Indian Antiquary Vol 60

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032552/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc., EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Br., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUTENANT.COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, CHARLES E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. Rao BAHADUR DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) Ph.D., F.A.S.B., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT, ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A.. VOL. LX.-1931. Swati Publications Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. AIYANGAR, PROF. RAO BAHADUR, 9. K.- Jaina Inscriptions, collected and compiled by Puran Chand Nahar Pai-a Saddha Mabannavo (Prakrita Sabha Maharnava) .. .. .. .. .. 140 AIYAR, L. V. RAMASWAMI, M.A., B.L. DRAVIDIO MISCELLANY .. .. .. 8 ALI, A. YUSUF, C.B.E.Historical Facts for the Arabian Musical In. fluence, by Henry George Farmor . .. 180 AYYANGAR, R. SRINIVASA RAGHAVA, M.A.-- VISHNU'S PARADEVATA PARAXIRTHYA SOULP. TURED AT MAWABALIPUR .. .. .. 101 BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS) POASIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTR 'SYSTEM IN INDIA .. .. .. .. 49, 67, 91 Prdyaloitta OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIA. TION OF 8 .. .. .. .. 151, 186 CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI, M.A.Nyayadarsana, by Mahamahopadhyaya Phapibhgana Tarkavagisa .. .. 198 C. KUNHAN RAJAKicakavadha of Nitivarman, with comment ary, edited by Dr. S. K. De, 1929 .. 199 CLAUSON, G. L. MOutlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Mor phology, by Stuart N. Wolfenden .. .. 100 CODRINGTON, K. DE B. SOME INDIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES DASHARATHA SHARMA, M.A., DUNGAR COLLEGE, BIKANER Tex STADING OF THE VIDDHAS LABIAJIKA.. 61 DEWHURST, R. P.Falaki.i-Shirwani, Diwan, Edited by Had Hasan, Ph.D. .. .. 20 F. J. R. Studies in Tamil Literature and History, by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, M.A. .. 140 GREENE, LILY DEXTER, PH.D.NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT DRAMA BAKUUTALA .. .. .. .. 46, 64 GRIERBON, BIR GEORGE A., O.M., K.C.I.E. ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULAR. L Sup. : .. .. 1, 9, 17, 25, 33, 41, 49 HALDER, R. R. CEITOR AND ITS SIEGES i. .. ..1,21 HERAS, Rev. H., S.J. THE PRISON OF EMPRROR SADATA RAYA. 23 HIRA LAL, RAI BAHADUR, B.A.WHY KEWAT WOMEN ARE BLACK (A Chhattis. garhi Folk-song) .. .. . .. 35 PLACE-NAMBA .. .. .. .. 194, 208 HIRANANDA SASTRIHindi Bhasha aur Sahitys, by Shyam Sun. dar Das .. .. .. .. .. 198 HODIVALA, PROF. S. H., M.A. NOTES ON HOBBON-JOBSON 85, 128, 146, 174, 210 HOSTEN, Rev. H., S.J. Is 8. THOME IN CIVITATE IOTHABIS ! .. 53 JAHAGIRDAR, R. V., M.A.A NOTE ON THE TEN PLAYS or BHASA (Published by T. Ganapati Sastri) .. .. 41 JARL CHARPENTIER, Pror., Px.D., UPSALACorpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Part I, Kharosthi Inscriptions, with the exception of those of Asoka, edited by Sten Konow .. .. .. .. .. 17 JEAN PRZYLUSKI THR NAME OF THE KHABOBTH SCRIIT . 150 JOGENDRA CHANDRA GHOSH WHERE WAS TARKKARI 1. .. .. .. PADIEARS JOSEPH, T. K. ST. THOMAS IN IOTHABIS, CALAMINA, KAN TORYA, OR MYLAPORE .. .. .. 231 Divu of Theophilus the Indian . .. 248 KALIPADA MITRA, M.A., B.L., PRINCIPAL, D. J. COLLEGE, MONGHYLTEN GAYRAN FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS (A Bihar Cattle Festival and the Cult of the Mother Goddess) .. .. .. 187, 235 M. F. H. Ajapta .. .. .. .. .. .. 159 Histpire de l'Extreme Orient, par Rent Grousset .. .. .. .. .. 219 M. J. B. Djawa .. .. .. .. .. .. 219 MORELAND, W. H., C.B.I., C.I.E. - Noras ox INDIAN MAUXDS ..161, 181, 201, 221 NUMA LAFFITTE, PHARMAONEN-COMMAND ANT, OF THE BAVIOR DE SANTA COLONIAL A NOTE ON CERTAIN SIQXS DISCRIBED ON Porn TOUWD DE AMOEBETOHERAL URNS Do Sarx INDIA .. .. .. .. 137 OLDHAM, O. E. A. W., C.8.I., I.o.s. (Retired) SIDI ALI SHELEDI IN INDIA, 1684-1666 A.D... 6,20

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CONTENTS OLDHAM, C.E. A.W., C.$.1., 1.C.S. (Retired)-contd. STELIA KRAMRISCH, DR.In Memoriam SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, ASTON RETRY YA A STONE RELISY PROM A KALINOA RAILING.. 89 Bt., C.B., C.L.E., F.B.A., F.S.A., etc. (Apr. SUR, ATUL K. 1931) i-iv The Antiquities of Sind, with Historical Out. Harshe (Calcutta University Readership Lecline, by H. Cousens,.M.R.A.S. .. .. 18 turos, 1925), by Radha Kumud Mookerji, Rajputane ka Itihas (The History of Raj. 1 M.A., Ph.D. .. .. .. .. .. 247 putAnA], Fasc. III, by Mahamahopadhyaya TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD C., BT., C.B., C.I.E., Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Hiranand Ojha.. 59 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the F.S.A.Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Part VI, THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA Mughal Painting, by A. K. Coomaraswamy, COMPANY, A COLLECTION OF MSS., BY D.Sc. .. .. .. .. .. .. 98. L'Oeuvre de Sven Hedin et l'Orographie BERNARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A. du Tibet, par M. Emmanuel de Margerie.. 99 Sup. .. ..75, 83, 91, 99, 107 Warren Hastings and Philip Francis, by SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURXAN FOLKLORE 30,116, Sophia Weitzman, M.A., Ph.D.'.. .. 119 155, 183, 224 Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology ON CERTAIN SPECIMENS OF FORMER CUR. for the year 1928 .. .. .. .. 120 RENCY IN BURMA .. .. .. .. 70 Handbook to the Sculptures in the Peshawar REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND Museum, by H. Hargreaves .. .. 139 THEIR COUNTRY .. .. 81, 132, 215 Tenth and Eleventh Reports on the search of Corruptions of Urdu in the Penel Settlement Hindi Manuscripts for the years 1917-19 and of Port Blair .. . .. .. .. .. 38 1920-22, by Rai Bahadur Hiralal, B.A. .. 169 "Kohidamans" .. .. .. .. 98 Relations of Golconda in the Early Seven Revue de Folklore Francais, organe de la teenth Century, Edited by W. H. More Societe du Folklore Francais, by L. Slaude 99 land, C.S.I., C.I.E. Munsulmen .. .. .. .. .. 180 .. .. .. .. 100 Kerala Society Papers .. Ordeal in Chinese Fo klore .. .. ... 199 .. .. .. 118 Journal of Francis Buchanan, edited by South Indian Portraits in Stone and Metal, by C.E. A. W. Oldham, C.S.I .. .. .. 138 T. G. Arayamutham, M.A., B.L. Portrait Mussell Man . Sculpture in South India, by the same .. .. 158 Administration Report of the Department author .. .. .. .. 219 of Archaeology, Travancore, for 1104 M. E. PANDIT ANAND KOUL (PRESIDENT, SRI (1929 A.D.) .. .. .. .. .. 160 NAQAR MUNICIPALITY (Retired) Ordeal by Balance .. .. .. .. 170 LIPE OF RISKI PIR PANDIT PADSHAr, a Great THOMAS, P. J., M.A., B.LITT., Ph.D. Hermit of Kashmir .. .. .. 95, 123 ST. THOMAS IN SOUTHERN INDIA .. .. 105 LALLA VAKYANI (The Wise Sayings of Lal VENKATASUBBIAH, A. Ded) .. .. .. .. .. .. 101 A BUDDHIST PARALLEL TO THE AVIMARAKA PRAN NATH, PROFESSOR, D.Sc., Ph.D. STORY .. .. 113 THE DATE OF THE COMPILATION OF KAU. ATHABHAGIYE. .. .. .. 168, 204 TALYA'S Artha-Setra (484-510 A.D.).. 109, 121 W. H. M.WAS THE Kautaliya Artha-datra IN PROSE The Commorcial Policy of the Moguls by D. OR IN VERSK? . .. .. 171 Pandit.. .. .. 100 .. MISCELLANEA. Corruptions of Urdu in the Ponal Settlement of Port Blair, by Sir R. C. Temple, Bt. "Kohidamang," by the late Sir R. C. Temple, Bt. .. .. Ordeal in Chinese Folklore, by the late Sir R. C. Temple .. Musaell Man, by thp late Sir R. C. Temple, Bt. .. .. Ordeml by Balance, by the late Sir R. C. Temple, Bt... ..

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CONTENTS CORRESPONDENCE. Opening of the Mdlagandhakuti Vihara at Sarnath, near Banarog "A Hebrew Inscription from Chennamangalam " .. .. .. .. . . .. 207 .. .. . . . . 234 CORRECTION SLIP .. (Dec. 1931) 221 . .. 59 BOOK-NOTICES. The Antiquities of Sind, with Historical Outline, by H. Couseng, M.R.A.S., by C. E. A.W.O... .. Falakt-i-Shirwani, Diwan, Edited by Hadi Hasan, Ph.D., by R. P. Dewhurst .. .. .. .. 20 Jaina Inscriptions, collected and compiled by Puran Chand Nahar, by S. K. Aiyangar .. .. .. 40 Rajpatane ka Itihas (The History of Rajputana), Fasc. III, by Mahamahopadhyaya Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Hiranand Ojha, by C. E. A. W.O... Corpus Inscriptionvm Indicarum, Vol. II, Part I, Kharosthi Inscriptions, with the exception of those of Asoka, odited by Sten Konow, by Jarl Charpentier .. .. ... Arte .. .. 77 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Part VI, Mughal Painting, by A. K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc., by C. E. A. W.O. .. . .. . . . . 98 L'Oeuvre de Sven Hedin et l'Orographie du Tibet, par M. Emmanuel de Margerie, by C. E. A.W.O. 99 Revue de Folklore Francais, organe de la Societe du Folklore Francais, by L. Staude, by the late Sir R. C. Temple . . . .. . . . . . . .. .. 99 Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Morphology, by Strart N. Wolfenden, by G. L. M. Clauson .. 100 inguistic Morphology, by Stuart N. Wol The Commercial Policy of the Moguls, by D. Pant, by W. H. M. .. .. Warren Hastings and Philip Francis, by Sophia Weitzman, M.A., Ph.D., by C. E. A. W.O. w.o. .. .. .. 119 Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for the year 1928, by C. E. A. W.O. Journal of Francis Buchanan, edited by C. E. A. W. Oldham, C.S.I., by the late Sir R. C. Temple Handbook to the Soulptures in the Peshawar Museum, by A. Hargreaves, by C. E. A.W.O... Studies in Tamil Literature and History, by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, M.A., by F.J.R. .. Pai-a Saddha Mahannavo (Prakrita Sabha Maharnava), by 8. K. Aiyangar .. .. .. .. 140 Ajanta, by M.F.H. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Tenth and Eleventh Roports on the Search of Hindi Manuscripts for the years 1917-19 and 1920-22, by Rai Bahadur Hiralal, B.A., by C. E. A. W.O... .. Administration Report of the Department of Archaeology, Travancore, for 1104 M. E. (1929 A.D.) by the late Sir R. C. Temple, Bt. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Historical Facts for the Arabian Musical Influence, by Henry George Farmer, by A. Yusuf Ali .. Relations of Golconda in the Early Seventeenth Century. Edited by W. H. Moreland, C.S.I., C.I.E., by C.E. A. W.O. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Nykyadariana, by MahAmahopadhyaya Phanibhana TarkavAgtea, by Chintaharan Chakravarti, M.A. 198 Hindi Bhasha aur Sahitya, by Shyam Sumdar Das, by Hirananda Sastri .. .. .. .. .. 198 Kerala Society Papers, by C. E. A. W.O. .. .. .. .. . Kicakavadha of Nitiverman, with Commentary, Edited by Dr. 8. K. Do, 1920, by C. Kunhan Raja .. 199 South Indian Portraits in Stone and Metal, by T. G. Aravamutham, M.A., B.L. Portrait Sculpture in South India, by the same author, by C. E. A. W.O. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 219 Djawa, by M. J. B. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Histoire de l'Extrene Orient, par Rene Grousset, by M. F.H. .. .. .. .. .. .. 219 Harsha (Calcutta University Readership Lectures, 1926), by Radhakumud Mookorji, M.A., Ph.D., by Atul K. Sur .. .. . .. 247 .. 199 NOTES AND QUERIES. Mussulmen, by the late Sir R. C. Temple, Bt... Divu of Theophilus, the Indian, by T. K. Joseph .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 .. 248 SUPPLEMENTS. The Scattergoods and the East India Company, a collection of MSS. by Bernard P. Scattergood, M.A., F.S.A., edited by the late Sir Richard C. Templo, Bt., O.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., and Miss L. M. ANSTEY .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 75, 83, 91, 99, 107 On the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, by Sir George A. Grierson, O.M., K.C.I.E. 1, 9, 17, 28, 33, 41, 49

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CONTENTS -- to face page 23 MAPS AND PLATES. Fig. 1. Vijayanagara-The so-called Zenana, probably the prison of >> Emperor Sadasiva Raya : & watch-tower in one of the corners. Plate I Fig. 2. Vijayanagara-A corner of the so-called Zenone, showing one l of the watch-towers and the elephant stables. Fig. 3. Vijayanagara-The so-called Lotus Mahal, probably the resi- dence of Rama Raya : to the right a watch-tower: to the left an Plate II Artificial lake. Fig. 4. Vijayanagar Interior of the so-called Lotus Mahal, probably Rama Riya's palace called Ratna-Kata. Sir Richard Carnao Templo, Bt., C.B., C.I.E. .. .. (April 1931) Plate : Coins of Burma, etc... .. .. .. .. . " Plate I: Tho Nicobar Islands .. .. .. Plate II : Fragment of Stone Railing found at Bhuvanesvar, Orisss. .. .. Plate I : Rock Sculpture at Mahabalipur : General View-Vishnu's Paradevate Paramarthya. Plate II : Rock Sculpture at Mahabalipur: Details-Vishnu's Temple and sur. roundings. Plate III : Rock Sculpture at Mahabalipur: Details-Siva's asseveration by pointing to Vishnu. Plate II: Nicobar Islands-Density of Population by Islands .. .. .. Plate I Plate II Pottery found in ancient funeral urns in South India, with Plate III inscribed thereon. Plate IV Plate: Some Indian Terracotta Figurines Plate IV : Nicobar Islands-Census Operations .. .. .. ..

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The Twitter SIR RICHARD CARXAC TEMPLE. Br., CB, CLE.

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IN MEMORIAM SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bt., C.B., C.L.E., F.B:Ai, F.S.Ai, etc: By the death of SIR R. O. TEMPLE, which occurred at Territet in Switzerland on the 3rd March, India has lost one of her truest friends, and Oriental research one of its staunchest patrons, the greater part of whose long life was devoted to the study of, and encouragement of research in, the diverse cultures of India and the East. For India--the land of his birth, in which he served in various capacities for 35 years and her peoples his affection was deep to the last. The son of the distinguished administrator, Sir Richard Temple, Bt., G.C.S.I., he was born on the 15th October 1850, at Allahabad, where his father was then serving as a junior member of the Civil Service. Educated at Harrow and Trinity Hall, Cambridge, he joined the Royal Scots Fusiliers in 1871 and proceeded to India, where his father was then Financial Member of the Governor-General's Council. After a few years he joined the Bengal Staff Corps of the Indian Army and served with the 38th Dogras and the 1st Gurkhas. After the 2nd Afghan War (1878-79), for his conduct in which he received the medal and was mentioned in despatches, he was appointed a Cantonment Magistrate in the Panjab, where he worked for some years, and where he pur. sued the inquiries and collected the material used later in many of his publications, e.g., in the Legends of the Panjab (3 vols., 1884-1900), Panjab Notes and Queries (1883-87), of which he was the editor and to which he contributed largely, Wide-awake Stories, being a collection of Panjab and Kashmir folk-tales, which he published in collaboration with Mrs. F. A. Steel (1884), as well as in contributions to other publications. It was during his service in the Panjab that his attention became directed to the proverbial lore of Northern India and to the folklore of Kashmir, subjects in which his interest never flagged. In the midst of his duties in Burma he succeeded in completing the revision and editing of Dr. Fallon's great Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbs, the largest and most comprehensive collection of the proverbs of Northern India hitherto published (1885-87). Some forty years later was published The word of Lalla the Prophetess (1924), the famous female Saiva ascetic of Kashmir. When the 3rd Burmese War broke out in 1885 he was transferred to Burma, where he was occupied with various duties, both military and civil, in different areas, acquiring a wide and intimate knowledge of the province and its races. He served at Mandalay and other places as Assistant Commissioner, Cantonment Magistrate and Deputy Commissioner, eventually becoming Official President of the Rangoon Muni. cipality and Port Commission in 1891. In Burma his interests spread wide, embracing ethnology, linguistics, antiquities and numismatics, and a special study was made of local forms of demonology, which led to the publication many years later (1906) of The Thirty-Seven Nats: A Phase of Spirit Worship prevailing in Burma. The same line of study resulted in the publication at the time (1894), in collaboration with Dr. Burnell, of The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, inhabitants of the South Kanara district on the west coast of the Madras Presidency. In addition to these activities, he rendered public services of conspicuous merit, raising and commanding the Upper Burma Volunteer Rifles (1887-90), the Rangoon Naval Volunteers (1892), the Volunteer Engineers and the Rangoon Port Defence Volunteers (1893), of which he was Honorary Lieut.-Colonel. Still a substantive Major in the Indian Army, these services, which were rewarded with the C.I.E., led to his appointment in 1894 to the responsible post of Chief Commissioner of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Superintendent of the Penal Settlement at Port Blair. Here, again, with his accus. tomed energy he plunged into an intensive study of the interesting tribes inhabiting these islands, their tribal divisions, languages, customs and beliefs. The ground

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was by no means new to him, as he had been acquainted with the Andamanege off and on since 1875. Here he renewed his association with the late Mr. E. H. Man, then Deputy Superintendent of the Settlement and the foremost authority on these primitive islanders. The position of Chief Commissioner at that time was no sinecure; the duties were difficult and arduous, involving the exercise of watchfulness, tact and quick decision. These qualities Temple possessed in an eminent degree; and to them and a fearless spirit he probably owed his life on one occasion, when & plot was laid to kill him. It fell to his lot to carry out the Census (1901) operations in the islands, a task fraught with many risks among superstitious and savage tribes. To him the work was of intense interest; and right well did he perform it : his Report on the Census and Memoranda on the Forests of the islands (1901) remains a document of great and permanent value. Besides many reports written in his official capacity, he published a Grammar of the Andamanese and Nicobarese Languages (1902), compiled accounts of the islands for the Imperial Gazetteer of India and the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and communicated numerous articles and notes to the Indian Antiquary and other journals. While still at Port Blair, Lieut-Colonel Temple succeeded to the baronetoy on the death of his father in 1902. Retiring from the service in 1904, he resided for many years at his ancestral home, The Nash, in Worcestershire, the home of the family for a couple of centuries. There the warm hospitality of Sir Richard and Lady Temple gave pleasure to a host of friends and visitors from home and abroad, who were able to view the many treasures of the house, consisting of objects, books and manuscripts collected to illustrate the subjects to which he had devoted his attention. For, besides enriching many museums in London, Oxford and other places, Sir Richard had added much to the collections at the Nash. Settled at home, he at once entered into the work of various national, county and local bodies and of learned societies with his wonted vigour and enthusiasm. The freedom from official duties following retirement enabled him also to devote more time to literary pursuits, and from 1905 onwards he edited many records of travel for the Hakluyt Society, the Indian Records Series and other series, with valuable introductions and annotations. And here a tribute must be paid, as he would have wished, to the invaluable help, so often acknowledged by him, of his collaborator in this and other work for some thirty-two years, Miss L. M. Anstey. These volumes included The Countries round the Bay of Bengal, by Thomas Bowrey (1905); The Travels of Peter Mundy, vol. I (1907), vol. II (1914), vol. III, parts 1 and 2 (1919), and vol. IV (1925); The Bowrey Papers, vol. I (1925); The Journals of Streynsham Master, 2 vols. (1911), edited for the Indian Records Series ; Drake's World Encompassed (1926); The Itinerary of Ludovico Varthema (1928); and The Tragedy of the Worcester (1930). He also edited his father's Letters and Character Sketches from the House of Commons (1912). Twenty-five years earlier, it may be noted, he had edited and revised his father's delightful Journals kept in Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkim and Nepal, 2 vols. (1887). A further work published by him during this period, written in conjunction with Mr. Empson, was The Cult of the Peacock Angel (1928), referring to the heretical Bect of the Yazidis. Sir Richard Temple was a member of most of the societies that include India and the East within their scope, such as the Royal Asiatic Society (of which he was an Honorary Vice-President), the Royal Geographical Society, the Hakluyt Society, the Royal Anthropological Institute, the Folklore Society, the Royal Society of Arts, the Philological Society, the Bengal Asiatic Society, and many other societies at home and abroad. He was also a Fellow of the British Academy and of the Society of Antiquaries, and an Honorary Fellow of his College, Trinity Hall.

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He was Chairman of the Standing Committee of Baronetage for 15 years. He presided over the Anthropological Section of the British Association in 1913, when he delivered an address on the Administrative Value of Anthropology, a subject in which he took special interest, and the importance of which he had emphasized on previous occasions. In 1928 he was chosen to preside over the Jubilee Congress of the Folklore Society, when his presidential address on The Mystery and the Mental Atmosphere revealed the remarkable depth of his study of Eastern hagiolatry. Reference has already been made to the energy with which he took a share in the public work of his own county, but special mention must be made of the unremitting service he rendered in connexion with the Territorial Army Association, of which he was Chairman from 1908 to 1921, and the St. John Ambulance Association, of which he was created Bailiff, Grand Cross in 1927. During the Great War he worked very hard as a member of the Joint War Committee of the latter association and the British Red Cross. For his services in these respeots he was decorated with the C.B. in 1916. He was the moving spirit in the Edith Cavell Homes of Rest for Nurses, and for many years on the Council of the British Hospital for Mothers and Babies, in the building of which he was largely instrumental. Approaching, as he then was, the allotted span of three score years and ten, however, the strain of overwork during this period told heavily upon his naturally strong constitution, already impaired by long residence in trying eastern climates, and caused & breakdown. His eyesight became seriously affected, and other ailments associated often with old age supervened, compelling him eventually to live most of his time abroad and come to England on short visits in the summer. Montreux, Wiesbaden and Territet were tried in turn. For the last two years he lived at Territet, by the shore of Lake Geneva. Here, though forbidden at intervals by his doctors to do any work for some weeks at a time, he managed to get through an extraordinary volume of work on the whole, completing his New Light on the Mysterious Tragedy of the Worcester, published at the end of last year, and almost finishing an annotated edition of the second volume of The Life of John Olafsson for the Hakluyt Society. In the intervals of leisure from these works he was occupied with the classification and arrangement of the voluminous material collected by him during thirty years on the Indian Muslim Saints, for the preparation of what he himself regarded as destined to be his magnum opus. In view of the difficulty of publishing the work as a whole, he had decided to divide the matter into a series of five monographs, the first of which was actually ready in type. In the autumn of last year his condition became such as to give cause for grave anxiety; but his wonderful recuperative power gave hope that he would pull through, as he had done before, and recover his strength with the advent of the spring. Full of pluck and faith, he was never despondent. His letters were always cheery. He frequently complained however of the severity of the weather, which precluded him from getting out into the sunshine and confined him to his room. When the end was at hand he was not even feeling ill: death came to him quite suddenly, caused by a clot on the brain, while he was working with his papers actually in his hand. To the Indian Antiquary, with which he was associated for fifty-two years, and which owes its continuance since 1885 to his enterprise and devotion, his loss is irreparablo. Dr. James Burgess, who founded the Journal at his own risk in 1872, had by his own abilities and by enlisting the co-operation of a band of great scholars, like G. Buhler, J. F. Fleet, F. Kielhorn and (Sir) Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, established it successfully as the premier research journal in India. It was during the editorship of Burgess that in 1879 (then) Lieut. R. O. Temple made his first contribution to the Journal in the shape of a "Note on the Mengala Thok" (vol. VIII,

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iy p. 329). This was followed by many notes and articles in succeeding volumes, till in 1885, when Burgess had to give up the work, the proprietor-editorship was assumed jointly by him and the late Dr. J. F. Fleet. From the 1st January 1892, when Dr. Fleet retired from the joint-editorship, he carried on the Journal as sole proprietor and editor entirely at his own risk until 1924, when he formed a company (the Indian Antiquary, Limited) in the interests of the Journal, and an agreement was entered into with the Royal Anthropological Institute by which the latter Agsumed responsibility, with effect from the 1st January 1925, for the maintenance of the Journal upon certain terms and conditions. From vol. VIII (1879) to vol. LX (of the current year) articles and notes poured from his facile pen, the bare enumeration of which would fill some nine double-columned pages of this size. When the time and labour involved in editing this monthly journal from such & distance-for many years single-handed--is considered, the wonder is that he could manage to do so much other work as well. In the course of the brief life story above most of the volumes written or edited by him have been named. But this does not complete the tale of his literary activities by any means. He also contri. buted numerous notes and articles to North Indian Notes and Queries, the old Calcutta Review, Notes and Queries (London), the Folklore Record, the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, the Journal of Indian Art, and many other journals and newspapers. In addition to this there is a list of some fifty miscellaneous pamphlets prepared by him. Truly a remarkable record for a man so occupied with official and public duties! The outstanding characteristics of Sir Richard Temple were his indefatigable industry, amounting to a joy of work, his exceptional range of knowledge and interests, covering almost all branches of Oriental research, his wide personal experience of all provinces of the Indian Empire, and his liberal and broad-minded outlook that enabled him better to understand and appreciate the cultures of the East as a whole. He never claimed to be an expert in any of the subjects he dealt with. To overrate one particular branch of research, or depreciate others, was alien to his nature. He insisted on the sounder principles of viewing Indian history, life and oulture as a whole, correlating one with another, the neglect of which principle in oertain spheres of research has had such unfortunate results. It is in this respect that his place will be most difficult to fill. Not less remarkable than his range of knowledge was his unfailing readiness to help and encourage others. Only those in close contact with him knew to what extent he used to stimulate Indian students who showed interest in research work. He would often detect matter of value in a paper written in scarce intelligible English, that would have been summarily rejected by most editors. In such cases he would go to infinite pains in revising the language, at times practically rewriting the paper. Many an author never realized how much had been done for him in this way; and many who appreciated his unfailing courtesy will bear his name in affectionate remembrance. His own style was particularly easy and lucid, free, like himself, from any suspicion of pedantry or artificiality. His handwriting to the very last was firm and clear, even when he used a pencil, as was his practice latterly. In private life he was a delightful companion, with his interesting experiences, his sense of humour and his almost boyish zest for investigation and inquiry. The readers of the Indian Antiquary will mourn his love, and offer their deepest sympathy to his widow and family. C. E. A. W. OLDHAM.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME LX-1931 CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES. BY R. R. KALDER. (Continued from vol. LIX, page 239.) The fortress being surrounded and attacked on every side, detachments were sent out to ravage the Rana's country. Rami Khan, one of the Sultan's ablest generals, displayed extra ordinary skill in placing his guns and in constructing covered ways. The garrison was soon reduced to straits. The walls were shattered by the batteries on every side, and the garrison saw that the fall of the fortress was imminent. In this emergency the mother64 of Rana Sanga sent a message to the Sultan through her rakils to the effect that if the Sultan would forgive the faults of the Rana, several towns of the territory of Mandu, which had been in possession of the Rana since the time of Malmud Khalji of Malwa, would be surrendered and the golden girdle and jewelled crown and cap of immense value, which had belonged to Sultan Mahmud and wbich were presented by him to Maharana Sanga, 6* would also be given to him. Besides these, one hundred lakhs of tankas and a hundred horses and ten elephants would be presented as tribute. The Sultan acceded to these proposals; having special regard to the prayer of the Rana's mother, who had saved bis life by restraining the Rajputs, by threatening to take her own life, from killing him, when in his youthful days, a fugitive from his brother Sikandar Khan, he had killed Rana Sanga's nephew at a feast. So on the 24th March 1533 A.D., the Sultan received the promised tribute and departed from Chitor.66 Soon after this, when Bahadur Shah reached Mandu, the ambition of conquering Chitor again overcame him, and he resumed operations in 1534 A.D. He left the direction of the siege to Rumi Khan, promising him as a stimulus that full command of the fortress, after its reduction, would be placed in his hands. But at this time discord broke out between Bahadur Shah and the emperor Humayun. The reason was this : Muhammad Zaman Mirza, who had married Humayun's sister, assumed a hostile attitude towards Humayun and was imprisoned by him at Agra. The Mirza, however, managed to escape from his confinement and fled to Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. On being requested by the emperor to hand over the fugitive, Bahadur Shah refused to comply. The emperor, therefore, marched with an army from Agra against the Sultan, proceeding towards Chitor, which was then being besieged by Bahadur Shah. When HumAyun reached Gwalior, he reflected that it would be against the law of the Prophet to attack Bahadur Shah at a time when he was engaged in fighting against an infidel. So he halted at Gwalior to watch the course of events. Sultan Bahadur, when he was informed of the movement of Hun.ayun, sent Tatar Khan Lodi with a large army to attack and take the city of Delhi. Tatar Khan was confronted by Mirza HindAl, whom Humayun had deputed for the purpose, and giving battle against the express order of his master Bahadur Shah, was defeated and killed. In the meantime the garrison of Chitor was reduced to extremities, and the Sultan was growing exultant, when the defeat of Tatar Khan came as a shock to him. Just at this time the conquest of Chitor was completed.86 The Rana Vikramajit and his son Udayasimha had been conveyed to Bandi before the fortress fell, and the command was placed in the hands of the chiefs of Mewar, the leading man among them being Rawat Baghasimha of Deolia. Thousands of Rajputs lost their lives in this siege, while hundreds of women together with the Rana's (Vikramajit's) 64 This is somewhat doubtful. The likelihood is that she was the wife of RanA SAoga, and mother of Vikramaditya, the then reigning prince of Chitor. 8 ta The Babar. Namd in English (A. 8. Beveridge), pp. 612-13. 85 Bayley's Gujardt, pp. 369-72. 66 Ibid., pp. 374 and 381.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY { JANUARY, 1991 mother, Hadi Karmavati, were reduced to ashes in the flames of jauhar. Thus ended the second great attack on Chitor made by Bahadur Shah, known as "the second sakha (tdka) of Chitor." After the fall of Chitor Bahadur Shah failed to give effect to his promise to place Rami Khan in command of the fortress. Enraged at this, Rumi Khan secretly instigated Humayun to attack Bahadur Shah. Accordingly, Bahadur Shah was attacked and defeated by Humayun and was obliged to flee for his life to Mandu on the 20th Ramazan 941 A.H. (25th Maroh 1535 A.D.) Pursued by Humayun's troops, he went to Champaner, and thence on to the port of Diu, where he met his death by drowning in a scuffle with the Portuguese on the 14th February 1637 A.D.C8 Hearing of this defeat of Bahadur Shah by Humaytin and his subsequent flight to Manda, his army at Chitor began to waver. Observing this, the Rajputs gained fresh courage, and attacking the Muhammadans with renewed vigour, drove them out of the place once more and took possession of Chitor. Ran& Vikramajit with the infant Udayasimha returned to his capital from Bandi and resumed charge of the government for a very short period. After the death of Vikramajit in Samvat 1593 (1536 A.D.), his son Udayasimha, fortunately saved in his childhood through the devotion of his nurse Panna from the murderous hand of Vanavira, the bastard son of Prithviraja, one of the sons of Maharand Rayamal, became the ruler of Mewar in Samvat 1594 (1537 A.D.). During the reign of Udayasimha II (153772 A.D.). Chitor was subjected to two further attacks, one in 1543 A.D. by Sher Shah, and the other the last and most famous by the emperor Akbar in 1567 A.D. As regards the former, it is known that in the Hijri year 950 (1543 A.D.), Sher Shah, after he had brought under control the districts of Marwar, advanced towards Chitor. When about 12 kos from the fort, the Rana sent him the keys. Leaving Miyan Ahmad Sarwani and Husain Khan Khalji there, Sher Shah himself proceeded towards Kachwara.69 The latter siege, which was the fourth great attack on Chitor, was made by Akbar in the year 1567 A.D. The ultimate object of this attack was the same as had prompted 'Alau'd-din Kralji of Delhi and Bahadur Shah of Gujarat to make their onsets on the place. The immediate cause of the attack, however, was the offering of protection by the Rana, Udayasimha, to Baz Bahadur, the fugitive ruler of Malwa, and to an insubordinate chief of Narwar. An interesting account71 of this invasion, as given in Tarikh-i-Alfi and Tabaqal-i-Akbart, is quoted below: "Many zamindars and rajde of Hindustan had become subjects of the imperial throne. But Rana Udi Singh Udayasinha], Raja of M&rwar (scil. Mew&rl, confident in the strength of his fortresses, and the number of his men and elephants, had thrown off his allegiance. Now that the emperor had returned to the capital with his mind at rest in respect of 'Ali Quli Khan and other rebels, he turned his attention towards the capture of Chitor. He accordingly began to make preparations for the campaign...... "When the emperor marched from G&grun against the Rana, he had only 3,000 or 4,000 horsemen with him, for he hoped that the smallness of the force might induce the infidel to try the event of a battle. But the Rana knew his own strength, and while the emperor was at 100 kos distance from his country, he fled with his family to the distant hills. He felt at ease about Chitor, because the emperor's force had but little siege apparatus, and it did not 67 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 384 88 Bayley's Gujardt, pp. 383-397. 89 Elliot, History of India, vol. IV, p. 406. Chitor is said to have been taken by Sher Shah in Qanungo's, Sher Shah, p. 332, and Burgess' Chronology, p. 29. 10 V. A. Smith's Akbar, p. 81. 71 The account given in Storia do Mogor, vol. I, p. 124 f., about the assault on Chitor by Akber is unique. It is composed of three elements (1) The story of 'Alau'd-din's attack on Chitor, (2) Bahadur ShAh's attack, and (3) Akbar's siege. In the 'Aldu'd-din's attack on Chitor described above, Gori and Badal, the two relations of Padmini, according to Col. Tod, do not, however, seem to be two different persons, but only one, viz., Badal of the Gaura Kshatriya family which reigned in Rajputand as early as the Afth oentury A.D., and oxisted there up to the fifteenth century AD. The word 'Gori 'stands for Gaura. 72 Elliot, History of India, vol. V, PP. 324-26.

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JANUARY, 1931 ] CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES seem likely that he would attempt to reduce the place. But the fort was set in order, great quantities of provisions were stored, and the garrison consisted of 8,000 veterans, including the Rana's own men, with their wives and families. When the emperor entered the Rana's territory and was informed of his flight, he wished to pursue him, but he ascertained that the Rana had gone to a place far in the hills and jungles, which it was impossible to reach. So the emperor determined to attack Chitor, which is an exceedingly strong fortress. When ho came near the fort, the rains were so heavy, that for a time the fort was invisible; but as the weather cleared, he got a view of the place. The fortress is situated in the midst of a level plain, which has no other eminences. The circuit of this mountain at its base is six kos, and the ground upon which the walls of the fort stand is nearly three kos. Upon the top of the hill there is a fountain, but not content with that, the constructors of the fort formed large reservoirs of stone and mortar, which get filled in the rainy season. So with these supplies the garrison are never short of water. The eastern side of the fort, and towards the north, is faced with hard stone, and the garrison felt quite secure as to that portion. On the other sides if guns (top), swivels (zarb-zan), catapults (sang-t'ad), and manjaniks are able to reach the fortress, they cannot do so much harm. Travellers do not speak of any fortress like this in the whole habitable world. At this time, all the space of three kos at the top of the mountain was full, and the houses of the people rose several storeys over each other. Great numbers of men guarded the battlements at the top of the walls, and great quantities of ammunition were stored in the fortress. His Majesty carefully reconnoitred the place on every side, and saw that it would not fall without a long siege. When the garrison perceived the small number of men with the emperor, and thought of their fortress being six kos in circumference, they uttered cries of derision. The batteries were apportioned out among the amfrs, and bakhshis were appointed and sent to those amirs who had not yet come up. Every day some one arrived and went to his battery, so that in a short time the whole fort was invested. "Asaf Khan went under orders to take Rampur. He took the place and having plundered and ravaged the country, he returned victorious. Husain Quli Khan went to attack Udipur, the capital of the Rana and of his ancestors. He ravaged the country with fire and sword, and returned bringing great spoil and numerous prisoners from the fastnesses of the mountains. "From day to day the brave assailants carried their attacks closer to the fort on every side, and a great number of them suffered martyrdom, for the fort was very strong, and made a most excellent defence. Orders were given for digging ditches and for constructing 8dbats, and nearly 5,000 builders, carpenters, stone-masons, smiths, and sappers were collected from all parts. Sabats are contrivances peculiar to Hindustan; for the strong forts of that country are replete with guns, muskets, and warlike apparatus, and can only be taken by means of sabats. A sabat is a broad (covered) way, under the shelter of which the assailants approach a fortress secure from the fire of guns and muskets. Two sabats were accordingly begun. The one which was opposite the royal quarters was so broad that two elephants and two horses could easily pass along it, and so high that an elephant rider could carry his spear. The sabats were commenced from the middle of the hill, which is a fortress upon a fortress. The people of the fort had never seen a sabat, and were puzzled, but they endeavoured to stop the work. Seven or eight thousand horsemen and numerous gunners exerted themselves to the utmost in attacking them. And although the sdbags had thick roofs of cow and buffalo hides to proteot the workmen, no day passed without a hundred men more or less being killed. The bodies of the slain were used instead of stones and bricks. His Majesty's kind ness and justice would not allow any man to be pressed for the work, but heaps of rupees and dams were soattered as hire, and each man went to work for what he could get. In a short timo ono sabat reached the walls, and was so high that it overlooked them. On the top of it & seat was constructed for the emperor, from which he could see at his ease the efforts of his warriors, and from which he could also take a part in the fight if so minded. While the men of the garrison were endeavouring to interrupt the progress of the sabats, the sappers formed

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1031 several mines under the walls, and wherever stones were met with, the stone-masons openeda way through with their iron tools. Two bastions in front of the royal battery were completely undermined, and, according to order, both mines were filled with gunpowder. Three or four hundred brave men of the imperial army were posted ready armed near these bastions, to rush in as soon as the explosion took place, before the defenders could rally to resist them. Both mines were fired, and one which took effect blew the bastion from its foundations into the air, and every stone fell at a distance. A great breach was visible, and the storming party instantly rushed forward shouting their war-cry. A strong party of the garrison came forward to oppose them, and while the contest was at the hottest, and a great number of the faithful and of the infidels were struggling upon the other bastion, the mine exploded, and blew friend and foe together into the air, scattering their limbs in all directions. The quantity of gunpowder used was so enormous that stones of fifty and a hundred mans were hurled to the distance of two and three kos. Many corpses were also found within a radius of two kos. Saiyid Jamalu'd-din and..other braves of the imperial army perished. Vast numbers of the garrison were killed. The vast quantities of dust and smoke prevented all movement in the imperial army for a time; stones, corpses, and limbs fell from the air, and the eyes of the soldiers were injured. The enemy, concealing their loss, showed a brave front. When the cmperor perceived the state of affairs, he exerted himself more strenuously to take the place. He ordered the sabat in front of Shuja'at Khan's battery to be pushed forward. The garrison was more distressed, and ready to succumb, but no one had the courage to propose surrender to the emperor. For he had determined that he would capture by storm this the strongest fortress of Hindustan, so that in future no other fortress should dare to resist the imperial army. He took is position on the top of the sabat, and his brave soldiers kept up such a discharge from their bows and muskets that no one could escape from the place. His Majesty also had his own musket, deadly as the darts of fate, with which he killed every moving thing that caught his eye. On the 5th Sha'ban, 975 (A.D. 4th Feb., 1568) the assault was made by the emperor's command. The walls had been breached in several places, and the signs of victory were in favour of the assailants. Jaimal,73 the commandant of the fortress, an infidel yet valiant, all day long struggled bravely in every part, inciting his men to fight and resist. At the time of evening prayer he came in front of the royal battery, where His Majesty, holding his musket, discharged it as often as light blazed out in the bastion. It so often happened that Jaimal was standing in that tower when His Majesty discharged his piece into a lighted place. The ball struck Jaimal in the forehead and killed him on the spot. When the men of the garrison saw their leader fall, they felt that all further resistance was useless; they gave up fighting, and after first burning the body of Jaimal, they performed the jauhar at their own homes. Jauhar is the name of a rite among the Hindus. When they know for certain that there is no escape, they collect their wives and children, goods and chattels, heap firewood around the pile, and fire it with their own hands. After the burning is accomplished, they rush into the fight, and give themselves over to death. This they esteem a great act of devotion. The great flames of the jarhar and the lull of the conflict on the bastions and walls showed the assailants that the garrison was reduced to extremity, so they began to make their way into the place in parties. Some of the boldest of the infidels, who had no wives and families, stood to their posts resolved to sell their lives. The emperor witnessed the prowess of his warriors from the top of the sabat. Under his orders thrce clephants were taken through the breach into the city, and one of them named Madkar on that day killed many infidels, and although he received many wounds, never turned tail. The second elephant named Jagna was surrounded by infidels, and died of the numerous wounds he received from spears and swords. In the last watch of the night the assailants forced their way into the fortress in several places, and fell to slaughtering and plundering. At early dawn the emperor went in mounted on an elephant, attended by his nobles and chiefs on foot. The order was given for 13 In Memoirs of Jahangir (Rogers and Beveridge), vol. I, p. 45, Jaimal is misnamed Jitmal.

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JANUARY, 1931) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1554-1556 A.D. a general massacre of the infidels as a punishment. The number of fighting men in the fortress exceeded 8,000. Some of them repaired to the idol temple, and there fought to the last. In every street and lane and bazar there was desperate fighting. Every now and then a band of infidels, having thrown away all hope of life, would rush from the temple with swords and shields towards their own homes, and so were the more easily despatched by the warriors they encountered. By midday, nearly 2,000 had been slain. Under the favour of heaven, Zarb 'Ali Tawachi was the only person of note in the imperial army, who was killed, which was a very marvellous fact. Those of the fortress who escaped the sword-men and womenwere made prisoners, and their property came into the hands of the Musalmans. The place being cleared of infidels, His Majesty remained there three days, and then departed, leaving the government of the country in the hands of Asaf Khan." From the above account we see how Chitor was conquered by the emperor Akbar in 975 A.1. (1567 A.D.), though there is, no doubt, a certain amount ofexaggeration, as is usually tho case with the historians. The fact is that the garrison was reduced to extremities not only by the death of its leader Jayamal, but also by scarcity of food. The two Rajput leaders, Jayamal and Patta, the ancestors of the present rulers of the Badnor and Amet estates in Mewar, respectively, died a hero's death after showing extraordinary bravery, in appreciation of which Akbar caused statues of Jayamal and Patta seated on two large elephants of stone to be placed at either side of one of the principal gates of the fort of Delhi. This was the last great attack on the fortress. (To be continued.) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1554-1656 A.D. BY C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I., I.C.S. (Retired.) (Continued from vol. LIX, page 241.) Sidi Ali had arrived in Sind just at the close of the long reign of Mirza Shah Husain (Arghun). The old king, now infirm both mentally and bodily, had fallen under the influence of favourites of low origin. The insolent behaviour of these persons when thrust into high appointments had disgusted and exasperated the high-born and proud Argbuns and Tarkhans.38 Dissatisfaction culminated in revolt, Mirza Muhammad Isa Tarkhan, governor of Tatta, being chosen to lead the movement. The senile king, who had made Bukkur his headquarters, was then on his way down the Indus with his army and fleet to quell the rebellion. Sidi 'Ali gives a very brief acoount of the political situation, in the details of which he is fully borne out by the Muhammadan historians. When Mirza Husain heard of the arrival of the Turks, he at once sent an envoy with assurances of goodwill. Subsequently Sidi 'Ali had an audience, was presented with robes of honour and was offered (the governorship of) Bandar Lahori, 39 "otherwise Diali Sind." In declining this offer he asked that he might be permitted to proceed. Firmly, though politely, the king replied that he must await the successful 74 Elliot, History of Indiu, vol. V, pp. 169-175. Soe also Akbarnama (English translation by H. Beveridge), vol. II, p. 466 f. 16 Bernjer's Travels (Constable and Smith). pp. 256-57. 88 For the Arghuns and Tarkt ans, 8e Ain-t-Akbart. Blochmann's trans., vol. I, pp. 361-62. 39 Dioz gives us y and in vxs as the spelling found in the MS. used by him. The mention of a place known in 1555 as Bandar Lahori "otherwise called Diali Sind" is of importance in connexion with the identification of the site, or eites, occupied by places of thege names, which occur so often in the old records, but which up to date have never been satisfactorily located. It is interesting to know that in the middle of the sixteenth century both names were applied to the same port. The original name would appear to have been Lahori Bandar, sometiines called simply Lahori. Ibn Batuta, who spent five days there more than two centuries earlier (circa 1333-34), calls it Lahari, "a fine place situated on the shore of the ocean, near which the river of Sind (i.o., the Indus) falls into the sea." It seems probable that the name Diall Sind was given to this port by the Portuguese during their early intercourse with western India, a name that was also used by the English traders at the beginning of the seventeenth century, who some. times referred to this port of Sind as Didli Sind and sometimes as Larre Bunder, etc. (various spellings, representing Lahori Bandar) meaning apparently one and the game place, tho then port of Sind,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1031 termination of the war. It appears from a passage later on that the services of Sidi 'Ali and his companions were enlisted by Shah Husain, and that they actually took part in the siege of Tatta. One interesting item of information is given in this connexion, namely, that Tatta was at that time situated upon an island, which can only mean that it was surrounded by ttro branches of the Indus. Mirza Shah Husain's forces bad, we know, come down from the north. We are told that his artillery was ranged up on the bank of the river opposite the town, but the distance was so great that it could make no effect upon the defences. We may fairly conclude from this, perhaps, that what is now known as the Kalri channel was then (1555) a broad river, flowing round the town on the north and north-west, 40 while the Baghar channel enclosed it on the east and south. The war between Shah Husain and Muhammad 'Isa lasted about a month, when a com promise was effected (cluc, according to the text followed by Diez, to the intercession of our author). Sidi 'Ali writes that in the first days of Jumada I (962 A.H.) Sultan Mahmud (the governor of Bukkur, who was commanding the king's forces) returned with the troops towards Bukkur by land, while the old king himself started back by river with all the boats, but died on the third day of the voyage.*1 According to this account the death of Shah Husain must have taken place during the first half of Jumuda I, that is to say between the 24th March und 7th April, 1555. Ma'sum, however, specifies Monday, the 12th Rabi I (corresponding with the 4th February) as the date of the king's death. The discrepancy is marked, but it may be found that our author is the more correct. 2 At all events Shah Husain was alive in the first months of 1555, and did not die in 1554, as some authors had supposed. Sidi 'Ali and his companions seem to have travelled with the king's fleet on the way towards Sehwan. When Shah Husain died, his body was sent back to Tatta with 50 boats. Sidi Ali's party were attacked by "Chaghtais"-apparently marauders out for pillage, who were beaten off by gun-fire, and they then proceeded upstream, reaching Nasrpur 43 in ten days. Here news way received that Mirza Muhammad 'Isa and his son, Mir salih, were coming north from Tatta, in pursuit of Sultan Mahmud, and Sidi Ali deemed it his best policy to turn back to meet tbem. He does not tell us why; but the reason seems fairly obvious : *Isa was evidently the rising sun. On the third day, going downstream, they fell in with Mir Salih, and again turned and came upstream with him. After another ten days they arrived at a village called Sind,*+ where Sidi 'Ali had an interview with 'Isa. The latter seems to have treated him generously, accepting his explanation of the part ho had played on Shah Husain's side at Tatta, and letting him have seven boats, with sailors, and an official to 40 See Haig, The Indus Delta Country, Map III, facing p. 30; also p. 77, where the author suggests that the Kalri must have been a perennial stream in the fourteenth century, as otherwise the Sammas would not have chosen a site on its bank for their chief town; also p. 85, where he quotes Ma'sum as stating that in 1519 "the bulk of the river (i.e., Indus) flowed (through the channel) to the north of Thata." It may be noted also that Walter Peyton, master of the vessel that carried Sir R. Sherley on his way back to Persia in 1613, anchored at the inouth of the Tudus, and on a rough sketch map, now in the British Museum (the existence of which has been brought to my notice by Sir William Foster, C.I.E.) shows both Tatta and "Diule Sinde "as situated on the eastern, or left, bank of the "River Sinde." 41 Jamal, in his Tarkhannama, says Shah Husaip died on the 12th Rabi I at the village of Aliputra, 20 kos from Tatta. Ma'sum (trans. Malet) gays "at the village of Naleo Potruh. On the 1871 Survey sheet there is a village Haleypotra inarked some 5 or 6 miles N. by E. of Tando Muhammad Khan, and about 50 miles from Tatta. This is probably the site referred to ; and this indicates the course of the river in 1568. 43 Sidi 'Ali left Radhanpur on the 1st Rabi I (24th January 1555). It took him the best part of a month to reach Buge-iFath; then the fighting lasted about anothor month; so that, according to his nar. rative, the death of Shah Husain inust have taken place, as he states, in the first half of Jumdda I, and not in Rabi I, as Ma'sum says. 43 Nasirpur ( 66), according to Diez. This is the Nasarpur of the modern Survey sheets, 18 miles NE. by E. from Hyderabad, an ancient site and a place of much importance in and before Sidi All's days, lying on the bank of the Indus until about the middle of the eighteenth century, when the river shifted its channel to the west and flowed close to the site on which Hyderabad was founded in 1768. 44 I suspect this should road Sann, in the vicinity of which the boats should have arrived.

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JANUARY, 1931] SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1864-1656 A.D. accompany him on his further journey. So Sidi 'Ali went on to Sehwan, reaching that towu in five days' time, having had daily skirmishes with the local tribes on the way. We thus get glimpses from time to time of the very disturbed condition of the country, a condi. tion that had probably supervened since Shah usain had lost his vigour and power of control. Leaving Sehwan, still, it seems, travelling by boat, he passed by two places, which Diez transcribes as Patara and Derildjch, and Vambery as Patri and Dible, 6 before reaching Bukkur. At Bukkur our traveller halted for more than a month, and bad several interviews with Sultan Mahmud, then ruling over northern Sind, under the arrangement made tetween him and 'Isa at Tatta somo three months earlier in the year. Sidi Ali nad evidentiy thought of going back to Constantinople via the Bolan Pass and Qandahar, as he tells us that Sultan Mahmud advised him that this route was not safe, and trat Le nad better go cid Lahors, warning him at the same time that he wouid have to be on his guara against the J&ts, through whose country be would have to pass. Mahmud not only gave him a gooi horse, a team of camels, a tent and a shamiana and money for his road expenses, but also provided him with an escort of 250 men mounted on camels, and gave him a leiter to the emperor Humavun. Thus equipped, our traveller started in the middle of Shrban," and going viti Sultanpur, 7 arrived at the fortress of Mau 8 in five days. As the distance from Bukkur would be rather more than 100 miles, the rate of progress was more rapid than hitherto, due no doubt to the camel transport. With the object of avoiding the Jats, the party then took the "desert "-9 route towards Ucch, but not finding wells by that way, after two days they retraoed their steps to Man, and took another route through what Vambery describes as the "woods," and Diez as "hills," by which is probably meant the higher ground, farther from the Indus bed, which was covered with tree and grass jangal.50 Here we obtain some indication of the number of Turks that Sidi 'Ali still had with him. The Sind escort supplied by Sultan Mahmud hesitating to travel by this jangal route, perhaps through fear of attack by JAts, he tells us that he placed ten of his gunners in the van, ten in the rear and the remainder in the middle of the caravan, managing thus to inspire the Sind men with sufficient courage to proceed. Surmounting various difficulties they reached Ucch in ten days.51 Here they must have halted for a few days, as a visit was paid to Shaikh Ibrahim and pilgrimages made to the shrines of Shaikhs Jamali and Jalali.69 In the beginning of Ramazan 53 Sidi 'Ali resumed his march and came to the Gara river, which was crossed on rafts. At this river, the Sutlej, the Sind escort was dismissed and went back, so we may perhaps assume that the Sutlej at that formed the northern boundary of the Sind kingdom. They next crossed, by boat this time, another big river, which is named 48 The second name possibly represents the modern Dabro; but neither of these sites is identifiable with any degree of certainty from the maps available. The channel of the Indus between Sehwin and Bukkur at the time is unfortunately not known. If these places could be identified, it would help us to trace the channol. At any rato we can concludo from Sidi 'Ali's narrative that in 1555 the Indus flowed past Sehwin and Nasrpur down to Tatta. 48 Sha'ban 962 A.H. corresponds with 21 June to 19 July 1555, so the middle of Sha'ban would moen roughly the first week of July 1555. As he stayed more than a month at Bukkur, he probably arrived there at the end of June, so that more than two months had been spent on the way up from Tatte. 47 Sultanpur, now & small village, lies some 20 miles ENE. from Rohri. 48 This can only refer to Mau-i-Mubarak, some 10 miles N. of Naushahro railway station. For description of the remains of the old fortress of Mau, see 1.A., XI, 7. 40 The chol or cholistan of the Muhammadan historians. 30 A hundred years ago Charles Masson, who followed much the same route ne our author from Rohri to Uoch, describes the thick jangal encountered at intervals, and how he more than once lost his way. 51 Probably inclusive of the days wasted in trying the "desert" route. The crossing of the two big rivers and the settling up with the Sind escort would also occupy much time. 6a Ponsibly the very Saiyid Jalalu'd-din, "the most pious saint," who presented Ibn Bajata with his thirga, or religious garment. 68 Rama! dn 962 A. 1. corresponds with 20 July to 18 August 1666, and as Sidi 'All reached Multan on the 16th Ramafan, he probably loft Uoch on the 24th July, or thereaboute.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1931 the MacbwAdi or MAchwarg 54 in the translations. This may have been the Bias, then flow. ing in its old channel by which it joined the Trinab near Theh Kalan. (To be continued.) DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY. BY L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. (Continued from vol. LIX, page 234.) The suffixes do not create any difficulty here ; nor does the change of the radical vowel (from a to 6) offer any difficulty either ; [for bai or vii could change into be or ve, as in the Dravidian instances kai (hand), kei; sar, deru; vai (to place), vei, etc.). The semantic connection between mouth' and 'speaking' is attested by ancient forms like ray (utterance) and vay-vidu (to speak), etc. But the initial p of these forms could be related to v of the first set of forms only if a sufficiently large number of rigorously tested analogies could be adduced. Here we are treading on delicate ground, where modern analogies are only few ; but the following are tentatively suggested as shedding some light on the question. The correspondences shown below are remarkable, inasmuch as in none of them could we trace v or 6 from p, and the forms with b or v appear to be ancient and original. A very ancient change of v, b to p, before it could be accepted as finally proved, will have to be discussed in relation to a number of p- words, and then sifted and classified, so far as we can do so. Reserving this for a separate paper, I give below merely a table of correspondences which raise this question and render such a change probable - Tam. Tel. Kann. Tulu. Kui. Gondi Kurukh. Brahus pili vari vili (to call) ven, pin (back) ven- ben, pin .. veo rijja birdna (to give cf. mil, vil. (to back) return) pisna (aftervayi (pain) wards) Mal. payi (pain, hunger); Tam. pasi ... bayi . bis .. pasnya (hunger) bingun (hunger) . pac Mal. vesappu (hunger). vedi (fear), bedagu- .. bodi Mal. pedi va!-(to bend) 11 .. palga (to .. bend) Common Dr. base (Gondi) the fol- (Brahui) vi., bi lowing the follow South Dr. base pai (to fry) ing :var- (to be dry) piat (by day) pi-un pio (steam) (white | bright) pirai (to dry up). Cf. also the Mal, forms pidar and vidar (to burst), pirakk and virakk (to mix into). parandu and varandu (to scrape). 54 Diez writes Matchiwadi (usullo); Vambery. Mach vara. There are several villages of this name in the Panjab, the best known being that near the banks of the Sutloj in the Ludhiana district, where Humayun defeated the Afghans in this very year (1555). 11 Cf. also Tam.-Mal, paj-am (strip of motal) from val. (to Dond) : ut), pe (to desire); Tam. pole (like) and Tel. wale (like), Kavi valle (like); ver and Tel. per. (other different); southern pala (many). Br. pal (much) and common Dravidian val (to be strong) in Mal. valiya (big), mallan (strong man), mal-ai (mountain), etc.; cf. also southern pldiga (shop, camp, halting place) which is related to vid, vidu.

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JANUARY, 1931 ] DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY If then we can tentatively postulate an ancient change of v orb to p under certain conditions (which have of course to be classified), the above-mentioned p- forms also will have to be considered as ultimately traceable to vdi, bai. The question of the change of v>p can. not, however, yet be considered as finally proved. Further, just as Kurukh ba'ana (to speak) is related to bar-na (to be called, to be named), the p- forms mentioned above also appear to be related semantically and structurally to the following forms, all of them signifying 'name':Tamil : peyar, per Kui: pada. Telugu : peru. Kodagu : peda. Kannada : pesar. Brahat : pin. Tulu: pudar. Kurukh-Malto: pinj (to name). The only changes calling for special comment in the above forms are the following: Tulu, Kui, Kodagu -d. arises from -y-through $; of. Tulu kade (to disjoin) with Tam. Kann. kas-, kas- (to separate), Tulu kad- (to fight) with the base kay (to be hot, angry, eto.). Tulu -- in pudar is characteristic of a number of words with initial bilabials which change the immediately following vowels to -o- or -- ; of. Tulu bolli (silver), biru (to fall), bodi (fear) with the corresponding non-Tulu southern forms. Gondi par-ol possibly shows the base par; but the Gondi suffix-ol, usually attached to masculine words, is strange in this context; Gondi a of par corresponds to Sn. e, as in parr (to pick-cf. pira-, pera-) kavi (ear-cf. Kann. kevi). Brahui -N- in pin stands probably for (cf. p. 32 of Sir Denys Bray's Grammar). n and r do also appear to be connected in southern forms like pin, pir (back). III. SOUTH DRAVIDIAN anal AND SANSKRIT anala. In a short but exceedingly interesting and thoughtful paper contributed to the Zeitschrift fur Vergleichende Sprachforschung (vol 56), Professor F. Otto Schrader(to whom all students of Dravidian should feel grateful for his unwavering interest in Dravidology) adverts to the possibilities of the relationship of the Sanskrit word anala (fire) and Dravidian kanal (fire), anal, etc. Prof. Schrader, after giving expression to his doubts about the orthodox derivation of Sanskrit anala (antala, 'not satisfied ')-especially because ala (satisfaction) and al (to be sufficient) appear to be invented by grammarians expressly for the purpose of explaining the origin of anala-observes that, as anala does not appear in Vedic and crops up for the first time only in the late Sveta svalara Upanisad (i.e., about the period of the Buddha), it would be assential to investigate whether the Sanskrit word may not have been imported from Dravidian or some other non-Aryan language of India. After dismissing the possibility of Austric (the only important non-Aryan Indian language-group other than Dravidian) having lent this word to Sanskrit, on the ground that the Austric forms for fire,' heat,' . eto.. known so far, bear no resemblance to the Sanskrit word, he proceeds to suggest that the Dravidian word kanal, after ite initial k had been dropped off or reduced to a slight aspirate, may have been adopted in Sanskrit as anala. Prof. Schrader does not arrive at any definitive conclusion but observes: "Es ergibt sich also ein non liqust, aberdoch wohl mit einer gewissen Warscheinlichkeit der Herkunft unseres Wortes aus dem Dravidischen." Prof. Schrader's course of argument is that Skt. anala may haye been adopted from & modified form of kanal, which is undoubtedly Dravidian. He places a certain amount of reliance on the theory of the disappearance of initial k- in Dravidian. Though there are instances, in the colloquial dialects of the South, of an original k. having disappeared, the theory is, as will be shown below, of extremely doubtful validity in a large number of con. nected ancient forms which appear with slightly different meanings, alternatively with and without initial k., where we shall find that the forms with initial vowels are, so far as we can judge now, traceable to ancient bases without k., from which they themselves and other independent forms bave arisen. I think therefore, that if we could detuomatrate that anal occurring freely in south Dravidian is based on a native Dravidian root, & fair

Page #22
10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1931 presumption could be made out for the theory of Sanskrit having borrowed Dravidian anal directly. It is the object of this paper to adduce evidence to show that anal is based upon a native Dravidian root and is not merely a modified form of kanal. The connected series of words in Dravidian are: (i) the group forined of anal and its derivatives anali, anat pori, analiru, eto.; (ii) alal- group and its derivatives, and (iii) the forms connected with the kanal- group. Before wo advort to the relationship of kanal to anal, wo shall deal with anal and alal. To begin with, we may observe that the formative -al in anal and alal is purely Dravidian. Next, the question of the radical or radicals underlying these forms is best approached by examining a large group of Dravidian forms with initial a, a, e or i occurring in Dravidian, which contain the idea of heat,'' fire, light,' etc. Tamil : egu (heat); eri (to burn); endru (the sun); eigu (to fade); ad (to cook); a! (to burn); avidal (to be boiled); avir (to glisten), av-dvu (to desire ardently), otu. Telugu: enda (sunshine); edu (to heat); eri (to burn); dka (heat) in nikk-dka (continued heath-of. also dlali (hunger), akonu (to feel hungry). Kannada : isu (heat); ese (to burn); eri (to burn). Tulu : eri (glare) ; eri (to burn). Kui : afa (to boil); aja (cf. Tam. dyu=a+ir, to cool down); erpa (to kindle); riva (to burn, from eriva, with aphesis of initial - and lengthening of medial vowel). Gondi: addi (heat); dru (to feel heat); aru (to lose heat, 2+ir); adu (to cook); atyir (at+ir, boiling water). Kurukh : c (flame); Gokh (to be hot); a'chrna (to warm oneself). Brahui : iragh (bread; of. Southern eri, gh corresponding to the formativo -k, -, of the South); his (ashes), where h is a characteristio Brahuf prothetic aspirate (cf. Bray's Gram mar, page 32). An examination of these various forms would enable us to detach the final formatives 13 in most cases, which are -t or - org. The common radical then would reveal itself as a vocalio root, the value of which may have been shifting from a to i 13 As it would be risky to rest our conclusion on this alone, we shall see if we can derive support from other Dravidian forms as well. The existence of a large number of forms (especially in Tamil) alternatively appearing with and without an initial n-is a remarkable phenomenon. Compare the following forms: Tam. angs, yangu (there); Tam, fiangu (there). >>. aruklu (to cut -Var). >> nasulku (to cut). amungu (to yield to pressure). >>namungu. (Tam., Kann.-of. Kui eju) fr (wetness). >> nir (water). Kann, agi (to smile). >> nagilu (to smile). Tamil base it.. >> nilal (lengthening shade). >> ivaru, egaru (to become high). >> nimuru (to rise), Kann, negaru. >> iyangu (to move). >> ningu (to move). Brahui dyi, Tam, yay, dyi. %ay (mother). Gondi yonte, Tel., Kann, endi (orab). 14 >>nadu, na du. 13 Cf. footnote above. 13 An examination of the instances given above would show that i occurs freely in the central and portbers dialoota, while a and predominato in the southern dialecte. The original beso was probably A with a front tone liv. ** Goodt hoe w e (arab) and Talu has dok ji where goes back to y through ji of. Talu don du (globularo purwyr suruhu), kddi (Mohammedan priout, from bdjo), etc.

