; -Traividya 247
Doddappa 166 n.
Dolmens 201
Doni 144, 164; -Inscription 166, 192, 268
Dongaragaon,
244 n.
Dora, same as Dhōra 391 Dōrasamudra 391
inscription
Dramila 9
Dravidas 169
Drönapura, same as Doni 144 Durgapancha cave 21. Durgaraja 20
Durmukhakshitipāla 334
Durvinita 150 Dvarapalakas 187 Dvarasamudra 391
E
497
Edehalli 173 Ekachakranagara 103 n.
Ekachattugads Bhatara 224,
340-41
Echa 306
Echabhupa 214, 217, 219, 304,
307, 317-18; Echarass 217, 317-18 Ededore Two Thousand 226,
377
Ekaviracharya 145
Eksambi 164
Elacharya 47, 48; -of Ponnur
172
Elini, Chera prince 44-45, 78 Elliot, Walter 230, 231, 245 Elora Caves 99, 394 Emmeyara Prithigauda 380 Enadi Kuttanan 67 Engunavirai Tirumalai 45 Erambarage 207-208,
219,
226, 382, 384 -Jaina temple at 220 Erambarapuram 208 Eruvadi 62
F
Fergusson and Burgess 99 n. Fleet 137 n., 144 n., 212, 230; 231, 234, 245, 291, 317 n. G
Gabbür, same as Hiriya Gabbür 394
Gachchhas: Addakali 20; Chitrakuta 394; Hogari 106, Kaurür 140, 140 n., 170; Mêsha Pashana 146; Nandi 20, 166; Pogari 106: Postaka, same as Pustaka 120, 151, 395; Pustaka 23, 76 n., 117, 122, 125, 147-48, 158-60, 221-22, 224, 232, 247-48, 382, 392, 394; Sarasvata 196, 395; Sarasvati 23, 221-22, 224, 325, 32730, Tintrini or Tintriņika 146, 221, 282, 282, 326, 390 Gadag 335, 394; -Triküte vara
of 148

Page #464

488
Gapas: Balakara, same as Balätkära 221, 352; Balatkärs 23, 116-17, 196, 208, 222, 224, 325, 327-30, 352, 385, 387, 389, 395; Balutkära, same as Balatkara 328 -29; Bellatţi 391; Dasi 21 -22, 108, 117, 125, 148, 150, 152, 159, 248, 392, 394; Desiga 120, 140, 151, 160, 221, 224, 247, 347; Desiya, same as Desiga 158, 223, 321, 380, 382, 384, 389, 392, 394-95 Dava 141, 389; Dravida 47-48, 232; Ereki ttür 391; Jambukhanda 111; Kadür 165-66; Kandur 113 -14, 117-18, 165, 391; Kapar 146, 158-59; Kareya 112-13 115, 118, 166; Kavarari 19; Kittür 136; Kotimaḍuva, Maduva 20, 166, 198; Krāṇür 108, 161, 170, 221-23, 225, 282, 326, 352, 390, 393-94; Kumudi 142, 145, 166; Maduva 166, 198-99, 22122, 224, 260-61; Nandi 76 n., 224, 232; Navilür 136; Paralar 33; Pogariya 162; Punnagavrikshamüla 117' 119, 166; Sarasvata 221-22; Sena 106, 122, 136, 158 170, 194 n.; Singhavura 389; Sürastha 105, 107, 136, 140, 143, 145-46, 170, 368, 372, 389, 390, 394; Vadiyur 165 199 Vandiyur 165-66, 199, 221-22, 224, 304, 306, 332, 391; Vrikshamula 144, 166 Gapadharadeva Bhattaraka
same
as
149
Gapadharas 56, 373 Gapadharavalayayantra 194
Ganapati, Kakatiya- 6 Gaṇḍaräditya 119, -Mummadi Chola 49 Gandavimukta I 388;
388-89; Bhattaraka 389; Siddhäntadeva 393
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Gapia 189; -shrine at Lakkundi 141
Gangs, family 10, 115, 118,
139, 143, 202 213, 388, 391 -Eastern 139; -of Mysore 378 n.; -Western 2, 10, 115, 137, 150, 209, 213, 219, 376, 388; Kingdom 111, 171 n. Ganga Kandarpa 118, 388; -Brahma Jinālaya 118; -Jinalaya 388 Gangamadevi 43
Ganga Permadi 388; -chaityalaya 388 Ganga Pērür 10
Gangavadi 376-77; -Ninety Six Thousand 376-77 Gange 250
Gangeyara Maraya 160 Gani 75 Gapisekhara Marupoṛchüriyan 43 Ganimurrūṭṭu 80 Ganjiya Maladhari 394 Garag, charter 145, 164, 166 Garbbasarasvata 313 Garoja, chief 213, 374-75 Gaundas 165
Gauradevi 359
Gavimatha 201, 347 Gawarawa 387
Gerasoppa 173; -records
131 n.
Ghale, land measure 360 Ghantanna I 128-29; -II
128-31, 132 n; -III 132 n. Ghaṭantakiya Basadi 143 Ghaṭeyankakara 105, 162 Ghatikasthana 195 Ghattiyarasa Iriva Nolamba
Narasinghadeva 151, 163 Godavart 140, 226, 292-93 Goggi 371 Goggiyabasadi 388-89
120;
Gōkake 106
-II Golihalli 117
Golden Yakshi at Palcha Papdavamalai 17
Gomatesvara 103 Gomati, 14 Gommarasa 368 Gommata 13 Gommaṭanatha 13 Gommatesvara 95, 103 Gommaṭasara 138 Gomukha Yaksha 132 Gonadabedangi Jinälaya 105 Gonka 119-20, 216, 242, 247; -I 216; -II 216; -III 216; -region of 226, 247, 249 Gonkarasa, Virat 334 Goraga 133 n. Gorava 133, 133 n. Goravadigal 133 Govana 371
Gová Nagar 146
Govardhana 281, 283; -Bhatara 42
Govardhana 142; -Traividya 142
Grantha, alphabet 35 Grēvya-gōtra 20
Gridhrapiñchhacharya 247,
247 D. Gudda 123
Guddadhvaja 122
Gaddagala Chandappa 354-55 Gudda-dastra, Jaina doctrine
122
Guddigere 389
Gudigere 144, 169, 389 Gulbarga 249
Gumdakal, modern Guntakal 227, 366.
Gummaṭanatha, 203, 205 Gapabhara 34, 34 n. Gunabhadra 42
Gunabhadra 95-96; -Pandita 140
Gupachandra 116
Gunachandra 347, 398
Gupachandra 388; -Pakshōpaväsi 117
Gupakirti 112 Gupak Irti 115

Page #465

Gupakirti 388; -Bhatara of Vidal 46; -Siddhanta Bhațăraka 105
Gunamatiyar 59, 63 Gupanandi 247
Gunandangi Kurattiga! 69 Gunasagara 347; -Bhatara 67 Gupasēna I 61, 62; -II 61 Gupasēnadeva 57-59, 62 Gunasenappiriyaḍigal 58 Gupavira 43
Gunavira 224; -Bhatara of Kurandi 50; Mamuni 43, 80; -Pandita 70;
-Siddhäntadeva 304, 306-7, 313, 332
Gupavirakkuravadigal 61 Gundakarjigi 109 Gupta 112 n. Gutta, family 147
Guttal 147
Gutti, modern Gooty 147, 213, 226, 374-75
Guravar or Gurävar 133
Guravi 133
Gurugala Bhamdappa 354 Gurumürti 133 n.
Gururaya 127
Gwalior 196
Haiva-bhupa, of Nagire 128 Hala 101
INDEX
Halaharavi 149 Halasige Twelve Thousand
108
Hale Hubballi 165 Halgëri 206, 208-9, 374; -inscription from- 202, 213 Haligavuṇḍa 146 Halkaraţi 235 Halsangi 391, 393 Halsi 99, 110, 113, 164 Handarki 215, 235; -inscription 215, 236, 294, 306-7 Handiya Gundu 201 Hangal 369-390
Haniya 150
Hannikōri 112-13, 118, 164, 166
Hanuman, god 186, 189;
-Charita 197
Haralhalli 357
Harasür 186, 205, 218, 247, 336
Haribhadra 97, 193 Harichandra 42
Harihara, poet 150, 400; -I, -king 395; II, king 23, 146
Harikäntadeva 390 Harinandidēva 145 Harischandrakāvya 203 n. Harishōna 8-9
H
Hadangile, modern Hunasi Hattakundi 249 Hadagali 226, 242, 248-49 Hadavalli, same as Samgitapura 125-28, 326; -Chiefs of- 126-27, 395 Hagaratage 116 Hagargi 186 Haihaya, family 198, 214-15, 217, 236, 305, 317-18 Haihayas of Karnataka 214, 305; of Northern India 305
Harivamsapuana 182, 194 n. Harivarma 110
Hattikunde, modern Hattakundi 249
Hattanaru 187 Hattimattür 392 Havaṇagi 370 Havina Heralige 120 Hebbaṇa, family 334 Helacharya 47-48, 74, 172 Hemachandra 275 Hemadevacharya 389 Hémagrama 47-48 Hemaṇācharya 389 Hēmasēna 326 n. Hemavati 157, 162 Henjeru, modern Hemavati 159, 162
Hirebasti (at Haduvalli), 126, 128, 147 n.
Hire Lingadahalli 191 Hire Melakundi 219 Hire Singanagutti 392 Hiriya Gabbar 394 Hiriya Jambuge 375 Hriyakummi 115 Hiuen Tsang 35 Hodal, inscription from205, 247, 216 Honnür 119, 164, 169 Honw 186 n.
439
Hosûr 141, 164-66, 262 Hoysala, family 118, 150-51, 213, 219, 359, 391 Hubli 166
Hukeri (Hukkeri) 123, 164 Hüli 117, 164, 166; -Manikya
tirthada basadi at- 115 Huligere, Somanatha at 182 Huliyabbajjike 143-44, 144 n.,
169 Huliyabbe 144 n.
Hullür 109, 118, 164, 166 Humchcha 189 n., 196 Hunasi Hadagali 188, 190-91, 209, 215, 221, 228, 241, 243, 248-49, 267, 269; -record 216, 243-45; -Jaina temple at- 219
Hupasikatti 191 Havina Hipparigi 392 Havina Sigli 392
I
Idaikkala Nadu 66 Ikshvaku 2-4, 6, 10, 19
Ilaiya paḍarar 50 Ilango 86, 91
Dayamani mangai 43 Indra 90
Indra, Saluva chief 126 Indra, Rashtrakuta king 394 Indra III, 370; -Nityavarsha, 11, 22, 102, 139, 149 Indradeva of Haduvalli 126
33
Indranagappa 364
Indrakila-parvata 201 Indrakirti 112
Indrakirti 150; -Pandita 389

