Jaina Literature in Tamil

Author(s): A Chakravarti, K V Ramesh
Publisher: Bharatiya Gyanpith
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001627/1

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JAINA LITERATURE
IN TAMIL
A. CHAKRAVARTI
with An introduction, Footnotes, Appendix and Index
K. V. RAMESH
BHARATĪYA JNANAPITHA PUBLICATION
First Reviscá Edition

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JŠĀNAPĪȚHA MŪRTIDEVI GRANTHAMĀLĀ: English Series 3
Published on the Occasion of the Celebration of the 2500th Nirvāņa Mahotsava of
Bhagavän Mahāvīra
JAINA LITERATURE
IN TAMIL
by
The Late Prof. A. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., I.E.S. (Retd.)
with
An Introduction, Footnotes, Appendix and Index
by
Dr. K. V. RAMESH Deputy Superintending Epigraphist, Archacological Survey of India,
Mysore
KA
BHĀRATĪYA JÑĀNAPITHA PUBLICATION
VIRA NIRVANA SAMVAT 2500, VIKRAMA SAMVAT 2031, 1974, A.D. First Revised Edition : Price Rs. 20-00

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BHĀRATIYA JÑANAPITHA MŪRTIDEVI
JAINA GRANTHAMĀLĀ
FOUNDED BY SĀHU SHĀNTIPRASĀD JAIN IN MEMORY OF HIS LATE BENEVOLENT MOTHER
SHRI MURTIDEVI
In this Granthamālā critically edited Jaina Āgamic, Philosophical, Paurāņic, Literary, Historical and other original texts available in Prākrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramsa, Ilindi, Kannada, Tamil etc., are being published in their respective languages with their translations in modern languages
AND Catalogues of Jaina Bhandāras, Inscriptions, Studies of competent scholars & popular Jain literature
are also being published.
General Editors
Dr. A. N. Upadhye Pt. Kailash Chandra Shastri
Published by
Bharatiya Jñānapītha Head office : B45-47, Connaught Place, New Delhi-110001. Printed at The Vidyasagar Printing and Publishing House,
Mysore-570009
---
Founded on Phalguna Krishna 9, Vira Sam. 2470, Vikrana Sam. 2000., 18ti Fcb., 19.14
All Rights Reserved

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Table of Contents
Pages
General Editorial Introduction Preface (first edition) Prof. A. Chakravarti (A Biography) Jaina Literature in Tamil
Cultural Background of Jainism Jainas in the Tamil Country Three Sargams and Jaina Influence Tolkappiyam and its commentaries Kušal : Its Authorship and date Nālaţiyār Minor Didactic Works Kavya Literature Silappadikāram : Its Author and contents Jivaka Cintamani : Its contents Minor Kävyas Yaśõdhara Kāvya Cūjamani : Its contents Nilakësi : its Analysis Perudikathai Mērumandira purāgam Sripurāna Works on Prosody and Grammar Tamil Lexicons Miscellaneous Works
Estimate of Jaina Influence Appendix: Jaina Epigraphs in Tamil Index
XX
xxi 1-137
1-10 10-14 14-19 19-28 28-40 40-44 44-48 48-50 50-63 63-83 83-110 84-90 90-94 94-110 110-118 118-126 126-127 127-131 131-134 134-136 136-137 139-205 206-232

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General Editorial
'Jaina Literature in Tamil' by the renowned Tamil scholar, the late Prof. A. Chakravarti, M.A.,I.E.S. (Retd.), was published as early as July, 1941 by the Jaina Siddhanta Bhavana, Arrah. This learned introduction to the contribution of the Jainas in the field of Tamil literature had been long out of print. The thought of having the book reprinted with the addition of upto-date information and all necessary references had occurred to one of us more than a decade ago; and all along attempts were being made to find a suitable scholar who could be entrusted with this onerous task. It was only some two years ago that our friend Dr. G. S. Gai, Chief Epigraphist, Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore kindly suggested the name of Dr. K.V. Ramesh, serving as Deputy Superintending Epigraphist in his office, to whom this work was assigned. It was so good of Dr. Ramesh that, in the midst of his official duties, he was able to devote time and attention to this work. He has revised and enlarged Prof. Chakravarti's book by providing exhaustive footnotes containing additional information, references, bibliography, etc. He has also given, in an appendix, the texts of some published Jaina Tamil epigraphs besides providing an exhaustive index at the end. We are so thankful to him that he undertook this responsibility and discharged it quite satisfactorily. It is fondly hoped that this revised edition of the late Professor's pioneering work will be found useful by students and scholars interested in the

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history of Jainism in South India and that it would prove a substantial aid for further studies in Tamil Literature.
The 2500th Nirvāņa Anniversary of Bhagavān Mahāvīra is being celebrated from November 13, 1974 onwards for a period of one year. It is to mark this great event that the Bhāratīya Jñānapitha is publishing the late Professor A. Chakravarti’s ‘Jaina Literature in Tamil' in its present revised form. Words are inadequate to express how much we feel obliged to the authorities of the Bhāratiya Jñānapitha, especially to its enlightened President, Shrimati Rama Jain, and to its benign Patron, Shri Sahu Shanti Prasadaji, for arranging the publication of this work. Our thanks are due to Shri Lakshmi Chandra Jain who is enthusiastically implementing the scheme of publications undertaken by the Jñanpīțh.
A. N. UPADHYE Kailash CHANDRA SHASTRI
November 13, 1974

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INTRODUCTION
Apart from their distinctive Ahimsa doctrine in the field of religious thought and practice, the most lasting contributions of the Jainas to the wealth of our national heritage lie in the fields of literature and art and architecture. In particular, the role which Jaina scholars, poets and authors have played in enriching Prakrit and Sanskrit literature and grammar at the all-India level and as pioneers in the growth of Tamil and Kannada literature and grammar as far as South India is concerned is, it may be safely asserted, varied and, from a practical stand-point, highly utilitarian. Though the early literature of the Jainas is in Prākrit, in the different linguistic regions to which their missionary zeal had taken them in the distant past, they unhesitatingly adopted, as the media of their doctrinal preachings and instructions and their prolific writings, the different local dialects and languages which were being spoken in those regions. Thereby Jaina scholars have been able to make, through successive centuries and in a phenomenal measure, pioneering and lasting contributions to the growth of the various branches of literature in such regional languages as Rajasthānī, Hindi and Gujarati in the north and Kannada and Tamil in the south.
The present work by Prof. A. Chakravarti being a learned introduction to Tamil works written by Jaina authors, treating of their kavyas and mahākāvyas, purāṇas and didactic and devotional poems, lyrics, tales, romances and allegories, their works on logic,

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dialectics, ethics, politics, grammar, poetics and prosody, lexicon and medicine, it will not be out of place to trace here briefly the history of the advent, growth and decline of Jainism in Tamilnadu, based on the scanty historical evidence that is available.
The questions as to when exactly Jainism entered the Tamil country and whether it did so through Andhra or via Karnāṭaka are matters of mere academic interest. While the presence of Jainism in Ceylon as early as in the 4th century B.C. indirectly hints at the possible prevalence of that faith in the Tamil country at that early period, on the strength of the credible tradition as recorded by Ratnanandi of the 15th century in his Bhadrabāhu-carita and by Dēvacandra of the last century in his Rājāvali-kathe, it may be safely concluded that the Jaina faith had entered the Cōla and Pāṇḍya kingdoms at the latest by the 3rd century B.C. through the missionary activities of Visakhācārya, the accredited disciple of Bhadrabahu. "The spread of the faith in the south after Bhadrabahu is attested by the presence of Jain vestiges in the natural caverns to which Jain ascetics resorted for their penance. Inside these caverns are 'beds' with 'pillows' cut on the floor and on their brows are long and deep 'driplines' scooped out to prevent rain water from running into the caverns. In some of these caverns, particularly in the districts of Trichinopoly including Pudukkottai, Madurai, Ramnad and Tirunelveli, there are also
1. See P. B. Desai: Jainism in South India (Sholapur, 1957), pp. 25-27,

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inscriptions"1. The fact that many, if not all of these early cave inscriptions which, as revealed by their palaeography, were written in Brahmi characters during 3rd century B.C.-3rd century A.D., were caused to be engraved by the early Jainas of the Tamil country affords historical support to the alleged antiquity of Jainism in Tamilnadu. The existence of Jaina pallis, sramaņas and their abodes in the Madurai-Tiruchirappalli region during this early period is clearly borne out by these inscriptions. Later inscriptions afford evidence that these caverns were occupied as late as the 12th century A.D.
The celebrated literary giant Kundakundācārya, who probably belonged to the 1st century A.D., is the earliest tangible historical personality in the annals of Tamilnadu Jainism. He is believed to have founded the Mula-samgha; tradition gives him the secondary name of Ēlācārya and attributes to him the authorship of the Tirukkural, revered by the Tamilians as the Tamil Vēda. The 2nd century A. D. saw Jainism making further strides in the Tamil country through the efforts of another important Jaina scholar, Samantabhadra, 'one of those prominent Jaina gurus of early times who were responsible for the diffusion of Jainism in the Tamil country'. The Kathakōṣas of Prabha1. K.R. Venkatarama Ayyar : Transactions for the Year
4
1957-58 Archaeological Society of South India, pp. 24-25.
P.B. Desai; Op. cit., p. 55.
2.
3. See below, p. 29
4. B.A. Saletore: Mediaeval Jainism (Bombay, 1938), p. 224; M.S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar: Studies in the South Indian Jainism (Madras, 1922), p. 44.

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candra (11th century) and Nēmidatta (16th century) describe him as the naked ascetic of Kāñcī.
Pujyapada was yet another Jaina luminary and the credit of reviving Kundakundācārya's Mūlasamgha under the name of Drāvida-samgha in the 5th century A.D. with Madurai for its headquarters, goes to his disciple Vajrañandi. “There is an account in the Periyapurāņam of a host of ‘Karnāțaka Jainas pouring into Madurai like a cloud-burst and uprooting the ruling dynasty ; this might have preceded the formation in that city of the Drāvida-sangha of the Jains by Vajraņandi ..... The Samgha perhaps became a proselytising centre with branches all over the Tamil country.” It was in the 5th century (in 458 A.D.) that the Lökavibhāga, a Digambara work in Sanskrit on Jaina cosmography, was copied by Sarvanandi in the village Pāțalikā, i.e., modern Tiruppādirippuliyūr (South Arcot District).
In the history of Tamilnāļu, the first three centuries of the Christian era have come to be popularly known to students of history as the "Sangam age' and it was during this age and in the three succeeding centuries that Jainism reached its zenith in the Tamil country. It was during the post-Sangam age (4th-6th centuries A.D.), an otherwise historically dark period, that most of the 'Eighteen minor works' (padineņkīļkkanakku) and the Silappadikāram and Manimekalai were written, many of them by Jaina authors. As for the prevalence
1. K.R. Venkatarama Ayyar, Op. cit., p. 25. 2. Mys. Arch. Rep., 1909–10, P, 45,

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and popularity of Jainism in Tamilnādu during the Sargam age, N. Subramaniam says “During the period lighted by the Sangam literature, we see as much of Jainism as of Buddhism but both are clearly subordinate to the indigenous practices of the Brahmanical Vedic religion. There were in important cities like Puhār a concentration of Jains known as the Samaņar and their places of stay were called Samanappaļļi or Amaņappaļļi. Cāvakar, (a common designation of a Jaina layman), a sect among Jainas, are mentioned in the Maduraikkāñci; they were householders observing religious observances; the lay Jains were called Ulaga-Nõņbigaļ. At Uraiyūr there was an Aruhan temple called 'Sri Kandappalli', also called ‘Nikkandappaļļi’(nikkanda = nirgrantha, a Jaina) or Nikkandakkottam' and the deity in the Uraiyūr Jaina temple was called 'Uraiyūr Sri Kõil Nāyaṇār'. Nikkanda-kkõttam was usually abbreviated as Kandakköțțam and it was easy to confuse this, at a later period, with a Murugan temple; the expression Kõţtam' usually associated with Jaina Paļļis will give away its origin, anyway.... The Amaņappaļļis were retiring or resting places of the Jaina anchorites and these places were surrounded by gardens full of flowering plants”.
We learn from the Maņimēkalai that the Jaina philosophical system was one of the subjects of study at Kāñcī, one of the most important centres of education in early South India'.
1. Samgam Polity (1966), p. 367. 2. The contents within the brackets are mine (-K.V.R.]
3. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri : A History of South India (III edn., 1966), p. 423.

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In the post-Sangam period, particularly from the sixth century onwards, Jainism claimed, off and on and in varying degrees, the patronage of such powerful dynasties as the Pallava, Pāņdya and Cāļa. Pallava Simhavarman (550-60 A.D.) of Kāñci and his son Simhavişņu (560-80 A.D.) were great patrons of Jainism. The Palļankovil copper-plate grant records' that Simhavarman'gave away, in the sixth year of his reign, the village called Sramaņāśrama or Amaņģērkkai to the great ascetic Vajranandi of the Nandi-sangha at the holy place Vardhamānēsvarā-dharmatīrtha for the purpose of worshipping the groups of Jinēndra, Jainēndras and Munindras. The mother of Simhavişņu was an ardent Jaina devotee and, according to the Hosakõţe plates of Western Garga Avinīta, she got constructed a temple for the god Arhat for the glory of her husband's family. Pallava Mahēndravarman I (580-630 A.D.) and Pāņdya Arikesari Parāňkuša Nedumāran (670-710 A.D.) were both Jainas by persuasion. “Under royal support Kāñci with the surrounding villages and Madurai with the surrounding hills teemed with a considerable Jain population, and the present day site of Jinakāñci bears sufficient testimony to this”4.
Nevertheless, Jainism did meet with stout opposition in Tamilnādu even from early times. “This was during the period of the 7th and 8th centuries A.D.
1. TASSI., 1951-59, p. 43. See below, Appendix, Inscription No. 5
2. Mys. Arch. Rep., 1938, pp. 80-90. 4. TASSI., 1957-58, p. 25. 3. P.B. Deşai: Op. cit., p. 81,

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to start with; and its opponents were the champions of the Saivite and Vaişñavite faiths of the Brahmanical religion. Almost simultaneously, under the leadership of Appar and Sambandhar, the advocates of the Saivite school launched ruthless attacks against the adherents of the Jaina law and earned signal success in the Pallava and Pāņdya kingdoms. Pallava Mahendravarman I and Pāņdya Neļumāran were converted to the Saiva faith, the former by Appar and the latter by Sambandhari.
The movement aimed at curbing the popularity and further growth of Jainism in Tamilnāļu, particularly in the Pāņdyan kingdom which had been practically permeated by Jainism in the 5th-6th centuries A.D., was spearheaded by the Saivite nāyaṇārs Tirunāvukkarasu or Appar and Tirujñānasambandhar and Vaişņavite älvärs Tirumališai, Tirumangai and Toņdaradippoţi. Appar, a contemporary of Pallava Mahēndravarman I, was a Saivite by birth but was drawn towards Jainism and he actually joined the Jaina monastery at Cuddalore, the South Indian Pāțaliputra, as a monk. However, through the persistent efforts of his elder sister, he not only re-entered the fold of Saivisın but also succeeded in converting the Pallava emperor, till then a devout Jain, to the Saiva faith. His younger contemporary Tirujñānasambandhar has the reputation of having vanquished all the Jaina scholars of Madurai, the Pandyan capital, and of having converted the Pāņdyan ruler, either Māžavar
1. TASSI., 1957-58, p. 25

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maṇ Avaṇiśūļāmaņi (A.D. 620-44) or his grandson Arikēsari Māravarman (A.D. 670-700), till then a Jain, to the Saiva faith. There is a tradition that the newly converted Pandyan ruler persecuted and impaled 8000 Jainas at the instance of Tirujñānasambandhar and a series of frescoes on the maṇḍapa of the famous Minäkşi temple tank at Madurai illustrates this gruesome event. Exaggeration apart, the Periyapurāṇam account of the saints and the hymns of Appar also make it evident that both in the Pallava and Pāṇḍya countries the Jainas were subjected to some degree of persecution in the 7th-8th centuries A.D. Of the āļvār saints, Tirumaliśai, an elder contemporary of Mahendravarman I, had for sometime been a follower of Jainism before he finally became an ardent Vaiṣṇava saint; Tirumangai, who lived in the middle of the 8th century and Tondaraḍippodi, who followed him a century later, included in their hymns attacks and invectives against Jainism1.
This organised and sustained campaign conducted during the 7th-10th centuries did finally break all tangible resistance on the part of Jainism which lost much ground in Tamiļnāḍu during the later part of Pallava and Pandya rule. Flourishing Jaina strongholds such as Pataliputra (modern Tiruppāpuliyūr, Cuddalore), Ārpakkam, Magaral and Madurai, lost their importance". In the subsequent period, the Cōļas, who were
1. See M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar : Studies in South Indian Jainism (1922, Madras), pp. 67, 79; K.A. Nilakanta Sastri: History of South India (III edn., 1966), pp. 424 and 426.
2.
TASSI, 1957-58, p. 25.

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ardent followers of Saivism, were not inclined to actively support the cause of Jainism. It may, therefore, be concluded that from the 10th century onwards Jainism lost its importance in the Tamil country after having thrived as a great vehicle of faith and knowledge for centuries at a stretch. Nevertheless, as one scholar has rightly pointed out', even during the period of it decadence, Jainism retained its intellectual vitality as is borne out by the composition of many books on grammar, lexicon and astronomy besides the Jivakacintamaņi, which made its appearance sometime after the 8th century A.D.; and Pavaṇandi's Nannūl was composed in the 13th century A.D. The occurrence of Jaina epigraphs right down to the 16th century. A.D. at Tirupparuttikkunram, popularly known as Jinakāñcī also attests to the fact that Jainism continued to be a religious force to reckon with atleast in some pockets in Tamilnāļu for long after its overall popularity had waned.
In attempting to delineate briefly the chequered history of Jainism in Tamilnāļu from the sixth century onwards, culling out and interpreting the information that is available from Jaina epigraphs, most of which find place in the appendix appearing at the end of this work, one can do no better than quote K.R. Venkatarama Ayyar.
“The vitality of Jainism was not exhausted, Saiva and Vaisnava opposition notwithstanding. Jaina
1. M.S. Ramswami Ayngar: Op. cit., p. 73. 2. TASSI., 1957-58pp. 25-28.

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scholars enriched the Tamil language, they composed elegant poems, wrote books on grammar and prosody, compiled lexicons, and presented lofty ideals of ethics in pithy verses. This gave them quite a strong hold on the minds of the people until after the ninth century, by which time had grown up a vast literature of Saivism and Vaişņavism. Both by example and precept monks and nuns in their monastic retreats influenced the lives of the people. Among such monastic centres were Chitral or Tiruccāņārrumalai (South Travancore) and Tirukkāttāmballi in KurandiVeņbunādu (Madurai-Ramnad). Ajjanandi Astöpavāsi, Guņasēna, Nāganandi, Guņavīra and others of these establishments were teachers of eminence. An inscription in the Aiññūrruva-peurmbaļļi (called after the merchant corporation, the 'Five Hundred') now in ruins at Tiruveņņāyil (now called Chettipaţti in Pudukottai), built during the reign of Rājarāja I (985-1016), mentions Matisāgara, the guru of Dayāpāla and Vādirāja. Ammāchatram (Pudukottai) had more than one palli, and inscriptions mention two ācāryas of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Choļavandipurm (South Arcot) and Tirumalai and Tirakköl (North Arcot) were other large centres mentioned in the inscriptions. At Tiruppānmalai (North Arcot) is an image of Nāganandi. Ariştanēmi, a pupil of Paravādimalla, lived in Tiruppāņmalai, where one of his pupils, the nun Pattținattuk-kuratti opened a celebrated nunnery. In the large monastery at Veļāl (North Arcot) misunderstanding arose among the monks on the one hand and the chief nun and her disciples on the other, and the intrepid nun took upon

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herself the responsibility of running the feeding house attached to the monastery. Kirapākkam (Chingleput) was the centre of the Yāpaniya-sangha, Kumila-gaņa. At Ponnūr (Sanskrit: Hemagrāma or Svarnapuri) Elācārya popularised the Jvālāmālini (Vahnidēvatā) cult and built a temple for that goddess. His teachings were later codified by Indranandi in his Jvālamalinikalpa. The Jinagiripalli at Anandamangalam (Chingleput) was a monastery of considerable importance, and so was Val?imalai where is enshrined the image of Devasēna, a pupil of Bhavanandin. A Munibhadra and Samantabhadra, disciples of Puşpasēna, figure in the inscriptions from Karandai (North Arcot). The grammarian Mandala puruşa and the prosadist Amitasāgara also deserve mention. And Jinakāñci (Tirupparuttikunram) boasts of a line of Rși-samudaya, among whom the names of Mallisēna, Vāmana and Puşpasēna are still cherished.
From the seventh century onwards, the Tamil country was studded with temples to Siva and Vişnu. The Pallavas, the Päņdyas and then the Cēļas set the lead by building new temples and richly endowing them. Since Jainism was no longer the faith of the ruling houses, the erection of prillis and temples was mostly the work of the Sangha drawing what help it could from the State, the local assemblies and the merchant guilds. Tamil kings on their purt were neither slow nor parsimonious in their benefactions to their Jaina subjects. The Sittaņņavāśai Jaina cave temple, which was till lately believed to have been built by Mahendravarman 1, is now known to have definite

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Pandya associations. The Candraprabha temple at Jinakañci was fostered by a Pallava king of the eighth or ninth century. Rajasimha II Pāṇḍya (900-920) endowed severa! palliccandams. Kundavai, sister of Rājarāja I, a princess remarkable for learning and charity alike, built two Jaina temples, one at Tirumalai and the other at Rājarājapuram (now called Dādāpuram) and these shared with the numerous Śiva temples that she built, costly presents of vessels and ornaments of gold, silver and pearls. Vīrāśōla, a Lāṭa vassal of Rajaraja 1, remitted at the request of his queen, taxes payable by the Tiruppāņmalaipalli. A perumballi at Karandai was named after VirarājēndraCola (1063-9) and another at Kuhur (Tanjore) after Kulöttunga I (1070-1120). Among the donors to the temple at Tirunarungondai (South Arcot) were Virkamacola (1128) and Vikrama Pandya (1187) and the Kadavarayas of Sendamangalam, and those of Sirrāmür and Perumandur (South Arcot) were the Sambuvaraya chiefs of the twelfth century. An image at Tudiyürmāmalai (Singipatti, Tirunelveli) was named after a minister of Maravarman Sundara Pandya II (1238-54). Pandya benefactions to the monasterics at Saḍayappārai, near Pudukottai town, and at Närttamalai are also on record. The incursion of an Oriya force under Kapilēśvara Gajapati (1465) as far south as the Kaveri left villages robbed and deserted, and temples of all the sects looted and closed. Sāļuva Narasimha (1486-91) restored worship in all these temples including the Jaina temples. and exempted their lands from taxes. The jodi imposed by the Vijayanagar agent Ramappa Nayak hit temples hard,

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and Krsnadēvarāya gave them relief by converting their lands into sarvamanya. Jinakāñci temples shared in the lavish endowments that Krşņadēvarāya (1509-29) made to religious institutions in the south. Acyutarāya's (530-42) gift to a Jaina temple at the request of Velur Bomma Nayaka (1532) also deserves notice.
That the grants of lands to jaina pallis were considered as sacred and irrevocable as dēvadanam or brahmadē yam lands is proved by the careful exclusion of all paļliccandam lands in sales or gifts of villages to Siva or Vişņu temple or private individuals. Like Siva and Visņu temples, Jaina temples also held lands in absolute ownership (tirunāmattūkkāņi) and also enjoyed lands made over for festivals (tiruvilāppuram), sivigaippuram, etc.,) and for specified services (tirupalli elucci), etc. The palsiccandam lands were demarcated by stones with triple umbrella carved on them (tirumukkudaikkal).
The establishment of Muslim rule in Madurai spelt the ruin of Jaina temples in common with those of the other sects. There was a partial revival under Vijayanagar rule: but the Nayak principalities of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries neglected Jaina institutions, which succumbed to inanition. Except in a few villages and towns such as Jinakāñci, Sirrāmūr, Tirumalai, and Kumbakonam, Jainism has practically disappeared form the Tamil country.'
The late Prof. Chakravarti's work which is now placed in the hands of the scholars in its revised and

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enlarged version, ably succeeds in narrating the glorious contributions made by Jaina scholars in the field of Tamil literature not only during the period of Jaina ascendancy in Tamilnādu but also in the subsequent centuries. Dr. A. N. Upadhye, who had rightly felt that the work, published more than three decades ago, would be much useful as a source book if it is made up-to-date and if neccessary references are provided, kindly entrusted the pleasant task to me at the instance of my vocational teacher and guide Dr. G.S. Gai, Chief Epigraphist, Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore. I am greatly indebted to Dr. Upadhye and Dr. Gai for the confidence they have reposed in
me.
In providing references, I have not merely confined myself to those source books which the late Professor might have consulted at the time of writing his book but have also referred to subsequent publications. I have also given detailed information in the footnotes on some works, not mentioncd by the author, which had subsequently been dicided upon as the creations of Jaina authors. At the instance of Dr. Upadhye, I have also provided, as far as possible, exhaustive lists of different publications and editions with regard to each of the works discussed by Prof. Chakravarti.
An important feature of this second edition is the inclusion of the texts of Tamil Jaina inscriptions. All of them are already published in different publications and are brought together here for the first time. These epigraphs are not only an index to the antiquity and

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popularity of Jainism in the Tamil country but also contain many words and expressions of lexical interest, justifying the claim of scholars that Jainism has made distinct contributions to the growth of Tamil language and literature.
I record my sincere thanks to the authorities of the Bhāratiya Jñānapitha, especially to its Secretary, Shri L. C. Jain but for whose personal interest this book would not have seen light so early as this. I also thank my friend Shri M. D. Sampath of the Institute of Kannada Studies, Mysore University, Mysore who has rendered me considerable help in correcting the proofs. My thanks are due to the Partners, Vidyāsāgar Printing and Publishing House, Mysore for their neat execution of the printing work.
In conclusion, I would like to add my voice to the hope expressed in the General Editorial that this revised edition of Prof. Chakravarti's “Jaina Literature in Tamil would prove “a substantial aid for further studies in Tamil literature'.
K. V. RAMESH
Mysore 13-11-1974

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PREFACE (First edition)
Jaina authors have made remarkable contributions to the various domains of Indian literature in Sanskrit, Prakrit and other languages. The classical dignity and literary refinement which Tamil and Kannada languages have reached are entirely due to the pioneer work of Jaina authors in the field. Jainism being a religion of pre-eminently humanitarian values, these authors have left behind a noble heritage for the benefit of the society through their literary productions.
In the following pages a modest attempt has been made to take a survey of Jaina contributions to Tamil literature. Prof. A. Chakravarti is a great Tamil scholar; and there could not have been a better choice for this undertaking. This survey, we are sure, would be quite useful for preparing a systematic history of Tamil literature on the one hand and for a comparative study of Jaina literature in different languages on the other.
It was very kind of Prof. Chakravarti to have allowed the Editors to publish this excellent essay in the Jaina Antiquary; for this they are highly thankful to him. It is their earnest desire to publish similar monographs in English on the Jaina contributions to Sanskrit, Prakrit, Kannada, Telugu, Hindi and Gujarati literatures with the co-operation of different specialists.
Thanks are due to Dr. Raghavan, Madras University, who kindly added diacritical points on Tamil words in the press-copy. The Table of contents and Index are added by Dr. A. N. Upadhye hoping that they would heighten the referential value of the book.

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Prof. A. Chakravarti Nayanar
A Biography
The late lamented Prof. Chakravarti was born in the year 1880. After passing his M.A. with distinction from the Christian College, Madras in 1905, he saw service for a year or two, first as teacher in the Wesley Girls' School and then as a clerk in the Accountant Gencral's Office, Madras. He entered the academic field in 1906 when he was appointed Assistant Professor of Philosophy in the Presidency College, Madras. He became Professor in 1917 and in the course of over three decades of useful academic career he served with distinction in the Government Colleges at Rajahmundry, Madras and Kumbakonam before finally retiring from active service as Principal in 1938. In the same year the title of Rao Bahadur was conferred upon him in recognition of the meritorious service rendered by him in the fields of learning, research and education.
A pious Jaina śrävaka and a deep scholar of Jainism, Prof. Chakravarti was also well-versed in the various schools of western philosophy and brought his wide learning and erudition to bear upon his studies of Jaina Philosophy. His introduction to the Pancusrikara (Arrah, 1920) is a valuable exposition of Jaina metaphysics and ontology. In 1937 he delivered Principal Miller Lectures which are published under the title 'Humanism and Indian Thought'.
The late Pros. Chakravarti has edited a number of Tamil works by Jaina authors with their commentaries and in some cases, with his learned exposition in English. For instance, Neelakesi, the text, and the commentary of Samaya Divākara Muni, along with his elaborate introduction in English, were published in 1936 (Madras); his edition of Tirukkural by Tēvar, along with the Tamil commentary by Kavirāja Panditar, has been published by the Bhāratiya Jñāna Pitha as No. 1 in their Tamil series, with an English

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introduction (Madras, 1949). Professor Chakravarti has also edited the Tirukkural with English translation and commentary and an exhaustive introduction which has been hailed as 'an indispensable aid to the study of Tirukkural'. He has also edited the Mērumandirapuranam in Tamil. His 'Religion of Ahimsa', a learned exposition in English of some aspects of Jainism, is published by Shri Ratanchand Hirachand (Bombay 1957).
He has written a commentary in English on the Samayasara of Kundakunda (Bharatiya Jñānapiṭha, 1971). Based mainly on the Sanskrit commentary of Amṛtacandra, his exposition and his evaluation of the contents of Samayasara have rendered the principles of Kundakunda intelligible to the modern world.
Besides contributing an elaborate and scholarly essay on Jainism in the perstigious publication 'Cultural Heritage of India', Prof. Chakravarti has contributed a number of essays and articles on Jainism, Ahimsa and contemporary thought to various other publications such as Philosophy of the East and West, Jaina Gazette, Aryan Path and Tamil Academy. Some of his papers are reprinted in the 'Yesterday and To-day' Madras, 1946. He was a member of a number of Associations and Institutions in Madras.
Prof. Chakravarti's abiding interest in Jaina Tamil literature prompted him to write 'Jaina Literature in Tamil' (Arrah, 1941), which highlights in a lucid way the noteworthy contributions made by Jaina authors to Tamil literature. Through the generous patronage of the Bharatiya Jñanapitha, of which Prof. Chakravarti was a wellwisher, this work is now being reprinted with the addition of useful references, index, an appendix of Tamil Jaina epigraphs and an Introduction. It is hoped that the present edition will serve the purpose of introducing to the world of scholars and rousing their interest in Tamil works on different subjects by Jaina authors of yore so that the pioneering work done by the late Professor will pave the way for further research and studies on Jainism in the Tamil country.

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JAINA LITERATURE IN TAMIL
A casual perusal of Tamil Literature will reveal the fact that, from the earliest times, it was influenced by Jaina culture and religion. It is a well-known fact that Jainism was a religion originated in Northern India and thus must be associated with Aryan culture. When the Jainas migrated to the South and how they came in contact with the original Tamilians are problems which still remain obscure. But some light may be thrown on these problems if we turn our attention to the fact that even from the earliest times of Aryan settlement in the Indus valley, there was a section among the Aryans which was opposed to the religion of sacrifice and which was standing by the doctrine of ahimsa. Even in the Ṛgvēda Hymns we have evidence to substantiate this proposition. The story of Sunaḥsepha, a Brahmin youth, who was released by Viśvāmitra from being sacrificed is an important fact. The conflict between the Rajarşi Viśvāmitra and Vasistha' probably represents the start
1 Ṛgvēda Samhita, I-24-12/13, V-2-7; For an English rendering, see R.T.H. Griffith: The Hymns of the Rigveda, Vol. I (1920), pp. 31-32, 467; See also, Vedic Index, Vol. II (1912), pp. 311, 385-86; Winternitz: A History of Indian Literature, Vol. I (1927), pp. 213-16; P.V. Kane: History of Dharmasastra, Vol. II (1941), p. 35; The Vedic Age (1951), p. 285.
2 Muir: Original Sanskrit Texts, part 1, pp. 75 ff.; Vedic Index, Vol. II, pp. 274-77; Weber: The History of Indian Literature (1914), pp. 37-38; The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Ancient
(Contd.)

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
ing point of a great conflict between the school of sacrificial ritualism led by brāhmaņa Ķşis and the anti-sacrificial doctrine of ahimsā led by the kşatriya heroes. Even in the Ķgvēda Samhitā we have references to ķşabha, Ariştanēmi”, the former the first of the Jaina Tīrthařkaras, and the latter the 22nd Tīrthankara, a cousin of Sri Krşņa.
When we leave the period of the Samhitās and enter the second period known as the period of the Brāhmaṇas, we come across some interesting facts relating to this cleavage among the Āryans. About this time the Āryans migrated towards the Gangetic valley, and they built kingdoms and settled down in the countries of Kāśī, Kõsala, Vidēha and Magadha'. Aryans living in these countries were generally designated as the Eastern Aryans (prācya) as distinguished from the Western Āryans living in the Kuru Pāñcāla countries of the Indus valley. The latter looked down upon the Eastern Aryans as distinctly inferior to themselves in as much as they lost the orthodoxy
India (1922), pp. 82-83; Winternitz : op. cit., pp. 402-03 ; V. Rangacharya : Pre-Musalman India, Vol. II, Vedic India, Part I (1937), pr. 191-95; The Vedic Age, p. 245.
1 Rgvēda Samhitā, VI-16-47, VI-28-8, X-91-14, X-166-1; See Vedic In:lex, Vol. I (1912), p. 115, wherein it is stated that the word Rşabha, occurring in the Rgrēda' is the common name of the bull'.
2. Rgvēda Samhita, I-89-6, 1-180-10, III-53-17, X-178-1.
3. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Ancient India, p. 117 ; The Vedic Age, p. 255.

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S
associated with the Kuru Pāñcāla Āryans. The Orientalists suggest ? that the Eastern Aryans in the Gangetic valley probably represent an earlier wave of invaders who were pushed towards the east by the later invading hordes who settled down in the Indus valley. It is necessary to hold some such view in order to explain certain fundamentale differences between the sections. The Brāhmaṇa literature distinctly reveals the existence of poltical and cultural differences between the two groups of Aryans. On several occasions, armies were led to the eastern country against the Eastern Aryans. But there are two or three important facts mentioned in the Brahmaņa literature which constitute interesting evidence as to the difference of culture. In the Satapatha Brahmaņa the orthodox brahmaņas of the Kuru Pāñcāla countries are warned about their treatment in the eastern countries of Kāśi, Kõsala, Vidēha and Magadha. It is mentioned there
I The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Ancient India, pp. 123-24.
2 Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp. 168-69 ; The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Ancient India, p. 123; V. Rangacharya: op. cit., pp. 349-50.
3 The Vedic Age, p. 255.
4 I am not aware of any such specific injunction in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa. However, Baudhāyana Dharmasastra, Mitāk sarä, the commentary on Yajñavalk ya-smrti and Aditya Puräņa speak of countries outside Āryāvarta, among them Kalinga in the east, as unfit for Brāhmaṇas. See P. V. Kane : History of Dharmasastra, Vol. II, part I, pp. 16 and notes and 18 and note; The Mahubhasya (Bombay), Vol. II (1906), pp. 119-20, 111-2-115. See J. N. Samaddar: The Glories of Magadha (Il edn., 1927), pp. 6 ff.

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that it is not safe for the brāhmaṇas of the Kuru Pāñcāla countries to go to these countries of the east 'because Aryans in these countries have forgotten their dharmas of Vedic ritualism; not merely that they have given up the sacrifice but they have started a new dharma according to which non-sacrificing is itself real dharma. What kind of respect can you expect from such a lot of heterodox Āryans who have lost reverence to dharma? Not merely this, they have also lost touch with the language of the Vedas. They cannot pronounce Sanskrit words with accuracy. For example, wherever ra occurs in Sanskrit words they can pronounce only la1.
A. CHAKRAVARTI
2
Again, in these eastern countries, kṣatriyas have attained social supremacy in as much they claim to be higher than the brāhmaṇas. Consistent with the social aggrandisement, the eastern Aryans led by the kşatriyas maintain that Rājasūya-yāga is the highest type of sacrifice as against the Vajapēya sacrifice which is the highest according to the orthodox Kuru Pañcālas. These are some of the reasons given why orthodox Kuru Pañcāla brāhmaṇas should avoid travelling in the eastern countries.
1 Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, III-2-1-23 and 24. However, while writing on Jainism elsewhere, the author attributes (The Cultural Heritage of India, Calcutta, p, 187) this statement on the language inferiority of the easterners to the Vajasaneyi Samhita.
2 Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 204, note 11.
3 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 281.

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Again from an evidence in the Pañcavimša Brahmana' it may be inferred that on certain periods antiritualistic sections among the Āryans were more dominant and thus preached against Indra worship which did involve sacrifice. The persons who preached against Indra worship and anti-sacrificial ritualism are described as yatis with clean-shaven heads. When Indra worship was revived once again by a powerful king, under the influence of the orthodox section, the revivalism led to the destruction of these yatis whose heads were cut off and cast to the wolves. These facts given from non-Jaina literature are of great value in as much as they give us an inkling as to the antiquity of the religion of ahimsā.
Now turn to the Jaina literature. What do you find there? Of the. 24 Jaina Tīrthankaras beginning with Rşabha and ending with Mahāvīra, all are from the kşatriya clan. It is said that Lord Rşabha, the first of the Tīrtharkaras, was the first to preach the doctrine of ahimsā and turn the attention of the thinkers to the realisation of Self or ātman by the path of tapas or yoga. Most of these Jaina leaders of religion are associated with eastern countries; Rşabha from Ayodhyā and Mahāvīra from Magadha and of the intervening 22 mostly from countries generally grouped
1 Pañcavimsa Brāhmaṇa, 8-1-4, 13-8-17, 14-11-28; Muir: op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 491-93; P.V. Kane: op. cit., Vol. II, part I, pp. 418-19.

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as Eastern Aryan countries.1 The language in which the Jainas preached their message was not Sanskrit, but a dialect of Sanskrit in the form of Magadhi Prakrit. The early sacred literature of the Jainas is mostly in Prakrit language evidently a spoken language of the masses in those days. This liberal section of the Aryans evidently adopted this spoken language for the purpose of preaching to the masses their religious doctrine of ahimsā.
A. CHAKRAVARTI:
3
When we come down to the period of the Upanişads we see again the clash between the two different cultures: the sacrificial ritualism of the Kuru Pañcālas and the atmavidya of the Eastern Aryans. The Upanişadic doctrine of atmavidya is associated mainly with kşatriya heroes, and scholars from the Kuru Pāñcāla countries are seen at the courts of these eastern kings,* waiting for the purpose of being initiated into the new wisdom of atmavidya. The Upanisadic world represents a stage at which these two sections were attempting to come to an understanding and compromise.
1 Jaini: Outlines of Jainism (1940), Table opp. p. 6; V. Rangacharya (op. cit., pp. 348-49) holds that Buddhism and Jainism were movements organised by the eastern Ksatriyas.
2 Winternitz: op. cit., Vol. II (1933), p. 427.
3 Winternitz op. cit., Vol. I (1927), pp. 227-32; See Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 272 wherein it is argued that 'the home of the philosophy of the Upanisads was in the Kuru Pāñcāla country rather than in the east'; but see below, p. 7, note 1.
4 Macdonell: A History of Sanskrit Literature (1925), pp. 213-14.

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King Janaka represents such a spirit of compromise and Yājñavalkya, an eastern Āryan scholar,1 probably represents the force that effected the compromise and adjustment. The old sacrificial ritualism, instead of being discarded altogether, is retained as an inferior culture side by side with the new wisdom of ātmavidya which is recognised as distinctly higher. Such a compromise, no doubt, was a victory to the orthodox section of the Āryans. But such a compromise must have been unacceptable to the members of the liberal school who must have stood aloof; that such was the fact is evidenced by a small instance mentioned in the Jaina Rāmāyaṇa. When there was a talk of Rāma's marriage mooted in Dasaratha's court one of the ministers suggested that Janaka's daughter Sitā would be the proper bride. But it was seriously objected to by many ministers who pointed out that Janaka was no more the follower of the doctrine of ahimsa in as much as he went back to the opposite camp. But it was finally decided that, from the political and military point of view, the alliance would be desirable in spite of this religious difference. This fact clearly suggests that Janaka was considered

7
1 The authors of the Vedic Index (Vol. II, p. 190) hold that the suggestion that Yajnavalkya was an eastern Aryan is not wholly acceptable. However, Macdonell, one of the authors of the Vedic Index, says in his History of Sanskrit Literature (1925) that certain passages of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa 'render it highly probable that Yajnavalkya was a native of Vidēha', which is an eastern country.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI : as one of the liberal Aryans till he changed side. It would not be far wrong to suggest that the Eastern Aryans who were opposed to the sacrificial ritualism and who were led by the kșatriya heroes were believers in ahimsă doctrines and as such the forefathers of the Jainas. This liberal school created out of itself, about the time of Mahāvīra, another radical school led by another kșatriya hero in the person of Gautama sākyamuni, the founder of Buddhism. In the life of Gautama Buddha the Sākya clan to which he belongs is traced? to the Ikşvāku dynasty which played a very important part in shaping the culture of ancient India. But even in Purāņic Hinduism the services of the kşatriya heroes are recognised in as much as they are elevated as avatāras of Vişnu for whom temples are raised and worship is conducted. It is strange that this doctrine of ahimsā should be preached by kşatriya heroes who were generally associated with military exploits and who went about with bow and arrow.
How ahimsā came to be associated with them remains a mystery. But the fact that they were the founders of the doctrine of ahimsā is a fact which cannot be doubted. That these kşatriya leaders, wher
1 For a detailed discussion of the sources which trace the origin of the Sākya clan to the Ikşvākus, see B. C. Law: Some Ksatriya Tribes of Ancient India (1924), pp. 162 f. Also see Sumangalavilāsini, part I, pp. 258-60 ; Mahāvamsa (Ed. Geiger), Chapter II, verses 1-24; Vişnu Purana (Ed. Wilson), Vol. IV, Chapter XXII, pp. 167-72; Mahāvastu (Ed. Senart), Vol. I, pp. 348-52.

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ever they went, carried with them their fundamental doctrine of ahimsā, preached against animal sacrifice and promulgated vegetarianism are facts which every student of Indian History ought to acknowledge. In the drama Uttararāmacarita by Bhavabhūti this fact is well borne out in one of the scenes laid in Vālmīki's asrama. Both Janaka and Vašiştha visit the āśrama as guests. When Janaka is entertained as guest he is given pure vegetarian food and the āśrama is cleaned and kept pure. But on the day when Vaśiştha visits the āśrama, a fat calf is killed in honour of his visit. One of the disciples of the āśrama cynically asks a codisciple of his whether any tiger had visited the āśrama; and the other rebukes him for his disrespectful references to Vaśiştha. The former apologises and explains himself by saying that, because a fat calf did disappear, I had to infer that some carnivorous animal like tiger must have entered the āśrama,' over which the former offers the explanation that the Rājarşi being a strict vegetarian must be entertained accordingly, whereas Vaśiştha not being a strict vegetarian was entertained to suit his taste. These facts clearly indicate the significance and potency of the ahimsā doctrine, and it is well reflected in Tamil literature after the migration of the Jainas to the south and due to their participation in the creation of Tamil literature. The early Jainas should have adopted the propaganda work of their
1. Bhavabhūti's Uttararāmacaritam (Ed. M. R. Kale, 1934, pp. 99-103), Act iv, dialogue between Sandhyātaki and Dāņdāyapa..

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
religion and hence they freely mixed with the aboriginal people of the land. This is again borne out by the fact of their friendly relations with the aboriginal people. The people of the land against whom the Aryans had to fight their way were called Dasyus, who, though described in uncomplementary terms elsewhere, are all described with a certain amount of respect in Jaina literature. To give one single illustration the monkeys and Rākşasas who figure in Vālmīki's Rāmāyaṇa are all described as Vidyadharas in the Jaina Rāmāyaṇa.' It is also clear from the Jaina literature that kşatriya heroes belonging to the Āryan clan freely married the princesses from the Vidyadhara clan. Such a matrimonial alliance, most probably contracted for military and political reasons, must have paved the way for the introduction of the ahimsă doctrine among the original inhabitants of the land. Some such reason must be assumed as the cause for the migration of the people from the north to the Tamil country and for introducing their culture, based upon ahimsā. The orthodox school of the Aryans must have appeared in the field of the Tamil country much later as is quite clear from the fact of later Hindu revivalism which led to the downfall of Jaina supremacy in the South.
The migration of the Jainas to South India is generally supposed 2 to be at the time of Bhadrabāhu,
1 Winternitz : op. cit., Vol. II (1933), p. 491.
2 The Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta tradition is of a fairly ancient origin. The Bșhatkathakośa of Harişēņa, a Sanskrit work of the 10th century, the Bhadrabāhucarita of Ratnanandi,
(Contd.)