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JANUARY, 1931 1 DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY It will be seen that in all these and numerous similar instances, the forms without the initial n-are the originals, inasmuch as they are directly connected with the radical' bases10 which have given rise to these and other independent forins not only in Tamil, Kannada, etc., of the South, but also in the central and north Dravidian dialects. The initial nof the alternative forms, therefore, will have to be considereul as a secondarily developer sound, whose origin has probably to be traced to the tendency of Dravidian to produce initial n-in words like an (I), yuman (yumu), che, containing nasals in their radicals, which tendency should have afterwards become generalized and affected words without included nasals also. Julien Vinson (p. 28 of his Manuel de la langus Tamoule) wrongly regards the n. forms as the originals. The untenability of this position will be apparent when we analyse the forms and find, as we have stated above, that it is those forms without the initial n-that are directly connected with the elementary radicals. Let us now examine the following forms expressing meanings connected with 'heat,' fire,' 'light,' eto. Tamiln ir (ashes); nerippu (fire) ; nayiru (sun); (?) nandru (time). Telugu nippu (fire); (?) nigarintsu (to shine); niru (ashes). Kannada nesaru (sun); nerpu (fire). Kui n ari (sun); neri (to burn). Gondi nir (to burn); nir (ashes). Kurukh nari (fever); nauna (over-boiled); nerna (to get dry). Here, too, the formatives could be detached ; and if, further, initial n- is also detached as being an intrusive, what remains behind is the vocalic radical, the value of which appears to vary from a to i. Yet additional confirmation of this fact may be available from a large group of forms with initial v-, which express ideas connected with heat,' 'fire,' .light,' etc.: Tamil: vey (to burn); vegu (to boil); vatru (to become dry); voltai (heat). Kannada : benki (heat); bis (hot); vadi (heat). 15 The original character of the forms without the initial nasal is evident from (a) the fact that, judged by the large number of cognates in numerous dialects, these should contain the radicals; and (b) the confirmatory proof afforded by the fact that n- forms hove, comporatively speuking, fur fewer independent cognates with initial 1-, in the various dialecty. (1) If we examine the above instances, we find that the following forins huvo cognatoy in most dialecta, all these being based upon radicals with initial vowels only .. ar. (to cut) all Southern dialecte; Gondi ask (to cut); Kui aska (to cut); Kurukh ur-u (saw); Brahdi arra (saw) and ke-aryl-ing (to shear); cf. also the base ari (to cut) of the south. nar, on the other hand, hoe very few such diversifiod cognates. (2) ange (thero) is a directive word constitutod of the romoto demonstrative particlo u contuon to ell Dravidian dialects except Brahai which has e) and - (-k), tho directivo aftis. Adigu, on the other hand, is peculiar to Tamil only. (3) The Tamil base il contains tho proximate demonstrutivo porticlo in occurring in a host of forins with basio meanings indicating direction, followed by the Tamil sound l or by its rolutives in other dialects. The forms derived from the bare demonstrative particle are numerous in all Dravidian dialects. nilal, on the other hand, is poouliar to the southern dialects only and occurs as an isolatul form. 14) The first personal pronoun base appears to be an, on a consideration of all Dravidian forms (see Dravidic Studies, vol. II). (5) The use of demonstrativo particles for forming words with tisic meanings of direction is evident in c-qu(a)r (to become high) and (a)-igu (to move). Cf. eru (to riso), egu (to movo), edu (to take), oto. Kannada negaru (to rise) and Tam. nimiru aro secondarily dorived from c.g.(a)ru; whilo Tam. ningu, Kann. nungu (to movo) are to bo tracod to s-(a)-rigu. For further discussion of this question, 50e my article on Dravidian Initial - in QJMS.. April 1930. 16 In Dravidic Studies, II, an intermodiato stage n is postulated. N-, howeror, initially is only a unique development in Tam..Mal.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1931 Telugu vetsu (to become hot); vattu (to become dry); vadu (to cook). Klli bis (hot); vaja (to cook); vasa (to be dry); vehpa (to be hot); veva (to be well cooked). Gondi vahachana (to come to boiling point); varerdana (to become dry); veand (to cook); vattand (to be dry). Kurukh basna (to boil); battna (to be dry); bi'ina (to cook); bir (to be hot). Brahui beghing (to knead); basing (to bake); barun (dry). va or voor ve appears to be common to all these. What, if any, is the connection between this group and the purely vocalic bases pointed out above? To say that the latter might simply be the modified forms of the former (with the disappearance of initial - ) will be to deny to the ancient vocalic bases an independence and antiquity which are undoubted. ly their own on account of their widespread occurrence and ramified developments. I venture to consider, on the basis of analogies given below, that - here is either an attenuated vestige of an affix-word or the development of the on-glide o which very characteristically appears (usually before initial dorsal vowels including dorsal a [cf. for glides in connection with a, internal Sandhi in Tamil compounds like pala-(v)-ani) in south Dravidian and central Dravidian dialects. [Cf. Kittel's Kannada Dictionary, page 1369, Trench's Gondi Grammar, page 5; and, further, compare the evaluation of Telugu forms like oka (one) as vaka, etc.) Be the origin of this - what it may, a comparison of the following forms of Dravidian would be instructive, as they show the probable secondaryll character of the initial v- forms Forms without - with more or less the same meanings-- Tam. rarangu (to obey). Tam. a rangu (to yield, submit). var-ai (mark). >> orai (to rub). South Dr. vari (paddy, rice). ari. Telugu vadu (to cook). , adu (to cook). Tamil valay (to wander, to be distressed). alay. Gondi bor (who). > ar (who). Tulu vd, the Interrogative. , Interr. base d. The introduction of this initial bilabial should have occurred at an anoient stage, having regard to the fact that these forms (semantically differentiated) appear in Tamil in the most ancient literary texts. If, therefore, v- may be postulated as being of probable secondary origin in a number of words, the relationsbip of the bases ve-, ve-, 06. (mentioned above) to e-, ae-, a-illustrates the original and ancient character of the vocalio bases. When now we return to the main topio of our discussion, we have to examine how far the form anal may be related directly to the vocalic bases meaning 'fire,'' heat,' light.' al of anal is & purely Dravidian formative. For -, compare the following Tamil forms nenal (heat, summer). punal (stream of flowing water). 18 11 Here again the forms with initial vowels could be dernonstrated to be original on grounds similar to thoge pointed out in footnote 15. i od to be fit, possible) is an ancient Dr. base (probably doictic) from which vale (like), val (strong) may be derived. Cf. also Tam. balaklam (custom) and olukkam (flow).

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JANUARY, 1931) DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY 13 The existence of these forms (purely Dravidian) with exactly similar formative or derivative endings would be enough to indicate -nal of anal also as being Dravidian. The origin of this -n- will be evident when we analyse the structure 188 of the analogical forms given above; -n- in all these cases appears as a hiatus-filler between two vowels, as in Tamil padi-n-aru (sixteen), nadanda-n-on (he walked), odi-n-a, the past relative participle of odu (to run), etc. Anal (fire) may thorofore be considered to be a native Dravidian form. It appears to he neither a tatsama (as suggested in the Madras Tamil Lexicon) nor necessarily a reduoed form of lanal, with the loss of initial k. . As for the alal-group mentioned at the beginning of this article, as being semantically related to the anal-group, the structural kinship also would be clear when we consider that I, the pecnliar retroflex continuative of Tamil expresses a definite set of associated connotations 19 like 'to be reduced to a low state,' to be mixed up,' etc. This sound appears to be of a secondary character in the Tamil-Kannada group, employed as it is in a number of forms where the above said connotations are conspicuous. A comparison of these Tamil-Kannada forms with !, with their cognates (with other sounds) in Tamil-Kannada itself and in other dialects would suggest (vide IHQ., June 1929) that the introduction of this sound I has conferred socondarily the particular connotations referred to above. In alal, the idea of reduction to a low state' is more or less apparent in tho different special meanings which it has, in addition to the basic significance which it sbares with anal. We may now advert to the relationship, if any, of karial to anal. In view of what we have discussed above regarding the ancient character of anal, alal, we cannot straightway explain the question by postulating that anal is secondarily derived from kanal, with the disappearance of the initial kn. The question, we admit, is not susceptible of any other easy solution, in view especially of the ancient character of Dravidian kanal and its cognates in Dravidian. The following are some of the forms signifying basically 'fire,' 'beat,' etc. :Tam. kay (to be hot); ka- (to be ardently watchful); keittu (fire); kari (to be burnt out); kanji, kdyol, etc. Tel. kicc- (fire); ciccu (fire); kagu (to be hot), etc. Kann. kitt (fire); kay (to be hot). Tulu cicc- (fire); kay-uni (to be hot); katt-uni (to burn). Gondi kahle (to foel heat, perspire); karv (to burn); kas (to become hot); kis (fire). Kui kuga (to warm oneself); kamba (to be burned); kanda, kara (to be hot); kapad (to be dried up). Kurukh cicc (fire); kanji (boiled rice-water); kar. (to be heated); khaidna (to make dry); khatna (to cook). Brahui khalhar (fire). Now, an examination of these forms would show here again that we have to deal with a base with initial - and a vowel whose character may have been somewhere near the value of . It is significant that, so far as we could see, the variations in the character of the vowel in the different forms are almost as large in these k- forms as in the forms derived from the vooalio bases mentioned above. The basic form here does resemble the vocalic base mentioned above, except for the initial k-. We cannot, however, find out with our present materials the exact character of the relationship which, if it existed at all, should have arisen at a prehistorio stage. 188 pun-al (stream of flowing water) contains the base pu (to flow), -al, the suffix, and the hiatus. filler -. www is constituted of ve- the base meaning 'to be hot,'sto., the histas-filler -- and the sud d 19 Vide my article in IHQ, June 1929, pages 336 e seg.: of. N.o A. Carnoy's observations ou page 28 of his rocent work La Science du Mot.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, -1931 * Be this as it may, the antiquity 90 of anal in Dravidian as a native form'admits of little doubt, in view of our discussion. If then, as Prof. Schrader has shown, the origin of Sanskrit anala could not be satisfactorily explained by being related to any Indo-Aryan bases, does not the remarkable structural and semantic resemblance of Sanskrit anala and Dravidian anal give rise to a fair amount of presumptivo evidence for the postulate that Sanskrit has borrowed this word from Dravidian ? WHERE WAS TARKKARI BY JOGENDRA CHANDRA GHOSH. THERN has been a controversy over the location of a village named Tarkkari mentioned in the Silimpur stone inscription found in the district of Bogra in Bengal. The passage containing the description of the village is quoted below. Yesham tasya Hiranyagarv(b)bha-vapushah svajiga prasut-Argiro-vanee janma samanagotra-vachan 1-6tkarsh6- Bharadvajatah (tesham-arya-jan-abhipajita-kulan Tarkkarir-ity-akhyaya sravasti-prativa(ba)ddham-asti viditam sthanam punar-jjanmanam || [2] Yasmin-vedasmriti-parichay-6dbhinna-vaitanagarhya-prajy-avritt-ahutishu charatam kirtlibhir-voyomni subhre vyabhrajant-6-pari-parisarad dhoma-dhuma dvijanari dugdh-ambhodhi prasrita-vilasachchhaival-ali-chay-abhah || [3] Tat-prasutas-cha Pundreshu Sakati-vyavadhanavan | Varendrf mandanam gramo V&(Ba) lagrama iti fruta || [4] (Ep. Ind., vol. XIII, p. 290.) Mr. Radha Govinda Basak, M.A., who edited the inscription, has translated the above as follows: "(V. 2.) Of those who had their birth in the family of Angiras, sprung from the body of Him (Vishnu) in His Hiranya-garbha form, and who could excel in declaring a common lineage with Bharadvaja, the home in later births, dwelt in by families held in high esteem by Aryas, was a place by the name Tarkkari, within the limits of Sravasti. "(V. 3.) Where the columns of smoke, rising up from the homa of Brahmanas practising oblations, frequently repeated in the sacrificial and domestio rites which had grown out of (their) acquaintance with the Vedas and the Smritis, glittered (dark) in the sky, white with their fame, like massed lines of mobs playfully floating on an ocean of milk. " (V. 4.) The village known as Balagrama, in the country of Pundra, the ornament of Varendri, was derived from that (place, being separated (from it) by Sakati." Mr. Basak has shown that there were two Sravastis, one built by king Sravasta, the son of king Yuvanasva of the solar race in Gauda-desa, as described in the Matsya and Kurma Puranas. The other, according to the Ramayana and the Vayu Purana, was the capital of Lava, the son of king Ramacandra, who lived many generations after Yuvanasva. In the Brahma Purana also we find that Sravasti was founded by king Sravasta, the son of king Yuvanasva. 30 The following list would show that there are a number of ancient bases in Dravidian with initial vowels, side by side with others which possess an initial k- and which are related semantically and structurally to the bases with initial vowels. The ancient character of these latter, as proved by the existence of numerous derivatives and cogpates in several dialecte, precludes the view that they may have been de. rived from the le- forms. We are here, of course, envisaging the state of affairs represented in what we might conceive as Common Dravidian, as distinguished from l'r-Dravidian, of which indeed we at present do not know anything. Tamil beso il- (below); allied to bages in other dialects formed from the demonstrative i cf. kil (below). Tam, nl-ai, ul-ai (to be moved, shaken).. ... cf. kul-ai, kol-ai (to be shaken, movod) Southern Iru (to scratch, tear) .. .. .. .. . cf. kir (to tear, scratch). . arugu (kind of grass) . .. .. cf. karugai. . adakku (to movo) . .. ... cf. kas-akku (to strew). , ur-ai, or-ai (to speak, to sound) .. .. cf. kur.ai, kor-ai (voice, sound, etc.) Or. also Comm. Dr. u (to eat, drink), ar. (to cut) with Brahui kuine (to ent) and kargh (to out). Oharan should perhaps be road in place of rachan. ? Perhaps used in the sense of dvijaninanden, i.e., of twice-Lorn.' .. .

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JANUARY, 1931) WHERE WAS TARKKARI ? 18 He has also shown from the context that Tarkkari lay within the limits of Sravasti and that BAlagrAma, described as being prasita (derived) from this Tarkkari of Sravasti, was also situated in the land of Varendri in Pundra (northern Bengal) : " The poet, perhaps, means to say that this newly-established village, as the name Balagrama also suggests, was colonized by people coming from Tarkkari of Sravasti, which seems to have been a neighbouring place, The locality intervening between these two places, viz., Sravasti-Tarkkari and VarendriBAlagrama, is named Sakati, which sounds like the name of a river. From the meaning appropriately to be assigned to verse 4, one feels inclined to presume the existence of a town of the name of Sravasti in North Bengal (Gauda)." In this way he has come to the conclusion, disagreeing with Sir A. Cunningham, that the Sravasti mentioned in verse 2 of the Silimpur inscription was situated in Pundra, and must be identified with the city of the same name mentioned in the Malsya and Kurma Purdnas. Mr. N. G. Majumdar found certain grave difficulties in accepting Mr. Basak's views. (Ind. Ant., vol. XLVIII, pp. 208-211.) At the outset he says that the very fact that there is recorded a Brahman emigration from Sravasti, which he found in other inscriptions, too, would seem to indicate that it is identical with the Srivasti of the Madhyadesa. This shows that Mr. Majumdar approached the subject with a pre-possessed mind that the Madhyadesa Brahmanas monopolized the emigration to other provinces. We need not tell an antiquarian scholar like Mr. Majumdar that Indian epigraphy is not wanting in evidence to show that Brahmanas from Pundravardhana also migrated to other provinoes. What do the traditions of the Gauda Brahmanas and the Gauda Tagas say? Do they not say that these Brahmanas went from Gauda in Bengal? (Suppt. to the Glossary of Indian Terms by Sir H. M, Elliot, pp. 417-18, 420.) He argues ; "In the first place, if the two villages had been situated side by side (tbe distance between them being only a river), and if it be true that some Brahman families, who had formerly been living on one bank of the stream, now came to settle on the other, it would have been quite out of place to describe their former home in the terms in which Tarkkari has been described. Were the two places topographically so closely connected, no sensible writer would have ever thought of specifying their separate topographical details, viz., that one of them--Tarkkari is Sravasti-prativad. dha, i.e., in Srdvasti, and the other-Balagrama is in Pundra and Varendri. Secondly, the expression Sakativyavadhanavan' is an adjective of Balagrama. Therefore, it cannot have anything to do with Tarkkari, which word is at a long distance; and the expression cannot be taken to mean that Sakati' was the vyavadhana between Balagrama and Tarkkari. The very nature of the compound shows that the vyaradhana is in reference to Balagrama alone. I, therefore, suggest that the natural meaning would be, 'the village of Balagrima, which had for its boundary, or was bounded by, the river Sakati.'" Here also Mr. Majumdar has shown his preconoeption that Sravasti was in Madhyadeca. Otherwise he would not have found separate topographical details for Tarkkari and Balagrama in the expression quoted above. The writer's intention was evidently not so much to describe the topography as to lay stress on the fact that Balagrama was known throughout the oountry of Pundra as the ornament of Varendri. There is nothing in the expression to mean that Tarkkari and so Sravasti were not in Pundra. For example, if one writes "Chowringhee in Calcutta is the finest quarter of the city. It is facing the maidan and is inhabited by the well-to-do Europeans. Alipur, well-known in Bengal as the headquarters of the district of the 24 Parganas, is derived or an offshoot from that, being separated by Bhowani. par, surely Mr. Majumdar will not charge the writer with giving two separate topographical details for two closely connected places, such as Chowringbee and Alipur, nor will be charge the writer with want of sense. Further, does the description convey, the meaning that Caloutta is outside Bengal ? Slnglt plato of the Ratakafa Govinda, IV (933 AD:), (Ind. An., XII, p. 261).

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1931 His second objection is that Sakativyavadhanavan, being an adjective qualifying Balagrama, cannot have anything to do with Tarkkari, which word is at a long distance. It is beyond our comprehension how a word by being a part of an adjective loves its inherent meaning. Vyavadhana is a relative term, and must have relation with two things or places. Balagrama is one--whero is the other one? It cannot but be Tarkkari, which is the only place mentioned immediately before it. The long distance referred to is a clause qualifying Tarkkari, and nothing else. This long distance, therefore, did not stand in its way to refer to Tarkkari by the word tat in tatprasuta. The natural meaning of the expression, suggested by Mr. Majumdar, seem to us rather unnatural. If by ryavadhanavan is meant bounded by,' the direction, i.e., east, west, south, north or on all sirles, would have been mentioned. Is there any such mention ? Mr. Majumdar was surely conscious of the defect in the interpretation of the word ryaradhanavan given by him. He, therefore, added a footnote, saying: "As vyavadhana means 'separation or division' (sce Monier Williams, 8.v.). Sakativyavadhanavan might as well mean "having Salati 18 vyavadhuna,' i.c., separated or 'divided' by Sakati." But as soon as you say, separated or divided, it must be understood that something has been separated or divided from something else. But what has Sakati separated or divided ? It certainly refers to Tarkkari. If the family had migrated from a distant country, then we should expect some such expression as Tarkkari-vinirggata, which we find in similar cases in marry places : but in the present inscription no such expression has been used. But after all 'Sakati' is not a river as has been supposed. It is the name of a village. The Radhi and the Verendra Brahmanas are known by their ganis or villages where their forefathers lived. Different gotras have got different ganis to distinguish them. They are nowadays used as surnames. Sakati, Balagrama . and Siyamba (Simba) are among the several ganis of the Varendra Brahmanas of the Bharadvaja golra. Another village named Kutumbapalli (Kudumba or Kuddmudi) mentioned in this inscription is also a gani name of the Vatsya gotra of the Varendra Brahmanas. The village of Silimpur, where the stone slab bearing the inscription has been found, is probably a corruption of the village name Siyamba or Siyambapura, where the author of this inscription lived. Let us now see if we can meet the other objections raised by Mr. Majumdar. He names several plates in which Tarkkarika or Tarkari occurs. In two of these ocours Madhyadesa also. Mr. Majumdar, however, has not exhausted the list of inscriptions in which Tarkkari is mentioned. We have found some more inscriptions in which the name of this village occurs, sometimes with a slight variation, which does not prevent us from recognizing it. From the Katak oopperplate grant of the ninth year of Mahasivagupta I. (E.I.. vol. III, p. 353), he has quoted the following adjective-clause appended to the name of a Brahmana donee :Madhyadesiya-Srivallagrama-ve(vi)nirggataya Odradese Sri-Silabhanjapati-vastavydya Takkarapdrova-Bharadvajagotraya. From this he has drawn the "natural" conclusion that Tarkkara or Takkara was in the Madhyadesa. This does not, however, appear to us at all natural. To us the natural meaning of the passage is that the family of the donee originally lived in Takkara and earned the epithet of Takkira-Rharadvija-gotra, thence it migrated to Srivallagrama in Madhyadesa, whence it went to Sri-Silabhanjapati in Odra-desa. So at least this Takkara was not in Madhyadesa. He has quoted another passage from another plate (E.I., vol. XVII, p. 118) - Sri-Madhyades-antah pati-Takkdrilea-bhattagramavinirggata. Here, of course, it is clearly stated that this Takkarika was in Madhyadesa, but doos that prove that every place named Takkarik&, wherever it may be found, must belong to Madhyadesa? We are afraid Mr. Majumdar has committed a blunder in thinking that all Takkarikes were one and the same place. This we shall presently see is not the fact. Similarly, Madhyadesa did not always indicate the Madhyadesa of Manu (chap. II, sloka 21). We have There is still a village named BAlegrama not far off from Silimpur. Tutturi is a gani name of the Varen. dra Brahmanas of the Savarna gotra. It approaches in sound to Tarkari and may be a corruption of it. 6 Magadha was sometimes called a Madhya-dosa (Introduction to BauddhAgAna Doha, p. 11). There WAR a Madhyadesa in ancient Kambuja also. (Ind. Hint. Quarterly, Tany. 1930, p. 100.)

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JANUARY, 1931 ] WHERE WAS TARKKARI : seen before that there were two Sravastis, one in Gauda and the other in Kosala. According to Vardhamihira, neither Gauda nor Kosala were in Madhyadesa. They were both outside and to the east of it. So Sravasti-Takkarike could not be in Madhyadesa of the United Provinces. Let us see what other country was called Madhyadesa. In the Porumamilla tank inscription, we find that king Harihara of Vijayanagara is described as the supreme lord of the Madhyadesa extending from the eastern to the western ocean. The editor of the inscription, Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, in a footnote remarks "As early Vijayanagara kings had no claim to sovereignty in any part north of the Vindhya, Madhyadesa cannot have its usual significance, but must refer to the country lying between the eastern and the western ocean, namely the Deccan plateau." (E.I., vol. XIV, p. 107.) So we see that the Deccan plateau was also sometimes called Madhyadesa. It is interesting to note that a village named Takkalika is mentioned in a copperplate grant of king Munja found in Tidgundi, about twelve miles to the north of Bijapur in the district of Kaladgi. (Ind. Ant., vol. I, p. 82.) The editor, Shankar Pandurang Pandit, M.A., remarks :-"It is interesting to note that there is still a village called Takalki in the Bagevdi taluka of the Kaladgi, not far from the place where the copperplate was found." (Ibid., p. 83.) This Takkalika, no doubt, is another form of Takkarika. If Sravasti-Takkari was not in Madhyadesa, then where was it? Sravasti must either have been in Gauda or in Kosala (modern Oudh). But where was Gauda ? Was it the district of Gonda, as was held by Cunningham, or northern Bengal? We have already seen that both were outside Madhyadesa, and to the east of it, in the time of Varahamihira, i.e., in the sixth century A.D. This does not, however, indicate the exact position of Gauda. In the Hasaha inscription of the Maukhari king isanavarman of 611 v.s. (554 A.D.) we find that Isanavarman caused the Gaudas living on the seashore to remain within their realm. (E.I., vol. XIV, p. 117.) This clearly indicates that Gauda in the middle of the sixth century extended to the seashore. Neither Kosala nor Gonda stretched as far as the sea at any time. So this Gauda must be the Gauda in Bengal. It is very interesting to find that this inscription was found in the Bara Banki district, the very heart of Oudh. It appears from this that Gauda was independent at this time and may have come into conflict with Isanavarman in Magadha, which lay between the two contending powers. From the fifth plate of the Damodarapur copperplate grant we learn that Gauda or Pundravardhana was under the Guptas till 214 6.8. (533 A.D.) (E.I., vol. XV, pp. 123-24.) Gauda must have, therefore, asserted her independence sometime between 534 and 554 A.D. Maharajadhirajas Dharmaditya, Gopachandra and Samacaradeva, whose copperplate grants have been discovered at Ghughrahati in the Faridpur district, may have been of this time. (JASB., 1911.) The words bara kamandala (circle or district of embankments), navyarakasika (new intervening space between the sea and the mainland, i.e., char lands), narata kseni (shipyard), and naudandaka (harbour or port), found in these plates go to show that the country was on the seashore at the time.6 We shall now try to see if there is any truth in the traditions of the Gauda Brahmanas and the Gauda Kayasthas that they migrated to other provinces from Gauda in Bengal. The Chandella king Yasovarman conquered Gauda (E.I., vol. I, p. 126) and the earliest mention of a Gauda-Karanika or Kavastha is found in his prasasti (eulogy) dated 1011 v.s. (954 A.D.). The culogy was written by Gauda-karanika Jadda, the son of Jayaguna, who was well-versed in the Sanskrit language (ibid., p. 129). The surname Guna is only to be met with among the Bengali Kayasthas. Mention of families of poets from Gauda and Tarkka. rika is found in the inscriptions of this Chandella dynasty of KAlannra (ibid., pp. 146 and 211). A Vastavya-Kayastha family from Takkarika held high posts, such as chief minister, chamberlain, governor of a fort, general superintendent (sarvadhikari), etc. The founder of this family was one J&juka by name. He earned a village named Dugauda ('second * That Gauda was a separate country from Kosala is evident from Panini (1-1-171 and 6-2-100). In the Kama Sutra of Vatsyavyana (6-5-33) Gauda and Vaoga have been mentioned together, having the same practice. From this we shall not be wrong to infer that this Gauda was contiguous to Vanga.

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18 ATHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1931 Gauda') from king Ganda, the grandson of king Yasovarman (E.I., vol. I, p. 333). The title Vastavya' or 'Srivastavya,' according to European antiquarians, is derived from Sravasti. Takkarika is described in this inscription as the chief among the thirtysix villages which were rendered pure by the residence of people expert in the writers' profession (karana-karmma-nivasa-pita). The village resounded with recitations of Vedas This description reminds us of the description of Tarkkari given in the Silimpur inscription. The facts that this Kayastha family migrated from Takkarika, that their name, Vastayya,' is connected with Sravasti, that the first village in Kalanjara they received as jagir was named Dugauda, or second Gauda,' probably in memory of their former residence in Gauda, and that king Yasovarman conquered Gauda, induce us to believe that this Vastavya-Kayastha family had its original home in Sravasti-Takkarika in Gauda of Bengal.' This also shows that not only the Gauda Brahmanas and Gauda Kayasthas but the Srivastavya Kayasthas, too, went to other places from Gauda in Bengal. It is not unlikely that king Yasovarman first took some of these Brahmanas and Kayasthas from Gauda and employed them in bis court. Others may have followed in their train to seek their fortunes at this and other courts. Thus we see that the traditions of the Gauda Brahmanas and the Gauda Kayasthas are not wholly unfounded. There is a substratum of truth in them. The earliest epigraphic mention of the name Kayastha that we have been able to trace hitherto, is in the Damodarpur copperplate grants of the fifth and the sixth century A.D. There is, no doubt, mention of the word in some of the earliest Dharma-samhitas, Puranas and Sanskrit dramas, such as the Viru-samhita, Yajnavalkya-samhita, Vrhat-parasara samhita, Brahma-purdna, Padmapurana, etc., Myochakafika and Mudra-raksasa, but nobody has yet been able to fix the dates of these texts with any precision. Anyhow, we believe, the word is not found earlier than the third century A.D. This leads us to think that the Kayasthas had their original home in northern Bengal. We may now conclude that (1) Mr. Radha Govinda Basak was right in thinking that the Sravasti mentioned in the Silimpur inscription was situated in Pundra or Gauda and must be identified with the city of the same name mentioned in the Matsya and the Karma Purdnas. (2) Sravasti-Tarkkari in Gauda of Bengal was not only the abode of learned Brahmanas but of learned Kayasthas as well. BOOK-NOTICES. THE ANTIQUITIES OY SIND, with Historical Outline, seems to have been completod five years ago, as the by H. COUNS, M.R.A.S. Archeological Survey preface is dated in January 1925. Consequently of India, vol. XLVI, Imperial Serien. 127x01: but brief allusion has been made (p. 168) to Mohenjopp. vii+184, with 103 plates (4 in colours). daro (or Mohenjo-dhado, as Mr. Cousens writes the Calcutta, 1929. name), the site to which such outstanding import. We welcome the appearance of this richly illustrated ance now attaches. Though the work is not, there. monograph by the veteran archaeologist, who was fore, altogether up-to-date, it contains much matter sociated for so many years of his service with of permanent value, and will serve hereafter ag Western India and Sind. It is based primarily an important adjunct to the detailed accounts now upon his own explorations and rorohes carried in preparation of the results of the many years' out many years ago, for Mr. Cousens retired in 1910, excavations at Mohenjo-daro and of Bir Aurel Stein's but it incorporates the regults of further excavations recent and most important exploration in Jhalawan, carried out by his successors, as he has kept in close Kharan and Makrin, which, with the work already touch with subsequent developments; each section done by Mr. Hargreaves and others in Baluchistan, in fact boars witne to the personal interest that has should throw a flood of light upon the old Indus inspired him in his work. Publication was first valley civilization and its connexion with the delayed by the outbreak of the great war. It ancient Iranian and Mesopotamian oultures. "Likco Bravaatt-Takichild, Bravant-Siyamba ww perhaps one of the thirty-six village when the Kaynathes rouided. For we find in the Ratnapur Inscription of Prithideve, that a Vaatavyn-Kayastha named Dovagnos orooled templo of five at a village named Samba (Ep. Ind., vol. I. p. 46). This Samba mighi de corruption of Siyamba, wherefrom this Vestavy-Kaynatha family might have migrated to Ratnapur and named their new todabod after the old in Gouda

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JANUARY, 1931 ] BOOK NOTICES 19 To appreciate the antiquities of Sind, it is essential at the site, but it remained for Mr. Cousens to reveal to visualize them in their geographical and historical the details of the structure, which presents some Bettings, 80 Mr. Cousens has appropriately prefaced features of special interest. He found that the his descriptions by two chapters dealing with the whole stdpa had apparently sunk, owing to the ever-shifting rivers and the history of the province. weight of the superincumbent tower and defective His researches in these directions have enabled him foundations, at the time of its completion or very to establish certain identifications which should soon after, and had been buttressed up all round help towards & correct conception of the configura - with deep and solid brickwork, to which was due the tion of the lower Indus valley in early times. The remarkable proservation of the seven half-lifemort interesting sections are those describing the size figures of the Buddha found in their original Brahmanabad, Mirpur-Khas and Thathah sites. positions. The Mir Rukan stupa, on the other More than thirty years ago Mr. Cousens, after two hand, which had also been explored by Mr. Gibbs or three seasons' work at the first-named sito, in 1858, had not had any such protection, and little confirmed the identification of the ancient city had escaped from plundering hands. The most of Brahmanabad or Bahmanabad made by Mr. interesting feature of the Sulheran-jo-dhado stupa, Bellasis in 1854, and proved that the thul, or tower' when openod up by Mr. Bhandarkar, was the find was the remains of a Buddhist stupa. The Muham. ing of a dagoba made of sun-dried bricks covered madan city of Mansura had evidently been built with plaster, completely built in and imbedded in the upon the ruins of the old Hindu city, while the tower. Mr. Bhandarkar came to the conclusion detached block of ruins to the south-east represent, that this stupa could not be of later date than in his opinion, the site of the fort called Mahfuze. the time of Kanishka. Having regard to the legend Deper Ghangro, six miles to the north-east, where about the king of Kashmir recorded in the Mujmal he discovered the remains of another Buddhist stupa, at tawarikh, Mr. Cousens suggests it is possible that he is inclined to identify with the Buddhist colony | Kanishka, whose dominions included Sind, may of Sawandi, mentioned in the Mujmal at-taudrikh have had a line of stupas down the valley of the as having boon built by the king of Kashmir, and Indus erected to commemorato a visit to that he guggests that this king may have been the great province, and he calls to mind in this connexion Kanishka. These identifications appear somewhat ! the remains at Sue Vihar and Shorkot. conjectural. The Mujmal at tawdrikh states that I In many ways the most interesting chapter is the name Sawandi was derived from the Hindi | that on "Dewal-Thathah." More than 30 years word for * ocean'; if that be so, we should expect ago Mr. Cousons pointed out that Dewal (the Dobal it to have lain in the vicinity of the sea, but even of the Arab geographers) would seem to have been so in Kanishka's time the coast-line cannot have been called on account of a fine temple, which stood in anywhere near that site. It is possible that the or near the town, and that close by Thathah wo name S&wandi may have meant simply the village of have the remains of such a temple rebuilt by the the dramaras (or Buddhiste).' The "chessmen" of Muhammadans into their old tombe. For instance, Mr. Bellasis he has clearly shown to have been the tomb of Jam Niramu'd-din (circa 1508) had merely balusters or spindles for insertion between boen" built in great part of materials from an old rails and knobs or finials to be let into top rails as an Hindu temple, which, judging from the beautiful ornamental finish. Whether the original name sculptured details, was of great magnificence," of the ancient city was Bahmanabad or Brahmand- and around this tomb are "several other buildings bad he leaves an open question. Different views supported upon Hindu columns from which all figure have been expressed as to how the old city came to sculpture has been etiaced, and which have Hindu be abandoned and the site deserted. Mr. Beilasis domes and finials." His further researches would favourod the theory of an earthquake. Mr. Couseng appear to have confirmed him in the view then prefers to think that the city was sacked by an formed, and ho now definitely links "Dewal - enemy, tho inhabitants being put to the sword. Thathah " as one site. We may say that a rocent He suggests that the silence of the Muhammadan study of the records of the old Muhammadan geohistorians might be due to the fact that this sack graphers and historians in another connexion leads was carried out by the Hindus; but this would to a very similar conclusion, viz., that twelve hardly explain the complete destruction of all the hundred years ago the sea was close by the southern buildings or the total abandonment of the site, end of the Makli hills, and that the old town of which had been a Hindu one previously. It seems Debel referred to in the Chach-ndma and by the moro ronsonable to suppose that some other cause early Arab geographers was either on, or in the had operated. An earthquaku might not only have immediate vicinity of, these hills. The question wrecked the buildings, but also diverted the course cannot be fully dealt with frere; but two references of the river, which we know from so many accounts may be cited perhaps, as these would seem to mave flowed by Mangars on the east: in fact what hap- boen overlooked in previous discussions. In the pened at Alor may have happened at Mansara. Chach-ndma we are told that Nirun wae 25 farsange The existence of the stupa at Mirpur-Khle has been from Debal, and the fort at, or close to, Sohwin cap. known since 1859, when Mr. Gibbs made excavationstured by Muhammad bin Qisim was 30 farsange from

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1931 Nirun. Now the gite of Nirun is established, and is, therefore, a fixed point. The site of Sehwin has not varied since that time. If from Nirun de centre a circle be drawn with radius equal to five-sixths of the distance from Niron to Sehw&n, it will be found to pass through the southern end of the Makli hills. Then, Khwarizmi (circa 833) gives the latitude and longitude of Debal as 24deg 20' and 920.0', and of Nirun 68 230-30' and 920-20', respectively. These figures are of no particular value in sc, but they afford an indication of the comparative positions of the two places, viz., that Nirun lay 50 minutes of latitude north, and 20 minutes of longitude east, of Debal. It will be evident from a reference to a large scale map how closely this fits in with the Assumption that Debal lay near the present site of Thathah. On p. 125 Mr. Cousens cites Ma's udi as stating that Debal was two days' journey from the junction of the Mihran with the sea. In his Muruj al-zahab Ma'sudi writes that the two branches of the Mihran fall into the sea at Shakara (or Shagara), a town subordinate to Mansara, two days' journey from Debal. It is not quite clear what is meant by two branches entering the see there. But in his later work, the Kitab al-tanbih wa'l ishrdf, he distinctly writes that the river falls into the sea about two farrange from the town of Debal on the coast of Sind; and here he corroborates his predecessor, Ibn Khurdadba, whose work was held in high esti. mation by other Arab geographers. The useful map prepared by the author (Plate CIII) shows the situation of all the stupas and the other remains described in the monograph C. E. A. W. O. the upper part of medial fare particularly badly. On the first page of the text there are ton such errors, and there are many lines which contain more than one mistake. For example, linee 328 and 333 each contain four mistakes, lines 69 and 271 each have four, line 86 is illegible in two places and line 337 contains & big gap, which makes the line meaningless. The foreword to the volume refers to the exceptional beauty and accuracy of the manuscript as a reason for deciding to have it reproduced by this process. This is very high praise and may not meet with universal assent. Dr. Hadi Hasan's penman. ship is extremely neat, both in Persian and English, but I doubt whether it would meet with the approval of an Oriental calligraphist, and I do not personally consider his handwriting in English pleasing. As for accuracy, we find the word "gwitness" in foot. note 20 of the very first page as a rendering of Q in the Persian. The critical methods of the editor of the text do not always seem to be sound. In line 324 the word appears as follows z dwstn tw khly mbd khlwt w shdy z dshmnn tw Gy'b mbd shywn w mtm The footnote shown that other readings are to be found, ie either of which gives a , `zt and `shrh , FALIRI-1-SHIRWANI, Diwax. Edited by HADI HASAN, PH.D. James G. Forlong Fund, vol. IX. The Royal Asiatic Society, 1929. This book of only 83 pages constitutes the second part of the work of Dr. Hadi Hasan, dealing with the extant poems of Falaki of Shirwan. The introductory volume was dealt with by me in a review in 1929 and I came to the conclusion that it was a first-rate piece of scholarly work. The present volume contains the actual Persian text of the 1197 couplets, which a critical examination of the available sources by the editor has induced him to regard as the entire existing residuum of the poet's work, together with footnotes detailing the various read. ings and also in some cases explaining difficulties in the original text. References have also been given in the case of numerous quotations fom the Quran in the poem. It seems to me a great pity that it was decided to have Dr. Hadi Hasan's manuscript copy of the text and his English notes reproduced by a photographic process. This Replika process is singolarly Bl-adapted to the reproduction of an Oriental text. A great many letters are continually left out, either wholly or in part. The robber's !, ); , and much better sense than yle, which is quite out of place. In line 306 the word of, which is obviously right, has been substituted for the meaning. less us of the Munich MS., but it has not been stated in the footnote whether this is a conjecture or is supported by any authority. In line 347, the opening couplet of the eleventh Qasida, the editor has expunged the at the end of Sols and be u, though the metre of the poem (Munsarih). shows that the is necessary on metrical grounds, just as it is established by the sense. In line 361 a Quranic phrase (L A ) has been overlooked. An examination of the work of Falaki seems to fastify the doubt expressed by Professor Nicholson whether the labour devoted to his poetical remains might not have been more usefully concentrated on some writer more interesting and meritorious. His best poems seem to be the four longest, the three Tarkib-bands (all in the Mupari' metre, the first Akhrab and acatalectic and the other two Akhrab and Makfuf and catalectic), and the tenth Qasida, which is in the Mujtass metre (Makhbun and acatalectic). The first line of this Qasida, line 271, contains three errors of the type mentioned before, an alif being completely omitted and , being twice mutilated beyond recognition. Falaki possessed a command over the stock artifice ana technique of the verse-writer in Persian, but his verses show no signs of originality of style or of thought. R. P. DEWBURST.

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FEBRUARY, 1931 ] CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES 21 CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES. By R. R. HALDER. (Continued from page 5.) After Chitor was taken by Akbar and placed in charge of Abdul Majid Asaf Khan, Mahar. Ana Udayasimha with his few remaining nobles retired from the hills to his new capital Udaipur, the foundations of which had already been laid by him before Chitor was besieged by Akbar. He died at Gogunda in 1572 A.D., and his valiant sucoessor, the great Maharana Prat&pasimha (1572-97 A.D.), waged a long and strenuous warfare with Akbar, and surseeded in recovering most of the places in Mewar, except Chitor, Mandalgash and a few others.76 Pratapa's suocessor, Amarasimha (1697-1620 A.D.), was also involved in operations against Akbar and against Jahangir, who maintained his father's foreign policy. The latter, in the first year of his reign, despatched a large force against Mewar under the command of Prince Parvez and Asaf Khan Ja'far Beg. While fighting was going on in Mewar, Jahangir fixed his headquarters at Ajmer and from there sent Prince Khurram to the front. Khurram conducted the campaign with extraordinary ability and pressed the Rajpats very hard. After a strenuous struggle Maharana Amarasimha opened negotiations with Khurram in 1615 A.D. and submitted proposals for peace. The emperor accepted the terms offered and authorized Kl urram to conclude a treaty. By it the Maharana agreed to recognize the Mughal supremacy and to send his son to the imperial court, being exempted from appearing at court himself, as well as from giving any territorial compensation or indemnity to the emperor. But one irksome condition of the treaty was that, though Chitor was to be restored to the Rana, it was never to be fortified or repaired.76 This treaty, however, was not adhered to by Amarasimha's posterity. Ran& Jagatsimha (1628-52 A.D.) and Maharana Rajasimha (1652-80 A.D.), set about repairing and rebuilding the fortress. So, during the reign of Rajasimha, on 22nd Zi'l-qa'da of the Hijri year 1064 (1663-54 A.D.), the emperor Shah Jahan despatched 'Allami (Sadullah Khan) with a large force for the purpose of demolishing the fort of Chitor. On arrival within 12 kos of Chitor he began plundering and devastating the country. On the 5th of Zi'l-hijja of the same year, having reached Chitor, he directed his workmen to pull down the fortifications. In the course of a fortnight they laid the towers and battlements in ruins and lovelled the whole with the ground. The Maharana then sent off a letter of apology to the court, along with his eldest son and some of his principal men. A farman was then issued by the emperor to 'AllAmi directing that, since the fort had been demolished and the Rana had sent his son to the imperial court, he (the Rana) should be forgiven and that 'AllAmi should return with his army to the royal presence.17 After this, Chitor enjoyed a respite for about 27 years, when it was visited by the emperor Aurangzeb in 1680. A.D., during the reign of Maharana Rajasimha, against whom he had deolared war in 1879 A.D. Among the causes of this war, 18 the following may be mentioned Maharan Rajasimha had offered proteotion to the infant son Ajit of the deceased Maharaja Jasavantasimha of Jodhpur, whom Aurangzeb wanted to keep in his own custody. Besides, the Maharana had sent men into Marwar to fight on the side of the Rashore against the emperor who had unjustly occupied Marw&r. On the other hand, the revival of the jaziya tax on the Hindus and an order addressed to the Maharand to enforoe it in his territory, the policy of the emperor in destroying Hindu temples, as well as the annexation of Marwer to the Mughal empire after the death of its ruler Jasavantasimha, had already exasperated the Maharana. The 76 Smith's Akbar, p. 163; Burgess' Chronology, p. 63. 76 History of Jahangir by Boni Prosad, pp. 223-242. 11 Elliot's History of India, vol. VII, pp. 103-4. 78 J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangaib, vol. III, pp. 382-83. The CAUSCE mentioned in Storia do Mogor, II, pp. 236-238, are interesting though not reliable,

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1931 marriage in s. 1717(1660 A.D.) of the Maharana with Charumati, daughter of Rathor Rupasimha of Kishangarh, already betrothed to the emperor, was a further cause of this outbreak of war. On 30th November 1679, Aurangzeb left Ajmer for Udaipur. The Maharana retired with his subjects to the hills. The pass of Deobari was occupied by the emperor on 4th January 1680. The capital, Udaipur, being found evacuated, was occupied by the emperor. Chitor had already been occupied by the Mughals, and 63 temples were destroyed when the emperor visited it at the end of February 1680. The power of Mewar being seemingly crushed, Aurangzeb returned to Ajmer on 22nd March 1680. But a strong force under Prince Akbar was kept in Mewar, with Chitor and its vicinity as a base. Yet the Mughals did not succeed in suppressing the Rajputs. Sometimes they suffered heavy reverses. For example, one of their divisions under Hasan 'Ali Khan was lost among the hills. After strenuous fighting for sometime, the R&jputs headed by Durgadasa Rathos seduced Prince Albar to rebel against his father and seize the throne. The prince Sell into the trap, and on 1st January 1681 crowned himself emperor. He then marched with a large army of Rajputs and Mughals combined towards Ajmer to try conclusions with his father, and encamped in the night at Deorai, about three miics from the emperor's camp, fixing the following morning for the final struggle. But during the night Aurangzeb turned the tables on him by writing a deceitful letter,794 which caused the Rajpots to desert Prince Akbar, who, thus abandoned, fled in the morning towards Marwar, with a few Rajput followers under Durgadasa Rathor. From Marwar the prince fled to Mewar and thence to the Deccan, finally reaching the Maratha Sambhaji's court at Raigarh. This junction of Akbar with the Maratha king caused much alarm to the emperor at a time when fighting was already going on in northern India against the Rajputs of Marwar and Mewar. Consequently, Aurangzeb had hastily to patch up peace with Maharana Rajasimha's successor, Jayasimha (1680-98 A.D.), in June 1681, and soon after he proceeded to the Deccan in person. By this peace, the Mughals withdrew from Chitor and other towns in Mewas excepting Mandal, Pur and Badnor, which were ceded to the Mughal by the Maharana in lieu of the jaziya demanded from his kingdom.80 After Aurangzeb's death his successor, Bahadur Shah, threatened Mewas with attack, but the danger was wisely averted by Maharana Amarasimha II (1698-1710 A.D.) by sending a letter of congratulation and some presents through his brother Bakhtsimha.81 The last attack on Chitor was made by the Marathas during the time of Rana Bhimasimha (1778-1828 A.D.). For a long time before this, a feud had been going on between the Saktavate (descendants of Sakta, the brother of Maharana Pratap I.) and the Chandavats (descendants of Chunda, brother of Maharan& Mokala) as to who should remain in the van of the army, a privilege that was greatly esteemea. Later on, this feud developed into a question of personal ambition to govern the country. About the time when Bhimasimha came to the throne the Saktavats were becoming prominent and powerful owing to their numbers. Some years previously the Chundavats had called in Zalimsimha, the regent of Kotah, to assist them in the organization of the State. Zalimsimha, however, spent his time in self-aggrandizement, and he found in the Chandavats the chief obstacle to his designs. He, therefore, sided with the Saktavate and secured help from the Maratha Sindhia under Ambaji, to assist him in taking Chitor, into which the Chundavats were forced to throw themselves. The latter, 79 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, pp. 440-41. zate saptadaze pUrNa varSe saptadaze ttH| gatvA kRSNagar3he divyo mahatyA senayA yutH|| dikhIzArtha rakSitAyA rAjasiMhanarezvaraH / rAThor3arUpasiMhasya putryAH pANigrahaNaM myadhAta // Rajaprasasti Mahakdoya, canto 8, Slokas 29 and 30. 788 This letter was so contrived as to fall into the hands of the Rajputs. In it Aurangzeb praised Akbar for having won over the Rajputs as ho had been instruoted and now he should crown his service by bringing the Rajputs into a position, where they would be under the fire of both armies. 80 J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, vol. III, pp. 384-422. 81 W. Irvine, The Later Moghuls, vol. I, p. 46. The name of the Maharana's brother WAB Takhtairha.

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Plate II Twin Antiquat. Fig. 33. VIJAYANAGARA--The so-called Lotus Mahal, probably the residence of Rama Raya : to the right a watch-tower : to the left an artificial lake. Fig. 4. VIJAYANAGARA.- Interior of the so-called Lotus Mahal, probably Rama Raya's palace called Ratna-kda.

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Plate 1. Indian Antiquary Fig. 1. VIJAYANAGARA. -The so-called Zenana, probably the prison of Emperor Sadasiva Raya : a wateh-tower in one of the corners. VIJAYANAGARA.- Fig. 2. corner of the so-called Zenana, showing one of the watch-towers, and the elephant stables.

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FEBRUARY, 1931) THE PRISON OF EMPEROR SADASIVA RAYA 23 however, intrigued with Ambaji, were reconciled to the Rand and procured the dismissal of both Zalimsimha and the army of Sindhia on payment to the latter of 20 lakhs levied on both clans.82 It will thus be seen that Chitor suffered from four great, and several minor, attacks from time to time. The fortress has played an important part, not only in the history of Rajputana but also in the history of India. Though we have no definite historical evidence in respect of it prior to the eighth century of the Christian era, nevertheless, its use as a stronghold probably goes back to a remote past. From the close of the mediaval period it became the cynosure of the rulers of India : hence its grievous sufferings. By the middle of the nineteenth century, it was practically reduced to a state of desolation, till the work of repairing it was begun by Maharana Sajjansimha and continued by the deceased Maharana. In fine, those that had once raised their swords against this noble fortress have perished and their descendants have disappeared in the mist of obscurity, but Chitorgath, though worn by vicissitude and stricken in years, proud to be still in the possession of its own lord, still rears its stately head above the plain, its honour untarnished and its fame imperishable. THE PRISON OF EMPEROR SADASIVA RAYA. By Rev. H. HERAS, S.J. In the first volume of my history of The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, I described at length the three stages by which the Prime Minister of Emperor Sadasiva, the well-known Rama Raya, finally usurped the imperial authority. These three different phases of his usurpation are substantiated by foreign travellers and chroniclers, and confirmed by inscriptions and coins. 1 He first posed as standing on the same level with, and practically enjoying the same authority as, the Emperor Sadasiva. Then he proceeded to imprison the sovereign, whom he showed to his subjects once a year only. Finally even this ceremony was suppressed, while rumours were ounningly spread throughout the empire that the Emperor Sadasiva had died. After this the enthronement of Rama Raya as Emperor of Vijayanagara came in the natural course of events. While narrating the second of these stages, I wrote in the above-mentioned book as follows: "Couto [a Portuguese Chronicler who gives the most important details about Sadesiva's imprisonment] does not say where this tower for prison) was situated. Several insoriptions of the time affirm that Sadasiva resided at Vijayanagara. But this is not a satisfactory proof; because even supposing that he was imprisoned at Penukonda, his subjeots could readily have been led to believe that he was still at Vijayanagara. Nevertheless we are inclined to think that he remained in his capital. ....." Indeed Emperor Sadasive was shown once every year to his subjects, and this ceremony would naturally take place in the capital itself. Moreover, all the contemporary sources that speak of the battle of Raksasatangadi (formerly called Talikota) state that Tirumala, Rama Raya's brother, after the battle ran to Vijayanagara to fetch the Emperor Sadasiva, who was "kept prisoner" there, and then fled with him to their final refuge. Now where was this prison of the Emperor Sadasiva situated? This question was always on my lips when I visited the ruins in 1926. But the great havoc caused by four centuries in the buildings of the old capital, and the boards placed without much historical accuracy by the Archaeological Department, mislead the researchers so that I could not trace this building. But in my last visit to the ancient capital in the month of April 1929, I made a new search, taking as a guide the Portuguese ohronicler Couto. This writer is the only one who, to some extent, describes Sadasiva's prison. He says that it was a strongly fortified tower with iron doors, and surrounded by sentries; neverthe. less his treatment while there was such as befitted a king. Now the Portuguese phrase, 83 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 618. 101. Herme, The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, 1, pp. 28-39. Ibid., p. 31. 3 mm Predpriok, in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, X, p. 93. Couto, Decadas, VI, p. 383.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . FEBRUARY, 1931 huma torre fortissima, which was literally translated " a strongly fortified tower,"according to the terminology common in those days among Portuguesa and Spanish writers alike, simply means "a well-equipped fortress." Accordingly it naturally supposes high, strong walls encircling the premises, with several sentry boxes on the top of the walls--these sentries are also mentioned by Couto-and a palace inside to serve as the dwelling of the emperor; for, as the Portuguese writer expressly mentions, Sadasiva was there treated as a king. Moreover the fact mentioned by Frederick, that the young emperor was shown to his subjects once a year while in prison, seems to suggest a high tower which wouid enable a great number of his subjects to see their unfortunate monarch. And since it was not the intention of Rama Raya to betray the fact that Sadasiva was imprisoned, this place would have to be inside the royal enclosure. All this proves, moreover, that this so-called fortress would not be very oxtensive, but only sufficient for the king's palace and some gardens for his enjoyment. After much examination I could not find any place agreeing with these details, except the so-called Zenana. Now it is evident that this enclosure would not be large enough to afford shelter and amusement to the hundreds of women that formed the harem of the emperors of Vijayanagara. Hence most probably it is not the Zenana at all. Let us kee what else it is likely to be. The so-called Zenana is a quadrangular enclosure surrounded by very high walls, the construction of which is totally unlike that of the walls encircling the seven enclosures of Vijayanagara. This enclosure contains two main buildings and four secondary ones. Almost in the centre of these is the base of an edifice exactly like the bases of other buildings we come across within the royal enclosure. This building was apparently of the same style and belonged to the same period as the edifices of the royal enclosure. But the other five buildings, including that which we have classified as one of the main buildings of this enclosure, belong to an altogether different style of architeoture. These five buildings are the Lotus Mahal or Council Hall; three sentry towerg in the north-eastern. south-eastern and south-western corners, and a small oblong house attached to the northern wall, apparently destined for the servants. The fact that these five buildings are in a different architectural style naturally foroes us to compare it with the style of the other civil buildings of Vijayanagara. This new style has been called "Indo-Muslim style," and has been explained as dua to Musulman influence at the Vijayanagara court. In the book above referred to I advanced the theory that these buildings were put up by the Decoani Sultans during their six months' stay at Vijayanagara, after the battle of Raksasatagadi." Yet a more careful examination of these buildings has forced me to change my view. In the Lotus Mahal itself, at the point of the arches of the ground floor, one discovers the kefrtimukha, which is a purely Hindu feature, and what is still more decisive, inside the oupola of the same building there are several Hindu images plaoed in niches, that form part of the original design of the build. er of that edifice. Moreover, there are three buildings in the Tamil country, built in the same style, which were not built by the Musulmans. These are the great and the small mahal at Chandragiri and the square tower in the inner enclosure of the Gingi fort. Now the two mabals of Chandragiri were beyond doubt built by Venkata II, who first became Viceroy of the Tamilakam there, and then established the capital of the empire in the same place. The Hindu Muslim buildings of Vijayanagara were most likely built during the same period. They evidently disclose a marked Muslim influenoe in the capital of the Hindu empire. Such Muslim influence was evident during the regency of Rama Raya, when the capital itself gave shelter to Ibrahim Quib Shah. then . fugitivo prince of Golkonda8; and received with great honours 'All 'Adil Shah II bimself, the Bultan of Bijapur, who went to pay & visit to Rama Raya: 6 Cf. Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, pp. 247-248, 370, 382. Longhurst, Ruins of Hampi, p. 78 ff. 1 Heras, O.C., p. 227. & Ibid., pp. 81-83. 9 Ibid., p. 87.

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FEBRUARY, 1931 ] THE PRISON OF EMPEROR SADASIVA RAYA During this period the buildings in the Zenana enolobure were undoubtedly put up, except one, the edifice on the central stone base. Accordingly, this style may properly be called the Aravidu style of South Indian architecture. Now the precise period when the buildings were erected is not very difficult to determine. After the battle of Talikota, during the short stay of Tirumala Raya at Vijayanagara, the new regent's sole thought was to prepare the empire for future wars with the Deccani Musalmans, as his wish of buying horses from the Portuguese evidently shows. Moreover, the same fact, carefully recorded by Frederick, shows that Tirumala had not much money to spend uselessly on erecting new buildings in a deserted city, for he had not enough money even to pay the Portuguese merchants for the horses sold to him. 10 It is therefore evident that those buildings were built in the time of Rama Raya. His purpose in erecting such edifices was intimately connected with his ambitious project to usurp the throne. When he decided to imprison the youngem peror, he did not intend to throw him into a dark dungeon, but to place him in one of the old palaces of the royal enclosure to serve as a residence befitting a king. He erected a wall round the plot-for, after all, that palace was to be a prison but it was not necessary that this wall should be as thick and strong as the walls of the other enclosures of the city. This would explain the difference between the walls of the so-called Zenana and the other walls of the city. A prison, moreover, required guards, and on this account three watch towers were built in the corners (the fourth one being perhaps ruined). The small house attached to the northern wall was undoubtedly for the servants. The pur. pose of the Lotus Mahal is another proof of the cunning nature of that great politician. The Svaramolakalanidhi informs us that Rama Raya constructed for himself a palace called Ratna-kita, which was surrounded by gardens adorned with statues and tanks abounding with swans. 11 Now, we do not know of any other building in the so-called HinduMuslim style which could be the Ratna-kuta, the residence or palace of the great ruler. In all probability the so-called Lotus Mahal is the Ratna-kita. It is surrounded by a pit or ditch, which could be filled up with water. Thus the building became like a small island in the centre of a small lake. Another small lake or tank is to be seen on the northern side of this mahal. The smallness of this palace does not create any objection against this identification. For Rama Raya was not living there. It was a place for recreation and enjoyment. "Seat. ed within this palace," again says the Svaramelakalanidhi," he spent his time in the midst of soholars versed in literature, music and other arte."19 It was very convenient for Rama Raya's purposes to build this palace for enjoyment within the walls of the Emperor Sadasiva's prison. It was necessary for the latter not to realize that he had wholly lost his freedom. Thus the regent could safely and steadily climb the steps to the throne. Had Sadasiva realized his real state, he would perhaps have broken his shaing, and the plans of Rama Raya would have suddenly failed. The fact that Sadakiva's "treatment while there was such as befitted a king," as noted by Couto, proves the intention of the far-sighted regent. To build the Ratna-kata within the walls of the empe. ror's prison was the wigest stroke of his ambitious policy. How could Sadasiva imagine that he was in prison, when his regent, the real master of the whole empire, came to spend the hours of his recreation within the walls of his own garden The above reflexions will show how probable it is that the so-called Zenapa was the prison of Emperor Sadasiva Raya; and though this theory does not reach certainty, it is nevertheless better founded than that which assumes the enclosure to be the harem of the emperors of Vijayanagara. It would therefore be prudent for the Archaeological Department to remove the board stating that the enclosure is the Zenada, and substitute another suggesting that the encloapire was probably the prison of Emperor Sadasiva Ropa betwoon 1650 and 1565. 10 Purchas, His Pilgrimes, X. p. 94. 11 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources of Vijayanagara History, p. 190. 19 Ibid.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1931 SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1554-1556 A.D. BY C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I., I.C.. (Retired.) (Continued from page 8.) The identification of these two rivers is important from a geographical point of view, as illustrating the courses of the Panjab rivers at a definite date. The first may be identified without any hesitation with the Sutlej, because in this case Sidi 'Ali calls the river by the name by which the Sutlej is still known to the local people, the Ghara, a name under which (in a variety of spellings) it appears in its lower course on nearly all old maps. We know also that the Sutlej had at a much earlier date abandoned its ancient Ghaggar-Hakra channel, joining the TrinAb near Ucch. But the question of the identity of the second river is a more difficult one. There is evidence to show that the Chenab filowed to the east of Multan as late as 1245 A.D., and that by 1397 it had shifted its channel farther north and west, flowing to the west of that town. We also know that up till the end of the fourteenth century at least the Ravi flowed to the east and south of Multan, but we do not know exactly as yet when it shifted its course to the north and west, to join the Chenab to the north of Multan, as it does at present.66 We also know that the Bids until comparatively recent historical times flowed through the middle of the Maltan district from east to west, joining the Chenab, or rather the Trinkb, near Thoh Kalan, some 20 miles south of Shujabad. To judge from what Abu'lfaal writes in his Ain-i-Akbari, it would seem to have been flowing in this channel in Akbar's time. If this be so, it would appear reasonable to conclude that it took that course in Sidi 'Ali's time also, and that this was the second big river he had to cross between Vooh and Maltan. A difficulty, however, arises in this connexion if we read Ibn Batllla's account of his journey from Sind to Delhi (c. 1334). He tells us that, when on the way from Ucoh to Maltan at a distance of ten "miles " from the latter city, he crossed the river called Khusrabad,67 which was one of the big rivers and could only be crossed by boat. There the mer. chandise of travellers was examined in the strictest fashion and their baggage was ransacked. As he mentions only one river as having to be crossed between the two towns, the question arises, was it the Bids or the Sutlej?. If by "miles " he meant farsangs (as I suspect he did elsewhere), the distance from Malten would correspond with the known old channel of the BiAA.' In any case the Sutlej must have been much farther from Maltan , and possibly in Ibn Batata's day the Sutlej had not yet adopted the channel that joins the Trinkb to the north of Uoch, which it evidently had before Sidi 'Ali crossed it. We may conclude, therefore, that the two rivers orossed by our author were the Sutlej and the Bids. In the middle of the month of Ramazan (on the 15th Ramazan, i.e., the 3rd August, aocord. ing to Vambery's translation) Sidi 'Ali arrived in Maltan. Here, he tells us, he visited the tombs of Bahau'd-din Zakariya and Ruknu'd-din ; and thus we find further corroboration of the accuraoy of his record. The shrines of Bahau'd-din (c. 565 to 665 A.H.) and his grandson Ruknu'd-din are still centres of attraction at Maltan for Muhammadan pilgrims and travellers. From Maltan he moved on to a place which Vambery transcribes as Sad kere, and Diez as Sadkereh (O sho). There can be little doubt that this should read Shorkot. Thence he went on to Lahore, where he arrived in the beginning of Shauwd1,58 or, say, between the 19th and 25th August, when fighting was still going on in the northern 65 I.G., X, 190. Albiruni, however, says the Chenab passed to the west of Maltan, which seems to conflict with the viows expressed by Major Raverty. 80 From what Abo'l-tapl writes in his Ain-i-Akbart it would appear to have shifted to its more north channel by his time, and we may perhapo prosume that it had taken that course before stai 'All's day. 87 8o. Dofromary and Sanguinetti, Voyages d'Ion Batoul, III, 117. The name KhusroAbad is poslo; I can find no place of this name in the region concerned. It may of course have been the name of town or village on the bank of the river Dear a ferry, that has sinco disappeared. It is just possible that . mistake hos ocurred in tho text, and that Kahror may have been intended, as this place lay by the sido 01 an old channel of the Bils. 58 Shauwdl 962 A.H. corresponding with 19th August to 17th September 1655.