Page #466

440
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Indrananda 112; -Adhiraja
111 Indranandi 48, 156, 173, 198,
392; -Yögindra 48, 172 Indrasöna 61, 224; -Bhattā:
raka 230, 232 Indravallabha, Rashtrakūta
king, 102 Ingalēśvara 392 Ingalgi 190, 214, 209, 229, 235; -inscriptiin 191, 214
15, 222, 291 Inginimarapa, same as Ingita
marapa 348 Ingitamarana 318 Ingunage, inodern Inga!gi, 226 Ingunige, modern Ingalgi 230,
235-36 Irammanabā vi 260 Irattipottai (rock) 62 Irivabedanga Sat.yāśraya 101,
140 Irivanolambadhirāja Ghateya.
nkakāra 105 Iragappa 35 Irunyola 158, 163 Irukkuvel, family 54 īšan 89 Iyakki 90, 91
Jainulapādu 12 Jaipur 196 Jajjugi 246-249; -Jagaddova
245 Jäkaladėvi 171 n. Jākaladēvi 190-91, 209, 219,
228, 230-33 Jákalamahādēvi 191, 232 n. Jākhiyabbe 107, 136 Jakkavva, same as Vaijakkavva 190 Jakkavvana gudi 190 Jakkavre 171 n. Jakki 111 n. Jalära-grāma 111 Jambigi 375 Jambukhandi, modern Jam
khandi 112 Jayadova 339; -Pandita 339 Jayadhīra Jinālaya 304, 371 Jayakarņa 116 Jayakosi III 145 Jayakirti 142 Jayakīrtidēva 143 Jayantipura, modern Bana
vāsi 226, 260, 262, 307, 336 Jayasēna 21, 128, 283 Jayasimha 12; -11 105, 210-12 Jayasimha II -Jagadēkamalla
Jipachandra 115 Jinachandra 390: - Maha
mantravādi 247 Jinadatta śāntara - 72n., 171
172, 174 Jinadēva 118 Jinadēvara bhävi 186 Jinagtrimāmalai 94 Jinagiripalli 36 Jinakānchi 24, 34, 122, 161,
196 Jinālaya, at Kundakunde 155 Jinamāņikya Sûri 191 Jinamudi Samghas, in Kop&
ņa, 352 Jinanandi 20 Jinaprabhasūri 199n. Jinaśāsana 155, 229 Jinasēna 138-39 Jinasõna Bhattārakı 181, 194,
194n., 327 Jinavarmayya 106 Jinēndra 110, 220 Jivandhara--champū 42 Jnānachandra kāvya 197 Jnānavardhana 111n. Jõgibandi 391 Jöyimayyarasa 155 Jummā Masjid (at Adki) 233 Jvālámālipi, deity, 17-48, 48n.,
95, 172-73, 173n., 198, 29293; - Cult of - 47, 74, 143, 164n., 198; - Cult, originator of - 48; - Kalpa 48, 172; - stötra 48, 198; - temple of
- 143; - Vidyādēvi 292-93 Jvälamukbi, deity, 173; - tem
ple 173 Jvāliní 172, 192, 261, 292-93;
- Cult 173, 293n., - Cult,
originator of -172 Jvālinidēvi 122 Jvālinimata 48
394
Jagadēva, same as Jagaddova
245-46 Jagaddēva 210, 214-45 Jagadēkamalla-I 142 ;-(Jaya
simha II) 104; -II 145, 210-11, 290 ; -Jinālaya 394; -Nolamba Brahmādbirāja
151 163 Jagatāpi Gutti 51 Jainābhāsas 169 Jaina Birudávali, work, 196 Jaina Law 78, 81, 83, 92, 98,
104, 112-13, 120, 122, 127,
159, 182, 235 Jaina matha, at Sonda 131 Jaināmbika 160 Jaina, samgha 67; -Tirtha 156
Jatāchārya 344 Jatāsinganandi 224, 343-44 Jatila 344 Jattinga 184 Javavakula 216 Jāvūr (ru) 143, 164, 164n.,
173.- Inscription from-143, 293 Jēbulagēri 387 Jõjabhukti, same as Jējaka
bhukti 249 Jejakabhukti, modern Bundel
khand 245.46, 249 Jimūta vähana 147 Jinabimba 345, 393 Jina Brāhmapa 158 Jinabhushaņa 162;-Bhattāra
ka 161
Kulaba plates 164n. Kadaikottür 44, 790.; - Tiru."
malai 66

Page #467

Kadalalaya Basadi 22 Kadamba, family 98-99, 110, 133 n., 143, 193, 202, 230-31, 390, 394; early - 111, of Goa, 117, 145
Kadim Jumma Masjid, 180 Kaditavergade 275
Kadkol 146
Kadar District, inscriptions from-223
Kaduttalai 43
Kāduvetți 12
Kagavad 164
Kägipä, river 192, 235 Käginelli 114
Kagini, river 227; coin, same as Kakini 234-35
Kaifiyats 11
Kaikņi 126-127; Parivanatha basti at - 330
Kailasappa Gutta 153., 155 Kakati Prōla 22
Kakatiyas 22, 211
Kakini, coin 234
Kakusthavarma 110 Kalabarge, modern Gulbarga 249
Kalachuri, family 108, 108n., 211-12, 217, 201, 305, 317, 317, 323, 334, 383, 400-1 Kalachuris, of Central India
317; of Karnataka 291., 317n., 323; Southern- 206, 209, 212, 317, 319 Kalagi 192, 217, 334 Kalakacharya 101 Kālalinga 241n.
Kalaméévara, temple 391 Kalamma 189
Kalanjarapura, modern Kalinjar 319
Kalarasa, Vira- 334 Kalaséns 114
Kalbargi, modern Gulbarga
249
Kalbhavi 112, 115, 164, 166 Kalhōli 116 Kalt 189
56
INDEX
Kali, era 105 Kaliamman 49, 81 Kalibhadracharya 19 Kalidasa, general 217, 274; poet 104 Kalidevaseṭṭi 390 Kalikabbe 326 Kalikere 390
Kalinga country 3, 11, 17-18, 33;-Jina 17
Kalinjar 319
Kaliseṭṭi 146, 180, 307, 336 Kaliyamma 387 Kaliyammarasa 147
Kaliyarasa, same as Kalimarasa 274
Kalkere 146, 390
Kalkeri 146, 390
Kalkeri 392 Kalkuni 133n.
Kallapa 128 Kallinatha 200
Kalpole, same as Kalhōli 116 Kalpapradipa 199 n. Kaluchumbarra grant 20 Kalugu(hu)malai 28, 31, 64; 65, 65, 68, 71, 73, 78, sculptures of 74 Kalumbarage, modern Gulbarga 249
Kalyana 107, 212, 235, 327.; Chalukyas of 113-14, 230, 274, 334, 378 n.; Western Chalukyas of 242, 267, 289, 346, 382-83
-
Kalyapakirti, teacher, 74 Kalyāṇakirti, teacher, 204, 229, 346-47 Kalyapakirti, teacher 247 Kalyāni, Kalachuryas of-317 n. Kama, the victor of 91 Kamagavunda, Chōdhore- 121 Kamaladeva Bhattaraka 105. Kamalasena-muni 392
Kamalari 4
Kamalavahana Pandita 70 Kammarachadu 395
Kamnayi 152
Kampana 249
441
Kanakachandra 390;- Papdita
53
Kanakagiri 26, 47, 208
Kanaka Jinagiri 94, 208, - Appar 94
Kanakak Irtidēva 22 Kanakāmara Muni 100-01 Kanakanandi 62 Kanakanandi 120; Ashtōpavisi 394; Bhatára 59;
- Bhattaraka 107;- Mun! 151; Periyar 66; - Siddba ntadōva 144
Kanakaprabha I, II, 118 Kanakasakti Siddhantadeva 143
Kanakasena 134-35, 137-39; Siddhanta Bha
-II 139;
țăra 162
Kanakavira 66
Kanakavira Kurattiyar 46,
46 n., 76 Kanakavira-periyadigal 57, 80 Kanchaladevi 394 Kancharasa 115
Kanchi 33, 35-36, 3 9, 268; -Pallavas of 262
Kanchikabbe 141 Kanchipura 261 Kandagal 108
Kandagale, modern Kandagal 108
Kandali 123
Kandanavrolu 23
Kandanpalli 87 Kapdür 109 Kandhara-Ballaha-Amoghavarsha, 369
Kanimurraṭṭu, same as Gapi murruttu 80 Kannada Sandhivigrahi 275 Kannada Four Thousand, district 106
Kannadige 108
Kannakaira 114;-II 114 Kannaki 85-87
Kannara 149
Kannaradeva, Akälavarsha(Rashtrakuta Krishna III) 213, 368, 376