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the guru of Candragupta Maurya. That at the approach of a terrible famine of twelve years in the North, Bhadrabāhu led a whole Jaina Sangha towards the Deccan, that he was followed by his disciple Candragupta who abdicated his throne in favour of his son and that they came and settled for sometime in the Mysore region that Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta lost their lives on Candragiri at Sravaņa Beļagoļa and the rest migrated to the Tamil country are facts generally accepted by oriental scholars. But, as I mentioned elsewhere, this could not be taken as the first approach of the Jainas towards the South. That the migration to the South must have been conducted with a hope of
another Sanskrit work of the 15th century, the Munivamšābhyudaya of Cidānandakavi, a Kannada work of the 17th century and the Rājāvasikathe of Dēvacandra, another Kannada work of the 19th century contain variant versions of this tradition. Some inscriptions in Sravanabeļagola (Hassan District, Karnataka State), ranging in date from the 7th to the 15th centuries A.D. (Ep. carn., Vol. II, Nos. 1, 31, 67, 166 and 258) and two 10th century inscriptions from the vicinity of Srirangapatna (Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Sr. 147-48) contain references either to the migration of Bhadrabāhu to the South or to him and Candragupta as master and disciple.
1 B. L. Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions (1909), pp. 3-9; R. Narasimhacharya : Ep. Carn., Vol. II (1923), p. 9; M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar: Studies in South Indian Jainism (1922), part I, South Indian Jainism, pp. 19-24; P. B. Desai : Jainism in South India (1957), pp. 26-27. However, see Ind. Ant., Vol XXI, pp. 156 ff. and The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. II, The Age of Imperial Unity (1951) where this tradition is held to be unacceptable.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI ::
hearty welcome from a friendly race for thousands of monks is the only reasonable suggestion. It is clear from the Hathigumphā inscription of Khāravēla that the Pandyan king sent shiploads of presents to King Khārayēla at the time of the latter's rājyabhișēka.That Khāravēla was an important Jaina emperors and that the Pandyan king was also the follower of the same religions are facts independently borne out by the inscription and Tamil literature. In connection with the Tamil work called Naladiyār, it is said that eight thousand Jaina monks who came and settled in the Pāņdyan country on account of the famine in the north wanted to go back to their country, which the Pāņdyan prince did not like. Hence they all left in a body the Pāņdyan capital, one night, each recording a stanza on a palm leaf which was left behind. The collection of these individual stanzas constitutes a book
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, pp. 71-89.
2 The relevant part of the text (p. 80, text line 13) says that Khāravēla caused horses, elephants, jewels and rubies as well as numerous pearls in hundreds to be brought from the Pāņdya king. There is no reference to Khāravēla's coronation and to ‘ship loads' in that context.
3 The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, Ancient India (1922), pp. 64, 166, 223; P. B. Desai : op. cit., p. 17.
4 Khāravēla's inscription does not say that the Pāņdya ruler was a Jaina by faith. Nor is it possible to deduce from available Tamil Literature that the Pāņdya contemporary of Khāravēla was a Jaina
5 The Naladiyar or The Four Hundred Quatrains in Tamil (Ed. G. U. Pope, 1893), General Introduction, pp. viii-ix,

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called Naladiyar ; and this tradition is generally accepted in the south both among the Jainas and the nonJainas. This fact also supports the view that even before the migration of Bhadrabāhu there must have been Jaina princes in the Tamil land. This naturally creates a problem as to the exact period of the migration of the Jainas to the Tamil land and what occasioned this. But it is enough for our purpose if we maintain that the introduction of Jainism in the south must be somewhere prior to the 4th century B. C. This view is in conformity with the conclusions obtained by the Tamil scholars after careful research. Mr. Sivaraja Pillai in his Chronology of the Early Tamils writes about the early Tamilians : “Before their contact with the Aryans, Dravidians, as I have elsewhere pointed out, were mainly engaged in buildng up material civilişiation and securing for themselves the many amenities of life, individual and communal. Naturally, therefore, their lives took on a secular colour and came to be reflected as such in the literature of that period. The impulse of religion, which came to possess them at a later period, was then absent. And when the first infiltration of the Aryans began, the Jains and Buddhists
1. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar : History of the Tamils (1929), p. 246; P. B. Desai : op. cit., pp. 25-26; M. S. Venkataswamy: S'ainanamum Tamilum (1959), pp. 36-40.
2 K. N. Sivaraja Pillai : Chronology of the Early Tamils (1932), pp. 15-19.

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seem to have been the earlier batch, all facts and traditions considered. These heretical sects finding in the Tamil land no Brahmanic religion on any scale to oppose had to contend themselves with the composition of works mostly ethical and literary. The Tamils too seem to have taken themselves readily to this impulse which ran in the direction of their national bent, and the second period accordingly was throughout ethical and literary in substance and tone and seems to have been ushered in by the writing of such works as the Kural, Tolkäppiyam, etc. The Hindu Aryans were the last to come, and with their arrival was opened quite a new channel of national activity into which the whole of Dravidian life and thought have flowed since."
A. CHAKRAVARTI:
We cannot talk of Tamil literature without reference to what is known as the 3 Sangams. Tamil literature, especially the latter one, refers to the 3 Sangams or Academies under whose guidance Tamil literature was cultivated. The story of the Sangam is shrouded in a good deal of mythology. In the earlier works supposed to be Sangam literature the several collections such as the 8 collections, the 10 idylls etc., there is no reference to Sangam literature." The modern oriental scholars rightly conclude that the
1 V.R. Ramachandra Dikshitar: Studies in Tamil Literature and History (1930), pp. 15-19; K. N. Sivaraja Pillai op.cit., pp. 19-20; U. V. Swaminatha Iyer: Sangattamilum Pirkalattamiļum (1934), pp. 18-20; M. Rajamanikkanar: Tamilmoļi Ilakkiya Varalaru (1963), pp. 35-42.
2 K. N. Sivaraja Pillai : op. cit., pp. 25.

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whole tradition is fictitious and was created by some fertile imagination. The same author Mr. Sivaraja Pillai, referred to above, after an elaborate discussion about the Sangam tradition, writes thusa -
“Reasons so many and substantial as these should lead any fair-minded scholar to reject the Sangam tradition as entirely apocryphal and not deserving of any serious historical consideration. It will, however, furnish a chapter in the study of myths and the psychological tendencies of the age in which it arose. Though worthless as testifying to any objective facts of Tamil history, the tradition itself claims our notice as a phenomenon of a certain type at a particular period of a nation's thought. I strongly suspect whether the eighth century tradition is not after all a faint reflex of the earlier Sangam movement of the Jains. We have testimony to the fact that one Vajranandi a Jain Grammarian and Scholar and the pupil of Dēvanandi Pūjyapāda, an accomplished Jaina Sanskrit Grammarian, in the Kanarese country, of the sixth century A.D., and the author of a grammatical treatise, “Jainēndra', one of the eight principal authorities on Sanskrit Grammar, went over to Madurā with the object of founding a Sangam there. Of course, that “Sangam' could not have been anything else than a college of Jain ascetics and scholars engaged in a religious propaganda of their own. This movement
1. Sce M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar : op. cit., pp. 161-66, App. c: The so-called Sangam Age.
2. K. N. Sivaraja Pillai : op cit., pp. 26-27.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
must have first brought in the idea of a Sargam to the Tamil country. It is more than likely that, following closely the persecution of the Jains ruthlessly carried out in the 7th century A. D., the orthodox Hindu party must have tried to put their own house in order and resorted to the creation of Sangams with divinity too playing a part therein, for the purpose of adding to the authority and dignity of their literature. It was the sacerdotal ‘Sangam' of the early Jains that most probably supplied the orthodox party with a clue for the story of a literary Sargam of their own on that model. The very name 'Sangam', unknown to the early Tamils, proclaims its late origin and to attempt to foisting the idea it signified on the so-called Sangam literature as its inspiring cause is little short of perpetrating a glaring and absurd anachronism.”
The only thing that I want to add to this is the existence of the Drāvida Sangha, otherwise known as Müla Sangha, about the first century B. C. at the southern Pāțaliputra, identified with modern Tiruppappuliyūr, a suburb of Cuddalore. This Drāvida Sangha
1 See Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV (1917-18), p.334; P. B. Desai (op. cit., pp. 48-49) says “Pāțaliputra in the South Arcot Dt. was another center of Jaina preceptors. The Digambara Jaina work named Lõkavibhäga which was rendered into Sanskrit by Simhasūri contains a reference to the effect that it was written (possibly in Prakrit) by Muni Sarvanandi in Saka 380 or A.D. 458 at a place called Pāțalikā in Pāņa Rāştra. This Pāțalikā has been identified with Pāțalipura, Pādirippuliyūror Tiruppappuliyūr, a suburb of Cuddalore in South Arcot Dt. It is believed that there existed the Drāvida Saṁgha in this place about the 1st century B.C."

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17 was presided over by Sri Kundakundācārya, a great Jaina teacher who is held in high veneration by the Jainas all over India. The attempt by Vajranandi to revive the Tamil Sangam in Tamil Nadu' implies rather the downfall of the earlier Müla Sangha associated with Sri Kundakundācārya. This fact is mentioned merely for the information of research students who may be interested in the chronology of the Jaina influence in the Tamil land. One rather interesting fact which deserves to be mentioned, in this connection, is the reference to the Prāksta language and its prevalence in all countries. The collection of sūtras supposed to be the remnants of the great grammatical
1. Dēvasēna, in his Darsanasāra, written in 853 A.D., says that Vajranandi, the pupil of Sri Pūjyapāda, founded the Drāvida Sangha in Mathurā in the South in V.E. 525 =468-69 A.D. -
Siri-Pujjapāda-sīso Dāvida-Samghassa-kārago duțțho 1 ņāmeņa Vajjaņaṁdi pāhuda-vedi mahāsatto 11 pamca-sae chal vise Vikkamarāyassa maraņa-pattassa 1
dakkhiņa-Mahurā-jādo Dāvida-samgho mahāmoho | (See JBBAS., Vol. XVII, part I, No. xlvi, p. 74 ; P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar : op. cit., p. 247).
It has been suggested elsewhere [T. V. Sadasiva Pandarattar: A History of Tamil Literature (250-600 A. D.), 1957 (Tamil, pp. 26-27)] that three works, Nariviruttam, Eliviruttam and Kiļiviruttam, the first one mentioned by the Saiva saint-poet Tirunāvukkaraśu and the next two mentioned by his contemporary, Tirujñāna-Sambandar, may be assigned to about the 5th century A.D., and that they were, in all probability, written by Jaina authors who belonged to the Jaina Sangha established at Madurai by Vajranandi.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
work of Agastya contains a section on northern languages, the Sanskritic languages. Here, after referring to Sanskrit and Apabhramsa, it speaks of 'Pahatam' as a language used by all the countries.1 On a former occasion we had to refer to the fact of Prakrta being specially associated with the Jaina leaders of thought in the North. A reference to this in the Tamil grammar as a language spoken all over the land is a very significant fact in as much as it would imply the early introduction of Prākṛta literature and the migration of Prakṛta-speaking people into the Tamil land. Another relevant fact is the description of vaḍakkiruttal or sallekhana found in some of the so-called Sangam collections. This vaḍakkiruttal is said to be practised by some kings who were followed by their friends. An important religious practice associated with the Jainas is known as sallēkhana. When a person, suffering from illness or otherwise, realises that death is at hand and that it is no use to waste time in drugging the body he resolves to spend the rest of his life in meditation and prayer. He no more accepts food or medicine till the end of life. This practice is called sallëkhana and a reference to this is found in the earliest Tamil collec tions where it is spoken of as vaḍakkiruttal.
3
1. Sentami! (Madurai), Vol. VIII (1909-10), p. 471, Përagattiyām, Vaḍapadappaḍalam. Pakatam is described therein as 'ella naṭṭilum iyalvadu', i.e. 'current in all countries'.
2. The Cultural Heritage of India (Ramakrishna centenary Memorial Volume), Vol. I, p. 187.
3. Puranaṇuru (Ed. by U. V. Swaminatha Iyer, 1894), Purams 65-66, 191, 214, 218-20, 223, 236; Sirupañcamülam, 73.

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19
There is some doubt as to the derivation of this word, though the significance is quite clear. All these facts taken together constrain us to believe that we have traces of Jaina influence discernible even in the earliest Tamil literature extant, not to speak of the Jaina contributions to the literature with which we are directly concerned.
1. Tolkāppiyam”—This authoritative work on Tamil grammar is supposed to be written by a Jaina
1. M.S. Venkataswamy (op. cit., p. 182) is of the opinion that vadakkiruttal is merely the Tamil equivalent of sallēkhanā. According to him the term originated from the fact that, since all the Tirthařkaras ended their worldly existence in the north, the Jainas, at the time of observing sallēkhana, faced the holy north and hence the term vadakkiruttal (vadakku= north, iruttal= seated' or lying). Also see N. Subramanian: Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index (1969), p. 729: “Vadakkiruttal : The penance of starving facing the north and self-immolation by slow starvation”.
2. The following are some of the editions, either in full or in part, of Tolkāppiyam and research treatises on that work :
(i) Colladikäram with Naccinārkkiniyar's commentary--Ed. by C.V. Damodaran Pillai, Nandana (1892);
. (ii) Tolcāpyam with Naccinārkkinier's commentaryEd. by S. Bavanandam Pillai, Vols. I and II (1916) and Vols. III and IV (1917);
(iii) Eluttadikäram with Naccinārkkiniyar's commentary---Ed. by T. Kanakasundaram Pillai, 2nd Edn. (1933);
.. (iv). Eluttadikäram and Colladikāram-Ed. by Namachchivaya Mudaliar (1922);
(v) Poruļadikäram--English translation by R. Vasudeva Sarma (1933);
(Contd.)

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
scholar. The fact is disputed by some scholars and various views' are entertained as to the religion of the author. We shall merely state some of the facts of internal evidence and leave it to the reader to judge for himself. Though it is a work of grammar, it contains a mine of information about the social polity of the early Tamilians; and research scholars are mainly dependent upon this work for information relating to the customs and manners of the early Tamilians. It has not been fully availed of by students of historical research. It is supposed to be based on earlier works on grammar such as Aindra which probably refers to a system of Sanskrit grammar. This is considered to be an authoritative work on grammar, and all later writers in Tamil language faithfully conform to the rules of diction enunciated therein. The author of this work, Tolkāppiyam, was supposed to be a student
(vi) Colladikāram with Śēnāvaraiyar's commentaryEd. by Arumuga Navalar (1934);
(vii) Eluttadikāravārāycci by V. Venkatarajulu Reddiyar (1944);
(viii) Colladikāram with an English commentary by P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri (Annamalai University Tamil Series, No. 9, 1945);
(ix) Poruļadikāram with Naccinārkkiniyar's commentary-Ed. by K. Sundaramurti (1965). 3 1. See K. Vellaivarananar: 'Tolkāppiyam', pp. 159-72 for the differing views of scholars on the religious leanings of the author of Tolkāppiyam.

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2
of Agastya, the mythical founder of Tamil literature.1 It contains a preface by a contemporary author, Panampāraṇār, who certifies that the Aindiram-niraiñca Tolkäppiyam, i.e., the Tolkäppiyam full of the Aindra grammar system, was read in the Pandyan assembly and approved by Adaṁkōṭṭāśān. Dr.Burnell maintains3 that the author of the Tolkäppiyam was a Buddhist or Jaina and that he is one of the unquestionably old Tamil authors. In the same preface of Panampāraṇār, Tolkappiyar is referred to as the "great and famous Paḍimaiyōn". The word Paḍimaiyōn is explained by the commentator as one who performs tapas. It is well known to students of Jaina literature that Pratima-yōga is a Jaina technical term and some Jaina yōgis were spoken of as Pradhana-Yogadhāris. On this basis,
5
p. 1.
1. The prefatory verses of Pannirupaḍalam, Purapporulveṇbāmālai and Agapporul-vilakkam make this claim. For relevant quotations, see K. N. Sivaraja Pillai: Agastya in the Tamil Land, p. 47.
2. The relevant lines read:
21
nilan- taru tiruvir-Paṇḍiyan avaiyattu arangaņai nāviņ nāṇmarai murriya Adankōṭṭāśārku ariltapatterittu.
See, also, S. Vaiyapuri Pillai : Tamil-ccuḍarmaṇiga! (1949),

3. The Aindra System of Sanskrit Grammar (1875). 4. 'Pal-pugal-nirutta Paḍimaiyōn'.
5. The commentator Ilampūraṇavaḍigal explains Paḍimaiyōn as 'tavav-ofukkattinaiy-uḍaiyōn', i. e., 'he who observes the norms of tapas'. Pratima is a Jaina technical term. It refers to the stages of religious life of a pious householder. There are eleven Pratimas.

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22
'A. CHAKRAVARTI :
.
scholars like S. Vaiyapuri Pillai' infer that the author of Tolkāppiyam was a Jaina by religion. The same author strengthens his conclusion by quoting the sūtrasa from Tolkāppiyam referring to the classification of jivas according to the sense-organs possessed by the jīvas. In the section called Marabiyal, Tolkāppiyam speaks of jīvas with one sense, such as grass and trees, jīvas with two senses such as snails, jīvas with three senses such as ants, jīvas with four senses such as crabs and jīvas of five senses, such as higher animals and jīvas with six senses such as human beings. It is not necessary for me to point out and emphasise the fact that this forms a philosophical doctrine of Jaina thought. This classification of jivas is found in all the important Jaina philosophical works both in Sanskrit and Tamil. Works, such as Mērumandirapurāņam and Nilakēsi, two of the important Jaina philosophical works, contain description of jivas in this manner. It is but natural to conclude that this refers to the Jaina conception of life, and it goes without saying that the author was well-versed in Jaina philosophy. There is one other fact, not noticed by the research students, which must also be considered as an important evidence in favour of this conclusion.
1. Sentamil, Vol. XVIII (1919-20), p. 339; S. Vaiyapuri Pillai : op. cit., pp. 7-11. Also see M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar: op. cit., p. 39, footnote 3.
2. The sūtras quoted by Vaiyapuri Pillai are Marabiyal, 27-33.
3. Mērumandira Purāņam, Vaccirāyudanaņuttam, 10, 11 ; Neelakesi (Ed. by A. Chakravarti, 1936), p. 139.

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23
In another sūtra in the same Marabiyal, Tolkāppiyam introduces the classification of literary works, according to Tamil tradition, into mudal-nül and vaļi-nūl, primary and basic work and secondary and derivative work. When he defines 'primary and basic work’, mudal-nūl, he speaks of mudal-nūl as that which is revealed by the Lord of Jñana obtained after complete liberation from karmas,' i.e., knowledge revealed by Sarvajña after karmakşaya. It is not necessary to emphasise the fact that, according to Jaina tradition, almost every writer would trace the first source of his information through his previous ācāryas and through gañadharas to the Tirthařkara himself propounding his dharma in the Samavasaraņa. But to every unbiased student who is acquainted with this Jaina tradition it would be clear that the reference contained in this definition of the basic work is distinctly a reference to Sarvajña-Vītarāga as the fountain source of all knowledge. From all these it would be clear that the view that the author was a Jaina is more probable than the opposite view. The persons who tried to reject this suggestion have cited no serious argument in support of their view. One critic refers to the fact that such a classfication of jivas as is contained in this work is also contained in an obscure tantra work. But the verses referred to are not fully quoted. Even granting for argument's sake that it is referred to in that tantra work, it will be of doubtful value as an
1. Vinaiy-ningi visangiyav-asivin mudanūl-āgum (Tolkāppiyam, 649).
Muņaivan kandadu

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24
A. CHAKRAVARTI:
evidence. Here it is necessary to point out that this classification of jivas based on sense-organs is not found in any of the other darsanas or systems of Indian thought. It is peculiar to Jaina philosophy and Jaina philosophy alone. We may leave further discussion of this point to other competent scholars interested in such research. It is enough for us to note, at this stage, that the composition of this work on grammar, one of the earliest Tamil works, was probably by a Jaina author who was equally well-versed in Sanskrit grammar and literature. As to the exact age at which it was composed there is a good deal of controversy,' and we need not enter into that discussion for the present.
This grammatical treatise consists of three great chapters Eluttu, Sol and Poru!-letters, words and meaning respectively. Each chapter consists of nine Iyals or sections. On the whole it contains 1612 sūtras. This forms the foundation of the later grammatical
1. V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar op. cit., pp. 132-35. For a well documented and convincing argument for assigning Tolkäppiyaṇār to the 4th-5th century A. D., see S. Vaiyapuri Pillai Tamil-ccuḍarmanigal (1949), pp. 27-39. In an equally painstaking dissertation K. N. Sivaraja Pillai arrives at the conclusion (Chronology of the Early Tamils, App. XV, 258-65, The Age of Tolkäppiyam) that the author of that work could not have lived earlier than the 6th century A.D. Among recent opinions expressed on the subject, that of M. Rajamanikkanar (Tamil-moļi Ilakkiya Varalāņu, 1963, p. 84) would place Tolkappiyaṇār in about 300 B. C.

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25
works in the Tamil language. Unlike the Sanskrit grammar or vyākaraṇa which has the 1st and 2nd alone, this contains three chapters, the third being on porul. This 3rd chapter contains a lot of extra-grammatical matter dealing with love and war, and thus offers many useful suggestions for reconstructing the history of the early Dravidians.
It is said that there are five commentaries on this treatise written by
1. lļampūrañar 2. Pērāśiriyar 3. Sēnavaraiyar 4. Naccinārkkiniyar
5. Kallādar The first is the oldest of the commentators and is generally referred to as “The Commentator' by the later ones.
This great work of Tamil grammar is assigned by tradition to the second Sangam period. We know that all the existing Tamil works are generally assigned to the last and the third Sangam period. Hence this Tolkāppiyam must be assumed to be anterior to practically the whole of the existing Tamil literature. This would be a curious tradition to be accepted, for it is not likely that a work of grammar would precede all the other works in a particular language. As a matter
1. Traiyanāragapporul with Nakkiraņār's commentary (Ed. by C. V. Damodaran Pillai, Vikāri), p.5.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI:
of fact, grammar is but a science of language codifying the literary usages and as such must presuppose the existence of a vast literature in that particular language. Even the Tamil grammarians have recognised this fact in as much as they speak of literature first and grammar second'. Hence if we are to accept the tradition that Tolkāppiyam belongs to the period of the middle Sangam, we have to assume a vast literature prior to that, now somehow lost completely. Such a supposition would not be altogether improbable, if we call to our mind the condition of the early Dravidian civilisation. About the time of Asoka, the Tamil land consisted of three great kingdoms, Cēra, Cāļa and Pāņdya. Asöka does not refer to having subdued these kingdoms. They are mentioned in the list as friendly states around the Aśokan empire. That the Tamil land contained excellent harbours, carried a flourishing sea-borne trade with the European nations around the Mediterranean basin, that the Tamil language contributed important words to foreign vocabulary* and that Roman gold coins indicating contact with the Roman empire are found in various places in the Tamil countrys are all facts well known to students
1. Radhagovinda Basak : Asokan Inscriptions (1959), p. 5. 2. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar : op. cit., pp. 189, 293-300.
3. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar : Ibid., pp. 36-43, 96-102, 12934, 192-206, 301-21.
4. Caldwell : A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages (1915), pp. 89-91 ; S. Vaiyapuri Pillai : History of Tamil Language and Literature (1956), pp. 8-10.
5. TRAS., 1904, pp. 623-34 ; Ancient India (Archaeological Survey of India, 1949), No. 2, pp. 118-19, 121.

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of history. This, taken together with the recent explorations and discoveries in Mohenjodaro and Harappa, reveals a civilisation prior to that of the Aryans1 and gives us an idea of the high state of civilisation that must have been attained by the early Dravidians. For the present all these would remain in the field of speculation till we come across sufficient evidence to reconstruct this early Dravidian culture. Since the extant Tamil literature is said mainly to belong to the 3rd Sangam period, most of the works that we are going to consider must be assigned to this period. This would probably mean from 2nd century B. C. to the 7th century A. D. Since the institution of the Sangam or Academy is taken to be a doubtful entity, the term Sangam is merely used as a conventional term to indicate a certain period in the history of the Tamils.
27
The classification of Tamil literature into three distinct periods, viz., natural, ethical and religious suggestedby Mr. Sivaraja Pillai may be taken as a convenient frame-work, since it broadly represents the historical developments of Tamil literature. Some of the ethical works such as the Kural and Nalaḍiyar are freely quoted in the later literature. Hence it could not be altogether a mistake if we suppose that ethical literature seems to be earlier than the kavya literature. In this group of ethical literature, the influence of Jaina teachers is

1. There is no unanimity among scholars on whether the Indus Valley (Harappa and Mohenjodaro) Civilisation is preAryan, Aryan or Dravidian.
2. K. N. Sivaraja Pillai: op. cit., pp. 8-10.

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28
ACHAKRAVARTI :
prominently felt. The two great works, Kuras and Naladiyār, were the work of Jaina teachers who settled down in the Tamil country.
Kural'—The ethical work called KuraỊ is a most
1. The following are the editions, either in full or in part of Tirukkural :
(i) Tirukkural, 11-20 adikārams-Ed. by U. Pushparatha Chettiyar, Madras, 1868;
(ii) Tirukkural, text - Ed. by U. Pushparatha Chettiyar, Madras, 1868;
(iii) Tirukkural with Saravanapperumālaiyar's commentary-Ed. by Karunananda Swamigal and Kesava Mudaliyar, Madras, 1869;
(iv) Nūjukura(100 select kuraļs)- Ed. by H. W. Lorry, Madras, 1870 and 1876;
(v) Tiruvaļļuvarin Kuraļ, text and commentary-Ed. by R. M. Babu, 1870;
(vi) Tirukkural with Padavurai, 31-40 adikārams with English translation, 1873;
(vii) Tirukkural-Ed. by Itta Kuppusami Nayudu, Madras, 1873;
(viii) Kufa! (Apattuppāl and Poruļpāl), text and commentary-Ed. by E. F. Hobusch, Tarangampadi, 1873;
(ix) Tirukkupaļ, text and commentary-Ed. by Veera sami Pillai, 1875;
(x) Tirukkural, text and commentary-Ed. by Ponnusami Mudaliyar, 1884;
(xi) Tirukkural-Ed. by Subbaraya Chettiyar, Madras, 1885;
(xii) Tirukkural with Parimēlalagar's commentaryEd. by Murugesa Mudaliyar, Madras, 1885;
(xiii) Tirukkural, text-Ed. by A. Ramaswami, Madras, 1886;
(xiv) The Sacred Kurraļ, text-Ed. with Translation by G. U. Pope, London, 1886;
(Contd.)

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29 important work in Tamil literature, judged from its popularity among the Tamil speaking people. It is composed in the form of couplets known as Kuralveņbā, a metre peculiar to the Tamil literature. The term kuraļ means “short' as opposed to the other type of veņbā which is also a metre peculiar to the Tamil litrature. The book derives its name Kurațfrom the metre employed in its composition. It is a work based on the doctrine of ahimsä; and throughout, you have the praising of this ahimsa-dharma and the criticism of views opposed to this. The work is considered so important by the Tamils that they use various names to designate this great work, such as Uttaravēda, Tamilvēda, 'divine scripture,' 'the great truth,' 'non-denominational Vēda' and so on. The work is claimed by
(xv) Tirukkural with Parimēlaļagar's commentary--Ed. by S. P. Rajaram, Madras, 1907;
(xvi) The Kural or The Maxims of Tiruvaļļuvar--English Translation by V. V. S. Aiyar, Madras, 1915, 1925, 1952, 1961;
(xvii) Tirukkural, Asattuppăl with Parimēlalagar's commentary (with notes by V. M. Sadagoparamanujacharya Swamigal), 1937;
(xviii) Tirukkural-Poruspal and Kamattuppal with Parimēlalagar's commentary, 1938;
(xix) Tirukkural-Kāmattuppăl with Kalingar and Paripperumāļ's commentaries--Ed. by T. P. Palaniappa Pillai, Tirupati, 1945;
(xx) Tirukkural - Poruļpal with Kalingar and Paripperumāļ's commentaries-Ed. by T.P. Palaniappa Pillai, Tirupati, 1948;
(xxi) Tirukkural, text, Tamil Paraphrase, English translation-Ed. by A. Ranganada Mudaliar, Madras, 1949;
(xxii) Tirukkural, text, commentary and exhaustive introduction-Ed. by A. Chakravarti, 1949.

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almost all the religious sects of the Tamil land. The Saivaite claims that it was composed by a Saivaite author. The Vaişņavaites claim it as their own. The Reverend Pope who translated this into English even suggests that it is the work of an author influenced by Christianity. The fact that the different communities are vying with one another in their claim to the authorship of this great work is itself an indication of its great eminence and importance. In the midst of all such various claimants we have the Jaina who maintains that it is the work of a great Jaina ācārya. The Jaina tradition associates this great ethical work with Ēlācāriyar which is the other name for Srī Kundakundācārya. The period of Sri Kundakundācārya is covered by the later half of the first century B. C. and the former half of the first century A. D. We have referred to Sri Kundakundācārya as the chief of the Dravidian Sangha at southern Pāțalīpura.*
We are not merely to depend upon this tradition to base our conclusions.
We have sufficient internal evidence as well as circumstantial evidence to substantiate our view. To any unbiased student who critically examines the con
.. 1. See V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar: op. cit., pp. 136-38 where Tiruvaļļuvar's religious outlook is discussed vis-a-vis Christianity, Jainism, Buddhism, Vaişņavism and Saivism.
2. The Sacred KurraỊ (1886), Introduction, pp. ii-iv and vi. 3. M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar : op. cit., pp. 43-44. 4. Above, pp. 8-9.

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1
tents of this work it would be quite clear that it is replete with the ahimsā doctrine and therefore must be a product of Jaina imagination. Unbiased Tamil scholars who are entitled to pronounce opinion on this point have expressed similar opinion as to the authorship of this work. But the majority of the Tamil scholars among the non-Jainas are not willing to accept such a verdict based upon scientific investigation This opposition is mainly traceable to religious feeling. About the time of the Hindu revival (about the 7th century A. D.) the clash between the Jaina religion and the Vedic sacrificial religion of the Hindu reformers must have been so tremendous that echoes of it are felt even now. In this conflict the Jaina teachers were evidently worsted by the Hindu revivalists who had the support of the newly converted Pāņdyan king on their side. As a result of this it is said that several Jaina teachers were put to death by impaling them.' How much of this is history and how much of this is the creation of fertile imagination fed by religious animosity, we are not able to assess clearly. But even to this day we have this story of impaling the Jainas painted on the walls of the Madurā temple, and annual festivals are conducted celebrating the defeat and destruction of religious rivals. This would give us an insight into the attitude of the Tamil scholars towards
1. Caldwell (A Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Languages, II edn., 1875, Introduction. pp. 139-40) is of the opinion that it was Sundarapāņdya, a Pāņdya ruler of the 12th century, who was responsible for the persecution of the Jains of the Tamil country.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
the early Jainas. It is no secret, therefore, that they generally resent the very suggestion that this great ethical work must have been written by a Jaina scholar.
According to one tradition the author of this work is said to be one Tiruvalluvar about whom nothing is known except what is concocted by the imagination of a modern writer who is responsible for the fictitious story relating to Tiruvalluvar. That he is born of a Cāņdāla woman, that he was a brother and contemporary of almost all great Tamil writers are some of the absurd instances mentioned in this life of Tiruvalluvar. To mention it is enough to discredit it. But the more enthusiastic among the modern Tamil scholars and modern Tamils have elevated him into a Godhead and built temples in his name and conducted annual festivals analogous to the festivals associated with the other Hindu deities. And the author is claimed to be one of the Hindu deities and the work is considered to be the revelation by such a deity. From such quarters, one cannot ordinarily expect application of historical criticism. So much so, whenever any hypothesis is suggested as a result of critical examination of the contents, it is rejected with a vehemence characteristic of uninstructed religious zeal. Many so-called critics who have written something or other about this great work have been careful to maintain that peculiar intellectual attitude which Samuel Johnson had when
1. G. U. Pope: The Sacred Kurra! (1886), Introduction,
pp. i-ii.

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33
he had to report the proceedings of the House of Commons. He was particular to see that the Whigs had not the better of it. When such is the general mentality of the Tamil students and when the real spirit of research adopting the scientific and historical method is still in its infancy, it is no wonder that we have nothing worth the name of Tamil literature. Hence we are handicapped in our own attempt in presenting anything like a historical account of Jaina literature.
Turning from this digression to an examination of our work, we have to mention certain salient facts contained in the book itself. The book contains three great topics, aram, poruļ, inbam i.e., dharma, artha and kāma. These three topics are interpreted and expounded as to be in thorough conformity with the basic doctrine of ahimsā. Hence it need not be emphasised that the terms here mean slightly different from what they imply in the ordinary Hindu religious works. Later Hindu religious systems, in as much as they are resting on the Vedic sacrificial ritualism, cannot completely throw overboard the practice of animal sacrifice enjoined in the Vedas. The term dharma could mean, therefore, to them only varṇāšramadharma based upon Vedic sacrifice. Only three Indian systems were opposed to this doctrine of Vedic sacrifice: Jaina darśana, Sānkhya darsana and Bauddha darśana. Representatives of these three darśanas were present in the Tamil land in the pre-revivalistic period. In the very

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
beginning of the work, in the chapter on dharma, the author gives this as his own view that it is far better and more virtuous to abstain from killing and eating any animal than to perform 1000 sacrifices. This one single verse is enough to point out that the author would not have acquiesced in any form of such sacrificial ritualism. The verse is nothing more than the paraphrase of the Sanskrit words ahimsā paramo dharmaḥ. I was surprised to see this same verse quoted by a Saivaite Tamil scholar to prove that the author had as his religion Vedic sacrificial ritualism.
In the same section devoted to vegetarian food the author distinctly condemns the Bauddha principle of purchasing meat from the butcher. Buddhists who offer lip service to the doctrine of ahimsa console themselves by saying that they are not to kill with their own hands but may purchase meat from the slaughter-house. The author of the Kuraļ in unmistakable terms points out that the butcher's trade thrives only because of the
1. The relevant kural reads :
Avi-sorind -äyiram vët tali-onran
uyirsegutt-unņāmai nanru (1-26-9). ‘Than thousand rich oblations, with libations rare,
Better the flesh of slaughtered beings not to share'. (G.U. Pope).
2. The relevant kural reads :
Tinar-porut tur-kollad-ulageņin yürumi
vilai-pporuļļāl-unraruvür-il (1-26-6). "We eat the slain', you say, 'by us no living creatures die; Who'd kill and sell, I pray, if none come there the flesh to buy?' (G.U. Pope).

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demand for meat. The butcher's interest is merely to make money and hence he adopts a particular trade determined by the principle of 'supply and demand.' Therefore the responsibility of killing animals for food is mainly on your head and not upon the butcher's. When there is such an open condemnation of animal sacrifice sanctioned by Vedic ritualism and the Buddhistic practice of eating meat by a convenient interpretation of the ahiņsā doctrine, it is clear by a process of elimination that the only religion that conforms to the principles enunciated in the book is the religion of ahimsā as upheld by the Jainas. It is maintained by a well-known Tamil scholar living, that the work is a faithful translation of the Dharma-śāstra by Bodhāyana. Though very many Sanskrit words are found in this work and though from among the traditional doctrines some are also treated therein, still it would not be accurate to maintain that it is merely an echo of what appeared in the Sanskrit literature because many of these doctrines are re-interpreted and re-emphasised in the light of the ahimsa doctrine. It is enough to mention only two points. This Bödhāyana-Dharmasästra, since it is based upon the traditional varņāsrama, keeps to the traditional four castes and their duties. According to this conception of dharma, cultivation of the land is left to the last class of sūdras and would certainly be infra dig for the upper classes to have any
1. Cl. eg. Baudhayana-Dharma-sūtra (Kashi Sanskrit Series, No. 104, Benaras, 1934), Ist praśna, 16th khanda, 1st sütra : 'Catvärö varṇä brahmaņa-kşatriya-vių-südrāḥ'.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
thing to do with agriculture'. The author of the Kuraļ, on the other hand, probably because of the fact that he is one of the vēļāļa or the agricultural class of the land, placed agriculture first among the professions. For he says, “living par excellence is living by tilling the land and every other mode of life is parasitical and hence next to that of the tiller of the soil.”2 It is too much to swallow that such a doctrine is borrowed from the Sanskrit Dharma-śāstras. Another interesting fact mentioned in the Dharma-śāstras is the mode of entertaining guests by the householders. Such an entertainment is always associated with killing a fat calf; the chapter on guests in Bödhayana-Dharma-śāstra gives a list of animals that ought to be killed for the
1. Dharma-sästra authors are not unanimous in assigning specific duties and functions to the four castes. While Manu (Manu-smști-Ed. by Vasudeva Sarma, Bombay, 1925, chapter 13) prohibits brāhmaṇas and ksatriyas from cultivation of land which, according to him, is the duty of the vaisyas, Bödhāyana (Baudhāyana-Dharma-sūtra, Kashi Sanskrit Series, No. 104, Benaras, 1934), who also assigns cultivation of land as the task of the vais yas (1st praśna, 18th khaņda, 4th sūtra: Vitsv-adhyayanayajana-dana-krși-vānijya-pasupalana-samyuktam karmaņām vşdhyai), prohibits the brāhmaṇas from cultivating lands only if that should come in the way of their Vedic studies (ibid., 1st praśna, 10th khanda, 31st sūtra: Vēdaḥ kṣşi-vināśāya krşir-Vēda-vinäś ini I Saktinān-ubhayam kuryād-asaktas-tu krșiin tyajet 11).
2. The relevant kural reads:
uļud-undu vāļvārē vāļvār marr-ellantoļud-undu pin-selbavar (2-104-3). 'Who ploughing eat their food they truly live; The rest to others bend subservient, eating what they give'. (G. U. Pope).

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purpose of entertaining guests. This is a necessary part of dharma and that violation of it will entail curse from the guests is the firm belief of those who accept Vedic ritualism as religion. A cursory glance at the corresponding chapter in the Kural will convince any reader that dharma here means quite a different thing from what it means in the DharmaŠāstras of the Hindus. Hence we have to reject this suggestion that the work represents merely a translation of the Dharma-śāstras for the benefit of the Tamil reading public.
Turning to circumstantial evidence, we have to note the following facts. The Jaina commentator of the Tamil work called Nilakēši freely quotes from this Kuraļ; and whenever he quotes he introduces the quotation with the words “as is mentioned in our scripture."3 From this it is clear that the commentator considered this work as an important Jaina scripture in Tamil. Secondly, the same implication is found in a non-Jaina Tamil work called Prabodhacandrõdaya“. This Tamil work is evidently modelled
1. Baudhāyana-Dharma-sūtra, 3rd praśna, 3rd khanda, 6th sutra.
2. Tirukkural, Arattuppāl, chapter 9, verses 1-10.
3. The expression used by the commentator, emm-öttu, is rendered into English by M. S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar (op. cit., pp. 42-43) as 'Our own Bible'.
4. The following are the editions of this work :
(i) Prabodhacandrõdayam-Ed. by Arumugaswamigal, 1876;
(Contd.)

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
after the Sanskrit drama Prabodhacandrõdaya. This Tamil work is in viruttam metre, consisting of four lines. It is also in the form of a drama where the representatives of the various religions are introduced on the stage. Each one is introduced while reciting a characteristic verse containing the essence of his religion. When the Jaina sanyāsi appears on the stage, he is made to recite that particular verse from the Kura! which praises the ahimsā doctrine that “not killing a single life for the purpose of eating is far better than performing 1000 yāgas.” It will not be far wrong to suggest that in the eyes of this dramatist the Kuraļ was characteristically a Jaina work. Otherwise he would not have put this verse in the mouth of the nigantavādi. This much is enough. We may end this discussion by saying that this great ethical work is specially composed for the purpose of inculcating the principle of ahimsă in all its multifarious aspects, probably by a great Jaina scholar of eminence about the first century of the Christian era.
This great ethical work, which contains the essence of Tamil wisdom, consists of three parts and of 133 chapters. Each chapter contains 10 verses.
(ii) Prabodhacandrõdayam-Ed. by Subbarayaswamigal, Ramanuja Mudaliar and Venkataramayyar, Madras,
1898. 1. See, above, p. 34, footnote 1.
2. S. Vaiyapuri Pillai (History of Tamil Language and Literature, 1956, pp. 81-85) is of the view that Tiruvalluvar lived about 600 A.D.
wote 1

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JAINA LITERATURE IN TAMIL Thus we have 1330 verses in the form of couplets. It has three or four important commentaries. Of these, one is by the great commentator Naccinārkkiniyar. It is supposed to be by a Jaina according to the Jaina tradition, but is unfortunatety lost to the world. The commentary that is popular at present is by one Parimēlaļagar and it is certainly later than Naccinārkkiniyar's and differs from the latter in the interpretation of many important points. Recently another commentary by Maņakkudavar was published. Students of Tamil literature entertain the hope of obtaining and and publishing the commentary by the great Naccinārkkiniyar. But up to the present there has not been any trace of it.
The work is translated into almost all the European languages, the very good English translation being the the work of Rev. G. U. Pope. This great work, together with the other work Naladiyār, of which we shall speak presently, must have been one of the important factors in shaping the character and ideals of the Tamil people. Speaking of these two ethical masterpieces, Dr. Pope writes as follows:- “Yet pervading these verses there seems to me to be a strong sense of moral obligation, an earnest aspiration after righteousness, a fervant and unselfish charity and generally a loftiness of aim that are very impressive. I have felt sometimes as if there must be a blessing in
1. G. U. Pope: The Nālaţiyār or the Four Hundred Quatrains in Tamil (1883), General Introduction, p. xi.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI : store for a people that delight so utterly in composition thus remarkably expressive of a hunger and thirst after righteousness. They are the foremost among the peoples of India, and the Kuraļ and Nāladi have helped to make them so.”
Let us turn our attention to the last mentioned work Nālaạiyār". Kuraļ and Naladiyār serve as mutual commentaries and together throw a flood of light upon the whole ethical and social philosophy of the Tamil people." Nalaţiyār derives its name from the nature of the metre, just as the Kura!. Naladiyar means a quatrain or 4 lines in veņbā metre. The work consists of 400 quatrains and is also called the Vēļāļar-vēdam,
1. The following are the editions of Naladiyār :
(i) Nālad iyār, text-Ed. by U. Pushparatha Chettiyar, Madras, 1869;
(ii) Naladiyār (Naladi-nāņūru), text and commentary-Ed. by U. Pushparatha Chettiyar, Madras, 1873;
(iii) Nāladiyār, text and commentary-Ed. by Maunaguru Rudramurthi, 1883;
(iv) Nāladiyār, text and explanatory notes, Madras, 1885;
(v) Nālaạiyār, text-Ed. by A. Ramaswamigal, Madras, 1886;
(vi) Naladiyār, text, commentary and English translation, Madras, 1892;
(vii) The Nāladiyār or The Four Hundred Quatrains in Tamil-Ed. with English translation by G. U. Pope,
Oxford, 1893.
2. G. U. Pope: The Naladiyār or The Four Hundred Quatrains in Tamil, Oxford, 1893, General Introduction, p. xi.

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the Bible of the cultivators. It is not the work of a single author. Tradition supposes that each verse is composed by a separate Jaina monk. The current tradition is briefly this. Once upon a time 8000 Jaina ascetics, driven by famine in the north, migrated to to the Pāņdyan country whose king supported them. When the period of famine was over they wanted to return to their country, while the king desired to retain these scholars at his court. At last the ascetics resolved to depart secretly without the knowledge of the king. Thus they left in a body one night. In the next morning it was found that each had left on his seat a palm leaf containing a quatrain. The king ordered them to be thrown into the river Vaigai, when it was found that some of the palm leaves were seen swimming up the river against the current and came to the bank. These were collected by the order of the king and this collection is known by the name Nalaţiyār. We are not in a position to estimate the amount of historical truth contained in this tradition. We have to connect these 8000 Jaina ascetics with the followers of Bhadrabāhu who migrated to the south on account of the 12 years famine in northern India ; and this would place the composition of this work somewhere about the 3rd century B.C. We cannot dogmatise upon it. All that we can say, with a certain amount of certainty, is that it is one of the earliest didactic works in the Tamil language and is probably of the same age or slightly
1. See G. U. Pope : Ibid., p. vii.
2. G. U. Pope : Ibid., p. viii; M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar : op. cit., pp. 56-67.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
earlier than the Kural. The 400 isolated stanzas are arranged according to a certain plan after the model of the Kural. Each chapter consists of 10 stanzas. The first part on aram i.e., dharma, consists of 13 chapters and 130 quatrains. The second section on poruļ i.e., artha, contains 26 chapters and 260 quatrains; and the 3rd chapter on 'love' contains 10 quatrains. Thus 400 quatrains are arranged into 3 sections. This arrangement is attributed by one tradition to the Pāņdya king, Ugraperuvaludi,' and by another tradition to the Jaina scholar named Padumaņār. Of the 18 didactic works in the Tamil language Kural and Naladiyār are considered to be the most important. The moral principles enunciated in this work are accepted by all classes without any difference of caste or religion. The traditional course of Tamil study necessarily involves the study of these two works.
1. According to tradition only Aganāņūsu and not Naladiyār was caused to be compiled by Ugraperuvaludi. See P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar : op cit., p. 156; M. Rajamanikkanar: op cit., p. 129. On the other hand, M. S. Purnalingam Pillai (Tamil Litetature, 1929, p. 68) speaks of a tradition according to which Naladiyār was compiled under the auspices of the Sangam established by Vajranandi, a Jaina, at Madurai, in about 450 A.D. The origin of this tradition, obviously quite a late one, must be attributed to the confusion which characterises the legend of the Sangams.
2. G. U. Pope : The Naladiyār or The Four Hundred Quatrains in Tamil, Oxford, 1893, General Introduction, p. ix; V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar: op cit., pp. 38-39.
3. i.e. 'Padinen-kilkkaņakku, which is generally rendered into English as 'The eighteen minor poems'. For a list of the 18 works and their authors, see M. S. Purnalingam Pillai: op cit., p. 68.

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43 None is entitled to be called a Tamil scholar unless he is thorough with these two great works.
On account of the word Muttaraiyar which occurs in one or two quatrains, it is contended by some scholars that the work must be brought down to this side of the 8th century. They take their stand on the fact that this word Muttaraiyar refers to a minor chief within the Pallava empire.” This conclusion is entirely resting upon a meagre philological evidence of this single word. There is no further evidence to connect this chieftain with the Jaina ascetics who were no doubt responsible for the composition of the quatrains. On the other hand, the word Muttaraiyar may very well be interpreted as "King of pearls” referring to the Pāņdya kings. It is a well-known fact of ancient history that pearl-fishery was an important industry of the Pāņdyan country, and that pearls were exported to foreign countries from the Pāņdyan ports. It is but fitting and natural that the Jaina munis should pay a glowing compliment to their patron belonging to the Pāņdya dynasty. There is another line of arguement
1. The references to Muttaraiyar occur in stanzas 200 and 296 of the Nāladiyār.
2. S. Vaiyapuri Pillai (History of Tamil Language and Literature, 1956, p. 19), for instance, says : 'The Muttaraiya family came into prominance only at the beginning of the seventh century and Peru-muttaraiyar referred to was most probably Perum-bidugumuttaraiya, the feudatory of Paramēšvaravarman Pallava I who had the title perum-hiềugu and who flourished in the middle of the seventh century'.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
which tries to bring the age of this work to the later period of the Christian era. Scholars are of opinion that several stanzas in this work are but the echo of the Sanskrit work by Bhartphari. Bhartshari's Nitišataka was composed about 650 A. D. and, therefore, Naladiyar is supposed to be later than the 7th century A.D. This arguement must also be rejected, because the Jaina scholars who are experts in both the languages, viz., Tamil and Sanskrit, were probably acquainted with certain old Sanskrit sayings that were perhaps incorporated by Bhartshari in his work. Even if you maintain that the Jaina ascetics responsible for the Nāladiyār were probably members of the Drāvida Sangha presided over by Sri Kundakundācārya, the work could not be assigned to a period later than the first century A.D. It is relevant to mention, in this connection, that quatrains from this Naladiyār are found quoted in the well-known commentaries in Tamil language from very early times. Besides these two great works, several others (such as Aranericcāram 'the essence of the way of virtue', Palamoli, “Proverbs', Ēlādi, etc.) included in the 18 didactic works, probably owe their origin to Jaina authors. Of these we may notice a few in short.
1. Aranericcāram — The essence of the way of virtue' is composed by a Jaina author by name
1. Most of the lists of Padinen-kilkkaņakku works do not include Aranericcāram. This is generally accepted to be the work of a Jaina poet, Tirumunaippādiyār, who is assigned by some
(Contd.)