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FEBRUARY, 1031) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1554-1556 AD. Panjab between Humayun and the last of the Sur dynasty claimants to the crown. Humayun had started from Kabul in the previous November to regain his throne ; he had oooupied Lahore in February ; he had won a decisive victory near Sirhind on the 22nd June over Sikandar Khan Sor, the nephew of the great Sher Shah ; and had established himself in Delhi in July, only a month before Sidi 'Ali reached Lahore. In accordance with his usual practice, our author breaks off from the narrative of his itinerary to give a brief, but fairly accurate, summary of the political situation, which may be quoted here (as translated by Vambery) as a fair sample of his notes on local political affairs : "After the death of Selim Shah, a son of Shir Khan, the former sovereign of Hindustan, Iskender Khan had come to the throne. When the Padishah Humayun heard this, he immediately left Kabul and marched his army to India, took Lahore, and fought Iskender Khan near Sahrand. He won the battle and took 400 elephants, besides several cannon and 400 chariote. Iskender Khan escaped to the fortress of Mankut, and Humayun sent Shah Abul-Maali with a detachment of soldiers after him. Humayun himself proceeded to his residence at Delhi and despatched his officers to different places. The Osbeg, Iskender Khan, he sent to Agra, and others to Firuzahah, Senbel,60 Bayana and Karwitch.61 War raged on all sides, and when I arrived at Lahoro the Governor, Mirza Shah,69 would not let me continue my journey until I had seen the Padishah (Humayun). After sending the latter word of my arrival, he received orders to send me forthwith to Delhi. Meanwhile a whole month had been Wasted, but finally we were sent off with an escort." Crossing "the river of Sultergur,"3 by which is here meant the Bias in its old channel), and marching via Firuzshah, Sidi 'Ali reached Delhi in twenty days towards the end of 2 a'l-qa'da, 6* that is to say about the middle of the month of October 1555. He tells us that out of respect for his monarch, the Sultan of Turkey, he was accorded a brilliant reception, the Khan-khanans and other high officers with several thousand troops being deputed to meet him. The same evening the Khan-khanan gave a banquet for him and his party, and then he was granted an audience by the emperor. After being presented to Humeyin, Sidi 'Ali offered some gift, accompanied by a chronogram upon the conquest of India and two ghazals, "all of which pleased the Padishah greatly." But when he begged permission to proceed on his journey, Humayun refused to grant this, wishing to retain him, and offered him an assignment of revenue amounting (as would appear from the translations at least) to & crore of rupees! Declining this, Sidi Alf expressed his anxiety to continue his journey, but Humayun replied that he should stay at least for a year. The emperor even suggested that he might send an envoy to Constantinople, carrying an explanation from the admiral of his inability to return; but Sidi 'Ali wisely foresaw the light in which this would be regarded by his monarch. Ultimately HumAyun consented to his leaving, provided he waited till the roads, then impracticable owing to the recent rains,66 became passable, and meanwhile taught him how to calculate solar and lunar eclipses and instructed him in other astronomical matters. As we know from other sources that Humayun was interested in the heavenly bodies, this 39 The Travels and Adventures of the T'urloish Admiral Sidi Ali Reis, p. 46. 60 1.e., Sambhal, now in the Moradabad district, U. P. 81 Scil. Kanauj: Dies writee Kenouidjeh. 03 This appears to have been Mahmud Sultan Mirza, son of Ulugb Mirza, to whom, according to Blochmann, Humayan gave the name of ShAh Mirza.-Ain-s-Akbart, trana. Blochmann, I, 461-62 69 so called from the then important place, Sultanpur, which lay on the high road from the northweet frontier to Delhi, and past which the Bills flowed. Sultanpur is now in the Kapurtala State, between the Bids and the Butlej, a few miles above their present junction. Boo also Babur-ndma, trans, Mrs. Bove. ridge, II, 465, from which it appears that the Sutlej then took a more southernly coume. 64 Z4'l-qa'da 962 A..., corresponding with 17th September to 16th October 1855. 68 The famous Bairam Khan was the Khan.banen at the time. Ho may have been at headquarters 64 The translations seem to be defective, as the rainy season WM over, though the roads would'still be in bad condition. Vambery translates: "We are now close upon the three months of continuous (Binghagal)." In noto ho gives the word used in his MS. As J y adding : " binhegal, probably . Hindustani word "I Tho word used by Humayun, of course, was the Hindt baraha-kedl (Sans. T ) a term in general 180, and employed by so early a writer as Albfrank.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1931 story need not be regarded as fanciful. Sidi 'Ali accepted the inevitable, and settled down to please the emperor. It was probably his remarkable aptitude for making up verses and bis savoir faire, of which we have abundant evidence, that ingratiated him most at court, where he seems to have been in constant attendance. He tells us that one day he accompanied Humayan on horseback to visit the tombs of the celebrated Shaikhs, Qutbu'd-din Pir Dihlivi, Nizamu'd. din and Farid Shakarganj,c7 as well as that of Mir Khusrau, the poet, and Mir Hasan Dihlivi.c9 The inolusion of Farid Shakarganj in this list seems to be due to some error on our author's part, as the shrine of Shakarganj is at Pakpattan in the Montgomery district, and could not have been visited on the same day as the others. Nizamu'd-din Auliya was the successor of Faridu'd-din; and possibly their names were coupled together in Sidi 'Ali's hearing. Several anecdotes are told of conversations with Humayun and his courtiers and of poetical discussions, in which latter the emperor took special interest, commending Sidi 'Ali's efforts in this respent. We can read between the lines that the admiral had no small opinion of his own verges. Among others with whom Sidi 'Ali became acquainted at Delhi, he names the aftabchi, Abdu'r-rahman Beg, as "a courtier who also rejoiced in the confidence and affection of the monarch, and was his constant companion in private life." (Vambery.) Could this possibly have been our old friend Jauhar, his aftabchi and, later, bis historian ? At last, with the aid of some of the court favourites, Sidi 'Alimanaged to secure permission to depart. Passports were prepared ; a letter was written by Humayun to the Sultan of Turkey; all was ready for the start, when suddenly everything was thrown into eonfusion by Humayun's fatal acoident. As the evidence of an impartial witness, present at Delhi at the time and in close touch with Humayun and his entourage, the description which Sidi All gives of this accident and of the action taken to conceal the emperor's death till the heirapparent could be communicated with, is of much importance. The late Mr. H. Beveridge had recognized this when translating the relevant passage in the Akbarnama, and he accepted the record as confirming the correctness of the day of the week and month assigned for the event, viz., Friday, 24th Jan. 1656. Vambery thus translates the passage? "Humayun had given audience on Friday evening, when, upon leaving his castle of pleasure, the Muezzin announced the Ezan just as he was descending the staircase. It was his wont, wherover he heard the summons, to bow the knee in holy reverence. He did go now, but unfortunately fell down sove. ral steps, and received great injuries to his head and arm . . . . . - "Everything was confusion in the palace, but for two days they kept the matter secret. It was an. nounood to the outer world that the sovereign was in good health, and alms were distributed amongst the poor. On the third day, however, that was on the Monday, he died of his wounds .... His son Djelaleddin Ekber wag at the time away on a journey to visit Shah Ebul Maali, accompanied by the Khanikhanan. He was immediately informed of the sad event. Meanwhile the Khane and Sultans were in the greatest consternation; thoy did not know how to act. I tried to encourage them and told them how at the death of Sultan Selim the situation was saved by the wisdom of Piri Pasha, who managed to prevent the news of his death from being noised abroad. I suggested that by taking similar monsures they might keep the sovereign's death a secret until the prince should return. This adviso (wie) was tollowed. The divan (council of stato) met As usual, the nobles were summoned, and public announce ment was made that the emperor intended to visit his country seat, and would go there on horseback. Soon after, however, it was announced that on account of the unfavourable weather, the trip had to be Abandoned. On the next day publio audience was announced, but as the astrologers did not peophesy favourably for it, this also had to be given up. All this, however, somewhat alarmed the army, and on 67 It will be noticed that Sidi All give first place to Qutbu'd-din. This was Khwaja Quybu'd-din Bakhtyar KALI, whose tomb is at Mahraull, not far from the Qutb Minar, and was once the most famous shrine at Dolhi, but now ranks second to that of Nizamu'd-din Auliy&. Soo H. C. Yanakaw Delhi. Past and Present, p. 280. & The tomb of the famous poet Mir Khusrau ("Tate-i-shalar-maqal") is near that of Nig 'den Aalty. I am not aware who Mir Hasan Dihlivi wae, but local Muhammadans would doubtlou know. 70 Loc. cit., p. 66 f.

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FEBRUARY, 1931.) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1564-1658 A.D. the Tuesday it was thought advisable to give them sight of their monarch. A man called Molla Bi,71 who bore & striking resemblance to the late Emperor, only somowhat slighter of atature, was arrayed in the imperial robes and placed on a throne specially erected for the purpose in the large entrance hall. His faco and you were veilod. The Chamberlain Khoshhal72 Bey stood behind, and the first secretary in front of him, whilo many officers and dignitaries as well as the people from the riverside, on sooing their sovereign made joyful obeisance to the sound of festive music. The physicians were handsomely rowarded and the rocovery of the monarch was universally credited. "I took leave of all the grandees, and with the news of the Emperor's recovery I reached Lahore about the middle of the month of Rebiul Evvel. This was on a Thursday....." According to the translation by Diez (which is probably the more correct), it was on the day following the mook audience, that is to say, on Wednesday, that Sidi 'Ali took leave of the grandees, and next day, Thursday, in the middle of Rabi 1,73 he started on his way to Labore. Travelling via Sonpat, Panipat, Karnal, Thanesvar, Samana, Sirhind, Macchiwara and Bajwara," and crossing the "river of Sultanpur" by boat, he reached Lahore at the beginning of Rabi II, i.e., about the middle of February 1666. A day or two earlier Akbar had formally ascended the throne at Kalanaur (on the 2nd Rabi 11,76 corresponding with 14th February). Mirza Shah,76 the governor of Labore (who was there in the preceding August also) now refused to allow the travellers to proceed farther on the pretext that Akbar had issued orders that no one was to be allowed to go to Kabul or to Kandahar : so they had to turn back and go to Kalanaur, to obtain the young emperor's sanction. They came up with Akbar near the fortress of Mankot, where he had been watching the movements of Sikandar Khan. Akbar readily gave the required permission, as well as a guide and a lakh of rupees (perhaps an assignment on certain revenues, as seems likely from what Sidi Ali says later on), and told them to travel in the company of four Bege, whom he was sending with an escort to Kabul. Here Sidi 'Ali mentions that Shah Abu'l-ma'Ali, who had got into disgrace and had been placed under arrest," was put in charge of these Bege and taken to Lahore, where he was cast into jail. In the middle of Rabi II Sidi Ali and his companions quitted Lahore en route for Kabul, crossing the Ravi, which he calls the river of Lahore, in boats. Another big river was then crossed on rafts (Vambery says "of barrels and chairs"! Diez says " of planks and water pots ": they were probably ghardis) as there were no boats at hand. This was doubtless the Chenab. The river of Bharah( $y*?) was next crossed in boats. This must, I think, be intended for the Jhelum, as Bharah seems clearly to represent the modern Bhera on the side of that river, an old and onde important site lying on the main route usually followed in early times between Afghanistan and Hindustan. Babur, who orossed the Jhelum near Bhera 18 in 1519, writes in his Memoirs of the Bharah country and the Bharah people. He tells us that the Koh-i-Jud (the Salt Range) marched with their country for 14 miles. 71 Diez writes Menla Bikessi (Maula Bakhsh ?). 79 Diez does not call him Chamberlain. Here again Vambery has evidently mistranslated the text. Khushhal Bog was one of Humayun's body-guard, his bow-bender, as appears from an earlier passage in Diez. He wag in Akbar's body-guard afterwards, but later on was executed for sedition by being trampled under foot by an elephant. See Elliot, History of India, V, 322. 73 Rabi I, 963, corresponds with 14th January to 12th February 1686. The Thursday nonrest the middle of Rabi I was the 17th, corresponding to the 30th January. 74 Two miles SE. of Hoshiarpur ; now a village, but once a very important place and chief town of the district, Vambery can only suggest a place in Oudh (Bachhrawan in the Rae Bareli district 1) 76 Rabi II, 063 A..., corresponding with 13th February to 12th March 1556. 76 This Mirza Shah, or Shah Mirza, is also mentioned by Abd'l-fajl in his Akbarndma-160 trans. by Beveridge, Bibl. Indica, II, 30. See also above, noteis. 17 Seo Albarndma, trans. Beveridge, II, 27-29, for the reasons leading up to this action. 78 Mrs. Beveridge, in her Babur-ndma, I, 379-387, transcribes the name as Bhira, but Raverty (Tabaqat-i-NAsirl, pp. 1131-32, note), writes Bharah, after comparing two Persian versions with the original Turki.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1931 There follows a passage in which the translations of Vambery and Diez differ materially, ending with the statement that the Khushab and Nilab rivers were both crossed by boat. By the KhushAb can only be meant the Jhelum,79 Khushab being a town on its bank some 40 miles below Bhers: but why the passage of this river should be mentioned twice is not understood. By the Nilab is meant the Indus.80 In the beginning of Jumada I, or in the middle of March, 1556, Sidi 'Ali and his companions moved on westwards through the Khaibar Pass towards Kabul: and here we must leave them to continue their extraordinary journey and win through even greater difficulties and dangers before they reached the Bosphorus more than a year later. Enough has been written perhaps to show the great interest that attaches to this early travel story, and how well it merits study and efficient editing from a reliable text, illustrated by full historical and geographioal notes. SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from vol. LIX, page 187.) 5. Rebirth. "We were overtaken by one or two of our village friends who were on the way (p. 106) to the monastery, which lay in the direction of Kampa Dzong. .... We learned that they were carrying a new flag to present to the monastery on behalf of a poor man, who was dying of pneumonia. He was hoping that the present might enable him to acquire enough merit to secure a longer span of life, or if fate was against him and he was destined for death, that he might have a felicitous rebirth, for it seemed he had led a somewhat gay and merry life and had dreamed that as a punishment he was to be reborn as a louse." In Shway Yoe [Sir George Scott], The Burman, we read: "It is written that more hardly will a needle cast from the summit of Mt. Myinmo [Meru) across the wide Thamoddaya [Samudra] Seamore hardly will it touch with its point, as it falls, another needle, standing point upwards in the great Southern Island-than will any given creature become a human being," at the next birth. The doctrine of rebirth was introduoed into Tibet with Buddhism and is typical of Hindu philosophy generally. It is a very early fundamental belief of Hinduism, including Buddhism and Jainism. The doctrines set up by the early Brahmanic Schools of Philosophy (see my Word of Lalla the Prophetess) "were based on the Aryan instinct of the godhead and were dominated by contact with the ideas of totemistic aborigines, believing man's spirit-soul to be a separate entity, able to leave the body at will and after death to live in other human bodies and even in animate things thought to be capable of harbouring a soul." The idea arose that there was a repetition of death and rebirth for ever as the fate of mankind, and "this led eventually to seeking after release from such a prospect..... The general argument ran thus : 'this world is an illusion: the one reality is the Absolute, unchanging, inert, unknowable. The varying fortunes, characteristics and experiences of individual human beings were explained by transmigration and reincarnation of personal souls expiating the action of former lives, with a final release at last by reabsorption into the universal soul, of which they were held to be but emanations. So the merit of actionless, introspective, ascetic life, in this life, became the passport to release from rebirth. The necessity of a recurring rebirth before sufficient merit can be accumulated to obtain release led to the idea of cyclio destruction and recreation of the whole earth." At p. 29 of the same work we read: "The dread of rebirth in a humbler sphere than the present is the bugbear of a guilty conscience in all countries dominated by Hinduism." 79 It will have been noticed how many of the rivers were called after places on their banks, cf. also the wo of the ChenAb, which was called the Sodhara or Sadhara from a town of that name on its left bank. 80 This name (Nilab) seems originally to have been the name of a forry across the Indus, somo 18 milo below Attook, but it came to be applied to the river itself,

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FEBRUARY, 1931) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE - 31 6. Incarnation. "Not only is Svong-Tsang-gampo [the Constantine of Tibetan Buddhism) regarded (p. 299) as an incarnation of divinity (deification is the common lot of every great hero in Tibet), but his spirit is supposed to be reincarnate in every succeeding Dalai Lama." In The Word of Lolla (50, 53 f.) the theory of reincarnation is explained thus: "It was propounded by the Vaishnava Hindus out of the theory of the transmigration of souls from body to body and from the Buddhist 'legends of the mythical predecessors of Buddha and the equally mythical tirthakaras (apostles) of the Jains,' from which they created the many incarnations or avataras of Vishnu, viewed as the Supernatural Self. The Vaishnavas were followed by the Shaivas and all other Hindus, till incarnations of the Deity became a general Hindu belief." 7. Supernatural Powers. "We saw (p. 90) a snow leopard prowling about.. . It is extraordinary how these animals can walk over the snow without sinking into it. The natives explain this peculiarity by giving the snow leopards supernatural powers. . ... We had a curious bit of luck that morning (pp. 92, 93). Our friend the snow leopard had passed us in the night and seemed to be heading for the pass, for we could see his footprints in the snow. There seemed to be a striking regularity about his path, and it occurrred to me that he might be travelling over the line of the road. Investigation proved that the idea was correct. By following his footsteps we saved ourselves a good deal of road seeking. It was amazing to me how the leopard knew the road, buried as it was beneath several feet of snow and, of course, level with the wide expanse on every side. I could only suppose that it was by means of a sense of smell effective through the deep snow, though why he should have kept the road with all its zigzags, when he could easily have made cross-cuts impossible for us, was a mystery which I did not attempt to solve. The servants looked upon the footprints as a very auspicious omen or even as a miraculous intervention on the part of the blessed Buddha or a Bodhisattva." 8. Miracles. "The river (p. 220) itself (Brahmaputra) being no longer hidden in a gorge was exposed to the devastating rays of the sun, which had melted the ice covering, so that we could see water flowing in the middle, but so strong was the wind in the opposite direction that its blasts on the river made it seem as if the water was flowing backwards and uphill. In fact 80 strong was the illusion that the syoe and Lhaten [a servant) thought it to be real and bowed down in worship of the supposed miracle." .. 9. Magical Powers. (a) Lama's. "The servants (p. 82)..... after some persuasion consented to go forward though they tried to insist that I make a substantial money-offering to the Lachen Lama and solicit his indulgence to keep back the snow. All the natives of this part of the world firmly believe that a life of ascetio contemplation brings with it magical powers, including the ability to control the elements. The Lachen Lama is partioularly famous all over Sikkim for his regulation of rain and snow. Even villages in the South dominated by other temples send petitions to him with huge gifts, asking that rain be stopped or made to fall as desired." The question of magical power is discussed in The Word of Lalla, p. 23, thus : "The object of magical formula is to compel the unseen powers, that are held to govern man and his : wants, to abstain or cease from doing him harm, or on the other hand to do him good. In this way they are a protection of mankind against evil or a method of benefiting him." The Applicability of this observation to the above quoted story is obvious. As regards the probable origin of the belief, it is remarked in The Word of Lalla, p. 65, that "the Shaktio Buddhism that has long prevailed in Tibet largely consists of gross mysticism borrowed from the magic of aboriginal tribes."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1931 As regards Burma, it is remarked in E.R.E., III, 30-31, that the object of Burmese magic is to secure hallucination in respect of the five senses and to confer temporary invulnerability. This is achieved by potent mixtures. . . . . Certain specific kinds of magic have no doubt come from India which accounts for the otherwise puzzling faot that Buddhist monks (of the Hinayana type) are themselves much addicted to it. That they have drawn on native Animistic sources to enlarge their knowledge is but natural..... Articles subjected to magic are chiefly boats, stones and charms." More specifically Shway Yoe, The Burman, p. 413, says: "Wizards and witches are very common in Burma. The thing runs in families, and on the Chindwin river in Upper Burma there is a village called Kale Thaungthut-the small town at the top of the sand bank'where the entire population is credited with power of this kind. They have a king' there." Again, loc. cit., Shway Yoe says: "There are the sons, who delight in nothing so much as killing people, afflicting them with epilepsy, fits and divers other ailments, and there are the wezas, who are good people and strive to overthrow the machinations of the sons against the welfare of mankind, while themselves learned in all the knowledge of the mystic arts. Weza (Sanskrit, vidya) simply means wisdom or knowledge, and the sorcery studied by both classes is the same." (b) The Dalai Lama's. [In Pede Daong the landlady, pp. 239, 240] "said she would like to see the foreign devil (1.6., Dr. McGovern, then rumoured to be trying to get to Lhasa) and give him a good piece of her mind, but she was sure that so great was the vigilance of the officials and so powerful was the spiritual force of the Dalai Lama, the intruder would certainly be detected and sent back to his own village. I was interested in the latter statement as showing the implicit faith which the Tibetans have in the divinity and power of its suzerain. In spite of the many vioissitudes which have marked the reign of the previous holder of the office, most Tibetans really believe that the Dalai Lama is omnipotent and nearly all have faith in his om niscience. The fact that the present ruler was twice forced to flee the country at the peril of his life is glossed over and forgotten and sometimes explained away. Our hostess was firmly convinoed that by means of his spiritual powers the Dalai Lama could have told at any moment where I was and what I was doing. The only class of Tibetan who are soeptical on these matters are the monks, particularly the Lhasa monks and those in immediate contact with the Court." 10. Cures. Toby became seriously ill (p. 47) "and there was nothing we could do except to feed him with cod-liver oil and malt and wait for the crisis. One afternoon, & couple of days later, while Toby was asleep, I got out some of my Tibetan books-all books in Tibet are of a religious character--and began chanting from them, as I thought it was the best way to continue with my Tibetan studies. This continued some two hours, and by a curious coincidence, when Toby awoke, we found the crisis was passed and that he was much better. By the natives the benefit of the cod-liver oil was forgotten and the 'cure' was attributed to my religious incantations, and I was put down as a holy man,' & reputation that was later on to stand me in good stead." 11. Callousness. "I thought (p. 272) at first that a bomb had been placed beneath my window [at Lhasa) but on looking forth I saw that by accident the whole firework stall had exploded, stunning every one in the vicinity. Four persons were killed and five more seriously injured. A large crowd gathered round the heap of victims. . . . . But no one seemed inclined to lend a helping hand, and every one was left to look after himself. This meant that the dead and seriously wounded were left to lie on the ground for really an extraordinary time until friends or relatives could learn of the mishap, and come and drag the bodies of the victims away, Hiri When the viotims were eventually taken away they were carried back to their own houses and some monk-possibly, but not necessarily, a monk from the Medical College-was

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FEBRUARY, 1931] SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 33 invited to perform his ritual, either for the recovery of the patient, or if he were dead, for the safe passage of his soul into a favourable reincarnation." "All the way (pp. 234, 235) we could see that the lake [Yamdro) was covered with a thick coat of ice, though with oceasional scams indicating flow. Several times during the day we saw men walking across the frozen lake from the mainland to the peninsula or island in the middle..... On one occasion, late in the afternoon, we were the spectators of a tragedy. Two men, who were walking nearly in the centre, came to a point where there was a bad flaw in the ice. We could see they had to jump a seam. The ioe on either side was obviously weak, for it crashed under them and they were precipitated into the freezing water below. They attempted to crawl out, but they could not find a block of ice capable of supporting their weight, and soon they were so numbed by the cold that they fell back helpless and sank beneath the water. We could see their heads appear once or twice and then they sank again and disappeared for ever. I was astonished at the phlegm with which my companions looked at a catastrophe happening before their eyes. We passed one of the caravans just at the time and its members paused for a few moments to look at the tragedy taking place a few hundred yards away, but they continued their amiable chatter and no one made any move to save the unfortunates." The above stories might have been told of almost any place one might mention in Burma. They so exactly illustrate the Burmese attitude towards an accident. Edwardes, Crime in India, p. 37, writes: "In Burma, if one may judge from a case in the Maubin District, the vagaries of a man, who runs amok,' are regarded in much the same light as a cinema entertainment is by Western villagers. The culprit, in this case, after severely assaulting several persons with a dah, murdered a friend and his wife in very brutal fashion. A crowd of about seven hundred people watched the 'dance of death,' apparently unmoved and made no effort to seize the murderer. He would probably have accounted for several more victims, had not an inspector of police rushed up and shot him dead in his tracks." Many years ago at Bassein I saw a man accidentally fall out of a rice boat in the middle of that very dangerous river, and though there were many boats on it with expert swimmers in them, all they did was to watch his struggles in an interested manner and say he will certainly drown. In the end a young Englishman went out and saved him. Edwardes, op. cit., p. 49, also says: "The tendency of villagers to accept the attacks of dacoits as merely an uncomfortable feature of the daily routine is well illustrated by a case reported in 1921 in which the whole village turned out and calmly watched five dacoits armed with a home-made gun, which was fired by means of a lighted cheroot, help themselves to 10,000 rupees' worth of property and make a leisurely departure." . II. DEITIES. 1. Maitreya. "Another image [at Gyangtse) showing fine craftsmanship (p. 54] was that of the Bodhi. sattva Maitreya....Maitreya, the Compassionate, is the next Buddha destined to be born in the world, and is adored by nearly every sort of Maha yanist] Buddhist. He is frequently portrayed almost as a European. I have sometimes seen representatives of him with white skin and blue eyes, and in nearly all cases his image is sitting on a chair in European style as opposed to the Oriental cross-legged attitude assumed by other Tibetan deities." 2. Peden Llamo (Goddess). "The floor above [in the Chokang at Lhasa) is largely devoted to the worship (p. 298) of the fierce female demon who acts as the dread guardian of Buddhism..... The lady represented hero, Peden (or Paldan) Llamo, is the most terrible of the fairies. She has many forms, some mild, representing her as a gracious lady, the hearer of prayers : others which portray her as a goddess of black magic, of disease and death. In the upper room of the Chokang or Cathedral there are images, representing her in both aspects. . In her more horrible phase the colour is black, representing mystery and death. She is riding

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1931 on a fawn-coloured mule, but she is clad in the skins of dead men and is eating brains from a human skull. Offerings of chang or beer--a substitute for food-are made to her in other human skulls. While as the goddess of battle, she is surrounded by all sorts of weapons. .... Considering the terrible and blood-thirsty nature of the lady, it is curious and amusing to find that the Tibetans believed she was recently incarnate in the world as the late Queen Victoria." Peden Llamo most probably represents a primitive Tibetan goddess, from whom arose, according to Hirananda Shastri, Origin and Cult of Tara (Mem. Arch. Survey of India, No. 20) the Mahayana Buddhist Shaktic Tara in her twenty-one forms, represented in one or two varieties--pacific and terrible. The Cult of Tara dates back to the fifth century A.D., on the Tibetan borderland, or perhaps in Indian Tibet, and spread downwards into India, right down to the very South, in the sixth and seventh centuries. Another view of the Tibetan Tart has been expressed thus. "She is a principal god. dess, who has twenty-one recognised forms in five colours-white, green, yellow, blue and red-and appears in two principal forms-gracious and ferrible. In her terrible form she is represented as destroying a human being (like the Indian Durga). In her gracious form she was recently held by many Tibetans to be incarnated in Queen Victoria. The Tibetan view of Tara probably arose out of an indigenous goddess Paldan (or Peden) Llamo, who also appears in both forms and whose colour, in terrible form is black, representing mystery and death." It is possible, however, that she represents the Hindu goddess Durga introduced into Tibet with Shaktic Buddhism. Shaktism was "the cult of female energy in life (Shakti), an extension of that primeval recognition of the mystery of the reproduction of life, which led to the use of the Shaiva emblem of the phallus (linga) as the representation of the god. head. So that the phallus emblem became both male and female (linga and yoni)....i Except as to their cult of Kali or Durga, Devi, Chandi, Kumari and other subsidiary names, as the female form of Shiva, with bloody sacrifices and much gross superstition borrowed from the magic of aboriginal tribes, the Shaktis were in all other respects essentially Shaivas." Eventually they permeated all Buddhism, and the cult "in Tibet became the form in wbich Buddhism has chiefly survived, causing it there to revert practically to the primitive Animism of the people with much degradation infused into it." (The Word of Lalla, p. 65.) "The idea of the male and female god is visible as far as one can go back into the belief of the Aryans and has been consistently preserved in all branches of their descendants. It is visible also in all primitive religions and in all Animistic beliefs that have been studied. The concept of the god, his wife, his sons, his daughters and his messengers may be taken to be therefore a natural product of primitive human thought, which is necessarily anthropomorphio..... In Vedic times and later, the goddess had no special qualifications separating her from the gods, and attributes peculiar to goddesses do not appear until the rise, still in early times, of the cult of Durga the chaste virgin huntress, the Diana of the Vindhya mountains of Central India, the lover of wine, flesh and bloody sacrifice. .... She is clearly a Central Indian aboriginal goddess brought into Hinduism in conneotion with the Krishna cult. ... 1.c., with Vaishnava Hinduism. In the next phase of her cult the Shaivas have captured her, and she has ceased to be regarded as a virgin, being identified with Uma of the Himalayas, the wife of Shiva. She is next found in the Puranas as Chandi, with a daily worship and an autumn festival, still the Durga Paj so well-known in Calcutta. the home of Kali, another name for her, or for an ancient goddess identified with her. And at the same time arose & sect worshipping her as Devi (The Goddess), identified with Brahman, the Absolute, the One Reality, and so above all divinities. Here then in the blood-and-winedrinking expression of limitless power is the earliest appearance of Shakti, the female energy, representing the living productive form of the inactive, unknowable, unapproachable Absolute." (The Word of Lalla, 65-66.) (To be continued.)

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FEBRUARY, 1931] WHY KEWAT WOMEN ARE BLACK WHY KEWAT WOMEN ARE BLACK. (A Chhattisgarhi Folk-song.) BY RAI BAHADUR HIRA LAL. The town of Bilaspur, the headquarters of the distriot of the same name in the Central Provinces, derives its name from Bilasa, a Kevata woman, who is said to have burnt herself at that place under circumstances which form the subject of a popular Chhattisgarhi song known as Kevadina-gita, usually sung by Dewars, a tribe of wandering mendicants found in that country. Bilasa was a very beautiful woman and was so rich that she used to expose her fish on a silver tray, while she herself sat on a golden chair. The Raja of Ratanpur, so the story goes, once went to Bilaspur and visited the bazar, where this Kevatina at once attracted his attention. Her beauty captivating him, he opened conversation with her by asking the price of various kinds of fish she had for salo. Clever as she was, she gave the prices in equivocal terms; for instance, sho said that the price of the aichha fish was equal to that of a Teli (oilman), and the price of a crab equal to that of a barber, thus subtly alluding to the qualities of the fish she vended, the aichha being an oily fish, and the crab being noted for its tight grip, which she compared with that of a barber, who holds a man's head firmly while shaving him. The Raja's servants, observing that their master was no match for the woman in a battle of wits, suggested that she might be caught hold of and taken along, whereupon the Kevatina fled from her shop. As she was pursued, she held up her garment to the sun (Surya), praying that he would save her honour, and thereupon her dress took fire and she was consumed to ashes. Seeing what had happened, the Raja went on his way, and the village children ran to the river, where her husband was busy catching fish, and told him that his wife had committed satt, under the belief that he had been eaten by crocodiles. In order to ascertain the true cause of her death he engaged some soroerers, by whose power of witchcraft the Kevatina descended into the flame of a lamp, and intimated that owing to her fair complexion and beauty the R&ja had desired to outrage her modesty, and therefore she had burnt herself. She stated, further, that she had asked a boon from God that all Kevatinas should henceforth be born black, so that they should run no risk of being dishonour. ed, and also that in commemoration of her immolation (a sanctifying act) her caste should be considered purified. That is the reason why Kevatinas are black and why persons of all castes eat chand and murra (gram and rice) parched by them without any objection. The Chhattisgarhi songs are a curious mixture of jingling rhymes and prose-a sort of compromise between the'two, with a view perhaps to avoid monotony-of which a fair speci. men is afforded by the Kevatina-gita reproduced below. The song also furnishes some points of linguistic and ethnographic interest : Chhitaki kuriyal mukuta' dudra, Bhitari Kevatina kase singara3 ; Kho pa pare ringi chingi, Okara bhitara sona ke singi.? i Kuriyd is a peculiar Chhattisgarhf word for a hut.' It seems to be derived from kurai, or branches of the kurru tree (Gardenia lucida), with which the hut is made. The word kurai has now become generalized, and is not restricted to the branches of the kurru alone, but is applied to the branches of any tree used for roofing a hut. ? Mukuta or mukata = 'many' or 'much. It is also used in this sense in Baghelkhandi Hindi. 3 Singdra kaand is a peculiar idiom in Chhattisgarhi, equivalent to singdra karna. Kaand otherwise implies a sort of contempt, and is used of animals, .g., ghoda kaso, get the horse ready! 4 Khopa means & corner, As, for instance, of a house or room. The lower castes in Chhattisgarh tie their hair in a knot, not on the back of the head, as the Marathi women do, but at a corner in front. 6 Ringt ching is the same as rangi changa, gaudy.' & Okara = uald or uske: kara, or kar, is generally used for kd with demonstrative or interrogative pro. nouna, e.g., kedkar, 'whose'? Singl is a comb, deriving its name from onga, or horn,' of which it used to be made, The word has become more generalized, and a wooden comb may also be called sirgt.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY': [ FEBRUARY, 1931 Marai pani bichhalai bata, Thamakata Kevatina chalai bajara. Anal baithe chheva chhakara, Kevatina baithe bicha bajara, Sond ke machi rupa ke para. 10 Raja disa Kevalina kara : 11 Mola bisdha (Kevatina] saba koi khaya, Phokata 13 machhari koi nahi khaya; Kahu 13 [Kevatina] apana machhari keli mola. Ka kahihau (Raja] machhari ke mola? Dandawa is machhari Gandard 10 mola ; Ghasara 17 machhari Kalard mola ; Aichha 18 machhari Teli mola; Sodiha 19 machhari Sunard mola; Lada o machhani Dhurid mola; Banju1 machhari Banid mola; Bhakura's machhari Thakura mola; Padhing 23 machhari Pande mola ; Jata chingrat Sanasi mola; Bhedo 95 machhari Gadarid mola; * Ana, or an, is a corruption of the Sanskrit anya, another.' * Chheva means a corner'; and chhakdra is a jingling expletive, which would mean nothing without chhous. Cr, kend mend, where mend has no independent meaning of its own. 10 A pard is a circular, flat tray, usually made of split bamboo, upon which fish or parched grain, etc., is exposed for salo; but this Kovalina, being very rich, had one made of silver. 11 Kard is a preposition meaning near,' or 'to.' 13 Phokat, in Hindi, means 'for nothing,' gratis. 13 Mark the termination u in the imperative, which is peculiar to the roots ending in h. Its utse, however, is not confined to such verbs alone, especially in poetry. For instance, in the Ramayana (Lanka kanda, 29) we have : Sunu matimanda dehi aba purd, where sunu is used for the ordinary suno. 11 A peculiar form of Chhattisgarhi, where, for the genitive case, instead of the singular form ki, the plural form ke is used. It does not change with the gender of the following word; for example, see further on, where Raja ke bata chita occurs, instead of Rajd kt bata chita. 15 This variety of fish jumps about in shallow water, and is compared to a Ganda, & man of low costo much given to dancing and jumping about. 16 Gandawa is a contemptuous form of Ganda, a3 Kalara is of Kal@ra, and Ahird of Ahirs further on. They have been used in these forms so as to rhyme with the names of the fishes mentioned. 17 The ghasand fish is also known as boda, which means 'sluggish,' and is compared to a Kalar, or dis. tiller, supposed to be a drunkard. 13 The aichhd is also called rochha. It has an oily appoorance, and has small eyes, which look as if covered. Its price is given as equivalont to a Tols, or oilman, who covers the eyes of his bullocks when yoked to the oil-press. 19 The sodina, a name apparently derived from sunda, an elephant's trunk,' has a long trunk-like snout, resembling the tongs of a Sunar. It swallows other fish as the Sun&r consumes others' gold. 90 The ladd, or ride, is tenacious of life and takes a long time to kill, just as rice fried by a Dhuri or Dhurwa is hard and take long to crush. 91 The banju, or bijahiwa, is slippery, like a Baniya, and is believed to increase the quantity of blood in the body, as does wealth in the case of the Baniya. >> The bhakura, known also as bhunda, is a powerful fish and sometimes breaks the earthen vessel in which it is kept, like a powerful ThAlur or Rajput.. 93 This is a delicate fish, which dios if tho water is made muddy, so it is likened to a Pande, who is regarded as delicate. 31 This variety of fish is hairy, like a sannydst, or ascetio, who wears his hair matted and twisted in a tuft (jafd). 35 The bhedo is covered with thick scales, as the sheep of a Gladariya, or Gaperiya (shepherd), are covered with wool.

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FEBRUARY, 1931) WHY KEWAT WOMEN ARE BLACK Salgata bdmiss Bamhand mola ;/ Kara jiy 17 Ahird mola; Khokhasi 28 machhari Goud ke mola; Jhorfe machhari Binjhuara mola; Salagf30 machhari Dewdra mola ; Kakra31 Mardani439 ke mola. Here the jingling verses break off, and the story is continued in prose, as below : Yetak,33 runake Raja Kevafina 1424 gota kard mass maris. Taba ola bhaji436 ke bhara Lagis. Jaba Kevatina au Raja ke bata chita bhais, 37 taba no kana mana kihin39 lei Kevatina hara40 bata bata ma jitat hai, ja skara hatha bha ia dhara leve. Taba Kevatina dara ke mare bhage hai. Abaka tabaka Raja Kevatina ke baha la dharlis 'titake juara, 11 Kevatina hara suruja dahara achard lavdis aur jara bara ke rakha bhaigais. Tab Rajd ghara lahuta dis. Puna gtua ke laika-mana Kevad se kihin, told to suisa ghariyara dhara daris, tikana khatara Kevatina hara sati gais. Taba Kevata kahis, kaun lag satt gai hai? Taba laika-mana batain ki ohicha, lag sati gais hai, jauna rakha pare hai. Taba Kevata hara adta lugara ke bolavara dihis aur sata dina jagarahr dekhis, ta diya ke tema me Kevatina hara utaris aur Kevata sudha"3 bolis ki mot aneka sundara raheu, to Raja mold dharata rahis hai; taba mal sati gayeu au Bhagavan se apana ripa mdgeu ki mola kari jhunaki" ka janama de. Kevatina bhanje chand murrans la soba kof bhaya, ana ke bhunje ld koi na khaya. 28 The bam is an eel-like fish, and wriggles and twists like the sacred thread of a Brahman. The word salgata, which qualifies it here, is a vernacular corruption of sarbat, i.o., Sarakif huf; from saraband, to move,' or ship, which also conveys the idea of wriggling, snake-like motion. 37 This fish is supposed to be stupid like an Ahira (cowherd). There are many proverbs in the vernaculars of northern India referring to the stupidity of the Ahirna. $9 This fish is unshapely, and is compared with the figure of a Gond. 99 The jhort fish koop together in shoals, just as the Binjhwar tribe go about in partice. Thorf is. form of jholt, from jhol (Hindi), a "batch' (of eggs), a 'litter' (of pige), and so, metaphorically, a number.' 30 The salagi, salarigi or sardigt, is compared with the musical instrument of the latter name ured by Dewers, who are very fond of catching this fish. 31 A crab grips tightly with its clawe, as a barber does with his hand. 38 A barber is called mardaniyd because he shampoos (mardan karnd). 33 Yetakd = itand (Hindi, itd). *I LA = ko, a preposition borrowed from Marathi. 35 Gota kard md is a peculiar idiom, meaning literally in the pebble. Here id is used for se or le of Chhattisgarhi. 38 Bhajid is a preparation of gram, and is, of course, light. 37 Bhais would be hai in modern Hindi, or bhai in the Baghelkhandi dialect. This form is usually found in the past tenso. Tulast Disa often esit, .g., Bhd pramoda mana mifs galdnt (Ayodhya k. 220). 88 Mana is a plural affix, borrowed from the Oriya mdne or mana; but, while in Oriya the form changes according as it is used of animate or inanimate things, in Chhattisgarhi no change is made on this account. 30 Kihin is a populiar form of kahin, that is, kana,' said.' 10 Hana is a definite article poouliar to Chhattisgarhi. a Titake judra means at that time. Titake represents the Hindi titne. Judra originally means midday, but is ved in Ohhattisgarhi in the sange of 'timo, moment,' . * 18 Ohicha is equivalent to the Hindi wat: the particle cha is added for emphasis. 13 Sudha, or ruddha, is generally used in place of sahita, 'with.' Here it is equivalent to the prepogition *. "Jhunakt is a woman whose ankleta make jhunjhun noise, hence a young woman, Cl. Aruna forani nakha jyoti Jagamagita jhunjhun karata paya paijaniya. (drades.) . 16 Murnd is fried rice which is used as breakfast in Chhattingarh and adjoining Oriya Statee. It is derived from murand to chew, Murd is always chewed like pan or botol leaves.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1931 TRANSLATION. (There was) a Kevatina who used to live in a small cottage with many doors, inside which she used to adorn herself, tying her hair in beautiful knots and fixing a golden comb therein. Even on rainy days, when the road was slippery, the Keratina would stroll with mincing gait to the bazar. While others sat in nooks and corners, the Kevatina used to sit in the middle of the bazar on a golden chair, with a silver tray (before her). (Once) the Raja came up to the Kevatina (and said): "All eat fish after paying for it ; nobody eats fish without payment: so tell me, Kevatina, the price of thy fish." "What price may I tell of my fish, oh Raja ? The day dawa fish is the same price as a Gandawa; the ghasard fish is the price of a Kalara ; the aichha fish, that of a Teli; the sodiha fish, that of a Sunara ; the ludd fish, that of a Dhurwa ; the banju fish, that of a Baniya ; the bhakura fish, that of a Thakura; the pad hind fish, that of a Pande ; the jata shingra fish, that of a Sannyasi ; the bhedo fish, that of a Gadaria ; the wrig. gling bami, that of a Brahmana; the kara jiya, that of an Ahira; the khokhasi fish, that of a Gond; the jhori fish, that of a Binjhwar; the salagi fish, that of a Dewar; (and) the crab that of a barber. The Raja, having listened so far, threw a stone at the Kevatina, but she (only) felt as if a ball of gram had been thrown at her. The Kevatina, however, made a suitable reply in words. The Raja's servants thereupon said: "This Kevatina is winning every point. Go and seize her by the hands and arms." The Kevatina then fled through fear. The RajA would have secured the Kevatina by some means, but at that moment she held out the skirt of her dress to the sun, whereupon she was completely burnt and turned into ashes. The Raja then returned home. After this the village boys said to the Kevata (her husband): "The Kevatina has committed sati, thinking that thou hadst been eaten up by alligators and crocodiles. The Kevata asked: "Where did she commit salf ?" "There, where the ashes are" (they replied). Then the Kevata made a vow to offer up seven pieces of cloth, and for seven days kept awake, looking at a lamp, in the flame of which the Kevatina appeared and vaid to the Kevata : "I was very beautiful and therefore the Raja was trying to catoh me, so I burnt myself and asked God to give me birth in the form of & black woman: Let everybody eat rioe and gram parched by a Kovatina, and not (that parched) by others. MISCELLANEA. CORRUPTIONS OF URDU IN THE PENAL care is taken to split up nationalities, with the SETTLEMENT OF PORT BLAIR. result that, except on matters of daily common The following noto is taken out of the Census concern, the convicte are unable to converse' con Report of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, 1901, fidentially together. and is useful to show how new forms and words creep The Urdu of Port Blair is thus not only exceed. into Urdu owing to local conditions in different parte ingly corrupt from natural causes, but it is filled of India. At Port Blair the conditions are of course with technicalities arising out of looal conditions most unusual, as a large number of convicts from and the special requirements of convict life. Even every part of the Indian Empire are there collected, the vernacular of the local born is loaded with them. and it was naturally ewential to select a lingua franca, These technicalities are partly derived from English which all would have to learn to a certain extent. and are partly specialised applications to now uses of It was equally natural to select Urdu for that purpure or corrupted Urdu words. Pose, and it is accordingly now found to be spoken The most prominent grammatical characteristio there in overy possible variety of corruption and with of this dialect of Urdu appears in the numerals, every variety of accent. All the convicte lonrn it to which are overywhere Urdu, but are not spoken an extent sufficient for their daily wants and the according to correct Urdu custom. Thus, the understanding of orders and directions. It is also the convicts and all dealing with them count up to 20 vernacular of the local born, whatever their descent. regularly, and then between the tens simply add Tho small extent to which many absoluto strangers the units, instead of using special terme, e.g.. . to it, such as the Burmese, inhabitants of Madras, convict, whatever his nationality or mother tongue, and so on, master it is one of the safeguards of the will give his number, say, 12,536, as band hazdr Settlement, as it makes it impossible for any general pdnch sau de chhe, twelve thousand five hundred plot to be hatched. In barracks, in boats, and on thirty six. He would never say, oven if born and works where men have to be congregated, overy I bred in Hindustani proper, band hasdr pdnoh nate

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FABBUABY, 1931 ] MISCELLANEA 39 chhattila. The convict must be addressed in the same hawlcor who sells articles of female attire and manner, or he will most probably misspprebend familiar wante, and pattudld exists for those familiar what is said. There is an analogy to this custom with the language for the belt-wearer, .c., the in French Switzerland, where it is common to hear messenger or peon. septante for seventy, and nonnante for ninety. Total.-In common uge among the convicta, The following words have boon board even in the who are being constantly counted for all sorts mouths of Burmans unable to make themselves of rowong. Petty Officers are told off to count understood in Urdu them in batches, and as each finishes his batch Bijan.---This means now a barrack for convicte he brings up his "total." Total kamnd, to compare as distinguished from a barrack for troops or police, the totals. though various corruptions of "barrack" are Dipdtmant for Department: means the Forest also used for that purpose. It is really English in Department, that being the first separate depart. origin, and represents the word " division," the cor- ment created at Port Blair, ruption having taken place on vulgar Urdu lines. Dipdtmant Sahib.--Forest Officer. DipatmantThus "di" has dropped out, v has becomo b and wdid, a convict told off to work in the Forest Depart. the zh sound of ss has become ,, quite according ) ment. to custom. Originally the convicts were divided Sher Sahib. --Sher shortened from "Overseer" into " divisions," each of which' slept in a barrack. for its likeness to the common Indian word sher, Honoe the present application of the term. & tiger. An European overseer of convicts. Tdpu.-This means & convict "station." It is Signal.For signal = a gemagram. There was in really good Urdu for an "island." Originally all 1901 an elaborate system of semagraph signala the convict stations were situated on small islands at Port Blair worked by the Military Police. in Port Blair Harbour. Hence its present application Tikat, tikatliv.-A ticket-of-leave, also its holder. to any convict station, inland or on an island. Tikatwdia, a man with a ticket-of-leave, a self. Sikshan.--This means now either the "sick list," supporter. Tikat is also used for the wooden or the Female Jail. It is the English word "nook.ticket" worn by labouring convicte. "section." Originally the major division of the Parmdah.Promotion. This is in common 1180 convicts was into sections, of which No. XVII was amongst the Military Police, and also amongst the the convalescent gang, tho sick and unable to do convicte, who are constantly being transferred from any or full work. The women were of course all in class to claes on "promotion." the Female Section. Hence the present double Kilde, class. The convicts are arranged in application of the word, kept in existence no doubt in the first case owing to the likeness of "sikahan" Sileman, Sikaman.-Sick man, used for a convict to the familiar "sik-man" of the Native Army when in hospital : hence for any human being on Hospitals. Saturd Bijan, i.e., XVIIth Division, is the "sicke-list": hence, again, for any Government also in common use for "convalescent gang." animal on the "sick-list," 6.9., an elephant, pony, Waipar. The first jail constructed in the Settlebullock. ment was on Viper Island, so named after Blair's RSI, rail, originally a railing, now any kind of xhip. It is now dwarfed by the great Cellular Jail hedge or fence. on Atalanta Point, 80 named after a man-of-war Rashan, ration.-The labouring convicts are all of Blair's day, which is tho Jail par excellence, rationed. Rashan-mit, ration mate; 1.e., the convict much to be avoided in the eyes of the convicte, told off to help the cooks to keep and distribute the the other is simply waipur. Another mighty jail rations. was in 1901 being constructed at Minnie Bay Dadh-lain, lit., the Milk-lines, i.e., a place where (named after another by-gone gunboat), and it would milch-cattle have once been kept. Two or more have been interesting to see what popular term places are so named. would be applied to it, had it ever been completed. Lambd-lain (the Long Line), a well known long By the way, Goplakabang is already Gobang in straggling village in the Northern District. common parlance and script, and the name is likely Namanaghar, lit. Pattern house. The name of a to have "no derivation" in days to come. village, a convict station and some quarries, because Dhobi.-A washerman, and talash, search, are pure a sample (namuna) house (ghar) for convicte, scoordUrdu, but they are two of the first words pioked by ing to which men on tioket-of-leave must build their Burmans and non-Indians, and it is curious to hear hute, was here set up by the Government. thom in the midst of an otherwise purely Burmese Nimal-bhatta, salt-pang.-More than one place sentonce. is so called because of a former salt factory on the PAK Afear, for petty officer," is unquestionably spot from sea wator. referred by Native speakers to the perf, belt, they "Portland Cement" becomes simin, rimint, and all wear, and not to the English word. I have heard nirmit. them spoken of simply as pothod, the men who "Mons, meas-house" become Messcott in petitions, wear belts, though in ordinary Anglo-Indian slang being mixture of Eng. "mon" and Hind. powdld, tranglated into "boxwallah," is the bot, house.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( FEBRUARY, 1931 = Kwantung, the name of a local ship, becomes Shore Point becomes Suwar Pet. Kultin. Navy Bay Nabbi Beg. Bis, the Hindustani word for "twenty " is used Phoenix Bay , Pinik Beg. by some of the convicts in giving their numbers; Barwell Ghat >> Balu Ghat. | thus, when asked his name and number, a man will Harriott was the name of the wife of Colonel reply: "Bis 172." By this he means "No. 172B." Tytler, a former Superintendent. Perseverk.nce and Phoenix were the names of Royal Ships in Blair's A good many years ago the numbering of the convicts was recommenced from the beginning and day. Shore Point is named after Sir John Shore the second series were distinguished by the English (Lord Teignmouth), Governor-General General letter B. Barwell was a former Chief Commissioner. There is also a large village called Anikhet (now often Among building terms the following are com converted into Ranikhet), & conscious pun on the monly in use : Halpildt for wall plate ; batan for name of a daughter of a former Chief Commissioner, batten ; kinposh for kingpost; kimis for screen. who was named Annie Kate. The largest steam Hangliny.--My kitchen lately required some launch in the harbour is named The Belle, after repairs to the roof, and as these were being delayed daughter of another former Chief Commissioner, I made some enquiries from the cook, and received which has proved an unfortunate name, for the vessel the following reply: "kuchh nahin hud; hangling is invariably called by the Natives " Belli i Jahdz." abhi nahin dyd": nothing has been done, the angle The station of Elephant Point has been translated iron has not yet come. I have also heard hingain into Hathi Tapu and Hath Ghat. The stations of used, which has a much more Urdu sound. Navy Bay, Dundas Point, South Point, and Phoenix Motarpha. This now practically obsolete term Bay are all also frequently indiscriminately called still appears in the annual budget for the Ando Chand Bhatta, because there is now, or has been man Islands. E.g., in the Revenue items of the at some former time, & lime-kiln at these spots. Estimate for the year 1900-01 is :-"Moturpa Convicte never forget a place at which there has been (houge tax) collections." The old moturpha, motrrfa alime-kiln : they hate the work so. So, also, there of the Madrae Revenue was not a tax on houses, but is a village called Chauldari (for chholddri) in the on professions and trades. It was abolished finally Southern District after a former convict camp at the quite thirty years before 1901. The vernacular spot; but the station of Middle Point, a long way off word is muhtarafa : Ar. hirfa, a handicraft. in the Northern District, is also commonly known Many of the existing place names about Port to the convicts as Chauldari for the same reason Blair are English, and the corruptions thereof by Sometimes the native names for places are merely the convicts and their native guards are interesting corruptions of the English words, without any effort showing that striving after a moaning, which is so at a meaning ic.g., Ubun for Hope Town where prolific of verbal corruptions all over the world. Lord Mayo was murdered, and Hards for Haddo. Port Blair itself is always Pot Billr and Port Movat Mount Harriett becomes Mohan Ret. always Potmot. Perseverance Point, Parasu Pet & Parson Pet. R. C. TEMPLE BOOK NOTICE. JAINA INSCRIPTIONS, collected and compiled of the Achdryas. There are also some very useful by PURAN CHAND NAHAR. In three parts, with and interesting illustrations. The labours of Mr. plates, etc. Nahar have thus provided in a handy form a fairly We have received two parts of this valuable complete list of these inscriptions for ready reference. collection of Jaina inscriptions, vit., parts 2 In regard to the matter of these inscriptions. and 3. The plan of the work is to give the text they relate to the establishment of Jain temples of all the known inscriptions relating to the Jainas and all matters connected therewith, the provision and Jainism, together with an index of planer of funds and arrangements for other appurtenances where the inscriptions were found, a glossary of of these temples. Now and again we come upon the names of the Acharyas, together with illustra matters of interest like the Pattavali lista, general tive plates. The total number of inscriptions information like that relating to Panchakaly Apaka, comes to 2,592. Of these, the first 1,000 go into which means the Beterism under which the Jain Part 1; from 1,001 to 2,111 go into Part 2; and Achdryas were conceived, were born, were initiated, the remainder, which are included in Part 3, are attained to wisdom, and finally to emancipation. inscriptions collected in Jaisalmir. These in. The work is bound to prove very useful in the scriptions are all more or less of a modern character, reconstruction of Jaina history and will have its And in the arrangement adopted, the texts are own value even to the student of the general history given correctly, with typical plates in illustration and culture of India. We congratulate the collector of the more important inscriptions. The volumes and publisher on the interest and enterprise which are provided with some useful indexes, with special the volumes exhibit. indexts of a geographical character and list 8, K, ATYANGAR

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MAROR, 1931) A NOTE ON THE TEN PLAYS OF BHASAT 41 - A NOTE ON THE TEN PLAYS OF BHASA. (Published by T. Ganapati sastri.) BY R. V. JAHAGIRDAR, M.A. (LOND.), LECTURER IN SANSKRIT, KARNATAK COLLEGE, DHARWAR. In his Introduction to the thirteen plays ascribed to Bhisa, Mahamahopadhyaya T. Ganapati Sastri, who has edited all of them in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, attempts to show certain peculiar features common to all thesc plays. In the first place, all begin with the remark nandyante tatah pravisati sutradharah, while in plays like those of Kalidasa or Sadraka, a nandi verse is actually written at the opening. All the plays in this list (except K. B.) use the word sthapand instead of prastavana. Nor is any mention in the sthapana made of the author's name or fame, as is to be found in works like Sakuntalam or Mcchakatikam. Moreover, in the bharatavakya, or the closing, or bencdictory, verse of every one of these plays, invariably occurs the prayer "May our greatest of kings, or may our king, rule the land." Such striking similarity has led the Mabamahopadhyaya to conclude that all these plays must have been written by one and the same author. Who is the author ? To answer this question, writers like Rajasekhara and Bana have been oalled as witnesses. Thus the editor quotes from Rajasekhara's Sikti-muktavali Bhasa-na taka-cakre picchekaih ksipte parikritum, Svapna-vasavadattasya daha ko bhan na pavaka). The above verso mentione by name one of the plays under discussion, vix. S. V., and ascribes the same to a poet called Bhasa. That there was a Bhasa who had established bimself as an accomplished playwright can be asserted on the authority of Kalidasa. In the opening portion of his Malavikagnimitram, Kalidasa anks : Prathita-yasasam Bhdea-Saumilla-kavi. pradinim prabandhan. atikramya vartamdna kaveh Kalidasasya kriydyam katham bahumanah. Kalidasa, however, has justified his writing plays even under such conditions. But that is beside the point. That there was a poet called Bhasa cannot be denied. Bana, too, in the seventh century A.D. mentions, in his Harpacaritam, the peculiarities of the plays of one Bh&sa. He says: Salradhara-kortarambhair natakair bahubhumikaih, Sapata kair yasd lebhe Bhuso devakulair iva. These features, says M.M. T. Ganapati Sastri, are to be found in the plays he has published. The whole thesis of the editor can be thus summarised. There was a poet called Bhasa, says Kalidasa ; one BbAsa began his plays with sutradhdra, etc., pays Bana; a Bhasa was the Note.-The following abbreviations have been used in the article :8. V.=Svapnavdsavadattam. Bal. =Balacaritam. D. G.=Data-ghat otkacam. P.Y.Pratijndyaugandhardyanam. M. V.=Madhyamavydyagah. K. B.=Karmabhdram. P. R.=Pafica-ndtram. D. V.=Datoodkyam, U. B.=Oru-bhangam. Avi, = Avimdrakam,

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAROM, 1931 author of a play called Svapnavdsavadatta, adds Rajasekhara ; and the Swapnavdsavadattam of the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series is very similar (according to the editor) to the other plays published in the same series in style and structure. Therefore, the editor has arrived at the conclusion that the person referred to by Kalidasa, Bana and Rajasekhara is one and the same and, further, that he is the author of all the plays under discussion. No one, however, would say after a second thought that this conclusion was rendered inevitable by the logic of the data. No one, too, should be surprised if the same data were to lead to an opposite conclusion. For, even such close resemblances could be due to imitation. This assumption would be supported by the quotations which MM. T. Ganapati Sastri cites side by side from Daridra-Carudatta and Mrcchakafikam. Verses are to be found in the latter which follow or resemble those in the former, word by word and phrase by phrase. Could it justifiably be suggested that both are by one and the same author! He may be Sadraka; he may be BhAsa ; or he may be that lucky Dhavaka, who is ready to own up to any unclaimed work. Or, on the other hand, Daridra-Carudatta and Msechakarikam may be two different provincial recensions of one and the same play. This suggestion is not really as fantastic as it looks. A glance at the Southern and the Northern recensions of the Maha. bharata would reveal the ingenious and independent tendenoy, 'as well as the pedantic and solemn irresponsibility, of some of our old editors. But is it at all necessary to look only to the similarities between any two works under such circumstances? Would not the oonclusion arrived at in such a manner appear premeture, if not presumptive ! To mistake chalk for cheese betrays a hasty judgment or a tendency to avoid an undesirable, though inevitable, conolusion. Why should we not place the dissimilarities as well side by side with the similarities at the least as a background to the pioture! Elimination, too, is as logical an argument as analogy. The object of this note, therefore, is to marshal all possible data in array for the moment of decision. If no oonclusion be possible at this stage, reasonable suggestions may at least be put forward. With all respect to the oritioal aoumen of MM. T. G 8Astri, a casual reader like myself regrets to note that one simple, striking internal feature of the plays has been missed by the learned editor. That piece of evidence may help one, not only in discussing the age of the author or authors, but also in settling the authorship of the plays. That evidence, in my opinion, seems to be provided by the number and the characteristics of the Slokas (i.e., verses in anutup metre). To enable my readers to follow the discussion below, the slokas may be thus tabulated : Title of the Play. No. of the slokas. Total no. of verses. 1. S. V. 67 2. P. Y. 66 . 3. P. R. 4. Avi. 5. BAI. 103 6. M. V. 7. D.V. 8. D. G. 62 9. K. B. 25 10. U. B. 66 From the above table it will be seen that in some plays the proportion of blokas to the total number of verses is strikingly greater than in others. If, for a moment, we divide the plays from this point of view into two groups, the division, of course, would be artificial, it not somewhat arbitrary. Still thore is no harm in classifying 8. V., P. Y., P, R., M. Y.. D, V., and D. G. as one group, Avi., BAL., K. B. and V. B. constituting the other. 162 56 12