Page #468

444
Lakshmana Bhaṭṭāraka 122 Lakshmanasena 161 Lakshmarasa 107, 390 Lakshmivara 388; -Inscription 135-37, 144, 251 Lakshmi, goddess 73 Lakshmideva I, Ratta Ruler 118; -11, 114-15, 118 Lakshmi Mahadevi 144 Lakshmipur inscription 369
70
Lakshmisena 161-62 Lanka 262
Laṭamahadevi 78
Lataraja, Virachōla 40, 78
Lilavatı 234
-
Linga, Virassiva chief 23
Loka 119, 198, 215;1, 215, 215 n. -III-IV 215
Loka Jinalaya 198, 215 n. Lokavibhaga 48
Lökétvara temple 215 Lokki, tree 171
Lokkigundi, same as Lakkundi
140-41
Lokkiyabbe 171
Lokupdi, same as Lakkundi
150
Lord Jina, Law of 110
M
Madari 85, 88 Madevi 324
Madevi Arandimangalam 46 Mādēviya Piriya Basadi 180, 324
Madhava (chief) 10; (officer) 146; Bhattaraka 182 Madhavachandra, teacher 142 Madhavachandra, teacher 221,
382
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, Chola king, 36 Madlür 121 Madura 56-58, 61-63, 63 n., 71, 78, 82, 84-89, 232, 402; -region 396; sthalapurapa of- 402
Madhavachandra, teacher 395 Madhva pontiff 173 n. Madināru 206
Magaral 38
Maghanandi, teacher 57, 61 Maghanandi, teacher 118 Maghanandi, teacher 119-21 Maghanandi, teacher 136, 347, 395
[Machidova 350-51 Mackenzie, 11 Madakadira 157
Mahāmānasi, Yakshi 109 Mahamandalacharya 118 Mahamapikya 235
Madana Danayaka (Dandana Mahamuni, teacher 95
yaka) 220, 380
Mahanadu 108, 108 n. Mahanaga Kula 51 Mahapurana 42, 138 Mahārājavādi Nadu 143 Mahasamantas 147
Maghanandi, teacher 347 Maghanandi, teacher 395; -Siddhantachakravarti 224,
380 Maghapaṭṭipura 122 Mahabharata 14, 103, 103 n., 201
Mahadevi, queen 105 Mahadevi, queen 215 Mahajanas, One Thousand (of Lakkundi) 141; Three Hundred (of Sedimba) 217, 289, 291-92, 294 Mabajinendra 97 n. Mahajvälä, same as Jvälämälini 48, 292
Mahakali 47
Mahasena, teacher 106; -Pap dita 388
Mahäirimanta Basadi 107 Mabatirtha (of Kopana) 157 Mabavadavadiévara 182, 325,
331
Mahavamia 2, 2., 25, 25 n., 26, 26, 30 n.
Mahāvāņu 37
Mahavira, Jina 3, 16, 18, 33, 37, 38, 40, 49-50, 54, 56-57, 59, 64-65, 68-70, 73, 76, 81, 94-95, 100, 142, 166 n., 180, 185, 187, 194, 200, 235 Mahendrakirti $28 Mahendra I 157, 162 Mahendravarma I, Pallava
king, 33-35, 52, 77, 81 Mahish, same as Mahiivar 305 Maheśvar 305 Mahishmati, modern Mabesvar or Mahesh 215, 236, 304305, 305., 307; - puravaradhisvara 214, 305 Mahumäni Jine vara 254 Mahumanikya 191, 230, 234 Mailladevi 116
Mailama, queen 22
Mailapa Tirtha 112-13 Mailugi 108
Maiträvarupa 158
Makanür 390
Maladhari, teacher 116 Maladhari, teacher 225, 247,
250 Maladhari, teacher 281 Maladharidōva, teacher 122 Maladharidēva, teacher 148 Maladbari Sramanas 203 n. Malagarti, modern Mälagitti, 227, 235
Malagitti 208
Malagitti 235
Malaikula 66
Malainatha, temple 50, 51, 71 Malakiṭaka 192 n.
Malaladevi 232
Ma Malandr, modern Malür 232-33
Malauve 380 Malaya 48
Malayadri 195, 328
Malayala 116 Malebegada 196 Maleyala Pandita 117 Maleyakheda, modern Malkhed 195-96, 325 n.

Page #469

INDEX
445
Maleyūru (or Kanakagiri) 26 Mali-gauda 367 Malikēda, modern Malkhód
325 n. Maliyapūņdi 20; -grant 20,
166, 199 Malkhôd 48, 97, 173, 181, 192,
192 n., 193-97, 199, 218 221, 325, 325 n., 327-28 330-31, 333, 335, 365; An: tiquities of-197; -gurus 161, 181, 196, 328; -inscription 154, Nēminātha temple at225, 325, 328; -Pattāvali 196, 329; -Pontiffs 328-30; Rashtrakūta dynasty of- 43, 368, 371, 376; Siddhasim.
hāsana of -196; Malla, Mabāpradhāna- 392 Malladõva 12 Mallagávunia 145 Mallappa, Jaina-147 Malli 249 Mallidēva, chief 119 Mallideva, chief 216 Mallikarjuna (god) 402;
(place ) 5; Ratga chief 116; - Yuvarāja (Chalukya
prince) 246 Mallinātha 50n., 109, 145,
395 Mallirāja (or Sāļuvendra) 126 Mallirāya Oleya 126 Mallisēnapperiyar 61 Mallisetti 158, 180, 307 Mallishëņa, teacher 34 Mallishēna, teacher 156;
- Bhattáraka 224, 232 Mallishāņa Suri 138-39, 172;
- Vāmanasuri 35 Malliya Rēoha 397 Malliyur 44 Mālūr 233 Mālwă 209-10, 226, 244-45,
249; Paramāras of- 244,
246 Mamala 370 n. Mammai Kuratti 67 Manali 226, 249
Månastambha 135, 226, 995 | Marula 370, Mandalācharya 116, 119, 125, Māruti 11ln., 144 325, 331
MAsavõuli 140 Mandalapurusha 95-96
Maski 393 Mandalapurushanpattu 96 Māsopavāsin 364 Manga Mahipati 128
Matisāgara 55; -anna 348 Mangalivāda 108
Matsyapurāņa 249 Mangarasa 181-82
Mattavilāsa prahasana 35 Mangundi 145, 164
Mattikatti 392 Mapigundage, modern Man. Mauni Bhatara 66, 80 gundi 145
Maunidēva, teacher 113 Manigundi 145
Maunidēva, teacher 118 Māņikya Bhattāraka 108 Maurya 7n., 112 n., 201 Manikyadova 191
Māyadēva, Sarvādhikāri-390 Māņikyanandi 388
Mēdinisiddha 160 Māņikyapura 145
Mégbachandra, teacher 82-23 Māņikyasēpa 128
Mēghachandra, teacher 117 Mānikyatirthada basadi 116 Mögati temple 104, 207 Mannededi Thousand 192, Mēlaipalli, monastery 69 33+
Meļakunde, modern MelakunMannēra Masalevāda 151
di 226, 249 Mannai Ponnāndai 45
Mēlaparāja 20 Manoli 165-66
Mõlarasa 22 Matagi 390
Mélmalai 53 Mantrachūdāmaņi 143
Mēndämba 20 Mantravādi 74, 199, 261; Mettupatti 28 -Dēvakirti 328
Metres: Anushtubh 151, 233, Mantravādiśvara 74
262, 269, 283; Arya 168, Mantravidyā 74, 172
262, 269; Āryāgīti 250, 284; Mantür 392
Champakamālā 233, 250, Māuũr 232
269, 295, 307; Indravajrá Mānyakhota, modern Malkhöd
284, Kāmalatikā 228, 295; 192, 194, 198
Kanda 250, 252n., 269, Māran Sulaiyan, Pandya king
276, 284, 295; Mahāgrage 67, 78
dharā 159, 250, 269, 284, Mārasiingayya, Namayara-140
295; Mālini 284; Matto Mārasitisha 118, 138, 370, 388;
bhavikridita 233, 250, 262, - III 391
269, 276, 295, 338, 348; Māravarman (Sundarapāndya)
Ragale 150, Lalita-150, 53, 81
Tomara - 150; SārdūlaviMaruvolal 105
kridita 307, 338, 348 n.; Mārkandēyapurâna 11
Upajāti 250, 284; UtpalaMarol 104, 162, 164
mālā 233, 250, 269, 276, 295 Mārtanda, Mabāsāmanta - 143
Milalūr 66; - Kuratti 67 Martūr 204, 307
Mimāsā 401 Marudovi Avve 145 Marudēvi temple 388
Minākshi temple (at Madura ) Mārudige 398-99
55 n., 82 Marugāltalai 28
Mingaikumān 67