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Tirumunaippādiyār. He is said to have flourished in the last Sangam period. He describes in this great work five moral principles, associated with Jainism, though common to the other religions in the south. These principles go by the name of pañca-vratas, the five rules of conduct governing the householder as well as the ascetic. These are ahimsā (non-killing), satya (truth-speaking), astēya (non-stealing), brahmacarya and parimita-parigraha (avoiding unnecessary luxury and paraphernalia and limiting oneself to the bare necessities of life). These constitute the five-fold principles of ethical conduct, and they are enunciated in this work called Aranericcāram.
2. Paļamoļil or “Proverbs’-—The author is a Jaina by name Munrurai-araiyaņār?. It contains 400
scholars to the first half of the 13th century A. D. Aranericcaram, which treats its subject under three major heads, viz., kāțci, olukkam and jñünam, and consists of 222 veņbä stanzas, is taken to have been influenced by Arungalacceppu, another Jaina didactic work. It is interesting to note that Tirumuņaippādiyar refers to the Arhat as Sivan in his work. See Tamil-kkaļañjiyam, Vol. I (1954), p. 260. An edition of Arungalacceppu, under the title Tirukkalambagam, was brought out at Kanchipuram in 1883. 1. The following are the editions of this work:
(i) Palamoļi, text and commentary-Ed. by Narayana Ayyangar, Madurai, 1918.
(ii) Paļumo!i-Ed. by T. Chelvakesavaroya Mudaliar, Madras.
2. The name Munrurai-araiyan is taken to indicate that the author, whose proper name is otherwise unknown, was a chieftain (araiyan) of Munrurai, a place not yet identified. Pala
(Contd.)

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A. CHAKRAVARTI:
quatrains of veṇbā metre like the Nalaḍiyar. It consists of valuable old sayings containing not merely principles of conduct, but also a good deal of worldly wisdom. It is assigned a third place in the enumeration of the 18 didactic works which begins with the Kural and the Nālaḍiyār.
3. Another work belonging to this group of 18 is Tiṇaimālai-nūṛraimbadu' by Kaṇimēdaiyār. This Jaina author is also said to be one of the Sangam poets. This work treats of the principles of love and war and is quoted freely by the great commentators of the later age. Stanzas from this work are found quoted by Naccinarkkiniyar and others.
4. Another work of this group is Nänmaṇikkaḍigai, 'the solver of the four gems', by the Jaina author by name Vilambinathar. This is also in the veṇbā metre well-known in the other works. Each stanza deals with four important moral principles like jewels; and hence the name Näṇmaṇikkaḍigai.
moli is largely indebted to the Nalaḍiyar and other works and was probably composed in the 8th century. A.D. See S. Vaiyapuri Pillai History of Tamil Language and Literature (1956), p. 90; M. S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar: op. cit., pp. 92-93.
metre.
1. Tinaimalai-nürraimbadu contains 155 stanzas in veṇbā This work has set the pattern for many a later work on the love theme. In this work Kanimēdaiyar devotes 31 songs each for the five tinais, viz., kuriñji, neydal, palai, mullai and marudam. Like his other work Eladi, Tinaimalai-nürṛaimbadu also belongs to the kilkkaṇakku group. See T. V. Sadasiva Pandarathar: A History of Tamil Literature (250-600 A.D.), Annamalainagar, (1957), p. 67.

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5. Next Ēladi, 'Cardamom and others'. The name Ēladi refers to the mixture of the perfumes of ēla, (cardamom), karpūram (camphor), erikarasu (the odorous wood), candanam (sandal) and tên (honey). The name is given to this work because each quatrain is supposed to contain five or six such fragrant topics. The work is of Jaina origin, and the author's name is Kaņimedaiyārl whose knowledge is appreciated by all. It is also one of the 18 lesser classics of Sangam literature. Nothing is known of the author except that he is said to be a disciple of Mākkāyaṇār”, son of Tamilāśiriyar, a member of the Madurai Sangam. Though these works are usually included in the general group of the 18 minor classics", it should not be assumed that they
1. See above, p. 46 and note l.
2. Another Jaina disciple of Mākkāyaṇār, Mākkāriyāśān by name, is the author of Sirupañcamulam, yet another kijkkanakku work. The name of the work is derived from the five (pañca) medicinal roots kandankattiri, śiruvalutuņai, śirumalli, perumalli and neruñji. Sirupañcumūlain contains in all 104 songs in veņbā metre, cach song dealing with five essentials for human living. That this Jaina author was a disciple of Mākkāyaṇār is known from the payirappadal at the end of the work (Mākkāyan müşükka Mäkkäriyāšan Sirupuñcamūlamseydan). See T. V. Sadasiva Pandarathar: op. cit., pp. 49-52.
3. Aintinai-clubadu is another kilkkanakku work which set the trend for all later works which have agapporuļ for their main theme ; each of the five tiņais of this work consists of 70 stanzas called på and hence the suffix eļubadu (70). Only 64 poems are now extant, the rest being probably lost. Though this work commences with an invocation to the Elephant-faced god, i.e., Vināyaka, some scholars are of the opinion that its author, Mūvādiyār, was a Jaina by faith. He lived probably in the 5th century A.D. See T. V. Sadasiva Pandarathar, op. cit., pp. 65-66.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
all belong to the same century. They must be spread over several centuries; and the only thing that we may assert with a certain amount of certainty is that they all belong to the pre-revivalistic period of the Hindu religion in the south. Hence they must be assigned to the period before the 7th century A. D.
Next we turn to kavya literature. Kavya literature is generally divided into 2 groups: major kāvyas and the minor kavyas. The major kavyas are five in number:1 Cintamani, Silappadikāram, Maṇimēkalai, Vaļaiyāpati and Kundalakēsi. Of these five, Cintamani, Silappadikāram and Valaiyapati are by Jaina authors and the other two by Buddhistic scholars. Of these five, only three are available now, because Vaļaiyāpati and Kuṇḍa lakėsi are almost completely lost to the world. Except a few stanzas quoted here and there by commentators, nothing is known of these works. From the stray stanzas available, it is evident that Valaiyāpati was composed by a Jaina author: what the frame-work of
1. They are generally referred to in Tamil as Aimperunkāppiyangal.
2. The following additional information pertaining to Valaiyapati is provided by S. Vaiyapuri Pillai (A History of Tamil Language and Literature, 1956, pp. 160-61): 'The Valaiyapati has, except for a few citations, completely disappeared. Even the story of the poem is not known. A later Purana in Tamil, Vaisiyapurāṇam, gives a story purporting to be the theme of the Valaiyapati wherein Kali is made the supreme goddess. But this is impossible. From its stanzas cited by ancient commentators, we might infer that its author was a Jain. There cannot be any
(Contd.)

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the story was, who the author was, and when he lived are all matters of mere conjecture. Similarly, in the case of Kuņdalakësi, the Buddhistic work, nothing is known about the author or his time. From the stanzas quoted in the work of Nilakësi it is clear that Kundalakēģi was a work of philosophical controversy, trying to establish the Bauddha darsana by refuting the other darśanas such as the Vedic and the Jaina darśanas. Unfortunately, there is no hope to recover these two great kāvyas. Only the other three are now available, thanks to the labours of the eminent Tamil scholar Dr. V. Swaminatha Ayyar. Though in the enumeration of the kävyas, Cintamāṇi occupies the place of honour, because of the unopposed literary eminence of the classic, it could not be supposed that the enumeration is based upon any historical succession. Probably, the two lost works Vaļaiyāpati and Kundalakësi deserve to be considered as historically earlier than the others; but since nothing is known about these works, we can
reasonable doubt that this was a Jaina kā vya. Some 66 stanzas from it are included in the Purattiraļļu. Two other stanzas are found in the commentary of Yāpparungalam and we might surmise that some of the stanzas occurring in the commentary of Silappadikāram belong to this work. The commentary on Takkayāgapparani says that the poet Oịtakkūttar thought highly of Vaļaiyāpati for its poetic beauty. It is interesting to note that this work also, like the S'ilappadikāram, the Maạimēkalai and the Cintamani, has incorp
its stanzas. Being one of the earliest works in the viruttam metre, we may be justified in ascribing it to the first half of the tenth century.

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not speak with any certainty. Of the remaining three, tradition makes Silappadikāram and Manimekalai contemporary works whereas Cintāmaņi is probably a later one. Maạimekalai, being a Buddhistic work, cannot be brought in our review, though the story is connected with that of Silappadikāram, which is distinctly a Jaina work.
Silappadikāram", ' the epic of the anklet is a very important Tamil classic, in as much as it is considered to serve as a land-mark for the chronology of Tamil literature. Its author is the Cēra prince, who became a Jaina ascetic, by name lụangõvadigaļ. This great work is taken as an authority for literary usage and is quoted as such by the later commentators. It is associated with a great mercantile family in the city of Puhār, Kāvēripūmpattiņam, which was the capital of the Cāļa empire. The heroine Kaņņaki was from this mercantile family and was famous for her chastity and
1. The following are the editions of the Silappadikäram:
(i) Silappadikāram, Puhār- kkāņdam-Ed. by T. E. Srinivasaraghavachari, 1872;
(ii) S'ilappdikäram, text and Adiyarkku-Nallār's commentary-Ed. by V. Swaminatha Aiyar, Madras, 1892;
(iii) Silappadikāram, text with Arumpadavurai and Adiyarkku-Nallār's commentary-Ed. by V. Swaminatha Aiyar, Madras, 1920;
(iv) The Silappadikäram or The Lay of the Anklet, translated with Introduction and notes by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, Madras, 1939;
(v) S'ilappadikāram, text with Venkataswamy Nattar's commentary, Madras, 1942, 1947, 1950 and 1953.

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devotion to her husband. Since the story is associated with the attempt to sell the anklet or Silambu in Madurai, the capital of the Pāņdyan kingdom and the consequent tragedy, the work is called the epic of the anklet or Silambu. Since the three great kingdoms are involved in this story, the author who is a Cēra prince elaborately describes all the three great capitals Puhār, Madurai and Vañji, the last being the capital of the Cēra empire.
The author of this work, l?argõvadigaļ, was the younger son of the Cēra king Cēralādan whose capital was Vañji. llargāvaļiga! was the younger brother of Senguțțuvan, the ruling king after Cēralādan. Hence the name l?argo, the younger prince. After he became an ascetic he was called lļangövadiga!, the term adigaļ being an honorific term referring to an ascetic. One day when this ascetic prince was in the temple of Jina situated at Vañji, the capital, some members of the hill tribe went to him and narrated to him the strange vision which they had witnessed relating to the heroine Kaņņaki. How they had witnessed on the hill a lady who had lost one of her breasts, how Indra appeared before her, how her husband Kõvalan was introduced to her as a dēva, and how finally Indra carried both of them in a divine chariot : all these were narrated to the Cēra prince in the presence of his friend and poet Kūlavāṇigan Sättan, the renowned author of Maạimēkalai. This friend narrated the full story of the hero and the heroine which was listened to

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with interest by the royal ascetic. The story narrated by Sattan contained three important and valuable truths in which the royal ascetic took great interest. First, if a king deviates from the path of righteousness even to a slight extent, he will bring down upon himself and his kingdom a catastrophe as a proof of his inequity ; secondly, a woman walking the path of chastity is deserving of adoration and worship not only by human beings but also by dēvas and munis; and thirdly, the working of karma is such that there is an inevitable fatality from which no one can escape, and the fruits of one's previous karma must necessarily be experienced in a later period. In order to illustrate these three eternal truths the royal prince undertook the task of composing this story for the benefit of mankind.
In this classic called Silappadikäram or the epic of the anklet, the first scene is laid in Puhār, the Coļa capital. This was evidently an important port at the mouth of the Cauvery, and it was the capital of the Cāļa king Karikāla. Being an important commercial centre, several great commercial houses were situated in the capital. Of these there was one Māśattuvan, a merchant prince belonging to this noble family of
1. Silappadikāram, Padigam. [This and the following references to this work are to be referred to V. Swaminatha Aiyar's edition (1892) and V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar's translation (1939)].
2. Ibid., Puhār-kkäņdam. 3. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar : op. cit., pp. 224, 376.

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commercial magnates. His son was Kõvalan, the hero of our story. He was married to Kaņņaki, the daughter of another commercial magnate of the same city whose name was Mā Nāyakan. Kövalan and his wife Kaņņaki set up an independent home on a grand scale befitting their social status and were living happily for some time in conformity with the rules and conduct associated with the householders. Their happiness consisted in lavish hospitality to all the deserving ones among the householders as well as the ascetics.
While they were thus spending their life happily, Kõvalan once met a very beautiful and accomplished dancing girl by name Māhavi. He fell in love with the actress who reciprocated it; and therefore he spent most of his time in the company of Madhavī, to the great grief of his wedded wife Kaņņaki. In this erotic extravagance, he practically spent all his wealth ; but Kaņņaki never expressed her grief, and she was quite devoted to him as she was in the beginning of her wedded life. There was the Indra festival celebrated as usual.4 Kõvalan with his mistress also went to the sea-shore to take part in the festival. While they were
1. Silappadikāram, Canto 1: Mangala-vāļttu-ppāļal, 'The song of benediction'.
2. Ibid., Canto 2: Manaiyasampadutta-kādai, “Setting up home'.
3. Ibid., Canto 3; Arangērru-kādai, “The debut'. 4. Ibid., Canto 5 : Indira-viļāv-ūredutta-kādai, "I
utta kādai. The celebration of Indra's festival'.
5. Ibid., Canto 6: Kaļal-āļu-kādai, 'Sea bathing'.

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seated in one corner, Kõvalan took out the vīņā from the hands of Madhavī and began to play some fine tunes of love. Madhavī gently suspected that his attachment to her was waning. But when she took the vīņā from his hand and began to play her own tunes, that aroused his suspicion that she was secretly attached to some other person. This mutual suspicion resulted in a break-off, and Kõvalan returned home in a state of complete poverty with a noble resolution of starting life again as an honourable householder. His chaste wife, instead of rebuking him for his past waywardness, consoled him with that kindness characteristic of of a chaste wife and encouraged him in his resolve to start life again by reviving his business. He was practically penniless, since he had lost everything when he was associated with his mistress Mādhavī. But his wife had two anklets still remaining. She was willing to part with these if he would care to sell these and have the sale proceeds as the capital for reviving his business. But he was not willing to stay in his own capital any longer. Hence he decided to go to the Pāņdyan capital, Madurai, for the purpose of disposing off these anklets. Without the knowledge of anybody, he left the Coļa capital the same night accompanied by his wife and started for Madurai”. On his way he reached an asrama of the Jaina ascetics on the northern banks of the Cauvery. In that āśrama he met the female ascetic Kaundhi who was quite willing to
1, Ibid., Canto 7: Käşalvari, The sea shore song'.
2. Ibid., Canto 9: Kaņāttiram-uraitta-kadai, 'The tale of the dream'.

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accompany these two, in order that she might have the opportunity of meeting the great Jaina ācāryas in the Pāņdyan capital of Madurai. These three continued their march towards Madurai when, after crossing the Cauvery, resting on the banks of a tank, Kõvalan and his wife were insulted by a wicked fellow who was wandering there with his equally wicked mistress. This provoked their ascetic friend Kaundhi who cursed these two creatures to become jackals. But after the earnest requests of Kõvalan and Kaņņaki the curse was revoked that they would resume their normal human form in a year.
After undergoing the troubles of the tedious journey, they reached the outskirts of Madurai, the Pāņdyan capital”. Leaving his wife Kaņņaki in the company and charge of Kaundhi, Kõvalan entered the city for the purpose of ascertaining the proper place where he could begin his business'. While Kõvalan was spending his time in the city with his friend MāļalanKaundhi wanted to leave Kaņņaki in the house of Madhari, a good natured shepherdess of that locality. When Kõvalan returned from the city, he and his wife were taken to Āyarpāļi and were lodged in the shepherdess' house. Her daughter was placed at the service
1. Ibid., Canto 10: Nāļu-kāņ-kādai, ‘The sight of the kingdom'.
2. Here starts the second part of the work, viz., Maduraikkāņdam.
3. Ibid., Canto 14: Or-kāņ-kādai, 'Seeing the City'. 4. Ibid., Canto 15: Apaikkala-kkādai, 'The Haven'.

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of Kannaki who and her husband were the honoured guests in that Ayarpāḍi. After feeling sorry for the troubles and privations, Kōvalan took leave of his wife and returned to the city for the purpose of selling one of the anklets. When he entered the principal market street he met a goldsmith. He spotted him out as a goldsmith patronised by the king and told him that he had an anklet worthy of being worn by the queen and wanted him to estimate the value of the same. The goldsmith wanted to see the value of the anklet which was accordingly delivered by the owner. The wicked goldsmith thought within himself of deceiving Kōvalan, asked him to wait in a house next to his own and promised to strike a very good bargain with the king, for the anklet was so valuable that only the queen could offer the price of it. Thus leaving poor Kōvalan alone he took the anklet to the king where he misrepresented facts reporting that Kōvalaṇ was a thief having in possession one of the queen's anklets which was stolen from the palace a few days before. The king without further enquiry issued orders that the thief must be killed and the anklet must be recovered at once. The wicked goldsmith returned with the king's officers who carried out the orders of the foolish king to the very letter; and thus Kōvalan had to end his life, while attempting to start life again, in the foreign country'. In the meanwhile Kannaki who resided in the shepherdess' quarters had observed several evil omens prophetic of the great calamity awaiting her.
1. Ibid., Canto 16: Kolaikkala-kkādai, 'The place of execution'.

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When Mädhari, the shepherdess, went to bathe in the Vaigai river, she learnt from a shepherdess returning from the city the fate of Kõvalan who was killed by the command of the king on a charge of theft of the queen's anklet. When this was reported to Kaņņaki, she, in a rage entered the city with her other anklet in hand in order to vindicate the innocence of her husband before the king'. Reaching the palace Kaņņaki intimated through the sentinel that she wanted to have an interview with the king in order to vindicate the innocence of her husband who was cruelly put to death without proper enquiry. She demonstrated before the king that her anklet taken from her husband as the stolen one contained gems inside whereas the queen's anklet contained pearls inside. When this fact was demonstrated to the king by breaking open Kaņņaki's anklet, the king realised the immensity of his blunder in cruelly putting to death an innocent member of a noble family of merchants. He cried that he was foolishly led into this blunder by the wicked goldsmith, fell down unconscious from his royal throne and lost his life immediately. After vindicating the innocence of her husband, Kaņņaki, with unabated rage and anger, cursed the whole city of Madurai that it should be consumed by fire and tore off her left breast and cast it away over the city with her curse. The curse
1. Ibid., Cantos 18-19: Tunba-mālai, “The garland of sorrow' and Ursulvari-kādai, 'The talk of the town'.
2. Thid., Canto 20: Valakkusai-kādai, 'The demand for justice'.

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took effect and the city was burnt to ashes'. Having learnt from the Goddess of Madurai that all this was but the inevitable result of her past karma and being consoled by the fact that she would meet her husband as a dēva in a fortnight, Kaņņaki left Madurai and went westwards towards Malainādu. Ascending the hill called Tiruccengunram she waited under the shade of a vēngai tree for fourteen days when she met her husband Kõvalan in the form of a dēva who took her in a vimāna to svarga, while being adored by the dēvas themselves. Thus ends the second chapter called Madurai-kkāņdam.
Next is the third part of the work called Vañjikkāndam relating to the Cēra capital Vañji. The members of the hill tribe, who witnessed this great scene of Kaņņaki being carried by her husband in the divine chariot, celebrated this event in their hamlet, in the form of kuravaiküttu, evidently a form of inspired folkdance. Then these hunters wanted to narrate this wonder to their king Senguțţuvan and they marched towards the capital, each carrying a present to the the king. There they met the Cēra king Serguttuvan who was with his queen and his younger brother in the midst of his four-fold army. When the king heard this narration as to how Kõvalan was killed in Madurai, how the city was consumed by fire by the curse of Kaņņaki and how the Pāņdyan king lost his
1. Ibid., Cantos 21-22: Vañjina-mālai, 'The great wrath' and Alarpadu-kādai, “The conflagaration'.
2. Ibid., Canto 23 : Katsaurai-kādai, 'The Explanation'.

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life, he was very greatly impressed by the greatness and chastity of Kaņņaki. As desired by his queen, he wanted to build a temple for this Goddess of chastity." With this object in view he set out with his ministers and army towards the Himālayas for the purpose of bringing a rock to be sculptured into the idol of Kaņņaki to establish it within the temple built in her name. There he met with the opposition of the several Aryan princes who were defeated by this Cēra king and were brought as captives back to the Cēra capital. There he had the temple built in the name of Kaņņaki and celebrated the pratishthā-mahotsava according to which the idol of Kannaki, the Goddess of chastity, was placed in the temple for the purpose of worship. In the meanwhile, the parents of both Kõvalan and Kaņņaki, learning the fate of their children, renounced their property and became ascetics. When the Cēra king Senguțţuvan built the temple in honour of the Goddess of chastity, several kings of Āryāvarta, the Mālava king, Gajabāhu the king of Lankā, who were all there at the Cēra capital, decided to build similar temples for Kaņņaki at their own capitals and wanted to conduct worship in a similar manner, so that they might also obtain the Goddess of chastity's blessing*.
1. Ibid., Cantos 24-25: Kunrakkurayai, 'The dance of the hill-maidens' and Kațci-kkadai, ‘The decision to march north’.
2. Ibid., Canto 26-28 : Kālkot-kādai, ‘Bringing the stone'; Nirppad ai-kkādai, ‘Bathing the stone' and Nadu-kar-kādai, 'The consecration'.
3. Ibid., Canto 29: Vāļttu-kkādai, 'The Blessing'. 4. Ibid., Canto 30 : Varantaru-kādai, 'The Boon'.

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Thus arose the Kaņņaki worship which brought all prosperity and plenty to the worshippers. Thus ends the story of Silappadikāram.
It consists of three great divisions and 30 chapters on the whole. The great work has a very valuable commentary by one Adiyārkkunallār'. Nothing definite is known about this commentator. Since he is referred to by Naccinārkkiniyar, another commentator of a later period, all that we can say is that he is of a period earlier than Naccinārkkiniyar’s. That he must have been a very great scholar is evident from his valuable commentary on this work. That he was well versed in the principles of music, dance and drama is very well borne out by the elaborate details given by him in his commentary elucidating the text relating to those topics. This work, the epic of the anklets, contains a lot of historical information interesting to the students of South Indian history. From the time of Kanakasabhai Pillai, the author of the The Tamils 1800 years ago up to the present day, this work has been the source of information and guidance to the research students in the Tamil land. The information that Gajabāhu, the king of Ceylon, was one of the royal visitors to the Vañji capital is emphasised as an important point for determining the chronology
1. For additional information on this accomplished commentator, see The Silappadikāram (Madars, 1939), V.R. Ramachandra Dikshitar's Introduction to his translation, pp. 71-73.
2. Silappadikāram, Canto 30: Varantaru-kādai text line 153 ; The Silappadikāram (V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar's Translation), p. 343.

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of the work. This Gajabahu is assigned to the 2nd century A.D. according to the Buddhistic account contained in Mahāvamsa1. Relying upon this, critics are of opinion that the Cēra king Senguṭṭuvan and his brother llangōvaḍigal must have lived somewhere about 150 A. D. and hence the work must be assigned to that period. All are not agreed on this point, but those who are opposed to this view would bring down the period several centuries later to the period of another Gajabahu mentioned in the same Mahāvamsa3. Mr. Logan in his Malabar District Manual states several important points indicating the Jaina influence over the people of the Malabar coast before the introduction of Hinduism. Since we are not directly concerned with the chronology, we may leave that topic to the students of history. In our opinion the view associating this work with the earlier Gajabahu of the 2nd century is not altogether improbable. But we want to emphasise one important fact.
JAINA LITERATURE IN TAMIL
1. The Mahavamsa (Translated by Wijesinha Mudaliar, 1889), part II, p. iv, List of kings; V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar. The Silappadik āram (Translation, 1939), Introduction, p. 14.
2. V. Swaminatha Iyer (ed.): Silappadikāram (1892), Introduction, pp. 10-11; V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar: The Silappadikaram (Translation, 1939), Introduction, pp. 8-10; K. V. Jagannathan: Tamil-kkāppiyanga! (1955), p. 221; M. Rajamanikkanar: op. cit., p. 276.
3. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar: op. cit., pp. 602-03; K. N. Sivaraja Pillai: The Chronology of the Early Tamils (1932), p. 42; S. Vaiyapuri Pillai: A History of Tamil Language and Literature (1956), pp. 142-50.

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Throughout the work we find doctrines relating to ahiņsā expounded and emphasised; and in some places we have reference to the form of temple worship described according to this doctrine. About the time, worship wilh flowers was prevalent throughout the Tamil land. This is referred to as pūppali, that is, bali with flowers'. The term bali refers to such sacrificial offering and pūppali is interpreted by the commentator as worship of God with flowers.
The Cēra prince is complimented by his brāhmaṇa friend Māļalan as one who introduced the purer form of pūppali in temple worship. Incidentally we may mention another interesting fact. There are two terms in early Tamil literature, andaņa! and pārppäạ, each with a story behind. It is generally assumed that these two are synonyms. In several places they are probably used as synonyms. When in the same work these two terms are used in slightly different connotations, they must be taken as different. In this epic of the anklet the term andaņaņ is interpreted by the commentator to mean frävaka, the householder among the Jainas. This is a very interesting piece of information. These two terms again occur in the famous kuraļ where the term pārppän is interpreted to mean one
1. Silappadikāram, Vañji-kkāndam, Canto 24 : Uraippa! fumadai, line 18; Canto 28 : Nadukar-kādai, line 231.
2. Unfortunately, a discrepancy has crept in here. In S'ilappadikāram, Canto 16, Kolaikkala-kkādai, line 71 readsApavõrkk-aļittalum-õmbalum and the commentator interprets the word Arayõr, and not andañar, as Sāvaka-nõņbiga!.
3. The pārppāņ and his Vedic lore are mentioned in kura! 134.

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who makes vēdadhyayana whereas the term andanan is defined in a different manner as “as one who is all love and mercy to all the living creatures.” Evidently the term andaṇaḥ was conventionally used by early Tamil authors to describe the followers of the ahimsā doctrine irrespective of birth, while the term üpddard was reserved by them to designate the social caste of the brahmaņas. This suggestion is worth investigating by scholars interested in the social reconstruction of the early Tamils.
Jivaka-Cintāmaņi :- This work, the greatest of the five mahakāvyas, is undoubtedly 'the greatest existing Tamil literary monument.' In grandeur of conception, in elegence of literary diction and in beauty of description of nature it remains unrivalled in Tamil literature. For the later Tamil authors it has been not only a model to follow but an ideal to aspire to. The story is told of Kamban, the author of the great Tamil
1. Kura 30 which mentions the andaņar, reads as follows:
Andanar-enbör-asavõr-marr-evv-uyirkkuñCendanmai-pū nd-o lugal-än "Towards all that breathe, with seemly graciousness
adorned they live ; And thus to virtue's sons the name of
'Anthanar' men give'. - (G. U. Pope). 2. The following are the editions of the Jivaka-Cintamaņi :
(i) Jivaka-Cintāmaņi, part I-Ed. by Rangaswami
Pillai, Madras, 1883; (ii) Jivaka-Cintamani, text and commentary-Ed.
by V. Swaminatha Iyer, Madras, 1887; (iii) Jivaka-Cintāmaņi, 1888.

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Rāmāyaṇa that when he introduced his Rāmāyaṇa before the academy of scholars, when some of the scholars remarked that they discerned traces of Cintāmaņi there, Kamban, characteristic of intellectual courage and honesty, acknowledged his debt with the following words: “Yes, I have sipped a spoonful of the nectar from Cintämaņi.
This indicates with what veneration the classic was held by the Tamil scholars. “This greatromantic epic which is at once the Iliad and the Odyssey of the Tamil language' is said to have been composed in the early youth of the poet named Tiruttakkadēva. Nothing is known about the author except his name and that he was born in Mylapore, a suburb of Madras, where the author of the KuraỊ also lived. The youthful poet together with his master migrated to Madurai, the great capital of the Pandyan kingdom and a centre of religious activities. With the permission of the teacher the young ascetic-poet got introduced to the members of the Tamil Academy or Sangam at Madurai. While in social conversation with some of the fellow members of the academy, he was reproached by them for the incapacity of producing erotic work in Tamil language. To this he replied that few Jainas
1. V. Swaminatha Iyer (ed.): Jivaka- Cintamani (1922), Preface to the 3rd edition. According to the learned editor, this incident involving Kamban was found noted down on an old manuscript copy of Jivaka-Cintamani.
2. For the traditional biographical account of Tiruttakkadēvar, see also M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar, op. cit., pp. 95-96.

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cared to write poetry in srngära-rasa. They could very well do it as well as the others, but the fact that they did not indulge in such literary compositions was merely the result of their dislike of such sensual subjects and not due to literary incapacity. But when his friends taunted whether he could produce one, he accepted the challenge. Returning to his āśrama he reported the matter to his master. While himself and his master were seated together there ran a jackal in front of them which was pointed out by the master to his disciple who was asked to compose a few verses relating to the jackal. Immediately Tiruttakkadēva, the disciple, composed verses relating to the jackal, hence called Nari-viruttam, illustrating the instability of the body, the ephemeral nature of wealth and such other topics. The master was pleased with the extraordinary poetic ability of his disciple and gave him permission to compose a classic describing the life history of Jivaka. It contained all the various aspects of love and beauty. To mark his consent the master composed an invocatory verse to be used by the disciple as the first verse of his would-be work. Then his disciple Tiruttakkadeva started composing another verse in adoration of Siddha which was accepted by his guru as much more beautiful than his own and instructed him to keep this as his first verse while his own was assigned a second place. Thus the verses containing Siddha-namaskāra starting with the words mūvāmudala is the first verse in Jivaka-Cintamani while arhan-namaskāra composed by the guru beginning with the words semponvaraimēl

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is assigned the second place in the work. Thus as the result of the challenge from his friendly poet of Madurai Sangam, the Cintāmaņi was composed by Tiruttakkadēva to prove that a Jaina author also could produce a work containing sựngāra-rasa. It was admitted on all sides that he had succeeded wonderfully well. When the work was produced before the academy, the tradition says, the author was asked by his friends how he, from his childhood pledged to perfect purity and celibacy, could compose a poem exhibiting such unequalled familiarity with sensual pleasures. In order to clear up this doubt it is said he took up a red-hot ball of iron with these words “Let this burn me, if I am not pure”; and it is said he came out of the ordeal unscathed, and his friends apologised to him for casting doubt on the purity of his conduct'.
Unilke the previous work silappadikāram which is supposed to deal with the historical events which took place during the life-time of the author, this classic deals with the purāņic story of Jīvaka. The story of Jivaka is found in Sanskrit literature in plenty. The continuation work of the Mahāpurāņam by Jinasēna, composed by his disciple Guņabhadra”, contains the
1. V. Swaminatha Iyer, who also narrates this tradition in detail in his edition of the Jivaka-Cintāmaņi (1923), says (Introduction, pp. 12-14) that the tradition is current among the Jains of the Tamil country.
2. The Mahāpurāņa, also known as Trişaştilak şaņa-Mahāpurā ņa, consists of the Adipurā ņa in fortyseven chapters and the
(Contd)

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story of Jivaka in a chapter of Mahapuraṇa. The story is again found in Śrīpurāṇam which is a prose in manipravāļa style, probably a rendering of this Mahapurāṇam. In Kṣatracūḍāmaṇi, in Gadyacintāmaṇi1 and Jivandhara-campu2 we have the same story worked out. Whether the author of the Tamil work had any of these Sanskrit works as the basis for his composition we cannot assert with any definiteness3.
Of all these Sanskrit works, Mahāpurāṇa is certainly the oldest and we have definite information that it belongs to the 8th century A.D., since it was composed by Jinasēna, the spiritual teacher of Amōghavarșa of the
Uttarapura ṇa. The first 42 chapters of the Adipurana are by Jinasena while the last 5 chapters as also the whole of the Uttarapurana are by his disciple Gunabhadra. Critically edited with Hindi translation and introduction by Pt. Pannalal Jain, Sanskrit Grantha Nos. 8, 9 and 14, II edn., 1963-68.
1. Both the Ksatracuḍāmaṇi and Gadyacintamani are by the Digambara Jaina author Oḍeyadeva-Vadībhasimha of the beginning of the 11th century (Winternitz: op. cit., p. 535).
2. The Digambara Jaina Haricandra is the author of Jivandhara-campū. This work has been edited with Sanskirt commentary, Hindi translation and introduction by Pt. Pannalal Jain, Sanskrit Grantha No. 18, 1958.
3. M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar (op. cit., p. 95) and S. Vaiyapuri Pillai (History of Tamil Language and Literature, 1956, p. 160) are of the opinion that the work is noticeably influenced by the two works of Oḍeyadeva-Vadībhasimha referred to above. Pillai, as a matter of fact, draws attention to the fact that there are in the Jivaka-Cintamani, literal translations from the two works of Vadībhasimha.

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Rāṣṭrakūta dynasty.' But Jinasēna himself speaks of several previous works on which he bases his own composition. Anyhow it is generally agreed by scholars that this Tamil classic Jivaka-Cintamani is probably later than the 8th century A.D. We may accept this verdict for the present. The work is divided into 13 ilambakas or chapters, the first beginning with the birth and education of the hero and the last ending with his Nirvāṇa.
1. Namagal-ilambakam-The story begins with the description of the country Hemangada in Bharatakhanda. Rājamāpuram is the capital of Hēmāngada. The ruler was Saccandan of the Kuru dynasty. This Saccandan married his maternal uncle Sridattan's daughter named Vijaya. This Sridattan was ruling over the country of Vidēha. Since the king Saccandan was so much in love with his wife who was extremely beautiful, he spent most of his time in her apartment without attending to his state affairs. He delegated to one of his ministers Kaṭṭiyangāran the royal privileges to be exercised. This Kaṭṭiyangāraṇ, when once he
1. Amöghavarsha I who reigned from A.D. 814 to 886 was a mere boy of twelve at the time of his accession and hence his teacher Jinasēna should properly be assigned to the 9th century.
2. T. A. Gopinatha Rao (Sentamil, Vol. V, p. 15), T. S. Kuppuswami Sastri (Tamilaham, Vol. I, p. 130) and S. Vaiyapuri Pillai (History of Tamil Language and Literature, 1956, p. 161), among others, assign this work to the early decades of the 10th century.

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JAINA LITERATURE IN TAMIL tasted the power and privilege of royalty, desired to usurp the same. The king, ignorant of such a Machievallian policy of his minister, to whom he foolishly entrusted the state affairs, discovered the mistake a little too late. In the meanwhile, the queen had three dreams of rather an unpleasant nature. When she wanted their interpretation from the king, he somehow consoled her not to worry about the dreams. Anticipating troubles from his ungrateful minister, it is said that he had constructed for him a sort of aerial vehicle like the modern aeroplane in the form of a peacock. This peacock machine was secretly constructed within the palace in order to carry two persons in the air, and he instructed his queen on how to manipulate this machine. When the queen was in the state of advanced pregnancy, the ungrateful Kattiyangāran wanted to realise his wish to usurp the kingdom and thus besieged the palace. Since the peacock machine was constructed to carry the weight of two persons alone and since the the queen was in an advanced state of pregnancy, the king thought it advisable to place the machine at her disposal and himself stayed behind. When the machine started up with the queen on it, the king with the drawn sword in his hand came out to meet the usurper. In the melee of the fight the king lost his life and the wicked Kattiyangāran proclaimed himself the king of Rājamāpuram. The queen, who had by that time reached the outskirts of the city, heard this royal proclamation resulting from the death of her royal husband and lost control of the machine which descended and landed on the cremation ground in the outskirts of this city. In the darkness of night she gave birth

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to a son in those pitiable surroundings. The queen had nobody to help her and the child was crying helpless in the pitch-dark night on the cremation ground. It is said that one of the devatās, taking pity on the queen, assumed the form of one of her attendants in the palace and did service to her. Just then one of the merchants of the city carrying his dead child to be buried came there. There he met the beautiful child Jivaka which was left alone by his mother at the advice of the devatā. The merchant, by name Kandukkaḍan, was very much pleased at the sight of the royal baby which he recognised as such from the ring in the child's finger and took the live baby, the royal child, back to his house and gave it back to his wife, saying that her child was not dead. His wife gladly accepted this gift from her husband and brought him up thinking it her own. This child was Jivaka, the hero of our story.
A. CHAKRAVARTI :
The queen Vijayā, accompanied by the devatā, went to Daṇḍakāraṇya where she assumed the form of a female ascetic and stayed in a tāpasa-āśrama. Jivaka was brought up in the merchant's house with a number of his cousins. As a youth he was educated by one Accaṇandi-ācārya and also learnt archery and other arts requisite for a prince. The guru who was attracted by the ability of his student one day narrated to him the tragic story of his royal family and took a promise from the youthful prince that he should not rush to revenge and recover his state till the expiry of one complete year. After getting this promise from the youthful disciple, the guru blessed the prince that he

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would recover his kingdom after that period and discovered to him his own identity. Afterwards the guru left him and went his own way to perform tapas and attain Nirvāṇa after worshipping at the feet of the 24th Tirthankara Mahāvīra. Thus ends the first chapter devoted to the education of the prince Jīvaka, hence called Nāmagal-ilambakam, Nāmagal meaning Sarasvati, the Goddess of tongue or speech.
2. Govindaiyār-ilambakam—While the prince was spending his time with his chetty cousins in the family of Kandukkadan, the hill tribes from the borders carried away the cattle belonging to the king. The shepherds in charge of the cows, being unable to prevent this, ran to the king for help. The king immediately ordered his 100 sons to go and fight the hunters and recover the cattle. But they were all defeated by the hill tribes. The king did not know what to do next. But the chief of the shepherds had it published in the city that he would give away in marriage his daughter Govindā to any one who could successfully recover and and bring back the king's cows. Jivaka heard this proclamation, went in pursuit of these vēdars, and recovered all the cows. Since it would not be proper for a kşatriya to marry a shephed maid, he, with the consent of Nandakõn, the shepherd chief, had Govindā married to his friend and associate Padumuhan. Thus ends the second chapter dealing with the marriage of Govindā.
3. Gandharvadattai yār-ilambakam-Gāndharvadattā was the daughter of a Vidyādhara king named

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
Kaluṣavēga. Learning from an astrologer that his daughter would marry someone in Rājamahāpura, he wanted to send his daughter to that city. When he was waiting for an opportunity for this a merchant from that city Rajamahāpura, by name Śrīdatta, was returning home with ship-loads of gold as a result of his seaborne trade. Just like the magic ship-wreck effected by Prospero in Shakespeare's Tempest, this Vidyadhara king did create a magic ship-wreck and managed to bring the merchant Srīdatta to his court. There he was intimated why he was brought to the Vidyadhara capital; and he was instructed to take with him the princess Gandharvadattā to be given in marriage to anybody who would defeat her in a vina contest. Returning to his capital with this Vidyadhara princess, Srīdatta proclaimed to the citizens the conditions of vīņā-svayamvara and offered the Vidyadhara princess to one who would succeed in this contest. This contest was arranged with the permission of Kaṭṭiyangāran the then ruling king. Members belonging to the first three varṇas were invited for the contest. Every one got defeated by this princess Gandharvadattā. Thus elapsed six days. On the seventh day the prince Jivaka, who was taken by the citizens for merely a merchant's son, wanted to try his chance in this music contest. When Jivaka exhibited his musical skill in this contest, the Vidyadhara princess acknowledged him to be victorious and accepted him as her husband. Several princes who were assembled there, out of jealousy, wanted to fight Jivaka but all these were defeated and finally Jivaka took Gāndharvadattā home where he

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celebrated the regular formal marriage. Thus ends the third chapter of the marriage of Gāndharvadattā.
4. Gunamalaiyar - ilambakam—On another day during the vasanta festival, the youth of the city went to the adjoining park for play and enjoyment. Among these were two young ladies Suramañjarī and Guņamālā. Between them there arose a discussion as to the quality of the fragrant powder used for the purpose of bathing. Each claimed that her powder was superior. The matter was referred to the wise youth Jivaka, who gave a verdict in favour of Guņamālā. Hearing the decision Suramañjarī was sorrow-struck and decided to shut herself up in the kanyāmāļa with a vow that she would never see a male's face, till this very Jīvaka would come begging for her hand in marriage. While Suramañjarī desisted from taking part in the vasanta festival, Guņamālā, encouraged by the verdict in her favour, went out to enjoy the festival. Jivaka himself on his way observed a dog beaten to death by some brāhmaṇas whose food was touched by this poor dog. When he saw the dying dog, he tried to help the poor creature and whispered to him the pañca-namaskāra with the hope that it would help the creature to have a better future. Accordingly the animal was born in dēvaloka as a dēva called Sudañjaņa. This Sudañjaņadeva immediately appeared before Jivaka to express his sense of gratitude and was willing to serve him. But Jivaka sent him back with the instruction that he would send for him whenever he was in need. While he thus dismissed the dēva, he witnessed a terrible scene. The king's elephant escaped from its place and imme

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A. CHAKRAVARTI : diately ran towards the udayāna in front of the people returning home after the festival. Just then he saw Guņamālā returning home with her attendants. They were all frightened at the sight of the mad elephant. Jīvaka rushed to their rescue, subdued the king's elephant and made it return home quietly; and thus made the way clear for Guņamālā and her friends. While Guņamālā saw the beautiful prince, she immediately fell in love with him. This was reported to her parents who arranged for the marriage of Guņamālā with Jivaka, which was accordingly celebrated. But the king Kațțiyangāran came to know of the chastisement of his royal elephant and sent his sons and brother-inlaw Madanan to bring this chetty boy Jivaka. They, with a number of soldiers, came and surrounded Kandukkadan's house. Though Jivaka wanted to fight against them, he remembered his promise to his guru to keep quiet for one full year and therefore was not in a position to defend himself. Thus in difficulty he remembered his friend Sudañjaņadēva who immediately brought about a cyclone and rain and thus created confusion among his enemies. In this confusion Jīvaka was lifted and carried away by his friend Sudañjaņadēva to his own place. The king's officers, in their confusion, were not able to find out Jivaka. They killed some one else; and reported the matter to the king that they could not bring Jivaka alive and therefore they had to kill him in the confusion created by the cyclone. The king was very much pleased with this result and rewarded them all amply.