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MARCE, 1931 A NOTE ON THE TEN PLAYS OF BHASA It is interesting to note that in no play belonging to the second group does the first verse suggest the dramatis persona, as happens, for example, in S. V., P. Y. or P. R. As regards the bharatavdkya, the usual form seems either to be a later interpolation, or is missing entirely, or is to be found in quite a different form in these four plays. (See the quotations at the end.) In Avi.(*) it repeats the sense of the previous verse. In BAI.(5) it is probably a later addition. [Cf. D. V. ((c)) and see below.) As for K. B.(4), it may be mentioned that one MS. does not give the bharatavakya at all. In U. B. (9 it is not to be found in the usual form. (The editor, however, writes a footnote in such cases to the effeot, itah prak bharata. vakyam iti apeksitam bhati.) Even as regards the stha pand, which is supposed to be a com mon characteristic of the whole group of plays under discussion, the four plays belonging to our second class have something interesting to say. In Bal., for example, there is no iti sthapana after the exit of the stradhdra, while K. B. has prastavand instead of stha pand. Lastly, mention may be made of the fact that in all these four plays Krena, in some form or other, is praised not only in the opening verse but also in the last. Any reference to "R&jasimha, the lion of kings" comes so abruptly as to leave no doubt about its being a leter interpolation. In our first group itself, M. V., D. V. and D. G. could be distinguished from S. V., P. Y. and P. R. (For the sake of convenience we would refer to the last three as Group A1, the first three as Group A, the other four discussed above forming Group B.) In the first place, the opening verge in Group A does not, like that in Group A1, suggest the characters of the play. Nor does the bharatvakya in A' appear as the usual prayer in the sloka form. D. V. () and Bal. have an ending identical word by word. As for the sthapand, though we find it in Group A', we are tempted to regard it as an imitation, if not a later addition in imitation, of the three plays in Group Al Is there not evidence for this supposition in the plays themselves in verses like the opening one of D. G., viz. Narayanas tribhuvanaika-pardyand vah Paydd upaya-gata-yukti-karah surandm, Loka-traydvirata-nataka-tantra-vastu Prastavand-pratisama pana-sutradharah. In the last two lines the sutradhara is mentioned in connection with the prastavand of . nataka; nay, he is said to arrange the prastavand business in a nd taka. Could we suppose for a moment that after writing plays like S. V., P. Y. and P. R., Bhasa or whoever their author was, learnt, or attempted to put into practioe his knowledge of, the nd tyasastra ? In all the later plays the prastavand is the soene in which odtradhara figures.* No, this would be an unnecessarily severe judgment on the poor poet. It should be noted, in passing, that the bharatavakya in Group Al is consistently laudatory of Sri-Krona. Now we are in a position to classify these plays into more logical groups. The first group consists of S. V., P. Y., and P. R., which resemble each other closely and agree in differing from the remainder. These latter form the second group by the fact that all of them are clearly spurious imitations of the first group; they have certain features as, 6.g., the bharatavakya, which, though different from the first group, ere mutually common. If they do differ among themselves these differences seem to be due to the attempts of the imitators to stick to the norm as accurately as possible. One thing, however, stands clear from the discussion above. The two groups are not, and cannot be, the products of one end the same poet. As regards the first group the touches of one and the same hand are most strik. ing. If, in these circumstances, RAjasekhara can be shown to have referred to the same Sva pnavdsavadatta as we have now, it would not be unreasonable to suppose that Bhasa was the author of S. V., P. Y. and P. R. only. Is it possible that Rajasekhara, too, ohallenged . Cf. Nati vid Asako odpi pdripartvaka boa vd stradhdrena sahith samidpam yatra kurvate citrair odkyaih wakaryothai prastutdkrepibhir mithah amukham tal mu vijAlyans namnd prandwand, pi ad -Sahitya-darpana, VI, 31-32.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROH, 1931 the olaim of Bhasa to the authorship of all these plays and cast his vote only in favour of Sva pravagavadattam? In any case S. V., P. Y. and P. R. have so much in common that one would not hesitate to say that the author of the S. V. was also the author of P. R. and P. Y. Even the grammatical peculiarities which the editor has shown on p. 42 of his Introduction are mostly from (and probably oocur only in the plays belonging to our first group, viz., S. V., P. Y. and P. R. Before finishing this note, it may be better to adduce one or two instances in support of our view that the second group is only an imitative effort, and later than the first. Imitations are, as a rule, failures. Here is one. In the second Act of P. Y. the parents, viz., the king and the queen, discuss the question of their daughter's marriage. The discussion is carried on in a homely way and the author has utilized the opportunity to give utterance to some homely truths. The anxieties of both the father and the mother are vividly and separately depicted. After opening the topic before his kancukin the king says: Drehitrih pradana-kale duhkhasilah hi matarah | Tasmad Devi tavad Amiyalam. This natural introduction of the queen to the discussion may be compared with a similar scene in Avi., Act I. The king on entering makes the following remarks : ista makha dvija-varas ca mayi prasannah prajna pita bhayarasam samada narendra, evam vidhasya ca na me sti manah-praharuh Kanya pitur hi satatam bahu cintaniyam. Ketumati, gaccha Devim anaya. What is a natural affair and has been brought about in a simple way in P. Y. has been artificially introduced in Avi. Even then the queen in P. Y. is very different from that in Avi. It could not be otherwise, when the authors themselves belonged to different periods. The former freely carries on a domestic discussion, while her prototype in Avi. has to enter only to be lectured by the king - Devi, vivahd nama bahusah parikrya karlavya bhavanti... and so on. Though disturbed in the middle of the discussion by the glad news of Vatsaraja's capture, the queen in P. Y. sits down and discourses till the end of the act, while in Avi., after the king's lecture she has to sit silently till the end of the act. Features like these suggest that not only the authors who wrote, but even the periods in which the plays were written were different and separate. REFERENCES TO THE BHARAT AV AKYA OR CONCLUDING VERSES. Avimarakam. () NARADAR Kuntibloja, kim anyat te priyam upaharami? KUNTIBHOJAH : Bhagavin yadi me prasannal kimatal param aham icchami. Gobrrthmandnam hiram astu nityam sarva-prajanim sukham astu 18ke. NARADAN Sauvirandja, kim te bhuyah priyam upaharimi? SAUVIRARAJAN - yadi me Bhagavan prasannah keim atal param aham icchami Imam udirnarnava-nila-vastram narkivaro nah pythivim praedstu. (Bharatard kyam.) Bhavantv arajaso gavah paracakram prasamyalu imam api mahim Kytonam Rajasimhah prasdatu nah. Bala-caritam. (O) DAMODARAS Devarre, paritciago omi kim te bhayah priyam upaharami :

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MARCH, 1931] A NOTE ON THE TEN PLAYS OF BHASA 45 NARADAN Prahreto yadi me viseuh saphato me parioramah gamisye vibuharasaih saha sarvaih surottamaih. DAMODARAN : gacchatu Bhavin punardarsundya. NARADA Yathajna payali Bhagway Narayacah (nisskrantah). (Bharatavakyam.) Imam sagar-paryantam Himavad-Vindhya-Ku dalam mahim ekata palrankam Rajasimhah prasdstu nah. Oru-bhangam. (9) DHaTARASTRAN : ydmy end sajjana-dhanani tapovarani putra-pranusa-viphalam hi dhig aslu rajyam. AGVATTHAMA : ydtodya sauptikavadhodyata-bara-perih *gam pdtu no nara-patih samitaripakrah (nickrantah sarve) itah prak bharata-vakyam ity apskritam. Karna-bharam. () KARSAi : salyardja, yalra asciv Arjunas talraiva co-dyatam mama rathah. SALYAN badham. (Bharatavakyam.) Sarvatra sampadah santu naeyantu vipadak sada, Rajd raja-gunopeto bhumim ekah prascistu nah. Data-vakyam. (*) DHXTARASTRAN : anugrhite smi. Bhagavan, idam arghyam padyam ca ghyatdm. VASUDAVANIE Sarvam ghnami. kim te bhiyah priyam upaharami. DHETARASTRANS yadi me Bhagavan prasannah kim atah param aham icchami. VASUDVA gacchatu bhavan punar darsanaya. DARTARASTRAN yad ajna payati Bhagavan Narayanah (nisskrantah). (N.B.-It seems a pity that Narayana should send away a blind, old king like that.) Cf. BAL. DAMOPARAM: aye devargir Naradah. Devarse svagatam-idam arghyam padyam ca. NARADAN sarvam ghnami. Gandharvapearaso gayanti ; Nardyana namas te stu pranamanti ca devatdh anena-asura-ndeena mahi ca pari. rakpita.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1031 NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT DRAMA SAKUNTALA. BY LILY DEXTER GREENE, PE.D. Now let us consider one of the dramas of Kalidasa, called Sakuntalu. Here we will find the same wonderful descriptions of nature as in the poem previously studied (Meghaddta),1 and also a deep appreciation of the beauty of the world and of the use that a poetic mind can make of such splendid soenery as India affords. His nature descriptions are almost always in delightful verse. This drama has been greatly appreciated by the western world ever since its appearance in English in 1789 from the pen of Sir William Jones. No less a poet than Goethe gives it the following praise : "Wouldst thou the blossoms of spring ? Wouldst thou what satisfies and feeds ? Wouldst thou the heaven, the earth, in one sole word compress? I name Shakuntala, and so have said it all." In the opening aot of Sakuntala, we have a fine bit of word-painting, when the chariotect speaks of the fleeing deer as Siva with his pinaka, or bow. By this description he recalls the story of the slight of Siva at the time of Daksa's great horse sacrifioe. Siva, being uninvited, is enraged and with his wife appears on the scene, just in time to destroy the sacrifice and to wound and disperse the gods. Yajna, the lord of the sacrifice,' hastily assumes the shape of a deer and flees, but is finally overtaken and beheaded. Another suggestion is that the charioteer here refers to the story in the Vayu Purana, which says that Siva, as a monster called Virabhadra, pursued Yajna in the form of a fleet deer. Whatever the fact referred to may have been, the description of the fleeing deer shows a wonderful appreciation of the niceties of detail. He notes the graceful curve of the neok, the shrinking body to escape the expected arrow, the frightened attitude as the half-chewed food drops from his panting, partially opened mouth, and the long, graceful leaps as he soon disappears from sight. His picture of the excited horses "Their necks with eager vying stretched Their crested plumelets flowing stiff, Their ears erect and motionless." also shows wonderfully accuracy of observation and rare ability in portraying all the details of any scene. King Dusyanta is praised by the hermit for proteoting the hermitage, and the soar on his arm made by the bowstrings snapping back, is a sign to these hermits that he belongs to the warrior oaste. In this connection the marvd plant, which Sir G. Watt would identify with the Sansevieria zeylanica, may be called the bowstring hemp, since the fibres were extensively used for that purpose by the ancient Hindus. Manu, II, 42, says that the girdle of the military olass must be made of murva fibres. The plant grows wild under the shade of bushes in the forest. When cultivated in a rich, sandy soil, and watered regularly, the plants are much larger, and the leaves, when full-grown, are three to four feet long. The fine, white fibres run through the entire length of the leaf. They are prepared by steeping the leaves in water until the pulpy part decays, then rubbing off this pulp, leaving the fibres olean and bare. However, the objection to this process, is that it discolours the fibres and hence depreciates their value. The ordinary way is to scrape away the pulp with a hard piece of wood, while the leaf is held on a thin board. Thus prepared, these fibres are very valuable for fishing lines, fiddle strings, bowstring, and many other purposes. It is interesting to know that the plant readily starts from slips, which issue in great numbers from the roots, and since these roots are perennial, the plant requires little care. One of the peculiarities of this plant is that it has fibrous, jointed roots, and another is that its flowers are night-bloomers only. Every evening, fresh blossoms appear and all fall off before the I Supra, vel. LIX, p. 131 f.

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MARCH, 1931) NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT DRAMA SAKUNTALA 47 sunrise. They are of a very delionte, pale pea-green colour, with a sweet perfume. They are said to resemble the Peruvian heliotrope, particularly as to the sweet neotar of the flowers. In portraying the soene, which plainly indicated that the grove was a sacred place, the king says "Why, just obeerve; From hollow trunks that parrots fill, The rioe is strewn below the trees, There lie the oily stones that serve To bruise the fruit of Ingudi." The tree which bears the fruit here called ingude is probably Balanites Roxburghii. The Raghuvarica, XIV, 81, refers to the use of its fruit to supply oil for lamps, and in the first aot of the drama Sakuntald, we have a similar referenoe. The Amarakosa gives as its synonym tapanataru, which means the anchorite's tree'; and Sayana calls it Munipidapa. The king waxes eloquent as he sees Sakuntald and indignantly says that to train the delicato form and matchless grace of such a body to penance, is like an effort to cut the stem of a samf (which is the hard-wooded Acacia Suma, already noted) with the tender leaves of the blue lotus. The lotus is the flower par excellence of the poet. This flower is to the Hindu poet what the rose is to the Persian. Lotus faoe,' 'lotus hands, lotus feet,' are very oommon expressions in Sanskrit literature, used in a figurative sense to mean beauty. There are many kinds of lotus plants, but the blue lotus seems to be one of the most delicate, hence its use here. Referring to the coarse bark of the hermit maiden's garment, he says that this but serves as an embellishment to her delicate body. "E'en with the shaivala entwined The water lily shows her charms, The dusky spot upon the moon Her splendour only elevates." The Saivala (Vallisneria spiralis, Linn.) is an aquatio plant which spreads over, and intertwines its tendrils around, the lotus, but, as the poet says, does not oonceal its beauty, but rather enhances it. A peculiarity of this plant is that the male flowers, when ready to expand, detach themselves from the plant, and, resting on their detached petals, are borne on the surface of the water until they finally reach the female plants. Sakuntala speaks of the kesara tree, waving its shoots, like fingers, to beckon her toward it. The kesara, called bakula or vakuda, is the tree known to botanists as Mimusops Elengi, Linn. It is frequently mentioned in the Puranas, and in the Ratndvalt, Act III. Sir William Jones says it is one of the flowering trees of very strong soent, which is placed in the Hindu heaven. Owing to its peculiar scent, the perfume is so pungent as to be stifling indoors, but it is pleasantly fragrant in the gardens. Its fruit is a small, oval-shaped, yellow berry, quite edible when ripe. The king says of Sakuntala: 'Her lip is purple, like the bud, Her arms appear like tender shoots, And charming youth is like a bloom Attached unto her graceful form." Her friends say she has forgotten to water the fresh-blown jasmine flower as the bride of the mango tree. The word, sakara, used here, is a kind of mango, probably Mangifera indica, which is one of the common varieties seen so frequently in large groves. The fresh open jasmine blossoms, as the vine twines about this great tree, are likened to fruits of the marriage of the tree and vine, while the new shoots of the mango are said to be the expression of its great joy. The idea of marriage between plants and trees seems to be an old Pernian

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROR, 1831 miatif, as one rsoalls that of Laila and Majnun. The mango is the common fruit of India, as common as the apple in our own country. The tree grows to be very large with dense, wide. spreading branches and, even after it is too old to bear fruit, is valued for its dense shade. The fruit is at its best in June and July, and, for the poor people of India, is at that time an important article of food. The fruit, when green and about half-grown, is made into pickles, jam and jelly. When ripe, it is one of the best fruits in the world. Its blossoms are exceedingly fragrant and are the favourite flowers of Kama, the god of love. When king Dusyanta appears to Sakuntala and the two hermit maids in the forest, thoir very first thought is to offer the customary rites of hospitality. The argha, an offering of fruit, flowers, water, etc., is first mentioned, and the next act of hospitality is to give him a place to rest. A raised seat under the cool shade of the sapta para tree was offered, where he might rest and recover from the fatigue of his hunt and long journey. This tree is socalled from its seven-leaved stalks, and its botanical name is Alstonia scholaris, R. Br. (Echites scholaris of Linnacus). This is a large evergreen tree, from forty to sixty feet high. Its leaves are in whorls, and elliptic-oblong in shape, with white-coloured under. surfaces. The flowers are greenish white, in numerous small clusters. The wood is hard and white, and much used to make takhtis, which are used instead of slates in the primary schools. Near the close of Act I is a beautiful description of the way the peaceful grove is disturbed by the king's chariot. As the horses speed along, the dust is likened to a swarm of locusts, glittering in the glow of the sunset and settling up on the bark-garments, recently washed, suspended on the branches to dry. In the midst of all this, & wild elephant, frightened at the king's chariot, rushes through the grove, frightening the gentle-eyed deer and the hermit maidens as well, while the tangled creepers caught in the hedge cling to his great feet, and becoming more and more frightened he strikes his great tusks against a huge tree, and one tusk suddenly breaks off. As Sakuntald moves away from this soene, she glances back at the king in fright, and in doing so, her garment is caught by the kuruvaka bush. This is probably Barleria ciliata. Roxb., which has purple-tinted flowers and thorny branches; but Sir George Watt equates it with Lawsonia alba, Lam. In the speech of the vid apaka, or jester, he asks the king if the vetasa imitates the action of the kubja plant of its own free will, or by the force of the water of the river. The vetasa is the rattan oane, Calamus Rotang, Linn. Kalidasa likens it to the kubja plant, a peculiar, crooked water plant (Trapa bispinosa), usually known as singhard, which grows on the surface of the water of tanks in the rainy season. Its flowers are white, opening only in the after. noon. The fruit is a sort of water-nut, of an irregular triangular shape with peculiar sharp spine-like projections. The fruit, or nut, comes to maturity under the water. It is sold in the market and commonly eaten raw, but is sometimes roasted. The word lubja also means, in Sanskrit, humpbacked; and this jester is supposed to be a hunchback, so there seems to be a play on the word kubja. In his anxiety to be near Sakuntala, Dusyanta decides to stop here and rest from the hunt. The description given is another evidence of the poet's close observation. He de. soribes the buffaloes as sporting in the ponds and tossing the water about with their horns, and refers to the herding deer in scattered groups, ruminating in the cool shade of the great trees, while the wild boars dig musta roots in marshy pools near-by. The musta is a kind of grabe (Cyperus rotundus), which swine eat, and from which they are called mustada. This grass grows easily in any soil, but is most abundant in marshy places. The roots are tuberous, about the size of acorns, and cattle also eat them. When ground to powder, they are very fragrant and are much used at weddings as perfume. Every little piece of root grows readily, so it is very difficult to exterminate. (To be continued.)

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MABOH, 1931] POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT, (PARIS). ONE of the corner stones of the civilization of India, the civilization which is as ancient as that of Egypt, is the institution of caste. As oaste holds such a prominent place in the economy of Indian life, and as it has been the distinguishing mark of the civilization of India since the dawn of history, a period of some three thousand years, if not more-it is not surprising that a large number of hypotheses have been put forward to explain its origin. But the origin of caste is admittedly lost, perhaps never to be found ; and all the well-reasoned explanations of some of the greatest Indian scholars have remained till today no more than plausible conjectures. The Hindus themselves, trying to explain the origin of caste, give more prominence to the occupational side of the system. A Brahman writer, Mr. Ramaswami Sastri, speaking of the institution of caste, says: "According to us (i.e., the Hindus) it is the result of a divine grouping according to actions and tendencies + + + which can be augmented or lessened by social or individual well-doing or ill-doing."1 As Rice points out,. Sastri is speaking not as a scholar but as a propagandist ; "his aim is not to show how caste arose but to defend it as the main atmosphere of cultural resistance and the most unifying element in Hindu society. It is clear, however, that he leans towards the occupational theory, as is proved by his contention that the Hindu race is one and entire and Aryan'"; and that caste is "not based on ethnic separateness." Scientific investigators look elsewhere than to oocupation for the true explanation of the origin of caste. And several other theories have been brought forward to explain it. One of these would have it that the system owes its origin to racial differences, and that it is based on the supposed superiority of the Indo-Aryan races to the autochthones of India, the dark-skinned population of whom very little is known. This opinion, erroneous though it is, as we shall see, has lasted for decades, but modern investigations lend little or no support to it. The error arose from the fact that the oldest Sanskrit word used to describe the system of caste is varna, colour.' European writers on India, and, following in their footsteps, the native writers themselves have interpreted the word vara as referring to the colour of the skin of the people of India, and then, as' caste,' but we shall see that the word varna was not originally used in the sense of caste' as we understand it today. The word 'caste' itself or any exact equivalent for it is unknown to the Indian, and in the principal languages of India no expression is to be found which clearly describes the idea of caste. The word 'caste' comes from the Portuguese casta, which means 'race, 'family.' Duarte Barbosa, writing of the king of Calicut, says: "This king keeps one thousand women, to whom he gives regular maintenance, and they always go to his court to act as the sweepers of his palaces * * * These are ladies and of good family [estas saom fidalgas e de boa casta)." And Castanheda, one of the first European writers on India, uses the word 'caste' in a similar sense. He writes: "There fled a knight who was called Fernao Lopez, a man of good caste (family) [homem de boa casta). Originally, therefore, caste referred to family rather than to racial differences. The nearest Sanskrit equivalent of the word is jati which means 'race, people,''caste'; but jati was not originally used to describe the system. i Quoted by Stanley Rice, "The Origin of Caste," The Asiatic Review, xxv (1929), p. 147. S. Rice, loc. cit. 3 S. Rice, loc. cit. 4 Livro de Duarte Barbosa (No. VII, Colleocao de Noticias para a Historia e Geografia, etc.. Academia Real des Sciencias, tomo ii (Lisbon, 1812]), p. 316, quoted by Col. (Sir) H. Yule and A. C.. Burnell, Hobson. Jobeon. A Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases (London, 1886), p. 131, a.v. "Caste." F. L. de Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento e conquista da India (Lisbon, 1833), iii, 239. quoted by H. Yule and A. C. Burnell, loc. cit.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCE, 1931 A third important suggestion as to the origin of caste has recently been propounded by Rice. According to him the origin is to be looked for in the Tamil word kulam (Skt. kulan), which would probably result in proving that totemism is at the bottom of it. He is also of opinion that caste is a Dravidian institution. He says that "the Aryans found a system resembling caste already in force amongst the Dravidian inhabitants and that they adopted and modified it to suit their own purpose." He argues at great length to prove that the Tamil word mentioned above, meaning 'clan' or 'family,' must have referred to totemic families, and is the clue to the solution of the mystery. Thus, we see that the three principal suggestions as to the origin of caste are : i. Occupational ; ii. Somatological; iii. Totemic. In the present paper it is intended to examine the evidences as to their validity, and to reject or accept any or all of them Before we can do so, it is necessary to understand what exactly is meant by Caste, and how it is constituted. "Caste may roughly be described as a system whereby an individual is born into a well-defined section of society, the mere fact of which obliges him to follow a certain traditional path thenceforward. A man's caste determines for him nine-tenths of his existence; it prescribes rules regarding whom he shall marry and when; his avocation, his choice of friends, what he shall eat and-more stringent than this-what he shall refrain from eating."8 Senart, speaking of marriage restrictions, says " La loi de la caste est une loi d'endogamie par rapport a la caste, d'exogamie par rapport a la famille." And Westermarck, one of our greatest authorities on the question of marriages, says that endogamy is the essence of the caste system. 10 Taking the first of these hypotheses, we at once see that the division by divine will of the population of India into four principal castes is, to least of it, puerile in the extreme, and cannot for a moment be taken into serious consideration. The justification for this belief in divine interference is found in the Purupa-sukta, one of the latest hymns found in the Vedio collection. 11 Caste, we are told, did not exist in the primitive society of Vedic times, though the conditions out of which it in all probability arose were already present. In the Purugadakta we read that when the Purusa was created, the Brahmana ingued from his mouth, the Ksatriya from his arms, the Vaisya from his thighs, and the Sodra from his feet. 13 The first three-the priests, the warriors and the farmers--were believed to be the Aryans and were twice-born ; whereas the Sudras alone were once-born, liable to various disabilities, and were the slaves of the other three. 13 Moreover, Manu, the ancient Hindu lawgiver, adds that when these four castes were created, special duties were laid to each and all of them. The Brahmana's duty was to teach, study, sacrifice for himself and for others, and to receive and give alms. To the Ksatriyas the duties of protecting their fellow beings, of studying, of giving alms, of sacrifioing, and of keeping away from sins were allotted. The Vaisyas 6 Stanley Rice, "The Origin of Caste," The Asiatic Review, xxv (1929), Nos. 81, 82. 7 Stanley Rice, loc. cit., p. 161. B. Bonnerjea, "Caste and Democracy," Orioc (Journal of the International University Club), vol. i, No. 1 (Washington, D.C., June 1929), p. 2. Emile Senart, Les Castes dans l'Inde, p. 27, quoted by B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Paris, 1927, p. 12. Compare other authorities cited in the latter work. 10 E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, (New York, 1922), vol. ii, p. 59. 11 J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts on the Origin and History of the People of India, London, 1868-1884, vol. I, pp. 156, 157. 12 Cf. A. A. Macdonnell, Vedic Mythology (Grundriss der Indo-arischen Philologie, Strassburg, 1897, Pp. 12 f. 18 of. Institutes of Manu, viii, 270, 272, 279, 280, 414; ri, 13, 64, 65, 66, 67, 127, 131; Rgveda, tr. by H. H. Wilson, vi, Sakta Xo, p. 12.

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MAROH, 1931 ) POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA 51 had to look after the cattle, give alms, sacrifice, study, and employ themselves in trade and business. Lastly, the Sadras had only one duty allotted to them, viz., to serve the other three without complaint. That occupation or, as some would have it, integrity of life had some part in the determination of an individual's caste seems also to be a reasonable supposition in the light of certain texts in the ancient books. Nahusa, who had been condemned to take the form of a serpent, asks Yudhisthira the question: "Who is a Brahmana, and what is the object of worship?" Yudhisthira replies: "The man in whom are seen truth, liberality, patience, virtue, innocence, devotion and compassion-he is a Brahmana according to religious traditions." The serpent answers: "But in Sudras also we meet with truth, liberality, calmness, innocence, harmlessness, and compassion, O Yudhisthira." The sage replies: "Whenever a Sudra has any virtuous characteristics and a Brahmana lacks it, that Sudra will not really be a Sudra, nor that Brahmana a Brahmana. The man in whom this virtuous character is seen is a Brahmana, and the man in whom it is not seen is a Sudra." The serpent proceeds: "If you regard him only as a Brahmana, whom his conduct makes such, then caste is of no avail until deeds are superadded to it." Thus pressed, Yudhisthira admits the confusion 16 of castes in the actual world, and concludes that good conduct and fulfilment of prescribed ceremonies are alike necessary.15 In another place Muir says: "There is no difference of castes. The world having been at first created by Brahma, entirely Brahmanic, became separated into castes in consequence of works."16 Again, Bhrgu, being asked what constitutes caste, replies: "He who is pure, consecrated by the nature and other initiatory ceremonics, who duly studies the Veda, practises the six kinds of work, and the rites of purification, who eats of offerings, is attached to his religious teacher, is constant in austerities, and is devoted to truth, is called a Brahmana. He who is unclean, is addicted constantly to all kinds of food, performs all kinds of work, has abandoned the Veda, and is destitute of pure observances is called a Sudra."17 At the present day, however, the occupational theory has very little of support. Brahmanas, for instance, are found following all kinds of professions, as also trade and even the sale of liquor and leather goods which are theoretically restricted to the Sunti and Camar castes respectively. "But there are exceptions, e.g., on the Malabar coast, where the Namputiri Brahmana is still very particular as to the way in which he earns his living, and proscribes numerous occupations, of which teaching is one. In some parts a man is brought to book if he neglects certain socio-religious observances, such as giving his daughter in marriage before she attains the age of puberty, investing his son with the sacred thread, or performing the sraddha ceremony. But in others these matters are not regarded as concerniug any one but himself."18 The second hypothesis of the somatological basis of the division into caste arose, as we have seen from a wrong interpretation of the use of the Sanskrit word varna meaning *colour.' In the ancient books of the Hindus society was divided into Brahmanas, Ksatri. yas, Vaisyas and Sadras. The priesthood and its duties, legal and educational authority are reserved to the Brahmanas; military service to the Ksatriyas ; cattle-breeding, agri. oulture and trade to the Vaisyas ; and all kinds of menial work to the Sadras. Of the four. the first-named are described as white, the second red, the third yellow, and the fourth black. Partigans of the Aryan theory have seized upon this description to prove their origin, and have interpreted the epithet 'white' of the Brahmanas as referring to their Caucasian affinities. 14 The word confusion is significant for it shows that oven in those days the caste system was misunderstood. 15 Summarized from J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. i, pp. 133-138. 16 'J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. i, p. 140. 17 Summarized from J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. i, p. 142. 19 E. A. Gait, in General Report of the Census of India, 1911 (London, 1914), p. 388 g 496. The Brahmans of Bengal perform any except the meanest trades; generally speaking, they are cooks,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1931 But they are at a loss to explain the epithet 'red' of the Ksatriyas. Although such is the description of the four castes, there is no passage in the Sanskrit books which expressly says that the black people were non-Aryans ; neither are we told that the former three were Aryans. This interpretation of the word 'white' has caused great amusement to one recent author, who writes: "Wenn man behauptet, dass die weisse Farbe der Brahmanen seine europaische Affinitat verrate, und die dunkle Farbe des Sudra seinen autochthonen Ursprung, dann fragt es sich, wie die rote Farbe des Ksatriya und die gelbe Farbe des Vaisya zu erklaren ist. 1st bei den rotfarbigen Ksatriyas vielleicht an die Rothaute Amerikas und bei den gelben Vaisyas an die Mongolen zu denken? Oder sind die Hindus ein Konglomerat der bekannten BLUMEN. BACH' schen Menschenrassen? Diejenigen also, die behaupten, dass das indische Kastenwesen auf einen Rassenunterschied sich grundet, vermogen fur die Existenz der beiden anderen Farben (rot und gelb) keinerlei Erklarung beizubringen."19 As to the Mongoloid element among the Hindus, proofs have been adduced to show that it undoubtedly exists ; 30 and this is especially the case in the eastern provinces, where for centuries the people have come into contact with the Burmese and the Chinese. The colour differences ascribed to the four castes are better explained in this manner. The Brahmanas were regarded as white because of the superiority of their avocations and the supposed purity of their lives ; 21 the Ksatriyas as red because being warriors they shed blood and because of their fiery nature; the Vaisyas as yellow because they handled yellow gold in the pursuit of trade and also because agriculture in which they extensively engaged suggested the vision of ripe, golden corn, The Sudras were painted black on account of their occupations; as the servitors of the other castes they performed dirty and menial work. The differences of colour, according to this explanation, became merely symbolic of the respective occupations of the castes. In the dawn of Hindu civilization there were but two castes, the conquerors and the conquered. In the opinion of Muir and other authorities the Aryans found themselves a conquering white minority among the subject dark-skinned population, whom they graci. ously considered as the personification of all the vices. In the sacred books of the Hindus frequent mention is made of the black skins. In the rg Veda, Indra, the sky god, is constantly invoked by warriors, and as a great god of battle he is more often called upon than any other deity as the helper of the Aryan races in their conflict with earthly enemies, and in subjugating the black-skins, 22 But, as we have said before, the Sadras, in spite of their black colour, are never mentioned as non-Aryans. If their black skins alone were sufficient to class them as non-Aryans, then it would also be evidence of the non-Aryan origin of the Vaisyas and the Ksatriyas, who are described respectively as yellow and red. The only distinction made in the ancient books was that the learned were called Arya and the savage aborigines and the illiterate were designated Dasyu. (To be continued.) 19 Bhupendranath Datta, "Das indische Kastensystem," Anthropos, xxii (1927), p. 147. "If it is affirmed that the white colour of the Brahmana reveals his European affinity, and the dark colour of the Sadra his aboriginal origin, then the question arises as to how the red colour of the Kattriyas is to be ex. plained. With regard to the red-complexioned Kattriyas are we to think of the red-skins of America, and with regard to the yellow Vaisy&s, of the Mongolians ? Or, are the Hindus & mixture of the well-known races of men of Blumenbach! Those, therefore, who assert that the Indian caste system is based on a racial differonce are unable to find any explanation for the existence of the other two colours (red and yellow)." 20 Cf. B. Bopperjos, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Paris, 1927, p. XII; Appendix B, No. 2. 31 In Oldenburg white is the colour of innocence (L. Strackerjan referred to by B. Bonnerjoe, 4 Dictionary of Superstitions and Mythology (London, 1928), p. 288, d.o. "White"). 31 Rg Veda, III, 39-ix ; I, 130-viii; A. A. Macdonnell, Vedic Mythology (Strassburg, 1897), p. 62.

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MARCH, 1931) IS S. THOME IN CIVITATE IOT HABIS IS S. THOME IN CIVITATE IOTHABIS ! BY THE REV. H. HOSTEN, S.J. MR. T. K. Joseph asks (Catholic Register, S. Thome, April 1930, p. 23) what we have to think of Iothabis, which in the Codex Fuldensis of the famous MS. of the Latin Diatessaron, written for, and corrected by Victor, Bishop of Capua, in 546 A.D., is given in the entry of St. Thomas' death. The words cited are: Thomas in India Civitate Iothabis. Is Iothabis, he asks, at Mylapore or at some place in North India ? We answer that the presumption is in favour of Mylapore, whatever the spelling of the Codex may be. As we cannot twist the tradition away from the tomb at Mylapore, we have rather to twist the unknown name Iothabis in such a way as to satisfy Mylapore. But, first of all, we should like to know where Mr. T. K. Joseph gets his information from. The Catholic Encyclopaedia, New York, 8.v. Tatian, says that the Codex Fuldensis of the Diatessaron is of about 545 A.D. Satisfied with the date 546, we should like to know who was responsible for deciphering the name from the Codex, as even the slightest difference of reading might greatly operate in favour of Mylapore. If the reading were possibly Solhabis or Kolhabis, Soshabis, Koshabis, we would at once think of Shola, Kolha, Sosha, Kosha (Coromandel). If it were Molhabis, we would think of Molhabur, Molepoor (1330), Mylapore. We have still to account for the name Lapis applied by a Flemish sailor to Mylapore about 1502 A.D. Could that have come from the ending of some name like Iothabis, Iolbabis, Iolhapis? Or have we in it only the ending lapur of Mayilapur! If the name were legible as Calhabis, Kalbabis, Colhabis, Kolhabis, we could compare it with the forms of Calamina, i.e., Kalamene, Karamene (Pseudo-Hippolytus), Kalamite (Pseudo-Dorotheus), Calamina (Pseudo-Jerome or Pseudo-Sophronius), Calamina (St. Isidore of Seville, born about 560, died 636), Calamina (Brit. Mus. Syr. Add. Cod. 17193, fol. 80, of the year 874), Calamina (Barhebraeus, thirteenth century), Kalamina (Anonymous Greek writer, published with the writings of Oecumenius), Calamia (Bede, the Venerable ?). In case Iothabis has been correctly read from the Codex Fuldensis, there remains the possibility that the name was misspelt on the part of the scribe of that Codex or on the part of some earlier scribe. Why does Mr. T. K. Joseph tell us that Iothabis is earlier even than the Greek writings of the seventh century which mention Calamina ? "No writer that we can name or date before the seventh century, if so early, makes mention of Calamina." (W. R. Philipps, Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 148.) . This appears to be Mr. Joseph's authority. He assumes it proved that Pseudo-Hippolytus, Pseudo-Dorotheus, Pseudo-Jerome or Pseudo-Sophronius, are of the seventh century, i.e., neither later nor earlier. Philipps does not mean that. We can say that these writings might be of the seventh century, or earlier or later. We find Calamina in a Latin writer, St. Isidore of Seville, before 636. We find it in several Greek writers whose dates are not fixed. We find it in two Syrian writers, one of the ninth century, the other of the thirteenth. Shall we imagine that the Syrian writers took it from the unidentified Greek writers or the Latins? The presumption is that the Greek and Latin writers had it from the Syrians, who were nearer India. That being so, and the tradition being what it is, the presumption is that Calamina refers to Mylapore, also that the spelling is nearer to Calamina or Mylapore than Iothabis, unless all are names for the same place; also, that it must be possible to fix Calamina and Iothabis on the ancient toponomy for Mylapore or its district. * Coromandel,' or Karumanal' (black sand,' a village on the coast north of Madras), has a fair chance of satisfying the requirements of Calamina. Mr. Joseph prefers to explain Calamina as meaning Chinnamalai (the Little Mount) of Mylapore. I shall not here discuss the merits of Coromandel or Karumanal in preference to Chinnamalai. Barhebraeus, who

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1931 speaks of Calamina, connects St. Thomas' martyrdom on a mountain of India, at Calamina, very much in the same way as the Malabar tradition relates it now in connection with Chinnamalai. Barhebraeus' mountain of India, at Calandina, has therefore every chance of being the Little Mount at Mylapore, in Coromandel. In fact, a Syrian writer, Mar Solomon of Perath-Maishan (Basra ?), writes, c. 1222 A.D. (and therefore an appreciable time before Marco Polo and Barhebraeus), that, according to some, St. Thomas was buried at Mabluph, a city in the land of the Indians, while, according to others, Habban the merchant brought his body and laid it in Edessa. Granting that Habban brought the body to Edessa, we should think that even those who in Mesopotamia agreed about Habban and Edessa made Habhan bring the body of St. Thomas from Mahluph, while the others held it was still at Mahluph. But for the first letter, Iothabis might be compared with Mahluph, Malhuph. Now, we ask, whether the presumption for the Calamina of the Syrian writer Barhebraeus be not that it is the same place as the Mahluph of the earlier Syrian writer, Mar Solomon. And, on phonetic grounds only, could Mahluph, be other than Mylapore? It cannot be other, considering that in 1222 the Malabar tradition, i.e., that St. Thomas was buried at Mylapore, could not be different from what it was in Marco Polo's time (1293), and therefore in Barhebraeus' time. Sir John de Maundeville (fourteenth century) calls Calamye, the place of St. Thomas' tomb, a place in Mabaron (i.e., on the Coromandel Coast), that is, Mylapore. How long before 1222 had it been said in Mesopotamia that Thomas was at first buried at Mahluph (Mylapore)? And how long before Barhebraeus had the Syrians of Mesopotamia, seeking Thomas at Calamina, been directed to Mylapore by the Christians in Malabar! Was it different for the pilgrims from Mesopotamia who, about 874, seeking St. Thomas in India, asked where was the Calamina of their Syriac books ? Could it have been different for the embassy of Alfred the Great (893 A.D.), which came to India, to St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew, and returned successful ? If Calamina and Mahluph can both refer to Mylapore, are we asking too much by seeking to identify both Calamina and Iothabis with Mylapore ? We need not use in our discussions'the name Bethumah of the Arab travellers (ninth century). Their Bethumah was apparently not "the house of Thomas" at Mylapore. Personally, I have never argued from that name in my disquisitions. It is different when we find Dair Thuma (Thomas' Monastery) applied by the Syrians to a place in India, along the sea, "in the black island" and near to Milon, whose inhabitants fished pearls. I have argued that the Hulf or Hulfa, which we find in mediaeval German accounts of St. Thomas' Passio, is to be compared with Mahluph, which by metathesis gives Mahulph, and that the name Hulf, Hulfa, goes back to the account of the Indian Bishop who, coming from the town where was St. Thomas' tomb, appeared at Rome, about 1122 A.D., or a cen. tury earlier than Mar Solomon. Let it not be said that Hulf, Hulfa represents Urfa (Edessa). That Indian Bishop said of the place where St. Thomas was buried that the king had given St. Thomas possession of the town. Now, that same tradition turns up at Mylapore in con. nection with Mylapore in 1348 (John de Marignolli), and in 1523, when the Portuguese settled at Mylapore, i.e., after a break of several decades in the Christian occupation of Mylapore. The persistence of such a tradition at Mylapore, whatever the value or meaning of the statement it contains, is not accidental. That tradition must have been an old one at Mylapore even in 1122, say a centuries-old tradition, since it could remain the same from 1122 to 1523, or during four centuries. In that case, the tradition at Mylapore in 1122, that St. Thomas had died there and that his tomb was there, was also centuries old here in India. This would easily bring us to the ninth century, in which Mr. Joseph is ready to place the church and cross of St. Thomas' Mount, Mylapore. That church was but the second church at Mylapore : for in 1348 de Marignolli mentions as built by St. Thomas, at Mylapore, a second church

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MARCH, 1931) IS S. THOME IN CIVITATE IOTHABIS ? other than the one of the tomb, which itself was also said to have been built by St. Thomas. The second church mentioned by de Marignolli was evidently the church on St. Thomas' Mount. We have no allusion to a third church, at Little Mount, before or at the Portuguese advent. Having gone so far, we ask where was the church and monastery of wonderful size and beauty, with the tomb where St. Thomas first rested here in India, of which Gregory of Tours heard from the pilgrim Theodoro (before 592). Can it have been elsewhere than at Mylapore ? Let Mr. Joseph, running away from Calamina, by him placed in the seventh century, and from his Chinnamalai, place it in Mazdai's territory, and let him place Mazdai's territory near Gondophares', somewhere in North India. Between the seventh century (600-700), or between the ninth century (800-900), and 565-592 A.D., he must destroy the church, monastery and tomb in that Mazdai territory of his, construct at Mylapore a false tomb of St. Thomas, and erect near it a church, traditionally said to have been built by St. Thomas; also a monastery; also, on St. Thomas' Mount, a second church, likewise supposed traditionally to have been built by St. Thomas, within the same period (565-592 A.D.-ninth century), nay from the seventh century, he must attach to Chinnamalai the name of Calamina and the tradition that St. Thomas was killed on it. How far is the seventh century (600-700) removed from the tomb, the monastery and church of great size and beauty of which Gregory of Tours wrote before 592 ? Moreover, Mr. Joseph must shift to Mylapore from his Mazdai territory between the seventh century, or between the ninth century, and 565-592, the pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Thomas which existed in 565-592. Could that have been done? Did Malabar not protest? Did not Syria and Mesopotamia ? Did not the Christians of Ceylon? Did not the Christians of China ? If anyone protested, a pilgrimage ought to have continued to a Mazdai territory in the North of India between 565-592 A.D. and the seventh or ninth century. There is no trace of that. We take it then that there were no protests, because there was no shifting of a pilgrimage, tomb, church and monastery from North India to Mylapore, and that Mazdai's territory was not in North India, but at Mylapore. Mylapore was in possession even in 565-592. Therefore, its church and monastery of great size near the tomb in 565-592 went back several centuries again; also its pilgrimage. We come to the Indian monastery of St. Thomas with about 200 monks in the time of Zadoe (fourth century, say, between 350-390 A.D.). It was near Milon, the inhabitants of which fished pearls. We take it that Milon is Mylapore, as Meilan was in 1340. Where will Mr. T. K. Joseph reasonably try to place Zadoe's monastery? And what more do we want, even if we had never heard of Zadoe's monastery of St. Thomas? Mr. Joseph has himself shown, satisfactorily enough, that there were Christians in South India and in Malabar about 290-315. When the Passio was written (before 600 A.D.) there was still in India, at Andranopolis where had taken place the marriage-feast, i.e., at Cranganore, according to the Malabar tradition, the see of St. Thomas the Apostle and the Catholic faith. I am satisfied that Andranopolis was Cranganore, and that, as the Passio says, a great people had been there gained over to Christ. With these many Christians in Malabar and the see of a Bishop at Cranganore from the time of the Apostle, can any one seriously contend that the Malabar tradition about Mylapore went wrong during the first six centuries? Or that, having been right for a Mazdai territory in the North during the first six centuries, it went wrong during the next six ? The old texts (Acts, de Miraculis, Passio), far from forbidding us to place Mazdai's territory at Mylapore, invite us to place it there in preference. In fact, once we have understood that Andranopolis is Cranganore, and that the Malabar tradition is a sufficiently safe guido in this matter and in others, we cannot seek Mazdai's territory elsewhere than at Myla. pore, as we are then forced to admit from the earliest literature that St. Thomas' last journey was from Cranganore to Mazdai's court. We do not understand how Mr. Joseph, who is prepared to identify Calamina with Chinnamalai from the seventh century, and therefore to place a tomb of St. Thomas at Mylapore from the first mention of Calamina, should seek to place Mazdai's territory, Iothabis, and Zadoe's monastery of St. Thomas near Milon, elsewhere

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARC#, 1931 than at Mylapore. Let us not forget that the agreement between Latin, Greek and Syrian writers for Calamina postulates a Calamina much earlier than the first dated or discovered mention of the name, and that therefore some of the undated references to it may be greatly older than the seventh century. Be Calamina ever so much older than the seventh century, there is Mr. Joseph's identification of Calamina with Chinnamalai and ours with Coroman. del, or Karumanal. If Mr. Joseph is not satisfied that Iothabis should be Mylapore, he must find it somewhere near the sea in North India : for the Syriac Breviary, a respectable authority of undoubted antiquity, places St. Thomas' tent and resting-place near the sea. Mylapore satisfies that condition, and Mr. Joseph looks in vain for a lothabis along the sea in North India. The Codex Fuldensis does not say that Mazdai's territory was in North India or that it touched on the sea. Let us now see whether we cannot make an advance with the St. Thomas question in other directions. * Could people in Malabar throw light on a purse of St. Thomas, which was always full of money, a bowl always full of food, & staff with which he had nothing to fear, and a sandal with which he could transport himself in a moment to whatever place he liked ? I believe I have found a reference to these four magical articles and to St. Thomas in a Hindu book studied at Bettiah, Champaran District, by a Capuchin missionary in 1769. The staff of St. Thomas is known in the Mylapore and Malabar Christian folklore. With it he struck the rock at Chinnamalai and caused the perennial spring to flow. I do not know of any Malabar legends about St. Thomas' sandals. From the Passio we understand that, like his pallium and colobium, they would not be worn out before his death. Those of St. Bartholomew had lasted 26 years, as had his cloak and colobium ; they did not grow old. In China a certain Tamo is represented as crossing a river or the sea on a stalk of wheat; he has a staff over his shoulder, and a sandal hanging from the staff. In 1613, the China Christians of Tenduo [more correctly lendo, i.e., India (?), according to the old Syriac books then in Malabar) were said to be still in possession of a shoe or slippers (sic) of St. Thomas. I understand that they represented St. Thomas with a shoe. That shoe or slipper (in the singular) helps us to identify Tamo with Thomas. Others had identified him heretofore with Thomas without the help of the text about the shoe. Tamo also wears a rosary. Also known in China is a certain Bodhi-Tamo, the son of a South Indian king, who came to China with nothing but his patra (begging-bowl) and his flabellum ; also, a foreigner from Syria, whence had come the Luminous Religion, who brought to China only his rice-bowland his vestments. Tamo, Bodhi. Tamo and the foreigner appear to be St. Thomas. Now for the magical purge of St. Thomas. In Central India, i.e., about Malwa and Bundelkhand, people who are not now Christians have tattoo-marks of many kinds of crosses, some indubitably Christian in shape, one of which is called a purse ; another name for such a cross is the flower of the lac-insect,' where the lac-insect points to Jesus. Another tattoo-mark, showing a cross within a circle, which is worshipped by two peacocks, and is called a sweetmeat, must be compared with the Bread of Tuma (Thomas), known in Manchuria, where it is formed and baked like a head or a hand,'" because Tuma had been martyred whilst preaching, and as an atonement for sin." Why should we not gradually bring China into line with India and Malabar ? Chinese still came on pilgrimage to the tomb at Mylapore in 1500. The Tartars who did the same in 1348 must have been Chinese. And now we learn from Godinho de Eredia (1613) that the Chinese of Chincheo (Fukhien), of whom there was a colony at Malacca, were descended from the Tochari or Chorii of Pliny, people settled between the Caspian and Turkestan, among whom there must have been Christians in the first centuries. Why is there a hare in the sun or moon, as I saw in the paintings or carvings of some churches in Malabar? I do not now recollect whether the hare was in the sun or in the

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MARCH. 1931] IS S. THOME IN CIVITATE IOTHABIS? 57 moon. I recollect he was in one of the two. Is a hare supposed to be in the sun and a dove in the moon, as is the case for North Asia? What does the hare and the dove symbolize in Malabar? In Egypt we find both as Christian symbols in the first centuries. The dove would naturally symbolize everywhere among Christians the Holy Spirit. Why should the hare not symbolize Christ? In the West the Easter hare lays the Easter eggs, and on Easter Day the sun is believed to take three leaps on rising. We read of a hare guiding Kanishka to the Shepherd's tower, and of Krishna, incarnated as a beggar, which event was commemorated on the moon, where Oriental eyes still see the hare stirring the elixir of immortality. The story of the hare in connection with Krishna only adds to the likelihood that the Krishna story is mostly copied from the story of Christ. One of the Bettiah books says that Krishna was born in the kingdom of Kans, and that the capital of Kans was at Mylapore. Replace Kamsa by Kaisar (Augustus), and you have a confusion between Thomas at Mylapore and Christ. The death of Krishna by a hunter shooting him with an arrow in mistake for a deer is the death of Thomas, shot by a hunter with an arrow in mistake for a peacock. Does Malabar know the symbol of the anchor and the Twin Fish? What do the Twin Fish represent in Malabar, if the symbol is known there, say as a tattoo-mark? I believe that the Twin Fish, widely known in China, Japan and Korea, appears in tattoo-marks in Central India. It would not be difficult to connect with it St. Thomas, Christ's Twin. Does Malabar know any legend representing St. Thomas as the conqueror of a dragon near the sea, as a Nagarjuna? Or a legend in which St. Thomas or some other saint is locked up in an iron tower in the sea? Or a legend in which St. Thomas or some other saint opens the iron tower in the sea by casting against the door grains of mustard-seed? In the West there is a story of the boy Joseph locked up by his father Braudyn in a room or prison of stone and mortar; Jesus, coming to his help, found a little hole, and, bidding the boy to take hold of his finger, he drew the boy out, "ever to be with Jesus." We have also in the Bettiah books the story of Vikramaditya, in whose reign Sahabani was born of a virgin. Sahabani's story is modelled on that of the Gospel of the Infancy of Jesus, and it is said that Vikramaditya offered to yield his empire to Sahabani. A contest arose between them. They agreed that of the two, he would reign who would issue alive from a stone room after six months. At the end of six months, during which each was shut up in a stone room, Sahabani was alone found alive, and he began to reign. Sahabani is Jesus, and the Vikramaditya of this legend can be no other than Emperor Augustus. There is also a legend from the Coromandel Coast about a tree which rose from the ground with the sun in the morning, reached up to heaven at noon, and was again flush with the ground at sunset. Vikramaditya (this time not Augustus, but Jesus) resolved to take his seat on it one morning. At noon, having reached the sun, he asked as his been a thousand years of reign, and obtained his request. When back on the ground at sunset, his brother Betti (other texts have Bali) advised him to sit on his throne only six months every year, so as to reign two thousand years. This story appears to come from the Vikramaditya-charitra, but it is a Christian legend, well known in the days of Marco Polo, who says that what in the West was the Dry Tree (Arbre Sec) was in the East the Tree of the Sun (Arbre Sol). Marco Polo does not, however, tell us the story or legend connected with the tree of the Sun, but we find that the legend of the Arbre Sec and the legend of Vikramaditya about the tree of the Sun are both based on texts of the Old and the New Testament. What does Malabar know in this connection, and about the brother of Vikramaditya? I have some idea that he is St. Thomas, and that the Tree of the Sun with Vikramaditya is figured on undated coinage said to come from Avanti or Ujjain. Let the Christian folklore of Malabar be questioned on these points. We may find in it the corroboration of our suspicions, that much which is regarded as Hinduism and Buddhism is embedded Christianity. 8

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1931 Our nomad Gujars are supposed to be responsible for the Christian traces in the story of Krishna, or for having spread the story over India. Why not, and why might the Krishna story not be regarded as a perversion of the Gospel of the Infancy of Christ? It is not, any. how, more remarkable that Christos should have become Krishna than that Krishna should be pronounced and written in the form Kristo in Bengal. The Gujars were not all nomads. They were a settled community in Gujarat, Gujrat and Gujranwala, and, if they are the Guzr or Gurz of Persia, i.e., the Georgians, a most warlike race scattered in many parts in the North-East of Asia from early times, we expect them to have had a smattering of Christianity from the first centuries. In fact, they must have been among the White Huns or Ephthalite Huns who invaded India in the sixth century. Else, how did they give their name to various parts of India ? The Bollandists postulate a Georgian original for the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat. Now, scholars will be surprised to hear that in 1713 Fr. Ippolyto Desideri, S.J., reports that at Ahmadabad, the ancient capital of Gujarat, the tomb of Barlaam and Josaphat was visited in pilgrimage by Christians and non-Christians. Fr. Manoel de Figueiredo, S.J., says the same about 1735. Both Fathers had passed through Ahmadabad on their way to Agra. They do not connect the tomb with any Christian Church; and, though we know there was an Armenian and an Abyssinian Church at Ahmadabad in the time of Tavernier, we cannot be sure that the tomb of Barlaam and Josaphat was shown in one of those two churches. The tomb may very well have been in the possession of people once Christians, but no longer Christians in 1713. We are told by Friar Jordanus (before 1330) that in Lesser India (which comprised Gujarat) there were to be found here and there people calling themselves Christians, but not baptized, and knowing nothing of Christianity, who said that Thomas the Great was Christ. Were they perhaps Krishnaites? Or people who attributed to Christ (Krishna) one of the many versions of the death of Thomas, and instead placed Christ's (Krishna's) birthplace at Mylapore ? It is said that the story of Josaphat is a Christianized version of the legends of Buddha, as even the name Josaphat (Joasaph, Budasif, Budsaif, Boddhi-sattva) would show. On the other hand, previous scholars did not know of the tomb of Barlaam and Josaphat claimed by Ahmadabad in 1713. They ought to be able to explain bow that tomb came there, or a claim to having it there. The legend of Barlaam and Josaphat states that years after their death their bodies were brought to India and that their grave became renowned for miracles. That legend also speaks of St. Thomas' death in India, of the many inhabitants of India con. verted by the Apostle who were living Christian lives, and of the many anchorets and monks living in India, who had been formed on the pattern of those of Egypt. Now, if the legend is laid in the reign of King Abenner in the third or fourth century, we find that indeed there were many Christian monks in India in the fourth century, as is shown by the Indian monastery of St. Thomas and its 200 monks between 350 and 400 A.D., and by texts in St. Jerome's writings. At the beginning of the seventh century we get the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat in & Greek text. Can we still be so sure that the priority for the stories in the legend of Barlaam and Josephat belongs to the legend of Gautama Buddha ? Or that, if an earlier legend of Gautama Buddha was utilized for the story of Barlaam and Josaphat, the entire story with the names Barlaam, Josaphat and Abenner, is fanciful ? Might the story of Joseph and his father Braudyn, which I referred to above, be only a version of the legend of Josaphat kept in olose confinement by his father Abenner ? I do not see how we can explain the tattoo-marks of Christian crosses in Malwa and Bundelkhand without bringing in the Gujars or the Ephthalite Huns, who in the sixth century settled in Malwa.

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MARCH, 1931) BOOK NOTICE 59 BOOK-NOTICE. RAJPUTANE KA ITIHAS [The History of Rajpatana), victory, as indeed Akbar seems to have recognized Fasc. III, by MAKAMAHOPADHYAYA RAI BAHADUR at the time, whence his displeneure with ManaGAURISHANKAR HIRNAND OJKA. 93 x 64 in.; simha. Among the most impressive pictures pp. 737-1136; with illustrations. Ajmer, Vaidikdrawn by Tod is that of the physical hardships Press, 1929. and mental suffering endured by Pratapa and Since Col. James Tod completed-just a century his family as they were hunted from one hiding egohis immortal work, The Annals and Antiquities place to another in the hills, how the brave Rand of Rajasthan, enormous strides have been made was unmanned by the "lamentation of his children in the critical study of Indian history and, besides for food," and how, his funds being exhausted, the discovery and publication of further historical he was unable further to stem the torrent of Mughal and other records, a vast quantity of epigraphical attacks and formed the resolution of abandoning And numismatic material has become available. Mewar and of leading his Sisodias to the Indus Tod, in the absence of these sources of knowledge, and there planting the crimson banner "on the was dependent upon local traditiong, such archives insular capital of Sogdoi," when the noble devotion as had been preserved in the States and, more of his minister Bhama gah, who placed at his disposal particularly, upon the bardic chronicles, which, the accumulated wealth of a family that had for as Mahemahopadhyaya G. H. Ojha has shown, only generations held the first office in the state, enabled began to be recorded after the sixteenth century of him to turn back and renew the struggle with fresh the Vikrama Samyat and abound in errory. These resources and energy. The Mahamahopadhyaya old chroniclers had no knowledge of correct chrono- shows that all this is largely hyperbole and par logy, and Tod had no means of testing and correcting | imagination. He points out that from Kumbhalgash their assertions, to which his eloquent pen added a in the north to beyond Rsabhadeva in the south Warrant of authenticity. The time was ripe for (a distance of some 90 miles), and from Debari rewriting the story told in the fascinating pages of in the east to Sirohf in the west (about 70 miles) Tod; and it is fortunate that the task should have the country remained under Pratapa's control. been undertaken by the present author, whose The tale of the Rank's privations and penury he scholarly attainments and unique knowledge of the pronounces to be altogether baseless, giving detailed subjeot, acquired by life-long research and stimulat- reasons for his opinion. In these matters he ed by personal interest in the land and people, thinks Tod must have been misled by unreliable render him proeminently qualified for the work. hearsay. The account of Pratapa's reign concludes The errors in the bardio accounts, as well as in with an expression of regret that up to date no vernacular compilations of more recent date, have ! memorial should have been erected in Mewar to now been indicated and corrected. The narratives the memory of so valiant and patriotic a Maharapa. of the Muhammadan historians have been carefully In spite of Pratapa's misgivings, his son Amaraexamined and utilized where they afford relevant simha continued the struggle for another seventeen information. But the outstanding feature of this or eighteen years against the Mughal troops, until work is the use that has been made of stone and in 1615, with the co-operation of Prince Khuram, copperplate inscriptions, so many of which have the memorable compromise was effected under which been discovered by the author himself, and some of the MaharapA's son Karna wae sent to Jahangir's which have not hitherto been edited or published. court, he himself being exempted from attendance. In the present fascicule, which is the third to be The fact was that, after constant fighting with the printed, we have the history of the premier state, Mughals for 47 years, the Rajputs had become thinUdayapur (begun in fasc. II) carried on from the ned in numbers and weary of the struggle. In many time of the great Pratapa (Pratapasimha I) down families two generations, in some three, had passed to that of Maharana Sajjanasimha, i.e., from the away in this warfare, and the feeling was gaining reign of Akbar to the last quarter of the nineteenth ground that a truce should be called: but the concentury. The story of Pratapa and his long and ditions attaching to submission to the emperor and gallant struggle to preserve the independence of attendance at court deterred the proud Sisoding from his country is one of the most absorbing in a history coming to terms. The Sardars put their heads replete with striking episodes; and our author does together with a viow to finding way for peace with justice to the subject. A full description is given honour, some arrangement by which the Maharap of the fiercely contestod battle fought near Haldi would not be required to submit to the indignity of Ghat in 1876, when the imperial forces under having to dance attendance at the Mughal court. the famous Manasimha narrowly escaped defeat. They decided to approach Khurram, to ascertain if Tod had been misled to think that Salim (afterwards the attendance of the oldest son, Karpa, would be Jahangir) was in chief command of the Mughal accepted, and first of all to sound Karps as to troops. MM. G. H, Ojha points out that the whether he would consent to guch a solution, Karpa prince was only six years old at the time. He having agrood, Kburram was approaobod. The latter gives reason for holding that very littlo advantage sent word of the proposal to Jahangir, who appears accrued to the imperial sido from their ultimate readily to bave assentod, granting the Maharan& "

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY gracious farman that would satisfy him." This farman is said to have been taken by Karna accom. panied by all the Sardars to the Maharana, who most reluctantly agreed to accept it, saying: "If this be the desire of all of you, what can I, alone, do ?" (p. 808). Although by this settlement the Maharana's personal honour was not directly compromised, he realized that it spelt surrender and felt it so bitterly that he handed over the administration of the state to Karna and retired to a life of seclusion in his palace. "Thus," as our author expresses it, "approximately 1050 years after Guhila came the ond of the independence of Mewar." [ MARCH, 1931 respects the most interesting event of his rule was the forcible levy of contributions from his people and the oppression on this account of the Bhats, of whom some 2,000 are said to have committed suicide, having regard to the prestige possessed by this caste in former times in Rajputana and western India. A new chapter in the history of Mewar opens with the rule of Jagatsimha II (1734-51). From his time onwards the power and influence of Mewar gradually declined. The Marathas had become paramount in northern India and completely overawed the puppet emperors of Delhi. Having exacted chauth from the weakling Muhammad Shah, they soon began to levy contributions in the Rajputana. states. More than once the Rajput princes attempted to form a coalition against this danger, but without success, owing to their mutual dissensions. In the quarrel over the Jaipur succession between 1svarisimha and Madhavasimha the Maharana unfortunately called in Holkar; and from that time onwards the story is one continuous record of Maratha invasion, plunder and oppression. The quarrels between the Rajput states themselves became more frequent, weakening further their power of resistance, till in the time of Maharana Bhimasimha (1778-1828) we find Mewar and the neighbouring states being laid waste by the armies of Sindhiya and Holkar and the Pindari hordes in turn. There is no respite from this turmoil till the British ultimately assume control. "From the time of Jaitrasimha," writes the Mahamahopadhyaya, "down to the time of Rajasimha (approximately 450 years) the rajas of Mewar had fought continuously with the Muhammadans, yet the power of Mewar was not exhausted; but in 60 years the Marhatas had caused such ruin that had not the treaty been made with the English government, the whole of Mewar would have been merged in their dominions." When the negociations for this treaty opened, the plight of Mewar was such that "the Rana's treasury was quite empty; such jewels as remained had been sold; the country was like a barren waste; and many of the inhabitants had emigrated" and settled in Malava, Harauti and other provinces." Such were the conditions when Captain James Tod first visited Mewar in the suite of the British Agent with Daulat Rao Sindhiya. It was to this stricken Jand, so full of glorious memories, and its romantic and chivalrous people that he later devoted the best years of his life. Tod was rewarded-and no public servant can receive a higher or more gratify. ing reward-by the deep affection with which his name is still cherished in Rajputana. The author of the Rajputane kd Itihas will likewise be gratefully remembered in that land and by all students of its history. We thank him for the pleasure enjoyed in reading the first three fascicules of this fine work, and look forward to its successful completion. C. E. A. W. O Ever since this time, it would appear, Khurram retained feelings of warm friendship towards Karna. Testimony to this friendship is found on pp. 824-25, where we are told that during his rebellion against his father, and after his defeat at Bilochpur, Khurram visited Karna at Udayapur on his way to Mandu, and when leaving exchanged turbans with Karna, who deputed Raja Bhimasimha to accompany and help him. This is the 'Bhim Singh' of whom we find frequent mention in the Muhammadan histories as one of Khurram's most active and capable generals. This friendship with Karna, however, did not persist with his son, Jagatsimha, or his grandson, Rajasimha I, with whom strife occurred in the latter part of Shahjahan's reign over the rebuilding of the fortifications of Chitor. After Aurangzeb's accession the tension became worse. There were several reasons for this, all of which have been clearly set forth by our author on pp. 847-79. Aurangzeb's rancour was aroused by being foiled in his desire to marry Charumati, the beautiful sister of Manasimha of Kisangarh. His religious intolerance towards the Hindus was possibly aggravated by this. At all events about this time he pursued vigorously his suicidal policy of destroying temples and images and of re-imposing and enforcing with the utmost rigour the insulting and detested jizya tax-a policy that undermined the foundations of the Mughal empire, and operated perhaps more than any other cause towards its ultimate disruption. It was the enforcement of the jizya that led to the writing of the remarkable letter addressed to Aurangzeb, which Orme attributed to Jaswantsimha of Jodhpur, and Tod to Rajasimha, and which Sir Jadunath Sarkar thinks was written by Sivaji. MM. G. H. Ojha discusses the authorship of this letter at some length, and for the reasons stated by him, comes to the conclusion that it was written by Rajasimha. In this connexion he points out that Ramasimha may be regarded as being at that time the chief of the Rajput rajas in attendance at the Mughal court, and 80 referred to in the letter as Hinduon ka mukhiyd. The next Maharana of special note was Amarasimha II (1698-1710), who is still remembered in Mewar as a great organizer in consequence of his numerous administrative and other regulations. In some Tazuk-i-Jahangir, trans. Rogers and Beveridge, vol. I, p. 274.