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446
JAINISM IN ROUTH INDIA
N
Mirinte 227, 306, (modern | Munaldi 249
Martūr) 214, 307; (mode- Munda Nădu 5; -Rashtra 5; rn Miriyāņa ) 307
-Varha 8 Mirinto Náda 214, 217, 219, Mundanpa 128
226, 304, 307, 317–19; Mundita Vamsa 8 - Three Hundred 180, 214, Mundiyavamsa 5,8 306, 307
Muvichandra, teacher 114-15 Mirita Three Hundred 307
Munichandra, teacher 142 Misaraganda 366
Munichandra, teacher 165 Modeganūru 206
Munichandra, teacher 225, 281 Modeya Kalāpaka 224
-82; -Siddhāntadēva 102; Monastic order, female - 76 -Traividya 144 Morab 143, 164
Munisuvrata, Jina 395 Möréra Angadi 201
Murivalli, modern Manāļi 165 Mosalavāda, Pārsvanātha at -
Musinikuņda 19 152
Mutta-Loka 215 Möçebennür 389-90
Mnttupatti 28, 31, 67, 396 Msigāvatiyabbe 109
Mūvattāru (bādu ) 318 Mrigēśa 110
Mysore, Gangas of - 378 n. Mrigēśavarmi, Kadamba ruler
97-98, 110, 133 n., 193 Mūdabhatka! 127 Mūdabidure 163
Nābbirāja 205, 216, 247, 249 Mudhol plates 192 n.
Nadumbi Vasati, Jaina temple
19 Mugad 142, 164, 166, 199 Mugatkhān Hubballi 191
Nāgabhūpa 148 Mugunda, modern Mugad 142;
Nāgachandra 115 -Thirty 143
Nāgachandra 142; -BhattāMukkaptāśvara 12
raka 390; -Siddhāntadēva Mukkanti 11-12; -Kāduvetti
143 12; - Mahārāja 12,- Pallava Nāgadēva, general 140
Nāgadēva, Jaina temple of 347 Mukkaravasati 388
Nagai, inscriptions from - 214, Mukkodeya Kal 54 n., 135 n., 274, 294, 306-7 357
Nāgakumārakāvya 138 Mukkudaikal 54
Nāgamalai 56, 63 n., 82 Mukula, same as Ohellakötana,
Nāgamangala epigraph 161-62 family 370
Nāganandi, teacher 39-40 Mūlabhadra 123
Nāganandi, teacher 324, 368, Mūlapalli 162
372 Mūla parishat 234 Müla valli 226, 249
Nāganandyācharya 389 Mulgund 5, 134, 203, 362,
Năganāthīśvara temple 41 -inscriptions 135-38, 143
Nāgarăjasvāmi temple 70 44, 148, 326 n.; -monastery
Nagara Jinalaya 145, 394 138, 172
Nagarēśvara temple 141, 388 Mūliga 234
Nagari, village 93 Muļļa Bhattāraka 112
Nagarjuna, Buddhist monk 7n, Mummuridandas 108, 122, 274,
- Pandita, poet 233 318 n., 321-22
Nagarkoil 70
Năgasēna, teacher 134, 137;
- dēva, teacher 154 ; - Pap
dita, teacher 106 Nāgasiriyauve 108 Någaur 196 Năgulara Pollabbe 389 Någavarma 15 Nāgavira 224, 332 Nagire 124-25; - Rulers of -
126-27 Nagiri Rājya 124 Nakara 102 Nāladiyār 2, 84 Nālgāmundu 147 Nālikabbe 155 Nälkūr 67; - Amalanēmi
Bhtāra 67; - Kuratti 67 Nālkūrkkudi 66 Nallāttal 45 Nālprabhu 145 Nānādēsis 108, 318 Nanda, family 11; -king 17 Nandavādige 106-7 Nandavara 149 Nandi 223 Nandibēvūru 151, 163 Nandi Bhattāraka 390 Nandippottarasar 39 Nandiśvara 194, 395 Nandivarman 39; -II 46 Nannapayya 44 Nannaya Bhatta 14-15 Nannāśvara temple 33 4 Nārada 53 Naralokamitra 348 Nāranan 39 Nāraṇanāyaka 395 Naraśāsana 162 Narasimha temple 111 n. Narasimha I 128-29; -II 128
29 Narasih harayapura, same as
Elehalli, 173 Naravāliana I 20; -II 20-21 Naravarman 244-45 Nārāyaṇa, deity 118, 135, 261,
12
291
Nārāyaṇabhūta 173 n.

Page #471

INDEX
447
171 n.
Narēgal 139
Nigantha 25; - giri 25, 28 D.; 1 Padmabbarasi 139 Narondrakirti 142
-Jotiya 25;- Kumbhanda 25 Padmakshētra, same as Sūry& Narēndra II 136 Nighantu-Chūdāmaņi 95
kohētra 250 Narūndrasēna I 135-36, 138- Nijiyabbe 113
Padmāksbi, goddess 13; -tem39; -II 136, 139 Nilagiri Hill 47
ple 22 Nårgāvunda Chăvunda 142 Nilanūru, modern Nilüru 249 Padmanandi, teacher 74 Narmadă, river 140, 226, 242 Nihalli 193; - Konkanalli 193 Padmanandi, teacher 149 -43, 247, 305, 305 n. Nilūra 249
Padmanandi, teacher 130, 155
-56 Nārtāmalai 31, 51, 54
Nimbadēva 120 Näthasēna 21 Nimbargi 243, 245
Padmanandi, teacher 225, Nāttikappaţārar 67 Niralgi 145
281-82,-Siddbāntadēva 161 Navadēvatā 95 Niranjanāvadbūtı 251
Padmaprabha, deity 37, 235 Navalgund 143, 164, 164 n., Niravadyakirti 142
Padmaprabha, teacher 116 133, 173 n. Niravadya Pandita 389
Padmaprabha Maladhāri, Navilugunda, Jvālāmālint at- Nirgrantha 25, 86, 110;
teacher 159-60, 395 143
- ascetics 97
Padmāsana posture 345, 352 Nayakirti 155 Nishidhi 17, 22, 107, 128, 132
Padmasēna 389 Nayanandi 116, 247
n., 136, 143, 146, 152, 154
Padmavati, goddess, 13, 49, Nāyapār 74 ; Vibāra - 45;
157, 158, 165, 184 n., 185,
65, 69, 69 n., 70, 72, 72 n., Ponneyilnātha - 45 203, 206-7, 225-26, 325-27,
73, 81, 95, 120, 122, 135 D., Nayasēna 3, 5, 8-9, 135-36, 330, 344, 347, 354-56, 392;
143, 147, 171, 171 n., 172, 137 n., 144, 251 n.; -I 139, -kallu 184 n.; -mandapa
172 n., 173, 183-84, 186-87, 144; - II 139 132; -of Pāyaṇa 356; -re
189 n., 190, 194, 204, 220, Nechchura Nādu 66
cords 132, 165; -of Vidya
357, 379, 395; Cult of - Nēmaņņa 147
nandasvāmi 326 Nēmichandra, teacher 116-17, Nittūru 160
Padmavatiya-kal 54 n., 135 n. 122, 224, 281-83, 352 n.; Nityavarsha 149; -Rāshtra- |
Padumuvve 392 -I 165; - IT 165; - Pandita kūta king, 22
Pain-Gangā, river 250 281; - Rāvula 152, Niyamasära 159
Paitbaņ 199 n. - Siddhāntachakravarti 138; | Nolambāntaka 370
Pakshõpavāsi 116 - Siddhāntadëva 304, 306; Nolamba pallava 151, 157, 157
Pāķalikā 48 - Siddhantakirti 328-29
n, 158-59
Patalipura 48 Nēmidēva, teacher 352, 392 Nolambavādi 162
Palasige 40; -Twelve ThouNēminātha, Jina 8, 37, 50, 65, Nõmpiya Bagadi 105, 141, 388 sand 143 69, 73, 94, 119-20, 194; - Nřipatunga 209, 339; -Amo
Palāśikā modern Halsi),
98-99, 110 Basadi 141, 204, 356; - gbavarsha 147, 181, 194; Jinālaya 194, 225;
-Vallabha, 338-39
Paļe Ingupaye 227, 235 Sāsanadūvatā of - 194; Nūrmadi Kshitipa 210-11,
Paliyilālvār 94, 94 n. - temple 195, 197, 325-26, 289-90; -Taila 290
Pallakarate, modern Halka330, 381; Yakshiņi of - Nyāya 283
rați, 227, 235 173, 184
Pallakki Gundu 201, 343, 345, Nēmipaņdita 160
361 Nēmiśvara 129; - of Ujjanta- ādalayādi 95
Pallava, family, 12, 19, 33-34, giri 203, 205
46, 77, 81, 261-62 Nērilage (modern Niralgi) 145
Palli, Jaina institution, 79, Nēsaragi, 393 Pädaliptācharya 97, 193
79 n., 94 Nidhiga 116 Padavēļu 96
Pallichobhandam 34, 41, 44, Nidhiyanna 162 Padevala Taila 140
54, 70, 78-79, 79 n., 83 Nidugallu 160 Padirippuliyar 48
Pallikūtam 79 n.