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5. Padumaiyār-ilambakam-Since Jivaka expressed his desire to return home, Sudañjaņadēva, before parting with his friend Jivaka, instructed him in three imporant vidyās which might be useful to him in life. These were: (1) the capacity to assume a beautiful form to be envied even by the God of Love, (2) to cure the effects of deadly poison and (3) to take any form desired. After instructing him in these three useful mantras, the dēva directed his friend the way he is to take to reach home. Leaving the land of his friend Sudañjaṇadēva, he roamed about in several places doing useful service to very many who were in suffering. Finally he reached the city of Candrābha in Pallava-dēša. There he became a friend of Lõkapāla, the Pallava prince. This prince's sister Padmā, one day, when she went to gather flowers, got bitten by a cobra. Jivaka saved her from the effect of poison through the mantra given to him by the dëva Sudanjaņa. As a reward of this good service, he had Padmā given to him in marriage by the Pallava king. There he stayed for a few months when he left the city in cognito all of a sudden. The princess was in great sorrow because of the disappearance of her hushand. The king sent messengers in search of his son-in-law Jivaka. They were told by Jivaka himself in disguise that there would be no use in searching for him now, and that he would of his own accord return after nine months. With this glad tidings the messengers went back and comforted the princess Padmā. Thus ends the Padumaiyār-ilambakam.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
6. Kēmasariyār-ilambakam-Then Jivaka reached Kēmapuri in Takka-nāḍu. In that Kemapuri there was a merchant by name Subhaddiran. He had a daughter by name Kēmasari. Astrologers told this merchant that the youth who at the sight produced the emotion of modesty and love in his daughter would become her husband. The merchant in search of a son-in-law tried several times to bring about such a situation to discover the predicted emotion in his daughter. But all cases proved failures till he came upon Jivaka. When Jivaka was invited to his house, he observed to his great joy that his daughter Kēmasari at the first sight fell in love with Jivaka. He gladly gave his daughter Kēmaśari in marriage to Jivaka who stayed with his wife for some time. Again he left the place in disguise, without the knowledge of anybody, to the great grief of his new wife Kēmasari.
7. Kanakamālaiyār-ilambakam—Then Jivaka reached Hemapura in Madhya-deśa. Reaching the udyana in the outskirts of the city, he met Vijaya the son of Dadamittan, the king of Hemapura. This Vijaya was attempting to get a mango fruit from a tree in the garden with the help of his arrow. But he could not succeed. The stranger Jivaka brought down the fruit at his first aim; at this Vijaya was very much delighted; and he reported the stranger's arrival to the king, his father. The king was very much pleased to receive Jivaka and requested him to instruct his sons in archery. When his sons became experts in archery as a result of Jivaka's instruction, the king out of gratitude and pleasure offered his daughter Kanakamālai in

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marriage to Jivaka. He was living with Kanakamālai for some time. In the meanwhile, his cousin Nandattan, not knowing the whereabouts of Jīvaka, wanted to go about in search of him. Gāndharvadattā, the Vidyadhara princess and Jivaka's first wife, gave the information about the exact whereabouts of Jīvaka at the moment. Through the help of her vidyā, she managed to lead Nandaţtan to Hēmapura where he stayed with his friends. Jivaka's other friends went in search of him. On their way they met the old queen Vijayā in a tavappaļļi. She was informed of all that happened to Jivaka after she left the baby on the cremation ground. And she expressed a great desire to meet her son, and they promised to arrange for such a meeting within a month and left the tavappalli to go to Jīvaka. While Jīvaka was living with his new wife Kanakamā lai, they pretended to besiege the town in order to meet Jivaka. Jivaka with his cousin Nandattan gathered large forces and went out to meet the besieging army in battle. Padumuhan who was in charge of the army outside and a friend of Jivaka despatched his first arrow with a message tied to it informing Jivaka of his own identity and the object of the visit. When the arrow fell at the feet of Jivaka, he picked it up and read the message to his great joy. Recognising that they were all his friends he invited them all into the city and introduced them to the king and father-in-law. When Jivaka learnt from his friends about his mother and her eagerness to meet him, he took leave of the king and his wife Kanakamālai who was asked to stay with her father. He started from the city with all his friends to meet his old mother. Jivaka

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together with his associates reached Daṇḍakāraṇya and met his old mother Vijayā. Vijayā embraced her son with great joy because of the separation of several years. Thus he spent 6 days in the tavappalli with his mother Vijaya. She advised her son to meet his maternal uncle Govindaraja and to take his advice and help for the purpose of recovering his father's lost kingdom. He sent his mother in the company of a few female ascetics to his uncle's place, while he himself with his friends went towards Rājamahāpuram. They all camped in a garden adjoining the city.
A. CHAKRAVARTI:
8. Vimalaiyar - ilambakam- Next day Jīvaka, leaving his friends there, went into the city assuming a beautiful form which could attract even the God of Love. While he was walking along the streets of the city, there appeared before him Vimala who ran into the street to pick her ball which went astray while she was playing. At the sight of that handsome Jivaka, she fell in love with him. She was the daughter of a merchant by name Sāgaradatta. Jivaka went and sat in Sagaradatta's shop just to take rest. The large stock of sugar, which he had in store for a long time unsold, was disposed off immediately after the visit of the stranger to the shop. This was taken to be a very good omen by the merchant Sagaradatta, as he had learnt previously from the astrologers "that he whose presence would lead to the complete disposal of his unsold goods would be the proper son-in-law for him." He gladly offered his daughter Vimala in marriage to this beautiful youth. Jivaka accepted Vimalā in marriage and spent with her just two days and the

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third morning he went back to his friends' camp in the garden outside the city.
9. Suramañjarī-ilambakam—His friends observed Jivaka with the marks of a fresh bridegroom and wanted to know the identity of his fresh matrimonial conquest. When Jivaka told them that he had married Vimalā, the merchant's daughter, they all congratulated him that he was the veritable Kāma. But one of his friends named Buddhiṣena was not willing to congratulate him for this paltry achievement; for, in the city there was one Suramañjari who would not brook to see a male's face and if Jivaka succeeded in marying her, then he would be congratulated as the veritable God of Love. Jivaka took up the challenge. Next day he assumed the form of a very old brāhmaṇa mendicant and appeared before the gate of Suramañjarī. Suramañjarī's maid servants informed their mistress of the appearance of the brahmana mendicant at her gate begging for some food. Suramañjarī, thinking that an old and frail brāhmaṇa mendicant would not lead to the violation of her vow, instructed her servants to bring the old man into the house. There the old mendicant was received as an honoured guest and was offered the finest food that she could arrange for. After dinner the old man took rest on a beautiful bed prepared for him. After a few minutes' nap the old man sang a very beautiful song which was identified by Suramañjarī as Jivaka's. This roused in her the old desire to win over Jivaka for herself. She decided to go to the temple of Love the next day to offer worship to the God of Love that she might at last

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
.
get Jivaka as her husband. Even before Jīvaka took the shape of a brāhmaṇa mendicant, he arranged with his friend Buddhisēņa that he should remain hiding behind the God of Love in the temple and that when Suramañjarī begged the God to help her to win Jivaka he must answer her favourably from behind the idol. So next day when Suramañjarī with her attendants wanted to go to the temple of Love, she took with her in the carriage this old brāhmaṇa mendicant. He was left in one of the front rooms of the temple, while Suramañjarī went into the temple to offer pūjā. After the pūjā was over, she begged the God of Love to promise success in her adventure. Immediately there came a voice from inside the temple “Yes, you have won already Jivaka”. In great delight she wanted to return home; and when she went to pick up the old mendicant on her way, Lo! she found there the youthful prince Jivaka instead of the old brahmana mendicant. There was no limit to her joy. She clasped him in great delight and announced that she would marry him. The matter was intimated to her father Kubēradatta who was very glad to have the marriage celebrated immediately. From this city of Rājamāpura he took leave of his foster-father and went out with his friends in the disguise of a horse dealer.
10. Manmagal-ilambakam-Thus Jivaka with his friends entered Vidaiya-nādu, the land of his uncle Govindarāja. He was received by his uncle with great joy. There he discussed with his uncle as to the method of reconquering his country Hēmāngada from the usurper Kațțiyangāran. Govindarāja tried to

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get Kattiyangāran to his place by a stratagem. This Govindarāja had a beautiful daughter named Ilakkaņai. He proclaimed the conditions of a svayamvara and set up a machine in the form of a boar which was always rotating; he who successfully hit the rotating boar would be accepted as the fitting husband to the princess. Kațțiyangāran and several other princes were assembled at the court of Govindarāja in order to try their luck at the svayamvara. But none was really successful. At last Jivaka appeared on the scene on the back of an elephant. The very sight made Kaţtiyangāran frightened. Jivaka, whom he considered to be dead and gone, was before him fully alive. He got down from the elephant's back and hit at the boar-mark successfully with his arrow, and won the hand of the princess in the svayamvara. Then his uncle Govindarāja openly announced who this young man was and sent an ultimatum to Kattiyangāraṇ to return back his kingdom. But Kațțiyangāran accepted the challenge and preferred to sight. He was defeated and killed in a regular battle together with his hundred sons. Jivaka was victorious. At the news of the victory, his old mother was in great joy and felt that her life-purpose was fulfilled.
11. Pumagal-ilambakam--Then Jivaka, after the victory, marched to his own city Rājamāpuram where he had the coronation ceremony conducted in a grand manner to the delight of his friends and relations. This is spoken of as the marriage with the Bhūmidēvī, the Spirit of the earth, because Jivaka's previous career was one of a glorious stream of marriages.

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12. Ilakkanaiyār - ilambakam -- After assuming the kingship over Hēmāngada-nāļu he had the celebration of the marriage with his uncle's daughter Ilakkaņai who was won in the last svayamvara, by his successful hitting at the boar-mark, and rewarded all his friends in a fitting manner. His foster-father was elevated to royal honour. His friends were given several presents. He gave away all the wealth of Kattiyangāras to his uncle Govindarāja. He built a temple in honour of his friend Sudañjanadēva. Thus during his reign all were satisfied and the country enjoyed plenty and prosperity.
13. Mutti-ilambakam-While they were all living in happiness, one day his old mother Vijayā expressed her desire to renounce all these worldly pleasures and wanted to live the life of an ascetic. Thus, with the permission of her son and king, she spent her remaining days in a tapasa-äśrama in prayer and spiritual discipline. The king Jivaka, while wandering in the udyāna, one day noticed a curious phenomenon. He observed a monkey with her lover enjoying their happy life. Immediately he saw the male monkey fetching a fine jack fruit to offer to his mate. Just then the gardener, noticing the jack fruit in the hands of the monkey, beat him with his stick and took away the jack fruit which he did eat. When this was noticed by Jivaka, he realised that this was symbolic of all worldly riches, always taken possession of by the mightier at the cost of the weaker. Even royal honour is no exception to this. Everywhere he found the principle ‘might is right triumphant. He saw that

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in the life of Kaţtiyangāran and he immediately knew in his own life the same principle illustrated. Royal honour resting on such unethical foundation was certainly not the thing to be coveted for. Therefore he resolved to abdicate his kingdom in favour of his son and retire from sovereignty to spend the rest of his life in penance. So he went away to the place where Mahāvīra was, got instruction in spiritual inatters from Gañadhara Sudharma who initiated him into spiritual life and penance. Thus Jivaka spent the rest of his period in meditation and finally attained Nirvāṇa as the fruit of his meditation and penance. Thus ended the glorious life of the great kșatriya hero Jivaka in whose honour this monumental Tamil classic was composed by the author Tiruttakkadēva.
This classic contains 3145 stanzas. An excellent edition containing a fine commentary by Naccinārkkiniyar is now available, and it is by the famous scholar Mahāmahöpādhyāya Dr. V. Swaminatha Ayyar who has devoted all his life to the publication of rare Tamil classics.
Let us now turn to the five minor kavyas? which are (1) Yasodhara, (2) Cūdamani? (3) Udayanan-kathai, (4) Nägakumära-kavyam and (5) Nilakësi. All these five minor epics were composed by Jaina authors.
1. These are popularly known as Ain-jirukkāppiyangal.
2. Of the five minor kavyas, Cintamani has been edited by Damodaram Pillai (1889). Besides, Vacana-Cintāmaņi (1898) by the same editor is a prose rendering of Cintamani in easy style and diction.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
(1) Yaśõdhara-kāvya:-Unlike Jaina literary works in Sanskrit, where the authors generally give a bit of autobiographic information, either at the beginning or at the end of the work, in Tamil literature, the author maintains absolute silence on that matter. It is very often difficuit to know even the name of the author, not to speak of other details relating to his life. We have to depend upon purely circumstantial evidence as to the life of the author. Sometimes such circumstantial evidence will be extremely meagre, and we have to confess our ignorance about the author and his life. Such is the case with this Yaśõdhara-kavya. Practically nothing is known about the author except that he was a Jaina ascetic. From the nature of the story all that we can infer is that it is later than the Hindu doctrine of yaga as reformed by Madhyācārya. Madhvācārya, the famous Vedāntic scholar, introduced a healthy reform that Vedic ritual could very well be continued without involving animal sacrifice, if a substitute for the animal be introduced in the same form made of rice-flour. The story of Yasodharukavya is evidently intended to reject this ritualism even with this substitute. The moral value of conduct depends upon the harmony between thought, word and deed, manas, väk and kaya. In this particular form of ritualism, though the actual deed is avoided, there is still lacking the harmony and co-operation of the other two. The desire to sacrifice an animal and to pronounce the necessary mantras being there, the substitution of a mock-animal would not relieve an agent of any of his responsibility for animal sacrifice.

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This seems to be the main theme of the story in which incidentally many of the doctrines relating to the Jaina religion are introduced. Hence the work must be placed after the period of the reformation in ritualism associated with the founder of Mādhva philosophy.
The scene of the story is laid in Rājapura in Oudaya-dēśa, in Bharata-khanda. Māridatta is the name of the king. There is a Kāli temple in the city dedicated to Canda-Māridēvī. It was the time of a great festival for this Caņda-Māridēvī. For the purpose of sacrificing, there were gathered in the temple precincts, pairs of birds and animals, male and female, such as fowls, peacocks, birds, goats, buffaloes and so on. These were brought by the people of the town as their offerings to the devī. The king Māridatta, to be consistent with the status and position of rāja, wanted to offer as sacrifice not merely the ordinary beasts or birds but a pair of human beings as well. So he instructed his officer to fetch a pair of human beings, a male and a female, to be offered as a sacrifice to the goddess Kālī. The officer accordingly went about in search of human victims. Just about that time a Jaina Sangha consisting of 500 ascetics presided over by Sudattācārya came and settled at the park in the outskirts of the city. In this Sangha there were two youths Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, brother and sister. These two young apprentices, since they were not accustomed to the rigorous discipline characteristic of the grown up monks in the Sangha, were very much fatigued on account of the long travel and were permitted by the head of the Sangha to enter the town for

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A. CHAKRAVARTI : obtaining alms for themselves. The officer of the king, who went about in search of human victims, was very glad to capture these two beautiful youths and marched them to the Kāli temple and informed the king of his capture. The king Māridatta gladly went to the Kālī temple with the object of offering his sacrifice with these beautiful youths. The people assembled there asked these two beautiful youths to prey to Kāli that, as a result of this great sacrifice, blessings must be showered on the king and the land. The two ascetics smiled at this request; and they themselves blessed the king that he might be weaned from this cruel form of worship, so that he might have the pleasure of accepting the noble ahimsa-dharma which would lead him to a safe spiritual haven. When they pronounced this with a smile on their beautiful faces, the king was nonplussed for he could not understand how two such young and beautiful persons, in the face of death, could have such peace of mind as to laugh at the whole game as if it were none of their own concern. Therefore the king wanted to know the reason why they laughed at such a grave moment and expressed a desire to know who they were, and why they had come to the city, and so on. The sword drawn for sacrifice was sheathed again, and the king was in a mood to know the reason for the queer behaviour of the two youths. As desired by the king the brother Abhayaruci began to answer: “The reason why we laughed, without being in fright, was the result of the knowledge that everything that happens to an individual is but the fruit of his previous karma. Fear to

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escape the fruits of one's own karma is but the result of ignorance. Hence we were not afraid of our own fate which is the consequence of our own previous action. We have to laugh simply because the whole scene here is steeped in so much ignorance. As a result of our own conduct that we sacrificed a fowl made up of rice-flour, we had to suffer and endure for seven births, successively taking the form of lower animals and suffering all sorts of pain. Only in this period, we have the good fortune to regain our human form. We know very well that all this suffering was the result of our silly desire to offer sacrifice to Kālī, though the actual victim of sacrifices was merely an imitation fowl made of flour. After realising this, when your people asked us to pray to Caņņa-Māridevī for the prosperity and welfare of yourself and your kingdom as a result of the sacrifice of several animals and birds together with human beings, we could not but laugh at the simplicity and ignorance of the people here."
When the king heard this, he gave up the idea of sacrifice and wanted to know more about the life of the two victims who exhibited such magnificent peace of mind even in the very jaws of death. Thus ends the first section.
In the second section is narrated the story of these two youths and how they brought upon themselves all the troubles on account of sacrificing a mock-fowl. The scene is laid in Ujjain, the capital of Avanti of Mālava-dēša. The ruler of the country was one Aśõka.

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His queen was Candramatī. Yaśödhara was their son. It is this prince Yaśödhara that is the hero of this story. This Yaśodhara married a beautiful princess by name of Amstamatī. This beautiful queen gave birth to a son Yaśāmati. The old king Asöka abdicated the kingdom in favour of his son Yaśödhara and instructed him to observe the principles of righteous rule according to rājanīti. He instructed his son on how he should safeguard dharma, artha and kāma, the three puruṣārthas. He should maintain religion and religious worship at a high level of purity based upon the ahimsā doctrine. Having given all this advice and after establishing his son as the king of the land, the old king adopted the life of an ascetic and spent his time in an asrama. While the king Yaśādhara and his queen Amstamati were living happily, one early morning the queen heard the sweet music of the elephant-keeper singing in malapañcama-rāga. The queen was attracted by the music and sent her attendant Guņavatī to procure the person who was responsible for such sweet music. This information created a surprise in that attendant who advised the queen to remember her status and prestige; but as she insisted on having the person with whom she fell in love, the attendant had to bring the keeper of the elephant who was a detestable leper. Even in spite of this deformity, the foolish queen entered into an intimacy with that wretch. The king was at first ignorant of the whole affair. But soon the king came to know of this disgusting behaviour of the queen. Noticing the peculiar estrangement in her behaviour, he himself

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grew weary of worldly riches and was trying to discard the kingly pleasures and renounce the world. Just then he had an ominous dream in which the moon from the high skies was observed to fall down towards the earth losing all her light and glory. The king feared that this was symbolic of some calamity and wanted to know how to avoid the evil foretold in this dream. The queen-mother was consulted by the king who was advised to offer some animal sacrifice to Kāli for the purpose of warding off such a calamity. The king, because he was a faithful follower of ahimsadharma, could not reconcile himself to animal sacrifice. Hence the king and his queen-mother both arrived at a compromise according to which the king had to offer a fowl made of rice-flour as a sacrifice to Kāli. So the mock-fowl was offered as a sacrifice to Kāli. Thus troubles began. In the meanwhile, the queen, knowing that her conduct was discovered by the king and the queen-mother, hated them both and finally succeeded in killing them by poisoning them. Thus, after disposing off the king and his mother, this wicked queen Amṛtamati made her own son Yaśōmati the king of Avanti-deśa. After the death of Yasodhara and his queen-mother Candramati as a result of the sin of sacrificing to Kāli, they were born as lower animals for seven births in succession.
The third section is the description of the various janmas taken by the king Yasodhara and his mother as lower animals and birds, and the grief and suffering that they had to undergo.

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In the fourth section the narrative of the new king Yośõmati is given and also the story of Abhayaruci and Abhayamatī who were in their previous births Yośõdhara and his queen-mother Candramatī. Finally, when Māridatta learnt the whole story, he desired to know more about this noble truth ahiņsā; and he was taken to the guru who was camping in the udyāna in the outskirts of the city where the king had the initiation into the noble faith of ahimsā. Thereafter, he not only gave up the offering of animal sacrifice to Kāli himself, but also proclaimed to his people that such a sacrifice should not be offered any longer. Thus he elevated the religion and temple worship to a higher and nobler level all over his land. This is the story of the Yaśõdhara-kavya in Tamil about whose author we know nothing. The story is found even in Sanskrit literature. There is a Sanskrit Yasodhara-kavya dealing with the same story. But it is not clearly known which is earlier, the Tamil or the Sanskrit one.
The Tamil Yasõdhara-kāvya was first published by the late T. Venkatarama Iyengar, an esteemed friend of the present writer. Unfortunately the edition is out of print and hence not available to readers at present.
(2) Cūļāmaņi:- It is composed by the Jaina author and poet Tolāmolittēvar. He was evidently under the patronage of the chief Vijaya of Kārvețnagar. The editor of this work, Damodaram Pillai, is of opinion that it must be earlier than some of the major kävyas. His conclusion is based upon the fact that several stanzas from Cūļāmaņi are quoted by Amộtasā

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gara, the author of Yapparungalakārikai. Cūļāmaṇi is based upon a Purāņic story contained in the Mahāpurrana by Jinasēna. The hero of the story is one Tiviṭṭan, one of the nine Vasudevas according to the Jaina tradition, of whom Kṛṣṇa of Bharata fame is one. Cūļāmaṇi resembles Cintamani in poetic excellence. It contains 12 sargas and 2131 stanzas on the whole. The story runs as follows: Prajapati, King of Suramaideśa, whose capital was Pōtanapura, had two principal queens, Mrgavati and Jayavati. Tiviṭṭan. the hero, was the son of the mahādēvi Mṛgavati, Vijaya the son of Jayavati and this was the elder of the two. Vijaya and Tiviṭṭan were exactly corresponding to Balarama and Kṛṣṇa, the former fair, and the latter dark in complexion. A soothsayer told the king Prajapati that his son Tiviṭṭan would marry a Vidyadhara princess very shortly. The Vidyadhara king of Rādānūpura had a daughter by name Svayamprabhā who was very beautiful. This Vidyadhara king also had a prediction made by a soothsayer that his daughter Svayamprabhā would marry a ksatriya prince of Pōtanapura. The Vidyadhara monarch sent one of his ministers with a letter to the king Prajapati offering his daughter in marriage to Tiviṭṭan. King Prajapati of Pōtanapura, though surprised at first at this offer from the Vidyādhara king, consented to the marriage. In the meanwhile, the matter was known to the Vidyadhara emperor Aśvagrīva to whom both Prajapati and the father of Svayamprabha were subordinates. Aśvagrīva, the Vidyadhara emperor, demanded from the father of Tiviṭṭan the usual tribute. King Prajapati, fearing the

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wrath of the Vidyādhara emperor, ordered the tribute to be paid immediately. But his son Tiviţtan would not permit this. He denied allegiance to the Vidyādhara emperor and sent the messenger back saying “No tribute will be paid hereafter.” One of the Vidyādhara ministers attached to Ašvagrīva's court wanted to kill this foolhardy kşatriya youth Tivittan by a stratagem. He assumed the form of a lion and destroyed the cattle of the land of Suramai belonging to the king Prajāpati. The sons of Prajāpati, Tivițțan and Vijaya, set out to slay the lion. The lion, which was the assumed form of the Vidyadhara minister, cleverly decoyed Tivitýan into a cave. Tivittan pursued the lion into the cave. There was a real lion in that cave which devoured the māyā lion and wanted to have Tivițțan also. Tiviţtan was not to be frightened by this. The Vidyadhara lion having disappeared into the mouth of the real lion of the cave, he caught hold of the head of the real lion and killed it easily. This killing of the lion was a part of the prediction given by the soothsayer to the king of Rādānūpura, the father of Svayamprabhā, who was to be given in marriage to Tivițțan. Therefore the king of Rādānūpura set out with his daughter Svayamprabhā for Potanapura where the Vidhyadhara princess was given in marriage to the gallant Tivițțan. The Vidhyādhara emperor Ašvagrīva, boiling with wrath because of the treatment meted out to his messenger by his subject's son Tivițţan, had now his anger aggravated because of the latter's marriage with a Vidyadhara princess. He could not brook the idea of an

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ordinary ksatriya prince, and that too the son of his own subordinate, marrying a Vidyadhara princess of his own noble race. He marched with his mighty force against Tiviṭṭan. A war ensued. Tiviṭṭan, being a Vasudeva, was in possession of divine magic powers, and with his cakra made a clean sweep of the Vidyadhara army and finally slew the Vidyadhara emperor Aśvagriva himself. The result of this victory made Tiviṭṭan's father-in-law suzerain lord for the whole of the Vidyadhara land. Tiviṭṭan himself inherited his father's domain and lived happily with his Vidyadhara bride Svayamprabha together with his several thousand other spouses. He had a son by his Vidyadhara bride Svayamprabha named Amṛtasēna. He gave his sister in marriage to his brother-in-law Arkakirti and by his sister a daughter was born called Sudarai and also a son. Tiviṭṭan had another daughter by name Jötimālai for whose marriage he proclaimed a Svayamvara. This daughter chose for her husband her maternal uncle, Arkakirti, whereas the Vidyadhara princess chose his own son Amṛtasena. Thus by these two marriages the alliance between the Potanapura dynasty and the Vidyadhara dynasty was further strengthened. Thus, when the two countries were living in happiness and the people were enjoying prosperity, the old king Prajapati renounced the kingdom in favour of his son and passed the remainder of his life in yoga and meditation. As a result of this Jina-dikşa and spiritual penance the king Prajāpati escaped from samsära and attained mukti. Thus ends

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the story of Cüļamaņi, a very important work included in the category of the five minor kavyas.
(3) Nilakēsi.-- This is also one of the five minor kāvyas which is evidently by a Jaina philosopher-poet about whom we know nothing. It is a controversial work dealing with the systems of Indian philosophy and it has an excellent commentary called Samayadivakara by one Vāmana-muni. This Vāmana-muni is the same as the author of another classic called Mērumandirapurāņam. Nilakesi appears to be a refutation of the Buddhistic work Kundalakësi which is unfortunately lost now. This Kindalakësi was included under the category of the five mahakavyas. Though the Tamil classic of this name is lost to the world, the story of Kundalakeši as found in the Buddhistic work is given below for the simple reason that the related story of Nilakeši is modelled after Kundalakēši and is intended to be a refutation of Kundalakėši's philosophy. The story of Kundalakeši is as follows, taken from The Buddhist Legends (H. O. S.).
A rich merchant of Rājagsha, it seems, had an only daughter who was about sixteen years of age, and she was exceedingly beautiful and fair to see. When women reach this age, they burn and long for men. Her mother and father lodged her on the topmost
1. The learned author has written and published a detailed introductory treatise on Neelakësi (Kumbakonam, 1936) making the contents of this work of great literary merit available to the world of scholars.

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floor of a seven-storied palace in an apartment of royal splendour, and gave her only a single slavewoman to wait upon her.
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Now one day a young man of station was caught in the act of robbery. They bound his hands behind his back and led him to the place of execution, scourging him with lashes at every cross-road. The merchant's daughter heard the shouts of the crowd, said to herself, "What is that?", looked down from the top of of the palace, and saw him.
Straightaway she fell in love with him. So great, in fact, was her longing for him that she took to her bed and refused to eat. Her mother asked her, 'What does this mean, my dear daughter ?'. 'If I can have that young man who was caught in the act of committing robbery and who was led through the streets, life will be worth living; otherwise I shall die here and now'. 'Do not act in this manner, my dear daughter; you shall have someone else for your husband, someone who is our equal in birth and family and wealth'. 'I will have no one else; if I cannot have this man, I shall die.'
The mother, unable to pacify her daughter, told the father but the father likewise was unable to pacify his daughter. 'What is to be done?", thought he. He sent a thousand pieces of money to the king's officer who had captured the robber and who was accompanying him to the place of excecution, saying, "Take the money and send the robber to me.' 'Very well' said the king's officer. He took the money and released the

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robber, had another man put to death, and sent word to the king ‘The robber has an executed, Your Majesty.'
The merchant gave his daughter in marriage to this robber. She resolved to win the favour of her hnsband; and from that time on, adorned with all her ornaments, she prepared her husband's meal with her own hand. After a few days the robber thought to himself, 'When can I kill this woman, take her jewels and sell them, and so be able to take my meals in a certain tavern? This is the way.'
He took to his bed and refused to eat. She came to him and asked, 'Are you in pain?' 'Not at all, wife.' Then perhaps my morher and father are angry with you ?' * They are not angry with me, wife.' “What is the matter, then ? “Wife, that day when I was bound and led through the streets, I saved my life by vowing an offering to the deity that lives on Robber's cliff; likewise it was through His supernatural power that I gained you for my wife. I was wondering how I could fulfil my vow of an offering to the deity.' ‘Husband, do not worry; I will see to the offering ; tell me what is needed'. 'Rich rice-porridge flavoured with honey; and the five kinds of flowers including the taja flower.' Very well, husband, I will make ready the offering.
Having prepared the whole offering, she said to her husband 'Come, husband, let us go.' 'Very well, wife; let your kinsmen remain behind; put on your costly garments and adorn yourself with your precious jewels, and we will go gaily, laughing and disporting

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ourselves.' She did as she was told. When they reached the foot of the mountain, the robber said to her, 'Wife, from this point on let us two go alone; we will send back the rest of the company in a conveyance; you take the vessel containing the offering and carry it yourself.' She did as she was told.
The robber took her in his arms and climbed the mountain to the top of the Robber's cliff. (One side of this mountain men can climb; but the other side is a precipitous cliff, from the top of which robbers are flung, being dashed to pieces before they reached the bottom; therefore it is called 'Robber's cliff'). Standing on the top of the mountain, she said, 'Husband, present the offerings'. Her husband made no reply. Again she spoke, 'Husband, why do you remain silent'. Then he said to her, 'I have no use for the offering; I deceived you in bringing you here with an offering'. "Then why did you bring me here, husband?' 'To kill you, seize your jewels, and escape.' Terrified with the fear of death, she said to him, 'Husband, both my jewels and my person belong to you; why do you speak thus?'. Over and over again she pleaded with him, 'Do not do this,' but his reply only was 'I will kill you.' 'After all, what will you gain by killing me? Take these jewels and spare my life; henceforth regard me as your mother, or else let me be your slave-woman and work for you.' So saying, she recited the following stanza:
Take these golden bracelets, all set with beryls Take all, and welcome; call me your slave-woman. 7

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The robber, hearing this, said to her, “Despite what you say, were I to spare your life, you would go and tell your mother and father all. I will kill you. That is all. Lament not with vehement lamentation.' So saying he recited the following stanza :
Lament not over much; tie up your possession quickly. You have not long to live; I shall take all your possessions.
She thought to herself, 'Oh, what a wicked deed is this? However, wisdom was not made to be cooked ånd eaten, but rather to make men look before they leap. I shall find a way of dealing with him.' And she said to him, 'Husband, when they caught you in the act of committing robbery and led you through the streets, I told my mother and father, and they spent a thousand pieces of money in ransoming you and they gave you a place in their house, and from that time on I have been your benefactress; to-day do me the favour of letting me pay obeisance to you’ ‘Very well, wife,' said he, granted her the favour of paying obeisance to him, and then took his stand near the edge of the cliff.
She walked around him three times, keeping him on her right hand, and paid obeisance to him in the four places. Then she said to him, 'Husband, this is the last time I shall see you. Henceforth you will see me no more, neither shall I see you anymore.' And she embraced him both before and behind. Then, remaining behind him, as he stood off his guard near the edge of the cliff, she put one hand to his shoulder

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and the other to his back, and flung him over the cliff. Thus was the robber hurled into the abyss of the mountain, and dashed to pieces when he reached the bottom. The deity that dwelt on the top of the Robber's cliff observed the actions of the two and, applauding the woman, uttered the following stanza :
Wisdom is not always confined to men; A woman too is wise and shows it now and then.
Having thrown the robber over the cliff, the woman thought to herself, “If I go home, they will ask me, 'Where is your husband? and if, in answer to this question, I say “I have killed him’ they will pierce me with the knives of their tongue, saying 'We ransomed the scoundrel with a thousand pieces of money and now you have killed him.' If, on the other hand, I say, 'He sought to kill me for my jewels,' they will not believe me. I am done with home.” She caste off her jewels, went into the forest, and after wandering about for a time came to a certain hermitage of nuns. She reverently bowed and said, 'Sister, receive me into your Order as a nun'. So they received her as a nun.
After she had become a nun, she asked 'Sister, what is the goal of your religious life ? “Sister, the development of spiritual ecstasy through the employment of the kasinas, or else the memorising of a thousand articles of faith, this is the highest aim of our religious life.' Spiritual ecstasy I shall not be able to develop, Reverend Sister; But I will master the thousand articles of faith. When she mastered the thousand articles of faith, they said to her, “You have

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acquired proficiency; now go through the length and breadth of the land of the Rose-Apple and look for some one able to match question and answer with you.'
: So, placing a branch of Rose-Apple in her hands they dismissed her with these words, 'Go forth, Sister; if any one who is a layman is able to match question and answer with you, become his slave; if any monk, enter his Order as a nun, adopting the name 'Nun of the Rose Apple'. She left the hermitage and went about from place to place asking questions to everyone she saw. No one was able to match question and answer with her; in fact, such a reputation did she acquire that whenever men heard the announcement, 'Here comes the Nun of the Rose-Apple,' they would run away.
Before entering a town or village for alms, she would scrape a pile of sand together before the village gate and there plant her rose apple branch. Then she would issue her challenge, “Let him that is able to match question and answer with me trample this rose apple under his feet.' So saying, she would enter the village. No one dared to pass beyond that spot. When one branch withered, she would procure a fresh one.
Travelling about in this way, she arrived at Sāvatthī, planted the branch before the city gate, issued her challenge in the usual way, and went in to seek alms. A number of young boys gathered about the branch and waited to see what would happen. Just then the elder Sārīputta, who had made his round and eaten

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his breakfast and was on his way out of the city, saw those boys standing about the branch and asked them What does this mean?'. The boys explained matters to the Elder. Said the Elder, 'Go ahead, boys, trample that branch under your feet.' 'We are afraid to, Reverend Sir.' 'I will answer the question; you go ahead and trample the branch under your feet.' The Elder's words supplied the boys with the necessary courage. Forthwith they trampled the branch under their feet shouting and kicking up dust.
When the nun returned, she rebuked them and said, 'I don't intend to bandy question and answer with you; how did you come to trample the branch under your feet ?' 'Our noble Elder told us to’. Reverend Sir, did you tell them to trample my branch under their feet?' 'Yes, Sister.' 'Well then, match question and answer with me'. Very well, I will do so.
As the shades of evening drew on, she went to the Elder's residence to put her questions. The entire city was stirred up. The people said to each other, 'Let us go and hear the talk of the two learned persons.' Accompanying the nun from the city to the Elder's residence, they bowed to the Elder and seated themselves respectfully on one side.
The nun said to the Elder, Reverend Sir, I wish to ask you a question.' 'Ask it, Sister.' So she asked him the thousand articles of faith. Every question the nun asked, the Elder answered correctly. Then he said to her, 'You have asked only these few questions ; are there any others ? “These are all,

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Reverend Sir.' 'You have asked many questions; I will ask you just one; will you answer me ?.' 'Ask your question'. 'What is one ? She said to herself, “This is the question I should be able to answer'; but not knowing the answer, she inquired of the Elder, ‘What is it, Reverend Sir ?.' 'This is the Buddha's question, Sister.' 'Tell me also the answer, Reverend Sir.' 'If you will enter our Order, I will tell you the answer.' 'Very well, admit me to the Order.' The Elder sent word to the nuns and had her admitted. After being admitted to the Order, she made her full profession, took the name Kundalakēśī, and after a few days became an Arhat endowed with supernatural faculties.
In the Hall of Truth the monks began a discussion of the incident. “Kundalakēśī heard little of the Law, and yet she succeeded in being admitted to the Order ; moreover, she came here after fighting a fierce battle with a robber and defeating him.' The teacher came in and asked them, ‘Monks, what is it that you are sitting here discussing now?.' They told him. “Monks, we assure not the Law. I have taught as being 'little' or 'much. There is no superior merit in a hundred sentences that are meaningless; but one sentence of the Law is better. He that defeats all other robbers wins no victory at all, but he who defeats the robbers, his own depravities, his is victory indeed.” There he joined the connection and preaching the Law, pronounced the following stanza :
Though one should recite a hundred stanzas Composed of meaningless sentences

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Yet one Sentence of the Law were better Which if a man hear he is at peace.
Though one should conquer a thousand times a thousand men in battle,
Yet would he be the mightiest conqueror Who should conquer one himself.
Nilakēšī, which is one of the five minor kāvyas in Tamil, is evidently an answer to Kundalakēsi, the Buddhistic work. As is suggested by the author himself, the story is not taken from among the Purāņic stories. The story is probably an imaginative creation by the author merely to serve as a frame-work for introducing philosophical discussions. The work has not seen the light of day up to the present. The present writer is trying to bring out an edition of this rare classic which is in press. In the course of a few months it may be made available to the public'.
The story begins with a scene laid in Pāñcāla-dēša which is otherwise known as Pārtti-nādu. The king of the land is referred to be Samudrasāra and his capital is Pundravardhana. On the outskirts of this city there is a cremation ground which goes by the name of Pālālaiyam. There is also a famous Kāli temple there. Just about the Kālī temple there is a Jaina yõgin called Municandra. One day people from the town brought as offering to the Kāli a number of beasts and birds. The Jaina ācārya asked them the reason for this extraordinary sacrifice. In answer they gave that these animals and
1. Since edited by him.

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birds they had to offer to Kāli for the queen had given birth to a child as the result of Kāli's blessing. The Jaina ācārya informed those persons that the Goddess would be quite satisfied if baked clay models of animals and fowls were set up as their offerings before the Kāli temple. Such a procedure would be quite enough to satisfy the Goddess and to fulfil their vows. Further, it would relieve a number of animals from death and also save themselves from the sin of hiņsā. This teaching evidently appealed to the people at large who drove away all their animals back to their homes. This behaviour of the people very much upset the Goddess Kāli who realised that she was not capable of frightening away the Jaina ascetic because of his superior spiritual culture. But now she wanted to drive him away from the precincts of the Kāli temple so that he might not interfere with the regular sacrifice. Hence she went about in search of her chief, the great Nīlakēšī, of the southern country, before whom the complaint was placed as to the Jaina ascetic's interference with the regular sacrifice and worship at the Kāli temple. The great Nīlakēśī marched towards the north in order to get rid of this Jaina yõgin and to restore regular worship and sacrifice at the Kāli temple at the city of Pundravardhana. Nilakēśī created there several frightening situations hoping to drive away Municandrācārya. All her attempts to frighten the yõgin proved futile. He was not the person to be easily got rid of. He was firmly rooted in his practice of yoga and no amount of dreadful circumstances created in the environment would affect his calm and peaceful meditation. He went on as if nothing had taken place around him.

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105 Then Nīlakēśī thought that the only way by which she could defeat this yõgin by some hook or crook, was to deviate him from his spiritual purpose and draw him towards sensual pleasures. She thought that this would be the surest way to spoil his penance. With this object in view, she put on the beautiful form of the princess of the land and began to play the coquette before the yogin. She behaved even as a public courtezan trying to attract the ācārya. Even this attempt proved no more successful. In the meanwhile, Municandrācārya himself told her the whole truth. He made her understand that she was not really the princess from the royal household, that she was merely the chief of the dëvatās attempting to frighten him away from the place in order to restore their usual animal sacrifice. This plain speaking made her realise the greatness and the wisdom of the yogin, and she confessed before him that all he stated was true and begged him to pardon her. When she was pardoned by the yögin, she, out of gratitude, expressed her willingness to adopt, in future, a more healthy and reasonable course of life and wanted him to help her in this by teaching her the fundamental principles of ahimsā. When she heard the noble religious principles of ahimsā she felt extremely grateful to the guru and begged him to say what would be the best thanks-offering from the disciple. When he told her the best form of thanksoffering that he would have was for her to go about the land preaching this doctrine of ahimsā, she accordingly accepted the task and, therefore, taking the human form she devoted her time in propaganda work in favour of

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the ahimsa doctrine. This is the subject matter of the opening chapter Dharmav-urai-carukkam.
A. CHAKRAVARTI :
The 2nd chapter, Kuṇḍalakēsi-vāda-carukkam, is devoted to the discussion that Nilakēsi had with Kuṇḍalakēśī who was the representative of Buddhism. Naturally in this discussion Kundalakēśi is represented to be defeated by Nilakēsi. Kundalakēśi is made to acknowledge her defeat and to accept the doctrine of ahimsa. Nilakēśī learns from Kundalakēśī that her teacher is one Arhacandra, a Buddhistic scholar.
The 3rd chapter is devoted to the discussion with Arhacandra, who is also made to acknowledge his defeat in the discussion. Arhacandra, after accepting Nilakēsi's religion of ahimsa directed her to Mokkala, one of the chief disciples of Gautama Sākyamuni and one of the early founders of the Buddhistic Sangha.
The 4th chapter, Mokkala-vada-carukkam, is devoted to Nilakēsi's challenge to this Buddhistic teacher Mokkala who, in his turn, is defeated and made to acknowledge the rival faith. This is one of the biggest chapters in the book because of the important Buddhistic doctrines which are discussed in detail in this chapter. Hence Mokkala himself sends Nilakēsi to the very founder of Buddhism. Hence the fifth chapter Buddha-vada-carukkam represents the meeting of Nilakēsi and the Buddha for the purpose of discussion. The Buddha himself is made to realise that his doctrine of ahimsa is not observed in spirit by his followers. He is made to realise that mere lip-service to ahimsa

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is not a satisfactory doctrine of religion, where finally he himself is made to acknowledge the unsatisfactory nature of his religion which must be recast to keep the spirit of ahimsā. Thus, next to the introductory chapter, 4 chapters are devoted to this discussion of Buddhism. Then the other darsanas are introduced in succession.
The
The 6th chapter is devoted to the Ajivaka religion. The chapter is called Ajivaka-vāda-carukkam. founder of the Ajivaka religion was a contemporary of Mahavira and Gautama Buddha. In outward appearance the Ājīvakas resembled Jaina Nirgranthas. But, in the matter of religion, they differed very much from both the Jainas and the Buddhists. Though the contemporary Buddhistic writers made no mistake about the identity of the Ājīvakas, later Indian writers very often made the mistake of confounding them with the Digambara sect of Jainas. In this chapter on the Ajivakas the author of Nilakēsi distinctly warns the reader against any such confusion and emphasises the fundamental doctrinal differences between the two
sects.
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The 7th chapter is devoted to an examination of the Sankhya schools. Hence it is called Sankhyavada-carukkam.
The 8th chapter is devoted to the examination of Vaisēşika-darsana. The author carefully brings out the points of resemblance between the Jaina and nonJaina darsanas in philosophical matters, always keep

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A. CHAKRAVARTI : ing before his mind's eye his own fundamental concept of ahimsā.
The 9th chapter is devoted to the examination of Vedic ritualism, hence called Vēda-vāda-carukkam. In this section there is not only a criticism of Vēdic ritualism involving animal sacrifice but also a critical examination of the varņāsrama-dharma based upon Vēdic ritualism. The author tries to argue that the social differences, based upon birth, have no significance in the spiritual field, and hence are altogether without any importance to religion. From the point of view of religion the only difference to be noted among the human beings is the difference based upon character, culture and spiritual discipline.
The last or the 10th chapter is devoted to the examination of the materialistic school usually called Bhüta-vāda. Hence the chapter is called Bhūta-vādacarukkam. Here the discussion is mainly devoted to establishing the reality of a spiritual principle beyond the materialistic conglomeration of the world. The author tries to emphasise that consciousness or cētanā is an independent spiritual principle and not a mere secondary by-product of the combination of material things, an independent spiritual principle which is recognised as an entity surviving the disintegration of the material element with which it is associated in the life of the individual. Thus the main theme of this chapter is the survival of the human personality after death. This Nīlakēśi demonstrates to the leader of materialism who readily accepts his mistake and acknowledges

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that there are more things not dreamt of in his philosophy.
Thus ends the work after vindicating first the reality of the spiritual principle, the human personality and secondly the supremacy of the religious doctrine based upon ahimsa. Thus Nilakēsi completes her life-task which she intended to be a thanks-offering to her guru from whom she learnt the fundamental principles of religion and philosophy which she adopted as her own, though she, as a Goddess, had been revelling in animal sacrifice. Thus we see that Nilakesi is mainly a controversial work intended to vindicate the reality of the soul against materialism, the nobility of ahimsā against Vēdic ritualism, and the dietetic purity of vegetarianism against the Buddhists who preached ahimsā and practised himsä.
We know absolutely nothing about the author of the text though we know that the commentary is written by Vamana-muni. Since there are references to the Kural and the Nalaḍiyar in this work it must be later than the age of the Kural. Since it is intended as an answer to Kundalakēši it must certainly be later than Kuṇḍalakësi1.
Since we know nothing about Kundalakēsi itself we cannot build much on this information. All that
1. The learned author elsewhere (Neelakesi, Kumbakonam, 1936, pp. 5-11) assigns the anonymous author to a period between the fourth and fifth century A.D., but says "We cannot afford to dogmatically assert anything about the age of the author of Neclakesi."

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we can say is that it is one of the very early classics in Tamil literature. It contains 894 stanzas on the whole. This text is certainly very useful to students of Tamil literature in exhibiting several rare grammatical and idiomatic usages, and archaic terms in which the work abounds.
Two other minor kāvyas which are still lying in obscurity in palm-leaf manuscripts are (4) Udayanakävya and (5) Nāgakumāra-kavya. The former, as its name suggests, relates to the life of Udayana, the Vatsa prince of Kaušāmbi. Since they are not published, we cannot say inuch about them.
There is another Tamil classic dealing with the storyof Udayana. Probably this is not one of the minor kavyas. Judging by the volume of matter and the meter employed in this work, it is probably an independent work not included in any of the traditional lists. It is made available to the Tamil reader by that indefatigable worker in the cause of Tamil, Dr. Swaminatha Ayyar, whom we have already referred to. This work Perunkathai probably was named after the Brhat-katha of Guņādhya written in what is known as Piśācabhāṣā, a Prākrit dialect. The author is known as Konguvēl, a prince of the Kongu-deśa. He lived in Vijayamanagar, a place in Coimbatore District, where there were a number of Jainas in former days. This work is quoted by several famous commentators
1. Perunkathai, Ed. by V. Swaminatha Ayyar, Madras,
1924.

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in Tamil to illustrate the grammatical and idiomatical usage in Tamil literature. The book now published is unfortunately incomplete. The editor with all his attempt was not able to obtain the missing portion in the beginning as well as at the end of the work. Instead of waiting indefinitely, it is good that the work is published though incomplete. From Guņādhya's Brhatkathā, which contains a lot of other stories, the author of Tamil Perunkathai has taken only the portions relating to the life of Prince Udayana. The story consists of 6 main chapters. Uñjaik-kāņdam, Lāvāņak-kāndam, Magadak-kändam, Vattavak-kāndam Naravānak-kāņdam and Turavuk-kāņdam, all relating to the rich life of Udayana. Udayana was the son of Satānīka of the Kuru dynasty who ruled over Kauśāmbi. Satānika's queen was one Mțgāvati. When she was in an advanced state of pregnancy she, with her attendants, was playing in the upstairs of her palace. She had herself and her attendants and the whole background adorned with plenty of red flowers and red silk clothes. After play she fell asleep on her cot. The most powerful bird of Hindu mythology, Sarabha, mistaking the place to be strewn with raw flesh on account of the red flowers strewn across, carried away the cot with Msgāvati sleeping on it to Vipulācala. When Mțgāvati woke up she was surprised to find herself in strange surroundings. The bird which carried her there, realising that what she carried was not a mass of flesh but a live human being, went away leaving her there. Just at that moment she gave birth to a son, the future Udayana.