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APRIL, 1931 ] THE STAGING OF THE VIDDHASALABHANJIKA 61 THE STAGING OF THE VIDDHASALABHANJIKA. BY DASHARATHA SHARMA, M.A. 1. The place where the Viddhasdlabhanjika was staged has been hitherto a matter of some doubt. Was it staged at the court of the Chedi king, YuvarAjadeva I or Yuvarajadeva II, as suggested with some diffidence by Sten Konow, or at the court of the Pratihara emperor, Mahendra pala, at the time of Mahipala's installation as Yuvarija or joint ruler of the Pratihara empire, as believed by Wilson? At first sight Wilson's position appears the stronger of the two. Rajasekhara, we feel inclined to argue, was the spiritual teacher of Mahendrapala ; at the court of this king, or his successor, some of the dramas by Rajasekhara were represented; therefore the Viddhasalabhanjika, too, must have been staged at this Pratihara king's court by the order of his heir-apparent Bhoja or Mahipala. For the other theory, only two vorses can be quoted, and these, instead of telling us that the Viddhagalabhanjika was staged at the court of Yuvardjadeva, oan show at the most that Rajasekhara had some oonnection with the Chedi court. 1 2. Now let us see what the drama itself has to say about the matter. The words in the prologue, which merely tell us that it was represented at the desire of the court of Yuvarajadeva, do not help us to a solution of the mystery. But if we go a little further, we find indioations enough to clear up the matter. The name Vidyadharamalla, which the hero of the piece bears, alternates ouriously enough with the name Keyuravarsa,' and that this Kevrayarsa was none other than Keyura varga Yuvarajadeva I is clear enough from bis being called Karachuli-tilaka, or the lord of the Karachulis. Further this keyuravarga of the drama is said to rule in Tripuri,3 'made noisy by the waves of the moon's daughter,' ise, the Narmada. Now this again is a distinct reference to Tripuri, the capital of the Hai. baya dynasty, which was situated on the banks of the river Narmada. With all these facts before us, we can, I think, surely assert that the drama was represented not at the Court of Mahendrapala, the king of Kanauj, but at the court of Keyuravarsa Yuvarajadeva I, the Chedi ruler. The case of Yuvarajdeva II, who ruled about 980 A.D. can be rejected, because he did not bear the title Keyuravarsa, and was, moreover, far removed in time from Rajsekhara, who flourished in the early decades of the tenth century. 1 The two verses are emiTabandhapaTanA vismitkviraajshekhrstutyaa| TERM gaf ll Epigraph. Ind., i, 261. nInAM mekalasatA nRpANAM rnnvisshH| e qu3m4deg394 || --Suktimuktdvali (attributed to Rajasekhare, and quoted by Sten Konow). : arredare-Act IV, 1st line. # T: :-Ibid., 18, 2nd line. The word 79 soems to have been wrongly printed a nd in some editions. 8 Wrongly printed yait in Jivananda's edition. Apte had the right reading. See his Sanskrit. English Dictionary, p. 662. Yuvarljadeva seems to have been famous for his liberality towards poets. Vallabha, a poet of about 993 A.D., writes : vaTaM tara buvarAjanarezvareNa bASkaraM kimapi vena giraH shrivkss| pratvAbanaM sphuTamakAri nije kavIndramekAsanaM samupavaMzavanAminandam // Udayasundars, lat Uochvsa. (Quoted by Mr. Dalal in his edition of Kdvya-mimoriund, Geekwad'. Oriental Serice.) Vallabha's eulogy of Sabhd patie begins with Vikrama, goes on to mention Hals and Harpa, and stops with Yuvardja. Moreover, while the verbe used for Vikrama, Hala, and Harga are gre , MG respectively, the verb used with Yuvaraja is Ek which gives almost the sense of present perfect. Combining these two references, we can, I think, say that the last king mentioned is of the poet's own cen. tury, and there too most probably Yuvarajadeva I, who ruled at Tripur circa 920-950 A.D. Ho WM contemporary of the powerful Paramara king Mufija (974, 979, 993 A.D.)

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1931 3. Next we might deal with the occasion which led to the staging of the play. It was, as already shown, not the installation of Mahipala as Yuvaraja. Then what else could it have been? To me it seems that the occasion was some notable victory of the Kalachuris over the neighbouring Rastrakuta kingdom of Kuntala. That it was probably so, will seem fairly indicated by the letter purporting to have been written by the Chedi general to Keyuravarsa himself, and not to Vidyadharamalla or any other fictitious character of the story. After greeting the mighty Keyuravarsa, the lord of the Kalachuris, who was then stationed at Tripuri on the river Narmada, the general proceeds to inform him that he had restored the king of Kuntala (then the heart of the Rastrakuta kingdom) who had been deprived of his throne by his relatives, and had defeated on the banks of the river Payosni (Tapti), the Simhala, Konkana, Karnata, and other kings who tried to oppose him by entering into a confederacy. That such an encounter really took place, and that the Kalachuris won is quite probable, because in the Bilahri inscription also Keyuravarsa claims to have conquered many countries, and dallied with the women of Karnata and Lata, which countries were in 934 A.D., ruled by the Rastrakutas. But who this Kuntala king was, and why he stood in need of help is again a problem." Can he not be Baddliga Amoghavarsa III? His predecessor, Govinda IV, seems to have been a man of vicious character, who met his destruction in a rebellion raised by his subjects.8 In this rebellion perhaps the Chedis had a share. By allying themselves with the feudatories? who are said to have called the successor of Govinda IV to the throne, they might have defeated the Rastrakuta king, and crowned as ruler Amoghavarsa III, who was a son-in-law of the Chedi king Yuvarajadeva. The idea that something like this happened, and that Amoghavarsa III did not come to the throne in the ordinary course is, I think, strengthened 6 The letter runs as follows:-- zalta wing fageni glasgardisarankarat, keyUra varSa vinayanatazirAH sarvasenAdhinAthaH / zrIvatsI | vasalatvAnsurala janabadhUlo canairarthyamAne pAradvandvAravinde kSaNamabhiracayatyaJjaliM mUrdhni bhaktyA || zreyonyat kArya caliravyate / kara khulisina kasya pArthivastha tava pratApena mahAmantri bhA gurAyaNasya mativaizArayena mAdRzAnAM ca padAtilavAnAmAdezanirvahaNena prAcI pratIyutIcI vigvibhAgaM sarva eva rAjAnazcaNDavRlayoM iNDopanatAH sthitAH kevalamavAcIkSitipatayo dRzyante sma / tatrApi vinividyate / saskulbApahatarAjyaH kunnanAdhipatirvArapAlo devaM zaraNamAgato, devAdezAcca taM puraskRtya vayaM payoSNInIre samAvAsitA : tavAca / ortgageen for few pANDyazvacaNDAsiyaSTirmuranaparivRDhaH kArmuka prauDhavAhaH / med ferare: anchftge: Fran: HaIan: kicAnye koNAyA api narapatayaH saMzritAH saMghaTTattim || kiMbahu likhitena tAn vijityAsmAbhiH svarAjye vIrapAno'bhiSiktaH / ... 7 Like Vidyadharamalla, the name Virapala seems to be fictitious. It was probably invented to Avoid giving umbrage to the reigning Rastrakuta monarch, who was a relative of Keyuravarsa. Another fictitious character, Mrgankavali, daughter of Chandravarman of Lata, similarly, seems to represent Nohaladevi, the Chedi queen, the daughter of Avanivarman Chalukya. The Wardha grant says:-"Fettered by the chains of the eyes of women, he displeased all beings by taking to vicious courses, and his limbs becoming enfeebled, and the constituents of the (political) body becoming non-coherent, he met with destruction." (Quoted in Mr. C. V. Vaidya's History of Medieval India, vol. II, pp. 149-50.) The Wardha plates say :-" After the death of Govinda IV, king Amoghavarsa's son Jagattunga, being entreated by the feudatory chiefs to maintain the sovereignty of the Rattas, ascended the throne of heroes." (Quoted in Mr. C. V. Vaidya's History of Medieval India, vol. II, p. 150.)

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APRIL, 1931 ] THE STAGING OF THE VIDDHASALABHANJIKA by the disrespectful words used in the Wardha grant for Govinda IV by his cousin Indra III, the son and successor of Amoghavarsa. If Amoghavarsa III had not captured the throne by violent means, his son would hardly have used gucb words towards his (Amoghavarsa's) immediate predecessor, however bad his character might have been. In inscriptions which are meant to be a permanent record such dispraise can only be expected from a usurper or murderer. 4. Having so far dealt with the place and occasion of tbe representation, we should next like to deal with some other interesting details furnished by the staging of the drama. The real hero, as I pointed out in the beginning, is Keyuravarsa Yuvarajadeva, and not Vidyadharamalla or any other fictitious character. Hence the details of the possessions, when given, might be said to apply to the domains of the Chedis about 933 A.D. In the letter sent by the general, he is called the lord of Tripuri and the Murala country. These we might therefore regard as the central possessions of the Haihayas. By Murala here perhaps the poet means the country lying about the Murala, which has been identified with the river Narmada by Mr. S. N. Majumdar in his recent edition of Cunning. ham's Ancient Geography of India. 10 Besides this, the king has been called the 'lord of Trikalinga' in two places. 11 As Kokalladeva, the grandfather of Yuvaraja, too, was the master of this territory 12 in 870 A.D., and Yuvarajadeva himself was probably at the height of his power in 933 A.D., it is not to be wondered at that he was the master of the extensivo territories denoted by the name Trikalinga,' which is believed to mean Kalinga, Andhra and a part of Orisa. At another place the king is called mramor 'the lord of Ujja. yini,'13 As the other details given about the Chedi dominions in this drama are quite correct, are we not to conclude that Yuvaraja was the lord of Ujjain in 933 A.D., and that it was captured later in the century by the Paramaras ?16 In fine, if we combine all these references, we find that the Haihayas of Chedi ruled over a very large kingdom in the thirties of the tenth century. Besides being the masters of the greater part of the Narmada valley, they were the lords of Eastern Malwa in the west, and a part of the sea-coast in the east. As for the statement at the end of the drama that the king attained the status of a Chakravartin as the result of his marriage with Mrgankavali, we might dismiss it as the expression of the ambition rather than the actual acoomplishment of Yuvarajadeva I, who was only one of the many strong princes of the south. 10 P. 720. 11 waras ir gara Ararua y a : wa raf f it: Act I, p. 43, and Act IV, p. 139 (Jivananda Vidyasagara's edition). 13 C. V. Vaidya. History of Medieval India, Part II, p. 135. 13 images Act I, p. 10. 14 Mr. 8. N. Majumdar Sastri also believes, though I do not know on what grounds, that Ujjain was the capital of the Katacohuris before the Paramarne. See his edition of Cunningham's Geography of Ancient India, p. 726.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1931 NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT DRAMA SAKUNTALA. BY LILY DEXTER GREENE, PH.D. (Continued from page 48.) In speaking of the right he thinks he has to marry Sakuntala, the king insists that she must be high-born, and says that her coming to be in charge of Kanva is like a delicate, broken jasmine bloom leaning upon the sturdy sun-plant's stalk. The plant navamallika is a very delicate creeper, also called atikomala and puspabheda. While the sun plant referred to is the arka (Calotropis gigantea). This is a shrub with thick, heavy stems and lilao. coloured flowers. Its acid, milky juice comes from any wound in the plant and is used by the Indians for medicinal purposes. Good charcoal can also be made from the plant. The jester says of the king that he seems to slight the gems of women in his palace for a mere fancy, and that to do this is to lose the relish for sweet dates and yearn for the sour tamarind. The date referred to is probably the Pinda kharjura (Sans.)--Phoenix dactylifera. The tamarind tree, called in Sanskrit tintidikd, or tintidi (Tamarindus indica, Linn.) is a large tree with very long branching limbs, is very elegant and very shapely, affording a dense shade. The seed-pod is full of acid pulp. In the hot weather, it makes a cooling, refreshing drink. It is also used in curry dishes during the hot season and gives a peculiar, sour flavour. In the prelude to Act III, the young Brahmacarin enters with kusa grass for the darhis. Looking about, he inquires of Priyamvada, who is still behind the screen, why she is bringing the ubira ointment and the lotus leaves with fibres attached. Uffra is the root of a perennial, tufted grass (Andropogon muricatus, Retz.), from which a kind of cooling ointment is made. In Sanskrit this grass is also called sitala, which means cold.' The common name for the root is khas-khas (Pers.). These roots are long, spongy, brown fibres, which, when dried and slightly moistened, are made into fans and door-screens for use in the hot, dry season. Other names of this plant are jalasaya, which means 'lying in water,' and avaddha, which means 'allaying fever.' Myndla or via refers to the fibres of the lotus stalks, and may have reference to any one of the lotus species. In Act III, Soene 1, the king appeals to the "god of the flowery shaft." This has reference to the Indian idea of Kama, who is the Indian counterpart of the Greek Eros and the Roman Cupid, though differing from these in many respects. Alluding to the well. known conception of Kama, he says - << 'Tis said that flowers are thy shafts, "Tis said that moonbeams frigid are." And then, to express the extent to which his heart has been touched, he says the flowers are as hard as steel, and the moon's cold rays burn-the Indian idea being that the rays of the moon are very cold. He asks: "How can thy arrows, if headed with flowers, be so sharp ?" Then, musing, he remembers, that Siva had consumed Kama's body with a flame of wrath. and so comprehends the mystery. As he walks away at the close of the sacrifice, when his presence is no longer necessary to drive away the demons, he passes through the wood where Sakuntala has so lately gone. Here the poet paints the soene with skilful touches, and we seem to walk along that path, with its flower stems fresh-wounded and the lotus breezes still fragrant. Sakuntala tells her companions of her love for the saintly king,' and then begs them to contrive some plan by which his favour may be gained, or else prepare to pour out for her the sesamum water, which is an oblation for the dead. This plant (Sesamum indicum, Linn.) is widely oultivated in India for the sake of its seeds and the oil made from them. Both of these are extensively used for religious as well as economic purposes. There are three kinde the black, white and red; but the first is considered the best as it furnishes muoh more oil than the others. Its common name is til; but it is also called homadhanya, the sacrificial grain, and pitritarpana, or the grain used in offerings to the dead ancestors. It is made into

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APRIL, 1931] NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT DRAMA SAKUNTALA 65 a sweetmeat with sugar, as a common article of diet, and is often ground into meal for other foods. As the king steps forth to reply to Sakuntala just after she has written a letter to him on a lotus leaf, in which she refers to their mutual stricken state, he says that, although she is like a withered lotus, he is like a blotted-out moon. The daylight causes this special lotus, the Nymphoea Lotus, to fade away, and it blooms only in the night. Comparing himself to the moon, is a favourite metaphor of Dusyanta because of the Indian idea of the influence of the moon upon the lotus flower. The old hermit, Kanva, shows the usual feeling of India with reference to a daughter. His great concern is that she may have a suitable husband and that she may find favour in her new home. Hence he takes her round the sacrificial fire, which is surrounded by darbha grass. This darbha grass is the same as kusa grass (Eragrostis cynosuroides, R. and S., the Poa cynosuroides of Retzius), but is not to be confounded with ddrva (Sans.) grass, which is known in northern India as dub (Cynodon Dactylon), a very different grass, though it is also supposed to have had a special efficacy in the early ages. The kusa grass is a coarse kind of grass, which grows readily on dry, barren soil. Its Sanskrit name, kusa, seems to have been given to it at a very early period, for it is said to have been consecrated to Kusa, one of the sons of Rama. However that may be, almost all literature in India has some reference to the sacred uses of this plant. Its leaves are very long with sharp points and edges. The Hindus fre. quently say of an intellectual person that his intellect is as sharp as the kuca leaf. In the Veda, it is said to have been produced at creation like a " drop of fine gold." Unlike the kusa grass, durvd is a very nutritious food for animals. Because it supplies food for the cow, the Hindus value it all the more, and in the early days considered it the home of benevolent nymphs. In the Veda, it is said of it: "May Durva, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred roots, and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years." Its flowers are beautiful, and when examined under the lens, appear like delicate jewels set in constant motion by the gentlest breeze. In Act IV, the young disciple sent by Kanva to discover the time of day, finds it out in a peculiar Indian fashion. He notioes the closing of the white lotus, which means that the moon has gone down, also the early awakening of the peacock and of the deer, rising from their hoof-imprinted couch, curve their backs and stretch their limbs as if preparing for their movements of the day. This shows how olosely observant of nature the dramatist really was. When SakuntalA is about to start on her long journey to the home of king Dugyanta, ber foster father, Kanva, orders flowers from the forest, and the result is given in the following sentence : "One tree revealed a white linen robe, another gave dyes to stain her feet, while still others gave various kinds of ornaments." The dye may have been the bruised leaves of Lawsonia alba, already mentioned in a previous passage, where the feet of dancers were said to have been stained with this colour. Then, as Sakuntala leaves the forest, voices in the air refer to the way by which she shall journey, as cooled and beautified by streams gleaming with lotus blossoms and the roads as densely shaded by massive trees, while even her pathway is perfumed with soft pollen spread on the way and cooled by favouring breezes. To show the sorrow of all living things at her departure, the poet says that the browsing deer let fall the tender grans they are chewing, the peacocks cease to dance, and the creepers drop their withered leaves, like tears of grief. Kanva, the hermit, musing on the love of Sakuntala for the fragrant jasmine, and hearing her request to be allowed to bid it farewell, compares the marriage of his daughter to the king to the twining of the jasmine vine round the mango tree. This is a motif frequently found in the lyrio poetry and dramas of India. Referring to her pet fawn, he says that she reated it so tenderly, healing the cuts made by lusa grase with cooling oil and feeding it with the tender dyamaba grains, so that now it will not willingly allow her to depart. Syemaks is the grain of a kind of millet (Panicum frumendacown,

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1931 Roxb.), an inferior grain, but frequently referred to by Sanskrit writers as being used for food. When the king repudiates his wife, owing to his loss of memory of her, due to the curse of a devotee whom she has offended, he uses the common figure by which the eyebrows of this beautiful girl are likened to Cupid's bow. Her anger is said to break this bow by the contracting and parting again of her eyebrows. The glances of the eye are then compared to arrows discharged from a bow. In Act VI the vernal festival refers to the spring festivai, when the mango tree is in bloom and its flowers are much used for decorative purposes, as well as offerings to Kama, the god of love. In fact this seems to be his favourite flower, and is given in all of the lists as one of the flowers with which his darts are tipped. In the conversation between the two maidens, Parabhatika and Madhukarika, we catch glimpses of the way the festival was kept and of the thoughts that centred round it. The thought has already been given that each dart of Kama was shafted with a flower, so here the hermit maid says - "O, mango bud, I offer thee To Kama, grasping now his bow. Be thou his choicest dart-thy mark Some maid whose lover wanders far." And the same thought is also expressed in the words of Dusyanta: "When Kama fixes on his bow A mango blossom for a dart And aims his arrow at my heart." The description of the portrait of Sakuntald by the jester is very minutely given, but the king wishes to add still other touches. He draws the river Malini, two sacred birds on its bank, the sacred bills with deer reclining, and beneath a tree, where the bark garments hang, a doe gently rubbing her head against the horn of a gazelle. Then, as if this rich picture were still incomplete he sketches the sirina blossoms hanging as ornaments from her ears, and the lotus fibre necklace about her neck and resting on her breast. In Act VII, where Sakuntala appears in the sacred grove of Kasyapa, we have another reference to the mandara tree, which has been previously mentioned. As she advances, the king says: "This is she Who clad in sombre mourning weeds, Her face emaciated with grief, Hor hair twined in a single braid, And every motion pure and chaste Prolongs that vow of widowhood, I, foroed, unmerciful, on her." The fact that her hair is twined in a single braid, bas reference to the oustom, alroady men. tioned in connexion with "The Cloud Messenger," of wearing the hair in one single braid, without ornaments, to show great grief at the absence of a husband. When the king finally realizes that he has found his wife, Sakuntala, and their little son, Bharata, he speaks in the following verse: "Hail, beauteous love! that meetest me, Whose dark oblivion is dissolved ! The eclipse is past, and Rohini Is now united with the moon." According to the Hindu belief, the moon on its revolution passes through 27 constellations, one each day of the month. These oonstellations were reokoned as the wives of the moon, and among these Rohini was the favourite. So now the king, moving around amongst his many wives, has at last found Sakuntala, who is his Roltini.

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APRIL, 1931 POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA 67 .. 80.5 POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS). (Continued from page 52.) Taking it for granted that the caste differences really arose from colour differences, we are faced with other difficulties. It is said that even now caste largely corresponds to race, and that especially in northern India the social status of a caste is indicated by its physical type ; those at the top have an Aryan physiognomy, and those at the bottom an aboriginal physiognomy.23 And according to Sir H. Risley, in India a man's caste is known from the inverse ratio of his nasal index.2. Or, in other words, the high caste Hindus show a decided tendency towards leptorrhyny, and the lower castes towards platyrrhyny. The nose mea. gurements given by Risley, in ascending order, are as follows 35: Brahmana .. .. 70.3 Kayastha .. .. .. 70.3 Brahmana .. 71.9 Sadgop .. .. .. 73.9 Gwala .. 74.2 Moci 74.9 Pod . 76.1 Kaibartta .. .. 76.2 Koc-Rajvamosi .. .. 76.6 & 80.0 Bagdi .. And according to Deniker the nasal index of some different Indian tribes in ascending order are : 46 Brahmana .. 63.0 Male (or Assal) 71.0 Kharwar .. .. 71.0 Kol 73.1 Oraon .. 80.0 Kurmi .. 82.6 Ksettri .. 82.6 Bhumij .. 86.5 Santal .. 88.8 Munda .. 89.0 From the above data we see that Risley can hardly be right in his statement. The Brahmanas and Kayasthas have the same nasal index, and in some cases the Brahmanns have a higher index than the latter, and must, according to Risley's rule as to the inverso ratio, be rated lower than the Kayasthas. And the Kaibarttas, who are undoubtedly rated higher than the Sadgop, Gwala, Moci and Pod, have a decidedly more platyrrhynic tendency than the latter. From Deniker's measurements too we have the same confusion. The Brahmanas are at the top of the social scale on account of their leptorrhyny, but then the Kaeettris, who claim to be descended from the Ksattriyas, 27 are below the Male, Kharwar, Kol, Dom, Orion and Kurmi, all of whom are either Dravidians or Kolarians. Our own measurements bear out Risley's statement more closely, 28 but even there we find that the classification is not as it should be. Moreover, as the number of subjects measured was too few, these measurements can be taken only in conjunction with others; and it is possible that the figures would have to be modified to great extent were the number of subjects greater than it was. In any case, from all the available anthropological material at our disposal we find that the nasal index of the modern Hindus does not agree, in the manner mentioned by Risley, with their castes. In the same tribe or caste we come across leptorrhyny, mesorrhyny . . .. 71.0 Dom 23 E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, ii, 60; H. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben (Berlin, 1879). pp. 113 f. ; F. Max Muller, Chipe from a German Workshop (London, 1867-1875), i, pp. 322 f. ; (Sir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, i, pp. xxxviii f. ;T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India (London, 1903), pp. 53 f.: E. A. Gait, in Census of India, 1911, pp. 380 f. *486; A. A. Maodonnell and A. B. Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects (London, 1912), ii, 267. 34 (Sir) H. H. Risley, The People of India (London, 1915), p. 28. 25 (Sir) H. H. Risley, The People of India, p. 401, quoted by B. Bonnerjes, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Appendix B, No. 2. 38 J. Deniker, Les races et les peuples de la terre (Paris, 1900), pp. 659, 607, etc., quoted by B. Bon nerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Appendix B, No. 1. 17 Cf. B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, pp. 8 f. 19 See B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Appendix B, No. 6.

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68 [APRIL, 1931 as well as platyrrhyny. We may therefore safely reject Risley's hypothesis as to the nasal index being an indication of the caste. Of the other anthropological measurements the cephalic index is another of great impor. tance. Here, too, we have the same difficulty of assigning any particular type to any particu lar caste. Among the Brahmanas of Bengal we have, according to Risley, 29 the following percentages of cephalic and nasal indices: Cephalic Index: THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Hyper-dolichocephalic (-700).. Dolichocephalic (70-0-74.9) Mesaticephalic (75-0-79*9) Brachycephalic (80*0 and over) Nasal Index: Leptorrhynian (less than 70.0) Mesorrhynian (70-0-84-9) Platyrrhynian (85 and over) Hyper-dolichocephalic (-70-0).. Dolichocephalic (70-0-74.9) Mesaticephalic (75-0-79.9) Brachycephalic (80*0 and over) Nasal Index: Leptorrhynian (less than 70-0). Mesorrhynian (70-0-84.9) Platyrrhynian (85 and over) : : : : .. ::: 100% And among the Dravidian Santals we have the following figures obtained from the same Source 30: Cephalic Index: 0% 13% :::: 52% 35% 100% 46% 53% 1% 1% 36% 49% 14% 100% 0% 31% 69% 100% The results we obtain from these figures are that the Brahmanas are principally mesati. cephalic, but mesorrhyny and leptorrhyny are fairly well balanced among them. On the other hand the Santals are distinctly platyrrhynic; they are also mesaticephalic, but there is a large percentage of dolichocephalism among them. These results, however, do not agree. with Datta's biometrical analysis of the measurements given by Risley in his Tribes and Castes of Bengal; an Ethnographic Glossary. Though rather lengthy, I have thought fit to reproduce in a condensed form Datta's figures here as his paper 31 may not be available to all. According to Datta, the somatological type most prevalent in India is the dolichoid-mesorrhynian. 39 (Bir) H. H. Risley, The People of India, p. 382; B. Bonnerjes, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Appen. dix B, No. 3. 30 (Sir) H. H. Risley, The People of India, p. 272; B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Appendix B, No. 5. $1 Bhupendranath Datta, "Das indische Kastensystem," Anthropos, vol. xxii (1927), pp. 150-153, I have spelt the names of the different castes as Datta has spelt them, and have not taken any notice of how they should be spelt in transcription.

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APRIL, 1931) POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA Porcentages of each type. Name of Caste. Dolichoid-- leptorrhynian. Dolichoid mesorrhynian. Dolichoidchamorrhynian. Brachycephal leptorrhy nian. Brachycephalmesorrhynian. Brachycephalchamorrbynian. 5.0 1.6 PANJAB 1. Khatri 2. Jat (Sikh) 3. Arora 4. Chura 1.25 23.3 57.5 25.92 12.5 70.6 4.0 74.67 63.75 3.0 12.5 3.75 1.25 0 UNITED PROVINCES (N.W.P.). 1. Brahman Chatri 3. Khatri Bania 5. Kayastha 6. Lohar 7. Goala 8. Kurmi 9. , Kewat 25.25 9.0 20.0 12.5 16.0 6.66 9.09 13.0 11.0 63.63 68.0 46.6 57.5 57.0 46.6 53.5 56.0 52-0 10.10 21.0 33.33 28.75 25.0 44.4 36.3 30.0 1.2 10 1.0 22.0 1.0 1.0 37.0 ......... 11 BDBAR 1. Brahman 2. Babhan 3. Goala 4. Kurmi 5. Kahar 6. Musahar 31.34 27.11 14.0 5.6 5.35 58. 208 50.84 650 70.42 57.14 23.37 4.477 8.474 7.0 14.08 23.21 70.12 4.477 5.084 1.0 1.408 1.492 6.779 9.0 5.633 12.5 3.89 1.694 4.0 2.816 1.785 2.59 O BENGAL. 1. Kayastha 2. Brahman Chandal Sadgop Goala Kaibarta 1.0 21.0 8.95 17.0 13.0 11.94 30.0 29.0 14.92 22.9 19:51 11.0 1.0 2.885 38.0 400 50.746 50.0 58.53 540 14.0 15.0 10.44 14.5 8.33 4.16 06 7.3 7.31 11.0 4.87 2.0 18.0 2.43 4.0 According to Risley there are three main types of population in India, 31 viz. : (1) A leptorhine, pro-opio, dolichocephalic type, of tall stature, light build, long and narrow face, comparatively fair complexion, and high facial angle; (2) A platyrhine, mesopic (or almost platyopio), dolichocephalio type, of low sta. ture, thick set, very dark oomplexion, relatively broad face, usually low facial angle; and (3) A menorhine, platyopio, brachyoephalic type, of a low or medium stature, sturdy build, yellowish complexion, broad face, and low facial angle. 3 (Sir) H. H. Risloy, "The Study of Ethnology in India," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xx (1891), p. 286.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1931 And lastly, to give some morc figures, I found by personal observation that the order of superiority as moosured by the nasal index is as follows 31 - Leplorrhynian. Mesorrhynian. Platyrrhynian. Brahmana .. 69.2 to 70.3 Kayastha 70.4 Sadgop 73.8 Dhoba 73.9 Pukuriya 74.8 Sonar Vene [Vanik] .. 75.2 Moci 758 Gwala 76.0 Gandha Vanik 76.1 Pod 76.2 Kaivarrta 763 Vaidya 77.7 'Teli 78.2 Casa 80.0 Dom 81.0 Kurmi 82.4 Bagdi 83.8 83.9 Bauri Tati 84.6 Birhor 85.8 Lohar 87.1 Orion Bhuiya Santal 89.0 Munda 89.6 Mal-Pahariya .. 91.8 (To be continued.) :::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::: Malo 87.2 88.8 ON CERTAIN SPECIMENS OF FORMER CURRENCY IN BURMA. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Br. SOME thirty years ago I had the accompanying plate made of certain remarkable speci. mens of currency, which I had collected while in Burma and gave to the British Museum. But I never published it because I had dealt with the subject in artioles contributed to vol. XLII of this Journal. As, however, the specimens are unusual, I publish the plate now with some remarks thereon. They consist of : (1) two specimens of what have been called usually Tenasserim Medals in works on numismatics : figs. 1 and 5. (2) two Siamese tickals : figs. 2 and 3. (3) a Shan silver shell (chalon): fig. 4. (4) a Tenasserim cock coin or token : fig. 6. I. Tenasserim Modals. The "Tenasserim Medals" are worth a special note. The oldest reference to those pieces of ourrency, for they were not "medals," that I know of, is in Tavernier's Travels, 38 B. Bonnerjoe, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Appendix B, No. 6 (p. 184).

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Ex Coll. R. C. Temple. AU , 22 . * fy THIHA . * ** FULL-SIZE

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APRIL, 1931 1 ON CERTAIN SPECIMENS OF FORMER CURRENCY IN BURMA English ed., 1678, vol. I, Pt. II, pp. 6 f. They are called "the money of the King of Chedr and Pera" Kedah and Perak). That is, they were true Malay tin currency of the olden time, and in my Obsolete Tin Currency and Money of the Federated Malay States (Ind. Ant., 1913, vol. XLII, pp. 85 ff.), there is an explanation of them, which goes to show that the name "Tenasserim Medals" is a misnomer altogether, and they should be labelled As specimens of the old tin currency of the Federated Malay States. Regarding this currency, Tavernier's actual words were : "An Account of the Money of Asia. The money of the King of Cheda and Pera. This money is of Tin and is coined by the King of Cheda and Pera. He coins no other money than Tin. Some years since he found out several mines, which was a great prejudice to the English. For the Hollanders and their merchants buy it [the tin, and vend it all over Asia. Formerly the English brought it out of England, and furnished a great part of Asia, where they consumed a vast quantity. They carried it also into all the Territories of the Great Mogul, as also into Persia and Arabia ; for all their Dishes are of Copper, which they caused to be tinned over every month. Among the meaner sort of people, there is little to be seen but this tin-money and the shells called Cori foowryl. Figs. 1 and 2 are of that piece of Tin, which weighs an ounce and a half, and in that Country goes for the value of two of our Sous. But in regard that the Tin is there at 14 Sous a pound, this is not worth above one Sou and three Deneers. This piece of Tin is only thick in the sides, the middle being thin as paper." The old French poid de marc or pound of 16 oz.=7,655 grs. English, and was thus a little more than the old English lb., which=7,000 grs. The old French livre (called also the franc) was divided into 20 80118 of 12 deniers each, as a sou was roughly an English halfpenny or 1 cent of a dollar. The "great piece of tin" of the old Malay currency was thus worth 2d. English according to Tavernier. On a plate marked to face p. 7 of Tavernier's Travels is found : "The money of the King of Cheda and Pera" (that great piece f tin which weighs an ounce and a half], and with reference to the figures given below it may be here remarked that the misfortunes that have happened to Tavernier's plates at the hands of subsequent writers are detailed on p. 4 of Millies Recherches sur les Monnaies Malaies, 1871. All that Millies could find of this coin 200 years later in Paris, when it had become much worn is given below from Millies, op. cit., p. 130, and Pl. XXII, No. 230. It is an indioation of the liberties taken by Tavernier's engraver.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIE, 1931 On Pl. V, fig. 4, of my Obsolete Tin Currency, is exhibited a figure of a similar coin or weight, which is quite probably a specimen of the actual "great piece" that Tavernier describes in his plate. A reference thereto will show how great were the liberties that his engraver took in drawing "the serpent." My specimen was, however, round and not ootagonal, and sur. rounded by a great number of small balls after the manner of fig. 5 of the plate attached. In describing Plate V, fig. 4, above-mentioned, I called (1.A., XLII, 124) the specimen a tin "snake" weight or coin, from Mergui, with debatsed Arabic characters on the reverse and what may be called a datell(= A.H.811 or A.D. 1408), drawing attention to Tavernier's "great piece," and remarking that it had been copied by Crawford (Hist. Ind. Archipel., 1820, I, 253). I further remarked that it is quite possible that the "snake" was only a debased or "developed " to (a mythical beast known to all Burma), as could be seen by a comparison with figs. 3 and 4 of the same plate and with fig. 5 of the plate attached. I also drew attention to various developments of the to in Phayre's plates (Numis. Orient.), for which see below in the description of fig. 5 in the plate attached. I made (1.A., XLII, 103) one further remark on Tavernier's statement, wbich is noteworthy in the present connection. It shows that his "great piece of tin" fitted into the general Malay currency of the time. Thus: 50 cowries = 1 little piece (kepeng, pitis, cash). 3 little pieces (cash)=1 sou (cent). 100 sou (cent) =1 dollar. 15,000 cowries or 300 cash to the dollar, or 7,500 oowries to the rapee, a fair average number : see I.A., XXVI, pp. 290 ff. I further remarked : "Remembering that this is the report of a French traveller on Malayan currency as understood in India in the seventeenth century, one finds in it a clear reference to the old Dutch goale of 400 cash to the dollar." Taking it for granted, then, that at any rate some of "the Tenasserim Medals" of Phayre and other Lumistatists were really Malay tin currency, we can proceed to describe figs. 5 and 6 of the plate attached. Fig. 5 is identical with fig. 3 of Plate V of Obsolete Tin Currency, which is thus described (1.A., XLII, 123): "A to tin weight or coin, from Mergui, with the eight-pointed star, or Malay palm symbol on the reverse." This "Malay palm" symbol of the old books has also been described as a "lotus." It is, however, much more likely to represent the calix on the hard rind of a mangosteen fruit, which consists of a small round cup surrounded by a 'five pointed star,'corresponding to the five divisions of the fruit inside. The eight points of the star in the

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APRIL, 1931] ON CERTAIN SPECIMENS OF FORMER CURRENCY IN BURMA 73 representation may have arisen out of the much greater difficulty of engraving a five pointed star. The mangosteen is a prominent objeot in the Malay Peninsula and almost peculiar to it. The real find spot of this coin or weight could hardly have been Mergui, and should have been given as Kedah, since Phayre (Numis. Orient., Coins from Aracan, Pegu and Tenasserim, Plates III and IV) gives several examples, some with Pali and debased Talaing and Burmese characters on the reverse : "Mahdsukam Nagaram (City of great rest, apparently Kedah)." That this legend really referred to Kedah is shown (1.A., XLII, 118, n. 55) thus : "The Mergui weights and coins had on the reverse debased imitations of Burmese legends, which one of them shows to have been Mahasukam Nagaram (ungrammatical Pali)." It would mean "City of great peace" and clearly refers to Kedah, which "on later coins asgumed the Arabic form Daru'l-aman, Land of peace. Thus Millies' (op. cit., pp. 133, 137) readings are Daru'l-uman Balad Kadah and Daru'l-aman Kadah (Land of peace, City of Kedah and Land of peace, Kedah) on tin coins of 1741 and 1809. Mr. Otto Blagden told me that the capital of Kedah was known in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries as Lengkasuka, Land of Peace,' a name still remembered." The counterparts of Tavernier's "great piece" of the Malay tin currency and its like, as further illustrated above, have been found in Mergui and Pegu in spelter, or perhaps it would be more correct to say in pewter, as the metal is a mixture of lead and tin, and is not zino. A sample is shown on Plate III, fig. 11, with a distinct to on it, taken from Phayre Numis. Orient., which connects it with the to on the tin piece. A discussion on spelter and tin when applied to the coinage and weights of South-Eastern Asia will be found in 1.A., vol. XLVIII, Notes on Currency and Coinage, p. 149 f. where the various amalgams used in making the spelter and pewter are explained, and also the vernacular terms therefor, tutnag, ganza and calin (calai). Whether the large tin coin from Kedah or the corresponding spelter specimens from Mergui, Tavoy and Pegu are the older is a question one would like to see settled if possible. The presence of the to on the large tin currenoy of Kedah seems to show that it was a copy of the large spelter currenoy of the Tenasserim districts of Mergui and Tavoy and of Pegu proper, yet it is quite possible that the to (a mythical half deer half bird) is not indigenous in Burma, but is the common property of all South-Eastern Asia. The principle of making weights of metal ingots and models of animals is very old in India itself, going back to the early days of Buddhism, before Christ at any rate. It was well known in very early Egypt, and among the Assyrians and ancient Jews, Persians and Greeke: See Plate VI of Obsolete Tin Currency. It is again very old in Burma, Siam and Cambodia, and a fair general inference is that it travelled from India to Burma and thence to Siam. At the same time the principle is as old in China as in Asia further to the west, but whether it travelled originally from the west into China or not, it would now be difficult to say. That it travelled from China to the Malay Peninsula is, however, hardly doubtful, as the tin ingot currency of the Malays was the direct descendant of the method employed in bartering in their chief trading commodity-tin-evolved out of the business needs of the early Malay traders, dealing in the first place with Chinese sailors and merchants. They invented more probably borrowed-their gambar or animal-shaped tin currency in an attempt to regulate the tin ingots by giving them various readily recognisable shapes, which could be made to conform to definite standards. On the whole argument the inference is that this practice of making tin ingots in animal shapes had a two-fold origin in influences arising on the one hand from Burma and Tenasgerim overland and on the other from China overseas. The transfer of animal images to the fields of coins necessarily followed the animal shapes of the metal ingots. It may also be here remarked that there is a remarkable likeness in the weights, measures, currency and coinage of the whole world, but this is not the place to further descant on that fact of universal application brought about by ancient trading contacts,

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1981 There has always boon a great deal of mystery and confusion about the "Tenasserim" currenoy, wbich apparently can be accounted for by looking at the specimens that have sur. vived, not as coin of the realm or " king's money," but as traders' tokens issued by pri. vate individuals or firms, much on the principle of similar tokens in England and elsewhere. In Notes on Currency and Coinage (1.A., XLVIII, 149) is a quotation from Caesar Frederick, 1567, English version, which seems to explain the question: "The ourrent money that is in this Citie [Pegu) and throughout all the kingdom is called gansi or ganza, which is made of copper and lead. It is not the money of the king, but every man may stamp it that will." Again, La Loubere (Siam, English Translation, p. 14), writing in 1688, says: " Vincent Le Blano [physician retained by the King of Siam to work in his mines] relates that the Peguar's have a mixture of Lead and Copper, which he calls sometimes ganze and sometimes ganza, and of which he reports that they make statues and a small money which is not stampt with the king's coin, but which everyone has a right to make." In 1726 Valentijn called it "Peguan gans, a brass mixed with lead," and in 1727 Alexander Hamilton talks of "plenty of ganse lead, which passeth all over the Pegu Dominions for Money." These quotations lead directly to Phayre's researches in the next oentury. Fig. 1 of the plate attached relates to yet another specimen of the spelter type of this coinage. It resembles fig. 11 of Plate IV in Obsolete Tin Currency, which came from Pegu. These two specimens are not exactly the same, though very nearly so, the obverses coming in each case obviously from the same die, but the reverses differ altogether in the rim, though both are equally blank in the field. Moreover, their provenance was quite different. The first specimen was collected by myself in Mandalay and the second many years earlier by Phayre and illustrated in Numis. Orient. Fig. 11 is described (1.A., XLII, 122 f.) as "Hentha (goose coin or spelter weight ex. coll. R. C. Temple) procured in 1889 (not 1899 as in the text). Phayre, Numis. Orient., 1882, Plate IV, fig. 2, exhibits a better specimen, which has an illegible debased Arabic legend on tho reverse. He remarks (p. 32) that hentha ingot weights were oommon in Pegu. Phayre's specimen weighed 111 ounces and no doubt represents the penjuru (14 oz. standard) of Malay tin ingot weight." Burmese, Siamese, Cambodian and Malay weights were often in the shape of all sorts of animals and birds, and among these were to be found the cock, a common wild bird of the South-Eastern Asiatio jungles. So spelter weights or coins of the same kind as those above described from Pegu sometimes had a cock on them, and of this there is a clear instance on Plate III, fig. 11, from Phayre's Numuis. Orient., which he showed on his Plate IV, fig. 3. (See also Ind. Ant., vol. LVII, Plate III, p. 37.] It weighed 117 oz., again representing the pen. uru or 14 oz. standard of Malay ingot weight. In the same Plato III, fig. 10, is shown from Phayre's Numis. Oriont. a Cambodian coin, exhibiting a cock, and the interest in this coin is that its form shows that the original of the * cock' was the to, as oan also be seen by a careful comparison with the animal in fig. 5 of the plate attached and in fig. 3 of Plate V of Obsolete Tin Currency. The to has here developed into a cock in the bands of sucoessive artists. In Plate IV, fig. 3, of Phayre's Numis. Orient. is shown a clear cock' variety with debased Talaing and Burmese characters on the reverse. Although I think that in this instance the cock image has developed out of the to, tbo inforence must not be carried too far, as among the Malay tin ingots the cock was quite a common objeot : Ne Plate II of Obsolete Tin Currency, which shows eight varieties of them, and Plate I with two others. It may be remarked also that one must be at times a little careful in attributing an image or form to any definite animal, bird, insect or fish. The vagaries of the to have been already alluded to, and on Plate IV of Obsolete Tin Currency, fig. 2 shows the Burmese hontha weight, which is, as its name implies, a goose. But fig. 6 which is practi. cally indistinguishable from it-80 close a copy is it-represents a bird of an absolutely different character, viz., a ziwazo, the swift of the edible bird's-nests. The copying of a wellknown figure for use as an animal quite foreign to its nature is carried indeed quite as far,

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Aratt, 1931 ] ON CERTAIN SPECIMENS OF FORMER CURRENCY IN BURMA 76 if not further, in the chinthe or lion weight, which in one form is obviously a mere variety of the heatha weight, as may be seen from the same plate, fig. 1, and from the figure on p. 123 of 1.A., vol. XLII. In Plate III, fig. 8, of Obsolete T'in Currency, just above the Cambodian coin, is to be found a cook fully developed in a modern Malay duit ayam (cock doit) or copper cash. Its rude forerunner is seen in fig. 6 of the plate attached and also in fig. 5 of Plate V of Obsolete Tin Currency. It is thus described in that work (I.A., XLII, 124); "Tin cock coin, or perhaps counter, token or tally, from Mergui. Reverse has a badly inscribed Burmese legend, which reads: thathanadan (in the year of) religion ; date illegible. This is probably the tin ooin recorded by Sangermano (Burmese Empire, ed. Tandy, 1833, p. 187) as current between 1781 and 1808: "In Tavai and Mergui pieces of tin with the impression of a cock, which is the Burmese arms [properly however the hontha, or goose), are used for money." Taking the ratio of tin to silver as 10:1, the value of this coin would be 5 oents of Malay money. "The Malay tin coin mentioned by Pyrard de Laval in 1602 was worth half a bastardo of Albuquerque, or 10 cents. That mentioned by Tavernier in 1678 was worth one cent in India." They quite probably referred to the same coin. The reference to the bastardo of Albuquerque is here interesting. According to Gray, who edited Pyrard de Laval's Voyage for the Hakluyt Society, p. 235, the Malay tin money had existed in the Maldives before the days of the Portuguese, and under the names of calaim and calin (kalang, tin) the coins were worth 100 cash, or half of Albuquerque's bastardo (Obsolete Tin Currency, (1.A., XLII, 109). Denys, Dict. of British Malaya, 8.0. money, states that Castanheda, vol. II, says: "As there was no money in Malacca, except that of the Moors Malays), the Governor General (Albuquerque) ordered (1510) some to be coined, not only that he might extinguish the Moorish coins [tin money), but also in order that a coin might be struck with the stamp and arms of his royal master. Also, taking on this subject the opinion of the Gentile Chins (Klings, Hindus from the Coromandel Coast of India and other honorable men, dwellers in the city (of Malacca), he commanded forth with that a tin coinage should be struck. Of the one small coin called caixas (cash] he ordered two to be made into one, to which he gave the name dinheiro. He struck another eoin, which he named soldo, consisting of 10 dinheiro, and a third, which he called the bastardo, consisting of 10 soldo." He also made both a gold and silver dollar of 5 bastardo, called respeotively catholice and malaque. From this statement it oan be deduced firstly that Albuquerque's dollar was a milrei of 1000 reis and that the caixa or cash (the Portuguese peen) was one reis. We can further construct a table, which shows the relationship of the modern dollar and its parts to the Portuguese coinage in the Malay Peninsula, which, in its turn, was based on the coinage in. vented by the Chinese to suit their commercial dealings with the Malays. Thus Albuquerque's Portuguese Coinage. 2 caixa (cash) make 1 dinheiro 10 dinheiro 1 soldo 10 soldo 1 bastardo S 5 bastardo 1 malaque (silver) 2 . 1 catholioo (gold) 1,000 cash to the dollar Tborefore : Cash Cents of the British dollar. caiss 1/10 dinheiro 1/5 soldo 20 bastardo 20 malaque 1,000 200 ing

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76 THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1931 Specimens of this coinage in the Raffles Museum at Singapore, as described by Dr. Hamitsch in JRAS., S.B., No. 39, Collection of Coins from Malacca, 1903, p. 183 ff., show that they were cast in the reigns of Kings Emmanuel (1495-1521) and John III (1521-1551), i.c., clearly in and not long after the time of Albuquerque at Malacca (1510-1511). They were obviously imitations of the tin ingot currency of the Malays, but bore the cross and globe of the two kings above mentioned and Portuguese legends. Incidentally they exhibit the commercial wisdom of his advisers in effecting only a changed and not a new coinage. II. Shan Shell-Money. The remaining specimens on the Plate attached belong to categories of coinage altogether liffering from the "Tenasserim Medals." Fig. 4 illustrates two sides of a chilon, K'ayulon (round shell), or chaubinbauk, the Shan shell-money, which was once well-known in Upper Burma. This particular form of Burmese currency is explained in 1.A., vol. LVII, pp. 91-92, and is shown on Plate II, fig. 16 ( facing p. 44) of Notes on Currency and Coinage in that volume. Sir George Scott, writing to me in 1889, called the shells Siamese money, the Siamese being a variety of the Shan race, and said that they were "still current among the Siamese and a large portion of the Lao [Shan) States." Ma Kin, a well known female dealer in Mandalay, told me about the same time that the Shan shells came from Bawdwin (the Bor. twang of Crawford's Avo, p. 144) near Nyaungywe in the Southern Shan States. "They are not deliberately manufactured, but are the result of the natural efflorescence of silver under certain methods of abstraction. They are necessarily as pure as bo [bar, Burmese, pure) silver, and their weight was tested by handling, so they passed as tokens. In fig. 1, Plate I, of Notes on Currency and Coinage (L.A., LVII, 12) and usually in specimens of Shan bo, offlorescence in this form is to be seen adhering to the silver from which it springs." Yule (Ava, p. 260) alludes to this: "The variety next to bo is k'aydbat, so called from k'ayti, a shell and pail, circle or winding, in consequence of the spiral lines of efflorescence on the surface." Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 31, expresses the same opinion and says that k'ayubat (kharoobit) is "a silver cake with marks upon the surface, produced by crystallization of the lead scoria in the process of refinement." My own information differed from that of Yule and Prinsep as to the relation of bo and k'ayibat silver. To my mind, they are identical (see 1.A., XLVIII, 41). At any rate, Shan bo is identical with k'ayubat, and so must be the correspond. ing Burmese bo, for the process of extraction appeared to be the same in both cases descriptions by Burney in 1830, in Yule's Ava, 260 . : Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 44; ani Trant, Two Years in Ara, 280 f., will be found in Notes on Currency and Coinage (1.A., LVII, 128 f.) Owing to a mistake in Ridgeway's Origin of Currency, pp. 22, 29, in which he states that Shan silver shells are about the size of a cowry and argues that they are survivals of the cowry currency of Siam, eto.. I may as well state clearly that the true chalon are of all sizes, and I had one in my possession--that shown in the Plate attached--which was many times the size of a cowry shell. In 1888 about 500 specimens of chulon passed through my hands at Mandalay, which I tried to size,' and found that "the size of any particular shell was purely accidental and an incident of construction, human intention having no concern in it." III. Shan Silver Majizis. There also passed. in Mandalay chiefly, as gold and silver tokens, a form of currency known as majizis (magyizie) or tamarind seeds. Burmese children, especially little girls, are very fond of a game of knuckle-bone, which consists in throwing a tamarind seed into the air with one hand, and seeing how many more can be picked up by the same hand before it falls and is caught. The royal children used those made of gold and silver, and King Mindon significantly impressed upon the little princesses the importance of keeping those that he gave them against a rainy day. They were soon mostly melted down or sold after the British annexation and became exceedingly rare. They were tokens, owing to their weight and fineness being assumed, and when, as subsequently happened, the majizis took on a uniform and conventional shape, size and fineness, we are brought to a point very near the true coin.

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APRIL, 1931) BOOK-NOTICE On Plate II of Notes on Currency and Coinage (1.A., LVII, 44) above mentioned a series of majizis is shown in figs. 17, 18 and 19. Fig. 17 is a dried tamarind seed : fig. 18 is its imi. tation in gold with little dotted circles in the centre of each face to represent the pit marks of a similar kind often seen on fresh tamarind seeds, and fig. 19 is the conventional silver majizi in which the dotted ring has taken on a fixed form with that of the represented seed itself. It was in this form that silver majizis were usually met with in Mandalay. So far the discussion has related to the Burmese form of the majizi, but those of the Shans were quite different in shape and construction. They were called tanthong (th as in the, this) and were in silver, being used as customary gifts, like the chulon or Shan silver shells, and were still nearer to true coin than the conventional Burmese majizi, as they were conventionally stamped to show fineness : see fig. 20, Plate II, above mentioned. This particular form of majizi had become rare in Burma in 1890. It is shown in figs. 2 and 3 of the plate attached. Regarding such majizi Mr. H. S. Guinness, in a letter to me from the Shan State of Wuntho in 1894, wrote: "Sometime ago I weighed 18 silver magyizi, which I bought in Mandalay. The bazaar weight thereof varied between 59 to 66 grains per magyizi: the average for the 18 being 61.92 grains. This made me think that magyizes were meant to run three to a told or four to a tickal. If the former the weight of a magyizi should be 60 grains : if the latter, 64 grains." The Shan majizi may thus be really a quarter tickal, the well-known Siamese (Shan) standard weight or coin-perhaps rather currency. It is shown on Plate II of Currency and Coinage. fig. 21 (1.A., LVII, 44), from which its remarkable resemblance to the Shan majizi in its several forms becomes apparent. Crawfurd (Siam, 331) describes the tickal and its parts as nothing more than bits of silver bar bent and the ends beaten together, im. pressed with two or three small stamps. This is the principle of the construction of the larin or hook-money, very different in appearance : see Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., vol. I, pp. 232 ff. For Siamese tickals, see Bowring, Siam, I, 257 ff. An elaborate enquiry was made into the origin and age of the tickal in Currency and Coinage among the Burmese (1.A., vols. XXVI ani XXVII), in which it was shown that it is a direct descendant-general value 1 rupee-of che ancient Indian taka, just as the corresponding: Burmese dinganow equated to the rupee-oame from farka, the nasalized form of taka. The final l in tickal arose out of Portuguese "influence" as in many other Oriental words. A large number of quotations from 1554 to 1893 are given in 1.A., vol. XXVI, pp. 255 ff., showing the history of the word. BOOK-NOTICE. CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. Vol. II, Part 1. outcomo of his regearches is now published in a KHAROBTH INSCRIPTIONS, with the exception of magnificent volume of considerably more than those of Asoka. Edited by STEN KONow. Go- 300 pages, to which are added a very good map vernment of India, Central Publication Branch, and 36 plates of splendid exterior, though sometimes Calcutta, 1929. losa clear than could perhaps be wished. Professor Professor Konow, in his short preface, tells us Konow is to be sincerely congratulated upon that originally the joint editorship of vol. II of the having happily concluded his painstaking and Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum was to have been troublesome task. entrusted to Professors Rapson and Laders, of whom An undertaking like this cannot under any one was to edit the Kharopthi, and the other the circumstances be called a happy and promising ono; Brahmi inscriptions. However, Professor Rapsonit is rather one that is partly beset with utter hope. was prevented from undertaking this laborious tasklessness. When one studies the pages of this by his editorship of the Cambridge History of India magnificent book and finds, time after another, and by the arduous publication, together with M h ow great authorities differ so widely in the deci. l'abbe Boyer and the late M. Senart, of the phermont of a number of these inscriptions that Kharoethi documente from Niya. Thus the task scarcely one word of their various interpretatione of editing the Kharosthi part of vol. II fell during is identical, one feels like sinking in the Slough of the latter part of 1922 to Professor Konow. The Despond with no friendly Holp to lift one out, Time

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1931 after time we are vividly reminded of how slender in obecurity, and after his decendo . somewhat -or porhaps even non-existent--are those found. prolonged period of feebleness and anarchy set in. ations upon which are built up our present ideas This would rather lead us to the conclusion that concerning the older periods of the history of India. Mithradates, during the last part of his reign, bad Even a scholar who, like the present writer, can not the power to prevent an energetic upetart claim no particular familiarity with these Kharosthi participating in the conquest of Wostern India from documents, cannot escape feeling struck by the assuming the title of Great King. On the other utter uncertainty of a great number of Professor hand, if Professor Konow's suggestion concerning an Konow's readings. An authority like Professor era beginning in 84-83 D.c. be correct, Maues would Rapson 1 has demonstrated how inscriptions which have used this title in the year 6-5 B.C. at a period are really corner-stones of Konow's historical when the Parthian empire had triumphed at Cartha and chronological system contain but slender bits and had, at any rate, held its own very well both of those words and sentences which have here been against Antony and Octavian. This argumentation got out of them. And we shall allow ourselves in leads to no tangible results, but it is apt to prove the the following paragraphs to point out a few further utter fancifulness of Professor Konuw's assumptions. passages where we feel beset with the gra vest | Professor Rapson has already suggested that doubts. It is, however, sufficient to emphasize the era of the year 78 is one which commemorates now that a very great part of the historically im. the foundation of an independent kingdom in portant inscriptions perhaps contain only & more Seisten about 150 B.C., and that thus the year or less minute part of those facts which the present 78 would mean something like 72 B.C. This is interpretation has elicited from them." undoubtedly possible; and the Macedonian name Upon these frail foundations Professor Konow of the month (Panemos) undoubtedly proves this has in his two first chapters, viz., 'Historical In- era to be of a Western origin. Still I do not feel troduction (p. xiii ff.) and 'The Eras used in quite satisfied that this is the case. Kharopthi Inscriptions (p. lxxxii ff.) erected & re We admittedly never hear of an era founded by splendent historical and chronological superstructure, Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus, just a little & veritable gandharvanagara. His chronology has As we hear of a Seistan or an old Saka 'one. But been partly calculated in collaboration with Dr. there always remains the possibility that Demetrius van Wiik and was known from several papers in the instituted a new ern to commemorate his conquest Acta Orientalia; but, in spite of the great learning of India.' If such were the case, why should not And industry oxhibited by his collaborator, not Buch an era have continued to be used in Northmany scholars with a smattoring of historical sense Western India even after the extinction of the line will feel convinced by these calculations, the un of Demetrius? Why should it not have been still certainty of which is, besides, sometimes admitted tised even during the reign of the Great King, even by their inventors. Of the five oras made Maues or Moga? Now, the regnal years of use of by Professor Konow, two, viz., the Vikrama Demetrius &re admittedly somewhat uncertain, and the sako, have the immense advantage of 86 are even those of his Indian conquests. But being really existent; though it must be admitted Aeguming the later ones to fall somewhere between that the explanations of their origin furnished by 180-170 B.C., the year 78 of such an ers would fall the learned editor aro more than doubtful. Of somewhere about 100-90 B.O. That Maues Wag the three others, the old Saka era' (84-83 B.C.) perhaps succeeded by Azes (I), and that this Azee and & Parthian' era originating in 7 B.C., and founded the Vikrama era of 68 B.O. Beems not founded by Azes, are the results of the purest fancy; ungesumable. And in that cage Maues would prothe third, beginning in 128-129 A.D., is said to bably have left the stage about 60 3.0. Assuming be the era of Kanishka' and is most probably just that the years 100 or 90 B.O. fell within the limita as nebulous as both the others. of his reign, it would have been a fairly, though not The existence of the old Saka era' (84-83 B.C.) enormously, long one. And we know nothing that regts upon two suggestions : (1) Maves (Moga, would expressly contradict such an assumption. etc.), who originated from Seistar., did not assume But I shall always willingly admit that this, like tho title "Great King' (maharayasa malam tasa the suggestions criticised here, remains sheer Mogana, Taxila copperplate of year 78, etc.), before hypothesis. the decease of Mithradates II of Persia in 88 We shall not enter further upon the utterly B.0. ; (2) this era records the conquest of Western entangled historical problems dealt with in the India by the Sakes. The first of these assumptions introduction, as we do not feel entitled to form any is now endorsed by Professor Rapeon, while the definite opinion upon them. Besides such a disoussecond meets with his disapproval. Personally, I sion would exceed the limits of a review like this. scarcely feel inclined to accept as undisputed even We shall content ourselves by making the following the first of Professor Konow's suggestions. few scattered remarks on passages that seem more The later years of Mithradates IT Are wrapped or less doubtful and in need of emendation, 1 JRAS, 1930, p. 187 ff. 9 Op. JRAS, 1930, p. 192; cp. also CHI, I, p. 569 ff. 3 Co. OHI, 1, p. 570.