Page #472

448
Palyakirti 165
Palyankasana 36, 187 Pampa 15, 102 n., 214; -Bhă
rata 102
Pana 234
Panappadi 49 Paparija 368, 371
Papa Rashtra 48 Pafchalinga 118 Pañchapandava beds 27, 31, 56 -57, 93; -Hills 31, 41; -Malai 31, 39, 49, 60, 71, 73, 78
Pañchapandavar Tippa 93 Pafchaparameshthi 207, 38182, 395
Pandavas 101, 201 Pandavapañcha, cave 21 Pandavara Vathala 201
Pandavara Vathara 201
Pandesvara of Aralaru 285 Pandharpur 108
Panditaraya 126
Pāṇḍukābhaya 25
Panduranga temple 331 Pandya, kingdom 2, 26 n., 27,
30, 86, 158; -ruler 47; -family 55, 78, 81
Panthipura 390
Parabbani copper plate charter
102
Parisakirti 364
Pariyalige 398-99
Paralüra 133, 133 n.
Paramara family, 245-46;
-kings 244
Paramardhi 378 n.
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Paravadimalla 35, 44 Pārive, same as Paraivanatha, 303, 350; Chenna- 180; -Padarar 61
Payoshni 250
Parivabhupa 128 Parévadeva 142; Prasanna- Pechchipallam 54, 62-63, 396 158 Peddaga lidiparru 21 Penikelapadu 92 Penugonda 122, 129 n., 161; -nadu 161;
Párivanatha 17, 37, 47, 49, 50 -52, 56, 59-61, 65, 68-70, 72, 91, 99-100, 103, 106, 108, 119-21, 129, 144-46, 149, 179-81, 183, 185-86, 186 n, 189, 191-93, 194, 198, 20, 242, 302, 312, 318, 322, 329-80, 350, 357, 379, 383, 394; -Basadi 16162, 330, 395; -Bhattaraka 116; Ekasaleya-191; -Padmavat basti 188; -temple 5-51, 71, 76 n. 94, 106, 118, 120, 144, 147-48, 162, 394; Yakshipt of 171, 184 Parvati 73
Paryashana festival 101 Padumalai 56, 63 n., 82
Pasandi, modern Asundi 139 Pasupata 201
Patala Yaksha 100 Patalipura 48
Patašivaram 157, 159-60 Pattale Karanam 228, 252 Pattancheruvu 212, 293 Pattávali, of Malkhed gurus
328
Pattavardbika, family 20 Pattini Bhatára 67, 69, 78, 80;
-Guravaḍigal 222; -Kuratti Adigal 41, 80; -Kurattiyar 60m.; 61, 80 Patti Pombuchchapura 72 Paudanapura 103
Parameshthins 86
Parantaka I, Chōla king, 41, Pavagaḍa 160 n.
43, 79 n.
Pavitropapa 275
Parasgad 165
Pavitrotsava 275
Payapa 355-56, 364; Nishidhi of- 356
Payanavrati 162 Payappa 330
pontifical throne of 162 Penugonde 22 Penukonda, same as Penugonda 161, 196 Perayakkudi 69 Perbanas, same as Hebbanas 334
Periyadigal 36 n. Periyapuranam 36, 49, 82, 84, 402
Permadi 378 n., 387; -Basadi 107, 388; -Jinälaya 387 Permanadi 376, 378 n. Perumakan 88, 88 n. Perumbattiyar 61
Perumparrür 66
Përür Kuratti 67
Pichchai Kuratti 67, 80
Pidänkudi 67 Pipdi 50 n. Pipdikkadavul 49
Pindiyan 50 n.
Piriya Melakunde, modern Hire-Melkundi 249 Piriya samudaya 221, 247 Podanapura 102-03 Pombuchchapura 72 m., 171, 195 Ponagunda, modern Hungund 107
Ponna, poet 140, 213-14 Ponneyilnatha 45
Ponniyakkiyar 39-40
Ponnavada 106
Ponnugunda, modern Hun
gund 107
Ponnur 45-48, 74
Posavar, modern Hosur, 14142

Page #473

INDEX
449
53
Potali, same as Podana 103 | Pūrņā, river 250
Rāmayya, Ēkantada- 148, Potapa, same as Podana 103 Pūrņachandra, teacher 66
181-83, 249 Poțancbaru 212
Pürňachandra, teacher 247 Rāmisetti 207 Potlacheru 212 Purudēva 103
Rāmpur-Bhanpur 196 Pottalakere 211--12, 226, 293 Pushpadanta, deity 204, 352- Rāņēbennür 889 Poygaimalai 31. 60, 81
Ranganātha 251 Prabhachandra, teacher 105 Pushpadanta, teacher 281, 283
Rangarāja 128-29 Prabhachandra, teacher 113 Pushpanandi, Maladbāri- 158 Ranna, poet 140, 202 n., 213, Prabhāchandra, teacher 115 Pushpasēna Vāmanārya 35 219, 370, 377, 393 Prabhāchandra, teacher 120 Puttadiga! 49 n.
Rasa(sā)siddhas 154, 174 Prabhachandra, teacher 133 Puvvapandi Kuratti 61
Rasāsidbha images 152 Prabhachandra, teacher 142 Psåti Hanuman 179, 303
Rasāsiddhula Gutta 153 Prabhãobandra, teacher 151
R
Rashtrakūta 22, 43, 111-12, Prabhāchandra, teacher 158
137, 139, 147, 149, 180-82, Prabbāchandra, teacher 165 Rāchamalla 138; -Vasati 388
192, 192n., 193-94, 197, Prabbăcliandra, teacher 198Rāghavănka 203 n.
209, 213-14, 244, 327-28, 99, 224, 228, 261, 267, 269 Rāisetti 274, 280
335, 339, 364, 368-71, 376, Rāja 371; -I 116; - II 116, Prabhāśasānka 142
391
205 Prabhūta varsha 164 n.
Ratnapandi 27 Pratipālapura 3-5, 7-8 Rājadhāni Piriya Mosangi 393
Ratnatraya Basadi 128, 128 n., Pratishthăna, modern Paithan,
Rājamalla, Western Ganga 129, 130 ., 185, 393, 395
prinoe, 42, 71 101, 103 n., 199
Rātrimati 119, 164 Rājarāja, Chola king 40, 45; | Ratta, family 110, 112, 114, Pratishthāsamgraha 40
- I 43-44, 55, 78; -II 14; 114 n., 115-16, 118-19, 122, Prativăsudėvas 123
- Narendra 13
171, 209, 213, 219, 369 n.; Pravachanasära 48 n., 77 n., Räjarasa 216
-Jiralaya 122 ; -răjaguru 247 n., 283 Räjaśēkhara 121 p.
114 Prayāge 250 Rājaśrēsbthi 357
Rattara Mēru 369, 369 p., 370 Přithvipati II 79 n. Rājāvali kathe 26, 132
-71 Priyabala 47 Rajavve 388
Rattara Patta Jinalaya 113 Přithvirāma 112-14
Rājēndra I, Chõla ruler 43 Rāttayya 368, 371 Prola 22 Rājēndrakirti 328
Rāvanandi 225, 281-82, 282 0. Prola I 211 Rajūru 206-7, 385
Ravichandra, teacher 113-14 Pudukottai 54 Rakkasatangadagi 206
Ravichandra, teacher 225, 247 Pugalālaimangalam 39
Rakkasayya, Chaudhare- 189, Ravichandra, teacher 347 Pügavarman 192 n.
216, 219, 242, 246–47, 249
Ravikirti, poet 104 Puhär 85-88
51
Ravikirti, teacher 142 Pūjyapäda, teacher 224, 325,
Räma, mythical hero 101 Ravivarma 99, 110 327, 330
Ramachandra, teacher 142 Rayarājaguru 182 Pujyapāda, teacher 389
Rāmachandra, teacher 224, Räyarasetti 395 Palakési II 19, 104
261, 267
Rāybāg 164 Pūli, modern Huli 117
Rāmachandrācharya 389 Räydurg 152, 164, 174, 395 Puligere Three Hundred 107 Ramachandradēva 152
Rovakabbarasi 142 Puluvara, modern Hullür, 109 Rāmakonda 21
ķishabha 44 n., 109, 145 Purada Virappa temple 387 Ramalinga, temple 115
Rishis 106, 119 Puragúr, modern Hulgür 107 Rāmapandi 282
Rishinivasa 4, 4 n. Purigere 388-89 Rāmanātha 150
Rishisamudaya 34 Parikaranagara, moderu Lak- Rāmatirtha 21
Rodda 149 shwāśvara 388 Rāmāyapa 197
| Rūpanārāyapa 119-21
57

Page #474

450
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Sabdamaņidar pana 214, 397 n. Sadasivapāyaka of Keladi 203,
205-6, 326 Sådhu 381 Sagara 337 Sabosrakirti, teacher 148 Sabasrakīrti, teacber 390 Sahasrakūta, pillar 393 Sahavasi 251 Saigotta Ganga Permai 115 Śaka, era 105 Sakalachandra, teacher 108 Sakalachandra, teacher 143-44 Sakalachandra, teacher 388 Śákini 74 Sākta, cult 261 Sakti 88 Salākāpurusbas, sixty three
123
Śālankāyana 19 Galeya Simala 336 Sāļiveya Tikamadēva 152 Sallēkhana(nă) 50, 127-28, 342,
344, 346, 348, 354-55, 362 Sāļuva, family 125, 366 Sāļuvēndra, Hāduvalli chief,
126-27; - same as Mallirāja
126 Samādhi, vow 145; - marana
342, 348 Samanar Kövil 56, 60, 80;
- Kadagu 54, 80; - Kundu
55; - Malai 54, 80, 396 Samanta Jinalaya 151 Samantabhadra 184, 184 n. [Sā]marāja 351, 359 Samavasarana-maņdapa 53 Sambandhar 35, 81 Sambhuvarāja, Räjauārāyana45
, Sanghas: Dravida 49, 56, 75,
222-24, 232; 76 n; Dravila, 221, 232; Dēva 194,223, Mūla 22-23, 55, 76n., 105-9, 116-17, 119-20, 122, 124, 136-37, 141,
145-46, 150-52, 158-60, 162, Santora, family 72 n. 170, 208, 221-23, 247-48, Santa 23 280, 282, 325, 327-29, 347, Śántipātha, deity 94, 106, 352, 352 n., 355, 372, 380, 108-09, 116, 122, 165, 179, 382-85, 387, 389.90, 392-94; 183, 186 n. 189, 220, 242, Nandi 166, 223-24, 232, 387, 267, 346, 348, 390, - Purāņa 395; Pandāta 194 D.; Sõna 140, 214; - Temple 116, 204, 170, 223; Simba 223; Yapa- 267, 388; - Tribhuvanatiniya 20, 77, 98, 105, 109-10, laka-141 113, 116, 117-18, 123, 141 | Säntivarma 113 -46, 152, 164-67, 170, 173 n., śāntivira 145 198-99, 221-24, 261 n., 306, Såntiviraguravar 61 332; Vira 96
Sanyasana 22, 134 Samghasri 4, 7-8
Sanyasi 16; - Amma; - Ayya Sarkaradēva 149
16; - Dēvula 16; - Gundu 93 Šamkaran 89
Sapta bhangi Naya 308 Samkhye 283
Saradagi 197 Sannyasa na 143, 340, 342, 348 Sarasvati, deity 194. - river Sampagāvi 398-99
313,- Tirtha 56 Samprati 1, 3, 9, 98
Sarvalókāśraya 20 Sāṁsaja 352
Sarvanandi, teacher 224, 340, Samyaktva Kaumudi 162, 181,
42, 347, 363 197; - Ratnakarachaityalaya
Sarvadandi, teacher 247; - 142; - Saptati 193
- Muni 48 Sangabhūpa 128
Sāsanadēvatā 17, 31, 37, 56, Sangakurattiga! 67
109, 156, 186, 189, 194, Sangam 84
292, 357, 379 Sangam Age 73
Sărasvata Vyakaraņa 197 Sangamadēva 147
Saratavura 143 Sangaran Srivallavan 60
Sātavābana 9, 19, 101-102, Sangirāya 126
111 n., 112 n. Sangitapura, same as Hāļuva
Sattiga, same as Satyäśraya 105 lli 124-26, 128, 132, 132 0.,
Sattimadēva, same as Satyäś. 326, 395; -preceptors 124-25,
raya 105 125 n., 127, 129, 132
Satyāśraya 210-11 Sangür 146
Saudore, same as Chaudore 251 Sapkamadeva 212
Saundatti 113-14, 164, 166, Sankara Dasimayya 212
369 n. Sankaragapda 213-14, 219, 368, 370-71; - I 368; - II 209,
Savatigandbavārana basadi 213 368-69
Sedam 164, 164 n., 173 n., 197 Sankha Basadi 388-89; Jinës
-98, 210, 218, 221, 228, 236
262, 288; - Chikka-basadi at, vara 181 Sankhaṇāchārya 389
302; - Inscription from-166,
198-99, 214,217-18, 292; Sankhapayya 368 Sanna Sindõgi 208
- Jaina temple at -219, 259, Śăptaladēvi 131n., 213, 219,
266, 273, 280 359.
Sodarampattu 93 Santaladēviyara Basadi 204,
Sėdimba, modern Sēdam 119, 213, 359
217, 227, 262, 267, 269, 281,