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To her welcome surprise there was her father Cēțaka, who, after renouncing his kingdom, was spending his time there as a Jaina yögin. When he heard the cries of the baby he went there and found his daughter Mțigāvati. Since the child was born about sunrise he was named Udayana. On the same hill Vipulācala there was living one brähmaņa Ķși, Brahmasundara by name, with his wife Brahmasundarī. Cēțaka-muni, the father of Mrigāvatī, placed his daughter and her child in the care of the brahmaņa muni where they were looked after as members of his own family. This brahmaņa Rși had a son by name Yügi ; and Yugi and Udayana became very intimate friends from their childhood which friendship lasted through their life. After some time Cēțaka-muni's son, who was ruling over his kingdom after his father's abdication, himself wanted to renounce it and wanted to become a tāpasa. He went to his father to appraise him of his intention, met there the beautiful youth Udayana whose identity was revealed by the grandfather. When Udayana was known to be his sister's son he was gladly taken back to the city to rule over his grandfather's kingdom. He took with him his playmate and friend Yūgi who was always of great help to him throughout his career. While he was living with his foster-father Brahmasundara-muni he was taught by that brahmaņa Rși a valuable mantra with the help of which even the most violently mad elephant could be made as quiet and harmless as a sheep. He also had as a gift, from the same brahmaņa Rși, a divine musical instrument whose notes would subdue and tame even the wildest of

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elephants. With the help of this mantra and the musical instrument, while living in the forest asrama, he once subdued a famous elephant which afterwards was known to him to be a divine one and capable of immense service to him for several years. When Udayana went to Vaiśāli, his grandfather's place, he took with him not only Yūgi, his playmate and friend, but also this elephant who was willing to serve the prince Udayana. While Udayana was thus ruling at Vaiśāli his father Satānika, who was in great sorrow because of the loss of Mrgāvatī, after searching for her in various lands went to Vipulācala where he discovered his queen under the protection of her father. With the permission of her father she was taken back to Kaušāmbi by Satānika. After some time Udayana inherited his father's kingdom also and thus he became the lord of both Kausāmbi and Vaiśāli.
Then begin the real adventures of Udayana. By carelessness he loses the divine elephant. He roams about in the forest with his yīņā in hand in search of his elephant. Just then the emperor of Ujjain, Pracchodana by name, sends messengers to collect tribute from the kings of Vatsa and Kausāmbi. His minister Sālankāyana advises him to desist from such an adventure and asks him to wait for a better opportunity. When Udayana is roaming about in the forest, which is the best time to capture Udayana as a prisoner, Pracchodana sends a machine in the form of an elephant within which are hidden soldiers with weapons. This mechanical elephant, like the

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Trojan horse, is taken to the forest in which Udayana is searching for his lost elephant. Imagining that it is some wild elephant Udayana approaches this machine-elephant and suddenly soldiers jump out of its body and capture Udayana as a prisoner. He is taken as a captive to Ujjain. While he is kept as a prisoner for some time, his friend and minister Yūgi, learning that the prince Udayana is kept as a prisoner by the king of Ujjain, makes up his mind to somehow release him from imprisonment and to punish the king of Ujjain for his impertinence. So he goes there in disguise with other friends and lives in the outskirts of Ujjain, waiting for an opportune moment. While in disguise he informs Udayana secretly of his presence in Ujjain and promises him that very soon he would be released. To create an opportunity he, with the help of his friends, used the mantra to make the royal elephant mad and uncontrollable. The elephant breaks loose the chains and rushes into the streets of the city causing tremendous damage on its way. No one is able to control it. Then the king Pracchodana learns from his minister Salankāyana that the only person who can control such a wild elephant is Udayana who is kept in prison. The king sends for him immediately, and promises him freedom if he will only control the wild mad elephant. Udayana, with his musical instrument, makes the mad elephant as tame as a cow and thus pleases the king very much. Udayana obtains his freedom and is kept by the king of Ujjain as a musical instructor to his daughter Vāsavadattā. With the help of his minister Yūgi,

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Udayana, who wins the heart of Vāsavadattā, manages to run away from the capital carrying Vasavadattā with him on the back of the clephant Nalagiri. Thus ends the first chapter called Uñjaik-kāṇḍam narrating the adventures of Udayana in the city of Ujjain.
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The next chapter is called Lāvāṇak-kāṇḍam because it pertains to the incidents in Udayana's life in the city of Lāvāņa, one of the cities in his own kingdom. Here he marries Vasavadatta and makes her his queen. In his attachment to his beautiful wife, he forgets and completely neglects his duties as a king. This is not liked by his friends who realise there is much to do yet; because, during the absence of Udayana as a prisoner in Ujjain, his kingdom had been captured by the ruler of Pañcāla who was not friendly disposed towards the kingdom of Kausāmbi. Hence Yugi arranges to separate Vasavadatta from her husband Udayana. By a clever trick he makes Udayana believe that his whole palace is burnt to ashes and the queen Vasavadatta is also burnt to death. Before setting fire to the palace Vasavadattā with her attendant is taken away through an underground passage to a safe place where they are kept in concealment. These are some of the important items of Udayana's life narrated in the second chapter.
The third chapter Magadhak-kāṇḍam deals with Udayana's adventures in Magadha-deśa. Udayana was very much dejected because of the loss of the queen Vāsavadattā, and goes to Rajagṛha, the capital of Magadha, for the purpose of winning back the

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supposed dead wife Vāsavadattā through the help of a great yögin who is reputed to be able to revive dead persons with the help of mantra. There he happens to meet the Magdha king's daughter, Princess Padmāvatī. At the first sight they fall in love with each other. Udayana, who is living in disguise as a brāhmaṇa youth, manages to win the princess Padmāvati completely and thus has a gandharvavivāha with her without the knowledge of the king. While so living in disguise, Rājagțha was surrounded by enemies. Udayana manages to defend the city against the enemies with the help of his friends and thus manages to win the confidence and gratitude of the Magadha emperor. Finally Padmāvatī, the king's daughter, is given in marriage to Udayana; and he was living happily in Rājagļha with this queen Padmāvati.
Then begins the fourth chapter called Vattavakkāņdain. This refers to Udayana's reconquest of his own Vatsa kingdom with the help of his father-in-law, the king of Magadha. There he is welcomed by his old people who had the bitter taste of the tyranny of the Pāñcāla king. Thus securing the confidence of his subjects he settles down in his own kingdom Vatsa-dēša, living happily with his queen Padmāvati. One day he dreams of meeting Vāsavadattā and this dream revived his attraction to his former queen Vāsavadattā. In the meanwhile, his friend Yūgi, who always comes to his rescue in difficulties, appears before the gates of Rājagpha with Udayana's former queen Vasavadattā. Udayana was delighted to meet

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his wife whom he supposed to be dead and takes her to his palace with the consent of Padmāvati and is living happily in Rājagțha with his two wives.
While he was spending his life happily with his two queens, Vāsavadattā and Padmāvatī, he happens to meet Mānanīkā, the beautiful young playmate of the queens. He falls in love with this stranger and arranges with her secretly to meet at an appointed place in the night. Vāsavadattā comes to know of this, and imprisons Mānanīkā and, herself dressed in disguise as Mānanīkā, waits for the appearance of Udayana according to the appointment. Udayana is received coldly by Vāsavadattā in disguise when Udyana, imagining her to be Mānanikā, his lady-love, begs her in various ways to accept him. Then Vāsavadattā discovers herself to the chagrin of Udayana who escapes back to the palace just about the time of dawn. Early in the morning Vāsavadattā sends for Mānanikā in order to punish her for her impudence in aspiring for the king's hand. In this excitement a messenger from the king of Kāśala brings a letter to Vāsavadattā. In this letter the king of Kāśala narrates the story of his sister who was carried away as a captive by the Pāñcāla king, of how she was released with a number of attendants by Udayana when he reconquered the country by defeating the king of Pāñcāla and how she was got as an attendant to Vāsavadattā herself with the assumed name of Mānanikā and finally requesting Vāsa vadattā to treat this Köśala princess with the kindness and consideration becoming her status. When Vāsavadattā reads this letter, she apologises

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to Mānanīkā for her conduct and restores her to the status and position befitting a princess. Finally Vāsavadattā herself arranges for her marriage with Udayana who is found to be in love with this Kāšala princess.
The fifth chapter deals with the birth of a son and heir to Udayana. After some time the queen Vāsavadattā gives brith to a son called Naravāņadatta. Even before his birth astrologers predicted of his greatness and that he would become an emperor of the Vidyādhara kingdom though born in an ordinary kşatriya family. In course of time this Naravāhana inherited from his father the Kaušāmbī and Vatsa kingdoms and from his grandfather the Vidyadhara kingdom of Ujjain. In due course his father Udayana renounces the world and becomes an ascetic devoting his time in meditation and yoga. This Udayana's renunciation forms the subject-matter of the 6th and the last chapter of this Tamil classic Peruňkathai.
Mērumandira-purāņam :- This Mērumandirapurāņam is an important Tamil classic though it is not included in the category of kävyas. It resembles in excellence of literary diction the best of kavya literature in Tamil. It is based upon a Purāņic story relating to Mēru and Mandira. The story is narrated in Mahāpurāņa as having taken place during the time of Vimala-Tīrtharkara. The author of this Mērumandirapurāņam is one Vāmana-muni who is the same as the Vāmana-muni, the commentator of Nilakesi. This Vāmana-muni lived about the time of Bukkarāya of

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the 14th century. In this also the story is used as a frame-work for expounding important philosophical doctrines relating to Jainism.
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The story is connected with the city of Vitaśōka, the capital of Gandhamalini in Videha-kṣētra. The name of the king who ruled over this country was Vaijayanta, and that of his queen, Sarvaśri. He had by this queen two sons Sañjayanta and Jayanta. The elder Sanjayanta, heir to the throne, was married to a princess by whom a son was born to him called Vaijayanta after the grand-father. The old king, who now had his namesake grandson, thought it better to abdicate the kingdom in favour of his son, himself desiring to enter tāpasa-āsrama as a yōgin. But his two sons did not care much about the royal splendour and hence expressed their desire to renounce the kingdom and follow their father. Thus the grandson Vaijayanta was made the king and the three, father and two sons, adopted asceticism and went to spend their life in yoga. While the three were engaged in penance, the father Vaijayanta, because of his success in yōga, soon managed to get rid of his karmas and became a sarvajña. As is usual at such times all the devas assembled there to offer worship at the feet of this Jivan-mukta. Among those assembled there was a beautiful deva, Dharaņēndra by name, who appeared with all his divine paraphernalia. The younger brother Jayanta, who was also engaged in penance, noticed this beautiful deva and desired to become one like him in his next birth. As a result of this desire and also as the fruit of his incomplete yoga, he soon

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A. CHAKRAVARTI : became a Dharaņēndra himself. But the elder brother Sanjayanta continued his tapas without any wavering even after his father's attainment of mukti. While he was thus engaged in tapas, a Vidyādhara, who was going in his own vimāna in the sky, noticed this yogin beneath. He also noticed that his vimāna would not cross beyond the region where this yogin was standing. This roused his anger. He picked up this yögin, Sañjayanta-bhattāraka, and carried him to his own land. Dropping him in the outskrits of his country he told his people that Sañjayanta was their enemy and instigated all his countrymen, the Vidyadharas, to treat this yõgin in all possible forms of cruelty. These Vidyādharas in ignorance ill-treated this mahāmuni as bid by the wicked Vidyadhara, Vidyuddanta. In spite of these cruelties the yogin did not lose his meditation. Nor did he get angry at the enemies who did all this in ignorance. As a result of this supreme spiritual isolation and peace in the midst of sufferings caused by his enemies he attained samadhi. On account of this spiritual victory he was, in his turn, surrounded by dēvas for offering him adoration and worship. In the midst of these dēvas was found his own brother, the new Dharaņēndra. This young dēva, Dharaņēndra, noticed that his elder brother was cruelly treated by the Vidyādharas who were still there staring in dismay at the wonderful sight of the devas gathered there to offer service and worship to their former victim Sañjayanta-bhattāraka, and he was in a rage. He wanted to bundle up all these Vidyādharas and cast them in a body into the ocean as a punishment for their mischief. But all the Vidyadharas openly confessed

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their mistake and appealed to him for mercy, for it was all due to the mischievous instigation of their leader Vidyuddanta and not of their own free will. Hence Dharaņēndra forgave them all. He would not, however, let go this wicked Vidyuddanta without proper punishment. Hence he wanted to bind this one wicked fellow at least for the purpose of ducking him to the sea. Just then one of the devas , assembled there, Ādityāpadēva, advised this young Dharaņēndra not to do any such thing. Dharaņēndra in reply said “How could I brook the suffering inflicted on my brother by this wicked fellow, and how could I accept your advice even in the presence of inexcusable evil?' To which Adityāpadēva replied: 'In this spiritual realm evil is not to be requited with evil. You attach so much importance to your relationship to your brother. But if you would only known the inter-relationship that you had in your previous births you would clearly realise the silliness in emphasising one particular relation in a long chain of multifarious relations that one has in series of births. Further, hatred and love are important factors in determining the future births ; the former gives a bad turn and the latter a good turn to one's future. Hence I would advise you not to worry yourself about this wicked Vidyadhara, Vidyuddanta. Even the yogin Sañjayanta who had to suffer so much pain at the hands of this wicked person had forgiven him because all this was done in ignorance. Hence why should you bind yourself with karma created of hatred by attempting to punish this wicked Vidyadhara ? Hearing this advice from his friend Adityāpadēva, Dharaņēndra requested him to give

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more details about his previous births. Ādityāpadēva narrated the following story for the edification of Dharaņēndra.
There was a king named Simhasēna ruling over Simhapura. He had a queen named Rāmadattādēvi. His minister was one Sribhūti who was also called Satyaghöșa because of his honesty and truth-speaking. Just about that time there was a merchant, by the name Bhadramitra, belonging to another land. He went out to Ratnapura with his ship-load of goods, returned with an enormous quantity of wealth in the form of jewels and precious stones. This Bhadramitra visited Simhapura on his way. Seeing the prosperity and the beauty of the town, hearing the good nature of the king and his minister, he made up his mind to settle down in that city Simhapura. Hence he wanted to go to his native place to bring all his people to this city. In the meanwhile, he thought of leaving all his wealth obtained by the sea-borne trade in the safe custody of some one in the city. He could not think of anybody except the minister Satyaghösa. He went and told him of his resolution to settle down in this beautiful city of Simhapura and requested him to keep in his safe custody the several jewels and precious stones which he had with him. The minister Satyaghõşa consented to this. A box containing the jewels was deposited with the minister and the merchantprince went to his native place for the purpose of returning with his relations and friends. In the meanwhile, even the honest minister Srībhūti, at the sight of valuable precious stones deposited with him

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123 by the merchant, became covetous. He wanted to misappropriate the whole thing for himself. When the merchant returned to Simhapura, he bought for himself a palatial building for his residence. Leaving his people there, he went to the minister to get back his jewels. But Bhadramitra found the minister Satyaghoșa completely changed. Instead of gladly returning the casket containing the jewels, Satyaghoșa treated the merchant as an utter stranger as if he had not heard anything of him before and denied all knowledge of the casket of jewels. This completely upset the poor merchant, and he went about the streets crying of this injustice and begging for help. Nobody in the town would believe anything against the minister, Satyaghoşa, because he was famous for his integrity and honesty. Naturally people thought that this foreign merchant was a mad fellow falsely accusing the minister of misappropriation. But this merchant Bhadramitra even in his ravings was quite consistent, which consistency could not be associated with any mad man. Hence the queen was attracted by this merchant's cries. She made inquiries and found to her surprise that the minister was really a culprit. But there was no evidence for the deposit of the casket with him; and nobody would come forward as a witness in favour of the merchant. But the queen Rāmadattādēvī, being sure about the casket, requested the king to intervene on behalf of the merchant. The king would not listen to this. As an alternative the queen wanted permission to deal with the case herself. This was readily granted. Then the queen

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Rāmadattādēvī invited the minister Satyaghõşa for a game of chess. In the first game she won the minister's yajñopavīta and the signet ring as stakes. Having won these two important things, insignia of the minister, she secretly sent these two things through her attendant to the treasurer. She instructed the attendant to show these two things to the treasurer and to get from him the casket of jewels belonging to the merchant deposited in the royal treasury in secret by the minister. When the attendant brought the casket it was an eye-opener to the king. Then he realised the crime committed by the minister. The minister himself now knew that he was discovered by the queen. Still the king wanted to test the honesty of the merchant. Therefore, he had this casket placed in the midst of several others belonging to the royal treasury and asked the merchant Bhadramitra to take all these. He would not touch the others except his own. Even within the casket there were other precious stones put together with those belonging to the merchant. The merchant took up his own things and rejected the others as not belonging to him. This behaviour of the merchant impressed the king and others assembled there. They all praised the honesty of this merchant and condemned the minister for his avarice. The king dismissed the minister from service and banished him from the city after disgracing him. The minister went out nourishing hatred towards the king and the queen. As a result of this hatred, he was born as a serpent in the royal treasury room; and when the king entered the treasury, he was bitten by this snake and killed. As a result of

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this animosity these two were born as enemies in several successive births. This wicked Vidyadhara whom you want to punish at present was that Satyaghoșa, the minister, who was disgraced on account of his dishonesty. The king Simhasana, after a series of births and deaths, appeared as Sañjayanta who just attained mukti. We are all assembled here to offer pūja to this Sañjayanta who was in his former birth Simhasana-mahārāja. The queen Rāmadattādēvi is myself, I, born at present as Ādityapadēva, and you are the younger brother of this Sañjayanta for you, because of your longing for deva-glory, became Dharaņēndra. Hence it would be advisable on your part to give up this hatred and pursue the path of righteousness. Dharaņēndra accepted this advice given by his brother dēva, got rid of this hatred, and began to meditate upon dharma. The wicked Vidyadhara Vidyuddanta, who was listening to this story, was also ashamed of his past and resolved to lead a better life thereafter. Then the two dëvas, Adityāpadēva and Dharaņēndra, who were formerly the queen Rāmadattādēvi and her son respectively, after a period of dēvahood, were born as sons to the king Anantavīrya who ruled Uttara-Madurā. This king had two queens, Mērumālini and Amstamatī. Ādityāpa was born as a son to Mērumālini and was named Mēru. Dharaņēndra was born to the second queen Amstamati and was named Mandara. Just about that time Vimala-Tīrthařkara appeared in an udyāna adjoining Uttara-Madurā with the object of teaching the dharma. These two princes, Mēru and Mandara,

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went on their royal elephant to offer pūjā to this Tīrthaikara and to listen to his preachings. Listening to this dharma-upadēša these two princes became his disciples and were accepted as gañadharas, chief disciples, of the Lord. They, in their turn, spent their life in propounding dharma and finally, by the performance of yoga, attained mukti. The classic is named after these two princes, Meru and Mandara, and hence called Mērumandira-purāņam. It consists of 30 chapters of 1405 stanzas on the whole. Some ten years ago the present writer published this work with introduction and notes, and it is available to the reading public.
Śrīpurāņa :--This Śrīpurāņa is a very popular work among the Tamil Jainas. I do not think there is anybody who has not heard the name Sripuräņa. It is written in an enchanting prose style in manipravāļa, mixed Tamil and Sanskrit. It is based on Jinasēna's Mahāpuräna and is also further called Trişaștišalakapuruşa-purāņu dealing with 63 heroes. It is by an unknown author. Most probably it is a corresponding work to the Kannada Trişastišalakäpuruşapurana by Cāmundarāya. Hence it must be later than the Jinasena-Mahapurāna and Cāmundarāya's Kannada Purāņa. The 63 heroes whose history is narrated in this work are the 24 Tirthařkaras, the 12 Cakravartins, 9 Vāsudēvas, 9 Baladēvas and 9 Prativāsudevas. In the case of the Cūļāmaņi story we already noted Tivițţa, the Vāsudēva, Vijaya, the Baladēva and Aśvagrīva, the Prativāsudēva. Similarly Rāma, Lakşmaņa and Rāvaņa of Rāmāyaṇa fame are included

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in these nine groups as Kesava, Baladēva and Prativāsudēva. Similarly Śrī Kṛṣṇa of Bharata fame is one of the nine Vasudēvas, his brother Balarama is one of the Baladevas and Jarasandha of Magadha one of the nine Prativasudevas. While narrating the life of each Tirthankara, stories of the royal dynasties are also given. Thus this work Sripurāṇa, since it contains the story of these 63 heroes, is considered to be the Puranic treasure-house from which isolated stories are taken by independent authors. Unfortunately it is not yet published. It still lies buried in palmleaves manuscript, and it is hoped that some day in the near future it will be made available to the students of Tamil literature.
Next we have to notice some works on prosody and grammar contributed by Jaina authors.
Yapparungalakkārikai1:-This work on Tamil prosody is by one Amṛtasagara. Though it is not definitely known at what period he lived, it may be safely asserted that the work is old by 1000 years. Since the invocatory verse is addressed to Arhatparamēṣṭhi, it is obvious that the work is by a Jaina author. The author himself suggests that the work is based on a Sanskrit work on the same topic. Probably
1. The following are the editions of Yapparungalakkärigai : (1) Pañcalakṣaṇa Mulam, Ed. by Ramaswamigal, Madras, 1886, includes the texts of Nannül, Agapporul-viļakkam, Purapporul-venba, Yapparungalakkārigai, Daṇḍiyalaǹkāram, Nēminätham, Virasōliyam, etc.
(2) Yapparungalakkärigai with Kumaraswami Pulavar's commentary. Ed. by Ambalavana Pillai, 1908, 1925 and 1938.

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
it is a translation of that Sanskrit work. There is a commentary on this work by one Guņasāgara who was probably a contemporary of this Amộtasāgara. Probably they both belonged to the same Jaina Sangha. That it is an important work on prosody, that it is considered as an authority on metres and poetic composition, and that it is used as such by later writers are evident from the references to it found in Tamil literature.
Yāpparungala Viruttit :- This is also a work on Tamil prosody written by the same author, Amộtasāgara. There is an excellent edition of this Yapparungala-virutti by the late S. Bhavanandam Pillai.
Nemināthamo: A work on Tamil grammar by Guņavīra-pandita. It is called Neminātham because it was composed at Mylapore, the seat of the Jaina temple of Nēminātha. The author Guņavīrapandita was a disciple of Vaccananda-muni of Kalandai. The object of this work is to give a short
1. “Yapparungalam...is a rare and comparatively old Tamil treatise on Tamil prosody. Besides treating completely of the ancient and pure Tamil metres, it analyses the whole extent of the new Kalithurai and Viruttain metres, classifies and groups them all scientifically. The text contains only ninetysix aphorisms ranging froin one to twentynine lines in length. ...... There is clear evidence to prove that the composition of the text of Yapparungalam must have taken place either at the beginning or in the middle of the tenth century A.D.” (Yāpparungalam, Text and commentary, Ed. by S. Bhavanandam Pillai, Madras, 1916, Editorial Preface, pp. vii-viii).
2. See p. 127, footnote 1, item (1) above.

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and concise account of Tamil grammar, because the earlier Tamil works were huge and elaborate. From the introductory verses it is clear that this was composed before the destruction of the Jaina 'temple at Mylapore by a tidal wave. Hence it must be placed in the early centuries of the Christian era. It consists of 2 main chapters Eļuttadikāram and Solladikāram. It is composed in the well-known veņbā metre. It is printed together with a well-known old commentary in the Tamil journal Sentamil issued by the authorities of the Tamil Sangam at Madurai.
The next work on Tamil grammar we have to notice is Nannūl', 'the good book.' It is the most
1. The following are the editions of Nannūl
1) Nannül, Text and commentary, Ed. by Arumuga
swamigal, 1873; 2) Nannūl, Text and commentary, Ed. by K. Rajagopala
Pillai, 1880; 3) Nanşul, Text and commentary, Ed. by Arumuga
Navalar, Madras, 1880 and 1886; 4) Nannul, Eluttadikāram, Text and commentary, 1886; 5) Nansül, Text and commentary, Ed. by Ponnuswamy
Mudaliar, 1886; 6) Nannūl, Text and commentary, Ed. by Srinivasa
Mudaliar, Madras, 1888; 7) Nanūl, Text, Ed. by Namachchivaya Chettiyar,
Madras, 1889; 8) Nannūl, Text and commentary, 1889; 9) Nannūl, Eluttadikäram, Text and commentary,
Madras, 1889; 10) Nannūl, Colladikūram,Text and commentary, Madras,
1890; 11) Nannūl, Text and commentary, Ed. by Sathagopa
Ramanujachariyar, Madras, 1892; III edn. Ed. by Sathagopa Ramanujachariyar and Krishnamachariyar, Madras, 1900;

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130
A. CHAKRAVARTI : popular grammar in Tamil language. It is held only next to the Tolkāppiyam in esteem. It is by one Bavanandimuni who wrote this grammar at the request of a chief called Siya-Ganga. The author was well versed not only in the Tamil grammatical works, Tolkāppiyam, Agattiyam and Avinayam, but also in the Sanskrit grammar, Jainēndra, being a great scholar both in Tamil and Sanskrit. This grammar, Nannūl, he wrote for the benefit of the later Tamil scholars. It is pre'scribed as a text book for schools and colleges ; hence we may say without exaggeration that no Tamil student passes out of school or college without some knowledge of this Tamil grammar. There are a number of commentaries on this work. The most important of these commentaries is the one by the Jaina grammarian Mailaināthar. Mailaināthar is another name for Nēmināthan who was the God at the Mylapore Jinālaya. We have an excellent edition of this Nannūl with this Mailainātha's commentary made available to the public by Dr. V. Swaminatha Ayyar. The work consists of two parts, Eļuttadhikāram and Solladhikāram which are sub-divided into five minor chapters.
In this section on grammar we may also notice the work called Agapporuļviļakkam, by one Nārkavirāja Nambi. His proper name is Nambi or Nambi Nainār; because he was expert in 4 different kinds of poetic composition he was given the title of Nār-kavirāya. He was a native of Puļiyanguļi on the banks
1. See p. 127, (footnote 1, item 1) above.

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131 of the river Poruņai in Pāņại-maņdalam. This work Agapporuļviļakkam is based upon the chapter on Porul-ilakkaņam in Tolkāppiyam. It is an exposition of the psychological emotion of love and allied experiences.
The contribution by Jainas to the Tamil lexicography is also worthy of note. There are three important works on Tamil lexicography; the three nighantus are the Divākara-nighantu. Pingaļa-nighantu and the Cūļāmaņi-nighanțu. All the three are dictionaries in verse which traditional scholars got by heart in order to understand the more intimate classics in the language. The first is by Divākara-muni, the second by Pingaļamuni and the third by Mandalapurusa. Tamil scholars are of opinion that all the three were Jainas. The first, Divakara-nighantu, is probably lost to the world ; but the other two are available. Of these the last is the most popular. From the introductory verses written by the author of the third work, Cūļāmaņi-nighaņțu, it may be learnt that he was a native of the Jain village Perumandūr which is a few miles distant from Tindivanam, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name, in South Arcot District. The author further refers to Guņabhadrācārya, a disciple of Jinasēnācārya. This Guņabhadra is the author of Uttara-purāņa which is the continuation volume to Jinasēna's Mahāpurāņa. Hence it is clear that this Mandalapuruşa must be later than Guņabhadra. He also refers to the other two nighanţus which ought to be, therefore, earlier to Cūļāmaņi-nighanțu. The work is written in viruttam

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :
metre and contains 12 chapters'. The first section deals with the names of Dēvas, the second with the names of human beings, the third with lower animals, the fourth with the names of trees and plants, the fifth with place-names, the sixth dealing with the names of several objects; the seventh deals with the several artificial objects made by man out of natural objects such as metals and timber, the eighth chapter deals with names relating to attributes of things in general, the ninth deals with names relating to sounds articulate and inarticulate, the eleventh section deals with
1. Of the three nighantus referred to above, the following are the editions, in part or in full, of the Cudāmaņi, which, since it contains 12 chapters, is also known as the Pannirandunighantu.
1) Cüļāmaņi-Pannirandu-nighantu, Text and comm
entary, Ed. by Kesava Mudaliar, 1870; 2) Cudāmaņi-Pansirandu-nighantu, Text and comm
entary, Ed. by Arumugaswamigal, Tiruvorriyur, 1873; 3) Pannirandu-nighantu, Text and commentary, Ed. by
Tandavaraya Mudaliar, 1877; 4) Cudamani-Pangirandu-nighantu, Text and comm
entary, Ed. by Shanmuga Mudaliar, 1877; 5) Cüļāmaņi-Pansirandu-nighantu, Text and comm
entary, Ed. by Saravana Panditar, 1880: 6) Pansirandu-nighantu, Text and commentary, Ed. by
Maunagurusvami, Chittoor, 1883; 7) Pansirandu-nighantu, Text and commentary, Ed. by
Ponnusvami Mudaliar and Dase Gavundar, 1886; 8) Cūļāmaņi-nighanțu, Text of the first ten chapters,
Ed. by Vythilingam, Madras, 1875; 9) Cūļāmaņi-nighantu, Text and commentary of the
first ten chapters, Ed. by Arumuga Navalar, Madras, 1867, 1873 and 1880;
(Contd.)

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133
words which are rhyming with one another, and hence relating to a certian aspect of prosody; the twelfth section is a miscellaneous section dealing with the groups of related words. We have a useful edition of this Cūdāmaņi-nighanțu with an old commentary by the late Arumukha Navalar of Jaffna. Similarly there
10) Cūdāmaņi-nighanțu, First chapter, Ed. by Aruna
chala Iyer, Konnur, 1873; 11) Cūļāmaņi-nighaņgu, First chapter, Ed. by Arumuga
svamigal, 1873 and 1887; 12) Cūņāmaņi-nighanțu, First chapter, Ed. by
Subramaniasvamigal, Madras, 1889; 13) Cüļāmaņi-nighanļu, Second and third chapters, Ed.
by Ratna Chettiyar, Madras, 1889; 14) Padiņārāvudu-nighanţu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Karunanandasvamigal, 1868; 15) Padiņārā vadu-nighanțu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Arumugasvamigal, 1869, 1873; 16) Padiņārāvadu-nighantu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Kesava Mudaliar, 1870; 17) Padiņārāvadu-nighanțu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Arumuga Mudaliar, 1875; 18) Podiņārāvadu-nighanțu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Tiruvengadam Pillai and Kumara
svami Iyer, 1880; 19) Padiņārāyadu-nighanțu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Subramaniasvamigal, 1881; 20) Padinārāvadu-nighanţu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Virabhadra Iyer, 1882; 21) Padinārāvadu-nighanțu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Appavu Pillai, 1882; 22) Cūļāmaņi-nighanțil Padiņārā vadu (11th chapter),
Text and commentary, Ed. by Manikka Upadhyayar, Madras, 1883, 1889;
(Contd.)

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A. CHAKRAVARTI :.
is an edition of Pingaļa-nighanțu by a Tami] pandit by name Sivan Pillai.
Having disposed of grammar and lexicography, let us turn our attention to one or two miscellaneous works : Tirunārrantādi by Avirõdhi Āļvār. The antādi is a peculiar form of composition where the last word in the previous stanza becomes the first and the leading word in the next stanza. Antādi literally means “the end and the beginning. This constitutes a string of verses connected with one another by a catch-word which is the last in the previous stanza and the first in the succeeding stanza. Tirunārrantādi is such a composition containing 100 verses. It is a devotional work addressed to God Nēminātha of Mylapore. The author Avirõdhi Āļvār was a convert to the Jaina faith. It is said that one day, while he was passing by the side of the Jinālaya, he heard the Jaina ācārya within the temple expounding to his disciples the nature of mokşa and mokşa-mārga. Attracted by this exposition he entered the temple and listened to the teacher's discourse. Desiring to learn more about this he requested the ācārya to permit him to attend the
23) Padiņārāvadu-nighaņķu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, Ed. by Arunachala Mudaliar, 1883; 24) Cūdāmaņi-nighanțil Padiņārāvadu, (11th chapter),
Text and commentary, Ed. by Shanmuga Mudaliar,
Madras, 1886; 25) Padiņārāvadu-nighanļu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary, 1887; 26) Cūdāmāņi-nighanțu (11th chapter), Text and
commentary and 12th chapter, Text, Ed. by Ponnam bala Pillai, 1892;

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JAINA LITERATURE IN TAMIL
lectures, which permission was readily granted. Finally he became a convert to the faith and in recognition of this change in his life, he composed this Tirunūṛṛantādi dedicated to the god Neminatha of Mylapore. It is a very beautiful devotional work containing a few facts relating to the author himself. It is published with notes in the Sentami! Journal conducted by the Tamil Sangam, Madurai.1
Tirukkalambagam is another devotional work by a Jaina author by name Udīcidēva. He belonged to the country of Tonda-mandalam. He was a native of Arpagai, a place near Arani in Vellore Taluk. The term kalambagam implies a sort of poetic mixture where the verses are composed in diverse metres. This Tirukkalambagam by Udici, besides being devotional, is also philosophical in which the author tries to discuss the doctrines of the rival faiths such as Buddhism. It probably belongs to a period later than that of Akalanka, the great Jaina philosopher, who was responsible for undermining the supremacy of Buddhism in the south, and who was probably a contemporary of Kumārila-bhaṭṭa, the Hindu reformer.
Jainas were also responsible for contribution to Mathematics, Astronomy and Astrology. Probably several works relating to these topics have been lost. We have at present one representative in each. Encuvaḍi, a popular work on Arithmetic, and Jinendramalai, an equally popular work on Astrology. Traders
135
1. Tirunūpantādi, Text, Kanchipuram, 1883. 2. Tirukkalambagam (Arungalacceppu), Kanchipuram,
1883.

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CHAKRAVARTI :
who are accustomed to keep accounts in the traditional form get their early training by studying this mathematical work called Encuvadi and Tamil astrologers similarly get their grounding in Jinëndramālai which forms the mainstay for their predictions popularly known as ārūờha.
This completes our cursory survey of Tamil literature with special reference to Jaina contributions thereto. The prevalence of Jainism in ancient Tamil land and its usefulness to the Tamil people are not merely vouchsafed for by Tamil literature but are also evidenced by the customs and manners prevalent among the upper classes of the Tamil society. Even after the Saivaite revival, when several Jainas were made, under penalty, to embrace Hinduism for political reasons, these converts to Hinduism, who went back to their own respective castes in the Hindu fold, zealously preserved their customs and manners acquired while they were Jainas. Though they changed their religion, still they did not change their ācāras. It is curious that the Tamil term saivam, which primarily means the follower of the Saiva faith, means in popular parlance a strict vegetarian. A strict vegetarian among the Hindu vēļāļas is said to observe saivam in the matter of food. Similarly the brāhmaṇas in the Tamil land are saivam, i.e., strict vegetarians. In this respect the Tamil brāhmaṇa is distinguished as the Drāviờa-brāhmaṇa from the Brahmins in other parts of India who are brought under the category of Gauda-brāhmaṇas. The Drāvida-brāhmaṇas, wherever they be, are strict

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vegetarians, whereas the Gauda-brāhmaṇas all eat fish and some eat meat also. Bengal brāhmaṇas who belong to the Pañca-gauda group eat fish and meat. It is normal with Bengal brāhmaṇas to offer goat or buffalo as sacrifice to the goddess Kāli and carry home meat as Kāli's prasāda. Such a thing is unthinkable in any of the Hindu temples in the south, whether dedicated to Vişņu or Siva. Hence it may not be altogether an exaggeration to state that in the matter of purity of temple worship the Jaina doctrine of ahiņsā has been accepted and preserved by the upper class of Hindus in the Tamil land even up to the present day. Of course there are scattered places where animal sacrifice is offered to the Village Gods. But it must be said to the credit of the upper classes among the Tamil Hindus that they have nothing to do with this grosser form of Kāli worship. With the growth of education and culture, it may be hoped that even these lower orders in Tamil society will give up this gross and ignorant form of religious worship and elevate themselves to a higher religious status actuated by purer aud nobler ideals.

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APPENDIX
JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
In this appendix are brought together, for the first time, the texts of eightyfive Jaina inscriptions in Tamil, published over the decades in the pages of many different volumes, most of them now out of print, and hence not readily available to the world of scholars and students. Though the present collection is by no means exhaustive, its utility lies in the fact that it enables readers to understand, though only on broad lines, the course of the history of Jainism in the Tamil country. Some of the published Jaina Tamil epigraphs have been left out of the present collection owing to their damaged or uncertain nature. Since quite a few epigraphs are merely cursorily noticed, without their texts being given, they too have been excluded. Nevertheless, any conclusion pertaining to the prevalence and chronological and regional history of Jainism in Tamilnadu," drawn on the basis of this appendix, is not likely to be seriously affected or modified by any such exhaustive collection which may be rendered possible by future publications.
It will be clear from the sequel that nearly two-thirds of the eightyfive inscriptions included here hail from the Tirunelveli and Madurai districts. The provenance and dates of these inscriptions lead to the following conclusions, viz.,
that Jainism was at its zenith in the Tamil country during the 8th and 9th centuries A. D., particularly in the Madurai-Tirunelveli region; that the Madurai-Tiruchirappalli region had received this noble faith at least as early as in the 2nd century B. C.; that this region continued to patronise Jainism till at least the 9th century A. D.; that Jaina followers were very active in the Tirune-leveil and North Arcot regions during the 8th-11th centuries;

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APPENDIX
and that the incidence of Jaina epigraphs in Tamil in the other districts of Tamilnāļu is rather sporadic.
The topographical distribution of the inscriptions included in the present appendix is given below.
District
Serial No. of the inscriptions Madurai
1-3, 20, 24-40 Tiruchirappalli
4, 13, 22, 82-83 Tanjavur
5 South Arcot
6, 14, 45 North Arcot
7-9, 21, 42-44, 76-81, 85 Ramanathapuram
10-11, 23 Tirunelveli
12, 15-19, 41, 46-75 Chingleput
Explanatory notes have been added at the end wherever found necessary and the source of publication mentioned in all cases.
84
TAMIĻ BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS MĀNGUĻAM, MADURAI TALUK, MADURAI DISTRICT
No.
1.
On a boulder on the Kalugumalai hill near Mārguļam (Arițțāpațți). Dynasty :.............
King ............. Date : 2nd-1st cent. B.C.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Brāhmi Purport : Records that the monastery (pali) was given in dedication to the monk (Āsiriyika) Kani Nanta by Katalan Valutti, a servant of Nețuñcaliyan.

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TEXT
Kaniy Nanta asiriyik uvanke dhammam itta-a Neţuñcaliyan paṇa-an katalan Valuttiy koṭṭupitta-a pali-iy
On another boulder on the same hill.
Dynasty ...........
Date: 2nd-1st cent. B. C.
No. 2.
Purport: Records that the monastery (paļi) was given in dedication to the monk Kani Nanta by Catikan, the father of Iļañcaţikaṇ and brother-in-law (salakan) of Neṭiñcaliyan
TEXT
Kaniy Nant asiriyak uan dhamam
ita Neţiñcaliyan salakan
Ilañcațikan tandaiy Caţikan ce-iya paliy
********....
=
On a third boulder on the same hill.
Dynasty...
Date: 2nd-1st cent. B. C.

King:
Language and Alphabet : Tamil, Brahmi
No. 3
Purport: Records the gift of the lattice (piņaū) to the monk Kaņi Na[n]ta by Kalitika, son of Antai and merchant prince of the mercantile guild (nigamu) of Veļarai.
TEXT
141
King:............
Language and Alphabet: Tamil, Brahmi
Kani i Na[n]t asiriyak uva.

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Veļarai-y nikamatu kāviti-iy
Kālitika Antai-a sutan
piņa-u kotupitōn
APPENDIX
No. 4.
PUGAĻŪR, KARUR TALUK, TIRUCHCHIRAPPALLI
DISTRICT.
On the brow of the first cavern on the Arunāṭṭār hill near Vēlāyudampāļaiyam.
Dynasty............
Date 3rd-4th cent. A. D.
Purport Records that Ilankaṭuńkö, the son of Peruňkaṭunkön, the son of the king Atan Cellirumporai, caused the stone abode (urai) of the Jaina monk (amannan) Cenkayapan ofyarrur to be cut on becoming heir-apparent.
King: Atan Cellirumporai Language and Alphabet : Tamil, Brahmi
TEXT
...ta amannan Yarṛür Cenkayapan uraiy kō Atan Cellirumporai makan
Peruńkatunkōn makan lļan
katunkō [i*]lankō aka aṛutta kal
Notes: The word pali which is used in the sense of a monastery in Nos. 1 and 2 above came to be written in later Tamil inscriptions as palli.

The reference to the nigama in No. 3 above shows that, as in later times, Jainism enjoyed the support of the merchant community of Tamilnadu even in the early period.
[Published in Seminar on Inscriptions (Madras), 1966, pp. 60-73].

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
No. 5
PAĻĻANKOVIL, TIRUTTURAIPPUNDI TALUK,
TANJAVUR DISTRICT
Copper-plate set recovered at the time of ploughing a field in the village.
Dynasty: Pallava Date: Regnal year 6 (6th Century A.D.)

143
Purport: Records the royal grant of the village Amaņśērkkai (Śraman-āśrama in the Sanskrit portion), situated in Perunagaranāḍu, a sub-division within Veņkunra-kkōṭṭam, as palliccandam to Vajranandi-kuravar (Vajranandi-gaņi in the Sanskrit portion) of Paruttikkunṛu (Vardhamana-dharmatirtha in the Sanskrit portion). Also records the grant of some land in Tamar as palliccandam to the same donee. The said grants were made for the worship of Jinendra and the Jainendras.
TEXT
King Simhavarma Language and Alphabet : Sanskrit in Grantha, Tamil in Tamil
[Lines 1 to 26, 24 of them engraved on three sides of the first two plates, and the remaining two engraved on the first side of the third plate, are in Grantha characters and Sanskrit language.]
Third Plate: First side
27. kō Višaiya- Simhavarmmaṛku yāṇḍ-āṛāvadu Veņ
28.
kunṛa-kkōṭṭattu-Pperunagara-nāṭṭu nāṭṭar
29. kanga [1] Tan-nāṭṭu Amaņsērkkai Parutti
30. kkuntil Vajranandi-kkuravarkku-ppaļļiccandam-ā31. ga-kkuḍuttōn-tāngaļum paḍāgai naḍandu kal32. lun-kaļliyun-nāṭṭi aṛaiy-ōlai seydu ko

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APPENDIX
Third Plate : Second side
33. Quttu viðudagav-enru nāțțārkku-ttirumugam vid.
nāțțā34. run-tirumugam kaņdu toludu talaikku vaittu pada35. gai naçandu kallun-kalliyu-nāțți nāțțār vidunda 36. araiy-õlai-ppadikk-ellai-kilpā37. l-ellai Endal-ēriyin kīļai-kkadargi38. a mēškum-omai-kkollai elai innu39. m-tenpal-ellai Veļvadugan kēņiyi40. A vadakkum kadartin-ellai ingun-Nilapādi
· Fourth Plate : First side 41. ellai innum Vilāqan kurr-ēttatt-ellai 42. innum mélpāl-ellai māv-ēttattu 43. vadiyin kilakkum mum-mūlai ēttatt-ellai 44. innu-mārr-ellai innum vaďapāl-cl45. lai perun-kollaiyin-repku innum 46. Pāņdiyan-kayatt-ellai innum murukkan47. kēņi ellai [\ *] Ivv-iśaitta peru-năng-el48. Txiy-agattun-agappațța nilam nir-nilamum
Fourth, pis
Fourth Plate : Second side 49. punšaiyyum kalarum kanțu-mēy-pālum kādu50. m piļiligaiyum kiờangun-kēņiyuin manai51. yum maņaippaợappum uďumboại āmai tava52. Indad-ellām-uņņilan-oliv-inri 53. kovum poriyum mārri kudi-nikki ivv-ūr 54. perra Vajranandi-kkuravarkkē paļļiccandam-āga Ta55. marilum padināțarai-ppațți nilan-kodut56. tõm [*] In-nilattiğk-ellai kilpāl-e

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
145
Fifth Plate : First side
57. llai Puli-kilārpaţtiyin mēskum tenpā51. l-ellai Mulleri-pā[kka*]tt-ellaiyin vada59. kkum mëlpāl-ellai pokkuvāy-cceļu60. viņ kilakkum vadapāl ellai pallāngu61. likkāvin terkum in-nāng-ellai62. y-agattum agappațța bhūmiyum Paruttikkunci63. 1 Vajranandi-kkuravarkkē pafficcandam-āga
parada64. tti senradu [] *] Narabhayan-āņattiyal
Notes : The reference to Paruttikkunnu as Vardhamāna-dharma
tirtha in the Sanskrit portion is interesting. There are in Tamilnāļu a number of places named differently as Paruttiyūr, Paruttikkudi, Paruttippattu, etc. It has been suggested elsewhere (Pallavar Cheppēdugaļ Muppadu, pp. 25-26) that the ancient place-name Paruttikkunnu should be taken as alluding to some hitherto unknown incident in the life of Vardhamāna-Tirthařkara since his name is given to that village in the Sanskrit portion. Paruttikkunnu is the same as modern Tirupparuttikkunram, a village in the vicinity of Kāñchipuram and known in the past as Jina-Kāñchi. It was formerly one of the four ācāryapithas of the Digambara-Jainas. There stands in that village even today a temple dedicated to VardhamānaTirthařkara. But scholars are of the opinion that this temple is later in date than the one dedicated to Chandraprabha-Tirthankara and located in the same village. Nevertheless, the present inscription attests to the fact that there existed in that place a temple of Vardhamāna from early times.
The village granted is named Amaņģērkkai and Sramanāśrama in the Tamil and Sanskrit portions respectively. (cf. Inscription No. 82 below, note 2 for a similar instance).
10

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The donee Vajranandi-kuravar is stated, in the Sanskrit portion, to belong to the Nandi-sangha.
This inscription contains one of the earliest references to the term paļļiccandam signifying a grant of land given in
particular to a Jaina temple or institution or preceptor. [Published in Pallavar Cheppēdugal Muppadu, pp. 1-32]
No. 6. Singavaram, Gingce Taluk, South Arcot District. On a rock in the Tirunātharkunru near the village. Dynasty :............
King :............ Date : 6th century A.D. Language and Alphabet :
Tamil Purport : Commemorates the death of Candiranandi-āśirigar after observing fast for 57 days.
TEXT
1. Aimbattē l-ana2. śanan-norra 3. Candiranandi-ā4. širigar nišidigai [] | *]
Notes : The Sanskrit word ācāryaka has taken the tadbhava form
of aś iriga in this inscription. Cf Nos. 1-3 above where the tadbhava occurs as āsiriyika and asiriyaka.
[Published in SII., Vol. XVII, No. 262]
Nos. 7-8.
Kiļsāttamangalam, Wandiwash Taluk, North Arcot District. Natural rock surface called Perumāl-pārai near the Jaina temple of Chandranāthasvāmi.

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No. 7.
Dynasty: Pallava
King: Nandivarman II Date : 14th regnal year
Language and Alphabet : (747 A.D.)
Tamil Purport : Records the gift of seven gold coins (kaļañju) by Andai Ilaiyār Pavaņandi for feeding the Jaina ascetics who were not in the regular establishment of the temple (palli). The villagers undertook to protect the provisions of the grant.
TEXT
AN
1. Sri-Nandippottare2. šarkku-ppadināng-āvadu i3. p-paļli-udaiārai nikki irun4. da tavasigaļukku-ppiccai eļu5. kalañju pon ivv-ūr-Andai I6. Jaiyār Pavaņandi vaitta asam 7. kaļañjināl ulakk-ariši munkūțți 8. vaittadu ivv-asam-ūrāmur-kāp9. põm-āga oțțināl Kāmakko10. ttam-asitta pāvam-āga oțțir-nā11. I vāy-ulakkarisium muțțir . . 12.' . . . . . . . . . . .
No. 8. Dynasty: Pallava
King: Nandivarman II Date : 56th regnal year
Language and Alphabet : (789 A.D.)
Tamil Purport : Records the gift of seventeen kalañju of coins for providing one ulakku of rice per kaļañju to the same paļļi by Pūņdi-Muppāvai, the daughter of Jinadiyār of Vilukkam. This

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grant along with that of Pavaṇandi (recorded in No. 7 above) was to be protected by the villagers.
TEXT
1. Sri-Nandippottaraišarkku 2. yāņļu aimbattāļāvadu 3. Vilukkattu Sinadiyār magaļār 4. Pūņļi Muppāvai (vai*]tta kāśu padinelu 5. kalañju mēl ip-palsikku 6. kalañjināl-uļakk-ariši vai .. 7. .. ațțuvār-ivv-asam Pavaņa8. ndiyār vaitta paņam ūrām kā9. ppõm-anom [|*]
Notes : The gifts made are referred to in the two inscriptions as
aram which is the Tamil rendering of Sanskrit dharma and Prakrit dhamma. Cf. dē ya dhamma occurring in Prakrit donative records. It is stated in lines 9-10 of No. 7 above that those who flout the grant recorded therein would incur the sin of having destroyed the Kama-kköftam. While in Tamil inscriptions of 11th-13th centuries, the word kāma-kkottam signifies Saivite amman shrines, in the above inscription it obviously refers to a Jaina temple since, in early Tamilnāļu, the word kõttam was exclusively applied to Jaina temples. In this connection, it is interesting to note that the recently discovered Guļnāpur inscription (Srikanthikā, Mysore, 1973, pp. 61-72) of Kadamba Ravivarman (6th cent. A. D.) mentions a
Kāma-Jinālaya built by that ruler. [Published in Seminar on Inscriptions (Madras, 1966), pp. 158-59]
No.
9.
Panchapāndavamalai, Wandiwash Taluk, North Arcot District.

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149
On the front face of the rock which overhangs a natural cave containing a pool of water. Dynasty : Pallava
King : Nandipõttarasar
(Nandivarman) Date: Regnal year 50 Language and Alphabet : (c. 767 A.D.)
Tamil Purport: Records that Nāraṇan, the son of Maruttuvar of Pugalālaimangalam, caused to be engraved an image of Ponniyakkiyār attended by the preceptor (guravar) Nāganandi.
TEXT
1. Nandippōttarašarkku aymbadāvadu Nāganandi
guravar 2. irukka Ponniyakkiyār padimam koțțuvittān 3. Pugalālaimangalattu Maruttuvar magan Nāraņa4. #[ *]
Notes : “Ponniyakkiyār is the honorific plural of Ponniyakki
(Sanskrit : Svarņa-yakşi), which consists of the Tamil word pon, 'gold' and iyakki, the Tamil form of Sanskrit yakşi. There is hardly any doubt that, of the group of five figures which are engraved in the cave below the inscription, the sitting female figure represents Ponniyakki".
P. B. Desai (Jainism in South India, p. 40) identifies Ponniyakki with Siddhāyikā, the characteristic attendant deity of Mahāvīra.
[Published in Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 136-37]
No. 10.
Pallimadam, Aruppukkottai Taluk, Ramanathapuram District. On the wing-stone at the entrance to the Kālanāthasyāmin temple.