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APRIL, 1931] BOOK-NOTICE On the word kharogths (p. xv) cp. now the ingenious suggestion of M. Przyluski which, however, seems fairly uncertain. On p. xx Professor Konow discusses the curious word murunda,5 a Saka one that must apparently mean lord, chief. There can scarcely be any doubt that this word is connected with the Saka rrumda, which has been considered a genitive of the word rri, 'king' 6-certainly an entirely impos. sible suggestion. It, however, remains to be considered what is the sense of the first syllable mu-. On hien-tu (p. xiii) cp. also von Gutschmid, Geschichte Irans, p. 60. The identification drei: "Astot (p. Iviii), in spite of a certain verisimilitude, still remains entirely uncertain (ep. p. lxi). On p. xevi ai is, of course, not derived from ayam, but from a form ayah, cp. Shahbazgarhi ayi and bhuibhuyah in the Zeda inscription. This phonetical development probably is intimately connected with the development as>-i in Eastern Iranian.7 Whether Minamdra for Mevavdpos (p. xcvii) cp. Pali Milinda-marks an Indian development e> or renders the actual Greek pronunciation, may be left undecided. The name Travasakura (Peshawar no. 20, p. xcviii) in its first part undoubtedly reminds us of Trapusa, Tapussa8; but then again what is "kura? Extremely curious are the writings trt, gr -g-, -y-, etc., which have not been satisfactorily explained; nor can I offer any plausible explanation. The writing eh (p. ci) apparently in several cases simply means f. On p. 14 is discussed a name Damijada which is apparently connected with the Damajada or Damaysada of the Western Keatrapas. Of its Iranian origin there can be no doubt; the form anybow represents something like Damizada. In this same inscription Professor Konow's translation of the words savalavadhapitra sardha is not quite intelligible to me. In the Taxila Copperplate (p. 28 f.) the words Takhaliluye nagare utarea apparently make a bad construction; but there can be little doubt that they must mean to the north of the City Taxila. In the same inscription the words bhratara sarva ca [natigabamdha]vasa ca puyayanto (provided the reading be correct) most probably are bhrairn sarvamaca jatrkabandhuvameam ca pujayan. The name Hayuara on the Mathure Lion Capital 79 (p. 37) is doubtless an Iranian one; why should it not be connected with the Saka haj(u)valo 'wise'? In the same inscription we find a somewhat disputed word kadhavara, which Professor Luders wanted to connect with a kantha, meaning 'town,' in the Saka and Sogdian languages, and also known to Panini. On this kantha a somewhat extensive discussion is found in Le Monde Oriental, XVIII, 1 ff. The introductory sentence of the Mathura Lion Capital has generally been construed in the same way by all previous interpreters; and there is no doubt whatsoever that it runs as follows: the chief queen of the Mahakastrapa Rajula, the daughter of Azes Kamuia, the mother of the crown. prince Kharaosta, Nadadiakasa,' etc. Professor Konow, however, raises various objections to such an interpretation and finally arrives at a translation (p. 48), according to which the lady's name is really Ayasia Kamuia, the daughter of Kharaosta, the mother of Nada Diaka.' If, however, her name was really Ayasia, why is it not written Ayas(r)ia like Piepas(r)ia following later? Professor Konow further (p. 35) objects that the common construction of the sentence leads to the assumption of Kamuia being the genitive of a stem Kamui, which would be an unheard-of form. With this objection I am rather at one, 11 But Kamuia whatever the word means-need be nothing like a genitive. In a language as uncouth as this one Ayasia Kamuia may well be a slip for what ought properly to be Kamuia-Ayasia, i.e., a nominative coupled with a genitive. With such a construction ep. coin-legends like priyapita Stratasa which would apparently render a Greek philopatoros Stratonos, maharajabhrata dhramikasa Spalahorasa, maharaja rajatiraja tratara devavrata Gudapharasa, 13 etc. On p. 56 f. it would be very tempting to put vayira- vydghra-; but phonetical considerations seem to make such a suggestion impossible. The reconstruction of the Taxt-i-Bahi inscription (p. 57 ff.) has been reduced to its proper proportions in JRAS, 1930, p. 189 f. In the Kaldarra inscription of the year 113 (p. 65 f.) no valid objection can be raised against Senart's translation of Datiaputresa by the son of Datis.' In the same inscription the correctness of rendering the word sarvasapasa by sarvasarpanam is too obvious to be made doubtful even by the objections 4 JRAS, 1930, 43 ff. 5 He has certainly quite correctly identified Saka-murusda with the Chinese Sai-wang. 8 Cp. Hoernle, Manuscript Remains, I, 349; on rri and x-plons cp. Acta Or., VII, 196, n. 4. 7 Op. Dr. Tedesco, Zeitschr. J. Indologie, IV, 126 ff. 8 According to Buddhist tradition the well-known bearer of this name originated from Northern India. What is found in JRAS, 1927, 232, concerning and in the Niya inscriptions can scarcely xplain the writing -ar-s- in some of our inscriptions. 10 Cp. Leumann, Zur nordar. Sprache, p. 139; Hoernle, Manuscript Remains, I, 338. 11 With alight astonishment I, however, find that on p. 152 Professor Konow considers Arthamisiya quite a possible genitive of Arthamisi. 13 Cp. CHI, I, 589 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Arril, 1931 of an illustrious triumvirate of scholars, such as p. 142 ff.) is, unfortunately, not very clear. As Professors Konow, Luders and Thomas for the title marjhaka, it might just as well reIn the Panjtar inscription of the year 122 the present an Iranian *marzaka, meaning 'margrave' name Urumuja (provided the reading be safo, (cp. Pahlavi marzpan); then why should & man which seems to be the case) will most probably be specially styled grha pati in an inscription like correspond to Saka Urmayada=Ahuramazda. As this? Obviously it is open to very grave doubt this word is at the period in question & synonym whether the muroda marjhako Kaniska of the of Aditya the word Urumujaputra would possibly Zoda inscription and maharaja rajatiraja deva putra mean's worshipper of the Sun.' Kaniska of the Sue Vihar copperplate, both dated The name In tauhria (p. 77, but op. p. 74, n. 1) in the year 11,1% can really be the same person. like Grallavhryaka (p. 150 f.) certainly in its later Concerning the Kurram Casket inscription (p. 152 part contains an Iranian-fr(i)ya(ka), cp. names ff.) op. now Professor Konow, Studies Lanman, p.53ff. like Buddha, Dharma, Dkydna-priya. If in It need scarcely be repeated hore that kai narasa in Graxavhryaka the beginning gr- stands for g, the the Ara inscription (of which -i-rasa is visible) is a name would really mean Ganapriya(ka), i.e., some. highly adventurous and improbablo conjecture thing very much like Samghapriya. of Professor Luders, upon which no conclusions A very interesting inscription apparently is that can be built. of the Taxila gold plate (p. 83 ff.), the original of the name Dagathara (p. 165), if correct, probably which has most unfortunately been lost. The in- contains an Iranian-farna 15 In the same manner terpretation, however, is far from convincing. That Kamagrilya (p. 170), with which cp. Magigula of Professor Thomas, incredible as it is, still gives an (p. 82), may contain an Iranian element, viz., intelligible sense, which can, unfortunately, not be gul, rose' (cp. Vihiragula). said of that of Professor Konow. That there should The Wardak vase (p. 170) in line 3 contains be & stop after the words Siras bhagavato dhatus the words am)da jojalayugayal: da)ye(: de)tiga. prethaveliye seems quite clear, but what follows is Here andaja and jaruyuja (oroga) seemed fairly clear, confusing, probably owing to some slight corruption. and consequently Senart, Hultzsch and Professor On p. 99 there is a word Jhamdanamasya which Thomae Bought in yayetiga or safetiga a correis translated Of Jh.' But it seems more probable spondence to Skt. (sam) svedaja. This is certainly that this is to be interpreted Jhamdandmasya, correct, though it has been denied by Professor and that the real name is only Jhamda. This Konow, whose own interpretation is scarcely I suppose is = Saka damda, 'earth. We may acceptable. Now, putting aside jalayu, we have possibly also compare with it Ara jhamdasa on Ara hampaasa on left the letters gayayetiga or gasafetiga. Here p. 101. As for the senge, cp. Ysamotika, which is there must be something wrong. Personally I rightly derived from ysama (i.e., zama) earth.'13 should feel strongly inclined to suggest something The names Yavalatra, Budhalatra, Mollalatra like ganadetiga and connect this with the Saka (p. 100 f.) should, I suppose, be compared with ganida, which is used to translate sampoveda,16 such ones as Kumdra-dia. It would be tempting being itself so far of obscuro origin. We would to masume that Yavalatra is really Yavala-latra, then get soinething like jalayuganasetiya jardyriand that Yavala is = yola (pp. 101, 175). aamsvedajah. But this is, of course, a mere guese. Denipasa (p. 101), if correct, may representa This review has, however, already grown to some Greek name Aci TTOS (cf. Fick, Griech. Per length, and we must abstain from further remarks. sonennamen, p. 153). Wo fool very thankful te Professor Konow for having On p. 116 we find a name Bosavaruma. Pro- undertaken this extremely laborious task; and he fogsor Konow thinks that this looks un-Indian. has rendered a very great service to future research But then Bosisates in the Taxila silver scroll on work by bringing together all the innumerable p. 77 looks equally un-Indian. Either we must remarks on these inscriptions scattered through koop both, or we must silently amend them both. various books and periodicals. But we cannot ab. But what possible reason can there be for drag. stain from the comment that it would have been ging the Chinese p'u-sa into this discussion as is happier to let us have the inscriptions as they are done on p. 116 ? instead of a series of more or less hypothetical reOn p. 127 Professor Konow's translation : 'in constructions. And it would cortainly have been heaven may she carry the tenth' lacks sense. happier not to have founded upon these reconstruc Also on p. 133 we vainly ask ourselves about 'those tions a vast chronological system which was doomed who were confonded through truth.' to destruction well-nigh before its publication. The plate of the Zoda inscription (pl. XXVI: 2, JARL CHARPENTIER. 13 That Yoamotika is not identical with BA denaka, ag suggested by Mesers. Lovi, J4, 1916: 1, 191, and Konow, 1.c., p. Lxx, has been shown in JRAS, 1930, 201 f. 11 It is to be obrerved that the formula ol the date is not the same in both inscriptions. 16 Op. JRAS, 1928, 904 f. 16 Op. Hoornle, Manuscript Remaine, I, 245 + w dhyo yadia o purdmaa yadta cu ganitta yod=tathd dude jakde tatha jardyau jdid yo sam svede jaadh.

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MAY, 1931] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from 1894 to 1903. I. PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 81 As a supplement to vols. LVIII and LIX of this Journal I published a series of amended extracts relating to the Andamans from the Census Report of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1901, which I compiled. I now publish a similar series of extracts regarding the Nicobar Islands, as they contain information, not procurable elsewhere, of value to students of ethnography. I propose to divide the subject into the following heads: I Geography, II Geology, III Meteorology, IV History, V The People, VI Government and Village System, VII Commerce, VIII Reckoning. The Nicobarese inhabit islands between the Andamans and Sumatra, from about 7deg to about 9deg North, and situated in groups at considerable distances in some cases from cach other. Thus, to enumerate the inhabited islands only, Car Nicobar lies by itself, 41 miles to the north of any other inhabited island of the group. Then comes Chowra, 6 miles north of Teressa and Bompoka, situated close together. East and south 12 miles distant from these lie Camorta, Trinkat and Nancowry, forming a close group creating between them the magnificent harbour of Nancowry. To their west, 4 miles distant, and to the south of Teressa, lies Katchall. Again, 30 miles to the south of them lies the group of Great and Little Nicobar with Kondul and Pulo Milo. The inhabitants of these islands are thus divided off into groups, which have little communication with each other, owing to the diversity of the dialects they speak. The groups thus created are (1) Car Nicobar, (2) Chowra, (3) Teressa and Bompoka, (4) Central (Camorta, Trinkat, Nancowry, Katchall), (5) Southern (Great and Little Nicobar, Kondul, Pulo Milo); and in the interior of the Great Nicobar is a separate tribe, (6) the Shom Pen, usually at feud with the people on the seaboard. Although the Andamans and Nicobars are grouped together as a single entity for administrative purposes, they have no other connection whatever either geographically or by population. The Andamans belong to Burma, being the summits of a lofty submerged continuation of the Arakan Yoma mountains, and the Nicobars belong to the Malay Archipelago as a continuation of Sumatra. The division between them and the Andamans is caused by the Ten Degree Channel, which is wide and deep. The Nicobar Group contains every kind of island scenery from flat and waterless Car Nicobar not much above sea level to mountainous Great Nicobar with its many hills and streams. In some cases the scenery, though of course tropical everywhere, is truly beautiful, and the one landlocked harbour-Nancowry Harbour-the islands contain, formed by the islands of Camorta, Nancowry and Trinkat, and the coral reefs surrounding them, with Katchall to shelter it from the west, is of great beauty. The entry from the west in the early morning is one of the most superb sights I know in a very wide experience. There is another considerable landlocked harbour on Camorta just north of Nancowry Harbour, but it is too full of coral to be available for ships. An immense number of coco-nut trees grow all along the coasts and naturally attract the visitor's eyes, and hide to a great extent the variety of foliage inland. The Andamanese are a race of the purest savages known and largely isolated in the world, but the Nicobarese belong to the Malay Peninsula, and their language and customs show them to be of the same general race of mankind as the Mons and to have come ultimately from the highlands of Western China. They are anything but savages and are indeed a semi-civilised, though illiterate, race, with a very ancient trade with the Far East and India. Like the Andamanese, however, though divided by dialects, now mutually unintelligible' to each other, they speak one fundamental tongue, which is Far Eastern in its affinities. 1

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 Perhaps the most interesting fact of this population is that it appears to have been stationary through all historical time. That is to say that ages ago its numbers reached the point that the islands could support, according to its method of procuring food, and at that point it ceased to increase. The Nicobarese have resorted to agriculture-excepting fruit trees and vege. tables or cattle-raising or industry, procuring all their domestio wants not producible from the soil by the sale of 0000-nuts to ships that call-a trade of which they are past masters. In the course of 1883, a careful enumeration of the Nicobarese, for purely local reasons unconnected with any Indian Census, was made by the late Messrs. E. H. Man and de Roepstorff, Officers of the Andaman and Nicobar Commission. Their labour on that cocasion proved of the greatest value afterwards, as they made Reports giving a good deal of information of use to the student of ethnology, and not otherwise procurable, about the islands generally at that time. It was used in the Census Report of 1901, and extracts therefrom will be found attached to the present remarks, The Census figures of the Nicobarese population for 1883 and 1901 by Dialects are compared below 1901. Car Nicobar 3,500 3,451 Chowra 690 657 702 Central 1,095 Southern 247 192 Shom Pen 348 1883. 522 Teressa :::::: 848 5,942 6,310 But if we su betract from the 1901 figures the 348 Shom Pen, which tribe was unknown in 1883, we reach a total of 5,962 as the Nicobarese population of 1901. The figures for Car Nicobar were furnished by Mr. E. H. Man, who completed the work left undone by Mr. de Roepstorff. It must be also noted that the dialects of Car Nicobar and Chowra are spoken on those Islands only; that of Teressa on Teressa and Bompoka ; the Central Dialect on Camorta, Trinkat, Nancowry and Katchall; the Southern Dialect on Pulo Milo, Little Nicobar, Kondul and Great Nicobar Coasts; while the Shom Pen in the interior of Great Nicobar have a dialeot of their own. The figures above compared for 1883 and 1901 show the population to be stationary, as one would expeot it to be on the theory already expounded, with reference to the Andamanese, as to the causes which govern the growth and maintenance of the population of savage and semi-savage peoples. They also go to corroborate what is known as to the movement of the population amongst themselves. Shortly before the Census of 1901 there was an emigration from overcrowded Chowra to Camorta North, and many people both in Nanoowry and Camorta owned property in Katchall East, and villages and coco-nut plantations were owned both in Trinkat and Nancowry by the same men. Hence it was quite a chance on which of adjacent islands owners of property on both were to be found on any given day. There was also communication between the coast men of the Southern Group and Katchall West, and, similarly, the people of Great Nicobar would bodily " visit" Kondul, and so would those of Little Nicobar visit Pulo Milo, and vice versd. Indeed, Kondul was an appanage of Great Nicobar East, and so was Pulo Milo of Little Nicobar. So, though the dialect test is perhaps the best division of the Nicobarese into six varieties, by habits of interoommunication they may be well divided into Northern or Car Nicobarese, the Central Nioobarese (Chowra to Nanoowry), Southern or Great Nioobarese, and the isolated Shom Pen of Great Nicobar. The Nicobarese can also be divided into three Groups,-Northern, Central and Southernby language and a sharply-marked qustom. The Northern (Car Nicobar, Chowra, Teressa

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Indian Antiquiory i Car Nicobar THE NICOBAR ISLANDS Betti Mah. 6 Geo8. Wiles.com Rablishi 10 10 20 30 Rillan fchon. Termess. Acupola Camorte Drinkat. Katchal. Noncowy sombrero Channel Morge. 0 X Pulo Mila Nanchal. Little Cabre. Nicobar. Condul Neobar Explanation Red Inhabited White Uninhabited

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MAY, 1931] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY with Bompoka) all speak separate dialects, but they all have the custom of communal disposal of human remains in ossuaries, which the others have not. The Central (Camorta, Nancowry, Trinkat, and Katchall) speak one dialeot, and so do the Southern (Great Nicobar with Kondul and Little Nicobar with Pulo Milo). There is a strong local idea that, like the Andamanese, the Nicobarese, too, are rapidly decreasing in population, but I do not think there is any real ground for it and that the Census merely shows that the population is stationary. There is an enormous variation in density of population in the various inhabited islands from a little over 1 per square mile in Little Nicobar to 174 per square mile in Chowra. The following table gives the detail: NICOBARS. Density of Population in the various inhabited Islands. Car Nicobar Chowra Teressa Bompoka Camorta Nancowry Trinkat Katchall Great Nicobar Little Nicobar Kondul Pulo Milo Population. 3,451 522 624 78 488 Bompoka Camorta Nancowry Trinkat Katchall 224 102 281 435 Great Nicobar Little Nicobar Kondul Pulo Milo 63 38 4 Table of Population per Hut. Car Nicobar Chowra Teressa Area in Density per square miles. square mile. 70 174 .. 5 4 5 4 5 5 4 3 49 3 34 4 The Nicobarese "family" can be gauged by the population in each hut, and the figures show that it is normal in size. 4 58 19 6 62 333 58 } 1 18 19 8 12 17 83 4 11 1 76 8 These figures should help to get at an approximate estimate of the Shom Pen by simply going through their country and counting and mapping huts and then multiplying them by 4 for the population. Two Reports, made during the Census Tour in R. I. M. 8. Elphinstone in 1901 by the late Mr. E. H. Man and the late Captain A. R. S. Anderson, I.M.S., and Mr. (now Sir) Hadley

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1931 D'Oyly (Bt.) from the 4th to 13th January, contain muoh matter which is worth preserving, and extracts therefrom are accordingly added here. Mr. E. H. Man's Report. 4th January-Having embarked myself, Captain Anderson, I.M.S., Mr. D'Oyly, and a Police escort, servants, plant-collectors, convict boatmen, six Andamanese and a trader, the steamer left Nancowry Harbour for Car Nicobar. 5th January.--Anchored at 8 a.m. in Sawi Bay near Mus village. Mr. Solomon, the Government Agent came on board and reported all well. Landed with Census papers and explained to him how to take the Census during the absence of the steamer at the other islands. It was observed by Captain Anderson, that itoh was very prevalent among the natives, and a bad case was noticed among the traders. Advice was given as to how to eradicate the disease. On returning to the steamer, took a canoe and some natives to assist us in landing at the other islands. 6th January. Having left Car Nicobar at midnight, arrived at Chowra at about 7 a.m. Lalu (the former headman) came on board and reported that Tamkoi (the new headman) was absent on a visit to Nancowry. Landed with Captain Anderson and Mr. D'Oyly and took the Census of the inhabitants, who at present appear to number only 522 against 690, the estimated population in 1886. There were no foreigners residing at the island. 7th January.Left Chowra at 5 a.m. and anchored off Bengala (Teressa Island) at 7 a.m. Gibson and his wife came on board and reported all well. Landed and took the Census of Bengala, Eoya and Chanumla. A beacon was fixed on a conspicuous cocoanut tree at Bengala by the officers of the steamer. The vessel then proceeded to Kerawa, where all landed and the Census of the remaining villages of the island was taken. Twelve Burman kopra-makers constituted the entire foreign element on the island. 8th January.- Leaving at 5 a.m., proceeded to Bompoka where the Aung-khyanthagyi (Burmese barquantine) was anchored off Poahat village. Landed there and took Census of the inhabitants of the island. Left at 8 a.m. for Nanoowry harbour, and anchored in Spiteful Bay at 11-30 a.m. Rati Lal came on board and reported that on 24th October last a cocoanut tree fell on to the roof of his quarters, doing much damage. Landed at Inuanga and visited Malacca. Arranged for taking Census on the following day of Nancowry, Trinkat, and of the east and south-west portions of Camorta. Found two baglas at Inuanga, a junk off Trinkat, and a barquantine near the west entrance of Nancowry harbour. 9th January.--Took Census as arranged and found only one foreigner, a Burman trader, who was at Trinkat. Visited the Government station and took note of the damage done to Rati Lal's quarters. Received from Rati Lal a current-slip found a month ago in a bottle on the north-east coast of Camorta; handed this to Lieutenant-Commander Wilson for disposal. 10th January.--Left at 6 a.m. for the east coast of Katchall, where the Census of all the existing villages was taken, and the cave visited. Leaving at 2-30 p.m., reached the anchorage outside Dring Harbour at 3-30 p.m. Landed and took the Census of the northwest of Camorta, excepting Puli Pilau, which must be done on the spot owing to the number of new settlers from Chowra and Teressa. Fresh tracks of buffaloes were discovered near the village, but no animals were seen. 11th January.--Left at 5 a.m. for Kondul, anchoring off that island at 0-30 p.m. Took Census of entire southern group. Ascertained that there were no foreigners at any of these islands. Visited Chinese junk off south-east coast of Little Nicobar, and found that she had obtained a permit to trade. Left at midnight for Katchall. (To be continued.)

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MAY, 1931) NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. BY PROF. S. H. HODIVALA, M.A. (Continued from vol. LVIII, p. 210.) Aleatit.-The earliest example given in Hobson-Jobson is dated 1540. The following is about twenty-five years older. [c. 1516.) "They also take many of the common silk camlets made in Cambaya, which are good and cheap. From India also they bring many large carpets, taffety, cloth of scarletin-grain and other colours," eto.-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, 129. Dames says the word in the original text as well as in the Spanish version is alcatifas. Allandica.--Sir Thomas Ros (1615) is the earliest English author quoted by Yule and Burnell. [1608-11.] "Neare to the Castle [of Surat) is the alphandica where is a paire of staires for lading and unlading of goods; within are rooms for keeping goods till they be cleared." - William Finch in Early Travels in India, ed. Fosters, 134; see also ibid., 128, where the word is spelt "Alphandira." Ambayna.-[1516.) "Advancing yet further and leaving these Bandam Isles, towards Maluquo, there are many isles called Ambam, inhabited by Heathen, each of which has its owa King."-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, II, 199. This is "the native form of the name" with a slight variation. Mr. Dames says Ramusio has 'Ambon,' which is still used by the Dutch. 'Amboino 'is first found in de Barros (Decada III, v. 6, f. 137); and Linschoten writes Amboyna.' Arcot. -The Arcot in Tanjore, which Yule proposed to identify with the Harkatu' which Ibn Bafuta "reached on the first evening of his march inland, after landing from Ceylon on the shallow coast of Madura," is mentioned, I venture to suggest, by an earlier Muhammadan author-Wanaf : fo. 1328,1 "He [scil. the Rai of Madura-Tira Pandi, i.e.. Vira Pandyal c. 1312) delivered up to Malik Kafar, the country of Arikanna as a proof of his allegiance, and treasure beyond what imagination can conceive ... 80 that the country was restored to him." Elliot and Dowson, History of India, III, 50. It is perhaps scarcely necessary to point out that by the addition of a single dot to the penultimate letter the name would become 'Aricatta,' which is as close to Arkat (Tamil Arkad, Harkatu) as can be expected under the circumstances. Areca.-The Arabic word for the betelnut, foufel or fofel [ I ], "the origin of which " is said to be "uncertain " by Mr. Orooke, is without doubt derived from the Sanskrit, pugaphala, the name of the fruit in that language. (H. H. Wilson, Sanskrit-Eng. Dict.) But fulful or filfil ( JALS) the Arabic for Pepper is derived from the Sanskrit pippali, long pepper (ibid.), and the two words are etymologically quite distinct. Assegay.- [1516.) "Their weapons (scil. of the people of Sam Lourenco, i.e., Madagascar) are assegais, very slender for throwing, with well-worked iron heads. Each man carries a sheaf of them in his hand for throwing."-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, 25; see also ibid., p. 10. Atap, Adap.- [1674.] "The houses here [Queda) being made of Hullops (which are no more than leaves of trees) do take [fire) like tinder in the dry times." Queda General to Surat, 0. C., No. 3917, quoted in Bowrey, Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Sir R. Temple, p. 269 n. Here " Huttops" are the "Ataps " of Hobson-Jobson. Baba.--Sir Henry Yule denies that this word is used by the natives in the same way for children, and he thinks that the English word 'baby' has influenced its use. I beg leave to say that this is very doubtful. The Emperor Jahangir writes : "After my birth, they gave me the name of Sultan Salim, but I never heard my father... call me Muhammad Salim or Sultan Salim, but always Shaikhu Baba."-T azuk-i-Jahangiri, trans. Rogers and Beveridge, I, 2.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 And he himself speaks of his own son, Prince Khurram (who afterwards became Emperor with the title of Shah Jahan) repeatedly as Baba Khurram.-Ibid., 180, 186, 247, 256, etc. And Shah Jahan, in his turn, inentions his favourite son, Dara Shikoh as 'Dark Shikoh Baba'in a letter written by him to Mahabat Khan, which Khafi Khan has transcribed in his Muntakhabu'l-lubab. But the matter does not end here. Ziau'd-din Barani [c. 1358) puts into the mouth of Malik Fakhru'd-din Kotwal a long sermon or preachment addressed to his nephew and sonin-law, Malik Nizamu'd-din. In this the latter is addressed as 'Baba'04 (Tarikh-jFiruzsham, Bibl. Indica Text 138, 1. 7); and the same word is again used in the identical connection by this writer at p. 216, 1. 11, and p. 218, 1. 1. Another writer of the same century--the fourteenth-also makes a great saint of the day, Shaikh Qutbu'd-din Munawwar, address Sultan Firuz Tughlaq as Baba (child).-Tarikh. i-Firuzshahi of Shams-i-Siraj, Bibl. Indica Text, p. 79, 1. 12. Elsewhere this author makes another highly venerated individual, Sayyad Jalalu'd-din of Uocha, use the same expression in a speech addressed to the people of Tatta, to assure them that the siege of their town would be soon raised and that peace was in sight.-Ibid., p. 241, 1. 10. It would appear that Babd was commonly used in India long before the coming of the English, for the young as well as grown-up persons, as a term of endearment, that parents habitually spoke of or to their children as Baba, and that persons of saintly character and religious preceptors also used the same expression in speaking to the laity as their spiritual children. Briefly, it seems to me that these facts militate with some force against the sup. position advanced by Yule in regard to the influence of 'Baby.' Bacanore.-The earliest reference to this place that is cited in Hobson-Jobson is from the Travels of Ibn Batuia (c. 1313), but this old port is mentioned also by Rashidu'd-din, whose Jamiu't-tawarikh was completed several years earlier : [1310.] "Of the cities on the shore (of Malabar which stretches from Karoha to Kulam, i.o., Quilon), the first is Sindabur, then Faknur, then the country of Manjarur, then the country of Hili, then the country of Sadars& [recte, Fandarana), then Jangli, then Kalam." Elliot and Dowson, History of India, I, 68. Here Sindabur is Chintapur near Goa, Manjarur is Mangalore, Hili is Mount D'ely, Sadarsa is Fandaraina or Pandarani, Jangli is Chinkali or Cranganor, and Kulam is Quilon. Badgeer.-Mr. Crooke draws attention to Linschoten's description of a similar arrangement at the same place (Hormuz), but there is an earlier reference still in Barbosa who writes :"...... [1516] and, because that country is very hot, all the houses are built in such wise as to make the wind blow from the highest to the lowest storeys, when they have need of it."-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, 01. Bahar.--This word ocours in the Kitabi-masalik wa-l-mamalik of the Arab writer, Ibn Khurdadbih (d. 912 A.C.): [c. 912.] "Multan is called the farj of the house of gold,' because Muhammad son of Qasim, lieutenant of Al Hajjaj found forty bahars of gold in one house of that city, which was henceforth called the House of Gold'... ... bahar is worth 333 mans, and each man two ritla." Elliot and Dowson, History of India, I, 14. Soe also text and translation in Journals Asiatique, 1865, p. 277. The same statement is made by Idrisi [c. 1154], Nuzhat al-mushtaq, in Elliot and Dowson, ibid., I, 82-3. Bandicoot. It is not Fryer only who "exaggerates worse than the Moor," Ibn Batu ta), or who compares them to pige. Another European traveller had done the same: [1698.) "There are likewise great numbers of Rattes, and some as bigge as young Pigges, so that the Cattes dare not touch them. Sometimes they digge down the houses, for that they undermine the walles and foundations through and through whereby many

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MAY, 1931) NOTES ON ROBSON-JOBSON times the houses fall downe and are spoyled."-The Voyage of J. H. Van Linschoten, Old Eng. Trans. of 1598, ed. A. C. Burnell, I, 302. And Mundy has the identical comparison : [1632.] "Of the latter (scil. rats) there are a sort called Goose (i.e., ghus), that are as bigg as a prettie pigg of 10 or 12 dayes old."-The Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, IT, 307. Banyan.--The earliest reference to this caste in a foreign writer is, I think, in Mas'udi: [c. 916.) "J'etais a Cambaye dans l'annee 303, alors qu'un brahme nomme Bania [ Wu in the original] y regnait au nom du Balhara, souverain de Mankir. Ce Bania traitait avec la plus grande faveur les Musulmans et les sectateurs d'autres religions qui arri. vaient dans son pays."-Prairies d'Or, Text and trans. by B. de Meynard, I, 254. I venture to suggest with some confidence that Bania was not the name of the governor, but the designation of his caste. When Mas'adi says that he was a Brahman, what he really means is that he was a respectable Hindu of the Brahmanical persuasion. The Arab traveller here speaks of him just as a European in the seventeenth century would have done, as the Bunya.' He had heard his fellow-countrymen speak of him as Wania' or Banya' and imagined it was his name, as he did not know its real signification. Banyan day.-The earliest example in Yule is from Ovington (1690). Here is one of still earlier date: [1634.) They [i.e., Commanders of the Company's ships) are to deliver lists of their men and the number of their messes and accordingly a computated proporcion of what they may spend in such diett for Banyan daies (so called) as this place affords and the Company allowed."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster, 1634-36, p. 38. Banyan-fight.-As Yule's solitary illustration is derived from the English padre Ovington (1690), the following notice of the same trait from an earlier author may be interesting : (1666.] "The men are great clowns. they make a great noise when they have any quarrel, but what passion soever they seem to be in, and what bitter words so ever they utter, they never come to blows." -Thevenot, Travels into the Levant, Part III, p. 51. (Eng. Trans. of 1687.) 'Banyan-fight' is a literal translation of a Gujarati expression Vaniyani laddt, which is still in everybody's mouth.. Banyan Tree. The old Arab travellers also appear to have been greatly struck by this wonder of the vegetable kingdom.' Mas'udi has an elaborate description, which is unfortunately too long to quote, but which begins thus: [c. 916.) " On trouve dans ce pays un arbre que l'on peut compter au nombre des merveilles de la nature et des prodiges du regne vegetal."-Prairies d'or, ed, and trans. by Barbier de Meynard (ch. xviii), II, 81. And Alberuni writes: [c. 1030.J." At the junction of the two rivers, YamunA and Ganges, there is a great tree called Prayaga, [sic in the translation), a tree of the species vata. It is peculiar to this kind of tree that its branches sond forth two species of twigs, some directed upward... and others directed downward, like roots, but without leaves. If such a twig enters into the soil, it is like a supporting column to the branch whence it has grown. Nature has arranged this on purpose, since the branches of this tree are of an enormous extent (and require to be supported). Here the Brahmans and Kshatriyas are in the habit of committing suicide by climbing up the tree and throwing themselves into the Ganges."- Alberuni's India, trans. Sachau, II, 170. Barbiers. [1631.] "Captain Morton, immediately after leaving Bantam, fell sick of the barbiers and died on November 21." - English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1630-1633), p. 182. This is probably the earliest mention of the disease by an English writer and is older than that from Fryer (1673) quoted by Yule.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 Bargeer.--The following quotation from the Afn-s-Akbari makes the "transition of meaning," which seemed obscure to Yule, fairly clear. "His Majesty [Akbar) from the regard which he pays to difference in rank, believes many fit for cavalry service ..When their services are required, they are furnished with a horse on a written order of the Bitikchi (writer); but they have not to trouble themselves about the keeping of the horse. A man so mounted was called Bargirsawar." (Trans. Blochmann, I, 139.) The original meaning of bargir seems to be 'baggage-horse,' and of bargir-suwdr, rider of a baggage-horse,' which latter was subsequently abbreviated into bargir. I may add that for the man who brought his own horse-our Silladar' (q.v. HobsonJobson, p. 836), Barani (c. 1358) uses khad-aspa, i.e., 'man with his own horse'l Adelsge ). -Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, Text, p. 86, 1. 2. Batel, Batelo, Patello.-The origins of the names of sailing vessels of the old world are exceedingly obscure and all but impossible to trace. Sir Henry Yule says 'Batell' occurs in the Roteiro de V. da Gama, that Batel, Batelo is the name of a sort of boat used in Western India, Sind and Bengal, and that 'Pattello' is used for a large flat-bottomed boat on the Ganges. Whatever the source of the Portuguese Batell,'1 it is certain that the Bombay Batelo, or the Bengal' Pattello' is not directly derived from it, as the form batlanhang) occurs in the Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi of Barani, which was completed in 1358 A.C. (Bibl. Indica Text, p. 490, 1. 7). Bayparree, Beoparry.-As no early use of this word is cited in Hobson-Jobson, the following extract may be of interest. [c. 1516.] "In this Kingdom of Malabar there is also another casto of people whom they call Biabares, Indian merchants natives of the land."-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, II, 55-56. Bendara.--The earliest use of this word by an English author quoted by Yule is of 1810. [1669-1679.) "And, againe, the hearts of the Syamers in generall were wholy sett against this Sort of Goverment, for the Radja had noe Sooner Seated himselfe in his place in Janselone, but he immediately turned out of Office most of the Syamers, both Councellours, Secretaries, Shabandares Bandarees, etc. .. and in their Stead he placed Chulyars." -T. Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, p. 256. The Editor notes that the Bendahara was a very high degree of nobility amonst the Malays; the bendaharis were the treasury-officers. The two words seem to be blended together in Yule's quotations. (To be continued.) 1 The Portuguese word is batel, which, be it noted, Dalgado does not include in his Glossario Lusoasiatico. Whatever be the origin of this word, the pataild (also written and pronounced pafeld) of the Gan. getic basin, which appears in a great variety of forms, such as 'patella,' patello,' 'pattella,' bettilo,' eto., in the journals and records of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, is a well known form of boat, widely distributed over north-eastern India. The boat is so called from the way it is built, or boarded' (TTT), the side planks (Hindi, TT; Sanskrit, 97:) being laid from bow to storn, the upper overlapping the lower, or, as we should call it, clinker-built. The change of the initial long a into short a is in accordance with rule. A very correct drawing of a pafaild will be found in B. Solvyns' Etchinge description of the Manners, Oustoms, eto, of the Hindoos, Caloutta, 1799, Section 8th, Plate no. 7. In his rare lotterpress Solvytis calls this "A Pataily, flat clinker built boat from the Provinces of Behar and Bonaros." Pafail is simply the diminutive form of pafaild.-0. E. A. W. O., JOINT EDITOR. Dalgado writes, under BENDARA: "from the Malay banddhara, 'trongurer,' Javanese bandara Sans. bhandart," which seems probable-Glossario Lo-aridhico, I, 118.-0. E. A.W.O., JOINT EDITOR

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Plate II. Indian Antiquary FRAGMENT OF STONE RAILING FOUND AT BHUVANESVAR, ORISSA.

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MAY, 1931) A STONE RELIEF FROM A KALINGA RAILING A STONE RELIEF FROM A KALINGA RAILING. BY DR. STELLA KRAMRISCH. STONE railings and fragments of stone railings, carved with figures are known from the early Sunga period and have been found in Bihar, Central and Southern India, in the United Provinces (Patna, Bodh Gaya, Bharhut, Sanci, Jaggayapeta, Nagarjunikonda, Gumadi. durra, Amaravati, Mathura, Amin) and also in Orissa. Another fragment recently found in Bhuvanesvar distinctly proves that it was part of a railing. It is the upper half of one of - the two main sides of a corner pont, broken off the entire post of buff-coloured sandstone, and measures 13 inches in height, 74 inches in breadth and 3 inches in thickness. It is carved in very low relief and shows a male figure, the hands in anjali mudra. The head portion is modelled in higher relief than the body; the height of the relief there is almost inch, whereas the rest of the relief does not exceed inch in height. This is achieved by an ingenious technical device. The background is made slanting into depth away from the two sides of the slab, so that a lower level is prepared for the modelling of the head, of which the relief, although actually much higher, yet does not exceed the upper level of the exceedingly flat treatment of the body. Although the stone is weathered and battered (root of the nose on the left, right eye, right nose wing and to a slighter degree the left eye, the chest above the finger-tips, navel, arms and wristlets), and the top of the coiffure is broken away, yet what remains is peculiar enough to distinguish it from railing sculptures known hitherto, and to assign to it a definite place amongst the early sculptures of India. The upper part of the figure is decorated with a necklace consisting of two courses of beads and chains alternately, whereas arms and wrists are embellished by three and five fold plain spirale respectively. The only garment visible is a folded cloth round the waist, knotted in the middle. The earlobes are distended by bunches of heavy triple rings. A wig-like arrangement of the hair, the loose skeins of which seem to radiate from the face and to surround it in the shape of a capricious bolster, completes the "embellishment" of the figure. A long oval face distinguishes it from the majority of types seen on other railings. Yet even in Bharhut, in the disc-composition of the Mahamagga Jataka long faces occur. There, too, are found long and widely open, slightly bulging eyes, a long nose with broad nostrils, a relatively small mouth, beak-like in the sharpness with which the lips are set off against the receding modelling of the cheeks. A resolutely broad and short chin as well as a summarising treatment of the cheeks are common to the Ofiss and to the Bu Arhut figures of the Mahamagga Jataka scene, to which, amongst all other early Indian relief-physiognomies it shows the closest affinity. But in spite of these similarities of structure, the texture of skin and flesh is given stronger emphasis in our relief. In contrast to the sharpness of features, and their isolation within a wooden countenance, of the Bharhut types, in spite of & sameness of mask-like inexpressiveness, greater softness and variation is given to the fleshy parts. The swelling modelling around the eyebrows offers & tangible contrast to the sharp cut employed by the Bharhut craftsmen. The cheeks, too, are almost flaccid compared with those of the Bharhut figures ; insteud of the rigidity of an abstract and continuous outline we find here & wavy contour and additional fulness is given to the lower part of the face. The nose too is broader and the ridge is not sharply marked. The flaccid softness that differentiates the face, is also noticeable in the outline and in the slight modelling of the body. Only in Jaggayapeta a relief similarly low was employed. But there & tense outline impregnated with vitality the flatness of the modelling. But leaving aside these connections with the Central and the South Indian schools, & comparison with the rock-cut reliefs at Khandagiri and Udayagiri and with the other 1 Some Ancient Remains at Bhubaneswara by Nirmal Kumare Bewu, M.8o., J.B.O.R.S., vol. xv, p. 269 ft.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 railing fragments from Bhuvanesvar seems obvious. Nevertheless, the affinities are scanty. An exceedingly low relief can be found in the panels of the Alakapuri cave at Udayagiri only, but there the treatment is almost purely ornamental, modelling is avoided, as the edge of the relief figures is not rounded, but is cut at a right angle, in a firm line, against a flat background. Points in common are: the anjali mudrd with the position of hands peculiar to our panel. They are joined on the side of the little fingers, in one straight upright line, whereas the hands, with finger-tips curved, as if carefully upholding something, diverge against the chest. Similar attitudes of anjali mudrd may be observed in Mancapuri and Ranigumph& lower storey, both in Udayagiri hill, as well as on the relief fragments referred to by N. K. Bagu, This motif, too, is employed in the early as well as in the later work of Amaravati (of. Bachhofer, Plate 109, right, and Plate 111), whereas the anjali poses perpetually to be met with in BhArhut follow another convention, i.e., the palm of one hand is turned against the chest, where it lies upon the flatly distorted palm of the other hand. In Mathura, on the other hand, the anjali posture is rendered with folded hends at a right angle against the chest (of. also Gandhara). The "costume" again is related to some of the items worn by the figures on the Mancapurf friese. The bunches of ear-rings, the heavy pad of hair-the latter a feature, however, to be met with in BhArhut as well as in Mahabodhi-are conspicuous. In the treatment, too, of accoutrements, such as drapery, jewelry and hair, a predilection for tubular and parallel courses is notioeable. Besides these affinities, however, the Mancapuri frieze, in its cubical treatment of the single plastic units, strongly contrasts with the railing fragment. Although the affinities with Orissan rook carvings are soanty, as none of the figures there can be quoted as altogether analogous in actual appearance to the fragment under consideration, yet its position in the history of early Indian sculpture, in one respect, corresponds to that of the cave soulptures. To the same extent as there, & connection with contemporary sculpture is visible in the composite features of the treatment. But whereas the Central Indian schools and Mathurd contributed much to the appearance of the cave reliefs, the share of the Southern school except in the later reliefs on the Rani Gumpta, upper storey, is negligible, in their case, and also in the case of the other railing fragments from Bhuvanesvar. This, however, is not so in the relief under discussion. Reference to Jaggayapeta has been made already. One of the constituent factors of early Orissan soulpture thus becomes more clearly tangible. Although it seems, therefore, that, whatever sohool flourished in India at this period had its influence on the shaping of the Ofissan form idiom, the latter, in spite of the variety of trends made use of by it, asserts its own peculiarity. Whatever new light further finds may throw on the early phase of sculpture in Orissa, our fragment, remarkably low in relief and with the modelling peculiar to it, gives a striking accent to Orissan stone sculpture in the second century B.o. Bachhofor: Die frushindische Plastik. * Kramriech, Die Indische Kund, in: Springer, Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte, vol. VI, p. 260.

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MAY, 1981) POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA :::::::::::: POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LETT. (PARIS). (Continued from page 70.) And the cephalio index of the different castes is as follows: Dolichocephalic. Mesaticephalic. Brachycephalic. Munda Bduri 78.1 Lohar 758 Orion 78.7 Santal 75.8 MAl-Pahariya 78.8 Kurmi 75.8 Teli 78.9 Tati 76.0 Bhuiya 76.2 Dom 76.4 Mooi 76.5 Vaidya 76.6 Bagdi 76.9 Birhor 76.9 Kaivarrta 77.2 Malo 77.2 GWAIA 77.5 Pod 77.6 Sadgop 7708 Pukuriya 77.9 SonAr Vene (Vanik] .. 78.0 Gandha Vanik 78.1 Kayastha 78.3 Casa 78.6 Brahmana .. 79.6 Barendra Brahmana 79.7 Raphi Brahmana .. In other words, the result obtained from my own researcher is that the population of Bengal and the gurrounding parts at least, where oaste is as prevalent as anywhere ou, is of the type which may be called the mesorrhyne mesatioephalio cymotrichi. Consequently, from the above tables we see that soveral anthropological types are met with in each partioular oaste, and therefore caste cannot be taken as a somatological divi. sion. The colour, too, is just as elusive. In the northern parts of India people are fair-oomplexioned, and the more we go south the darker the skin colour becomes. During my last visit to India I had taken some potes on the prevailing colours among different tribes and castes; but after a time, I gave up the attempt as futile. In every Oaste, nay in every family, the skin colour varies from light olive to dark brown; but black is rarely found. In some of the Brahmana families I visited, I found the colour of some members of the family like that of a Spaniard or that of an Italian of the south, whereas others had a skin colour very nearly approaching that of bronze. A Bengali proverb, however, struok me a signifiant The proverb, in the original, runs thus : "Kala Bamun, Karl Suddur, bufe Mwealman, Ghar-jdmdi dr preyi-putra, pdc-i saman; "36 34 - Ablak Beach , fair sadra, a short Muhammadan, son-in-law (who caroids to live poems nently with his parents-in-law) and as adopted son are all the samo (moaning, "tarred while the same brush "). :::::::::::::::::::::::::

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 and is always said in a derogatory manner. It therefore seems that a very dark Brahmana or a very fair Sadra are both looked down on, on account of their being not exactly comme il faut. At any rate, it shows that the Hindus themselves lay great stress on the colour question. The colour of eyes, too, varies; but generally it is either dark-brown or blue-black. Hair is either wavy or slightly curly. Straight hair, like that of the Mongolian races, is extremely rare, and it would be safe to say that no Hindu has the woolly or frizzy hair of the negroes. The average height is between 1600 mm. to 1672 mm. The third suggestion put forward as to the totemic origin of caste presents some difficulties, although, in our opinion, this seems to be the likeliest of the three. If, as Rice says,35 caste is a Dravidian institution adopted by the Aryan conquerors of India, the question arises why it should continue in Southern India in all its vigour, where the large majority of the population is in itself Dravidian. With the introduction of the caste system the Dravidians were obviously at a disadvantage, for were they not themselves the Dasyus of the ancients ! It is, therefore hardly likely that they would willingly tolerate something which make them distinctly inferior to the foreign invaders. Over one hundred years ago, Abbe Dubois, writing of the caste system among the people of southern India, says: "Of all the provinces that I lived in, the Dravidian, or Tamil, country is one where the ramifications of caste appeared to me most numerous. There are not nearly so many ramifications of caste in Mysore or the Deccan."36 Not only is this true of India of a hundred years ago, but also of today. On the other hand, I am inclined to believe that the Aryans themselves brought the system of caste along with them to India. We know that caste existed in ancient Egypt, although Rawlinson objects to the word and calls them classes.37 There, too, these class distinctions were hereditary. But in Egypt all professions were regarded as honourable, and a man was perfectly, at liberty to change his profession if he wanted to.38 In a story which Herodotus tells us, the high priests of Thebes descended in a direct line for 345 generations.39 Among the Arabs and the Tartars, too, the same oaste distinctions are observ. able. The people of Athens, it will be remembered, were separated by Cecrops into four tribes or classes, and this division was later upheld and strengthened in divers ways by the great Athenian lawgiver, Solon. At the time when great racial enmity existed between the Romans and the Sabines, Numa Pompilius hit upon the happy idea of dividing the body of people into different castes, and the results justified the wisdom of his aotions. Moses, too, adopted the same method of governing the unruly people by dividing them into classes when he had been appointed their patriarch. These examples may be multiplied. We may, therefore, assume that the division of the people into castes was a common courrence among the different races of antiquity, and, what is more important for our present purpose, that it was known among the Aryan races. It is also more than probable that the Dravidians of India also possessed it, though in a different sense and for a different motive. In a recent article I made a suggestion that the probable origin of caste was purely magical. The word Brahmana derives its origin from brahmaia, "a magic spell."41 As far as the Aryans are concerned, we are told by no less an authority than Caland that those 38 8. Rice, "The Origin of Caste," The Asiatio Review, xxv (1929), pp. 152 1. 38 (Abbe) J. A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, tranglated by Henry K. Besu. champ. (Oxford (1924]), 3rd ed., p. 15. 31 G. Rawlinson, History of Ancient Egypt (New York, Proface dated 1890), vol. I, pp. 443 1. ; vol. ii, Indor, ..0. " Caste," p. 544. si Cl. Herodotue, ii, 161; Strabo, xvi 1 *3. 89 Herodotus, ii, 143. 40 B. Bonnerjea, "Some Notes on Magic and Taboo in Bengal," The Indian Antiquary, vol. LVII (Bombay, 1928), p. 112. # Ibid., quoting O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskundo (Strassburg. 1901), pp. 637 f., etc.

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MAY, 1931) POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA who are acoustomed to regard the Hindus as a highly civilized people will be surprised to find evidences of savagery amongst them, and the remarkable resemblance of their rites to the shamanism of North American Indians." And, on the authority of Rice, we know that the Dravidians were and still are well skilled in all forms of magio, and that they still have a firm belief in charms and amulete, in the efficacies of mantrams (magio, spells), and of devices to keep off evil spirits and so on. " Dr. Slater points out that the Vedas, while showing that magio was well known to the Aryans, regard the Dravidians as especially skilled in it, and without going further into the question, records his belief that magic was a feature of Dravidian culture." * The Hindus too were not strangers to magio arts, and magic today is predominant in Hindu society. Dr. Rivers, writing of Hindu medicine, says: "Even at its best times, however, the close relation of medicine with religion was shown by the special practice of the medical art by members of the priestly Bralvmanic caste. At the present time the frequent use of formulas when remedies are administered shows clearly how close is the alliance between medioine and religion, even among the more highly civi. lized sections of Indian population."15 Thus, nagio was, and is, common among both the Aryans and the Dravidians. When the Aryans came and found that the Dravidian priests were as skilled in magic arts as their own, they amalgamated and formed the caste system. The priestly office was given to those who were skilled in magic, without distinction as to whether they were the conquerors or the conquered. The military, as well as the pastoral and agricultural duties the Aryans reserved for themselves; and the illiterate and the dark-skinned aborigines became the Sadrag. That caste at that time was flexible is shown by a passage in the Mahabharata, from which we learn that the Vahikas of the Panjab had no fixity of caste. A man might become a Brahmana first, then a Ksattriya, then a Vaibya, then a Sadra, then a barber; after that he might again become in turn a Brahmana and a slave; one person in a family became a Brahmana and the others what they themselves liked. 46 We know then that a form of oaste system existed in ancient Greece, and Count d'Alviella has shown us how much India owes to Greece, how Grecien civilization has influenced the civilization of India in every domain-in medicine, astronomy, mathematics, writing, grammar, popular traditions, philosophy, and even religion. It is therefore not too difficult to imagine that the Aryans brought the caste system along with them to India from their former habitat, and modified it to suit the original inhabitants of India, the Dasyus. But though the Aryans kept certain professions for themselves, they were unable to keep themselves pure in this way. As is the case with every other nation, when brought into contact with another of an equal or even higher culture, as the Dravidians undoubtedly were, the Aryan invaders soon recognised the possibility of intermarriage. Manu himself recognised the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as produoing legitimate children, but condemned the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of a lower caste. 8 Yet, it seems that Manu knew of marriages between Ksattriyas and Sudras, for he says that from the union of a Ksattriya and a Sadrani (Sudra girl) a creature named Ugra is born; this creature has the characteristics of both a Ksattriya and a Sudra, and finds pleasure in 12 B. Bonnerjen, loc. cit., p. 109, quoting W. Caland, Altindisches Zauberrituel (Amsterdam, 1900), pp. 162 1. 48 . Rice, "The Origin of Caste," The Asiatic Review, XIV (1029), p. 151. For the subject of maglo among the Dravidians and others, 800 (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magio Art and the Evolution of Kingo, passim. 44 S. Rice, loc. cit. 45 W. H. R. Rivers, Medicine, Magio and Religion (Fitspatriok Lectures delivered before The Royal College of Physicians of London in 1915 and 1916), (New York, 1924), pp. 68 f. 46 Mahdbharala, Karsa parua, zliv, xly. 11 Goblet d'Alviella, Oe que 'Inde doit a la Grece (Paris, 1926), passim, and especially. pp. 104-148. 49 Laws of Manu, X, 5; iii, 15. An Aryan, however, is one who is learned. E. Westermarok, Tha History of Human Marriage, vol. ii, p. 60.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1931 savage conduct.49 The Paraskara Ghya-sutra allows the marriage of a Ksattriya with a wife of his own caste, of a Brahmana with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaisya with a Vaisya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of certain authorities that all of them can marry a Sadra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a Sudra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified,50 and this hypothesis is further strengthened by Manu's statement about those whom he calls Ugras. We see, then, that intermarriage between the different castes, though not considered quite pro. per, was allowed. In course of time people became more and more mixed with each other, so that practically the whole of southern India became mixed with the original Dravidian population irrespective of their castes. The Brahmanas continued to be magicians as hithertofore. Objections may be raised by some as to the magical character of the Brahmanas, both of the Vedic period as well as of modern tiines; but fortunately it needs very little, besides what has been said already, to satisfy even the staunchest disbeliever. The prayers of the Rg Veda contain various funeral incantations against demons and evil spirits61; these prayers, known as mantram, meaning charms,' 'incantations,' 'mystic formulas,' were and are chanted by the Brahmanas. In fact, even down to our own times, it is the duty of the Brahmanas alone to perform the funeral ceremonies.53 The whole of Hindu life is one conti. nual round of religious duties. He must do everything as is prescribed by his religion, and his religion to him is what his guru, or religious teacher, tells him to do. Every action of life is hedged round with a regular ritual ; his religion tells him when to get up and how, what to do when he is up and what not to do, what to eat on a certain day and what not to eat; and even quite trivial actions are not without certain special ceremonies, such as for example, cleaning the teeth, washing the mouth, and so on. From morning till night, from birth to the funeral pyre, he has to act as his forefathers did, or in other words, as the Brahmanas tell him. The principal ceremonies of the Hindus, such as the ceremony at birth, the naming ceremony, the wedding ceremony, and the death ceremony, are all saturated with primitive magic; and it is the Brahmanas who are the high priests of these ceremonies. And lastly, to give one more instance, the Atharva Veda and the Kaufika Sutra are two very important books on Hindu magic.54 After caste had been firmly established in India it continued its existence on the occupational basis-the occupation of being a magician. And there is some doubt as to whether the Brahmanas were considered as belonging to the highest caste in those times. In the Ambatta Sutta, Buddha claims superiority for the Ksattriyas. "So it is clear, whether you regard it from the male or from the female side, that it is the Ksattriyas who are the best people, and the Brahmanas their inferiors." If this is correct, it further proves that the Aryans reserved the highest position for themselves, and the next was given to the magi. cians, the Brahmanas. Caste system continued in a flexible manner till the advent of the Muhammadans. During the ninth and tenth centuries Sankara, an orthodox Hindu, gave it a definite form, in order to protect Hinduism from the attacks of Islam. Since that time it has become definite and rigid, and no important changes have been introduced into it in modern times. Today a man's caste is hereditary. Thus, if our main thesis is right, caste originated neither with the Aryans nor with the Dravidians; it existed among the conquerors and the conquered. At the earliest times the 19 Laws of Man, x, 9; Jogendranath Bhattacharyya, Hindu Oastes and Sects (Calcutta, 1896), p. 159; B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 9, note 1. 60 E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. ii, p. 60, quoting Pardakara Grhya-matra, i, 4, 8 f.; Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, ii, 258. 61 H. Oldenberg, La Religion du Veda, translated by A. Foucher, p. 490. 69 Cf., for modern Bengali, Benimadhab Ganguli, The Students' Dictionary of Bengali Words and Phrases (Calcutta, 1908), p. 684, 8.v. "mantra." 53 Cf. B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Chapter I. 54 H. Hubert and M. Mauss ("Esquisse d'une theorie generale de la Magio," L'Annte Sociologique, vii (1902-1903]) have made use of the Atharva Veda and the Kaufiks Sacra in tirnost important contribution to the philosophy of magic.

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MAY, 1931) LIFE OF RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAH 95 Aryan immigrants seem to have been a homogeneous community; gradually when their num. ber increased, and they found a scarcity of women among them, they went among the Dravi. dians, and took the women of the latter as their wives, and thus became mixed with the aborigines. Later, when they had bred a sufficient number of females to serve their purpose, they closed their ranks, and forbade any further marriage. Thenceforth they became endogamous like the castes of today. We know that in all primitive societies magic or religion plays a very important role, and it was the same with India. The true explanation of caste is not to be found in economic grounds based on materialistic principles, but in their primitive faith. Since both the Aryans and the aborigines were adepts in the art of magic, it was not difficult to find one common ground on which to meet. Their magicians became the priests, and were placed at the top of the ladder, if not from the very beginning, at least very soon. By this amalgamation both the Aryans and the Dravidians were satisfied, for each secured a position for himself, each according to his merit. The Vaisyas and the Ksattriyas too became gradually mixed, and romain so to the present day. The Sadras alone are the possible remnants of the Ancient dark-skinned population of India, unless here, too, they have managed to secure a higher position for themselves either through influence, power, money, or hypergamy, or through all of them. To sum up, therefore, Caste is not an Anthropological Division, but Is the outcome of Primitive Superstitions. LIFE OF RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAH. A Great Hermit of Kashmir. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR. SAINTS are apostles with superhuman energy, who appear in this world from time to time to remind the apostate of the Creator and His grace. They are founts of inspiration. Their deeds strike the chord of devotional feeling and nobler sentiment among those people who trace the gods to man's ancestors and to whom every echo of days ancestral is cheering and inspiring. Their lives are a thrilling song, and, indeed, this age does not require to harp on, or hearken to, a nobler theme. Their pure lives lead us to wider-hearted appreciation of higher values, and are a contribution to the spiritual ideas of eager-hearted mankind, like the culture of Greece and the laws of Rome. Some of the accounts seem magnified portraits of the real men and recall Shakespeare's prophetic seers, but one cannot take the risk of modifying. revising or expurgating them, considering that those pure souls were really the manifesta. tions of the power of God, and that the bygone generations, through whom the traditions have descended, were not unmindful of scrupulously preserving historical accuracy. Rishi Pir was one of the most famous saints or supermen of Kashmir. He was born on the 6th of the dark fortnight of Baisakh V.S. 1694 (1046 A.H.; 1637 A.D.). The chronogram of his birth is given in following Persian lines : dl w Tb`m bhm khrdnd tdbyr khshmyr * zw abd bd mlkh .: qdwmsh trykh z bhr sl bgr trykh yn frkhndh khl m . Translation - For the year of the date of his coming The heart and mind consulted each other. Say the date of this auspicious speech : May the country of Kashmir be happy through him. Purified as he was from all earthly dross, we might fitly call Rishi Pir a peer among pirs (saints). His father, named Pandit Govind Khushu, lived at Bhattyar Mahall in Srinagar. His mother came from the village Gushi (Uttar pargana). She gave birth to him near the bridge at Sopar, while she was once on her way from her father's house to her home in Srinagar. When five years old, Rishi Pir's investiture with the sacred tbread was performed. His marriage took place when he was seven years old. Soon after, he lost his father. * Wa = 616 + pas said wil =1091 =1707--(18+4)=13=16941

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1931 Rishi Pir had a religious turn of mind from his very childhood. At 14 years of age spurred by insatiable thirst for knowing God, he used to go to the Harf Parbat daily. One day he was tired and fell asleep there. He had a dream in which he saw the goddess. She asked him what he wanted. He replied: "I want a spiritual guide." She told him that he would meet one on his way home. When he woke up he regretted that he had not asked the goddess herself to be his spiritual guide. However, he went from there and, near the shrine of Lakshmi, he met Ktishna Kar, who was a famous hermit living at Rainwari. The keen eye of the latter soon appraised Rishi Pir, and, after revealing a glimpse of divine knowledge to him, he kept him with his chief disciple, Zinda Pir, who, within a period of six months, infused new warmth into him and kindled the flame of divine vision in the house of his body. Rishi Pir used to go round the Hari Parbat daily, as stated above, and used to walk outside its bastioned wall, and on reaching Sangin Darwaza, where there is a full view of the Chakreshwar, he used to run as if the effulgence of the goddess was unbearable to him. He was invariably accompanied by a large band of his disciples, among whom two men, named Nanak Shah Azari and Aita Shah Malang, were his favourites. Rishi Pir used to work miracles. But this is viewed with disfavour by saints walking in higher spheres, in whose eyes every action tending to show personal and worldly aggrandizement sullies the true love of God. Rupa Bhawani, a famous hermitess who lived in his time, therefore, remarked: "Rishis piyeyih tembra parantu tsjin nah," meaning that a spark had fallen on the !ishi, but he could not bear it. However, by working miracles Rishi Pir's fame for sanctity spread far and wide, and people, out of respect towards him, began to call him Padshah (king). He used to be carried by his disciples on a throne. He got a seal made and on it engraved Padshah-i-jahan. The engraver secretly sent a report of this to the then emperor of India, Aurangzeb. His Majesty became inoensed and deputed an orderly to Kashmir to seize and conduct Rishi Pir to his presenoe at Delhi. When the orderly reached Srinagar and went to arrest Rishi Pir, there was great commotion among the people. Rishi Pir was informed of this. He said he must obey the imperial orders. He asked his disciples to give food and shelter for the night to the orderly. He further told them that he must be left alone in his room that night and that the door should be chained on the outside. They did as they were instructed. Rishi Pir, by the force of his occult powers, appeared before Aurangzeb at Delhi, riding on a lion, and terrified him, asking why he was being troubled; whereupon the emperor wrote out an order countermanding the previous one, with blood pricked from his little finger with a knife, and gave it to Rishi Pir. In the same order he commanded that Rishi Pir should thenceforth be called not only by the title of Padshah but by that of Padshah-i-har di jahan. Next morning, when Rishi Pir's disciples opened the door of his room, he gave them the emperor's order, with instructions to hand it to his orderly. The orderly, on receiving it, returned to Delhi. The emperor, on rising from his bed next morning, felt greatly frightened and quickly wrote to the then governor of Kashmir, Saif Khan (who held the post of governor from 1665 to 1668, and again from 1669 to 1672 A.D.) directing him to go to Rishi Pir and present him with a jdgir on his behalf, and ordering, further, that the rishi should thenceforth be called not only by the title of Padshah, but by that of Padshah-i-har dd jahan. The governor went and presented him with a sanad for a jdgir for ten villages in the Devgar pargana. The Muhammadan tradition is that, after Aurangzeb had sent his orderly to arrest Rishi Pir, some of his ministers assured the emperor that it was a false report of the seal engraver that Rishi Pir desired to assume the sovereignty of Kashmir, he being a holy man to whom worldly power was repugnant. The emperor thereupon issued a second order, oountermanding the first and commanding that Rishi Pir should be called by the title of Padahdh-s-har dd jahan ('king of both worlds,' 1.6., of this world and the next). Thenceforth Rishi Pir was oalled by this title.