Page #475

INDEX
289, 293-98; - Agrabāra town of -- 928, 260; - citadel of - 268, 275, 291, 294-95; -Councillors of - 292-93; - heroic Brähmaņas of - 274; - temple of Santinātha at220;- Three Hundred Mabājanas of -220, 261, 274
275; - Vipras of - 274 Sekkiļār 84 Seleyahalli (modern Sheloļi )
212, 317, 319 Sembāttür 95 Sēna I, Ratta chief 114; - II
114, 116 Sēndraka, family 111, 133 Sengattuvan, Chēra king 86,
91
Sēram, same as Sēdam 262 Settigutta 207 Settipodavu 31, 58-59, 61-62,
73, 396 Settiyara āņi 198, 259, 302 Sheloli 212, 319 Shiggaon 389 Shimoga 202, 205, 225 Sbirür 146, 164 Siddan 89 Siddha 328 n., 381-82 Siddhachakra 382 Siddhakēdāra 99, 164 Siddharmalai 58 Siddhānta Chakravarti 22 n.;
-Dēva 105 Siddhāsana 57-58 Siddhasimhasana 196-96,328n. Siddhavadavan 49 Siddhavata 5 Siddhấyikå 37-38, 40, 40 n.,
56, 59, 69, 73, 95, 194 Silāgrāma 164, 164 n. Šilāhāra, family 100-1, 110,
119-21, 147, 171, 188, 188
n, 204-5, 246 silappadikāram 50 n., 73, 84
88, 86n., 88–89, 89n., 90,
90 n., 91, 168 Silātala 86-87 Sitgisetti 392
Simha 110, 116, 323 Simhana 357 Simhanandi, teacher 2, 9-11,
11 n., 171 n. Simhanandi, teicher 204, 224,
346-48, 363 Simhanandi, teacher 142 Simhanandi-anpa 348 Simhapura 389 Simbāsana, same as Vidya
sthāna 122, 161 Simbaguri 48 Siihhavarma 19 Simuka 101 Sinds, family 220, 380, 382-83 Sindana Kalpole 116 Sindavādi 115;-One Thousand
149, 155, 160 Sindavige, modern Sindagi 150 Singanandi 154 Singavaram 49-50 Singeya 392 Singhaņa (Simghana) 108,
212, 321-22, 392 Singikulam 94 Sindavai, Pallava queen 44 Sireya Kāļisetti 304, 313 Širivilaiyakkurattiyar 67 Siriyādēvi 165 Sirsangi 393 Sirupākkam 39 Siruvākkam 38 Sittannavāsal 29, 31, 51 Śiva 73, 82, 88, 249,- gati
80;- Linga 34, 183; - temple 95, 117, 141, 157,
385 Śivamāra 115 Sivapandi 341 Skanda Purana 172 n. Soge ( gi) 150-51 Somadēva 387 Sõmaladēvi 394 Somanandi 129 Sõmanātha 182, 203n. Somēśvara 141, 182, 248;-I
105-6, 114, 117, 135, 137-38, 142-43, 150-51, 211-12, 244;-II 107, 113-14, 143,
211;- III 117, 210-11, 216, 267, 274, 389; - IV 141, 148, 159, 211, 217. 289-90,
398,- Pandita 148 Sondā 124, 131, 131 n..
132-33, 174, 174 n.; - Akaļanka-matha at- 132 n.;
- Chiefs 129, 131 n. Sorab 225, 282 Soratūr 143-44, 169 Sõvidēva, Rāyamurari
108 n., 206, 212, 217, 317,
319, 323, 334 Śrāvakas 21, 92, 397 Sravanabelgola 24, 74, 95, 103,
124-25, 131, 140, 140 n., 164, 182, 184, 201-3, 213, 226, 228-9, 326, 352; -Gommetanātha of-203;-Inscriptions 133,156, 202 n., 222-23, 225
28, 247n., 248 Śråvikās 77 Srid banakirti 328 Sridhara 4, 4 n., 5 Sridhara, teacher 117;
-I 116; -II 116 Sridharadova, teacher 74 Sridharadēva, teacher 115 Sridharadēva, teacher 225, 247;
- Traividya 118;- Traividya
-obakrāśvara 118 Sri-Gita-Vitarāga Ashtapa
datīkā 197 Srikirti 142 Srikoil 86-87 Śrikaraņādhisa 145 Srikaraṇapper umballi 39 Sri-Mandiradēva 20 Srinandi, teacher 66 Sripandi, teacher 108 Śrinandi, teacher 146,- Bhatára
372;-Pandita 143-44; 389 Srinivasa Saradagi 197 Śrīparvata 4, 5, 7 n., 8 Sripurāņam 42 Srirangam 87-88 Srigaila 4, 4 m; 5, 7n., 23, 98,
402

Page #476

452
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Srivijaya 22; - dova 389;
- Jinalaya 389; - Vasati 388 Śratadert 194 Śrutakirti 116, 125; - I 125
-II 125-27; - Traividya
120 Brutapafchamt 382 Srutăvatāra 156 Stbalapuräņa of Madurá 56,
82, 402 Sthånādhipati 149 Sthānikas 165 Stone Circles 201 Subhachapdra, teacher 113,
115 Subhachandra, teaober 116 Subhachandra, teacher 118 Subhaobandra, teacher 122 Subhchandra, teacher 142 Subhachandra I 165; - II 165 śubhakirti 110 Subbakirti 281, 283 Sadi 166; - plates 119 Sūdraka 371 Sugandhavarti 113-14 Sundara Pandya 78. Supărsvanatha 54, 94, 106,
186 n. Surat 196 Süryakshetra 250 Svādi, same as Sondā 131-32;
- Copper plates 131 n. Svāmikumāra 348 Svarnapura-Kanakagiri 47 Svayambhū 89 Svayambhūdēva 191 Śvētâmbara, sect 3, 23-24, 76 n,
77, 97-98, 164, 166-67, 193, 292; -and Digambara split
98; -Jainas 402 Syadváda 132
Taila II 113, 149, 210-11, 274;
-III 210–11, 290, 290 n., 291,
334 Tailapa 161 Takkolam, battle of- 43 Talaganda 369 Tāļikoti 400 Tamil land, 312 Tammadbaddi 292 Tammadaballi 157-58 Tammappa 152 Tāpattár 96 Tantra Vidyā 172 Tantric cult 261, 292, 328 n,
-deity 172; -worship 173 Tāpi, river 250 Tårā 391 n. Tātparyavritti 159-60 Tatvārthagūtra 197 Tattvārthasūtram 42 Tāvi, same as Tāpi 250 Tējagi Dandanayaka 120 Telugu Choda 209 Temguli, modern Tengali 227,
365: -Seventy 334 Tengali 164, 166, 193 n., 199,
216, 221, 331-35 Tēnimalsi 52, 54 Tentiruppallimalai 54 Tēnür Hill, same as Tênimalai
Tiruchobāraṇam, Hill 66-67,
69, 71 Tiruohobāranatta Kurattiga!
67 Tirukkottar 66 Tirumalai 39, 43-45, 66-67,
71, 73, 77, 89; - Kuratti 67 Tirumalavādi 44 Tiruparungondai 49, 66, 69,
93, 96 Tirunāthakupru 50 Tirunechchura 66 Tirunedumbprai 69 Tiraparutti Kurutti 67 Tirupati Hill 172 n., Truppallimalai 53-54 Tiruppāmalai 39, 40-41, 78 Tiruppanmalai 41 Tiruppapuliyur 48 Tirupparankunram 30, 56, 83 Tirupparuttikkunram 33-34,
67, 71 Tirupparattikunru 35 Tiruvalluvar 33 - Tiruvattûr 402 Tiruvāyirai 61 Tiruvārāmballi 50 Todaramalla 366 Togarakunta 160 Togarikunte 161 Tõlkāppiyam 2, 84 Tonka Nātavādi Vishaya 19 Toyimarasa 390 Traikälayõgi 173 Traikirti 123 Trailokya Chūdāmaņi 42 Trailökyamalla (Someśvara I)
102, 211; - (Taila III) 290: - Nõlamba Pallava Permă. nadi 163 Trailokyanāthagvāmi 34, 74 Trailokyavallabha 35 Traipura 262 Traipurusha 107 Traividya, 114, 142; -Chakrē
śvara 136, 139; -Narēndrasēna 388; -Prabbichandra 267; -Prabhachandra Bhattāraka., 261, 267; -Ramachandra 261, 267
54
Tēr 329-30 Tērāpura 100 Térdal 119, 121, 151 Teridala, modern Tērdă! 119 Tēvāram 35, 49, 49 n., 56 Tikka 230-31; -I 231 Tikkame, same as Tikka 231 Timambarasiya-basadi 204, 360 Timmanāyaka 395 Timmarasa 129 Tipparāja 145 Tirthada Basadi 135, 201, 360,
392 Tirthakaras 102; -Twenty
four- 123, 379 Tirtha Vasati 388 Tiruchobāraṇattu Malai 62, 68
69, 73, 81, 90, 99
Tachcham bādi 94 Tadkod 391 Tagadura modern Dharmapuri
162 Tagarapura 100-1
-
arrone