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Dynasty: Pāņdya
King: Mārañjaşaiyan Date : Regnal year 26
Language and Alphabet : (782 A.D.)
Tamil, Vatteluttu Purport: This fragmentary inscription appears to record a gift of 100 sheep by Sāttar-Guņattan of Kuņņūr in Karunilakkudinādu for supplying ghee to a deity in the temple of Tirukkāțțāmballi at Kurandi.
TEXT 1. Srimat-ko-Māļañjadaiya .... 2. irubattāju iv-vāngu Ven ..... 3. k-Kufandi-Ttirukkāțțāmbal[li] .. 4. tingat-padināli neykku... 5. nilakkudi-nāțţu-Kkuņņūr-Ccāstta)
6. *-Guņattān attiņa ādu nūļu [|1 *] Notes : "From other records it is known that at Kurandi there
flourished in the olden days an important Jaina temple named Tirukkāțțāmballi. This stone may have belonged originally to that temple and removed thence and placed in this temple. Kusandi may be identified with the village of the same name in the Aruppukkottai Taluk.” “Kusaņdi has been alternately identified with a place in Agastisvaram Taluk of the old Travancore State (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 2).”
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 32]
No. 11. Passimadam, Aruppukkottai Taluk, Ramanathapuram District. Wing-stone at the entrance to the Kālanāthasvāmin temple. Dynasty: Pāņdya
King: Māžañjadaiyan Date : Regnal year 35
Language and Alphabet : (791 A.D.)
Tamil, Vatteluttu

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151
Purport: Records a gift of 50 sheep to Tirukkātsāmballi at Kurandi in Veņbu-nādu in order to supply to the temple 5 nāļi of ghee everyday.
TEXT
1. Srimat-ko-Māțañjadaiyağku yāṇ2. du muppattaiñ ju idan-edi[r*] 3. [āju] ivv-aņdu Veņbu-ņā4. třu-Kkusaņdi Tirukkāțțāmba5. llikku allattu iqu Oladū6. r-kil Pāmbārūr tingal añ7. ñāli ney ațţa aqutta ādu ai
8. mbadu [|*] Notes: Like the stone bearing inscription No. 10 above,
this wing-stone also must have been brought from the Tirukkāțţămbaļļi Jaina temple at Kusaņdi and inserted in the Kālanāthasvāmin temple at some later date.
[Published in ibid., No. 39]
No. 12.
Ēruvādi, Nanguneri Taluk, Tirunelveli District. On a boulder in the Irațțaipottai rock. Dynasty : Pāņdya
King : Mārañjadaiyan Date : Regnal year 43
Language and Alphabet : (799 A.D.)
Tamil Purport : This weather-worn inscription seems to reeord a gift of land by Irambāțțu-vējān Sattan as palļiccandam to the god (bhațāra) of Tiruviruttalai-Aruvāļam in Nātļāļruppõkku and a gift of sheep for a lamp. A Tamil verse at the end, composed by the donor himself, contains an exhortation to all to offer worship to the Aruhan on the hill.

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TEXT
1. Sri-ko-Māțañjadaiyağku yāņņu 43 ivv-āņgu Nātýārru
ppökku-Tti. 2. ruviruttalai-Aruvāļattu Pațārakarkku-ppalsiccandam
āga Națțukku3. pumbin Kī]ccēri Pāppācāngārēy ivv-ūrõngal bhūmi
širreyir-kā4. lir-pirinda arumaņdaikkālāl nir-ațțu nel viļaivana
iļamakkaļ se5. ydad-in-nilam 22 v-iļamperuňkālāl nir-ațțu nel viļai
vana kāņam 6. tadi 2 Kāyalūr-kkiļān tadi 2 nilan 4 ikkālāl nir-ațțu
nel visaivaņa muda7. ccey mēl-adu tadi. nilan 5 vagaiyil vayalil adam perra .
ma. ye8. n-enra kālāl nir-ațțu nel visaivadu kilpulaccey tadi.
nilan ērri-ttaţi oņpadu nilan å kālur-Karaikkāņa-nāļļu
Irambāțțu10. vēlān $āttan pakkal in-nilattāl yițai-vilai-pporul
kondu innilattāl igai-kkaqanum vaji isai vețți evvagai
ppațţadum Nāț12. țukkurumbir-Kilccēri- Ppāppācānrāmē kātt-ūţývadā
gavum [] *) i13. ppūmi ipparisēy vilaikkuța virru-pporuļața-kkoņņu vi 14. laiyāvana- pporut - celav-õlaiy - āga-cceydu - kuduttom
Pāppācāngārā15. m Vēļān Sāttanukku [\ *) ipparišu ippūmi kāttū
đțuva..... innila-[kada]mai16. yil acc-añju palankāšu vevvērru-vagai irațți poruļu
marak . .
9.

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153
17. nattu-ttangamum pattu-ppingaiyum ippūmi ivva ..
muļļāmal ațțu18. -Kilccēri-Ppāppācāņrārön-Tiruviruttalai-Aruvālattu
ivv-āņdu itte19. varkkēy ivanē vaitta tiruvilakku onrinukku niyadi ....
muţțāmal attu20. vidāga-Pperumbalañji irukkinra padai-ttalaivan
Kõraikkādanukku ....5ū.... 21. .rkon Māțar-kuļitāngiyum punaiy-āga adutta šāvā
mūvā-ppērāļu aimbadu šri-Sīlacciga22. ri 11 Antam-il Pal-guņatt-ādi Aruhantan-en-tam-idar
tirkku . .... 23. Hörāta munnēy tiruttalai tolumin sengu-vand-an-malar
... naiyē tolumin . 24. tēvar sendinam-avi-polir-cõlai tigaļvāp-andada ...
yuți-vandu maņiy-enro 25. manattu-ninaippilan-enrő malar-uņça makarandam
pa ... 26. Hey || | *) ivaiyum Vēļān Sattan solliņa llivaiyum..
n duin-nād-ā27. Ju-nājțu nāšakanmāri
Notes : Lines 12 and 17-18 above mention pāppacāntār of
Kilccēri in Nāțțukkusumbu as the protectors and executors of the grant recorded in the epigraph. The word sānrar means “learned”, “wise”, etc. It thus appears that the learned brāhmaṇas (pārppar) of Kilccēri were entrusted with the task of managing this grant made to a Jaina deity. In the verse occurring in lines 22-26, the donor-poet eulogises the Arhat as 'one without end' (antai-il), as the 'source of many qualities '(pal-gunatt-ādi) and as the 'healer of voes' (idar-tirkkum).
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 41]

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No. 13.
Tēnimalai, Tirumayyam Taluk, Tiruchirappalli District, On a rock in front of the Āņdār-matha. Dynasty :..................
King :............ Date : 8th century A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil
Purport : States that while the Jaina ascetic Malayadhvaja was performing penance on Tēņūrmalai, a certain Irukkuvēļ (i.e., a local chieftain belonging to the Irukkuvēļ family) visited the place and gave an endowment of land as paļļiccandanı for the maintenance of the sage.
TEXT
1. Svasti śri [] | *] Malaiyadhvajan Tē2. nūr-malai-il tavañ-je3. yya-kkaņdu Irukku4. vēļ vandittu avippu5. rañjeyda palsiccanda6. n-nālēkāl [1 *] ivv-asan-kā7. ttan adi nittañjen
8. ni aļa [[ * [Published in Inscriptions (Texts) of the Pudukkottai State, No. 9]
No. 14.
Kīļsāttamangalam, Wandiwash Taluk, South Arcot District. Natural rock surface called Perumāl-pārai near the Jaina temple of Candranāthasvāmi. Dynasty : Pallava
King : Kampavarman Date: 6th regnal year
Language and Alphabet : (876 A.D.)
Tamil

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155
Purport: Records that Mādēvi, the wife of Kāțakatiyaraiyar, renovated the Jaina temple (tirukkõyil) and monastery (pāli), built a mukha-mandapa, constructed a temple for the Yakşabhațāri and gifted a big bell to that temple.
TEXT
1. Svasti sri[| | *]Kampapanmarku yāņ. 2. d-āļāvadu Kāțakatiyaraiyar ma3. ņavāļļi Mādēvi it-tirukko4. yil pudukki muka-maņdagam-e5. Juppittu pāli pudukki Yak6. ka-pattāri-ttirukkoyill-edu7, ppittu ipp-paļsikk-ițța
8. perumaņi ontu ūțțuvittāļ || \ *] Notes : This inscription bears ample testimony to the fact that
Kilsāttamangalam flourished as an important Jaina stronghold during the latter part of Pallava rule.
No. 15.
Kalugumalai, Kovilpatti Taluk, Tirunelveli District. On the rock at Kalugumalai. Dynasty :....
King :......... Date : 8th century A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Vatteluttu Purport: Records that the sacred image (trumēni) was caused to be made by the preceptor Nāgañandi, the pupil of the preceptor Singañandi of Āņaņūr.
TEXT
1. Sri [|1 *1 Āņañūr Singañan

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2. di-kkuravadigal mā3. ņākkar Nāgañandi-kkurava4. digal šeyvitta tirumēni [|1 *]
Notes : Vide No. 9 above, an inscription of the 8th century,
which also alludes to the preceptor named Nāgañandi.
[Published in Ep. Ind., Vol.IV, p. 156, f.n. 6].
Nos. 16–17. Ēruvādi, Nanguneri Taluk, Tirunelveli District. On a boulder in the Irațțaipottai rock. Dynasty :......... Date : 8th-9th century
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil
King ........
No. 16. Purport : States that the work (of having the image made) was that of Ajjanandi.
1. Sri-Accaņan2. di šeyal [|1 *]
[Published in SII., Vol.XIV, No. 129).
No. 17.
Purport: States that the image (below which the inscription is engraved) was to be protected by the assembly of Nāļāsuppökku.
1. Sri-Nādā2. uppök[ku]
3. sabhaiyār-rakşai [|1 *] For more information on Ajjaħandi, figuring in No. 16 above, see Notes under No. 40 below.
[Published in ȘII., Vol. XIV, No. 130]

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No. 18.
Kalugumalai, Kovilpatti Taluk, Tirunelveli District. Between the second and third sections on the rock at Kalugumalai.
King Marañjaḍaiyan
Dynasty Pandya
Date: Regnal year 3 (A.D. 865)
Language and Alphabet : Tamil, Vaṭṭeluttu
Purport: This inscription, worn out in parts, refers to the Jaina god Tirumalaidēvar of Tiruneccuram in Neccura-nāḍu and records an arrangement made by Gunasagara-bhațara for feeding ten ascetics (vairāgyar) including one bhaṭāra who expounded the sacred doctrine (siddhantam uraikkum bhaṭārar).
TEXT
1. Sri-kō-Māṛañjaḍaiyaṛku yāṇḍu [3 vadu] Neccu2. ra-nāṭṭu-Ttiruneccurattu Tirumalaitte
3. varkku Guņasagara-bhaṭārar seyvitta [Ku]
4. Juva[painallur Tumbūr-kkūṛṇattu Kaḍan
5. daikudi Dharmmacittan-āņa. yāmāṛar Tirumā6. l-aḍaiñjirundu siddhāntam uraikkum pa7. tarar-ullittu-ppadiņmar vayirāgyarkku [ā]8. hara-dānam-aga-ttan-mudal kudutt-aḍippit9. ta kiņaņu mēlai Vīranāraņa ēṛi . . na . 10. naduvil Dharmmacittanum Kīļaittirumālu[ṛa]
11. vāraņai niccilu šīḍa-ppaṭārarē niccilum Uttamasilanum Varasundharie
12.
13. niccilum Tirumal ta . e. nicci
14.
lum.. ngaviraṇum nāṭṭu-ccerue [nicci]15. lum [niccilum] seyvi[k*]ka kaḍvar [| | *]

157
Notes: Among those entrusted with the task of implementing the provisions of the grant is mentioned the siḍa-ppaṭārar

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(= Sanskrit: sisya-bhaṭāra an expression by which the disciple/disciples undergoing training as Jaina teacher/ teachers is/are obviously meant.
No. 19.
Kalugumalai, Kovilpatti Taluk, Tirunelveli District. Between the second and third sections of the rock at
Kalugumalai.
Dynasty: Pandya
Date: Regnal year 3 (A.D. 865)
King: Marañjadaiyan Language and Alphabet: Tamil, Vatteluttu
Purport: This inscription, worn-out in parts, refers to the Jaina god Tirumalaidēva of Tiruneccuram in Neccura-nadu and records an arrangement made by Gunasagara-bhațara for feeding five ascetics (vairagyar) including one bhaṭāra who expounded the sacred doctrine (siddhantam uraikkum bhaṭārar).
TEXT
1. Sri-kō-Marañjaḍaiyaṛku yāṇḍu [3 vadu] Neccura-na2. ttu Tiruneccurattu Tirumalaittēvarkku Gu
3. pasagara-bhaṭātar seyvitta Kuļuvāņainallu
4. r Milalaikuṛṇattu Perunā[va]lur.. .dāsa
5. n-agiya Mādēvaṇakkan... njirundu siddhantam
6. uraikkum bhaṭarar ulliṭṭ-aivar vayirākki

7. yarkku āhāra-dānam-āga tan-mudal kuduttu aḍippitta-kinaru . . . . niccilum . . . . ni
8.
9. ccilum. . . . niccilum palavarai .
10. tiņaikkalattal niccilun-Tirumalai Viranum 11. ka.... suņakan ševvaka . . ....
12. c-cevittan.
konda

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
159
13. ivvür .... 14. ...........
[Published in SII., Vol. V, No. 406]
No. 20.,
Ayyampāļaiyam, Palani Taluk, Madurai District. Above the natural cave on the hill called Aivarmalai. Dynasty : Pāņdya
King : Varaguna II Date : Saka 792, Regnal year 8 Language and Alphabet : (A.D. 870)
Tamil, Vatteluttu
Purport : Registers a gift of 505 kāņam of gold by Sāntivīra-kkuravar of Kālam, the disciple of Gunavīra-kkuravadigal for offerings to the images of Pārsva-bhațāra (i.e. Pārsvanātha) and of the attendant yakşis at Tiruvayirai, which he had renovated, and for the feeding of one ascetic (adigaf).
TEXT
1. Sakarai-yāņdu elunūrru-ttoņņārr-irandu 2. pöndaņa Varaguņa;ku yāņļu eļļu Kuşavira-kku3. ravadigaļ māņākkar Kājattu Sāntivira-k4. kuravar Tiruvayirai Pārišva-pațāraraiyum-Iyak5. ki-avvaigalaiyum pudukki irandukku-mut9. tāv-aviyum-or-adigalukku šőr-āga amaittana
7. pon aiññārr-aindu kāņam [1 \*] Notes: "The images sculptured on the brow of the cavern on this
hill, as well as the reference in this record indicate that a Jaina colony flourished on this hill in the 9th century A.D."
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 22]

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No. 21.
Vedāl, Wandiwash Taluk, North Arcot District. On a boulder in front of a natural cave at Vedāl. Dynasty : Cola
King : Āditya I Date : 885-86 A.D.
Language and Alphabet : Tamil, Tamil and Grantha
Purport : Records that, a dispute having arisen between Kanakavira-kurattiyār, a female disciple of Gunakirti-Bhaţāra of Vidal alias Mādēvi-Ārāndimangalam and her five hundred lady pupils on the one and a group four hundred nuns on the other, the inhabitants of the locality, who were the lay disciples of the school to which Kanakavīra-kurattiyār belonged, undertook to feed her and her lady pupils.
TEXT
1. Svasti śrī [|*] kõv-Irāšakēšariparmarkku yāṇdu
padinālāvadu Si2. ngapura-nāțțu-kkisvaļi Vidāl-Mādēvi-Ārāndi mangala3. mudaiya Gunakirtti-Bhațārar-vaļi māņākkiyār
Kanakavīra-kkuratti4. yāraiyum-avar-vali māņākkiyaraiyum Tāpasiga!
nānārruvarkkum 5. kolļādamaiyil ikköyir-pillaigal-aiññārruvarkkuin
vali-ilārun6. kātt-ūļļuvām-āņom[ || *] Engaļuļaiya sya-rakşai
idu irakşippār-adinilai engaļ 7. talai-mēl-ana [1 *]'Mādēvi-Ārāndimangalam-udaiya
Kanakavīra-kkurattiyār8. ttangal-[ū]r-maga!-ādaṇamaiyil .....:. 9. mukkiyarum-idu kāppār [[ ] *] Avargal sva-rakşai
idaņai irakşippār-a

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161 10. dinilai en talai-mēl-ana [|1 *] 11. ... danum-Kālanum mu12. dal-āgiya Mādēvi-Ā13. rāndimaigalam-udaiya 14. Kanakavira-kkurattiyār tan. 15. gal magaļār-ādanamayil 16. iduv-ellān-tan17. gal kāval [1 *] Idapai tin18. gu niņaittār Gangaiy-idai-Kkumari idai 19. elunūtru kādamuñ-ceyda pāva20. n-kolvār kāvalanukku pilaitta
21. r-āvār Notes : (1) In the name Kanakavīra-kurattiyār, kurattiyār is the
honorific plural feminine form of Sanskrit guru. (2) In the place-name Mādēvi-Ārāndi (or Arandi)mangalam, Ārāndi or Ārandi is, in all probability, a derivative of Sanskrit Arhantikā, 'a Buddhist or Jaina nun'. [Published in SII., Vol. III, No. 92]
No. 22.
Sittaņņavāšal, Kulattur Taluk, Tiruchirapalli District. On the rock south of the rock-cut Jaina temple. Dynasty : Pāņdya
King : Srivallabha Date : 9th century A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil (verse), Tamil Purport: This partly damaged inscription in Tamil verse states that on behalf of the king Srivalluvan, who had the title of avasipaśēkhara, a certain Iļan-Gautaman, who is described as an āśiriyan (= ācārya) of Madurai, repaired the aga-mand apa of the Arivar temple at Annalvāyil and built the mukha-maņdapa in
11

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APPENDIX
front of it. Some gifts of land were also made to the priests of the temple.
TEXT
1. Svasti šri [|1 *] Tirundiya perum-pugal-Ttaiva
darišanatt-aruntava-munivanai-pporuț-celav-araiyara 2, .. kkula-nilaimai-Ilan-Gautaman-enum valaňkelu
tirunagar Madirai-āśiriyan avanēy pā3. r-mulud-āņda Pañcavar-kula-mudal-ārkelu
vaivēl-avapipaśēkaran sirkelu śengor-Cirival4. luvanukk-enr-i-Ppalavun-kurikõl-inid-avai
on[diral) nadivasiyatt-asaņbi-mūdūr-kkaduvaļaṁ perukki-ppaņņ-amar-köil pānguța-cceyvitt
āraṇa-pperum mikk-olukkavi6. kkum-pūraña-mālai poliyav-öngi anda . I... viļakkirk
amañan-kāņiyuñ-cā7. tti-vayakkalun-guna-migu-širappin kurittu...melukku
ppusam-oru mūnru māvum palukkara mu8. raiyāl valipaduvāṇukk-arai-kkāņi, mamai . nökki
Aŋŋalvāil-Arivar kõin 9. munnāļ mandagan-kallālēy nirii-kkaņdör
maruļuņkāmaru viluccir-ul10. Jodu pusambal-oļimiga-ppōkki marrum-ellān
kurra-nikki ādi-vēndar 11. arañ-cē vasakki ..... māsasa niţii-ttiru-varsañjey
pāvai ne. du-tun-orupa'. . . . nagar-amaittu nid-oli viļakki- .
neyppuram-āg-ena 13. ... dai vayalöd-et ... kūriya vagaiyān-ādi nani.
amaitta valiy-aravo14. řku nila-mummācce .... aļiyā vagaiyār-kaņdanan-e
.... kikko1 -

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
163
15. gai-Ppalguṇattönei | | |-Tinni nalan parappi. ...
maņņila sir Madirai asiriyan-Appal
16.
rrenaga
.
agamandaga
17.
m pudukki ang-Arivar-kōil mugamandagam-cduttan mun
Notes: The reference to the renovated temple twice (lines 8 and 17 as Arivar-kōyil. i.e., the temple of Arivar is interesting. Arivan which means 'wise', 'knowing', etc., also stands for the Arhat (See Winslow's Tamil-English Dictionary, s. v.).
In line 6 of the text above a plot of land is called amaṇankāņi where amanan is the tadbhava of sramana.
The reference to Ilan-Gautaman as Madirai-asiriyan shows that the Pandyan capital continued to be an important Jaina centre even in the middle of the 9th century A.D.
The findspot of the inscription is mentioned in line 8 as Anṇalvayil. In the place-name Sittaņņavāśal (Sittan (Skt. Siddha) +Aņņal + vayil) both Sitta and Anṇal stand for the Arhat.
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 45]
No. 23.
Paļļimadam, Aruppukkottai Taluk, Ramanathapuram District. On a stone in the northern wall of the mandapa in the Kalanathasvamin temple.
Dynasty.........
Date: 9th century A.D.
King:..
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Vatteluttu
Purport: Registers a gift of 5 sheep by Sattan Kāri for one perpetual lamp to be burnt in the temple of Tirukkāṭṭāmballidĕvar at Kurandi in Veņbu-nāḍu.

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APPENDIX
TEXT
1: Svasti sri || |*] Veņbu-nāțțu-Kkurangi Tirukkāțțā
mbaļli-ttēvarkku tiruno2, ndā-viļakk-onrinukku ivvūr-Ccāttan-Kāri attina ādu ai3. mbadu -Idu ivvür ürārun-ga ņattārum kāval [1 | *]
Notes : The text ends with the stipulation that the gift is to be
protected by the residents and ganattår of Kuranţi indicating thereby that the village was predominantly, Jaina by persuasion. This slab also appears to have originally belonged to the Jaina temple named Tirukkāțțāmballi at Kusaņņi nearby, and to have been removed thence along with the wingstones bearing inscriptions Nos 10 and 11 above.
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 34]
Nos. 24-28.
Āņaimalai, Madurai Taluk, Madurai District. Below the images of the Jaina gods sculptured in half-relief on the rock overhanging a natural cave. Dynasty : ...............
King :.... Date : 9th century A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Vatteluttu
No. 24. Purport : States that the image beneath which the inscription is engraved) is to be protected by the officials of the administrative departments (tiņaikkaļattār).
1. Sri-Tiņai2. kkaļattār rakşai [ *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 100]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
1. Sri-Porkō
2. ttu-kkaraṇa
3. ttar rakşai | [*]
No. 25.
Purport: States that the image (beneath which the inscription is engraved) is to be protected by the official accountant(s) or arbitrators of Porkōdu.
TEXT

[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 101]
No. 26.
Purport: States that the sacred image (beneath which the inscription is engraved), caused to be made by Ajjanandi, was to be protected by the ‘assembly' (sabhā) of Narasingamangalam. The revenue accountants (puravuvariyar) are also mentioned.
TEXT
1. Sri-Narasingamangalattu
2. sabhaiyar rakşai [ | *] Accaṇan3. di seyvitta tirumēniyum parivara
4. puravu-variyār pē[ramu]m [| | *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 102]
165
No. 27.
Purport: States that the image of the Yakşa (iyakkar) was caused to be made by Ceduliya-Pāṇḍi of Peruveṁbāṛṛūr in Teņkaļavaļinādu.

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APPENDIX
TEXT
1. Sri Teņkaļavali-nāțțu2. Pperuveṁbārļūr-Ccedu3. liya-Pāņdi seyvi. 4. cca iyakka[r pa*]dumam [|1 *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 103]
No. 28.
Purport : States that the sacred image (beneath which the inscription is engraved) was caused to be made by Eviyampūdi of Vēțțañjēri in Veņbaikkuļi in Veņbaikkudi-nādu and that it was to be protected by the department of revenue accountants.
TEXT
1. Sri-Veņbaikku2. di-nāțțu Ven. 3. baikkuļi Vēt 4. țañjēri pudumai 5. Eviyampūdi 6. šeyvitta ti7. rumēnil| *]ivai 8. puravuvari9. kkaņattā10. r rakşai [ 1 | |*]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 106]
Notes : The fact that government departments and officials were entrusted with the protection of these images is further evidence for the fact that Jainism enjoyed great popularity in the Pāņdya kingdom even as late as towards the close of the 9th century A.D.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
167
No. 29–32.
Uttamapāļaiyam, Periyakulam Taluk, Madurai District. Below the images of Jaina deities sculptured in low relief on the face of the rock called the Karuppannasvāmin rock. Dynasty :.........
King :......... Date : 9th century A.D.
Language and alphabet :
Tamil, Vatteluttu
No. 29.
Below the second image. Purport: This damaged inscription contains reference to Kurandi. tirtha, the ancient Jaina stronghold, and to Candraprabha.
TEXT
1. Sri-Veņbuņāțțu 2. Villi Kurandi-tti3..........ruma . ka .. mava 4. .. candrapravan 5. ....kku
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 121]
No. 30.
Below the third image. Purport : Registers that the sacred image was made by Ariştanēmi-periyār, the disciple of Aştāpavāsi-Kaņakavīra.
TEXT
1. Sri-Attāpavāsi Ka[nakavi]2. ra-māņākkar Aritsa

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APPENDIX
3. Hēmi-pperiyār sey4. da stirumēni] [1 | *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 122]
No. 31.
Below the tenth image. Purport : Records that the work (of having the image made) was that of Ajjanandi.
TEXT
1. Sri-Accapan2. di šeyal [|1 *] [Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 126]
No. 32 On a boulder near the Karuppannasvāmiņ rock. Purport: Registers a grant of 11 kāśu by Anantavira-adigal for a lamp to the god Tiruguņagiridēva and states that the aạigal in charge of the temple (palli) should burn the lamp with the interest accruing out of the money granted.
TEXT
1. Sri-Tirukkuşagiri-ttēvarkku-ttiruvilakku2. kku Anantavira-adigaļ attina [kāšu) padino3. Agu ikkāśin poli koņdu dēvarkku mut4. tāmai-cceluttuvār-āņār ippalliy-udai a5. digal (1 *) asam vēņduvār-idu pilaiyāmai-cceyga [I*]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 128]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
169
Notes : No. 29 above affords one more instance to illustrate the
predominance of Kuraņdi as an important Jaina stronghold in the 9th century A.D. For more details on Ajjaņandi (No. 31 above), see notes under No. 40 below In No. 32 above, the hill is called Tiru-guna-giri and the deity is described as the Lord(dēva)of the hill.
Nos. 33-40.
Ayyampāļaiyam, Palani Taluk, Madurai District. Inscriptions engraved below images near the natural cavern in the hill called Aivarmalai. Dynasty :.......
King .......... Date : 9th century A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Vattejuttu
No. 33. Below the second image. Purport : States that the image in question was caused to be made by Varadapāņi of the village Vadapaļļi-āramvicci.
TEXT
1. Sri-Vadapalli-ā2. ramvicci Vara3. dapāņi šeyal [1]*]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 107]
No. 34. Below the fourth image. Purport : States that the image in question was caused to be made by Ajjaşandi.

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170
APPENDIX
TEXT 1. Sri-Accañan2. di šeyal [|1 *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 108]
No. 35.
Below the seventh image. Purport: States that the image in question was caused to be made by Indrasēna.
TEXT
1. Sri-Indiraśēnan 2. seyal || | *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 110]
No. 36. Below the eighth image. Purport: states that the image in question was caused to de made by Mūvēndan, a resident of Nālkūr in Veņbu-nādu.
TEXT
1. Sri-Veņbuņāțţu Nā2. Ikūr kudiyan 3. [Mūve]ndan šeyal [ ! | *] [Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 111]
No. 37. Below the ninth image. Purport : States that the image in question was caused to be made by Āri, a pādamūlattān of Tiruvarambam.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
171
TEXT
1. Triuvarambattil [Pāda)2. mūlattān Āri seyda 3. šeyal [] | *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 112]
No. 38.
Below the tenth image. Purport : States that the image in question was caused to be made by Mallisena-pperiyān of Perumaļai, belonging to the Vira-saṁhga.
TEXT
.
1. Sri- Vira-sangattu-Pperumapai 2. Malliśēna- pperiyān 3. šeyal [|1 *]
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 113]
No. 39.
Above the natural cave. Purport : States that the image of the god (dē var) was caused to be made by Avvanandi-kkurattiyār, the lady disciple of Pațţini. kkurattiyār of Perumbatti-ūr.
TEXT
1. Sri-Perumbatti2. úr Pațțini-kkura3. ttiyār māņākkiyā4. r Avvaṇandi-k

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APPENDIX
5. kurattiyār sey6. vitta dēvar |
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 117]
No. 40.
Above the natural cave. Purport: Registers a gift of 2 gold kaļañju coins by VațgamVaqugi, the śāvikitti (srāvikā) of Kuvaņaccēri for conducting the avippuram service to the god Ayirai-malai-dēvar.
TEXT
1. Kuvaņaccēri-ttațțār-ccā2. vikitti Vațțam-Vaqu3. gi Śrī-Ayirai-malai-dēva4. rkk-avippuram-atti5. na ponn-iru-kaļañju 11
[Published in SII., Vol. XIV, No. 116]
Notes: Ajjaħandi, figuring in No. 34 above, finds mention in Tamil Jaina inscriptions of the 9th century from Valțimalai, North Arcot District, Āgaimalai, Aivarmalai, Karurgalakkudi and Uttamapāļaiyam, Madurai District, Ēquvādi, Tirunelveli District and Tiruccāņattumalai, former state of Travancore. For a discussion on his place in the history of Jainism in Tamilnādu, see P. B. Desai: Op. cit., pp. 62-64.
The name Pațțini-kkurattiyār, pațşini meaning 'fasting', occurring in No. 39 above, is interesting. A certain Pațținikkuratti-adigaļ figures in another Tamil inscription written in 945 A.D. in the reign of the Coļa king Parāntaka I (See, P.B. Desai : Op. cit., pp. 41-42).

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
173 No. 41. Kalugu malai, Kovilpatti Taluk, Tirunelveli District. On a stone lying near the Ayyaņār temple. Dynasty :............
King :.......... Date : 9th-10th centuries A.D. Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Vatteluttu Purport: Records some gifts including two perpetual lamps and 25 sheep to the deity Tirumalaimēr-bhațārar of Tiruneccuram by Šāttan Kāļi of the cēri of Kalakkuļimangalam. Another grant of one lamp and 25 sheep is also recorded.
TEXT
1. Sri [ ||*] Tiruneccurattu-Ttirumalaimēr2. pațāra[r]kku Kalakkudimangala3. ttu-ccēri-Ccāttan Kāļi ițța nendā4. vilakk-irandu (ca]rum onru āļu iru5. pattaiñju [ ] *] ivai ūrār rakşai [l *1 6. Ivan-adiyārai siyvita yi
7. Viļakk-onļu āļu irupattaindu [1 | *] Notes: The deity is named herein as Tirumalaimēr-pațārar, i.e., the Bhațāra (installed) on the Tirumalai (the sacred hill), i.e., Kaļugumalai.
[Published in S.I.I., Vol. V, No. 308]
No. 42.
Kiļsāttamangalam, Wandiwash Taluk, North Arcot District. Natural rock-surface called Perumāl-pārai near the Jaina temple of Candranāthasvāmi. Dynasty : Cāļa
King: Rajaraja I Date : 10th regnal year
Language and Alphabet : (995 A.D.)
Tamil

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APPENDIX
Purport: Records a gift of land for a perpetual lamp to be burnt in the passi of the god' Vimalasri-Aryatirtha-palli-āļvār by Baladēva-bhațāra, the disciple of Ādidēva.
TEXT
1. Svasti šri[l *] Kõv-Irājarājakēšarivarmarku yāņdu 13
āvadu Venkunra-kkāțțattu Venkunga-nāțţu- Ccātta
mangalatt-ūrām engal-ūr-ppasli Vimala śrı2. y-Āryatırtta-pasļi-ā ļvārkku šri-Nandidēvar māņākkar
ip-palliy-udaiya Baladēva-pidāran vaitta triunandāviļakkukku engal-ūr-ppūmi perum tūmbu pāyum nilam
Ilādaiyār ceruv-iran3. dirkum tenpārk-ellai Tanikkundigaļukkum kidangal
ceruvir-koļurkuttikku vadakkum mēlpāsk-ellai tiruva
digal-pögattirku-kkilakkum vadapārk-el4. lai karambaikkum vilāļupāraikkut-terkun-kilpārk
ellai karambaikkum palippattiyin kolukkuttikku mē;ku in-na-pêrellaiyuļ-agappațțu un-nilam-ojivingi
vilaiyir-kudutt-irai5. y-ilicci kõyil-variy-ilādu põnda kudimaiyum nir-nilai
yum in-nilam-uluda kudiyaiyum palliyaiyum kāýțapperādad-āgavum in-nilattukku talai-nir-kadai-nir pāya-pperuvad-āgavum [1]*]
Notes: While narrating the boundaries of the gift land, there
is a reference, in line 3, to tiruvad igal-bhögum which stands for lands given for the enjoyment of Jaina ascetics (adiga!).
This inscription makes it clear that Kilśāttamangalam continued to be a live Jaina centre even in the end of the 10th century A.D.
[Published in Seminar on Inscriptions (Madras, 1966), pp. 160-61.[

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
Dynasty Cōla
Date: Regnal year 8
(10th century A.D.)
Pañchapanḍavamalai, Wandiwash Taluk, North Arcot District. On the western face of the rock which overhangs a natural cave containing a pool of water.
No. 43.
Purport: Records that, at the request of his queen, Ilāḍamahādēviyār, Vīra-Cōļa re-assigned to the god of Tiruppāņmalai certain incomes from the village of Kuraganpāḍi.
1. Svasti śri [[*]
2. Köv-Iraja-Rajakesarivarmaṛku
ppagal-aṇḍa dharaman-ke
TEXT
yandu 8 avadu Paduvur-kkōṭṭattu-Pperun-Timirināt tu-Ttiruppāṇ
dēviyār
yum-o
malaip-ppō
3. gam-agiya Kūraganpaḍi iraiyili -palliccandattai kilIlāḍarājargal kaṛpūra-vilai koṇḍu id
175
King: Rajakēsarivarman Language and Alphabet : Tamil
4. ttu-ppōginrad-enru udaiyar-Ilāḍarājar Pugalvippavar-Gandar magaṇār Vira-Solar Tiruppanmalai-dēva rai-ttiruv-a
Vira-Sōlar
irai
5. di-ttolud-elund-aruļi irukka ivar dēviyar-Ilāḍa-mahākarpura-vilaiyum-anṇiyāya-vāvadaṇḍav-irai
6. lind-aruļa-vēņḍum-enru

viņņappañ-jeyya uḍaiyarkarpura-vilaiyum-anniyāya-vāvadaṇḍav
7. yum-oliñjōm-enru arucceyya Ariyur kilavan-agiya Vira-Sōlav-Ilada-ppēraraiyan-uḍaiyār kanmiyēy-a
8. ṇattiy-agav- idu kaṛpūra-vilaiyum-anniyāya-vāvadaṇḍairaiyum-oliñju sasanañ-ceyda-paḍi [| *] Iduv-a

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APPENDIX
9. lladu karpūra-vilaiyum-anniyāya-vāvadaņdav-igaiyum
ip- passiccandattai-kkoļvān Gangaiy-i10. dai-Kkumariy-idai-cceydār-seyda pāvan-kolvār-iduv
allad-ip-passiccandattai keduppār vallavarai 11. ......... nruva [1 *] Id-dharmmattai rakşippan pāda
dhūļiy-en-falai mēlaňa [] *] Ara-maravarka aramalla tunaiy -illai ||
Notes : Though the shrine to which the inscription refers is only
designated as that of 'the god of Tiruppāņmalai (Tiruppanmalai-dēvar), the expression paļļiccandam in line 3 and again in the imprecatory passages in lines 9 and 10 proves that the shrine must have been a Jaina one. For, paļļiccandam usually means a gift to a 'paļļi', a Jaina religious institution. P. B. Desai (Jainism in South India, pp. 39 and 41) suggests that Tiruppānmalai-devar must be the name of the seated Jaina carved above the figure of a tiger on the same rock which bears the inscription.
[Published in Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp- 137-40]
No. 44.
Tirakkõl, wandiwash Taluk, North Arcot District. On the east face of the boulder containing Jaina images. Dynasty: Cāļa
King: Parakēsarivarman Date : 10th century
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil Purport: This partly damaged inscription records some provision, including a gift of 200 sheep, for the daily supply of 2 nāļi of ghee and 10 nāļi of oil to the Jaina temple.. mai-sitta-Perumbaļļi at Sridandapuram in Ponnūr-nāļu, a subdivision of Venkunrakkāțğam, by one Eţa-Nandi alias Naratonga-Pallavaraiyan of

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177
Nelvēli in Nelvēli-nādu of Pagaiyur-nādu, a division of Cōlanādu.
JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
TEXT
1. Svasti śri [[*] Kō-Pparakēśaripa
2. maṛku yāṇḍu mūnṛāvadu Cōja-nāṭṭu
3.
tteņkarai-Ppaṇaiyur-nāṭṭu Nelvēli-nāṭṭu
4. Nelveliy-udaiyan Era-Nandiy-agiya Naratonga
5. Ppallavaraiyan Venkunṛa-kkōṭṭattu
6. Pponnur-nāṭṭu Śrīdaṇḍapurattu
7.
. . mai-sitta-Perumbaļļi candirādi
12. ttuvadayil i-ppal
13. Jikkum-i-ccavaiyārk14.
kum pilaittar-avar
15. i-ppalliyar [*]
irukkun-Gura
8. ttar-ullayaļavun-niśadippadi attu.. ney iru-nāļiyum 9. ennei padināļiyum niśadippadi... tuvadāga vai
10. ttan idu muṭṭāme aṭṭuvippa. . . runūṛu āḍu11. m kondu aṭṭuvippāṇ ṇāņa . . . idu mu

[Published in SII., Vol. XIX, No. 51]
No. 45.
Singavaram, Gingee Taluk, South Arcot District. On a rock in the Tirunatharkungu near the village.
Dynasty..................
Date: 10 century A.D.
ṇārkku
King...
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil
Purport: Records the death of Ilaiya-Bhaṭārar after observing
fast for 30 days.
12

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APPENDIX
TEXT
1. Muppadu-nā!-anaśana nöğra 2. I[]ai]ya-Bhațārar niğidigai || | *}
[Published in SII., Vol. XVII, No. 261]
Nos. 46-75.
Kalugumalai, Kovilpatti Taluk, Tirunelveli District. On the first section of the overhanging rock in the Kasugumalai hill. Below the rock-cut Jaina images. Dynasty :..
King :......... Date: 10th-11th centuries A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Vatteluttu
No. 46
Purport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Sättan Dēvan of Pēreyiskuļi, the disciple of Guņasāgara-bhațāra.
TEXT
1. Sri-Guņasāgara-pațāra2. réiờan Pēreyi3. rkuļi Sāttan Dē4. van seyvitta ti5. rumēni || \ *1
[Published in SII., Vol. V, No. 310)
No. 47.
Purport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Puşpañandi born of Pādamülattan of Tirukköțțāru.

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179
TEXT
1. Sri-Tirukkõttā2. tru Pādamūla3. ttān saņmam Pu4. tppañandi se5. yvitta tirumēni [|1 *]
[Published in ibid., No. 313]
No. 48.
Purport : [Records that] Srinandi, the senior disciple of SriVardhamāna of Malaikkulam (caused the sacred image to be made]
TEXT
1. Sri-Malaikkusat2. tu Sri-Vattamā3. na-pperumāņā4. kkar Srinandi 5. . . . . . . .
(Published in ibid., No. 314]......
.
No. 49.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Sāntisēna-pperiyār, the disciple of Uttaņandi-kkuravadigal of Tirukkõttāru.
TEXT
1. Sri.Tirukkõțțārru 2. Uttaņandi-kku

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180
APPENDIX
3. ravaạigaļ māņākkar 4. Sāntiśēna-pperi5. yār šeyvitta tiru[mē)6. [ni] ( [*]
[Published in ibid., No. 316]
No. 50. Purport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Kanakavīra-adigal, the disciple of Baladeva-kkuravadigaļ of Tirunarungoņdai.
TEXT
1. Sri-Tirunafurgo2. ą dai (Bala]dēva-k3. kuravadigaļ māņāk4. kar Kanakavira-aţiga! 5. seyvitta ti[rumēni] [||*]
[Published in ibid., No. 3171
No. 51.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by the (lady teacher) Piccai-kuratti of Sirupolal in lụaikkaļanādu.
TEXT 1. Sri-Iļaikkaļa -na2. třu Sirupo3. Ja[1] Piccai-ku4. [ra]tti seyvit5. [ta] tirumēni [1! *]
[Published in ibid., No. 319]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
181
No. 52.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Siri .. - kurattiyār, the (lady) disciple of (the lady teacher) Kāņikkuratti of Palayirai.
TEXT
1. Sri-Palayisai-Kkā2. ni-kkuratiy 3. māņākkiyar Siri 4. ... kurattiyār 5. [seyvitta) tiru[mēni] [II*]
[Published in ibid.. No. 320]
No. 53.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Tiruchchāraṇattu-bhațārigal, the (lady) disciple of (the lady teacher) Misalūr-kkurattiyār.
TEXT
1. Sri-Milalūr-kku2, rattiyār māņā3. kkiyār Tiruchchā4. rapatstu-paţāri]gal se5. yvitta ti[ru]mējai] [11*]
[Published in ibid., No. 321]
No. 54. Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by

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182
APPENDIX
Sirivisaiya( = Srivijaya)-kkurattiyār, the (lady) disciple of (the lady teacher) Taccan-Sanga-kkurattigaļ of Veņbaikkuţi, for the merit of Sēndañcātti.
TEXT
1. Sri-Veņbaikkudi Ta2. ccap-Sanga-kkura3. ttigaļ māņākkiyār 4. Sirivišaiya-kkurat5. tiyār ģēndañcātti6. yai cārtti seyvitta ti7. [rumēni] || | *]
[Published in ibid., No. 3221
No. 55.
Purport: Records that the image was caused to be made by Tiruccāraṇattu-kkurattigal for the merit of Sadaiyan Korri of Koțțūr-nāļu.
TEXT
1. Sri-Kotřūr-nāțțu 2. Siru . Itali 3. Sadaiyari-Korriyai 4. cārtti Tiruccāraņa5. ttu-kkurattigaļ šey6. vitta padimam [ 1 *]
[Published in ibid., No. 324]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
183
No. 56.
Purport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Siru-bhațāra, the disciple of [..) tori-bhațāra of Kurandi.
TEXT
1. Sri-Kusaņdi .. to2. ri-pațārar māņākka3. r Siru-ppațārar se4. yvitta tirumēni [ | *]
[Published in ibid., No. 325]
No. 57. Purport : Records that the image was caused to be made by Tiruccaraṇattu-kkurattigaļ for the merit of Kūttan Kāman of Perumbarrür in Kottūr-nādu.
TEXT 1. Sri-Kottūr-nāttu Pe2. rumbarrūr Kū3. ttan-Kāmaņai-cāt4. ti Tiruccāranat5. tu-kkurattigaļ šey6. da padimam|11
[Published in ibid., No. 326]
No. 58. Purport: Records that the image was caused to be made by Šāntisēņa-adig.al, the disciple of Vimafacandra-kkuravadigal of Tirukkõttāžu.

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184
APPENDIX
TEXT
1. Sri-Tirukkõts2. tārpu Vima3. lacandira-kku4. ravaạigaļ māņā5. kkar Sāntiśē6. Aa-apiga 7. seyvitsta] 8. padimam ||| *]
[Published in ibid., No. 333]
No. 59.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Aditya-bhatāra, the disciple of Kanakagandi-bhattāraka.
TEXT
1. Sri-Kanakapandi2. pațțārakar-mā3. ņākkar-Ādit4. ta-pațārar seyvi5. tta-tirumēni [1]*]
[Published in ibid., No. 341]
No. 60.
Purport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Kapakanandi-pperiyār, the disciple of Tirtha-bhațāra of Kuraņdi.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
185
TEXT
1. Sri-Kurandi-Tirt2. ta-pațārar māņā. 3. kkar Ka[naka]nandi4. ppe[ri]yār sey5. vitta tirumēni [11*1
Published in ibid., No. 345)
No. 61.
Pnrport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Nāțtiga-bhațārar, the (lady) disciple of (the lady teacher) Nalkūr-kkurattigaļ.
TEXT
1. Sri-Nalkūr-kk2. rattigas mā3. nākki Nāt4, tiga-ppațārar. 5. śāra . . seyvitta 6. tirumēni [11*]
[Published in ibid., No. 355]
No. 62.
Purport: Registers the name of Nalkūr-kkurattigal, the (lady) disciple of Amalanēmi-bhațāra of Nālkūr. The Text may also be taken to refer to the lady disciples (māņākkiga) of Amalanēmibhatāra, who were also the lady teachers (kurattigal) of Nālkūr.

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186
APPENDIX
1. Sri-Nälkur-Amala
2.
nēmi-paṭāra-mā
3.
ṇākkigal Nal
4. kur-kkurattiga! [ | | *]
TEXT
[Published in ibid., No. 356]
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Pūrṇṇacandran, the disciple of Kanakanandi-bhaṭāra of Kurandi.
4. seyvitta tiru
5. [mēni] [*]
No. 63.

1. Sri-Kurandi Kanaka
2. nandi-paṭārar māņā
3.
TEXT
kkan Pūrṇṇacandran
[Published in ibid., No. 359]
No. 64.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by the lady teachers (kurattiga!) of Ilaneccuram, who were the disciples of Tirtha-bhaṭāra. The text may also be interpreted to mean that the sacred image was caused to be made by Ilaneccurattu-kkurattigaĮ, the lady disciple of Tirtha-bhaṭāra.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
187
187
TEXT
1. Sri-Tirtta-pațā2. rar māņākkigaļ 3. Ilaneccusat4. tu-kkurattigal (še)5. yvitta tirumēni[*]
[Published in ibid., No. 369]
No. 65.
Purport : Records that the image was made for the merit of Enādi Kuttan, the disciple of (the lady teacher) Tirumalai-kkurattigal (or, the disciple of the lady teachers of Tirumalai).
TEXT
1. Sri-Tiruma[lai]-k2. kurattigal 3. māņākkan Ē4. nādi Kutta5. (nai-c]cātti-c6. ceyvitta pa7. dimam || \ *]
[Published in ibid., No. 370]
No. 66.
Purport : Records that the work (of having the image made) was that of Arațțanēmmi(Arişțanēmi)-kkurattigal, the lady disciple of Mammai-kurattigas.