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May, 1931 ] LIFE OF RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAH Once kishi Pir was invited to a feast by Shah Muhammad alias Akhund Mulla Shah,* of Badakhshan (tutor of Dara Shikoh, eldest brother of Aurangzeb), who used to reside in the Dara Mahall built by Dark Shikoh. The monastery of polished stone of great architectural beauty (built by Jahan Ara Begam in 1650 A.D. at a cost of Rs. 60,000) which is still extant, was attached to the Dara Mahall. The above buildings are situated on the southern slope of the Hari Parbat hill, oommanding a picturesque landscape. Rishi Pir knew by inspiration that the intention of the Mulla was to destroy his oaste. He, however, accepted the invitation on the condition that the food cooked should be served entire on covered plates and nothing should be eaten by anybody before he himself removed the covers. Mulla Shah agreed to this. He got rice boiled and fowls cooked by Muhammadan cooks. Rishi Pir, humbly and meagrely garbed as usual, went to Mulla Shah's residence at the appointed hour. In the words of Kipling, "Le soarce had need to doff his pride or slough the dross of earth." The door-keeper, not knowing him, would not let him in, thinking that he could not be the guest of the evening, for whom such great preparations were being made. He expected that he would be a great personage dressed in shawls and lace and would be accompanied by an escort. Rishi Pir returned home and, after casting off his humble habiliments and dressing himself in rai. ment gaudy and gay, went again to the feast, taking a large number of disciples with him. When he reached Mulla Shah's residence, the door-keeper this time saluted him and unbarred the gate that he might pass through the gallery to the reception hall. Mulla Shah received him with due honours. When he took his seat in the brilliantly lit and richly decorated hall, the host, who was a renowned composer of sacred verses (having oomposed one hundred thousand couplets of mystic poetry unfolding his knowledge of God and spiritual truth), expressed his intense pleasure by welcoming him in the following Persian couplet : mshb shh shhn mhmn shdh st mr jbryl b mlykh drbn shdh st mr An emperor has become our guest tonight; Gabriel, together with the angels, has become our door-keeper. One of Rishi Pir's chief disciples, Aita Shah Malang, in reference to the above, recited the following Persian couplet : dr khr h wHdt khthrt chh khr ayd shdh zr `lm ykhsn shd `dt mr What availeth plurality in the glorious hall of oneness (with God). Eighteen thousand worlds have become all the same to us. Then Rishi Pir put an end to this oratory, which savoured of egotism, by repeating the following Persian couplet : dr mdb gd yn mrsl nby nm gn`d mmn bynw bn mmn shd mth mr In the religion of the mendioants there is no room for the apostle (or) the prophet. The Wealth of the Indigent (God) has become our wealth. After this, the plates, duly covered with lids, were brought before the party. Rishi Pir stretched out his long sleeves and bade them eat. The guests present sat mute in wonder at this strange behaviour. On being asked by the host what he meant by it, Rishi Pir related the whole story of how he had been treated by the door-keeper when he had come in his ordinary clothing, and how he was received when he came again arrayed in elegant attire, and exclaimed ironioally that man counted nothing, but clothing was everything. Mulla Shah asked for his pardon, saying that the door-keeper was unacquainted with him. Rishi Pir now asked the party to take off the lids from the plates laid before them. They did so, and lo! fowls came out alive. One fowl was without a leg, and, on inquiry, it was found that a cook had eaten it to test whether salt had been added in due quantity. Rishi Pir told * He died at Lahore in 1661 A.D., and was buried close to the tomb of his master, Mien Mir. He had been summoned there by Aurangzeb at the instance of Dard Shikoh's enemies.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1931 the cook to give his own leg to the fowl to replace the one he had eaten. One of his disciples, however, pointed out that a human leg on a fowl would look monstrous. Akhund Mull& Shah felt ashamed at all this and asked pardon from Rishi Pir. And those people who had thought that he was going to lose his caste became equally ashamed and marvelled at his supernatural powers. Rishi Pir then returned home. Mulla Shah went to see two ascetics named Saiyid Kamal, alias Thaga Baba, and Amir Muradaz, both of whom were living near the Watal Kadal Bridge, and told them what had occurred at the feast he wanted to give to Rishi Pir. They advised him not to entangle himself by playing jokes upon such a holy man in future and to send a letter of apology for what had occurred. Mulla Shah returned and wrote to Kishi Pir the following epistle in exceedingly submissive terms, asking for direction in the seemingly conflicting theistio theories : nw z yn d` rsd . gr gwym pychm y rb myfrmyd khh mn zyn wy wld yj bn ym w twm -gr gwym w mn m shry`t myfrmyd db khw Hl khrdh jwb mhrbny frmynd - " Compliments presented by me, an ignoramus, son of an ignoramus, grandson of an ignoramus, humblest of the humble. If I say I am humble, God says 'I am thou'; I I say I am He,' religion taboos it as impertinence. Please solve this dilemma and reply." (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. In the (London) Morning Post the Indian special attacked the Governor there, who wae killed after correspondent telegraphs as follows on 8 August 1930 : his escort had been overpowered. Lorries conveying "Since Kohidaman is a stronghold of the former Government troops were ambushed by these rebels, adherente of Bacha-i-Sakko, who was executed by who were subsequently dispersed and driven off King Nadir after his brief tenure of the throne, to the hills." thoro is grave apprehension that the present insur- Being unaware, apparently, that Koh-s-daman gence of the Afridis on the North-West frontier means the 'skirt mountains, or 'foot hills,' and might develop into serious proportions and envelop misled by the termination man, the correspondent Afghanistan proper, and also thereby endanger treate "the Kohidamans" as an Afghan tribe. King Nedir. Ono wonders almost why he did not write "KohidaTrouble among the Kohidamans arose on July 31 men," like the "Mussulmen " quoted elsewhere in last, when they attempted the recovery of rifles these pages. At any rato a new "Hobeon-Jobeon " belonging to the Afghan Government. The inci has been fairly started. dents, briefly summarised, are that the Kohidamans R. C. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICES, CATALOGUE OF THE INDIAN COLLECTIONS IN THE the dynasty to have leisure to dovote to the syste MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, BOSTON, Part VI, Mughal matic encouragement of art, both indigenous and Painting. By A. K. COOMARASWAMY, D.Sc. imported. It must be remembered that painting 111x 87 in.; pages 114, with frontispiece in colour had attained a high standard of merit in India from and 74 plates. Harvard University Press, Cam. very early times; and the indigenous talent was fully bridge, Mass. prepared to assimilate the influences of the art of The collection of Mughal paintings in the Boston Persia, & further infiltration of which came with Museum includes the well known Ross and Goloubew| Humay an on his return from exile in that country, collections and contains a very representative series and of the art of Herot and Central Asia that had of paintings and drawings of the reigns of the Mughal entered with Babur and his followers. Akber apemperors, from Akbar to Aurangzeb, as well as pears to have maintained a large school of painting examples of the "late Mughal," "Dakhani" and at Fathpur Sikri, where the majority of the artists "Patna" schools. These are described with appro. were probably Hindus, to judge from the list of priate detail in this Catalogue by that expert in famous painters of his time given by Abul Fapl, Indian art, Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, with a who adde, regarding the work of Hindu artiste : historical introduction, a bibliography of Muhamma- "Their pictures surpass our conceptions of things. dan painting and three useful indexce. Akbar, who Few, indeed, in the whole world are found equal to inherited from his father and grandfather a keen them." Under his son, Jahangir, who (characteristi. appreciation of art and literature, having consolically !) dilates in his Tizuk on his own acumen in dated the empire upon a firm basis, was the first of judging painting, portraiture of the miniature type

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MAY, 1931) BOOK-NOTICES reached a stage of remarkable perfection. It be. Between the years 1917 and 1922 the celebratnd came so fashionable, however, among the great | Swedish traveller and explorer, Sven Hedin, published nobles and the richer public as to lead in his son, a monumental work entitled Southern Tibet. Discover Shah Jahan's time, by extensive copying of the ies in Former Times compared with my own Researches authentic originals, to the development of type in 1906-08, comprising nine thick quarto volumen portraits, and, except in the hands of the best of text, with 599 plates, accompanied by 2 artists, to the loss of those finer touches that reveal portfolios containing 98 maps and a folio album personality. The meticulous care of the portrait of 105 double plates, reproducing 652 panora painters led, further, to the production of wonderful mas drawn by the explorer himself. The huge bulk likenesses of animals, birds and flowers, often intro- and high cost of this work place it out of the reach luced as an exquisite framework round the central of most scholars; and all who are interested in the theme. physical features of Tibet and the great mountain It is difficult to compare the finished gem of systems of south central Asia must feel deeply in Mughal painting with the broad and vigorous lines debted to M. de Margerie for this admirable summary of the crowded scenes on the frescoes of Ajanta. of all the essential facts presented by the explorer, Both were remarkable in their own styles. Hands whose knowledge of these regions is ungurpaesed. and feet, in particular, are naturally and beautifully The photographs, sketches in black and white, delineated at Ajanta ; and we find the Mughal water-colour drawings and maps are all dealt with artists using the hands with special skill to break in turn, and then the contents of each of the volumes the outlines of the stiff pose of the standing figure, of text is reviewed, not omitting the chapters writ. e.g., by drawing them resting on the sword hilt or ten by expert collaborators on the geological and holding some other weapon, or turning over the other scientific data collected. A just encomium is leaves of book. or by perching a falcon on the paid to the remarkable skill which Hedin shows in hand, and in other ways. The work of the Mughal hig drawings, to the vigour and clearness of his school is perhaps chiefly treasured for its extreme touch and absence of superfluong lines, and to the delicacy of execution. A striking example is that excellence of the photographio reproductions. The reproduced on Plate XXXII (Death of 'Inayat maps have been described sheet by sheet, and the Khan), of which there is a brilliant painting among orography and morphology of the regions portrayed the Ouseley MSS. at the Bodleian, illustrated in Mr. and illustrated by sketch mare with the ability of Binyon's Court Painters of the Grand Moguls. Plate an expert, whose own work in this branch of geo XXXV shows & fine border, or frame, clopicting igraphy has earned world-wide recognition. An ex huntsmen, flying geese and ducks and flowers; and cellent survey has been given of the history, from Plates LIV and LV, good examples of calligraphy. the age of Ptolemy onwards, of the cartography of Akbar was specially fond of having illustrations made the arone concerned as well as of the history of exfor his favourite books : examples of these, from the ploration therein. In regard to his own exploraHamza-nama, Rasika priya and Mahabharata, will tive work, it is remarkable that Sven Hedin's per be found on Plates I, VIII-XIX and Xx. sonal narrative fills little more than one-sixth of It is very interesting to compare the views ex. the total toxt. He himself rightly attached greatpressed in this work with those of M. Ivan Stchoucet importance to his work in the Transhima kine (in his recent volume, La Peinture Indienne a laya," that is, in the region to the north of the repoque des Grands Moghols), who comes to the Tsang-Po valley, lying roughly between 80 and conclusions apparently that the influence of Persia 88 E. Long. and south of 32 N. Lat., an area with on Mughal painting was not profound and that its which his name must ever be associated. essential character was derived from indigenous This little book is a model of what such a synop. sources, and that the rigid distinction usually drawn Bis should be. Omitting immaterial particulars, it between Mughal and Rajput painting is not main. supplies just sufficient detail in respect of subjects tainable from the artistic point of view. Dr. of permanent interest or special importance, disCoomaraswamy is of opinion, on the other hand, that closing the exercise of & careful discrimination. while certain Indian elements are recognizable. Well arranged and clearly written, it forms o "Mughal painting remains an entirely distinct notable tribute to the great value of the work creation, and cannot be described as dependent on done by Hedin in Tibet. contemporary Indian painting." C.E.A. W. O. The plates are clearly reproduced, and the trans. REVUE DE FOLKLORE FRANCAIS, organe de la litoration of Indian names and Persian words is Societe du Folklore Francais, Nos. 1 and 2, Jancarefully done on the whole. The Catalogue will Feb. 1930. L. Staude, 16 Rue des Grands prove an indispensable guide to the collections. Augustins, Paris. C. E. A. W. 0. The French Folklore Society was founded in 1928 L'OEUVRE DE SVEN HEDIN ET L'OROGRAPHIE DU on the initiative of M. Andre Varagnac, but largely TIBET, par M. EMMANUEL DE MARGERIE. 10 x671 on the work of Sir James and Lady Frazer, who have in. ; pages 139 ; with 29 illustrations and maps. also further greatly helped it by paying the cost of Paris, 1929. printing and distributing the first two number

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 of its Journal. It got to work in 1920 and on 14 of neither system has been satisfactorily worked out, Feb. it was addressed by Sir James at the Sorbonne. it would obviously be premature to rogard any rela With such a guide as Sir James Frazer it has set tionship as definitely proved, but Mr. Wolfenden has at about its work in the proper manner and has formed any rato produced, and put in order, a large quantity "Regional Committees "to enquire into local folklore of valuable new evidence, which will help us to work on a fixed plan, so that the folk-ideas of all France out linguistic relationships in this part of the world. can in time be got together in a definite manner. G. L. M. CLAUSON. In this way it has attracted a number of serious and influential folklorists. This work has found a com. THE COMMERCIAL POLICY OF THE MOGULs. By mencement in No. 2 of the Society's issues with D. PANT. PP. X + 281. Bombay, Taraporovala enquiries into the Folklore of the fle de France and of i Sons & Co. Rs. 6 net. Artois round Arras. This is a successful thesis for the Dublin Ph.D. The Society is thus started on what we cannot but and is introduced by Lord Meeton in a kindly hope will be a very useful career. foreword. The writer has collected most, though R.C. TEMPLE not all, of the relevant passages within the limited circle of his reading. He has also collected much OUTLINES OF TIBETO-BURMAN LINGUISTIC MORPHO. else, so that the bulk of the book may be described LOGY, by STUART N. WOLFENDEN. Royal Asiatic as a rather sketchy economic survey, with excursions Society Prize Publication Fund, vol. XII. into other departments of knowledge, from which London, 1929; pp. xv + 216. it is not altogether casy to disentanglo the matter This is a book of exceptional importance, which relevant to the title. The main weakness of the will no doubt form the point of departure for several book lies in the limitations of the author's reading. fruitful lines of research in the linguistic history of With very few exceptione, the authorities cited are the Tibeto-Burman group, and in particular of the ordinary library books, some of them obsolete, and two written languagee, Tibetan and Burmese, and the important mines of information are ignored. For various unwritten dialects, Kachin, Bodo, Naga, the English records, tho writer relies on Sir W. Kuki-Chin, etc., which lie geographically, and also Foster's Calendars, but his reading of them stops at apparently morphologically, between the two. 1664, and it is somewhat rash to pronounce confi. Mr. Wolfenden has not only succeeded in working Bing dantly on Auran dently on Aurangzeb's commercial policy without out a rational explanation of the extraordinary looking at the records for the last 43 years of his agglomerations of unvocalized consonantal prefixos reign. The writer is apparently unaware of the which are such a feature of Tibetan, but has also existence of a body of Dutch records more important succeeded in relating them to similar but less ossified even than the English for this particular study; and prefixes in the other languages of the group. he knows the Persian literature only from such The result proves to be unexpectedly interesting. translations as exist. The effect of this last weak. Mr. Wolfondon gives good reason for recognizing in ness is seen in his excursions into general history, these prefixes the remains of quasi-pronominal which are characterised by numerous blunders and suffixes, both subjective and objective, and also some of the most unfortunate guesees I have ever infixes of a prepositional nature. The rimilarity to seen in print. Taken as a whole, the book cannot be the Sumerian ayatom of profixes must strike any recommended to serious students. comparative philologist. While the full machinery W.H.M. NOTES AND QUERIES. MUSSULMEN. in the Mariner's Mirror, vol. XVI, No. 3, July The common Indian expression Musalinan for 1930, in an exceptionally intelligent article dealing Muslim, & Muharpmadan, is really & Persian plural with the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, we read, form of the Arabic "Muslim," "saved," and p. 245: "The carracks of the Order were invalu. means strictly "the Muhammadans." It is, how ! able in actions against the Musselmen [in. c. 1500]." ever, in practice a proper name and an adjective, To show that the above is not a printor's error we and in English usage has its own plural Musalmans. read (p. 253): "Sixty Christians and 700 Musselmen But the English forms Mussulman, Musselman, are reported to have fallen [in 1440)." Lastly, I Musalman have always led those with no Oriental suspect that the writer pronounced "Mussulman" knowledge to look at the man as an English termi. 88 an English word when he wrote on the same nation put on to some Oriental name like Mussul, page : "On the death of King John of Cyprus, in Museel, and so there has always been a falae plural 1459, his bastard son James sold himself to the found for it, Mussulmen, Musselmen, and indeed in | Mamelukes (Mamluk rulers of Egypt), and turning one case quoted ante (XXII, 112) Murselwoman has Mussulman, seized the crown of Cyprus from him been used. In the same way the English creatod half-sister Carlotta." Burman, Burmans out of a sham term Burma, made There was no need to use Musselman or Musselmen, out of the vernacular Mramma, pronounced Bama, as the writer uses the common (and not in itself incoraccent on the last syllable. rect) form Moslem for Muslim several times on p. 253. The old error as to Musalman still continues, and R. O. TEMPLE.

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Plate I. Indian Antiquary. ROCK SCULPTURE AT MAHABALIPUR: GENERAL VIEW. VISHNU'S PARADEVATA PARAMARTHYA.

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Plate II. Plate III. h ROCK SCULPTURE AT MAHABALIPUR DETAILS. VISHNUS TEMPLE AND SURROUNDINGS. 73 ROCK SCULPTURE AT MAHABALIPUR: DETAILS. Indian Antiquary. DA121

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JONE, 1931 ] VISHNU'S PARADEVATA PARAMARTHYA 101 VISHNU'S PARADEVATA PARAMARTHYA SCULPTURED AT MAHABALIPUR. BY R. SRINIVASA RAGHAVA AYYANGAR, M.A. PROFESSOR S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has described at length the antiquities of Mahabalipur in the March number of the Indian Antiquary for 19171 and has given a short account of the attempts made by various scholars ever since 1788 to identify the sculpture. With regard to the bas-relief which has hitherto been known as Arjuna's Penance, Prof. Jouveau Dubreuil of Pondicherry, who has been devoting much time to original research, refuses to accept the popular designation of the relief and identifies it as Bhagiratha's Penance. Subsequent to this Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, after carefully examining the circumstances, concluded that the name Arjuna's Penance is the correct one and that the designation given by Prof. Dubreuil is hardly appropriate. Even Mr. A. H. Longhurst, Superintendent, Archaological Survey, S. Circle, in his article on Pallava Architecture, Part II, published as a Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of India, explains (p. 44) that the scene represents Siva in the form of BhikshAtana arriving at Brahmakapalam in the Himalaya to get himself released of the sin incurred by cutting off one of the heads of Brahma. He also says: "There can be little doubt that the whole scene is a symbolical representation of the Ganges flowing from the Himalayas. The rook is mount Kailasa, and the cascade that once flowed down the cleft represented the sacred Ganga. The figure of Siva seems to have been introduced mainly with the object of making it quite clear that the rock represents the Himalayas." If that were the case, why should all forms of life be represented ? and why should there be a Vishnu temple with worshippers below and what is the object in representing the Himalaya at Mahabalipuram? No scholar has yet taken the trouble to enter into the merits of the question. This paper is intended to explain what the bas-relief represents and what are the five monoliths which are called till now Rathas. Before proceeding to explain the meaning of the bas-relief, it is essential to understand the religious conditions at Mahabalipuram at the time. As early as the time of Padattalvar the place was an important seat of Vishnu worship. That Alvar addresses Vishnu as treating Mamallai as his favourite abode. A great effort must subsequently have been made to convert it to Saivism. That it did become devoted to the worship of Siva is evident from the insoriptions carved on the walls of the Ganesa Ratha, Dharmaraja Mandapa, Ramanuja Mandapa and the rock-cut cave at Saluvanguppam. There is a bloka (verse) which runs as follows dhikreSA SikeSA mpunarapi bigdhigdhigastuSikeSAm / yeSAnavasati hRdaye kupathagati vimokSakorudra / / which means :-"Six times cursed be those in whose heart does not dwell Rudra (Siva), the deliverer from walking on the evil path." This clearly shows that Siva worship was then predominant. The Ganesa Ratha, the Shore Temple, Mahishamardini Mandapa, Dharmaraja Ratha and the rock-cut temple at SAluvanguppam were all places where Siva was worshipped. We can see also that work was in progress on a big scale for housing the five murtis of a Siva temple in the five rock. out temples now popularly known as the Panohapandava Rathas. Subsequently a sectarian revival seems to have occurred, and the place became cele. brated for its devotion to the worship of Vishnu; and it has continued to be a centre of Vaishnavigm down to the present day. Tirumangai Alvar has sung several verses in praise of Talasayana (EMT, 'reclining on the ground') Vishnu, who was reclining on MahAbalipuram. Again, we have the bas-reliefs depicting Sri Krishna in the act of lifting Mt. Govardhana, as well as the Varaha temple, indicating the prevalence of Vishnu worship. As we have abundant testimony proving that the place had become an important seat of Vishnu worship at so early a period, it is evident that the Vaishnava influence must have 1 Reference is also invited to Dr. Aiyangar's later article in the December, 1928, and January and February, 1929, issues of the Journal.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 been strong enough to uproot Saivism. Some powerful force must have operated to bring about this change; and this was probably the influence of the then ruling kings. Among the Trimurtis, viz., Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, there had always been rivalry for supremacy between Vishnu and Siva. Some claimed that Siva was the supreme deity, and others Vishnu. If Vishnu were proclaimed supreme, it was the duty of either Brahma or Siva to contest the claim. As Brahma, in consequence of a curse, had been denied the privilege of having a temple, it falls to the lot of Siva to oppose the fact. If Siva himself were to declare that Vishnu is the supreme deity, then the whole world would accept his statement without opposition. As Mahabalipuram had already become staunchly devoted to the worship of Siva, this expedient had to be used to change the minds of the people. But for this it would have been very diffioult to change the local worship from Siva to Vishnu. To afford further testimony of the fact that Siva had made this declaration, it was considered desirable to represent the fact in the soulpture carved on the face of the rook, which has ever since been known locally as Arjuna's penanoe. There is also a Puranio story in support of this statement. There is a story in the Padmottara-Purana that holding a red hot axe in his hand Siva proclaimed to the whole world that Vishnu was the supreme being. Holding a red hot iron in the hand is a Hindu form of making an asseveration. This fact is mentioned in Paramatabhanga, a work in Tamil by Sri Nigamanta Mahadebika. " maatvnnnee prnnnennnrru vaiyngkaann mllluveenti myl tiirkk vllteevnnn - kaitvmonnnrru kntvraik kttiycaapng ktuviynnnaa ytinnn plttaik krutippnnttai veetnerriynnukaat vilngku taavi veerraak viritturaitt vikrrpmellaam ootuvtu kuttirttuk kennnrruraittaa nnnootaatee yootuvikku moruvnnnrraannnee ". "The supreme god Narayana, who without learning from anybody, is capable of teaching others, declared the study of Saiva, Pasupata, Kapalika and Kalamukha tantras, all a deceit. All these are outside the time-honoured path of the Veda and taught by Siva, who axe (or a red hot iron) in hand could proclaim to all the world that Vishnu is the supreme deity. Siva taught these in order to give effect to the curse of the sage Gautama that those who set up to examine eternal truths may suffer in false belief." Let us now describe the bas-relief in the light of the new fact stated above. The relief is carved on the sloping face of a huge rook, divided into two parts by a cleft in the middle. It is through this cleft that the rain water falling on the hill flows down and collects in the tank at the foot of the hill. The soene is divided into two parts, the one to illustrate Siva's declaration to the world, and the other to show Vishnu's temple with several worshippers (see Pl. I and also Pl. XXIX (a) and (6) in A.S.I. Memoir No. XXXIII]. The upper half of the proper right and the whole of the proper left have been devoted to illustrating Siva's declaration, and the lower half of the proper right has been utilized to depict Vishnu and his worshippers. This latter part has not been completely carved; it has been left unfinished: A multitude of forms of life, from birds to Devas, 6.6., from the lowest to the highest, are sculptured on the upper half of the proper right and the whole of the proper left of the side of the rock. Kinnaras, Kinnaris, Kimpurushas, Apsaras, Surya and Chandra and the Devas, too, are represented as running to hear the words of Siva, who appears very prominently in the relief. Those on the proper right are raising their left hand towards their left ears, while those on the proper left are raising their right hand towards their right ear, to indicate their efforts to hear every word that issued from the lips of Siva. The other hand in each case seems to be in the anjali pose. This shows Paramatabhanga, stanza 41.

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103 JUNE, 1931] VISHNU'S PARADEVATA PARAMARTHYA the respect they feel for the person of Siva. A pair, probably a husband and wife, is running towards the cleft near the feet of a person who is worshipping Siva, and who has been hitherto considered to be Arjuna. These two persons alone appear to be going away from Siva. They are running quickly to the waterfall, to wash their hands and feet in order to purify themselves before approaching Siva. It seems that they are running quickly, so as not to miss the words of Siva. The person who has all along been regarded as Arjuna is a worshipper of Siva, and is practising hata-yoga by standing on one leg in order to please the god. The natural waterfall has been utilized by the sculptor to represent Nagas and Naginis, as if they were issuing from the lower world to hear the teaching of Siva. Thus all forms of creation have been represented, and each is depicted as if eager to hear the words of Siva. The lower half of the left side consists of a temple where an image of Vishnu is set up. All around. there are worshippers. One is offering libations, one is performing his midday prayer (sandhyd. vandanam) and is addressing the sun in the prescribed form. Others are performing contemplation (japam) in sitting posture. One is holding a pot of water and directing another to go to the temple, as may be surmised from the position of his two fingers, which are pointing to the temple The water is intended for bathing the image of Vishnu. It is called tiruman. jana kudam. The other figure holding a twisted object in the hand has been supposed till now to be holding a cornucopia, or horn of plenty. [See Pl. II or Pl. XXXI (a), in 4.8.1. Memoir No. XXXIII.] The twisted object is held at the bottom by the left hand and at the top by the right hand. If it were a cornucopia it could have been held by one hand, and the mouth would have appeared open and not as shown in the figure. The left thumb is seen in the middle, near the end of the twisted object. As the object is held by both hands, and as it is in a twisted condition, it appears that the man, after washing Vishnu's cloth, is squeezing the water out of it, by twisting the ends with his hands. That is precisely how cloths are wrung after washing even at the present day. Thus there is no reason for the cornucopia suggestion. Why should western ideas be imported where everything is entirely eastern Thus the lower half of the proper right side consists of a Vishnu temple and worshippers. This is entirely different from the rest of the scene. It is to this Vishnu that Siva is pointing with his left hand. (See Pl. III or Pl. XXX in A.S.I.Memoir No. XXXIII.) Siva is holding a long staff with a lotus-like object at its end, a sort of mace (gada), to denote that he is making an asseveration. As Vishnu is here declared to be the supreme deity he is enshrined in a temple. Any deity that is worshipped should always have a vitana, or canopy, over it, to indicate its importance. This is generally the case in South India. Another point that we have to note is, that Siva has no vitana over his head. He stands in the open air, but Vishnu, to whom Siva is pointing as the supreme, has got a canopy. Thus Siva is proclaiming to all the world, which is represented by all manner of beings, both articulate and inarticulate, that Vishnu is the supreme deity. Siva is the prominent object in the upper half, and Vishnu enshrined in the temple is the prominent figure in the lower half. By such means a place which was once a stronghold of Saivism was changed to Vaishnavism. This expedient was necessary to guide the common people. Consistently with this view we have the relief where Sri Krishna is holding up Mt. Govardhana to afford protection to the Gopis and Gopas, who were experiencing unendurable suffering from the incessant rain brought on by Indra. Thus the bas-relief, which has up till now been called "Arjuna's Penance," may hereafter be called Vishnu's Paradevata Paramarthya Relief. In order to have more effect on the people, another sculpture similar to this was carved on the side of a rook about a quarter of a mile to the south of this big sculpture: but this is in an unfinished condition. [See Pl. XXXIII (a) in A. 8. I. Memoir No. XXXIII.] Similarly, another error has been committed by all scholars with regard to the identification of the so-called Panchapandava Rathas. There are five rock-cut shrines. In all Saivite temples there are five shrines to house the five martis (images), namely, Siva, Parvati, or Amman, Subrahmanya, Ganesa, and Chandikesvara. These five rock-cut temples

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1931 were intended to house these murtis. Some are completely carved, while others were left partly carved. Some war or other disturbance may have arisen to cause the carving to be abandoned. We have also an inscription in the Dharmaraja Ratha, which states that it is Atyanta Kama Pallavesvara Griha, .6., the house of Siva, who is also known by the title Atyanta Kama Pallavesvara. The figure of Somaskandha carved, as the deity to be worshipped, on the back wall right opposite to the gateway of the room in the second floor of the Dharmaraja Ratha, will bear ample testimony to support the above statement. We have now shown what the real nature of these soulptures at Mahabalipuram is. The twisted object that is held in the hands by the person in the lower half of the proper right side of the so called Arjuna's Penance was taken to be a cornucopia, and this led Dr. Hultach to infer that sculptors from North India had come and worked on these sculptures. In 1914 when I was appointed as Archaeological Assistant in the Government Museum, Madras, I was deputed to learn Archaeological work under Mr. A. H. Longhurst, Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Southern Circle, under the orders of the Madras Government. He took me to Mahabalipuram to train me in archaeological work, and while he was teaching me what to see and how to make observations, he explained to me the so-called "Arjuna's Penanoe." It struck me, as I told him at the time, that the name Arjuna's Penance did not fit in with the situation, and that it must represent something else. Later on, when I had studied the question and found out what it represented, I told Mr. Longhurst that. in my opinion, the so-oalled Arjuna's Penance represents Vishnu's Paradevata Paramarthya, and, though he differed from me, he gave me some photographs, for which my special thanks are due to him, to enable me to publish an article on this subject. I got these photographs in April 1922. From that time I wanted to find out the source whence Nigamanta Mahddesiks got the information embodied in verse 41 of his Paramalabhanga. The commentator on that verse has written that this has been taken from the Padmottara Purdno. I read the whole of a printed copy of Padmottara Purana, and there Siva tells Parvati that Vishnu is the supremo deity (Paradevata).' Siva's making an asseveration (TTT), as stated in verse 41 of the Paramatabhanga, could not be traced. Finding that printed books were of no avail, I wanted to go through manuscript copies, but I could not get good and readable ones. I approached several eminent pandits, and all of them are of opinion that the fact has been taken from Padmottara Purana. As a good deal of time has already been spent fruitlessly, I do not want to delay publishing my views any longer. Sri Nigamanta MahAdesika was a great scholar and lived about 1266 to 1369 A.D. By his sterling character he lod an exemplary life, which others wanted to copy. Gifted with supreme intellect and learning, he composed a very large number of works, which are rovered as a valuable herit. age by Hindus. He is regarded as an incarnation of Vishnu himself, and is as such wor. shipped by all in all Vaishnava temples. He never used to write anything without authority to support it. This is the case with all his works. His writings, therefore, should be taken as authoritative ; and on this ground I have made the identification set forth above, which explains satisfactorily the whole situation. Padmottara Purdsa, chapter 72, verse 97, 123.

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JUNE, 1931) ST. THOMAS IN SOUTHERN INDIA 105 ST. THOMAS IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY P.J. THOMAS, M.A., B.LITT., PH.D., PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS. The following is a concise statement of the view that St. Thomas, the Apostle, must have visited and died in Southern India. Such a statement has become necessary, because several persons who write about the subject do not know exactly what the Thomas tradition is and why it is respected by those who have carefully studied it. 1. The Testimony of the Early Fathers. Most of the early Fathers, whether Greek, Latin or Syrian, had a confirmed belief that the Apostle Thomas preached and died in India. As Dr. Mingana, who has examined many of them, puts it "There is no historian, po poet, no breviary, no liturgy, no writer of any kind who having the opportunity of speaking of Thomas does not associate his name with India .... Thomas and India in this respect are synonymous." This belief was most pronounced among the early Syriac Fathers, who by their proximity to India claim the greatest reliability in this matter. According to Mingana, "To refer to all the Syrian and Christian Arab authors who speak of India in connection with Thomas would be equivalent to referring to all who have made mention of the name of Thomas." The earliest known reference to St. Thomas in Syriac writings is in the Doctrine of the Apostles, which is of about 200 A.D. and cannot be later than 250 A.D. It says: "India and all its own countries and those bordering, even to the farthest sea, received the Apostle's hand of priesthood from Judas Thomas, who was guide and ruler of the Church he built there and ministered there." This was written at Edessa, in Mesopotamia; about that time, the well-known historical romance, the Acts of Thomas, WAS composed in or around the same city by some anonymous Syriac writer, and in the fourth century St. Ephraim composed his incomparable hymns about the Apostle of India, narrating with pointed phrase how Thomas "purified a tainted land of dark people." "The sunburnt India thou hast made fair".... "the cross of light has obliterated India's darkened shades." 2. Which India ? Now, the question arises-Which is the India spoken of by the Fathers ? According to recent critics, Persia and even Arabia have been mistaken for India. Modern writers who are acquainted with the mistakes made in this matter by mediaeval European travellers have assumed that the same mistakes must have arisen in the case of the Greek and Syriac patristic writings also. But they forget that before the rise of Islam, India was better known to Greeks and Syrians, and that the testimony quoted above is that of men who lived on the banks of Tigris and Euphrates, on the overland trade route to India, and had ample facilities to know quite well where India was. As for the Greek Fathers, it would be absurd to say that they did not know India, seeing that the most authoritative of contemporary Greek writings on Geography and Trade-Pliny's Natural History (c. 50-60 A.D.), Periplus Maris Erithraei (c. 60 A.D.) and Ptolemy's Geography (c. 150 A.D.) knew India, especially South India, with a minuteness of topography that would amaze the moderns. By "India" they all meant the country lying in the Indian Ocean between the mouths of the Indus and the Ganges. By the discovery of the monsoon winds in c. 47 A.D., the voyage to India became a comparatively easy matter to the people of Western Asia, and every year numerous ships sailed from the Red Sea ports to the West Coast of India, via Socotra. As the monsoon winds directed the sailing ships straight to the Malabar Coast,-according to Pliny, Muziris (Cranganore)* was the first port touched in India--the Greeks and Arabs naturally knew that part of the country best, and had to 1 A. Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in India, pp. 15-16. Cureton's Ancient Syriac Documento, p. 33. 3 S. Ephroomi Hymni (Edit. Lamy), IV, p. 703. Wright's Apocryphal Gospels. See also Burkitt, Early Christianity outside the Roman Empire. Cranganore was formerly the capital of Malabar (Chera Kingdom) but is now & petty village in Cochin State.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 touch Malabar before they could proceed to any other place in India. Therefore the India of the early Fathers was first and foremost Southern India. 3. The Indian Tradition. There is an independent local tradition in India to support the patristic testimony above quoted. Three separate versions of it have been handed down, one held by the "Christians of St. Thomas" of Malabar, another by the Malabar Hindus, and a third by people around Mylapore. The first exists in ancient songs, whose antiquity cannot be accurately fixed; but the early European travellers (6.g., Marco Polo, 1292 A.D.) have recorded the Malabar tradition, and the songs about St. Thomas were known to the first Portuguese sojourners in India. The existing written versions of these traditions are not of great antiquity, but this hardly detracts from their value. Epigraphy is of little help in regard to Malabar history; for, owing to damp air and heavy monsoons, neither cadjan leaves nor paper will keep long in that country. All ancient traditions had therefore to be periodically rewritten, and naturally embellishments must have been made from time to time. The substance of the Malabar tradition is that St. Thomas after preaching the Gospel elsewhere, sailed from Arabia to India and landed in Cranganore about the year 50 A.D., travelled and preached all over South India, established seven churches in Malabar and many outside, ordained priests to succeed him, and in 68 A.D. received the crown of martyrdom in Mylapore. He is also said to have converted certain kings, one of whom is called Chola. perumal' in some versions and 'Kandaparaser ' in others, besides many Brahman families of high position. Several miracles are also narrated. In some respects, the story resembles that contained in the Syriac work, the Ads of Thomas mentioned above; but the Malabar tradition cannot be a rendering of the Acts of Thomas, seeing that there are features in it which point to an independent origin; and this is confirmed by the existence of those features in certain early European writings about Thomas. Rather the probability is that the clever author of the Acts dramatized the simple story that came from India, spinning out many Indian names and incidents, and connecting the Apostle with an otherwise known IndoParthian King Gudapharasa. The Acts may be valuable or worthless, but the South Indian Tradition does not depend upon it, exoept that possibly it gave the theme for it. 4. The Apostle's Tomb at Mylapore. There is no doubt that the Malabar tradition has been embellished by later editors, but there is a substratum in it which is ancient and reliable. We shall here take only the story of the Apostle's death in Mylapore. At one time, this was regarded as a Portuguese fraud, but later research has considerably dispelled the doubts, and to-day it would be hazardous to question it, unless one could explain away the testimony of the numerous pre-Portuguese travellers who have written about St. Thomas' tomb there. To begin with the later ones, Barbosa (1518), Nicolo Conti(1440), John Marignoli (1350), Friar Odoric (1325) and Marco Polo (1292) visited and commented upon the tomb and the Church that stood near it and the many Syrian Christians that lived close by. Before them we have the testimony of the Muhammadan travellers of the ninth century who called it "Betuma" (House of Thomas). King Alfred is said to have sent offerings to St. Thomas in India (883 A.D.), and as no other place in India or anywhere else in the world ever claimed to possess St. Thomas' tomb, those offerings must have gone to Mylapore, if at all they went anywhere. Similarly references abound in Syriac writings about the tomb of St. Thomas in India. 'Amr, the Christian 6 Soe on this subject, Periplus (ed. Schoff); Ptolemy's Geography (ed. McCrindle): Warmington, Commerce between the Roman Empire and India and Charlesworth, Trade Routes of the Roman Empire. For & sum. mary, see P.J. Thomas, The India of the Early Christian Fathers (Young Men of India, January 1928). The best account of the Malabar tradition is in the MalayAlam work, The Christians of St. Thomas by the Rev. Bernard, a Syrian priest. For the Mylapore tradition, see the writer's paper in the Report of the Indian Historical Records Commission (1924).

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JUNE, 1931) ST. THOMAS IN SOUTHERN INDIA 107 Arab historian (1340) says distinctly that "his (Thomas') tomb is in the island of Mailapore in India, on the right hand side of the altar, in his monastery." The monastery of Mylapore mentioned above has been mentioned also by the European travellers just quoted; but it existed in much earlier times. Gregory of Tours in the sixth century records the accounts which he heard from the monk Theodorus about "the church and monastery of striking dimensions" that stood near the tomb of St. Thomas in India. Lately valuable evidence for the existence of this monastery as early as the middle of the fourth century has been discovered. This is oontained in a Syriao work called Life of Hermit Yonan, written about 390 A.D. by Zadoe, who calls himself "priest, monk and archimandrite of the monastery of St. Thomas in India"; and in this work it is said that Mar Yonan came from Anbar (modern Baghdad) into India to visit the said monastery. We know in other ways that this Mar Yonan lived about 350 A.D. Now that the existence of the tomb can be traced as far back as 350 A.D., it would be futile to consider it as a Portuguese fraud. Monks from Malabar and Persia seem to have lived there for many centuries, but in the fifteenth century the place seems to have fallen into ruins. The Portuguese renovated the place and built a beautiful church over the Apostle's tomb.8 5. An Indigenous Church in South India. Many critios (6.g., Milne Rae and Richard Garbe) have attributed the early Christianity of India to the evangelical efforts of Nestorian 'missionaries from Persia. There is no doubt that Christians from Mesopotamia and Persia colonized on the Malabar coast between the fourth and ninth centuries A.D. According to tradition, a Syrian merchant called Knayi. Thoma (Thomas of Cana) settled down in Malabar in the fourth century, accompanied by many followers, and this is quite probable, seeing that in the middle of the sixth century, Cosmas found in South India and Ceylon a community of Persian Christians with a Bishop of their own. But these colonists were never known in Malabar as missionaries; they were chiefly traders, and are said to have fraternized with the descendants of St. Thomas' converts. That there was in South India before the arrival of Persians an indigenous community of Christians is clear from the following independent lines of evidence. Before the year 354 A.D., the Emperor Constantius is said to have sent & missionary called Theophilius to Arabia, Abyssinia, Ceylon and India. According to a contemporary historian, Theophilius preached the gospel in the Maldives and from there sailed to other parts of India, "and reformed many things which were not rightly done among then; for, they heard the reading of the Gospel in a sitting posture, and did other things which were repugnant to the Divine Law; and having reformed everything according to the holy usage, as was most acceptable to God, he also confirmed the dogma of the Church." Acoording to Medlycott and Mingana, this valuable statement implies the existence of (1) a resident congregation of the faithful, (2) Church services regularly held, at which the Gospels were read, and (3) consequently a ministering clergy. This Latin account squares very well with the Syriac text quoted above, from the Doctrine of the Apostles, which clearly says that India received the Apostle's hand of priesthood from Judas Thomas," and confirms the Malabar tradition that the Apostle consecrated priests in Malabar to follow in his footsteps.10 Nor need there be any doubt. that the Christians whom Theophilius found were indigenous. Although the "Apostolic Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, IV, p. 34. & On Mylapore and the Portugues0, 10 F. A. D'Cruz, St. Thomas the Apostle in India, the foreword by Bishop Teixeira. See Abbe Migne, Pat. Gr., lxv, 481-489. Quoted and commented in Medlycott, India and the Apostie Thomas, p. 178, and Mingana, op. cit., pp. 26-27. 10 The tradition is that four of the leading Brahman Christian families were raised to the privilege of priesthood. They were : Pakalomattam, Sankarapuri, Kalli and Kaliankavu. They still exist in Koravalangad, and the present writer is a lineal descendant. The Head of the Malabar Church, the Archdeacon, had to be selected from Pakalomattam practice which was continued among the Jacobite till. hundred you ago.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 Constitutions" had laid down that the reading of the Gospel must be heard in a standing posture, and although this had been accepted all over the Christian world, western and eastern, the news of it had not reached the Indians, and they naturally continued to hear the Gospel in a sitting posture. We may remember in this connection that the Maldive Islands lie off the Malabar Coast, and were always in commercial contact with it. Another independent source of evidence is the testimony of an early Muhammadan writer that Mani, the founder of Manichaeism (born 215 A.D.), visited India to spread his rival creed, and this strengthens the Malabar tradition that the sorcerer Mani came to Malabar to pervert the converts of St. Thomas and that some of them succumbed to him. It is also known that, owing to persecution in Persia, Mani's followers migrated to India, China and other countries. One cannot say whether the well-known Manigramakars associated with Malabar Christians were Manichaeans, but it is highly probable that Mani or his immediate disciples visited South India, and this lends support to the view that there were Christians in South India in the third century A.D.11 6. Conclusion. Thus we have testimony from two independent sources about the mission of the Apostle Thomas in South India. On the one hand we have unequivocal evidence of the early Fathers that St. Thomas preached and died in India; on the other, we have in India itself a local tradition which receives more and more support as historical research advances. If the Apostle came to India at all he could not have normally avoided Malabar; and in Malabar itself we have a Christian community that claims Thomas as their founder and whose existence could be traced back to the early centuries of the Christian era. At least from the fourth century A.D. we have reliable evidence for the fact that Persian and Syrian Christians looked to Mylapore for the tomb of St. Thomas. One cannot understand why all these people looked for it on the barren shores of Mylapore, seeing that early Christian haunts were nearer home. If they, who knew the story of the Acts well, thought that it happened in Parthia or Afghanisthan (as the modern critics would have it), it is most strange, that they looked for Thomas' tomb and Thomas' converts in South India, as they actually did. Considering the cumulative weight of all these different lines of evidence, it might seem that the mission of St. Thomas in South India is as satisfactorily proved as the great majority of events in India's ancient history. Note on Bibliography. Among the writers who have denied that St. Thomas came to South India are Milne Rae, a former professor of the Madras Christian College, in his Syrian Church in India (1892), Richard Garbe, professor at Tubingen, in his Indien und das Christentum (1914), W. R. Philipps, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1903-04), and Rev. H. Thurston, S.J., in the Cath. Ency., vol. XIV. Among those who have affirmed it are Paulino, in India Orientalis Christiana (1794), Claudius Buchanan, in his Christian Researches in Asia (1814), Reginald Heber, in his Journal, Yule in his edition of Marco Polo, A. E. Medlycott, in his India and the Apostle Thomas (1905), Dahlmann, in his Die Thomas Legende (1912), A. Wath, in Der Hl. Thomas der Apostel Indiens (1925), Farquhar, in his two papers in the Bulletin of the John Ryland's Library (1926-27), and Father Hosten in various writings. Other works on the subject will be found among the footnotes. Dr. Mingana, the Syriac archivist, has brought out useful documents relevant to the subject in his Early Spread of Christianity in India printed in the Bulletin of John Ryland's Library (1926), but he adopts a non-committal attitude regarding the question of St. Thomas. Of the above writers, only Buchanan, Medlycott and Hosten studied the South Indian tradition on the spot. Buchanan, a pioneer Protestant missionary, after 11 About the Muhammadan testimony, see Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Art: Manichaeiem). The Malabar tradition is that many families apostatized, and that when the first Syrian Colonists came (sometime in the middle of the fourth century) the Christian families (called Tarsai orthodox, Syr.) were few and in a desolate condition. Some identify Mani with Manikavasagar, the Tamil Saiva devotee, but this is not convincing:

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Jusu, 1931) DATE OF COMPILATION OF KAUTALYA'S ARTHA-SASTRA (484-510 A.D.) 109 laborious researches, arrived at the conclusion that " we have as good testimony that Apostle Thomas died in India as that Apostle Peter died in Rome." (Christian Researches (1814), p. 130.) Bishop Heber, who died in South India, was even more sure about it. "It may be as readily believed," wrote he," that St. Thomas was slain in Meilapur as that St. Paul was beheaded in Rome or that Leonidas fell at Thermopylae." (Indian Journal, II, 178.) Vincent Smith, the famous historian, was at first sceptical about the Apostle's journey to South India but later, when he came into closer contact with the authorities, he wrote as follows:-"I am now satisfied that the Christian Church of Southern India is extremely ancient, whether it was founded by St. Thomas in person or not, and that its existence may be traced back to the third century with a high degree of probability. Mr. Milne Rae carried his Boeptism too far when he attributed the establishment of the Christian congregations to missionaries from the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates in the fifth and sixth centuries." Early History of India (1924), p. 250. Elsewhere he says "My personal impression, formed after much examination of the evidence is that the story of the martyrdom in Southern India is the better supported of the two versions of the Saint's Death." Oxford History of India (1923), p. 126. Had Smith been able to examine the testimony of Syriao fathers, now available in English, and had he studied Malabar tradition at closer quarters, it is possible that he would have gone much further in his affirmation of St. Thomas' connection with India. The reason why many scholars are so sceptical about the matter seems to be (1) the ioonoclastic attitude towards traditions introduced by the modern Prussian School of historians; (2) the imperfeot acquaintanoe with sources which are not available in the European languages and a general disbelief in them; and perhaps (3) a natural disinclination to believe how India, which lay outside the Roman empire and is identified with Hinduism, should possess the tomb of one of the twelve apostles of Jesus, a privilege which only one place in Europe and no other place in the world can claim. One wonders how many events in the history of the first century A.D. in India or elsewhere are better attested than the preaching of St. Thomas in South India. THE DATE OF THE COMPILATION OF KAUTALYA'S ARTHA-SASTRA (484-510 A.D.) BY PRAN NATH, D.8o., PE.D. One of the most difficult questions in ancient Indian history is that of the date of the Kaufaliya artha-eastra. Controversy on the subject continues, no convincing or satisfactory solution having been arrived at. Most European scholars think the work was compiled in the Gupta period, while Indians generally hold that its author was Canakya, a contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. In A study in the Economic Condition of Ancient India I took it as representing the earlier Gupta period. Further study of the Artha-odstra makes me think that it was probably composed between 484 and 510 A.D. The reasons for this conclusion are the following: 1. The author of the Artha-sastra lived somewhere near the seacoast. A careful perusal of the Artha-odstra shows that the author has selected a small territory, called janapada, approaching in area nearly to a modern tahsil. The first chapter of the second part deals with its colonization (janapada-nivesa); the second with the distribution of land (bhumic-chidra-vidhana); the third with its protection by the erection of forts (durgavidhana); the fourth with the buildings, roads, ditches, gardens, store-houses, and so forth, within the forts; and the remaining chapters with the administration of the janapada and durga. Note-The following abbreviations have been used :Kautalya's Artha-hastra, Samakta text, Mysore, 2nd edn.=K.8. Trivandrum odn., 1024-25, edited with a commentary by Ganapati Sastrin=Ganapati. The Early History of India by V. A. Smith, 4th edn. (1924)=Smith. English Translation of the Artha-idatra by Dr. R. Shamasastry, Ist odn. =E. T. German Translation by J.J. Meyer=Meyer.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 The following features of the janapada throw some light on the date of the Artha-8dstra (1) Kautalya lays down that "the interior of the kingdom shall be watched by Vagurika, Sabara, Pulinda, Candala and Aranya-cara " (wild tribes). In interpreting this passage it appears to me that wild tribes have been confounded with persons armed with some sort of traps, whereas the object of Kautalya appears to have been to utilize the local wild tribes for purposes of defence. When trusted, the wild tribes are extraordinarily faithful. They will not budge from the place where they are stationed, and will risk their lives in the performance of the duty assigned them. That is the reason why in some States such men are still appointed as treasury guards. It is plain from the instruction of Kautalya that one of the wild tribes near the capital were the V&gurika, now represented by the Bagri tribe, also known as Baoria or Badhak. The editor of the Tribes and Castes of the C. P. states that their origin is obscure, but they seem to have belonged to Gujarat, as their peculiar dialect still in use is impregnated with Gujarati. They are still found in considerable numbers in Gujarat and Central India. 1 According to Ptolemy the Pulindai or Pulindas used to live to the north of Avanti (modern Ujjain), which according to his map and that of Lassen was surrounded on the west by Surastra, Kaccha, Maharastra and Konkana, on the south by the Vindhya and Satpura ranges, on the east and south-east by Mahakosala and Gondiana and on the north by Rajputana. The well known Savaras, who are mentioned in Vedic literature, lived in juxtaposition to the Pulindas, and the Candalas are now represented by out-caste tribes. An of these were aranyacara or forest-dwellers, who occupied the forests on all sides of Avanti. (2) The second feature of Kautalya's Janapada is that it was situated somewhere near a seacoast abounding in ports. In the chapter dealing with the ndvadhyakra (superintendent of ships) we read as follows: "The superintendent of ships shall examine the accounts relating to navigation, not only on oceans and mouths of rivers, but also on lakes, natural or artificial, and rivers in the vicinity of sthaniya and fortified cities. Villages on seashores or on the banks of rivers and lakes shall pay a fixed amount of tax (klrptam)--Merchants shall pay the customary toll levied in port towns-Those (-?) fishing out conch shells and pearls shall pay the requisite amount of hire (naukahatakam) or they may make use of their own boats-The superintendent of ships shall strictly observe the customs prevalent in commercial towns (patana, 'port town'). Whenever a weather-beaten ship arrives at a port town he shall show fatherly kindness to it. - Ships that touch at harbours on their way may be requested the payment of toll. Pirate ships (himarika), vessels which are bound for the country of an enemy as well as those which have violated the customs and rules in force in port towns shall be destroyed." The words and passages which I have italicized above point to a country abounding in (1) seaports, (2) ships sailing for pearl fishery and (3) pirate vessels. The section dealing with ulka-vyavahara (regulation of toll-dues) discloses that conch shells, diamonds, precious stones, pearls and coral were important items of import. At the time of famine, the king was advised to remove himself with his subjects to the seashore or to the banks of rivers or lakes (samudra-saras-tatakani va samirayeta.. During drought or epidemic the worship of the sea (vargdvagrahe-mahakaccha-pajah-karayet.... Tena marko vyakhyatak. Tirthabhisecanam mahakacca-vardhanam karayet) was considered efficacious and was entrusted to hermits who had committed an offence (mahakacchavardhandni rajnascareyuh). 2. Kautalya's king and his dominions. The section treating of the duties of the sitadhyakpa is very important, as it deals with the management of crown lands. Sitadyaksa, according to Meyer, p. 177, means " Der Aufseher uber die koniglichen Ackerlanderein," i.e., the officer in charge of the crown lands 1 Russell, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, ii, 49-69. 3 Shamasastry's English translation, pp. 139.40. The italics are mine. E.T., p. 124. 4 K. S., p. 208. . Ibid., p. 191. 5 Ibid.

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JUNI, 1931) DATE OF COMPILATION OF KAUTALYA'S ARTHA SASTRA (484-610 A.D.) 111 (svabhdmib), the existence of which a recent writer also oonfirms. He says that these lands were "owned by the state and cultivated under the direct superintendence of the state (sitadhyakaa)." The officer in charge of the crown lands was required to punish those who neglected their fields and produoed less than the standard fixed by the government. According to Dr. Shama. sastry the passage tepdm karmaphala-vinipate tat-phalahdnam dandah8 means that "any loss due to the persons shall be punished with a fine equal to the loss. But it has not been pointed out how this loss was to be reckoned, unless there was some sort of measure of normal produce. It appears to me that a standard produce per bigha (paridesa) was fixed, varying with the agrioultural ciroumstances of important tracts and that this is what is referred to by Kautalya: podala dronam jangalanam varpa-pramanamadhyardhamandpanam desavapanamardhatrayodas Almakandm trayovimeatir Avantinam amitam Aparantanam Haimanyanam ca kulyaupanam ca kilatah. 10 Dr. Shamasastry thinks that this passage means that "The quantity of rain that falls in the country of Jangala is 16 dronas ; half as much more in moist countries (andpanam); as to the countries which are fit for agriculture (deda vipandm) 131 dronas in the country of Asmakas; 23 dronas in Avant, and an immense quantity in western countries (a parantanam) the borders of the HimAlaya, and the countries where water channels are made use of in agriculture (kulyauddnam."11 This cannot be correct, as will be shown presently. The point escaped the attention of Ganapati Sastri; but Herr Meyer, while following their translations in the main, suggested a new point about anupdndm delavd panam in a footnote. 1 The translations and the commentary in respect of the above passage are not acourato for the following reasons - (i) Vana-pramdna may mean & rain gauge, but here it means the standard of produoe for the year. The dronas in the passage refer to the standard share of produce fixed for the crown lands situated in the different countries. (ii) Haimanyanam does not mean the borders of the Himalaya. According to Apte, haimana signifies wintry or cold. Kulydvd pa denotes the crop irrigated by well, tank or water reservoir. Haimanyanam ca kulyava panam ca kalatal may be translated as "the orop grown in winter and irrigated (by well, tank, lake or water reservoir) should be ascertain. ed acoording to the time." (iii) Amitam A parantand has been translated as "immense quantity in western countries." The meaning appears rather to be "the quantity of produce of the Aparanta janapadas is not known (or not ascertained)." According to my interpretation the whole pas. sage means: "The annual measure (of produce to be taken as the king's due) is 16 dronas in the country of JAngala ; 24 dronas in moist (marshy or low) oountries fit for agriculture 13] dronas in the janapadas of Asmaka ; 23 dronas in Avanti; the quantity in Aparanta is not measured; the crop grown in winter and irrigated (by well, pond, tank, lake, etc.), should be ascertained according to the time." Whatever may be the correct interpretation of vana-pramdna, 80 much is indisputably clear that Kautalya's king possessed landed properties in the following countries I. Aparanta, II. Asmaka. III. Avanti. IV. Jangala. V. Anupa dela. I. A paranta. Herr Meyer and Ganapati Sastri both agree that A paranta refers to the country of Konkana. Haran Chandra Chakladar in his book, Social Life in Ancient India : Studies in Vatsydyana's Kamasutra, writes "As regards the location of the province, the commentary says that Aparanta country was situated near the western sea. It is now generally considered to be "Northern Konkan with a capital at Sarparaka (now Sopara), 1 V. R. R. C. Dikshitar, Hindu Administrative Institutions, p. 166. 8 K. 8., p. 115. * E.T., p. 127, 10 K. S., pp. 116-16, 11 E.T., p. 197. 13 Meyer, P. 178 n.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1931 but very often the name appears to have been applied to designate a much wider region from Malabar to Sindh " (p. 87). II. Asmaka. According to Apto, Asmaks is the name of a country in the south "probably an old name of Travancore." Herr Meyer and Dr. Shamasastry have both taken it to be Maharastra. 13 III. Avanti. This is the well known country of Malwa, with its capital at Ujjain. IV. Jangala. Desert countries, probably the tracts adjacent to Malwa on the north and north-west. V. Anupa dosa. Marshy countries. Possibly the name refers to the janapadas settled along the banks of the Narmada. The country was full of marshes and swamps. According to N. L. Dey it referred to the lower part of Malwa, with its capital at Mhow near Indore, or to the country of the Haihayas. (See Geographical Dictionary, ed. 1899.) If we take all these countries into consideration together, we find that they would form a political unit including Korkana, Kaccha, Surastra, Sindh (Aparanta), some parts of Raj. putana (J&ngala), Malwa, with its capital at Ujjain (Avanti), the tracts along the banks of the Narmada and Tapti (Anupa-desa) and Maharastra (Asmaka). 8. Historical ovidence about the existence of the political unit referred to by Kautalya. According to V. A. Smith, "The so-called Western Satraps' comprise two distinct dynasties, ruling in widely separated territories. The Kshaharata satraps of Mah&rashtra, with their capital probably at Nasik in the Western Ghate, who had established their power at some time in the first century after Christ, were destroyed by Gautamiputra, an Andhra king, in or about 126 A.D., their dominions being annexed to the Andhra monarchy. The second satrapy of the west, founded by the Saka Chashtana at Ujjain in Malwa, late in the first century after Christ, was immensely extended by Chashtana's grandson, Ivudradaman I who at some date between 128 and 150 A.D., and probably before 130 A.D., conquered from Gautamiputra's son, Pulumayi II, all or nearly all the territory which Gautamiputra had taken from the Kshaharatas a few years earlier. The power of Rudrad&man I was thus esta. blished not only over the peninsula of Surashtra, but also over Malwa, Cutch, Sind, the Kon. kan, and other districts-in short, over Western India. The capital of Chashtana and his successors was Ujjain, one of the most ancient cities of India, the principal depot for the commerce between the ports of the west and the interior, famous as a seat of learning and oivilization, and also notable as the Indian Greenwich from which longitudes were reckoned."14 The small empire of Ujjain continued to be governed by Saka satraps up to the time of Chandragupta II. The satrap Rudrasena sent an embassy to the emperor of Magadha. However, the latter was not satisfied: he annexed the kingdom of Ujjain. "The greatest military achievement of Chandragupta Vikramaditya was his advance to the Arabian Ses through MAlwA and Gujarat, and his subjugation of the peninsula of Surashtra or Kathichwar, which had been ruled for centuries by the Saka dynasty, of foreign origin, known to European scholars as the Western Satraps."15 After the death of Samudragupta the history of the Ujjain kingdom is not known. There is no doubt that in 458 A.D. Skandagupta defeated the Hunas and took possession of the peninsula of Surashtra (Kathiawar)." 16 " About 465 A.D., a fresh swarm of nomads poured across the frontier, and occupied Gan. dhara, or the north-western Panjab, where & cruel and vindictive' chieftain usurped tho throne of the Kushans, and practised the most barbarous atrocities." 17 But the province of MAlwe continued from 484 to 510 to be governed by Budhagupta and Bhanugupta, who occupied a dependent position and were afraid of the Hana chieftains.18 From the above description it is clear that the Malwa empire continued as a political unit from 126 A.D. to 510 A.D. Kautalya's Artha-sastra must fall within this period. (To be continued.) 13 E.T., p. 127 n.; Meyer, p. 178, n. 3. 14 Smith, E.H.I., p. 308. 15 Smith, E.H.I., p. 307, 18 Ibid., p. 327. 17 Ibid., p. 328. 19 Ibid., p. 332.

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JUNE, 1931] A BUDDHIST PARALLEL TO THE AVIMARAKA STORY 113 A BUDDHIST PARALLEL TO THE AVIMARAKA STORY. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH No. 538 of the Buddhist JAtaks stories (Kunals-jtaka; V, 412 ff. of Fausboll's edition) has for its theme the natural wickedness of women. The bird-king Kunala delivers in it & long address on this subject to the cuokoo-king Punnamukha and others, and in the course of it, mentions among the wicked women known to him, the princess Kurungavi who, though in love with Elakamaraka, sinned with Chalanga-kumara and his disciple Dhanantevasi. The story referred to by him is related in full by the author of the Jatakatthavannand (p. 428 ff.) and is as follows: King Brahmadatta once fought with and killed in battle the king of Kosala. He then took his kingdom and also his chief queen, and made her his chief queen, although she was pregnant at that time. Some time later, this queen gave birth to a handsome boy-child, and thinking that, if the bay grew up there, king Brahmadatta might at some time have him killed because he was the son of his enemy, she bade the nurse cover the child with a piece of cloth, and to carry it to the burial-ground and abandon it there. This was done ; but the child's dead father constituted himself its guardian deity and impelled one of the goats grazing there to take compassion on the child and to go and suckle it frequently. The goatherd, seeing the goat going and coming frequently, followed it and found the child ; and being childless, he took it home and gave it to his wife. She began to love it and to bring it up on goat's milk; but from that day onwards, the goats of the goatherd began to die by twos and threes every day; and he, apprehending that, if he kept the child, the whole herd would die, abandoned it in his turn by placing it in an earthen vessel and casting it adrift in a river. This vessel was found and the child rescued by a Candela, who, being child. less, adopted it and brought it up. The child grew up into a handsome boy, and after he was sixteen years old, he used to go with his father every day to the king's palace and work there. He was there seen by princess Kurungavi, the handsome daughter of king Brahmadatta; and the two fell in love with each other and carried on an intrigue unsuspected by others. In course of time, this became known, and the king, becoming exoeedingly wroth, W88 deliberating about the punishment to be inflicted on the daring Candala youth. The king of Kosala, the guardian deity of the boy, then possessed the boy's mother and made her say that the boy was not a Candala but her own son born to the king of Kosala, that she caused him to be abandoned in the burial-ground soon after birth, eto. Brahmadatta, on hearing this, questioned the nurse and others, and being convinced that the boy was in truth not a CandAla but the son of the Kosala king, gave his daughter to him in marriage. He was also named ElakamAraka because the goats had been killed by him. 1 Brahmadatta then sent Elakamaraka with an army to Kosala to rule there, and because he was uneducated, a teacher named Chalanga-kumara was also sent with him to instruct him in the arts and sciences. Elakamaraka made him his send pali; and Kurungavi committed adultery with him and also with his servant Dhanantovasi, by whose hands Chalanga. kumara used to send her presents of clothes, jewels and other things. Leaving out of consideration the last paragraph, it will be seen that the story related in the JAtakaois essentially the same as that described in the Avimaraka-nataka. Avimdraka and slakamaraka both mean 'goat-killer'; and in the play, as in the story, Goatkiller, who passes for a Candela youth, seo8 and falls in love with princess Kurangi or Kurungavi (her name is given as Kurunga-devi in two of the MSS. used by Fausboll), who too falls in love with him and is given in marriage to him by her father after it becomes clear that the youth is not a Candala, but is in reality the son of high-caste parents. 1 This is somewhat obscure; for the author of the Jatakao has not on any cocacion said that the boy had killed goata. The reference perbaps is to the circumstance of the goats of the goatbord dying after he took home the abandoned child.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 There is thus no doubt that both the play and the story are concerned with the same persons and incidents, as likewise are Kathasaritsagara, 112, vv. 89-108, and the Jayamangala commentary on Vatsyeyana's Kamasutra, 5. 4. 14. There are, however, differences in detail between all these versions of the story, and I shall point out some of them here: 1. The hero is called Elakamaraka in the J&takao because goats were killed by him, and AvimAraka in the Nataka (because he killed a demon named Avi) and the Jayao (because he was so strong even as a child that goats and sheep died when grasped by him). The Kathao does not give his name, but merely calls him Matangakumara or Candala's son. 2. The heroine is called Kurangi in the Nataka and Kathao; her name is not given in the Jaya,' while in the Jatakao she is called Kurungavi or Kurungasundari. 3. There is nothing said in the J&takao about Goatkiller's saving the life of the princess. The other versions, however, make out that he saved her from an elephant. This incident took place in a park in the city according to the Jayao and the Nataka, and in a forest according to the Kath&o. 4. The Nataka and Jatakao make out that Goatkiller married the princess according to the Gandharva form; the Jayao too seems to suggest the same, while the Kath&, on the other hand, makes out that the marriage took place regularly. 5. Goatkiller's real father was the king of Kosala according to the J&takao ; according to the other three versions, it was Agni, the god of fire. 6. Goatkiller's mother was a Brahmana maiden according to the KathA and a Brahmana's young wife according to the Jaya'. According to the Jatakao, she was the chief queen of the king of Kosala (and of king Brahmadatta), and according to the Nataka, the queen of Kasirkja. 7. Goatkiller's foster-father was a Sabard according to the Jayao, while, according to the Kath&o and J&takao, he was a Candala. According to the Nataka, he was a Ksattriya, who temporarily, for the period of a year, was a Candala. Of these four versions of the story, that of the Jayao is most free from supernatural elements ; it is more natural than the other three versions, and seems to be nearest to the original form of the story. The versions of the Nataka and J&takao, on the other hand, seem to diverge widely from the original story. That of the Nataka has in it a great number of supernatural elemente ; and there can be no doubt that they are mostly, due to the author of the play, and have been introduoed in order to embellish the plot. The divergences in the Jataka', on the other hand, seem to be due to what may be called the habit of caricatur. ing, which the Buddhist writers indulged in when rewriting Brahmanical stories; compare, for instance, the story of Kron& and the five Pandavas related by the author of the Jataka on V. 426-7 of Fausboll's edition and the story of the Andhaka-Vrenis related in the Ghata-jataka (no. 454 ; IV, p. 79 ff.). Regarding the name AvimAraka or Elakameraka, the explanations given of it in the above-cited versions are hardly satisfactory. It is difficult to believe that there was a demon who was named Avi; and it is equally difficult to believe the far-fetched explanation given in the Jatakao that Elakamaraka was so called because two or three goats belonging to the goatherd used to die every day after he took home the abandoned child. Similarly, the explanation given in the Jaya", too, is not very credible. The reading Elakakumara, therefore, that is found instead of Elakamaraka in two of the MSS. used by Fausboll (the same two MSS. as contain the reading Kurungasundarf instead of Kurungavt) is of interest in this conneotion. Elakakumdra means son of goats'; and not only is it very common for infants separated from mothers (or of mothers who have no breast milk) to be brought up on goat's milk, but we find it explicitly said in Katha', 112, 105 : Compare in this connection Albrecht Weber's observation, Die Jaina haben die brahmanischen Sagen durchweg nach freier Willktir umgewandelt und ihren eigenen Phantasieen angepasst made on a similar occasion on p. 474 of bis Verzeichnis der Sanskrit und Prakrit Handschriften in der Koniglichen Bibliothek su Berlin, vol. II.