Page #477

INDEX
488
Tribbogăbhyantarasiddhi 234 Tribhuvanachandra teacher
281, 282 n. Tribhuvabachandra, teacher
388-89 Tribhuvanadēva 117 Tribhuvanakirti Rāvula 158 Tribhuvanamalla, Bhogadēva Cbola Mahārāja 159, 163;
Vikramnāditya VI 209 211, 229, 242 304, 336; -Sõmēs.
vara IV 210-11, 289-9) Tribhuvanatilaka Chaityalaya
106-7 Trikālayogi 21 Trikūtāśvara 148 Trilochana-Pallava 12 Trilochapadēva 318 Trilochanadēvarasa 217 Trimurti Kovil 81 Trinayanakula 20 Trivikrama 231 n. Tulāpurusha 242-43, 251 Tambigi 393 Tumkur 160 Tuņdira. Chola country 45 Tungabhadrå 358, 377 Tashtidāna 251
| Uppachtāychana basadi 390 Uppinabetgēri (Betagēri),
208-9, 213, 221, 367 Uraiyur 85-87, 89 Uttamapālaiyam 57, 61-62 Uttapandi Adiga! 69 Uttaräsanga Bhattáruka 108
V Vadagaon 122, 173 Vādındra Chūdamani 397 Vâdirāja, Jaina teacher 55 Vadirāja, Madhva teacher
173 n., 174 n. Vádividyānanda 205 Vaddāchārya 352 n. Vahnidēvată 47 Vaigai, Hill 43, 45; - Tiru
malai 45 Vaigāvũr 43-45 Vaija Dandanātha 21 Vaijakkavva 190 Vaijayanti 98 Vaišēshika 283 Vaishṇava Hymn 141 Vaishnavism 188 Vaiśya 313, 336 Vāji 140 Vajranandi 56, 75 Valahări, gana 20 Valaiyāpati 84 Valla U dana Šeruvotti 55 Vallimalai, 68, 71 Val!ūra 8 Vāmapa 34 Vārasa 106 Vanavăsi-Chaityavasi order
170 n. Vasavāsin 184 n. Vapti Kolla 339 Varada pose 40, 69 Varaguan 61 Varagunan 78 Varaguna, Vikramāditya-69 Vārānasi 250 Varänga, place 195-96 Varāngacharita 224, 344,
344 n., 318 n. Vardhamana, deity 33, 51, 94,
111, 129, 179, 183, 185, 187,
Vardhamana, teacher 36 Vardhamana, teacher 61 Vardhamana, teacher 66 Vardhamida, teacher 117 Vardhamana, teacher 120 Vardbamāna, teacher 228 Vardhamāna, teacher 241, 247 Vardhamana, teacher 361-62 Vardhamana, teacher 388 Vardbamānapura 99 Vărnasa, family 217 Varttamāna Panditar 58 Vasishtha, götra 158 Vāsudēva, teacher 120 Väsudēva, teacher 133 Vāgudēva, teacher 142 Vásudővas 123 Vasudhaikabăndhava Jinalaya
141, 388, Vasunandi 225, 247 Vásupūjya, deity 4, 6, 235 Väsupůjya, teacher 391;
-Traividya 116-17 Vatte lutta, alphabet 55-57, 60 Vávanarasa 142 Vedal 46, 76 Veda-mudalvan 89 Vēdānta 401 Vēdas 291, 313 Vēlāla 66 Vēmulavāla inscription 102 Veņbu-nādu 5, 7, 58, 62, 66 Vengi, country, 3-5, 12, 161 Venkatapati 129, 129 n. Venkatīśvara, deity 172 n; 204 Vēnugrāma, modern Belgaum
114, 116, 118, 122 Vēņür 163 Vēộyātatapura 8 Vētasa 37 Vettuvān Kõvil 64 Vidal 46 Vidal-parru 47 Vidarbha 103 Viļārpalļi 46 Vidugādalagiya Peruma! 45,
U bhayāchărya 151 Ubhayanānādēsis 274-75, 331 Uchchangi 150, 166 Udayuchandra 117 Udayadova Pandita 3.9 Udayāditya, Malwa king, 210,
244-46 Udayāditya, Bāņa chief 334 Udayāditya 22 Udayamārtandavarman 70 Udayi 245 Ugrasēda 232 Ugura, guild of-268 Ujjantagiri, Nēmtsvara of-203,
205 Umāsvāti 184, 247 n. Umbaravāņi 122 Ummaņāmalai 58 Urukallu, modern Uņkal 398-
78
99
Vidyādēvi 48, 189, 292-93 Vidyadhara 100
Upadhyâya 381
195

Page #478

454
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
Vpishabha, tencber 92 Vrishabhanátha, Jina 33, 94 Tirtha, teacher 13 Vyasapura 147
W Wardbā, river 250 Wheel of Conquest 11
Vidyānanda, teacher 117 Vidyānanda, teacher 154 n.,
234-25, 325-26, 328–30 Vidyapanda, teaober 388;
-Vādi- 154 Vidyasthānas 161, 195-96 Vihára Náyanär 45 Vihāras, Buddhist - 86 Vijaya, chief 26 n. Vijaya Chakra 52 Vijayaditya, Silăbāra chief 120
-21 Vijayaditya, Chālakya king,
209, 213, 374, 389 Vijayaditya VI ( Amma II) 19 Vijayāditya, Kadamba chief
117 Vijaya Kampavarman, Pallava
king 78-79 Vijayakirti I 125-26; -II 125,
127, 111 125 Vijayamangalam 396 Vijayanagara 23, 127, 129,
146, 156, 161, 173, 195-96, 205-06, 395, 402; -Sāļuva
dynasty of- 366 Vijayānanda Madhyamarāja
111 Vijaya Paláíikā 110 Vijayavātikā, modern Bezwada
21 Vikrama Chola 34 Vikramaditya, Chalukya king,
- V 105, 209–11, 346;- VI 22, 102, 106, 114-17, 136-37, 144, 155, 160, 190-91 209-11 216-17, 219, 228, 230-31, 232n., 244-46, 267, 274, 291, 304, 306, 312, 334, 336;
- Varaguna, Pāṇdya king 69 Vikramādityarasa, Gutta chief
147 Vikramānkadēvacharitam 246 Vikramapandya 47 Vikramapura 105 Vikramārka 12 Viļāpākkam 41 Villupuram 49 Vimalachandra 388
Vimaladitya 21 Vimuktavratindra 105 Vinaiyabbâsura Kuravadiga!
36 Vinayachandra 152 Vipayadēva 118 Vinayāditya Chālukya king
389 Vinayām budbi 134 Vinayanandi, teacher 113 Vinayanandi, teacher 224, 372 Vinayasēna Siddhānta 162 Viprapara 103 n. Vira Ballala 151 ;-II 118 Vira Bañanjus 122-23 Virabhadra, deity 117, 204 n.,
206, 393 Vira Jipālaya 107 Vfranandi, teaeber 69 Viranandi, teacher 140 Viranandi, teacher 151 Viranandi, teacher 159-60 Viranandi, teacher 280-81 Vira Permadi 117 Virappa 128 Virapura 218, 260, 262 Vira Ramadēvarasa, 205 Virašaiva 23, 133, 150, 187-88,
212, 400_2 Virasēna 124-35, 137–39 Vira Sómanátha 182 Vira Vikramaditya, Sinda
chief 208 Viruparasa 383, 400, 402 Visakhacharya 26-27, 33 Visalakirti 395 Visbár 38 Vishnu, god 73, 86, 88-89,
220, 289 Vishnudēva, chief 217, 318 Vishpukundin, family 12 Vishộuvardhana, Eastern Chālukya- 12;-III 19;
- Kubja-19 Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala
213, 219, 359 Vitarāga, Gitada or Sangita
182 Vrishabha, Yaksha 95, 109
Yădava, family 116, 209 213,
368 Yādavas of Dévagiri 147, 152,
209, 212, 357, 390, 392 Yadu-vamsa 205 Yajurvēda 158 Yaksha 43-44, 394; -Pair
(couple) 187 189, 194; -and
Yakshi, 44, 78 Yaksharāja 171 n. Yakshi 40, 44, 172; -Cult 40,
72, 74, 90, 168, 170, 171 n.; -Cult in Karnātaka 170-72; -Cult in South India 40, 170; -Golden- 40; -Image 44, 73; -Prominence of- 61, 73;
-Worship of- 40,72–73, 170 Yaksbiņi 76 194, 292-93;
-as warrior 58, --image of- 38, 56;-worship of- 70, 72, 95 Yakshiņis 37. 61, 64, 173 Yakshis 31. 55, 61, 171 Yalavatti 392 Yalbargi 207, 218, 221, 227,
379-81, 384; -Eighty 227 Yamnādovi, same as Yamunā
river 25) Yamunā, river 250 Yăpaniga monks (or teachers)
99, 115, 142-43, 164, 164 n.,
165, 169, 169 n. Yapaniyas 104, 119, 163-66,
168-69, 174, 387 Yagodhara 4, 8 Yaśõvarman, same ag Dasa
varman 210 Yatyachăradharma 42 Yedatore 225 Yuan Chwang 201 Yuddhamalla I 102