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188
1. Sri-Mammai
2. kurattigal
3. māṇākkigaļ
4. Araṭṭanēm
5. mi-kkuratti
6. gal-(c)ceyal [[ | *]
APPENDIX
1. Sri-Pattini-pa
2. tara-māņāk
3. kigal Tirup
4. parutti-kku
TEXT
[Published in ibid., No. 371]
5. rattigal še
6. [yal] [*]
Purport: Records that the work (of having the image made) was that of Tirupparutti-kurattigal, the lady disciple of Pattinibhațara. The expression Tirupparutti-kkurattigaļ may also stand for the lady teachers (kurattiga!) of the place called Tirupparutti.

No. 67
TEXT
[Published in ibid., No. 372]
No. 68.
Purport: Records that the work (of having the image made)

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL 189 was that of Pavaṇandi (Bhavanandi)-bhațāra, the disciple of Padikkamaņa (Pratikramana)-bhațāra.
TEXT
1. Sri-Padikkama2. na-pațārar māņā3. kkar-Pavaṇandi-ppe4 .riyār seyal [11*]
[Published in
ibid., No. 380]
No. 69.
Purport : Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Dayāpāla-pperiyār, the disciple of Tirumalaiyar-Mõni-bhațāra of Kadaikkāttūr.
TEXT
1. Sri-Kadaikāțțü2. r Tirumalaiya3. [-Mõni-pațārar mā4. nākkar Dayāpāla5. pperiyār seyvi6. tta tirumēni [ll*]
[Published in ibid., No. 383]
No. 70.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Kun ņūr-yogiyār, the disciple of Vimalacandra-kkuravadigaļ of Tirunātļūr.

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190
APPENDIX
TEXT
1, Sri-Tirunāļțūr 2. Vimaļacandira3. kkuravaờigaļ māņā4. kkar Kuņņūr-yogi5. yār seyvitta tiru6. [mēni] [I[*]
[Published in ibid., No. 384]
No. 71.
Purport: Records that the image was caused to be made by Sāntisēna-adiga!, the disciple of Vimalacandra-kkuravadiga! of Tirukkõţtāru.
TEXT
1. Sri-Tirukkot2. țārru Vima3. Jacandira-k4. kuravaạiga 5. māņākkar Sa6. ntisēna-a7. digaļ sey8. Vicca padima9. m [i*]
[Published in ibid., No- 390]
No. 72.
Purport: Records that the sacred image was caused to be made by Perānandi-bhatāra, the disciple of Puspanandi-bhatāra.

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
TEXT
1. Sri-Putppaṇandi
2. paṭarar māṇākkar
3. Peranandi-paṭārar śe
4. [yvicca] tirumēņi [||*]
[Published in ibid., No. 391]
No. 73.
Purport: Records that the image was caused to be made by MiJalur-kkurattigal, the lady disciple of Pērūr-kkurattiyar, the daughter of Mingaikuman of Pidangudi in Karaikka ṇa-nāḍu.
TEXT

1. Svasti śrī [*] Karaikkāṇa-nāṭṭu-Ppiḍangudi Mingai2. kumāṇār magaļār-āņa Pērūr-kkurattiyār māṇā
3. kkiyar Milalūr-kkurattigal śeyvitta paḍi
4.
mam -
[Published in ibid., No. 394]
No. 74.
Purport: Records that Küḍarkkuḍi-kurattiyar caused the two sacred images to be made both on her own behalf and on behalf of Sendan of Ilaveņbaikkuḍi.
TEXT
1. Sri-Ilaveņbai[kkuḍi] Sēndaṇ pērā
2.
lum tam-pērālum Kūḍark
3. kuḍi-kurattiyar seyvi
4.
tta tirumēni irandum [*]
191
[Published in ibid., No. 395]

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192
APPENDIX
No. 75
Purport : Records that the work (i.e. of having the image made) was that of Miļalūr-kkurattiyār and she had it made for the merit of Guñanandi-periyār, the disciple of Mūtta-Arațța [Arişta] nēmi-bhațāra of Velarkkuļi.
TEXT
1. Sri-Veļarkkudi-Mūtta2. Arațțanēmi-pațārar 3. māņākkar Guņanandi-pe4. riyārai-ccārtti Mi5. Jalūr-kkurattiya6. r śeyal [1 1 *]
[Published in ibid., No. 398]
Notes : On the same rock surface there are nearly a hundred such
label inscriptions (SII., Vol. V, No. 309-56, 358-60 and 362-404) which are all Jaina as is evidenced by the fact that they are all engraved below rock-cut Jaina figures. Of these texts of only 29 inscriptions have been given above selecting them on the basis of the state of their preservation and also their contents.
These inscriptions bear testimony to the fact that Kalugumalai was an important holy centre of Jainism in the 9th-10th centuries and that Jaina teachers, disciples and lay followers, both male and female, used to visit that place on pilgrimage.
The Male teachers and disciples are referred to as pastāraka (= bhatļāraka), pațāra (=bhațāra), kuravadigaļ (from Sanskrit gurupādāḥ), adiga! (from Sanskrit padaḥ), periyār (= Sanskrit mahān) and yõgiyār while female teachers and

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193
disciples are referred to as kurattiyār or kurattigal (feminine form of kuravar from Sanskrit guravaḥ) and pațärigal (from Sanskrit bhaijārikā). The images which are carved out of the rocks by and for the merit of monastic or lay individuals are mentioned either as tiru-mēni (sacred image) or as paạimam (=Sanskrit pratimā).
It is interesting to note that the female teachers are mostly mentioned, not by any proper name, unlike as in the case of the male teachers, but with the vocational term kurattiyār or kurattigal meaning ‘lady teacher' suffixed to the name of a place. Examples are Milalūr-kurattiyār (No. 75), Tiruccāraṇattu-bhatāri (No. 53) Tiruccāraṇattu-kurattiga! (Nos. 55 and 57), Nalkūr-kurattigal (Nos. 61 and 62), llaneccusattu-kurattigal (No. 64), Tirumalaikurattigal (No. 65), Tirupparutti-kurattigal (No. 67), Perūrkurattiyār (No. 73) and Kūčarkuļi-kurattiyar (No. 74). It may be reasonably concluded that these places were important Jaina strongholds and that female lay followers were the mainstay of the Jaina faith in the Tamil country.
For further information on Kalugumalai and its inscriptions and their importance, see P. B. Desai: Jainism in South India (Sholapur 1957), pp. 64-68.
No. 76.
Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District. On a buried rock in front of the gõpura at the base of the hill. Dynasty : Cāla
King: Rājarāja I Date : Regnal year 21
Language and Alphabet : (1005 A.D.)
Tamil Purport: The inscription records that the great monk (ma-munivan) Guņavira constructed a sluice near Vaigai-malai and named it after the Jaina teacher Gaņiśēkhara-Maru-Porcūriyan. Guņavīra is eulogised as one whose feet are worshipped by kings.

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194
APPENDIX
TEXT
(Lines 1-5 are in the nature of royal prasasti)
6. Arumoļikku yāṇḍu irubattonṛāvad-enṛun-kalai-puriyumatinipunan ven-kitan
7. Ganiccekara-Maru-Porcuriyan-ran nāmattāl vāma
nilai-ni kun
8. kaling-ittu nimir Vaigai-malaikku niḍūļi iru-marungum nel viļaiya
9. kkaṇḍōn kulai-puriyum-padai-araiśar koṇḍāḍum pādam Guņavīra-māmunivan
10. kulir-Vagai-kkōvei [ | | *]
[Published in SII., Vol. I, No. 66]

No. 77
Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District.
On a rock buried underneath the steps between the gōpura and the painted cave.
Dynasty
Cōļa
Date: Regnal year 12
(1024 A.D.)
King Parakēsarivarman (Rajendra I) Language and Alphabet : Tamil, Tamil and Grantha
Purport Records the gift of a lamp to the god of the Tirumalai temple, called Arambhaṇandin, and allots money for the maintenance of this lamp and of another lamp, donated by Sinnavai, the queen of the Pallava king.
TEXT
:
(Lines 1 to 21 and a part of line 22 contain the usual Tamil prasasti of the ruler)
22.
kō-Pparakeśaripanmar-āņa uḍaiyār
23. śri-Rajendracōļadēvaṛku

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
195
yāṇdu 12 āvadu Jayangonda-śõla-magdalattu
Ppāngala-nāļļu naduvil-vagai Mugai-nāțju-ppalli24. ccandam Vaigāvūr-Tirumalaidēvasku Iļaiya-mani
nangai vaitta tiru-nandāviļakk-onru [1*) Idarku bhūmi
tirutta-kkudutta 25. kāšu irubadu [1*] I-ppūmiyāl candrādittavar
i-vviļakku i-ppaļļi uqaiya Ārambhaņandikku
nittam nandāvilakk-onru22. m [1*] Pallavarasar dēviyār Sinnavaiyār candrādit
tavar vaitta nandāviļakk-onrukku kudutta kāśu onbadu (II*]
Notes: P. B. Desai (Jainism in South India, pp. 43-44) sug
gests (p. 44, f. n. 2) that the name Arambhaņandi may stand for Rşabhanātha, the first Tirthankara.
[Published in ibid., No. 68]
No. 78.
· Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District. On a smooth piece of rock near a rock-cut Jaina figure on the top of the hill. Dynasty : Cõla
King: Parakēšarivarman
(Rājēndra I) Date : Regnal year 13
Language and Alphabet : (1025 A.D.)
Tamil, Tamil and Grantha Purport: Records a gift of money for a lamp and for offerings to to the Jaina temple, called Kundavai-Jinālaya, on the hill by Cāmuggabbai, the wife of the merchant Napnappayap of Malliyūr in Perumbāņappādi.
TEXT
(Lines 1 to 11 and part of line 12 contain the usual Tamil prasasti of the ruler)

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196
12.
APPENDIX
... kō-Pparakēśaripaṇmar-āņa udaiyar śri-Rājēndracōladēvaṛku yāṇḍu 13 avadu Jayangonda-śōlamaṇḍalattu Pāngala-nāṭṭu naduvil
13. vagai Mugai-nattu-ppalliccandam Vaigāvūr-Ttirumalai śri-Kundavai-Jinālayattu dēvarku-Pperumbāṇappadi-Kkaraivali Malliyur irukkum vya
14. pāri Nannappayan maņavātți Camuṇḍabbai vaitta tirunandāvilakku
irubadum
vaitta kāśu pattum [| | *]
ontinukku-kkāśu
Notes: The name of the temple suggests that 'the shrine owed its foundation to Kundavai, the daughter of Parantaka II ), elder sister of Rājarāja I (
(
) and paternal aunt of Rajendra I.
Tirumalai is stated to have formed part of Vaigavur, a palliccandam, i.e., 'a village belonging to a Jaina temple'. The names Camuṇḍabbai (Cāmuṇḍabbe) and Nanṇappayan clearly show that the donor and her husband were of Kannada origin.
[Published in SII., Vol. I, p. 98; Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 229-33]

No. 79.
Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District. On a rock to the left of the painted cave.
Dynasty Cōļa
Date: 11th century
King Parakēśarivarman Language and Alphabet: Tamil
Purport: Records a gift of gold for the daily offerings to Palliyalvar (Jaina Tirthankara) and for feeding one ascetic (aḍigal) in the palli at Tirumalai near Vaigāvur in Pangala-nāḍu, a subdivi sion of Palkunṛa-kkōṭṭam, by Vircevagan Pidaran Buttugan and Vircamanayakan Candayan Ayiravan belonging respectively to Irumaḍiśōla-Karunāḍaga-Kaduttalai and naḍaga-Kaḍuttalai, two regiments of the king.
Madhurantaka-Karu

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197
TEXT
1. Svasti śri [|1 *] Kõ-Pparakēšaripanmarkki yāņậu
nālā2. vadu Palkunra-kköțțattu-Ppāngaļa-nāțțu Vai3. ygāvūr-Tirumalai-ppaļliyil nisadam-oru adigaļmārkku4. ccõsu vaittār Irumadiśõla-K karunāðaga-Kkaduttalai
Vir5. cēvagan Pidāran Būttuganum Madhurāntaka-Kkarunā
daga-k6. Kaduttalai Viscamanāyakan Candayan-Āyiravanum
ivv-i7. ruvõñ-candirādittar-uļļaļavum nirka vaittom-ida8. nukku nārkkalañju pongal vanda palisaiyyāl-ap-Pa9. lliy-āsvārai ūțțuvittom [|1 *]
i
Notes : The two personal names Būttuga and Candaya as also the names of the two regiments to which they belonged suggest that the donors hailed from Karnāțaka. It thus becomes clear that the Jaina temple (palli) of Tirumalai was of widely acknowledged sanctity.
[Published in ibid., Vol. III, No. 97]
No. 80.
Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District. On the outer wall of the doorway, which leads to the painted cave. Dynasty : Cēra
Kings : Adigaimān Elini
and
Vidukādalagiya-Perumā! Date: C. 11th century A.D. Language and Alphabet :
Tamil and Sanskrit, Tamil and
Grantha Purport: States that the images of a Yakşa and Yakşi, originally set up on the holy mountain of Arhat by Adigaiman Elini of the

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198
APPENDIX
Cēra family having become decayed in course of time, they were restored and placed under worship by Vidukādalagiya-Perumāļ, son of Rājarāja and a later descendant of Elini. The Sanskrit verse in lines 3-7 names Elini as Yavanika and describes him as the ruler of Kēraļa while the name Vidukādalagiya is rendered into Sanskrit as Vyāmuktaśravaņājvala.
1. Svasti śri [ 1 | *] Cēra-vaṁsattu Adigaimān Elini
ceyda dharmmam [] *] 2. Yakşaraiyum Yakşiyāraiyum elund-aruļu vittu erimaņi
yum is 3. ttu-kkaờappēri-kkaluri-kaņdu kuduttan || Srimat
Kēraļa-bhūbhr4. tā Yavanika-nāmnā sudharmmātmanā Tungir-āhvaya
maņdal-Arha-sugirau 5. Yakşēšvarau kalpitau [1 ] paschāt-tat-kula-bhūşan
adhika6. nộpa-sri-Rājarāj-ātmaja-Vyāmuktaśravaņājvalēna Ta
kață-nāthēna jirņņā7. ddhịtau [|1 *) Vañjiyar kulapatiy-Elini vaguttav
Iyakkar-Iyakkiyaro8. d-eñjiyav-alivu tiruttiy-iv-Eąguņav-ițai-Tirumalai vait
tan a9. ñcitan vaļi-varum-avan vali mudal-igali [adigana
vagan] . nul viñjaiyar 10. [stha) la punaitāga maiyar kāvalan Viąukādaļagiya
Perumāļei[| *] Notes: The Sanskrit verse names the hill on which the images
were carved as, Arha[t*]-sugiri while the Tamil portion names it as Engunav-iņai-Tirumalai. "En-gunan is an attribute of the Arhat. The eight qualities are, according to Jaina books: infinite wisdom, omniscience, omnipotence, boundless happiness, being nameless, without descent, without age and unobstructed." [Published in SII., Vol. I, p. 107, footnote 1.]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
199
No. 81.
Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District. In a small shrine below the painted cave, Dynasty ............
King : ........ Date : c. 11th century A.D. Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Tamil and Grantha Purport : Records that Ariştanēmi-ācāryar, the disciple of Paravādimalla of Kadai-kkõțțūr-Tirumalai, had the image of Yakşi made.
TEXT
1. Svasti śri [1]*] Kadaikkot2. tūr-Ttirumalai-Pparavādima3. llar māņākkar Ariştanē4. mi-ācāryyar sey5. vitta yakşi-ttiru6, mēni 11
Notes : (1) It is interesting to note that a Jaina teacher named
Paravādimalla figures in an inscription from Sravanabelagoļa and was a contemporary of Krsnarāja.
[Published in SII., Vol. I, No. 73.]
No. 82. Ammāśattiram, Pudukkottai Taluk, Tiruchirappalli District. At the entrance of the natural cave, east of the rock known as ĀJurusțimalai. Dynasty : Pāņdya
King : Māravarman
Sundarapandya I Date : 1216 A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil

Page #225

200
APPENDIX
Purport: This damaged inscription seems to record a grant of land in Periyapallivayal as palsiccandam to Nāyaṇār Tirumāņaimalai-Alvar by Pāmbaiyūr-udaiyān Senguļi Ānainaditēnār Perumagan alias Gangādhara, a merchant. Kanakacandra-paņdita and his disciple Dhanmadēva-ācārya are mentioned.
TEXT
.... ruvanmarāna Tribhuvanaccakravartigal Sundarapāņdiyadevarkku yāndu ........ di-konda-śõla- ...
....... tu Telingakulakālapuram-āņa Kulõttungaśõja-pațțaņattu palliccandam-āna An............................. ............................ Udaiyār Kanakacandira-paņditar māņākkar Dhanmadēva-ācāriyanum Tiruppalli.........1 Āļvār māņākkar..................... Ālvān pari ...............
........nagarattu viyāpāri Pāmbaiyūr-udaiyan Senguļi Ānainaditēnār-perumagan-āņa Gengādharar kkukalvețți i-ppira ...... ....... dutta paris-āvadu Periyapallivayalil Nāyaṇār Tirumānaimalai-.lvār palsiccandamāy-engaļukku arccanā-bhogamāy varugira nilam irangu māvuk........................... lai āvadu kilpākkellai ikkuļattil karaikku mērkum tenpakkellai kal-kulumiyi . na... terku nõkki pāmēkk-õdiya vākkālukku .
Notes: 1) The hillocks near Ammāśattiram served, in days of yore,
as the abodes of the Jaina ascetics. Two other inscriptions from the village call the local deity as Tiruppalli
malai-Āļvār (See SII., Vol. XVII, Introduction, p. vii). 2) It is very probable that the village name Ammāšattiram
is a corrupt form of the earlier name Aman-battiram (Sanskrit : Sramanasattra).
[Published in SII., Vol., XVII, No. 397]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
201
No. 83.
Bommaimalai, Kulattur Taluk, Tiruchirappalli District. On the Bommaimalai rock. Dynasty : Pāņdya
King : Könēriņmaikondan Date : (Hijra ?) year 675
Language and alphabet : (1276 A.D.)
Tamil Purport : Registers a royal gift of the village Korramangalam in Tepširuvāyil-nāļu along with tax-exemptions and privileges to the trustees (uļaiyārgal) of the two Jaina temples Tiruppassimalaippalli and Tentiruppaļļimalai-ppalli for offerings and daily services to the deities, including the tiruppadimärgu service. Two thirds of the village was given to Tiruppassimalai-ppassi-nāyakar and the remaining one third to Tentiruppallimalai-ppalli-nāyakar.
TEXT
1. Svasti Sri [| *] Tribhuvanaccakravartti Könērin2. maikoņdān Tiruppaļļimalai-ppalli u3. Qaiyārgaļukkum Tentiruppalsimalai-p4. palli-udaiyārgaļukkum Tiruppaļļimalai-nā 5. (nā)yakarkkum Tentiruppaļļimalai-nāyakarkku6. m tiruppadimārr-uļļițţa nitta-nimandan7. gaļukku-Tteņśiruvāyil-nāļļu-K ko8. tramangalam nāng-ellaikk-uț9. patta nir-nilamun-karuñjey puņģeyyum 10. nattamun-tõțţamun-kuļamun-kuļapparippum-ut11. patta nilamum kadamaiyu antarāya12. mum viniyogamum taruvad-āņa a13. ccum kāriyav-arāțciyum vetti14. pāțțamum pañjupili śandivigraha15. ppēņu vāśarpēsu ilāñji

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202
APPENDIX
16. naippēļu tariyițai śekkirai. 17. ttațțõli-pāț;amum-idaiyar-variyum ina-variyum 18. pon-variyum marrum-eppeyarppattinavu19. m-uțpada ārāvadu mudal palsiccanda-iraiyiliy-āga20. Ttiruppassimalai-nāyakarkku iru-kūrum Tentiruppaļļi21. malai-nāyakarkku oru-kūrun-kuduttom [ 1 *] .
ippadikku iv22. V-õlai piļipād-āga-kkonļu puravilum variyilun-ka23. lippittu-ccandirādittavar-selvad-āga irandu Tirumalai24. yilun-kallilum vețți nāng-ellaiyilum śri-mukku25. daikkallum nāțți-kkolga [ ] *) ivai Palandiparāyan
eluttu 26. āņdu 675 || *) ivai Villavarāyan-eluttu
27. ivai Tennavadaraiyan-eluttu [] | *] Notes : Interestingly enough, in line 26 of the above text, the date
of the inscription is stated to be the year 675 which, in vicw of the fact that the record belongs to the 13th century on internal evidence, could be referred only to the Hijra era. Nothing could better illustrate the traditional religious tolerance of the Indians than this fact that in an era when Jainism had ceased to be a major religious force in the Tamil country, the ruling king made grants to two Jaina temples and got them recorded in an inscription dated in the era of the Muslims. While Tentiruppallimalai is the same as Bommaimalai on which the record is engraved, Tiruppassimalai is the nearby Aluruțțimalai, also an ancient Jaina centre. According to lines 24-25 the trustees were authorised to demarcate their lands with mukkudui-kkals i.e., stones bcaring the figure of the triple umbrella, such stones being characteristically Jaina in their origin (See P.B. Desai,
Op.cit., p. 54 and footnote 1). [Published in Inscriptions (Texts) of the Pudukkottai State, p. 658]

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JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
203
No. 84.
Tirupparuttikkunram, Kanchipuram Taluk, Chingleput District. On the base of the north wall of the store-room in the Vardhamāna temple. Dynasty : Sarigama
King: Bukka II Date : 1362 A.D.
Language and Alphabet :
Tamil, Grantha Purport: Records that the village of Mahēndramangalam in the division of Māvandūr was granted to the temple by the minister Irugappa, the son of general Vaicaya. The gift was made for the merit of the king.
TEXT
1. Savasti śriḥ [1 1 *] Dundubhi-varşam Kattigai-māda
ttil Pūrvva-pakşattu-Ttingat-kilamaiyum paurņaiyum
perra Tā(Kā)tti2. gai-nãļ mahāmaņdalēśvaran Arihararāja-kumāran
Srimat(d)-Bukkarājan dharmmam-āga Vaicaya-daņda
nātha- putran 3. Jainõttaman Iruguppa-mahāpradhāni Tirupparutti
kkuntu-nāyaṇār Trailokyavallabharkku pūjaikku. 4. śālaikkum tiruppanikkum Māvandūr-ppargil Mahēnd
ramangalam nār-pārk-ellaiyum irai-ili palliccandamāga candrāditya-varaiyum nadakka-ttaruvittār [1 1 *]
Dharmmö-yañ-jayatu || 1 *] Notes: The fact that the deity Vardhamāna is herein called
Trailökyavallabha and as the lord (nāyaṇār) of Tirupparuttikkunnu is noteworthy. Irugappa, who is described in the present epigraph as Jainottaman, also figures in a Sanskrit inscription of Bukka II, dated in 1388 A.D. (Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 116) from the same place.
[Published in Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 115]

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204
APPENDIX
No. 85.
Tirumalai, Polur Taluk, North Arcot District. On the wall of a mandapa at the base of the Tirumalai rock, to the rignt of the entrance. Dynasty : Sambuvarāya
King: Rājanārāyaṇa Date: Regnal year 12
Language and Alphabet : (c. 14th century A.D.)
Tamil, Tamil and Grantha Purport: Records the setting up of the utsava-murti (Vihāra-nāyapār) of Ponneyil-nāthar on Vaigai-Tirumalai by Nallāttāļ, the daughter of Maņņai-Ponnāndai of Ponnür.
TEXT
1. Svasti śrī [|1 *) Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvarājarkku yā2. nqu 12 vadu Ponnür Maņņai Ponnāņdai 3. maga! Nallāttā] Vaigai-Ttirumalaikku ēşiy-aruļa4. ppanniņa śri-Vihāra-nāyaṇār Ponneyil5. nāthar [*] Dharmmo-yañ-jayatu [1 1 *]
Notes: With Ponneyil-nāthar, 'the lord of the golden fortress',
compare Ponneyirkon which is the same as Aruhan (i.e., Arhat), Kön is only the Tamil rendering of the Sanskrit word nātha. "Ponpeyil-nātha means the 'Lord of the golden fortress', i.e., the Arhat”- P.B. Desai, ibid., p. 45.
[Published in SII., Vol. I, No. 70]

Page #230

JAINA EPIGRAPHS IN TAMIL
Topographical index of inscriptions included in the Appendix.
Village
District
Ammāśattiram Āṇaimalai
Tiruchirappalli Madurai
Ayyampāļaiyam
Bommaimalai
Ēruvāḍi
Kalugumalai
Kilsattamangalam
Mänguļam
Pallankōvil
Pallimadam
Pugalur
Singavaram
Sittaṇṇavāśal
Tēņimalai
Tirakkōl
Tirumalai
Pañchapāṇḍavamalai Wandiwash
Veḍāl
Taluk
Pudukkottai
Madurai
Palani
Kulattur
Nanguneri
Kovilpatti
Wandiwash
Madurai
Cēra
Cōļa,
Pallava,
Pandya,
Tirupparuttikkunṛam Kanchipuram Uttamapāļaiyam Periyakulam
Wandiwash

Karur
Gingee
Kulattur
Tirumayyam Wandiwash
Polur
Nort Arcot Madurai
Tirutturaipundi Tanjavur Aruppukkottai Ramanathapuram 10-11,23
9, 43
North Arcot Tiruchirappalli South Arcot
4 6, 45
Tiruchirappalli
22
13
44
76-81, 85 84 29-32
21
Sambuvaraya,
Sangama, Miscellaneous,
"
Tiruchirappalli Tirunelveli
22
""
North Arcot
""
Chingleput Madurai
N. Arcot
Dynastic index of inscriptions included in the Appendix.
205
Nos.
82
24-28
20, 33-40
83
12, 16-17
15, 18-19,
41, 46-75
7-8, 14, 42
1-3
5
80
21, 42-44, 76-79
5, 7-9, 14
10-12, 18-20, 22, 82-83

85
84
1-4, 6, 13, 15-17, 23-41, 45-75, 81

Page #231

INDEX
(The figures refer to pages, n. after a figure to footnotes. The following other abbreviations are also used ; au= author; ca.=capital ; ch.= chapter; ci. =city ; co. = country ; comm. = commentator; de. = deity; do.=ditto ; dy. = dynasty ; fe. = female; gen.= general ; gr.=grammar, grammatical ; ins.=inscription(s); k. = king; l. = locality ; lang.= language; m. = male ; n. = name; off. = office, official(s); peo.= people; pl. = place ; pr.= prince or princess; prec. = preceptor; 9.= queen; ri.= river ; s.a. =same as ; Skt. = Sanskrit ; te.= temple ; t.d. = territorial division ; vi. = village ; wk. = work.) Abhayamati, fe. Jaina
Āditta-pațārar, donor, . 184 apprentice,
85, 90 Adity I, Cāļa k., . .. 160 Abhayaruci, m. Jaina
Aditya-bhatāra, donor, . 184 apprentice, .. 85-86, 90 Ādityāpa (dēva), a dēva, 121-22 ācāras, . . . . . . . 136 Adityapurāņa, wk., . . 3n. ācāryā(s), 'preceptor(s)', Adiyārkkunallār, comm., 60
. . xiv, 23, 103-05, 134, 161 aga-maņdapa, .... 161 ācārya-pithas, Digambara Aganāņuru, Tamil wk., . 42
Jaina- . . . . . . 145 agupporul, Love theme, .. 47 n. Accañandi, s.a. Ajjanandi, Agapporul-viļakkam, Tamil
Jaina prec., 156, 165, 168, 170 gr. wk., . .21n., 127n., 130-31 Accaņandi-ācārya,
Agastya, a Rşi and au., 18, 21 guru of Jivaka, ... 70 Agattiyam, Tamil gr. wk., 130 accu, 'coin', . . . . . 152 āhāra-dāna, . . . . 157-58 Acyutarāya, Vijayanagara k., ahimsā doctrine, . v, 1-2, 5-10,
his gift to a Jaina te., xvii 29, 31, 33-35, 38, 62-63, 88, Adaňkõțțāśān,
90, 105-06, 108-09, 137 teacher, . . 21 and n. ahiņsā, Jaina principle, Ādidēva, Jaina prec., . . 174
45, 105, 107 Adigaimān Elini,
ahimsā, religion of- 5, 35, 106 Cēra k., . . 197-98 ahiņsā-dharma, . 29, 86, 89 adiga!, Jaina ascetic, 51, ahimsā paramo dharmaḥ,
159, 168, 174, 192, 196-97 Skt. paraphrase, ... 33 Adipuräņa, Skt. wk., . 66 n. Aimperun-kāppiyangal,

Page #232

INDEX
207
'five major Tamil
umman, Saivite goddess, . . 148 kävyas' .. 481. Ammāśattiram, (Skt. SramaņaAindra grammar, . . 20-21 sattra), vi., . . . . 200 Aiñjipu-kkāppiyanga!,
Ammāśattiram ins. of Māravar'five minor Tamil kā vyas', man Sundarapāņdya I, . 199
83 n. Amõghavarşa I, Rāşğrakūța k., Aiññārruva-perumbasli,
. . . . . . . 67, 68 n. Jaina te. built by the guild Amstamati, q. of Anantavīrya, of 'Five Hundred', . . xiv . . . . . . . . . 125 Aintiņai-eļubadu,
Amstamati, q. of Tamil wk., .... 47 n. Yaśõdhara, . . . . 88-89 Aivarmalai, I., . .. 169,172 Amặtasāgara, au., .. 90-91, Ājivaka religion, ... 107
127-28 Āji vaka-vāda-carukkam, a ch. Amộtasēna, son of
in Nilakēsi, . . . . 107 Tivistan, . . . . 93 Ajjaŋandi, Jaina prec.,. Āņaimalai, vi., .... 172
... 156, 165, 168-69, 172 Āņaimalai Jaina ins., ... 164-66 Ajjaşandi-Aştöpavāsi, Jaina Anandamangalam, vi., . XV
ascetic, ....,. xiv Anantavīra-adigaļ, Jaina Akalanka, Jaina philosopher, 135 ascetic and donor, .. 168 Āļuruțțimalai, I., . . 199, 202 Anantavirya, k. of Uttaraāļvār, Vaiş ņavite missionary, Madurā, . . . . . 125
......... xi Āņaņūr, vi.,....155 Amalanēmi-bhatāra, Jain. anasaņa, 'fasting', . . 146, 178
prec., . . . . . . 185-86 āņatti, (Skt. ā jñapti), amanan, from Skt. sramaņa, "executor of grants’, . 145
......... 163 Andai Iļayār Pavaņandi, amanan-kēņi, land gifted donor, ..... 147
to a śramana', . . 163 andanan, ‘one who is all love amanappalli(s),
and mercy to all living Jaina settlement(s), 142 creatures', ... : 62-63 amaņņaŋ from Skt. sra'naņa, andaņar, . :.62 n., 63 n. Amaņģērkkai, (Skt. Sraman. Āņņār-matha, l., ... 154
āśrama) gift vi., X, 143, 145 Andhra, co., . . . . . vi Amitasāgara, Jaina prosadist, xi Aņņal, s.a. Arhat, ... 163 Ammāchatram, vi, .. 142

Page #233

208
INDEX
Anṇalvayil, s.a. Sittaņņavāśal, Ari, donor,
vi.,
161-63
antadi, a form of
composition,
134
Antai, father of Kāļitika, 141-42 antam-il, 'one without end', 153 Apabhramsa, lang.,
18
Appar, Savite missionary, xi-xii araiyan, 'chieftain', 45 n. 143-44
araiy-ōlai,
aram (=skt. dharma), 33, 42, 147-48, 154, 168, 176
Arambhaṇandin, s.a.
Ṛṣabhanatha, Tirthankara,
Ārāndi, Ārandi,
tadbhava of Skt. Arhantikā,
Aranericcaram, Tamil
wk., Araṭṭanēmi, from Skt.
Arişṭanēmi,
Arhat,
44 and n., 45 and n.
Arhantika, 'Buddhist or
Jaina nun',
194-95
Aravör,
arccana-bhogam,
Arhacandra, Buddhist
scholars and Kundalake si's
teacher,
arhan-namaskara,
161
187-88, 192 62 n., 63 n. 200
.x, 45 n., 163,

106
65
161
197-98, 204
170-71
Arihararāja, s.a. Harihara II,
203
Vijayanagara k.,
Arikēsari Māṛavarman,
Pandya k.,
Arikesari Parāǹkusa Nedumaran, do., Ariṣṭanēmi, Tirthankara, Arişṭanēmi, Jaina prec.,
x, xi
2
xiv
Arişṭanēmi-ācāryar, donor, 199 Arişṭanēmi-kkurattigaļ,
xii
donatrix,
Aristanemi-periyar,
Jaina prec. and donor, 167-68 Arivar, s.a. Arhat,
161-63
162-63
175
93
135
xii
Arivar-kōil, Jaina te., Ariyur, vi., Arkakirti, brother-in-law of Tiviṭatn, Arpagai, vi., Aṛppakkam, Jaina centre, artha, one of the puruşarthas, 88 arudha, 'prediction', 136 Aruhan, tadbhava of Skt. Arhat, ix, 151, 204 Arumoli, s.a. Rājrāja I, Cōla k. 194
Ārumukha Navalar, comm.,
Arunaṭṭār hill, 7., Arungalacceppu, Tami! wk.,

187
133
142
Arhatparameṣthi,
Aryan culture, invocation addressed to- 127 Aryan princes, Senguttuvan Arhat-sugiri, 'holy
opposed by
mountain of the Arhat', 198 Aryans, peo.,
45 n.
I, 27 n.
59
. 13, 27

Page #234

INDEX
209
Aryans, Eastern, do., . . 2-3, 6, Avvaņandi-kkurattiyār, fe.
7 and n., 8 Jaina prec. and donor, Aryans, Western, do., .. 2-3
171-72 Āryāvarta, co., ... 3 n., 59 Āyarpāļi, l., .... 55, 56 āśirigar, tadbhava of Skt. ācār- Ayodhyā, ci., ..... 5
yaka, ....... 146 Ayyampāļaiyam ins. of Pāņdya āśiriyaḥ, tadbhava of Skt. ācār- Varaguņa II, . . . . 159
ya, 'preceptor', . . 161-63 Ayyampāļaiyam Jaina ins., āsiriyaka, äsiriyika, tadbhava of
166-72 ācāryaka, “preceptor', . . . Ayyaņār, Hindu de., .. 173
140-41, 146 Ašāka, k. of Avanti, . . . . 87
в , Asoka, Mauryan emperor, . . 26 Baladēva(s), . ... 126-27 āśrama of Jaina ascetics,
Baladēva-bhatāra, donor, 174 54, 65, 88, 113 Baladēva-kkuravadigal, astē ya (non-stealing), Jaina pri- Jaina prec., .... 180
nciple, . . . . . . 45 Baladēva-pidāran, s.a. Aştöpavāsi-Kaņakavira, Jaina Baladēva-bhațāra, do., 174
prec., . . . . . . 167 Balarāma, brother of Krsna Ašvagriva, Vidyadhara emperor and a Baladeva, . 91, 127 and a Prativāsudëva, . .. bali, sacrificial offering, . 62
91-93, 129 Bauddha darsana, . . 33, 48 Ātan Cellirumporai, k., .. 142 Baudhāyana Dharmaätman,'self', . . . .. 5 ś ästra, wk., .. 3 11., 35 n. atmavidyā, upanişadic doctrine, Bavanandi-muni, au., 130
6-7 Bhadrabāhu, Jaina guru, avanipasēkhara, title of Pandya v i, 10 and n., 11 and n., 13, 41
k. Srīvallabha,. 161-62 Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta Avanti (-dēša), co., . . 87, 89 tradition, ... vi 10 n. avatāras, 'incarnations', ..8 Bhadramitra, Avinayam, Tami! gr. wk., a merchant, ... 122–24
130 Bhārata, epic wk., . 91, 127 Avinita, W. Ganga k., . . X Bharata-khaņda, co., 58, 85 avippuram, . . . . 154, 172 Bhartphari, au., . . . . 44 Avirodhi-Āļvār, au., . . 134 bhațāra, 'Jaina teacher?,
157-58, 192

Page #235

210
INDEX
Bhațāra, Jaina de'., 151, 173 Brhat-katha, wk. in Paisācabhajjāraka, 'Jaina teacher', bhāṣā, .... . 110-11
184, 192 Byhatkathākāša, wk., . . 10n. bhasțărikā, lady teacher', 193 Buddha-vāda-carukkam, Bhavabhūti, arr., 9 and n a ch. in Nilakēśī, . 107 Bhavanandi-bhatāra,
Buddhişēņa, a friend of donor, . . . . . . 189 Jivaka, ... .. 79-80 Bhavanandin, Jaina prec., XV Buddhism, . ix, 106-07, 135 Bhūmidēvī, Goddess Earth, .81 Buddhism vis-a vis Kural, 30 n. Bhūta-vāda, school of materia- Buddhistic doctrines, . 106
listic thought, ... . 108 Buddhistic Sangha, i. 106 Bhūta-vāda-carukkam, a ch. in Buddhists, 13, 34, 107, 109
Nilakësi, .... 108 Bukka II, Vijayanagara k., 203 Bödhāyana, au., · 35, 36 n. Bukkarājan, s.a. Bodhayana-Dharma-śāstra, wk., Bukka II, do., ... 203
35-36 Bukkarāya, do., .. 118 Bommaimalai ins. of Pāņdya Būttuga, n., . . . 197
Könēriņmaikondās, . . 201 brahmacaryam, Jaina
Cakra, a weapon of principle, . . . 45 Tivistas. . . . . . 93 brahmadē yan, 'gift to brāhm- Cakravartin(s), ... 126
aņa(s)', . . . . . xvii Cāmundabbai, donatrix, 195-96 brāhmaṇa(s), one of the four Cāmundarāya, au., .. 126
rarņas, . . 3 and n., 4, 35 n., Canda-Māridēvī, s.a. 36n., 62-63, 73, 79-80, 116, Kāli, goddess, . . 85, 87
136-37, 153 Candanam, 'Sandal, .. 47 Brāhmaṇa literature, . . . 2-3 Candaya, n., . . . . 197 brühmaņa Rşi(s), . , 2, 112 Candiranandi-āśirigar, Brahmanical (Vedic) religion, Jaina prec., . . . . 146
ix, xi, 14 Candrābha, ci., .... 75 Brahmasundara(-muni), brāh- Candragiri, I., .. .. 11
mana ķşi, . . . . 112 Candragupta, Maurya k., Brahmasundari, wife of Brahma
11 and n. sundara, . . . . . 112 Candramati, q. of Asöka and Brāhmi characters, . . . xii mother of Yašādlara, 88-90

Page #236

INDEX
211
Candranāthasvāmin te., 146,173 Cūdāmaņi, Cūļāmaņi, minor Candraprabha, Tirtharkara, Tamil kāyya, ... 83 and Candraprabha te. at
n., 90-91, 94, 126 Jinakā ñci, . . XV Cūļāmaņi-nighanțu, Tamil Candraprabha-Tirthařkara, lexicon, 131, 132 n., te. dedicated to . 145
133 and n. Catikan, donor, . . 141 Cuddalore, Jaina Cauvery (Kāvērī), ri., 52, 54-55 monastery at ... : xi Cāvakar, tadbhava of Skt. śrāvaka, . . . ix
D Ceļuļiya Pāņţi, donor, 165-66 Dadamittan, k. of Cenkāyapan, Jaina monk, 142 Hēmapura, . . . . . 76 Cēra, co., dy. or peo., 26, 50- Dādāpuram, vi., ... xvi
51, 58-59, 61-62, 197-98 Dakkhiņa-Mahurā, s.a. Cēțaka (-muni), father of Madurai, ci., ... 17 n.
Mīgāyati, . . 112 Daņdakāraṇya, forest, · 70, 78 cētanā, 'consciousness', 108 dandanātha, “general', . . 203 Ceylon, co., .
60 Dāņdāyana, Valmiki's Ceylon, Jainism in
vi disciple, . . . . . 9n. Chettipațţi, vi., . xiv Dandiyalankāram, Tamil wk., Chetty, tadbhava of Skt.
... 127 n. śrēşthin, caste, 71, 74 darśanas, ‘systems of Indian Chitral, Jaina centre, . . xiv thought', . . 24, 33, 49, 107 Chõlavandipuram, vi., xiv Dasaratha epic k., . . . 7 Christianity vis a vis
Dasyus, natives of the land, . 10 kupal, ... 30 and n. Dāvida-samgha, Prākrit for Cidānanda- kavi, au., . : 11n. Drāvida-sangha,, 17 n. Cintāmaņi, s.a. Jivaka-cintā. Dayāpāla, disciple of Matisāmaņi, major Tamil kāvya, ..
gara, · · xiv 48,49 and n., 50, 64, 66, 91 Dayāpāla-pperiyār, donor, 189 Cāļa, co., dy. or peo., ... Dēvacandra, au., . . vi, 11n.
vi, x, xii, xy, xvi, 26, 50, Dēvadāna, 'gift to the gods, 52, 54, 160, 172-73, 175-76,
. . xvii 193-97 dëvalūka, 'world of the gods, Cola-nādu, co., . . . . 177
73

Page #237

212
INDEX
Dēvanandi-pūjyapāda, Jaina Drāvida-sargha, s.a. Mūla
grammarian and prec., . . 15 sargha, . . viii, 16 and n., 17 dē ra(s), ‘god(s)', . . 51-52, 58,
n., 30, 44 73, 75, 119-21, 125, 132 Dravidian civilisation, early, dërar, "gods’, ... 171-72
26, 27 and n. Dēvasēna, Jaina prec., . . XV Dravidians, peo., . . 13, 25, 27 Dēvasēna, au., .. . 17 n. dëvatā(s), ‘goddess(es)', . .
70, 105 ēla, 'cardamom', . . . 47 dēvi, ‘goddess’, . 85 Ēlācārya, Ēlācāriyar, s.a. dēja dhamma, . : 148 Kundakundācārya, Jaina dhamma, Prākrit for dharma,
prec., vii, xv, 30 . . 148 Elädi, Tamil wk., 44, 46 n., 47 Dhaninadēva-ācārya, Jaina Eliņi, s.a. Adigaiman Eliņi, prec., . . 200
Cēra k., . .. 198 Dharaņēndra, a dēva, • ; 119 Eliviruttam, Tamil wk., · 17n. Dharaņēndra, s.a. Sañjayanta, Eluttadikāram, a ch. in Nēminä. . 120-22, 125
tham, . . 121 Darna, ... 4, 23, 33-35, Eļuttadikāram, a ch. in
37, 88, 125-26, 203-04 Nannūl, . , . 130 Dharmacittan, m., ... 157 eluttu, 'letter', . . 24 Dharmam, a gift or a pious act, Ēnādi, off., . . . 187
·198 Eņcuvaļi, Tamil arithmetic wk., Dhirma-śāstra(s), wk(s)., . . 36
. . 135-36 and n., 37 Engunan, an attribute of the dharm i-upadēśa, . . 126 Arthat, . . 198 Dhra nav-urai-carukkam, a ch. Enguņav-isai-Tirumalai, s.a.
in Nilakēsi, ... 106 Arhat-sugiri, I., ... 198 Digambara Jaina(s), . . viii, 145 Eţa-Nandi alias NaratorgaDigambara Jainas, Ajīvakas Pallavaraiyan, donor, . . 176-77
mistaken for i . . 107 erikarasu, 'odorous wood', . 47 Divīkara-muni, Tamil lexico- Ēquvādi, vi., . . . 172
grapher, . . 131 Eruvāļi ins. of Pāņd; a Diväkara-nighantu, Tamil lexic Mārañjadaiyan... 151-53
con, . . 131 Eruvadi Jaina ins, . . 156 Drāviça-brühmaņis,.136 Eviyampūdi, donor, . 166

Page #238

INDEX
213
Guðnāpur ins. of Kadamba Gadyacintāmaņi, Skt. wk., Ravivarman, ... 148
67 and n. Gujarāti literature, . .. v Gajabāhu, k. of Lankā, 59-61 Guņabhadra(-ācārya), gañadhara(s), 'chief
disciple of Jinasē nācārya disciple(s)', . . 23, 83, 126 and au., .. 66, 67 n., 131 gaṇattār, a body, ... 164 Guņādhya, au., . . 110-11 Gandhamālinī, co., .. 119 Guņamālā, q. of Jivaka, 73-74 Gāndharvadattā, Vidya- Guņamālaiyār-ilambakam, dhara pr. and q. of
a ch. in Cintamani, .. 73 Jivaka, .... 71-73, 77 Gunanandi-pperiyār, Gandharvadattäiyār-ilambakam, Jaina ascetic, ... 192
a ch. in Cintāmaņi, · · 71 Guņasāgara, comm., : 128 gāndharva-vivāha of Udayana Guņasāgara-bhațāra,
and Padmāvati, ... 116 Jaina prec., .,.. 178 Garga, Western, dy., ...x Guņasāgara-bhatāra, Jaina Gangādhara, s.a. Senguļi prec. and donor, . . 157-58
Ānainaditēnār Perumagan, Guņasēna, Jaina prec., . xiv
donor, ...... 200 Gunavati, Amstamati's Gangetic valley, migration
attendant, . . . . 88 of Āryans towards, . . 2 Guņavīra, Jaina monk, Gaņiśēkhara-Maru-Porcūriyan,
xiv, 193-94 Jaina prec., . . . 193-94 Guņavira-kkuravadigal, Gauda-brāhmaṇas, eating
Jaina prec., . . . . 159 fish and meat . 136-37 Guņavira-paņạita, au., : 128 Gautama Buddha, . . 8, 107 guravaḥ, 'teacher(s)', . . 193 Gautama Sākyamuni, s.a. guravar, 'teacher, ... 149
the Buddha, ... 8, 106 guru(s), Jaina teacher(s), · vii gõpura, ...... 193 gurupādāḥ, 'teacher(s)', . 192 Govindā, wife of Padumuhan, 71 Gāvindaiyar-ilambakam,
H a ch. in Cintāmaņi, .. 71 Harappa, civilization ofGovindarāja, ki of Vidciya
27 and n. nādu and an uncle of
Haricandra, Digambara Jivaka, ... 78, 80-82 Jaina au., . . . 67 n.

Page #239

214
INDEX
Harişēņa, au., . . . . 10 Ilakkaņaiyar-ilambakam, Hāthigumphā ins. of
a ch. in Cintāmaņi, . . 82 Khāravēla, .. 12 and n. ilambaka(s), ‘chapters', . . 68 Hēma-grāma, Skt. for
Iļampūrañar, IļampūraņavPongūr, vi., . . . . XV adigaļ, comm., 21 n., 25 Hēmāngada(-nāļu), co., Iļañcaţikan, father of
68, 80, 82 Caţikan, .... 141 Hēmapura, ci., . . . 76-77 Ilaneccurattu-kkurattigal, Hijrā era, Bommaimalai
donatrix, . . 186-87, 193 Jaina ins. dated in- . 201-02 llargautaman, donor, 161-63 Himālayas, . . . . . 59 Ilangā, Cēra pr., ..51 himsă, the sin of . . 104 Iļangõvad igal, Cēra pr., Jaina Hindi literature, . . . . V ascetic and au., . 50-51, 61 Hindu Āryans, peo., .. 14 lļankațuňko, pr., ... 142 Hindu deities, Tiruvaļļuvar iļańko, 'heir-apparent', 142
included among- . . 32 Iļaveņbaikkuļi, vi., s. 191 Hindu revival in the 7th Iliad, Cintāmaņi compared century A.D., . , . 31 with- .
64 Hindu revivalists, ... 31 inbam = Skt. kāma, .. 33 Hosakõțe plates of
Indiraśēnan, donor, .. 170 W. Ganga, Avinita.. X Indra, god, ..... 51
Indra festival, .... 53
Indranandi, Jaina au., . . XV Idaikkaļa-nāļu, t.d., . 180 Indrasēna, donor, .. 170 idar-tirkkum, 'healer of Indra worship, . ... 5
woes', . . . . . . 153 Indus valley civilisation, 27 n. Ikşvāku, dy., . . . 8 and n. Indus valley, earliest Ilāda-mahādēviyār,
Āryan settlements in-- . 1 q. of Vira-cāļa,... 175 iraiyili-palsiccandam, taxIlāņa-rājar Pugalvippavar- free grant to a Jaina te., Gaņdar, chief, . . 175
175, 203 Iļaiya-bhațārar, Jaina
Irājarājakēšarivarmar, s.a. .... 177-78 Rājarāja I, Cāļa k., . 174 Iļaiya-mani-nangai,
Jrambad:1, vi., .... 152 donatrix . . . . . 195 Irambāțțu-vēļān Sāttan, Ilakkaņai, q. of Jivaka, 81-82 donor, ..... 151-52

Page #240

INDEX
215
Irāšakēšariparmar(Skt. Rāja- Jaina yogin(s), . . 21, 103, 112 kēsarivarma), s.a. Āditya I, Jainēndra, Skt. gr. wk., . 15, 130
cõļa k., .. 160 Jainēndra(s), ... X, 143 Irugappa, minister of Bukka II, Jainism, its introduction
203 in the south, .. 13 Iru kkuvēļ, donor, . . 154 Jainism vis a vis Kura!, .. Irumadiśõla-Karunāďaga
30 and n. Kaduttalai, a Coļa regiment, Jainottaman, Irugappa
196-97 described as- . . 203 iyakkar, tadbhava of Skt. yakşa, Jains, . . . . 13
165-66, 198 Janaka, epic k., . . 7,9 iyakki, tadbhava of Skt. yakşi, janmas, births, i . 89
149, 198 Jarasandha, k. of Magadha and Iyakki-avvaigas, Jaina goddess, a Prativāsudēva, . . 127
159 Jayamati, q, of Piajāpati and iyal, 'section', . . 24 mother of Vijaya, . . 91
Jayangonça-śõlamandalam, Jaina ācārya(s), . . 55, 134
t.d., . . 195-96 Jaina culture, . . 1 Jayanta (-Dharaņēndra), son of Jaina darsana, . , 33, 49 Vaijayanta, . . 119 Jaina ins. in Tamil, .. 139 Jina, te, of- . : 51 Jaina kävya, . . 49 n. Jina-dikṣā, . . . 93 Jaina literature, . . 10, 33 Jinadiyār, m., . . 147-48 Jaina munis, . . 43 Jinagirippalli, jaina monastery, Jaina philosophy, . . 24
XV Jaina Rāmāyaṇa, wk., . 7,10 Jinakāñci, s.a. TirupparuttikJaina religion, . . 1 kugram, vi., . . x, xiii, xv-xiii Jainas persecuted by the Pāņdya jinālaya at Mylapore, . . 130-34
k., . . xii jinasēna, au., .. 66, 67 and n., Jaina sangha, . . 11, 17 n., 85, Jinasēn-ācārya, guru of
128 Guņabhadr-ācārya, . . 131 Jaina sanyāsi, . . 38 Jinēndra, : . X, 143 Jaina teachers, impaling of- .31 Jinēndramalai, Tami! Jaina Tirthařkaras,. . 19 n. astrological wk., . . 135-36 Jaina tradition, . . 23, 30, 39 Jivaka, hero of Jivaka
91 Cintāmaņi, .. 65-67, 70-83

Page #241

216
INDEX
Jivaka-Cintằmani, s.a.
Kalugumalai ins. of Pāņdya Cintāmaņi, mājor Tami!
Mārañjadaiyan, . 157-59 kāyya, xiii, 63 and n., 64 n., Kalugumalai Jaina ins., 65, 66n., 67n., 68
155-56, 173, 178-93 jīvandhara-campū,
Kaluşavēga, Vidyādhara k., . 72 Skt. wk., ... 67 and n. käma, one of the puruṣārthas, 88 jivanmukta, . . . . . 119 Kāma, god of love, . . 79 jīvas, classification of . 22-24 Kāma-Jinālaya, Jaina te. built jñāna, Lord of ... 23 by Kadamba Ravivarman, iādi, tax, . . . xvi
148 Jvālāmālinī, s.a. Vahnidēvatā, Kāmakkõțțam, Jaina te., Jaina goddess, ... XV
147-48 Jvālāmālinikalpa, wk., . . xv Kāmakkõțğam, Saivite
ammas shrine, s. 148 к
Kamban, Tamil poet., 63, 64 Kadaikkāțțūr, vi, . . 189
and n. Kadamba, dy., ... 148 Kampapanmar, s.a. KampavarKadandaikkuļi, vi... 157 man, Pallava k., 155 Kaļakkuļi-mangalam, vi., 173 Kampavarman, do., .154 Kādavarāya, dy., ... xvi Kanakacandra-paņạita, Jaina Kāļam, vi., . . . . . 159
prec.,
. 200 Kalambagam, 'poetic
Kamakamālai, Hēmapura pr. mixture', . . . 135 and q. of Jī vaka, . , 76-77 Kalanathasvāmin te.,
Kanakamālaiyār-ilambakam,
149-51, 163 a ch. in Cintamani, . 76 Kalandai, vi, . .. 128 Kanakanandi-bhatāra, kalanju, gold coin, 147-48, 172, Jaina prec., . . . . 186
197 KapakasandiKālī, goddess, 48 n., 85-87, bhațţāraka, do., . . 184
89-90, 103-04, 137 Kanakaṇandi-pperiyār, Kalinga, co, outside.
donor, . . . . . 184-85Äryāvarta, . . . . 3 n. Kanakavīra-adigaļ, Kalithurai, metre, . . 128n. do., . . . . . . . 180 Kalitika, donor, . . . 141-42 Kanakavīra-kkurattiyār, Kallādar, comm., . . 25 fe. disciple of GunakirtiKalugumalai, vi., . 173, 192-93 bhațāra, ... : 160-61

Page #242

INDEX
217
Kanarese co., . . . . 15 Kaţțiyangāran, minister of k. Kāñci, Kāñcīpuram, ci.,
Saccandan, . . 68-69,72, 74, viii, 145
80-83 Kāñci, Jaina philosophical Kaundhi, fe. Jaina ascetic, system taught at ... ix
54-55 Kandakkõţtam, Jaina te. Kaušāmbi, ci., . . 110-11, mistaken for Murugan te., ix
113, 115, 118 kaņdarkattiri, medicinal Kāvēripūmpațținam, s.a.
root, . . . . . . 47 n. Puhār, Cola ca., . . 50 Kandukkadan,
a merchant . 70-71, 74 kā vya literature, . . 27, 48, 90, Kāņi-kkuratti, fe. teacher, 181
181 Kaņimēdai, au, 46 and n., 47 kā vyas, minor, . . 94, 110 Kaņi Nanta, Jaina prec.,140-41 kāyyas, five minor Tamil, . 10 Kannada, co., lang. or peo, kavyas in Tamil, by Jaina
V, 11 n., 126, 196, authors, . . . v Kaņņaki, Silappadikāram Kāyalūr, vi., .i. 152 heroine, ... 50-51, 63 Kēmapuri, ci., .... 76
55-60 Kēmasari, wife of Jivaka, 76 Kapilēśvara Gajapati,
Kemasariyār-ilambakam, Oriya k., . . . xvi a ch. in Cintamani,. . 76 Karaikkāņa-1ādu,t. d., 152, 191 Kerala, co., ... 198 karaṇattūr, off, ..165 Kēšava, s.a. Vasudēva, 127 Karandai, Jaina to, at, xvi Khāravēla, Jaina k., 12 and n. Karikāla, Cāļa k., . . . 52 Kilccēri, I., ... 152-53 Karnāțaka, State, . vi, 197 Kiļiviruttam, Tani! wk., 17 n. Karungalakkuļi, vi., . . 172 kï Ikkaņakku, ‘minor Kurunilakkudi-nādu, t.d., . 150 poems', . . 46 n., 47 n. Karuppaņņasvāmin rock, l., Kījśāttamangalam vi., 155, 174
167-68 Kissattamangalam ins. of Kārvețnagar, I., . . 90 Cēļa Rājarāja I, . 173-74 Kāśi, co., . . . 2-3 Kijśāttamangalam ins. of
195-96 Pallava Kampavarman, 154-55 Kāțakatiyaraiyar, m., . 155 Kilśāttamangalam ins. of Katalan Valutti, donor., 140-41 Pallava Nandivarma II, Kathākāşa(s), Jaina wk(s)., vii
146-48

Page #243

218
INDEX
Kirapākkam, centre of Kulõttungaśāla-pattanam
Yāpaniya-sangha, '. , xiv alias Telingakulakālapuram, kā, ‘king', . 142-43, 150-52, ci., . . . . . . . 200
157-58, 160, 174 Kuļuvāņainallūr, vi., 157-58 kõil, kāyil, "(Jaina) te.,' Kumārila-bhatta,
160, 162-63 Hindu reformer, . . 135 Könēriņmaikoņdān,
Kumbakonam, pl., . xvii Pandya k., . . . . 201 Kumila-gaña, .. XV Kongudēša, co., ... 110 Kundakundācārya, Konguvēļ, pr. of Końgudësa Jaina prec., . vii-viii, 17, and Tamil au., . . . 110
30, 44 Korramangalam, vi., . 201 Kundalakēśi, a story from Kösala (Kāśala), co.,
Buddhist legends : 94
2-3, 117-18 Kundalakësi, Major Tamil kõţtam, 'Jaina te.,' . ix, 148 k āvja, 48-49, 94, 103, 103 Kõțțūr-nāļu, t.d., . 182-83
109 Kõvalan, Silappadikāram Kuņdalakēśi, n. assumed by
hero, . 51, 53-59 the 'nun of the Rose apple' KȚşņa, Bhārata hero and a
102, 106 Väsudēva, ..... 91. Kundalakēśī-vāda-carukkam, Kļşnadēvarāya,
a ch. in Nilākēśi, . . 136 Vijayanagara k., . xvi-xvii Kundavai, Cāļa pr., . . xvi, 196 Kļşņarāja, Rāştrakūta k., 199 Kundavai-Jinālaya, Jaina te., Kşatracūļāmaņi, Skt. wk.,
195 67 and n. Kuņņūr, vi.,
150 kşatriya, one of the four Kuņņūr-yõgiyār, donor, 189-90 varņas, . , 2, 4-6, 8, 10, Kūraganpāļi, vi., . . 157
35 n., 36 n., 71, Kural, Tan.i! wk., . .
83, 91-93, 118 14, 27-28, 34 and n., 36 and Kubēradatta, father of .
n., 37-38, 40, 42, 46, 49n., 62 Suramañjari, ...80
and n., 64, 109 Kūďarkuļi-kkurattiyār, Kural-veņbā, metre, : 29
donatrix,... 191, 193 Kurandi (-tīrtha), Jaina centre, Kuhūr, vi., .,... xvi 150-51, 163-64, 167, 169 183, Kūlavāņigan Sattan, poet, 51
186 Kulöttunga I, Cõļa k., Kuțaņņi-Veņbunāļu, t.d., xiv
Jaina te. named after, xvi

Page #244

219
vi.,
185-87, 193
160-61
kurattiyar, do., 161, 181, 193 Madhari, a shepherdess, 55, 57 kuravaḍigal,s.a. Skt. gurupādāḥ, Madhavi, dancing girl, . 53-54 192 Madhurantaka-Karunāḍaga
58
kurattiga!, 'lady teacher(s)',
·
Jaina prec., kuravaikuttu, folk dance, kuravar, from Skt. guravaḥ,
'Jaina prec.,
193
kurinji, one of the five tiņais,
Kuru, dy.,
Kuru Pañcāla, co. or peo.,
Kuttan, m.,
Kuttan Kaman, do.,
Kuvaṇaccēri, vi.,
Lanka, co.,
Lata, co. or dy., Lāyāņa, ci.,
L
Lakṣmaṇa, brother of Rama
and a Balade va,
46 n.
68, 111
2-4, 6 and n.
187
183
172
Lāvāṇa-kkäṇḍam, a ch. in
Perunkathai,
.

INDEX
Kattiyangaran,
Mādēvanakkaŋ, m., Mādēvi, donatrix,
Lōkapala, Pallava pr., Lokavibhāga, Digambara Jaina
viii, 16 n.
Skt. wk., M
Māḍalan, Kōvalan's
friend,
Madaṇan, brother-in-law of
iii, 115 75
126
59
xvi
115
.
55-62
Mādēvi-Arandimangalam,
Kaduttalai, a Cōļa regiment, 196-97
85
Madhva philosophy, Madhvācārya, Vedantic scholar,
84
Mahdya-desa, co.,
ca.,
Madirai, s.a. Madurai, Pandya 162-63 Madura, Madurai, do., vii,x-xii, xvii, 15, 17 n., 31, 42 n., 47, 51, 54-55, 57-58, 64, 161 Maduraikkañci, Tamil wk., ix Madurai Sangam, Magada-kkandam, a ch. in
47, 66
111, 115
Perunkathai, Magadha(-dēśa), co., 2-3, 5,
•

.
74
158
155 Mailaināthar, comm.,
•
76
115-16, 127
Magadhi Prakrit, lang., Magaral, Jaina centre,
mahākā vyas in Tamil, v, 63, 94 Mahapuraṇam, Skt. wk.,
66 and n., 67, 91, 118, 126, 131 Mahāvamsa, Buddhistic wk., 61 and n. Mahavira, Tirthankara, 5, 8, 71, 83, 107 149 Mahendramangalam, vi., 203 Mahendravarman I, Pallava k.,
x-xii, xv 130
6 xii

Page #245

220
INDEX
Mailaināthar, s.a. Nēmināthan, Maņpai-Ponnāņdai, n., · 204
Jaina de., . . 130 Manu, law-giver, . . 36 n. Mākkāriyāśān, au., . 47 n. Māsañjadaiyan, Pāņd ya k., Mākkāyaṇār, teacher, 47 and n.
150-52, 157-58 Malabar Coast, Jain influence Māravarman Avasiśūļamani, on the people of- . 61
do., .
xi-xii Malaikkuļam, vi., . , 179 Māsavarman Sundarapāņdya I, Malai-nāļu, t.d., . : 58
do., , . 199 Malaiyadhvajan, Jaina ascetic, Māsavarman Sundarapāņdya 154
II, do., xvi malapañcama-rāga, .. 88 Māridattá, k. of Oudaya-dēša, Mālava(-deśa), co., ... 59,87
85-86, 90 Malliśēņa, Jaina Rși, . . xv marudam, one of the five tiņais, Malliśēna-pperiyār, donor,
46 n. 171 Maruttuvan, m., . . 149 Malliyūr, vi., . . 195-96 Māśattuvan, merchant pr., . 52 Mammai-kkurattigal, fe. Matisāgara, Jaina prec., . xiv
teacher, . . 187-88 Māvandūr-pparru, t.d., 203 Maņakkudavar, comm., 39 Mēru, pr. of UttaraMānanikā, pr. of Kösala and Madurā, ... 118, 125-26
q. of Udayana,.. 117-18 Mērumālini, q. of Mā Nāyakan, a merchant, . . 53 Anantavirya, . . . . 125 mandagam, maņdapa, from Skt. Mērumandirapurāņam,
maņdapa, .. xii, 162-63 Tamil wk., 22, 94, 118, 126 Mandalapuruşa, Tamil lexico- Middle or Second
grapher, .. xv, 131 Sangam period, .. . 26 Mandara (Mandira), pr. of Milalai-kūrram, t.d., . : 158
Uttara-Madurā, . 118, 125-26 Miļalūr-kkurattigaļ, Mānguļam Brāhmi ins., 140-42 donatrix,,.. 191 Manimēkalai, major Tami! Miļalūr-kkurattiyār, do., kāvya,. . viii-ix, 48, 49 n.,
. 181, 192-93
50-51 Minākşi te., . . . . . xii maņipravāļa style of composi- Mingaikumāņār, m., .. 191
tion, 67, 126 Mitākṣarā, wk., . . . 3 n. Manmagal-ilambakam, a ch. Mohenjodaro, I., : 27 and n.
in Cintamani, . . . 80

Page #246

Mokkala, disciple of the Buddha,
Mokkala-vada-carukkam, a ch. in Nilakēsi, Mrgavati, q. of Prajapati and mother of Tivittan, Mrgavati, q. of Satānika,
mudal-nul, 'primary wk.,'
INDEX
.
Mūvāvadiyār, au., 106 Mūvēndan donor, Mylapore, I.,
106
91
111-13

Mugai-nāḍu, t.d., mugamaṇḍagam, from Skt. mukha-mandapa, 155, 161,
23 and n.
195-96
mukkuḍai-kkal, 'stone bearing the triple umbrella figure', 202 mukti, 'salvation', 93, 120, 125-26
Murugan, Hindu de., Mütta-Ariştanēmi-bhaṭāra,
Mula sangha, s.a. Drāviḍa sangha, mullai, one of the five
tiņais, Munibhadra, Jaina prec., Municandra(-ācārya),
103-05
Jaina yōgin,. Muni Sarvanandi, au., 45 and n Munivam sabhyudaya, wk., 11 n. Munrurai-araiyṇār, au.,
45 and n.
ix
Naḍāruppōkku, vi., Nāgakumāra-kāvya, minor Tamil kavya, Naganandi, Jaina prec., Nāganandi-guravar, do., 163 Nagaṇandi-kkuravadigal,
vii-viii, 16-17
46 n.
XV
192
43 and n.
Jaina prec., Muttaraiyar, dy., Muttaraiyar, 'k. of pearls', 43 Mutti-ilambakam, a ch. in Cintamani
82
N
Naccinarkkiniyar, comm.,
64, 128-30, 134-35
19 n., 25, 39, 46, 60, 83
156
•

teacher,
Nallattal, donaetrix,. Nāmagal, sa. Sarasvati, goddess of speech, Namagal-ilambakam, a ch.
in Cintamani.,
.
221
do., Nakkiraṇār, comm., Nālaḍi, Nālaḍiyār, Tamiļ wk., 12-13, 27-28, 39, 40 and n., 41, 42 and n., 43 n., 44, 46 and n., 109
Nalagiri, n. of an elephant, 115 Nālkūr, vi.,
170, 185-86
Nalkur-kkurattigal, fe.
.
83, 110
xiv
149
47
170
155-56
25n.
Nandakōn, shepherd chief, Nandaṭṭan, cousin of
Jivaka,
185-86, 193 204
•
Nandi-sangha, Nandivarman II, Pallava k.,
71
68, 71
71
77
X, 146
147-49

Page #247

222
INDEX
Nāņmaņikkaļigai, Tami! Nēminātham, Tamil gr. wk., wk., .. ., .. 46
127 n., 128 Nanpappayan, a merchant, neruñji, medicinal root, . . 47 n.
195-96 Neți(țu)ñcaliyan, m., . 140-41 Nannūl, Tamil wk., xiii, 127n., neydal, one of the five tiņais, 129 and n., 130
46 n. Nāraṇan, donor, ... 148 nigama (nikama), mercantile Narasimha, Sāļuva k., . . xvi guild, . . . . . 141-42 Narasingamangalam, vi., 165 nigantavādi, Jaina sanyāsi, 38 Naravāhana, Naravāņadatta, nighanțu, 'lexicon' . 131 and n.
son of Udayana, . 118 nikkanda, from skt. nirgrantha, Naravāņa-kkāņdam, a ch. in a jaina, . .. ... ix
Perunkathai, ... 111 Nikkandakkoštam, te. of Nariviruttam, Tami! wk., . Arhat, . . . . . . . ix
17 n., 65 Nikkandappalli, do., .. ix Nārkavirāja Nambi, au., 130 Nilakësi, chief of dēvatās, Nārttāmalai, Jaina monastery
104-06, 108-09 at, . . . . . . . xvi Nilakēsi, minor Tamil kāpya, nātļār, a body, ... 144 22, 37, 49, 83, 94 and n. Nātsāīruppõkku, 1.d., 151-52 103, 107, 109 and n., 118 Nāțtiga-bhatārar, donatrix, 185 nirgrantha(s), . . . . ix, 107 Nāļţukkusumbu, vi., . 152-53 Nirvāṇa, .... 68, 71, 83 Natural caverns in Tamilnādu, nisidigai, Jaina tomb, 146, 78
Jaina vestiges in .vi-vii Nitiśataka, Skt. wk.,. . 44 Nāyaṇār, sai vite missionary, xi Nāyaṇār Tirumānaimalai
Āļvār, Jaina de., .. 200 Odeyadēva-Vādibhasimha, Neccura-nāļu, t.d., 157-58 Digambara Jaina au., .67 n. Nedumāşan, s.a. Arikēsari Oțțakkūttar, Tamil poet, 49 n.
Parā řkuša Nedumāšan, Oudaya-dēša, co., ... 85
Pāņdya k., .. ... xi Nelvēli, vi., . . . . 177
P Nelvēli-nādu, t.d., . . . 177 Pādamulattān, m., . . 178-79 Nēmidatta. au., . . . . vii pādamūllttāḥ, te. off., 170-71 Nēminātha, Tirthańkara, Padikkamaņa, tadbhava of
128, 134-35 Skt. Pratikramana, . 189

Page #248

21 and n.
Padimaiyon, epithet of Tolkäppiyar, paḍimam, padumam, tadbhava of Skt. pratimā, 166, 182-84, 190-91, 193
Padinen-kiĮkkaṇakku, ‘eighteen minor poems in Tamil',
viii, 42 n., 44 n. Pādirippuliyur, pl., 16 n. Padma, Pallava pr. and q. of
Jivaka, 75 Padmavati, pr. of Magadha and q. of Udayana,. 116-17 Padumaiyār-ilambakam, a. ch.
in Cintamani, 75 Padumanar, Jaina scholar, 42 Padumuhan, a friend of Jivaka, 71, 77 Paḍuvürkkōṭṭam, t.d., 175 Pahatam, Pakatam, s.a.
Prakrita, lang.,
INDEX
18
palai, one of the five tinais, 46n. Palaiyarai, ri.,
181

•
Palalaiyam, n. of a cremation
ground, 103 Palamoļi, Tamil wk., 44, 45
and n. palankāsu, money, 152 pal-guṇatt-ādi, 'source of many
qualities',
153
163
855
Palguṇatton, s.a. Arhat, pāļi, ‘Jaina monastery', pali, s.a. paļļi 'Jaina te.', 140-42 Palkunra-kköṭṭam, t.d.,
•
•
223
Pallankovil copper-plate ins. of Pallava simhavarman, X,
196-97
143-46
Pallava, dy. or co., x-xii, xv, 43 and n., 75, 143, 147, 149, 154-55, 194-95 palli(s), 'Jaina te(s.)',
202
vii, ix, xiv-xv, xvii, 142, 147-48, 155, 168, 174, 176-77, 195-97. palliccanda-iraiyil, tax-free grant to a Jaina te., pallicandam(s), grant(s) given to Jaina te. or institution or prec., xvi-xvii, 143-46, 151-52, 154 175-176, 200, 202 Pallimaḍam ins. of Pandya
Mārañjaḍaiyan,
149-51 Pallimaḍam Jaina ins.,. 163-64 Palli-uḍai-aḍiga!, ascetic in
charge of a Jaina te., 16, Palli-uḍaiyār, staff of Jaina te., 147, 201 Palli-udaiyar, Jaina de., 196-97 Pāmbaiyur, vi., Pambārur, do.,
200
151
177
21
·

.
•
Panaiyur-nāḍu, t.d.,
Panamparaṇār, Tamil au., Pañca-gauḍa brāhmaṇas of
137
Bengal, Pañcala, co., 115-17 Pañcala-desa alias Partti-nādu,
do.,
Pañcapāṇḍavamalai ins. of Cōla Rājakēsarivarman,
103
175-76

Page #249

224
INDEX
Pañcapāņdavamalai ins. of Pațţini-kkuratti-adigal, fe. Pallava Nandivarman II, .. ascetic, . . 172
148-49 Pațțini-kkurattiyār, fe. Pañcaviņsa Brāhmaṇa, Skt.
teacher, .. . 172 wk., . 5 Pavaṇandi, Jaina au., . . xiii pañca-vratas, Jaina principles, Pavanandi, s.a. Āndai lļiyār
45 Pavaņandi, donor, . . 148 Pāņại-mandalam, t.d. . 131 Pavanandi-pperiyār, do., . 189 Pāņdya, co., dy., or peo., Perānandi-bhațāra, donor, 190
vi, x-xii, XV-xvi, 12 and n., Pērāśiriyar, comm., 25 21, 26, 31 and n., 41-43, 51, Pēreyişkudi, vi., . . 178 54-55, 58, 64, 150-51, 157-59, Periyapassivayal, do., . . 200
161, 166, 199, 201 Periyapurāṇam, Tamil wk., Pāngaļa-nāļu, t.d., . . 195-96
viii, xii Panộirandu-nighaņķu, s.a. periyār ‘Jaina teacher', · 192
Cūļāmaņi-nighanțu, Tami! Perumaņai, vi., ... 171
lexicon, . . 132 n. perumalli, medicinal root, 47 n. Pannirupadalam, Tamiļ wk., Perumandūr, Jaina vi., xvi, 13!
21 n. Perumbaļañji, I., .. 193 Paruttippațțu, vi., . . 145 Perumbaļļi, “Jaina te.,' . XV Paruttiyūr, do,, . . 145 Perumbāņappādi, t.d., · 195-96 Pāțalikā, Pāțalipura, Pāțalipu- Perumbas;ūr, vi., ... 183
tra, s.a. Pādirippuliyūr or Perumbatti-ūr, do., . : 171 Tiruppāppuliyūr, ci., . viii, perumbidugu, Pallava title, 43n.
xi-xii, 16 n. 30 Perumbidgu-Muttaraiya, Pațțārakar, from Skt. Bhat-
Chief, ....43n. tāraka, Jaina de., . 152 Peru-Mutturaiyar, do, . 43 n. pațārar, from Skt. bhațära, Perunāvalūr vi, . .. 758 Jaina prec.', . . . Peruňkathai Tamil wk., 157, 178, 183-89, -191-92
110 and n., 111, 118 pațärigaļ, from Skt. bhattaritā, Peruňkațuňko, pr., : . 142
'fe. teachers', . . 193 Perun-Timiri-nāļu, t.d., . 175 pațțārakar from Skt. bhatia- Pērūr-kkurattiyār
raka, “Jaina prec', . 184, 192 fe. tcacher, . . . 191, 193 Pațținattu-kkuratti, 'fe. Peruvembārsūr, vi., . 165-66
teacher', . . . xiv

Page #250

INDEX
235
Piccai-kuratti, fe. teacher, 180 Pugalālaimangalam, vi., 149 Piðangudi, vi., . . . . 191 Pugalūr Brāhmi ins., . 142 pidāran, from Skt. bhatāra, Pūhar, s.a. Kāvēripümpattinam,
'Jaina prec', ..174 Cõla ca., . . ix, 50-52 Pingala-muni, Tamil
Pujjapāda, s.a. Pūjyapāda, lexicographer, ... 131 Jaina prec., , . viii, 17 n. Pingala-nighantu, Tamil Pusiyanguļi, vi., ... 130
lexicon, ...131, 134 Pūmagal-ilambakam, a ch. in Piśāca-bhāşā, lang., . 110 Cintāmaņi, . . . . 81 Ponneyil-nāthar,Pon neyir-kon, Pundravardhana, ca. of
Jaina de., ... · 204 Pārtti-nāļu, .., 103-04 Ponniyakki, s.a.,
Pūņdi Muppāvai, donatrix, Siddhāyikā, . . . . 149
147-48 Ponfūr, vi., ... xv, 204 pūppali, 'worship with Popgūr-nādu, t.d., . 176-77 flowers, .,.,. 62 Porködu, vi., ... 165 purāṇas in Tamil, by Porul-ilakkaņam, a ch. in
Jaina authors, . . . . v Tolkāppiyam, ... 131 Purāņic Hinduism, ... 8 Põtanapura, ca., .. 91-93 Purā ņic story, Cūļāmaņi Prabhācandra, au., . vii-viii based upon, ,. . 91 Prabodha candrõdaya, Tami] Purā ņic story, Mērumandira
wk., . . 37 and 11., 38 n. puräņam based upon, 118 Prabodhacandrõdaya,
Purā ņic story of Jivaka, . 66 Skt. drama, ... 38 Purapporul-veņbā, Pracchōdana, k. of Ujjain, Tamil wk., ... 127 n.
113-14 Purapporul-veņbāmālai, do. prācya, Eastern Aryans, . 2
21 n. Pradhāna-Yogadhāris,
Pusattirafțu, Tamil Jaina yõgis, ... 21 anthology, .... 49 n. Prakrit, Prākṣta, lang.,
Puravuvari-kkaņattār, V, 6, 17-18, 110 revenue off., . . . . 166 Pratikramaņa-bhatāra,
puravuvariyār, do., . 165 Jaina prec., .... 189 Pūrņņacandran, donor, . . 186 Pratimā-yoga, Jaina technical puruşārtha(s), . . 88
term, .... 21 and n. Puşpañandi, donor, .. 178 Prativāsudēva(s),... 126

Page #251

226
INDEX Puşpañandi-bhațāra, Jaina Rāmāyaṇa, Skt. epic,.. 10
prec., . . 190-91 Rāmāyaṇa, Tamil epic, . 64 Puşpasēna, Jaina şşi, .. XV Rāştrakūța, dy., . : 68 Puţppañandi, s.a. Puşpaşandi, Ratnanandi, Jaina au., , . vi Jaina prec., . 179-191 Ratnapura, ci., . . 122
Rāvana, a Prativasudēva,
126-27 Rādānūpura, Vidyadhara co., Ravivarman, Kadamba k., 148
91-92 Ķg vēda, . . 1, 2 and n. Rājagsha, ci., . . 94, 115-17 Roman empire, contact of the Rājakēsarivarman, Cēļa k., Tamil co, with
26 175 Rşabha, referred to in the Rājamahāpura, Rājamāpuram, Rgvēda, .. 2 and n. ca. of. Hēmāngada,. 68-69, Rşabha, Rşabhanātha, 72, 78, 80-81
Tirthankara, 5, 195 Rājanārāyaṇa, Sambuvarāya Rși-samudaya of Jinakāñci, xv
k.,.. 204 Rājapura, ci., . 85 Rājarāja, Cera k., . . 198 sabhā, sabhaiyār, a body, Rājarāja I, Cāļa k., xiv, xvi,
156, 165 173, 193, 196 Saccandan, k. of Hēmāngada, Rājarajapuram, s.a. Dādā
68 puram, Jaina, te. built by Sadaiyan Korri, m., , . 182
Kundavai at- xvi Sadayappārai, Jaina monastery Rājasimha II, Pāņdya k., xvi
at,
xvi Rājasthāni literature, .. v Saiva faith, Saivism, xi-xiv Rajasuya-yāga, sacrifice, · 4 saivam, 'a strict vegetarian", Rā jāvali-kathe, Kannada wk.,
01","; 136 vi, 11 n. saivam, 'follower of the Saiva Rājēndra I, Coļu k., :: 194-96
faith', . . 136 Rāma, Rāmāyaṇa hero and a Saivism vis a vis Kura!, Kēśava, 7, 126
30 and n. Rāmadattādēvi, q. of
Saivite revival, . . 136 Simhasēna, 122-25 Sāgaradatta, a merchant, . 78 Rāmappa-nāyak, Vijayanagara Sākya clan, . . 8 and n.
agent, xvi

Page #252

INDEX
227
Sālařkāyana, minister of Sanskrit, lang., v, 6, 10n., 11n.,
Pracchodana, . 113-14. 15, 18, 22, 24-25, 36, 38, sallēkhanā, Jaina religious
44, 66, 67 and n., 84, 90, practice, 18, 19 n. 126-28, 130, 143, 145, Sāļuva, dy., . , xvi 161, 198 Samaņappaļļi, Jaina settle- Sanskritic languages, . 18, 20
ment', ix Sāntisēna-aţigal, donor, Samaņar, Jainas, . . ix
183-84, 190 Samantabhadra, Jaina prec., Sāntisēna-pperiyār, do., 179-80
vii, xv Sāntivira-kkuravar, Samayadivākara commentary Jaina prec., .. . 159
on Nilakēši, 94 Sarabha, a bird in Hindu Sambandhar, S'ai vite missionary, mythology, ... .111
xi Sāriputta, Buddhist Elder, 100 Sambuvarāya, dy., . xvi, 204 Sarvajña (-Vitarāga), 23, 119 Samhita literature, . . 2 Sarvanandi, uu., ... viii Samudrasēna, k. of Pārtti- Sarvasri, q. of Vaijayanta, 119
nādu, ... 103 Satānika, k. of Kausāmbi Sandhyātaki, Vālmiki's
and father of Udayana, disciple, , · · 9 n.
111, 113 Sangam, 'College of Jaina Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, wk., ascetics and/or scholars',
3 and n., 7 n. viii-ix, 14-16, 18, 26-27, Sattamangalam, vi., , . 174
42 n., 46-47 Sāttan, s.a. Kūlavāņigan Sargama, dy., .... 203 Sattan, Tamil poet, . . 51 Sangha, Buddhistic, . . 106 Sāttan Dēvan, donor, . 178 Sangha, 'College of Jaina Sāttar-Gunattān, do.. 150 ascetics and scholars', Sattan Kāļi, do., .. 173
viii, xv, 85, 128 Sāttan Kāri, do, .. 163-64 Sañjayanta (-bhațjāraka), satya, Jaina principle, .. 45
son of Vaijayanta, 119-21, 125 Satyaghõşa alias Sribhūti, Sankhya-darsana, 33, 107 minister of Simahsēna, 122-25 Sankhya-vāda-carukkam, Sāvatthi, ci., . .. 100 a ch. in Nilakēśī, 107 šāvikitti, from Skt.
śrāvikā, .i. i. 172

Page #253

228
Second (Middle) Sangam period,
Senavaraiyar, commen., Sendamangalam, ca.,
Sēndan, m.,
Sendañcatti, do., Senguḍi Anainaditēṇār
Perumagan alias Gangadhara,
donor, Senguttuvan, Cēra k.,
"
sidan, tadbhava of Skt. sişya, 'disciple', siḍa-ppaṭarar, s a. sisya
bhaṭāra, 'Jaina disciples,
200
58-59, 61
Sinnavai, Pallava q. and donatrix,
25
25 Sirrāmur, Jaina te. at
xvi
191
182
Siddha, s.a. Arhat. Siddhantam-uraikkum paṭārar, 'expounder of the sacred doctrine',
Siddahāyikā, attendant de.

INDEX
157-58 163
157-58
149
of Mahavira, Silappadikaram, major Tamil
kavya,
viii, 48, 49n.,
50 and n., 52 and n., 60 and n., 66
Simhavişņu, do., Singanandi-kkuravaḍigal,
Jaina prec., Singapura-nadu, t.d., Singavaram Jaina ins.,
122
Simhapura, ci., Simhasēna (-mahārāja), k. of 122, 125
Simhapura, Simhavarman, Pallava k.,
Sitā, epic heroine,
178 Sittanṇavāśal ins. of Pandya Srivallabha, 161-63 Sittanņavāśal Jaina cave te., XV Sitta-Perumballi, Jaina te.,
155-56
160
xvi-xvii 183
Sigu-bhaṭāra, donor,
sipumalli, medicinal root, 47 n. Sirupañcamulam, Tamil wk.,
47 n.
180
•
Sirupolal, vi., sizuvaļutuņai, medicinal root,
Solladikaram, a ch. in Neminatham,
Solladikāram, a ch. in Nannül,
194-95
Sraman-asrama, s.a.
Amaņśērkkai, vi.,
.
·

176-77 Siva, Hindu de., XV, xvii, 137 Sivan, s.a., Arhat, Siya-Ganga, patron of Bhavanandi-muni,
45 n.
47 n.
7
130
Srāvaka-nōṇbigaḥ, Jaina laymen,
x, 143 Sravana beļagoļa, Jaina
X
stronghold, 11 and n., 199 Sribhuti alias Satyaghōşa, minister of Simhasēna, Sridandapuram, vi., Sridatta, a merchant, 146, 177-78 Sridattan, k, of Vidēha,
129
.
130
X, 143, 145
62 n.
122 176-77
72
68

Page #254

Sri-Kandappalli, te. of
Arhat,
Sri-Krsna, epic hero and a Vasudeva, Sri-mukkuḍaikkal, stone bearing the triple umbrella
Jaina prec., Srivijaya-kkurattiyar,
Srinandi, donor, Sripurana, TamiĮ wk., Sripuranam, Skt. wk., Srivallabha, Pandya k., Śrīvardhamāna, Śrīvattamāna,
figure, 202
179
126-27
.
2, 127
·

ix
INDEX
.
"
T Taccan-Sanga-kkurattigaĮ,
fe. teacher, .. Takaţă, ci., Takka-nādu, co.,
182
donatrix, Subhaddiran, a merchant, 76 Sudañjaaņa (dēva), ā dēva, 73-75, 82 Sudattacārya, Jaina ascetic, 85 Sudharma, a gaṇadhara, 83 sudra(s), one of the four varnas, 35 and n.
1
67
161
179
79 Svarna-yakşi, attendant de., 149 Svayamprabha, Vidyadhara pr.,
91-93
229
Takkayagapparani, Tamil wk..
49 n.
143-44
Sunaḥšēpha, story of— . Sundarapandya, Pāṇḍya k., 31n. Tamil Sangam(s),
14,
91
16-17, 25, 64
Suramai-desa, co., Suramañjari, q. of Jivaka, 73, 79 Tamil Vēda, s.a. Kural, TamiĮ Suramanjari-ilambakam, a ch. wk., vii, 29 tantra wk., classification of ji vas intavappaļļi, hermitage, 77-78 Telingakulakālapuram, alias
in Cintamani,
23
Kulōttungaśōla-paṭṭaņām,
Tamar, vi., Tamil, co, lang. or peo.,
v, vii-viii, xiii, xvii-xix, 10-11 13-14, 16-18, 19 n., 20-23, 25-30, 31 and n., 32-33, 37-44, 48 n., 50, 60, 62-64, 66 n., 67-68, 83, 90, 94, 103, 110-11, 118, 126-27, 128 and n., 12931, 134, 136-37, 139, 145, 148-49, 151, 161, 172, 193,
202
47
Tamilāśiriyar,
Tamil Brahmi ins., Tamil literature,
140-42 v, xviii,
1, 9, 12 and n., 14, 19, 21, 25, 27, 29, 33, 38-39, 50, 62-63, 84, 110-11, 127-28, 136 v, vii-xii,
Tamil nadu,
17, 139-50, 142, 145, 148,
172
ci.,
182 Tēnimalai Jaina ins.,
198 Teņkaļavali-nāḍu, t.d., 165-66
76 Tensiṛuvayil-nādu, do.,
201
"

200
154
•

Page #255

te.,
201
2011
194-96
230
INDEX TeştiruppalĮimalai, s.a. Tirumalaidēva, Jaina de., Bommaimalai, . 201-02
157-58, 195 Tentiruppallimalai-ppalli, Jaina Tirumalai ins. of Rājanārāyaṇa,
- 204 Third (last) sargam period, Tirumalai ins. of Rājarāja 1, 27, 45
. 193-94 tiņaikkaļattār, off., .. 164 Tirumalai ins. of Rājēndra: 1, Tinaimālai-nücraimbadu,
Tamil wk., 46 and n. Tirumalai Jaina ins... 199 Tirakkõl ins. of Cāļa Parakēsa- Tirumalai-kkurattigal, fe..
rivarman, . . 176-77 teacher, .., 187, 193 Tirthankara(s), . , 23, 71, Tirumalaimēr-bhatārar, Jaina
126-27, 195-96 de., . . . . . . . 173 Tiruccāņūsrumalai, s.a. Tirumalaippassi, Jaina te., Chitral, Jaina centre, . xiv
196-97 Tiruccāraṇattu-kkurattigal, fe. Tirumalaiyār-Mõni-bhațāra,
teacher, ... 182-83, 193 Jaina prec., . . . . 189 Tiruccāraṇattu-pațārigal, Tirumališai, Vaişnavite
donatrix, . ',. . 181, 193 missionary, ... xi-xii Tiru gunagiridēva, Jaina de., Tirumangai, do., ... xi-xii
168-69 the triple umbrella figure xvii Tirujñānasambandhar, s.a, Tirumusaippādiyār, Jaina Sambandhar, Saivite
poet, . . 44n., 45 and n. missionary, . . xi-xii, 17n. tirunāmattukkāņi, te. land, xvii Tirukkalambagam, Jaina Tirunasungoņdai, Jaina te. at devotional wk. in Tamil,
xvi, 180 45n., 135 and n. Tirunāvukkarašu, sia. Appar, Tirukkāļļāmbassi, Jaina te. at Saivite missionary, . xi, 17n. Kusandi, .. xiv, Tiruneccuram, vi., 157-58, 173
150-51, 163-64 Tirunūtfantādi, Tamil wk., Tirukkõţțāru, vi., 178-79, 183
134, 135 and n. 84, 190 Tiruppādirippuliyūr, vi., viii tirukkāyil, Jaina te., . 155 Tiruppallimalai-ppalli, Tirukkural, Tamil wk., . vii, Jaina te., , . . . . 201
28 n., 29 n. Tiruppāşmalaidēva, Jaina de., Tirumalai, vi.. xiv, xvi-xvii,
175-76 187, 196

Page #256

INDEX
231
Tiruppāņmalai-ppalli, Jaina te., Trişaşțilakşaņa-Mahāpurā ņa,
xvi s.a. Mahāpurā ņa, skt. wk.,' Tiruppāppuliyūr, s.a. Southern
66 n. Pāțaliputra, . xii, 16 and n. Trişaş ţisalākāpuruşa-purā ņa, Tirrupparuttikkunram, Jaina Kannada wk.,
126 centre, . . . . . xiii, xv Trişaşžisalākāpuruşa-puråņa, Tiaupparuttikkunram ins. of s.a, Sripurā ņa, Tamil wk., Bukka II, ..... 203
126 Tirupparutti-kkurattigal, Tudiyurināmalai, Jaina image
donatrix, ... 188, 193 at, . . . . . . . xvi Tiruttakkadēva, au., 64 and n. Tumbūr-kkūrram, t.d., 157
65-66, 83 Tundira-mandala, do., 198 Tiruvalluvar, au., : . 30 n., Turávu-kkāņdam, a ch. in
32, 38 n. Perunkathai, .... 111 Tiruvennāyil, s.a. Cheţtipațți, vi., . . xiv
U tiruvilappuram, an endowment, Udayana, pr. of Kausāmbi, xvii
110-18 Tiruvirruttalai-Aruvāļanı, vi., Udayana-kāvya, s.a. Udaya nan
151-53 kathai, minor Tamil kavya Tivițţan, hero of Cințāmaņi
110 and a Väsudēva, 91-93, 126 Udicidēva, au., .135 Tivițţan, corresponding to Ugraperuvaludi, Pandya k., Krşņa, . . . . . 91
42 and n. Tolāmojittēvar, au., ; . 90 Ujjain, ca., . 87, 113-15, 118 Tolkāppiyam, Tamil gr. wk,, Ulaga-nõņbigal, Jaina laymen, 14, 19 and n., 20 and n.,
ix 21-23, 26, 130-31 Uñjai-kkāņdam, a ch. in Tolkāppiyanār, Tolkāppiyar, Perunkathai,.. 111, 115
au., ...21, 24 n. Upanişads, ... 6 and n. Tongamandalam, t.d., . 135 Usai, stone abode, . . 142 Toņparad ippodi, Vaiş ņavite Uraiyūr Sri Kõil Nāyagar,
missionary, .. . xi-xii Jaina de., . . . , ix Trailokyavallabha, s.a. ūrār, Ū rom, a body 164, 173 Vardhamāna, Jaina de., 203 Uttamapāļaiyam Jaina ins..
167-69

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232
INDÊX
Uttasandi-kkuravadigal, Jaina Veļāl ins. of Cēja Āditya I, prec., . . . . . 179-80
160-61 Uttara-Madurā, ci,, . . 125 Vēda-vāda-carukkam, a ch. Uttara-purāņa, skt. wk., 66 n.,
in Nilakēsī, 108
131 Vēlāyudampāļaiym, vi. 142 Uttararāmacarita, skt. drama, Venbaikkudi, vi., . . 166, 182
9 and n. Veņbaikkudi-nāļu, t.d., 166 Uttaravēda, s.a. Kusal, 29 Virašõliyam, Tamil wk., 127 n.
Vircamanāyakan Candayan
Āyiravan., donor, 196-97 Vaccananda-muni, Jaina guru, Viruttam, metre, 38, 49 n., 128
128 n., 131 vadakkiruttal, Juina religious Vişņu, Hindu de., xv, xvii, 8,137
practice, .., 18, 19 n. Vädibhasimha, s.a. Odeyadēva
Y Vadībhasimha, Digambara Yājñavalkya, Eastern Arayan Jaina au, .... 67 n. Scholar,
7 and n. Vaicaya, Vijayanagar gen., 203 Yajňavalkya-smști, wk., 3 n. Vaigai, rii, .... 41, 57 Yāpaniya-sangha,
XV Vaigai-malai, I., 193-94 Yapparungalakkārigai, Tamil Vaigāvūr, a paļļiccandam vi, wk.,
91, 127 and n. 195-96 Yapparungalam, do., 49 n., 128 Vaiśāli, ci.,
113 Yapparungala-virutti, do, 128 Vaiśëşika-darsana, 107 Yašādhara, son of Asöka and Vais ya-puräņam, Tamt! wk., k. of Avanti, . 88-90 Vaişņaviśm vis a vis Kural, Yaśõdhara-kāvya, minor Tamil 30 and n. kāvya,
83-84, 90 Vajjaħandi, s.a.
Yasõdhara-kā vya, skt. wk., 90 Vajranandi, vii, x, 15, 17 Yaśāmati, son of Yaśõdhara and
and n.,- 47 n. k. of Avanti, . 88-90 Vajranandi-gani, s.a. Vajranandi- Yavanika, s.a. Elini, kuravar, Jaina prec., 143-46
Cēra k., 198 Vaļaiyāpati, major Tamil kāvya, Yūgi, son of Brahmasundara and
48 and n., 49 and n. friend of Udayana, . 112-16

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