Page #479

JĪVARĀJA JAINA GRANTHAMĀLĀ 1. Tiloyapannatti of Yativrşabha (Part I, Chapters 1-4): An Ancient
Prākrit Text dealing with Jaina Cosmography, Dogmatics etc. Prakrit Text authentically edited for the first time with the Various Readings, Preface & Hindi Paraphrase of Pt. BALACHANDRA by Drs. A. N. UPADHY! H. L. JAIN. Published by Jaina Saṁskrti Samrakşaka Samgha, Sholapur (India). Double Crown pp. 6–38–532. Sholapur 1943.
Price Rs. 12.00. Second Edition, Sholapur 1956. Price Rs. 16.00. 1. Tiloyapannatti of Yativrşabha (Part II, Chapters 5-9). As above,
with Introductions in English and Hindi, with an alphabetical Index of Gāthās, with other Indices (of Names of works mentioned, of Geographical Terms of proper Names, of Technical Terms of Differences in Tradition, of Karaṇasūtra's and of Technical Terms compared) and Tables (of Nāraka-jīva, Bhavana-vāsi Deva, Kulakaras, Bhāvana Indras, Six Kulaparvatas, Seven Kșetras, Twentyfour Tirthakaras, Age of the Salākāpuruşas, Twelve Cakravartins, Nine Nārayaņas, Nine Pratisatrus, Nine Baladevas, Eleven Rudras, Twentyeight Nakşatras, Eleven Kalpātīta, Twelve Indras, Twelve Kalpas and Twenty Prarūpaņās ). Double Crown pp. 6-14-108-529 to 1032,
Sholapur 1951. Price Rs. 16.00. 2. Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, or Somadeva's Yaśastilaka and Aspects
of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century, by Professor K. K. HANDIQUI, Vice-Chancellor, Gauhati University, Assam, with Four Appendices, Index of Geographical Names and General Index. Published by J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Double Crown
pp. 8–540. Sholapur 1949. Price Rs. 16.00. 3. Pāndavapurānam of Subhacandra: A Sanskrit Text dealing with the
Pāņdava Tale. Authentically edited with Various Readings, Hindi Paraphrase, Introduction in Hindi etc. by Pt. Jinadas. Published by J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Double Crown pp. 4–40–8–520. Sholapur
1954. Price Rs. 12.00.. 4. Prākrta-saldānusāsanan of Trivikrama with his own commentary:
Critically Edited with Various Readings, an Introduction and Seven Appendices (1. Trivikrama's Sūtras; 2. Alphabetical Index of the Sūtras; 3. Metrical Version of the Sūtrapătha; 4. Index of Apabhramsa Stanzas; 5. Index of Deśya words; 6. Index of Dhātvādeśas, Sanskrit to Prākrit and vice versa; 7. Bharata's Verses on Prakrit) by Dr. P. L. Vaidya, Director, Mithilā Institute, Darbhanga. Published by the J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Demy pp. 44-478. Sholapur 1954. Price Rs. 10.00.

Page #480

5. Siddhanta-sárcsarngrosho of Narendrasena : A Sanskrit Text dealing
with Seven Tattvas of Jainism. Authentically Edited for the first time with Various Readings and Hindi Translation by Pt. JINADAS P. PAADKULE : Published by the J. Si S. Sangha, Sholapur, Double
Crown pp. about 300. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs. 10.00. 6. Jainism in South India and Hyderabad Epigraphs: A learned and well
documented Dissertation on the career of Jainism in the South, especially in the areas in which Kannada, Tamil and Telugu Languages are spoken, by P. B. D#SAI, M. A., Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, Ootacamund. Some Kannada Inscriptions from the areas of the former Hyderabad State and round about are edited here for the first time both in Roman and Devanāgarī characters, along with their critical study in English and Sārānuvāda in Hindi. Equipped with a List of Inscriptions edited, a General Index and a number of illustrations. Published by the J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur, Sholapur 1957.
Double Crown pp. 16-456. Price Rs. 16.00. 7. Jambūdivapannatti-Sargaha of Padmanandi: A Prakrit Text dealing
with Jaina Geography. Authentically edited for the first time by Drs. A. N. UPADRYE and H. L. JaIna, with the Hindi Anuvāda of Pt. BALAOHANDRA. The Introduction institutes a careful study of the Text and its allied works. There is an Essay in Hindi on the Mathematics of the Tiloyapaņpatti by Prof. LAKSHMICHANDA Jain, Jabalpur. Equipped with an Index of Gathās, of Geographical Terms and of Technical Terms, and with additional Variants of Amera Ms. Published by the J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Double Crown pp. about 500.
Sholapur 1957. 8. Bhattāraka-sampradāya : A History of the Bhattāraka Pithas especially
of Western India, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, based on Épigraphical, Literary and Traditional sources, extensively reproduced aud suitably interpreted, by Prof. V. JORAAPURKAR, M. A., Nagpur. (In the Press)
For Copies Write to : Jaina Samskrti Samirakşaka Sangha Santosh Bhavan, Phaltan Galli,
Sholapur (India)

Page #481

.
.
2
22
FE
Rekrut Selures itt kluyunali, stond group
(between 1.6.3)
BV
...
Rock-rut Sculptures at Kaugurali, first group
(Between PP. 64 65 )

Page #482

WA
2
23
.
PROY
*AX
AR
Rock-cut Sculptures at Kaluyunalai, third group
Between pp. 14-15 )

Page #483

.
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WARE
14.1
A
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2
.
Reuw
.
..
.
PEST
.
ha
AF
Na ASAP
14. SHARE
pi sebe SEN
. de
-
WWW.
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Image of Ambikä Yakşini, Bankūr
( Between pp. 384-85 )
Central Image of Jina, Jaina Temple, Bankur
(Between pp. 184--)

Page #484

4
A3
..
is
Trace of
minātha, Jaina Temple, Malkhe! (le seen in 1947)
Image of Vardhamana, Jaina Temple, Bankūr
Between pp. 181-87)

Page #485

ک کرد
546
General View of the Jaina Temple, Bankur (Between pp. 18485)
Image of Kalamma (Vidyadevi), Hunasi-Hadagali (Between pp. 188-89)

Page #486

Image of Dharanendra, (), Hunasi-Hadagali (Between pp. 188.89 1
L
Inscribed Slab, Jaina Temple, Hupasi Halagali (Between pp. 188-89)

Page #487

13
SS
NEW
WAN
hewa
27
14
5
KW
NA
Image of Parávanātha, Sininātha Tercple, Malkhe!
(Between pp 194-95)
In age of Pārsvanātba, Jaina Temple, Hupasi-Halagali
(Between Pp. 188-89)

Page #488

.
!
General View of the Nominath Temple, Malk
(lietween pp. 1919)
TAAVA
Images in the central ball, Nominātha Temple, Mukhe
(Between Pf. 191-9.5)

Page #489

Inscription No. 1
29
YA
WAN
.
A
.
2
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.
2
Saw
4
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VAN
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:
.
.
.
te:
.
2
W
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4
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home
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2-44
TH
Ingalgi Inscription of Jakaladiri, lines ! 30
(between I'P. 236 37 )

Page #490

10* Inscription No. 1
2003
W
ITA
Inyalgi Inscription of Jūkaladevi, lines 31-58
(Between Pp. 2:6-37 )

Page #491

Inscription No. 6
"
ముతుగురు ఆ .. పున్నమనే
వారు యువత పలు రాడు కూడ బతుకు మ నం గరునిచారు. నగరంలో 'ఉనడుతం తం
గురు అ ర కప్పు, వంగుడు రిత్ర , తురుము
- మహానంద అడుగు ముంత పని -
పరుల
బలం చేయడం
మందరగదని
ఆvi
areer
.
van
M
ఆయన
V
THA
Ket
A
.
నిత్యం
Si::
Inscription of Teacher's of kriiir gain, lines |--29
( Pet vcell py. 14 )

Page #492

19*
Inscription No. 1
.
Salam Inscription of Teachers of Kriibür yana, liues 30 63
(Between pr. 281-81)

Page #493

13*
Inscription No. 14
Y
.
.
Nishidhi Inscription of Viyananda, Malkhid
(Between pp. 330-31 )

Page #494

14*
Inscription No. 46
14
VAT:
dodano
PL
Y
KL
Ava
24
ex
N
..
LAG
NI
.
i
>
WS
lippina Betiri Inscription of Sankaraganda
(Between pp. 3727)

Page #495
_