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Jona, 1931 SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 115 tatas tam prapya candAlair ajdlqirona vardhiah, that the abandoned child was brought up on goat's milk. It seems to me, therefore, under the ciroumstances, that it is not too far. fetched to conjecture that the name of the hero of the story was originally Avikumara and that this was in course of time corrupted into Avimaraka and explanations then invented in support of the corrupted name. SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE, BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from vol. LIX, page 187.) 8. Temple Guardians; "On either side (p. 53) of the great doorway [at Gyangtae) are two great images represent. ing in all the four great guardian deities of the four quarters of the world. The Tibetans believe that by placing these fearsome images at the entrance hall no evil spirit can enter into the temple itself to disturb the pious monks at their prayers within." Temple guardians are everywhere the rule in India, and in Burma the giant chinthe guardians of Pagodas are ubiquitous and very prominent. In E.R.E., III, 26, it is said: "The people of Burma regard guardian spirits with mixed feelings. They look to them for support and safety in all conditions of life, and at the same time consider them to be decidedly capable of infinite mischief. They ocoupy a place midway between the indifferent beneficent spirit and the actively malignant spirit. The predomi. nant feeling towards the guardians is that they have to be kept in a good temper. Guardians are of course infinite in their variety, 28 everything connected with mankind and his environment has its guardians." 4. Mountain Spirits. " The natural grandeur of Chumolhari (p. 46) bas impressed itself even upon the stolid Tibetan and he worships the mountain as a goddess, as the fair lady of the everlasting snows, and on its sides they believe dwell the gnomes, the demons, and the goblins who play such an important part in Tibetan folklore." As regards Burma, it is stated in E.R.E., III, 22, that "there is a distinct worship or propitiation of spirits representing Nature generally among all the tribes, in addition to that of the individual, familiar or tribal guardians. There are everywhere national Spirits of the Sky, the Sun, and Moon, Rain and the Flood, of the Fell, the Forests and Trees, and Agriculture. But the tendency to localize the National Spirit is everywhere visible, and in reality the national spirit is hardly to be differentiated from the tribal." The attitude of the educated Burmese towards the non-Buddhist spirits they revere is conveyed in a letter from a Burman printed in vol. XXIX, ante (1900), p. 117: "I have to state that Buddhism and Brahmanism have certain beliefs in common, in consequence of stories handed down from father to son. The wild tribes, which have not received the Religion of Gaudama [i.e., Buddhism) are quite as strong in this primitive faith. Not only has every human being, but also every conspicuous object and every article of utility & guardian spirit. When people die it is said that they become spiritual bodies requiring spiritual food, and in order that the spirits or nats may not harm the living, the latter make certain customary offerings to them. Some persons, who have familiar spirits, make annual offeringa to the nats, and before making an offering a small bamboo or plank house is built in a grove or near a mountain, Wax candles are lighted and minor offerings are made. These festivals are generally performed in Upper Burma. When the ceremonies are over a pot of water is poured out slowly on to the ground while repeating certain prayers." An explanation of this phenomenon is offered in The Word of Lalla, 90: "Time, conquest and philosophy have brought this about in India as a growth out of the original instinct [of monotheism), which the old Aryans managed many centuries ago to implant in the population at large...... For the aboriginal tribes their spirits, in the general body of which the

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 Hindu gode and the Muhammadan saints are moluded : for all, a large body of oocult superstition that comes to the surface in legend and folklore, and in the daily ceremonies connected with domestic and public events, and is based on the varied beliefs and practices of the aborigines, with whom the Aryans have come in contact from time to time in the course of a very long period. It is these superstitions and the rites based on them that most prominently strike the eye of the visitor from outside and thus are apt to mislead him as to the true thought, religious aspirations and mental calibre of those who practise them." 5. Kinchenjanga. "Kanchendzonga (p. 66), which means the great glacier Treasure-house of the Five Precious Substances, is the object of great worship in Sikkim, and it plays an important part in Sikkimese Buddhism. Special ceremonies and sacred danoes are held in its honour, some of them very old, dating from a long time before the introduction of Buddhism into Sikkim, and there are dark stories told that in the olden days these ceremonies were accompanied by human sacrifices made to the spirit of the mountain." "[January 18th, 1923) at sunrise (p. 77) we saw the beautiful sight of snow falling on the top of the Kanchendzonga Range. The mountain is such an important part of the Western horison of so many parts of Sikkim that there is little wonder it is regarded as the guardian spirit of the country." 6. Demon Haunts. "We were foroed (p. 97) to camp on the broad even-surfaoed summit of the pass between Sikkim and Tibet, near the Chumiomo Peak), a formation which is peouliar, so far as is known, to this pass. The natives believed it to be inhabited by dark and terrible demons, who bring disaster upon every one who stops there." In Burma this type of belief is spread far and wide. "The most widely spread nature oult of all is that of the forest and tree nats. All the wild tribes dread them, and the most characteristio superstitions of the people of the cultivated plains are related to them. Every prominent tree, every grove, every area of jungle, besides the forest in general has its special nat (esiktha in Burmese), often with a specialised name." (E.R.E., III, 23.) 7. Images. "The images (p. 53) inside the temple (at Gyangtse) were equally interesting. . . . . The principal image was that of the historical Buddha. . . . . Strangely enough such images are rare in Tibet, as the Tibetan prefers nowadays to worship at the shrine of some purely mythological deity, one of the so-called non-human or Dhyani Buddhas." In Burma images of the Buddha (i.6., the Manusha Buddha of Mahayanism) are very common. See Shway Yoe, The Burman, ch. XVII. Nevertheless, as in Tibet, there are also innumerable images, set up all over the country, of the mythioal nats, which are revered by the people and have no real connection with Buddhism in any form. See Temple, The Thirty-seven Nats, passim. As the Buddhism of Tibet is MahAy&nist the following passage from The Word of Lalla, pp. 88 f., is of interest here, as explanatory of the images of the Buddha there. In Mahayana Buddhism "there is an Adi-Buddha (original Buddha), who is an eternal self-existent being and is represented by the three corporeal bodies of Buddhaethereal, celestial, and terrestrial each in five forms derived from Buddha himself, his three acknowledged and well. known, though mytbioal, predecessors and his looked for successor. By his oontemplative power (dhyana) the Adi-Buddha created the five Dhyani Buddhas, who are unconnected with this world, and dwell in thoughtful peace in Nirvana, here & 'Heaven.' Each Dhyani Buddha has & wife and a son, a Dhyanf Bodhisattva, who, too, has never been a human being. Each Dhyani Bodhisattva has a wife and & son, & Manusha Buddha, incarnated in this world and given a wife..... Siddhartha Gautama (ShAkhya Sinha), 16., Buddha himself, as a man, was a Manusha Buddha." In Tibetan iconography are to be found images of all the above mentioned spiritual beings.

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JUNE, 1931] SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 117 III. RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS. 1. Rosaries. "We constantly met pilgrims making a circumambulation (p. 178) of the whole monastery [of Shigatse] in the prescribed clockwise fashion. As they did so, some returned their prayer-wheels and others told their rosaries-the rosary, generally with 108 beads-being much valued by every branch of Tibetan Buddhism. Some of the devotees were making the round at great speed, while others stopped to make frequent prostrations." 2. Scapegoat. "The other means of conquering disease [p. 314] especially recommended was to purchase some animal destined for slaughter and set him free. It is believed that illness comes as a punishment for past misdeeds, and the saving of life is so meritorious that it will counteract all past evil, and therefore do away with the cause of disease." 3. Circumambulation Sunwise. "As we passed down the village street (p. 173), I felt so stupified by the prospect of another long afternoon's, march that I scarcely noticed a mondang or prayer-wall in the midst of the street, and started to pass to the right of it. I had still my dark goggles on and so the old man, believing implicitly in the story that I was still half blind as the result of the snow, shouted out to me that the prayer-wall existed and that I was passing it on the wrong side. This startled me into my senses and I quickly swerved to the left, passing the sacred wall in orthodox fashion. In Tibet respect to a person or thing is shown by always keeping it on one's right-hand side. In circumambulating any religious edifice and this is considered an act of great merit-it is proper always to pass round from left to right, clockwise, which is also the direction in which the prayer-wheel should be turned. Any deviation from this rule is considered an act of outrageous blasphemy." "Following the example of my companions (p. 39) I dismounted from my pony as we passed the walls and turned each wheel, but I noticed one or two other passers-by were not as punctiliously religious as ourselves though they were scrupulously careful to keep on the right side." "The great Chokang (pp. 269, 270) or Cathedral [at Lhasa] is the holy of holies for all Tibetans and Mongolians. . . . . Running round this block is the principal street of Lhasa, called the Parkor-ling or the Inner Circle. The practice of circumambulating or walking around a sacred building is held in high regard in Tibet as a method of acquiring merit, and it is the custom of every pilgrim, who comes to Lhasa, to make the circuit twice daily, once in the morning and once in the evening, always of course from left to right." "This meant we had to go along (p. 275) the Inner Circle [at Lhasa], the great market roadway which runs around this group of buildings [the Chokang and its surroundings]. Along this road we passed in the prescribed left-to-right fashion, always keeping the central group of buildings on our right." "We had now to return to our residence. But we did not go back the way we came. To have done so would have been (pp. 279, 280) to go in the wrong direction from right to left, keeping the Cathedral [at Lhasa] on our left, and so we completed the Inner Circle, going along the South side to the Western end." 4. Pilgrimage. "A great sturdy (p. 174) drokpa (shepherd) fell in with us and journeyed with us a good part of the way..... He was nearly six feet tall and carried a long sword, and was extremely fierce-looking... He confessed that in addition to looking, after his flocks on the Chang-Tang he had frequently acted as a brigand and had amassed quite a little fortune that way. Recently he had fallen very ill, and believing his disease to be a punishment from the gods, he had decided to come on a pilgrimage to Shigatse and thereby wipe out his sins without in any way having to get rid of his ill-gotten gains,"

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1931 "I overtook (pp. 250-251) and passed a number of travellers (to Lhasa) on foot. Most of them were obviously pilgrims of great poverty..... One such pilgrim attracted my especial attention, as he was measuring his distance along the ground. He would stand up straight, his hands stretched above him, and then prostrating himself along the ground, would mark the place to which his finger-tips extended. He would then step to this point and go through the same process. When I came near he stopped and begged me to give him somo money, saying he was & pilgrim, who in expiation of certain past misdeeds, was making a pilgrimage in this alow laborious fashion to Lhasa. He added that he had started his journey from Shigatae and had just been a year on the road. He had been supported all this time by the donations of pious travellers, who had passed him. I tossed him a small coin and then went on." In Kashmir there is a place of Hindu pilgrimage, Lake Gangabal, to which similar laborious pilgrimages are occasionally made. "Said I: no pilgrimage like the Gang. Said he : no pilgrimage like the knees.' Said I: love in ardent worship flung Is a greater pilgrimage than these."-Word of Lalla, 232. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA ORDEAL IN CHINESE FOLKLORE. his property. The daughter, furious at being done The following unfinished story was sent to me out of the money that she expected, said that the from Chaio-Tso, Honan, in September 1930, by infant could not possibly be the child of her father, an English engineer, who has been resident in as he was too old to have & son. She took the China for 30 years. It is, however, probably case to the Courts. tale of Central China, as the narrator, an educated The four daughters-in-law asked the young man who is Chinese accountant of a large English mother whether the child was really the son of the firm, came from the Yangtae in that central part old man. She assured them that he was and ex. of the country. Ho has been mixed up with pressed indignation that she could have done foreigners for many years, and told the telo in anything wrong. English, but my informant says that "he evidently The case came on in due course, but as there believed in the truth of it." The narration was was no actual proof except the word of the mother, interrupted towards the end by happenings in the the magistrato determined to try the test that unsettled state of that unhappy land, and the never failed. But he first asked the oldest daughter toller is not now in a condition to finish the talo, in-law if she consented, for if the test proved the but enough has been told to explain the Chinese infant to be illegitimato, she would love her head, view of the Ordeal, and so to make it worth publi. as she was the defendant in the MO brought cation. by the daughter. The oldest daughter-in-law R.C. TEMPLE. exprowed her willingness for the test to be TRE ORDBAL made, and the usual formalitice were carried A rich man had four sons all married, and one out. daughter, also married. The four sons died without The old man's body was dug up. His knee-cap inue, and their widows put their heads together, bone was removed and was put into water, and for when the old man died his money would go then a drop of blood from the baby was also put to the danghter and they would have none. More- into it. All looked to see the result. If the child over, the money would go to people with another were really the offspring of the former poser name.*This is bad Joes." of the knee-cap bond, the blood would immediately The result of the meeting was that they doter. flow towards the bone, but if not, the blood would mined to persuade young and pretty sister of go in the opposite direction. In this case the blood one of them to marry the old man, so that there did not go to the bone. The daughter triumphed; might be a son to inherit and keep the money in the daughters-in-law were discomfited and the the namo. They also knew that they were more eldest was docked of a very good bead. likely to get something from the young wifo than The three remaining daughters-in-law attacked from their sister-in-law. the baby's mother, Aconged her of lying and of Their plan was muccessful in every way. The having caused the death of the oldest. The mother old man died loaving an infant son us the heir to l however persisted that she had done no wrong and

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JUNE, 1931] BOOK-NOTICES repeated her assertion that the baby was in truth the old man's son. On this assurance the second daughter-in-law asked for another trial of the blood and bone test. She was warned of the consequences of failure, but still preferred her request. The second test had the same result as the former one, and the second daughter-in-law was deprived of her head. More recriminations of the mother followed, with more. assurances on her part that the child was indeed the son of the old man. The third daughter-in-law then asked for a retrial. The magistrate began to smell a rat. Two had already staked their heads on the child's legiti. macy and a third was willing to do so. He therefore 119 ordered that first the test should be made between the old man's bone and his own undoubted daughter. The bone was put into water and the daughter supplied the drop of blood; but once again it did not flow towards the bone as it should have done, although there was no doubt of the relationship. The daughter then confessed that she had changed her father's body for that of another man, as she expected the test to be made, and naturally the baby's blood would not flow towards the bone of someone who was not his father. The story was interrupted at this point so that the narrator never told if the daughter lost her head also. BOOK-NOTICES. WARREN HASTINGS AND PHILIP FRANCIS, by SOPHIA WEITZMAN, M.A., Ph.D., with, an Introduction by Ramsay Muir, M.A. 9x 5 in.; pp. xxx+400; with map and 2 illustrations. Manchester University Press, 1929. The so-called "Regulating Act" of 1773 (13 George III, c. 63) was the first attempt of the British Parliament to deal definitely with the administration of our affairs in India; but the lessons to be learnt from the results of that legislation have not been sufficiently realized or remembered. This measure enacted that the administration of Bengal should be conducted by a Governor-General and a Council of four, in accordance with the votes of the majority of the Council, the Governor-General being given no power of overruling the decision of such majority. Hastings, already Governor, was nominated Governor-General, while General Clavering, Colonel Monson and Philip Francis, sent out from England, and Richard Barwell, one of the members of the existing Council in Bengal, were appointed to be the new Members of Council. Of these, Clavering and Francis had never set foot in India before. How Francis from the very first took up an attitude of opposition and hostility towards Hastings, and how he was supported by his two military associates, who were little more than pawns in his hands, is well known. Francis, a man of remarkable abilities and inordinate ambition, "had received early practice, intensive in character, in the art of scurrilous writing and malignant denunciation," as Miss Weitzman expresses it, and was "steeped dogmatism of Macaulay." In the correspondence in the political philosophy of his day." Wholly now printed for the first time, among other interignorant of Indian conditions, he perversely per-esting points, the sidelights cast upon the relations sisted in applying to questions of Oriental admini- between Francis and Clive will, we expect, evoke stration principles begotten of such training. For some surprise. some three years, till both Monson and Clavering were dead, this conflict paralysed the government of the country. For another three years Francis carried on the fight, until he realized he could not gain his end in Calcutta. Leaving India in 1780, he continued with renewed oporgy to carry on the offensive in England by vigorous pamphleteer. ing, poisoning the minds of the authorities against Hastings and encouraging his enemies to persecute him. Miss Weitzman has, with great industry, revealed much new material (in particular the hitherto unpublished documents in the "Robinson Collection" at Eridge Castle) that throws further light upon the sinister activities of this extraordinary man. She has properly avoided dwelling unduly upon the personal features of the drama, while she has succeeded in keeping prominent before her readers the fundamental issues at stake. She has shown how the principles advocated by Francis, which he succeeded in persuading politicians in England to accept, were in great measure given effect to, as, for instance, in the India Act of 1784, in the policy of abstention from diplomatic relations with Indian states, and in the Permanent Settlement of Bengal, carried through by Cornwallis in the face of wiser counsels. She has traced the important hand that Francis played in the impeachment proceedings and his influence with Burke, as no historian had previously done." "Thanks to Francis," as Mr. Ramsay Muir writes in his. appreciative and exceptionally discerning introduction, "the greatest of all English GovernorGenerals of India was the only one who received no honour from his sovereign"; and "the distorted picture [of Hastings] which was first conceived by the malignity of Francis, and then painted in lurid colours by the noble but fevered genius of Burke, has been perpetuated by the cocksure Miss Weitzman is to be congratulated on the publication of what is a valuable, and in many respects admirable, piece of work. The acumen and grasp of historical perspective disclosed impel us to wish for more from her pen. C. E. A. W. O.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1931 ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN ARCHEOLOGY 1876, when what is now known as Mangles' Tank FOR THE YEAR 1928, published by the Kern was being re-excavated. McCrindle tells us that the Institute, Leyden. 124 x 97 in.; pp. xi +141 ; workmen discovered "at a depth of some twelve with 12 plates and 11 illustrations in the text. or fifteen feet below the swampy surface the remains Leyden, E. J. Brill, Ltd., 1930. of a long brick wall with a line of palisades of strong timber running near and almost parallel to it, and This is the third annual issue of this valuable slightly inclined towards it." Waddell's inquiries publication, and we need only add that it maintains in 1892 showed that similar old timbers had been in all respects the high standard to which the first found 10 to 15 feet below the surface at three other two issues have accustomed us, creditable alike to sites, one of which wag near Bulandi Bagh, where the editors and to the publishers. A special word of Spooner in 1916 found two slanting beams, one 9 or praise is due to the excellence of the plates. It is 10 feet north of the other, and in 1916 the remains gratifying to learn that the Institute has received of what he described as "& curious wooden house," additional financial aid, which, we trust, will ensure with a slanting wall of timber on the west side, its publication annually. and at 22 feet below surface level, a flooring of In addition to the bibliography proper, which is squared beams. Ho found that the width of the remarkably full and accurate, the editorial board, double line of uprights, inside which lay the flooring, following the plan announced in the initial volume, was about 14 feet,' measuring from the outside prefix an introductory chapter dealing with faces, and that the upright timbers went down some of the most notable works of archaeologi some 5 feet below the flooring. He also found cal research carried out. They are particularly remnants of planking that had been laid upon the fortunate in being able to publish & most interesting uprights on their outer face. It was thought possible account contributed by Dr. J. Barthoux of the at the time that at this particular spot he had struck salient features of the excavations conducted by him the remains of one of the 'towers' mentioned by at the Buddhist sito of Hadda, the Hilo of Hauan Megasthenes. The flooring was then roughly Tsang, about 5 miles south of Jalalabad in Afgh- traced for a distance of 360 feet eastwards. More nistan, a site to which Honigberger and Masson recent excavations have since traced the double had drawn attention nearly a century ago. Here row of upright timbers for a distance of some 700 during the years 1927-28 some hundreds of stupas feet; and it now appears that, besides the flooring and many thousands of statues and statuettes have there had been a roofing of heavy beams laid across, been unearthed, disclosing the site of "a vast as indeed Spooner, to my knowledge, had been ancient city surpassing even the capital of Gandhara inclined to suspect. Plate VI reproduces two clear in archaeological interest." Many of the smaller photographs of the remains of these old "wooden stupas, which had become buried under debris, were walls," which afford such striking testimony to the found in excellent preservation up to the springing accuracy of the Greek ambassador's account. The of the dome. "After having drawn and measured remarkable state of preservation of these old sal the details of two hundred such buildings, we beams, after the lapse of more than 22 centuries have come to the conclusion," Dr. Barthoux writes, will at once strike the observer; yet the seven "that, apart from the Greek orders, the artists massive platforma, or "foundation piers," formed of have employed practically every architectural odl logs some 30 feet in length uncovered at the element known to thom : their pilntors preserve KumrAhar site in 1913, on the south side of the Achaemenian rominiscences, whereas the bas- "pillarod hall," were even in more perfect condition, reliefs sometimes remind one of Sasanian art. having been deeply buried at a uniform level, and .... It may, indeed, be maintained that the art of 80 less exposed to variations of temperature and Hadda constitutes a real synthesis of all our artistic moisture. conceptions and a meeting-place of all known schools........ Yet, it must be admitted that this We are, further, supplied with a preliminary note azt is indubitably Hollenistic." The plastic art on the resulte of Professor Ernst Herzfeld's recent more ospecially reveals masterly execution, testi investigations on the Koh-i-Khwaja rock island in fying to the mathetic and technical abilities of the the Hamun, described by Sir Aurel Stein in vol. artists. Many of the stucco heads (some of which II of Innermost Asia. More thorough excavation are beautifully reproduced on plateg IV and V) has, we are informed, enabled the professor to assign are in a wonderful state of preservation. Scholar the remains to two definite periode, viz. (1) the will eagerly await a detailed report, with map and epoch of the Bakes, and (2) the third century A... plans, of these remarkable excavations. All the mural paintings, of which more specimeng have been secured, belong to the first period, and Another interesting note is devoted to "The contain Achaemenian, Graeco-Bactrian and preWooden Walls of P&taliputra." According to Sasanian elements. Furthermore, we are told, Megarthenes, as quoted by Strabo and Arrian, the Mauryan city of Pataliputra was surrounded by Professor Herzfold connects the epical personality wooden walls crowned by 570 towers. Traces of of Rustam with the great Saka ruler Gondopharos, thosowoodon walls, or palisado, were first discovered in C. E. A. W. o.

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JULY, 1931) DATE OF COMPILATION OF RAUTALYA'S ARTHA-SASTRA (484-510 A.D.) 121 THE DATE OF THE COMPILATION OF KAUTALYA'S ARTHA-SASTRA (484-610 A.D.) BY PRAN NATH, D.Sc., PH.D. (Continued from page 112.) 4. Prag-Hapaka-Gandhara Countries (484-510 A.D.) The capture of the north-western Panjab by the Honas dates from 465 A.D., when Skandagupta suooumbed to them. The Huna conqueror ToramAna established his authority in Malw& prior to 500 A.D. and when he died, about 510 A.D., he left & sufficiently consolidated dominion to his son Mihiragula. "All Indian traditions agree in representing Mihiragula as a blood-thirsty tyrant, the Attila of India,' stained to a more than ordinary degree with the implacable cruelty' noted by historians as characteristio of the Hun temperament."19 In these circumstanoes the conquered kings took good care to see that none of their subjects gave any cause for offence to these foreigners. This was perhaps the reason for enacting a law punishing heavily any who abused the Hunas and their country. Kantalya writes -Tena brutopanddah, udgivandndm kdrukufilavdnam vyttyupaodda) Prdj-janaka (Prag Hanaka according to Ganapati Sastri). Gandharadinam ca janapadopavdda vyd.khoaidh.80 Herr Meyer and Di. Shamasastry both failed to grasp the meaning of Praj-junaka or Prag-Henaka. Ganapati Sastri, in his commentary on the above passage, writes: Prdgghinaka-gandharidindu Hanabi ndma janapada-visosak Kamagir. yutlarato vytlirudicyah tasyapurdoayarak pragghunakih (vol. II, p. 104). Both convey the same meaning, i.e., the eastern Hona janapada, and the Gandhara countries. . The Smrti of Yajnavalkya does not contain any such item ; indeed it contains very little about defamation. Kantalya is clearer and contains better material so far as this section is ooncerned. It is interesting to note that the Artha-Idadra and the Ydjfiavallya-smrti both finish the section in a remarkably similar manner. This reference to punishment for abusing the janapadas of Honas and those of GendhAre would seem clear proof that the Artha-distra was compiled between 484 and 510 or 528 A.D. When the kings of MAIWA were exposed to attack by the cruel Hunas. Apparently tho Hindu rulers did not like to give any chance of complaint to the Hana chieftains. 5. The Countries of the Malwa Empire fuld the conditions of Kantalya's janapadas. (1) Pearl fishery.-The pearl centres according to Kautalya were : (A) (a) Tamraparni (a river in the Pandya oountary). (6) Pandyakavata (a mountain known as Malayakoti in the Pandya country): (c) Past (river 1). (d) Chorna (river near the village Murachi in the Kerala country). (6) Kala (a river in Sinhala). U) Mahendra (a mountain in the Eastern Ghata). (B) (a) Kardama (a river in Persia). (6) Srotasi (a river falling in the sea of Barbara): (c) Hrada (a pool of water known as Brighanta in a corner of the Barbara son): (C) Himavata (Himalaya). From the above classification it is clear that the important areas of the pearl trade were only two, viz. (1) The southern extremity of India, and (2) the sea of Barbara. It appears to me that people used to go to fish for pearls in the Barbara sea in their own boats as rell as in ships belonging to the king from Burgukaccha and other ports situated on the shores of Aparanta, Kacaha, Sarlatra and Sindh. With these identifications the section on 1 Smaith, B.A.J., p. 336. * 90 6. 8, p. 19.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1931 Ndvadhyakpa (officer in charge of ships and boats) appears to be quite intelligible and correct. Boats employed on pearl-fishing did not sail from Patna. (2) Setu and Setu-bandha.--Again, a careful perusal of the Artha-sdstra shows that the janapadas described by Kautalya abounded in marshes, swamps, natural as well as artificial lakes and water-reservoirs. He uses the word setu to denote these lakes. Herr Meyer took the word in the sense of water-reservoir. Dr. Shamasastry failed to hit upon the mean. ing, and thereby marted his English translation. Kautalya used the term sahodala-setu for natural pools and lakes, 91 while embankments made by villagers across marshy tracts were called setu-patha and setu-bandha. They served as boundaries and also as roads for passing from one side to the other. Their destruction was prohibited and severely punished (setu-vana-patham pafchatak). These swamps and pools of water were used for fishing purposes 33 during summer and also for growing vegetables, rice and fruits, when patches of land dried up in that season. Famines never visited these watery regions. (Nityanupakto hi varpa-guna-labhah setuva perue.) 95 Where there was no water the king was advised to put dams across small rivers and encourage others to do the same. 36 (Anudake kipasetu-bandhotsan sthapayet, puupa-phala-vd gamoca.)? Natural water pools, lakes and marshes were considered to be the property of the king. For five years no taxes were collected from those who erected dams and stored water. The revenue derived from the setus formed an important item and was recorded under the game term, i.e., setu. 49 The country of Magadha may have had marshes and lakes, but there is no historical data available in that connection. On the other hand, Kautalya's description of the sitadhyaka's duties furnishes abundant evidence of the existence of setu. There are many reservoirs in the Malwa country. Smith, in his Early History of India, records the construction of a lake by Pushyamitra in Girnar, which "endured for four hundred years, but in the year 150 A.D. a storm of ex. ceptional violence destroyed the embankment, and with it the lake. The embankment was then rebuilt three times stronger than before by order of the Saka satrap Rudradaman, who has recorded the history of the work in an inscription which is the only known epigraphic record containing the names of Chandragupta and Aboka Maurya. Notwithstanding the triple strength of Rudradaman's masonry, it too failed to with stand the fury of the elements, the dam again burst, and was repaired once more in 458 A.D. by the local governor serving under Skandagupta." 30 In the same manner it is stated that "The Chandel princes were great builders, and beautified their chief towns, Mahoba, Kalanjar, and Khajuraho, with many magnificent temples and lovely lakes, formed by throwing massive dams across the openings between the hills. In this practice of building embank. ments and constructing lakes the Chandels were imitators of the Gaharwars, who are credited with the formation of some of the most charming lakes in Bundelkhand.31 Dr. Smith goes further by recording that "The great Bhojpur lake, a beautiful sheet of water to the south-east of Bhopal, covering an area of more than 250 square miles, formed by massive embankments closing the outlet in a circle of hills, was his (Bhoja's] noblest monument, and continued to testify to the skill of his engineers until the fifteenth century."33 From these notices it is clear that the country stretching from Girnar up to Bundelkhand was full of tanks. It was within this area* that the Malwa empire was situated ; and so it satisfies Kautalya's test in this respect also. 31 K. S., p. 299, 1, 2. 99 Ibid., p. 171, 1, 6. 33 K. S., p. 20, 1. 18. 36 Ibid., 1. 17. 36 Ibid., p. 307, 1. 5. * Ibid., p. 173, 1. 15; p. 56, 1. 13; p. 49, L. 2. 31 Ibid., p. 141, 1. 7. 3 Ibid., p. 170, 11. 1 and 2. 19 Ibid., p. 59, 1. 15. 30 Smith, E.H.I., pp. 139-140. 31 Ibid., p. 406. 33 Ibid., p. 411. NOTE.-There were pearl fisheries also on the southern shores of the Gulf of Kachoh. The torna hu-patha might perhaps include causeways across the swamps of the Ranns-JOINT-EDITOR.

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JULY, 1981) LIFE OP RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAR 123 (3) Alarandria.-Kautalya writes that coral came from Alakanda (pravdlakam Alakandakam).33. Mr. Surendranath Majumdar Sastri, in his notes on Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, remarks that Kautalya is silent about Alakanda, but he mentions the Barbara river and the Barbara sea, as also the river Srotasf as a souroe of pearls. A lake named Srighanta in the centre of the sea of Barbara has also been mentioned by him. Now, combining these bits of information, we find that the country of the Barbaras was on the west or north-west frontier of India, and that it stretohed up to the Arabian Sea. In it there was & lake not far from the sea. Alakanda stood at the mouth of the river falling into the gea. The above description of Alakanda fits well with that of " Alexander's Haven." Dr. Smith has shown on the authority of Major Raverty, that the large lake at the mouth of the river where stood Alexander's Haven still exists and is called Samarah." Alexander came to India during Chandragupta's time. If Kautalya was his minister, is it possible that he would have recognized a name which Greeks gave to a part so recently and have associated it with a particular kind of coral found there ! (4) Privilege of coining.-Hindu princes prior to the Christian era were never fond of exercising their privilege in respect of coinage. Coins were issued according to the demand of the market by trading guilds. Punch-marked coins are examples of this. Historical data support this view, 88 not a single coin of Chandragupta or Asoka bas been yet discovered. Contrary to this, Kautalya considers coining to be the prerogative of a king and prescribes severe punishments for those who try to manufacture coins. This seems to be the result of foreign influence. (5) Kautalya's Artha-odstra advocates ideals and culture which are non-Indian. This may be due to the fact that the Malwa empire for a long time remained under the influence of Greeks, Sakas and Hunas. Fish and meat-eating became common. Sending of wine by a lady to her lover as described in the Artha-ddstra may be a Persian custom, later on adopted by the people of MalwA. Divorce and separation were not despised. All these facts go to show that we shall not be far from the truth if we accept the date of the Kautaliya Arthasastra as falling somewhere between 480 and 510 A.D. LIFE OF RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAR. A Great Hermit of Kashmir. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, Kanda. (Continued from page 98.) To this Rishi Pir wrote the following reply : mlkhn r , bdy@ Tryft bTryfy Ty khrdh nd khh Sl grd gmrhy bd mn shn nm nshst st - khr dhllt bd myn nhn qr khlyd@ mmt - khd khy hst w bwd w bshd - ( byt) khh fld w rwGn w gndm bh jmy`t shwd Hlw : w Tryqt jw Hqyqt rw byd bwd shry`t "The travellers passing over the desert of religion have traversed [it] in such a manner that neither the dust of losing their way has ever settled on, nor the thorn of degradation has ever pierced, the hem of their garment ; because God was, is, and will be. [Couplet.) "One should be a preacher of the laws of religion, searcher after religion (and) ginoerely devoted to religion, As sweetmoat is made by the combination of sugar, clarified butter and wheat [flour)." Rishi Pir meant to say that, if Mulla Shah dived deep into the cardinal principles of religion he would get a true perspective of it and, having thus emerged from the whirlpool of doubts, would find no difference as regards the theory of Ono Indivisible Real Essence pervading through all that was, that is, and that ever will be 33 K. B., p. 78. * Smith, E.8.1., p. 109 and n.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1991 Aurangzeb once (probably in 1663 A.D., when he was in Kashmir) told Rishi Pir that whenever he was eating his meals, blood came into his sight, and requested him to explain why this was so. Rishi Pir told him that it was the blood of innocent Sarmad whom he had put to death. Sarmad was a renowned saff ascetic and a pantheist, who used to go about naked, singing his own smooth-flowing verses, which breathed not only the mystic fervour of the sufi, but also a lofty spirit of catholicity, rising above the wrangle of sects and cherishing the truth inherent in all creeds. One day (about 1647 A.D.) he was walking by the palace at Delhi, loudly singing a song. Aurangzeb's daughter, Zebu'n-nis&', a gifted poetess and patron of literary men, looked out from a balcony to hear him. Sarmad beheld her and bawled out: chhr chyz Gm z dl brnd khdm chhr There are four things which dispel sorrow from the heart : what four! Zebu'n-nisa' replied: shrb w sbz w ab rwn w rwy ngr Wine, a green sward, running water and the face of a beautiful woman. Aurangzeb, who was sitting at a window in an adjoining room, overhearing these indeli. cate verses, angrily remonstrated with his daughter on her frivolity. She then changed what she had just said and told him that she had answered to the query of Sarmad thus : nmz w rwzh w nsbyr twbh stGfr Prayer and fasting and rosary and repentance craving grace. Then the emperor upbraided Sarmad, asking what business he had to wander about near the palace where his zanana harim were living. He was arrested, and order was passed that he should be hanged. Sarmad made a pathetic appeal to those who were present, in the following verses rrn pl rshyd mh dyd dr chr khr . mn bkhwshyd by ryh byn r jnn yn mrdh tnm bdr mhryd gr bwsh znd bh dr lbnm O intelligent, clever people! Try to render help in my affair. Bring my sweetheart to me; Entrust to her this dead body of mine. If she kisses my two cheeks If........ After uttering this much he fell down insensible. The ministers present at this tragio soene told the emperor that Sarmad was quite innocent. Several learned soholars who were present wondered what Sarmad had intended to add after the word ' or '). Jami, who was among the learned poets there, said it was : wr zndh fwm `jb mdryd If I revive to life do not wonder. The ministers thereupon requested the emperor that Zebu'n-nisa' might graciously be asked to kiss Sarmad's face. He agreed, and accordingly Zebu'n-nisa' kissed Sarmad; when, lo he came to life again. Aurangzeb then pardoned him. After a while, Sarmad, in his usual naked condition, passed in front of Aurangzeb at a time when he was saying his prayers. The emperor got very angry at being thus disturbed.

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JULY, 1931) LIFE OF RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAH 125 As an uncompromising monist, Sarmad denied the existence of Matter, and felt no shame about anything pertaining to his body. He fearlessly addressed the emperor thus : - khh tr tj mhnshhy dd an khs dd yh sbb pryshny mr pwshydh lbs hw khh r `yb st qrbny dd by `ybn r lbs He who has invested thee with the emperor's crown Clad me completely in the garb of distress. He put dresses on all whom He saw sinful; On the sinless He conferred the robe of nakedness. A bench of Muslim theologians sat in judgment over Sarmad and doomed him to be hanged. Sarmad mounted the scaffold singing extempore verses in a lofty strain of Suffism : shrm brhnh py'y bry lfty ndrm bh sryr pdshhy skhndr w slymn bbry Sb pymy sr mn ftd gwyn khh shm mlkh dwlt mn mly bynw dy I feel no shame for bare-footedness nor desire for Alexander's and Solomon's kingdom and throne; O breeze, convey & message that my head fell exclaiming That you are the emperor of an empire and I the emperor of poverty. To return to the main narrative. Rishi Pir told Aurangzeb to remember the contents of the two following Persian couplets - rsht w zyb rwy byny dst rw brwy mnh `yb Sn`t grnm ly Gybt brSn`t grst grchh mlt mkhtlf shd hychkhs mHrwm nyst w gl brng dygr st bGbn r dr chmn Lay not the hand in disapproval on anything you see, be it good, be it bad: To call the handiwork faulty is to find fault with the craftsman. Though there are different religions, none is forbidden: The gardener has flowers of different colours in the flower-bed. Rishi Pir then invoked the spirit of Sarmad and beseeched him to exouse Aurangzeb. Thereafter the emperor no longer saw blood in his food. Rishi Pir also advised him that he should earn his own daily bread by some honest manual labour and not take anything for his own food from the public treasury. Thenceforth the emperor began to work during his leisure hours as a scribe of the Quran, and whatever money he got for the copies made, he lived thereon. One day a Muhammadan woman, who had faith in Rishi Pir, came and invited him to a feast at her house. He accepted the invitation and went to her bouse at the appointed hour. A Brahman priest accompanied him. The woman, simple-minded as she was, bad cooked the food herself and she brought two platefuls, setting one before him and the other before his companion. Rishi Pir only touched the plate and, thanking bis bostess, assured her that it might be considered as eaten, and asked her to take it away. The BrAhman, however, began to eat the cooked food without any scruple, when Risbi Pir at once stopped him. On his return, Rishi Pir spoke sorrowfully to his disciples that this fool had lost his caste by partaking of food cooked by a Muhammadan. A poet has sweetly moralized from this incident thus - jw khh nyt bst br znr khwd znr bst hwkhh shkh ard bd st nrd khlyh dyn bdst Whoever pinned his faith to his sacred thread wore it truly. Whosoever entertaineth doubt is bad : he will not get the key of religion into his hand.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1931 The Brahman expressed profound regret for his folly, and then Risbi Pir made him perform a prdyascit oeromony before he was taken baok into the Hindu fold. Once some Muhammadans were betting about jumping over a deep and wide ditch at Hart Parbat, but none would come forward to do it. Nanak Shah, one of the chief disciples of Rishi Pir, happened to pass by at the time, and he jumped olean over it twice. He won the wager and, after making a bow towards the goddess of Hari Parbat, went away. The people were amazed at his fest, but taunted him for bowing before a stone. He repeated to them the following two couplets in Persian, and asked them to ponder over their meaning mrdh sr zd m`r grdd zyr br mbng nyst hy mwmn b`d mrdn nbr br sng nyst : : prsty myknd znkhm bnd w zndh dym. bt fy l`qyqt bt prsty khrwbr nng nyst As a Hindu ever performs idol worship in his life, He, when dead, is burnt and consumed and is not [placed) under the burden of a stone. In truth idol worship is not a shameful practice. No Muslim, after dying, is without the load of a [tomb] stone. There was a saint in the time of Rishi Pir whose name was Zuy. He used to practise yoga, which he, of course, kept hidden from the people. He was very shy and for this he was nicknamed Zanana (feminine ') Zay. He was believed to be a simpleton. One day Risbi Pir, who knew his worth by inspiration, went with a large number of disciples to his house to pay respects to him, but when Zanana Zuy heard of his coming, he inferred that people had come to know of his practising yoga (as Risbi Pir would not come to pay respects to an ordinary man). He lay down and made his soul part from his mortal coil. Soon after Rishi Pir reached the house and was very much grieved at not being able to see him before he died. One day Rishi Pir went to Bhori Kadal to colleot his fixed presente in cash from the Bhoras. They did not want to pay, and in order to put an end to his frequent calls, they gave him a pill of over half a tola of opium to eat. This he swallowed. There was a milk. seller on the spot, who, out of love for him, poured milk mixed with sugar and almonds into his mouth. The opium, however, produced no effect on him. Soon afterwards a fire broke out at Bhori Kadal, and all the houses and shope of the Bhoras were destroyed : only the shop of the milk-seller was saved. The chronogram of this fire is j f (the fire of the collector of money '), 1.6., 1138 A.H. (V. S. 1726). Once Rishi Pir was told by his aged mother that she desired to go and bathe at the Sunda Brart (Trisandhya), an intermittent spring in Brang pargana, but that she was unable to go there on account of old age. He told her that she might go to the neighbouring ghaf of the Jhelam with him, and be would cause her to bathe in the water of Sunda Brari. She went with him and, on reaching the ghaf, he bade Sunda Brari appear in the following Persian couplet : chh ndrt mnd, brry r nybd ryly shnsh bh stqbl What power [has) Sunda Brar that she will not go forth To receive Shaban-shah Rishi ! As soon as he uttered this couplet the water gurgled out from the parapet wall of the ghat and began to flow into the river. His mother then bathed in it, after which it ceased to for again.

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JULY, 1931) LIFE OF RISHI PIR PANDIT PADSHAH 127 One day Nanak Shah oame running to Rishi Pir and told him in distress that his mother had suddenly died and requested that she might be revived to life. He replied that a person whose span of life had come to an end must die, but his mother could be brought to life again, provided he was willing to give some years to her from his own life. Nanak Shah replied that he would give fourteen years to her from his own life. Rishi Pir tben told him to go back and crack fourteen water-chestnuts near her head and eat their kernels, and she would revive and live for fourteen years more. Nanak Shah did as he was told. His mother revived, and she did not die until fourteen years bad passed. There are current many other stories of miracles worked by Rishi Pir from time to time, but I have not given them here for fear of lengthening this article too much. In his old age Rishi Pir lost the power of walking : he crawled about on wooden sandals, or else he was carried in a palankeen by his disciples. He died at the age of sixty years at Srinagar on the 6th of the dark fortnight of Baisakh (tbe lunar day and month of his birth) V.8. 1754 (1697 A.D.). He was cremated at the Bhattayar ghat below the 5th bridge. One of his wooden sandals was preserved as & relic. The follow of this had been lost in his lifetime (1672 A.D.) in a conflagration by which 2,100 houses were destroyed, and about which a poet oomposed the following couplet - anchnn atsh znhr yzdy n shb frwkht m dh rm dw hzr dm nrd khnh bswkht Such a fire raged by the wrath of God that night That ten and two thousand and ninety houses were destroyed. The other sandal is still preserved on a throne at his shrine. This shrine was rebuilt by Pandit Nand Ram Tika. It was destroyed by fire, but was reconstructed by Munshi Tilsk Chand and is still standing. In spite of four centuries having elapsed since Rishi Pir lived, his memory still endures and will defy the flight of time, as mankind likes to remember the great and saintly men and women who bave departed. They supply & spiritual bridge between Being and Becoming. The Hindus still have faith in his spirit as a resolver of difficulties. Whenever a man has a desire for something or is in some trouble, he vows to deliver at his shrine a cash present of 147 puntshu (8 puntshu being equal to two bahaganis and one bahagani equal to eight laurs), and, conformably to his vow, pays the cash as soon as his desire is fulfilled or his trouble is surmounted. This is called mushkil sigan. The priests of the shrine give in return some roasted rice, & loaf of bread and some sspand (wild rue), after consecrating them by the touch of the relio of the Pir. The amount of the present and the things given in return were fixed by Rishi Pir himself in his lifetime. Rishi Plr had one son named RahAnand, who, dat of affection, was called Rahnawab. After bis father's demise he gave up the world and became a recluse. Rahanand had twin sons, named Lala Pandit and Kashi Pandit. Lala Pandit carried on the duties of a pious householder, but Kashi Pandit, fired by the love of God, became an ascetic and went away to Jodhpur, where he died,

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1931 NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. BY PROF. 8. H. HODIVALA, M.A. (Continued from page 88.) Betteela, Beatelle.--Mr. Crooke could not find anything earlier than the example from Correa (1566), but the word appears to have been in use about fifty years before that date, as will be seen from the following quotation: [c. 1516.) "From this port of Dyo [Diu] the Moors of Chaul take away every year & great number of pieces of fine muslin for turbans... They have also many fine Calicos and Roman turbans; these three kinds of cloth are woven in this Kingdom."--The Book of Duarts Barbosa, trans. by Dames, I, 161. Mr. Dames says that the words used in the original for fine 'muslins' and 'calicos' are beatilha and beirame. He accepts the derivation from Beatas' and refers for comparison to the modern English use of 'nun's veiling.' See also his note, ibid., p. 129. Bish-Tavernier speaks of aconite as "Vez Cabouli" (a kind of root) and his " Ves." is without doubt meant for Bish.' (Travels, ed. Ball, II, 21.) Barbosa also refers to it in a passage which it may be permissible to quote, as Mr. Dames' elucidation of it is not quito satisfactory [c. 1516.) "In this country [Dehli] are certain trees, the root whereof is called Branchegua, and is so poisonous that it kills everything that eats it : and the fruit of the same tree, which is called Miralexy, has such virtue that it destroys all poison, and gives life to every poisoned man who eats it." -The Book of Drarlo Barbosa, I, 233-4. Mr. Dames suggests that Braochagua,' which is spelt Bazarague' in the Spanish version, is a corruption of bdzari-bang, the name by which the seeds of henbane are known in the Panjab bazars. I venture to say with some oonfidence that it stands for the bachchndbh or bachchnag, eto. (Sans. vatsanabha), of Yule's article. We have only to insert an n between the h and the a in Braechagua' to make it approximate as closely to Bachchnaga ' as we can expect from such a source. There can be also no doubt that miralery, which is nirabiry in the Spanish and nirabiz in Ramusio, is, as Mr. Dames Baye, nirbisi. Of Aconitum heterophyllum, Dr. Watt says that it is "one of the non-poisonous forms, and is called "atis, ativika, patis, etc. (Sanskrit atsvisha), (which might be rendered 'antidote '), but in the more eastern section of its area, it receives the name of nirbisi- name more correctly indicative of aconitum palmatum."Commercial Products of India, P. 19). Elsewhere Dr. Watt says that nirbishi means 'free from poison' (bish), but that the word is often confused with nirvisha, which signifies 'antidote to poison (Ibid., p. 20). Barbosa's statement that both poison and antidote are found in the same plant is, of course, an error ; but he is right in so far that there is a nonpoisonous form' which is believed by the common people to possess curative and antidotal properties and that this form is known as nirabizy (miralexy). Black Partridge. In this article, Sir Henry Yule translates the supposed call of the bird, Khuda teri qudrat, as God is thy strength.' This is hardly correct. Qudrat ( 4) means divine power,' 'creation,' the universe,' 'nature,' according to Fallon; and that writer appositely quotes the following line from Banarasi : Teri qudrat ko dge kof zor kisild chala nahia, Against thy strength, O Lord ! all strength is vain.' The literal meaning of the words must therefore be 'Lord! Thy power !' which may be elliptical for 'Lord! This scil. the creation) is the manifestation of Thy power.' Bombay. Yule's earliest English quotation is from Fryer, 1673. Here is an earlier mention: 11628.) "Anohered five miles off Bumbay, we thinkinge our enimye the Portugall had bene there, but he was not theare with anie shipps. October 13. We and the whole floete, both English and Dutch, went into Bumbay, and came to an anckor in 9 fatham."--English Factories in India (1624-29), ed. Foster, p. 142. See also ibid., pp. 165, 197, 217, 219, 220, etc

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JULY, 1931) NOTES ON HOBSON JOBSON 129 Bound-hedge. This is one of the words added by Mr. Crooke, and his earliest, or rather only, illustration is from Wilks (1792). But the word oocurs frequently in Orme's Military Transactions. In connection with the events of 1760, Orme writes: 11760.1 "The bound hedge of Pondicherry, besides its natural defences of trees and thorns is strengthened by four redoubts." -Op. cit. ed. 1803, Book XIII, vol. II, p. 665. And again : "Colonel Coote was not embarked for Bengal, when the news of the success against the bound hedge arrived at Madras." Ibid., p. 679. See also ibid., pp. 256 and 680. [1794.) A bound-hedge is thus described by Dirom in the Glossary appended to his Narrative of the Campaign in India : "Bound-hedge. A broad strong belt of planting, chiefly the bamboo tree, the prickly pear and such other trees and shrubs as form the closest fence. Most of the forts and villages are surrounded with such a hedge and the large forts have a bound hedge that encloses & circuit of several miles as a place of refuge to the inhabitants of the adjoining country against the incursions of horse." Yule suggested that it was a corruption of boundary hedge,' but Mr. Irvine marks this with a query (Army of the Indian Mughals, p. 262). Perhaps Bound' means closely packed, or interwoven, Bo compact as to be impenetrable. Brinjarry, eto. (Yule's earliest example from an English source is dated 1793.) (1628.) "The necessity of getting funds to pay their sugar merchants, being banjartes, and therefore can not stay for their monies, bas, induced them to pledge the gold, for Ra. 8.000 at one-half per cent interest."-English Factoriss in India, ed. Sir W. Foster (1624-1629), p. 270. Budgerow. This word occurs at least thrice in Barani's history, which was completed in 1358 A.C. fc. 1280.) "He thiyksu'd-din Balban) resolved to march against the rebel [Tughril] in person and ordered a large number of boats to be collected on the Ganges and the Jumna." Tarikh-i-Firdzahah in Elliot and Dowson, History of India, III, 115. Here the word for boats is ! bajra-Bibl. Indica Text, p. 85, 1. 1. Again, we read on the same page that "An immense fleet of boats was collected," etc. Here also the word in the original is st! (p. 86, 1. 3). Lastly, he writes of Sultan Jalalu'd-din Khalji (c. 1295 A.C.) wfhm rmDn slTn br bhrh nshsth dr khrh rsyd (Text. p. 231, 1. 10.) *On the 17th of Ramazan, the Sultan reached Karra in a bajra (boat). See also ibid., p. 86, 1. 6. Buncus.(The earliest quotation in Hobson-Jobson from an English writer is dated 1711.) [1673.] "From thence I went to observe the town [Tanore] .:: double row of cottages opened their shops of wares which consisted of pepper, turmerick:. : Bunco, i.e., tobacco and hubble-bubble canes, the product of this coast." J. Fryer, East India and Persia, ed. Crooke, I, 135. The word is rightly derived from the Malay bungkus, a 'wrapper,' 'bundle, but the resemblance between this and the Sanskrit bandh koshabandh='bound,' and kosha, sheath,' gurrounding cover,' 'any investing sheath' (Wilson, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 8.0.) is so close that it is impossible not to be struck by it. [c. 1669.) "The poore sort of inhabitants, vizt., the Gentiles, Mallabars, etc., smoke theire tobacco after a very meane, but I judge original manner, onely, the leafe rounded up, and light one end, and holdinge the other betweene their lipe, and smoke untill it is soe farre consumed as to warme their lips, and then heave the end away; this is called a bunko, and a

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1931 by the Portugals a Cheroota." Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, p. 97. Bungy. There are at least two other derivations besides the one mentioned by Yule. Dr. John Wilson thought that the name meant the 'Broken People'; others have said that it signifies 'scrapmen or livers on broken meat. Lastly, it has been traced to bhang, to break,' to 'split,' as their regular trade is the making of baskets and other articles out of split bamboos. See Bombay Gazetteer, Gujarat Population, IX, 334, note. Bus.[1503-8.] "Our Captain answered. Besbes Mosi,' that is Enough, Enough.' I will not know more."-Travels of L. Varthema, trans. by Badger, pp. 29-30. This is perhaps the earliest example of the occurrence in a European author of an expression now common in Anglo-Indian mouths. Byles.-Under this word the following may be quoted as early examples of the use of the word to indicate the driver of the vehicle. 11626.1 "The 'tziurewardar' [jalaudar] attends only to his horse, the bailwan, or carter, to his cart and oxen; the farrdah, or tent-pitcher, attends to his tent on the way .... " Pelsaert, Remonstrantie, trans. Moreland and Geyl, p. 61. [1631.] "They (scil. the servants in India) stick so closely to their own task that they think it sacrilege to touch the work of another servant even with one of their fingers .... The seluidares (jalauddr] only care for horses: the Billewani for the carriages and carts in which one travels."-De Laet, De Imperio Magni Mogolis, trans. J. S. Hoyland, p. 89. Cadjan.-Yule's earliest reference is of 1673. The following is earlier, with quaint spelling: 11626.) << The same daie we landed 300 men, Englishe and Dutch [in Bombay) and burnt all their littjonns howses, and tooke the greate howse, with two basses of brasse and one fakon of iron."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1624-9), p. 143. Cajeput.- [1626.] "Spikenard grows wild in the mountains and is not sown. The plants grow a handbreadth high and are closely intertwined; they are called koilte kie. Spikenard is here considered to be a valuable medicine or drug, particularly for stiffened limbs; it is rubbed down with oil, smeared on the limb, and allowed to dry; it produces warmth, and expels the cold. The spikenard is the flower or upper shoots of the kuitekie."-Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, trans. Moreland and Geyl, p. 45. Mr. Moreland says he has "failed to trace the name, which is not to be found in the botanical records of Kew." I venture to suggest that 'Koilte Kie' or 'Kuite Kie' is a corruption of Kayu putih, the Malay name of Lignum album. The Gujarati name even now is kayukuti. Calyan-Mr. Crooke suggests that the Callian Bondi of Tavernier is a corrupt form of ! Kalyan Bandar.' But this is an error. It is, as Mr. Irvine has pointed out, KalyanBhiwandi," six miles north of Kalyan and in the same district." See Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XIV (Thana), pp. 45, 113; and Storia do Mogor, II, 144, where Manucci speaks of " Galiani and Beundi in the country of Shiva Ji." Cambay. There is considerable difference of opinion about the derivation of the name of this town. The latest and perhaps most preferable etymology is that of Dr. Buhler. He thinks that Stambh ' must be taken as one of the many names of Shiva and that'Stambhatirtha' means the 'shrine of the pillar-shaped Shiva.' He adds that Shiva is also called Sthanu,' which means 'post or pillar.'--Bombay Gazetteer, vol. VI (Rew-Kantha), p. 212. Catamaran.--[1622.] "Last night a letter came from Masulipatam in great hasto per a cattamar or jengatha from Petapoly."-English Factories, ed. Foster, 1622-4, p. 143. See also ibid., 1624-9, p. 284 ; also ibid., 1637-41, p. 74. Chit, Chitty -[1608-11.) "At last, I got his cheet for some [part of the debt], though with great abatements ; esteeming halfe better secured than to endanger all."-William Finch, in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, 130.

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JOLY, 1931) NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON 131 f1623.) "The reason why the bakers, etc., have not come down is the behaviour of the acreivas,' eto, in custom house who will not give them a chittee without some feeling [feeing ?)."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster, 1622-23, p. 266. See also ibid., 1624-1629 p. 191. Chouse.The earliest English example given by Yule is from Ben Jonson's Alchemist (1610). [1699.) "And there I staied about my merchandise, till the first of May, 1600,....; upon which day I passed from Constantinople to Scanderone, in Asia, where in the Company of a chaus, and some six other Turks, I tooke my voyage for Aleppo over land."-John Mildenhall, in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 53. 11609,1 " in which boate the Governer sent a chouse of his owne which was one of his cheife men."-Journal of John Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 69. See also ibid., p. 354. Choky.--Yule says that the use of this word in the sense of chair' is almost peculiar to the Bengal Presidency-a doubtful statement. The word is employed with this signifi. cation in the Tabaqdt-i-Akbari. In his description of an entertainment prepared for Akbar, by his foster-brother, 'Aziz Koka, the author writes : 11570.) "Upon the last day, splendid offerings were presented to him. Arab and Persian horses, with saddles of silver, huge elephants with chains of gold and silver .... chairs of gold, and silver 1880B ...and other precious things beyond conception."-Elliot and Dowson, History of India, V, 337. Here the word for 'chair' in the original is chauki .(sve). Lucknow lith. ed., p. 290, 1. 7 from foot. Chowky-This is one of the many Hindi or Prakritic words adopted by the Musalman officials of this country at an early date. It oocurs in the history of Shams-i-Siraj, which was completed about 1400 A.C. : "When the Sultan marched the second time for Thatta, many of his mon . . . . went off with their outfits to their homes. On being apprized of this, the Sultan Firuz Tughlag) consulted his officers, who advised him to appoint sentinels, to prevent desertions."-Elliot and Dowson, History of India, III, 329. Here the word for sentinels' is chaukiha, + + Bibl: Indica Text, p. 226, 1. 5; also l. 12, and p. 271, 1. 1 from foot. Chowry-Yule's first English quotation is of 1809. The following use of the term is two centuries earlier 11632,1 << A servant beatinge away the flyes with a chewrs which is a horse taile on & handle." -The Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. Temple, II, 217. Chucker.-Yule quotes from Barbosa under date 1516, but Varthema also refer to the same weapon: 11603-8,1 << Some of them [scil. Jogis) carry a stick with a ring of iron at the base. Others carry certain iron dishes which cut all round like razors, and they throw these with a sling when they wish to injure any person ; and therefore when these people arrive at any city in Indis, every one tries to please them; for should they even kill the first nobleman of the land, they would not suffer any punishment because they say that they are saints."The Travels of L. di Varthema, trans. Badger, p. 112. Chunam.-Yule quotes Fryer, but here is an earlier use by an English writer : [1583-91.) "And all the time which they (the Chinese) mourne they keep the dead in the house, the bowels being taken out and filled with chownam or lime, and coffined ; and when the time is expired they carry them out playing and piping and burne them."-Ralph Fitch, in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 42. The word would appear to have come into use among Indian writers of Persian about the end of the fourteenth century, as it is used by Shams-i-Sirkj.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1931 In his account of the removal and erection of the Aboka 144, he writes : [c. 14.00.) "When the pillar was brought to the palace (in Firuzabad), a building was commenced for its reception, near the JdmisMasjid . . . . It was constructed of stone and chanam (nge )and consisted of several stages of steps."-Tarikh-s-Firuzshahi in Elliot and Dowaon, Hist. of India, III, 352; Text, p. 310, last line : see also ibid., Text, p. 125, penultimate line (=Elliot and Dowson, III, 299), and Text, p. 331, 1. 12. (To be continued.) REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY THE LATE 82 RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Bt., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. Chia Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from 1894 to 1903. (Continued from page 84.) 12th January.--Arrived off West Bay of Katohall at about 7 a.m. Landed at Oalkolokwak, and took Census of the remaining villages of this island. Found the natives to be moet friendly in spite of the infrequent visits paid by the Government steamer to this locality. Proceeded at 10 a.m. to the north-west of Camorta, anchoring off Puli Pilau at 1 p.m. Took Census of the five villages there and found that there were 28 Chowra and 4 Teresa settlers there and 4 Burman kopra-makers. Numerous recent tracks of wild buffaloes were seen near the villages, but no animals could be discovered, in spite of a search being made between 4 and 6 p.m. 13th January-Left at 3 &.m. for Chowra. Proceeded on our way at 7 a.m. Owing to swell, could not land at Batti Malve. Anchored in Sawi Bay at 1-30 p.m. Landed and found that Mr. Solomon had just oompleted the Census of the island. He reported that the only difficulties he had met with were at Lapati where the headman Edwin had proved very obstructive, misrepresenting the population of his village by no fewer than 412 persons, which caused much delay and trouble. He added that Edwin had been abetted in this by Sweet William and Chon, and that the two former had absconded and were in hiding. Only Chon, therefore, was produced and he was sent to the steamer in order that he might undergo a course of discipline at Port Blair. The result of the Census is shown to be as follows: 1901 1883 Hute. Popu Vi). Islande. lage. Car Nicobar .. 13 Chowra .. 6 Tereses .. 11 Bompoka .. 2 Camorte .. 30 Nanoowry .. 13 Trinkat .. 4 Katohall .. 34 Great Nicobar .. 15 Little Nicobar and Pulo Milo .. 16 Kondul ... 3 Hute. Men. 748 1,126 130 172 112 179 18 29 98 170 48 93 26 42 64 104 26 42 Wo 999 178 165 25 164 86 39 109 35 Boys Girls. Total. Foreign. ers. 704 622 3,451 181 100 72 522 . 158 122 624 12 16 8 78 .. 85 69 488 7 24 21 224 . 12 9 102 1 31 37 281 .. 6 4 87 . Vil. lages. 13 5 8 2 26 14 8 37 23 . 94 109 15 106 78 34 66 45 lation. 3,500 690 571 86 359 222 85 183 138 21 8 25 14 24 14 7 5 11 5 67 38 .. . 1927 3 8 74 27 Total ..146 1,297 1,996 1,838 1,148 980 5,962 201 158 .. 5,935 From these figures it appears that, on the whole, the population has remained fairly stationary since the last Census of 1883, and continued in 1885-6. With regard to Chowra, I am inclined to believe that the docrease is due not only to the fact that many of the natives have migrated to Camorta and other Islands of the group, but to the number of the children

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I of conhecidos D 10 wcOBAR 18LANDS ar Nicobar NICOBAR 18 LANDS. Betti Moly o 10deg Geore Milest Baglish Miles. La Chowra. Tolleagchong oke. amorta. Trinkat. Katched Nancowny Sombrero Channel Meroe. o Tres Menchal. DENSITY AY ISLANDS. Pulo M . Little Micobar E Condul Cabre. 1-5 5-10 10-20 70-100 Oret 170 Density to the Square Mile

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JULY, 1931) REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 133 now on the Island having been understated to the enumerators. Much of the increase shown in the Central Group and Teressa is attributable to immigration and very probably also to incorrect information having been furnished to the enumerators, either at this Census or the last one. As to the Sbom Pen, it is still impossible to ascertain their numbers any more than it is at present to enumerate the Onges and the Jarawas at the Andamang. Saibu was appointed Chief of Malacca village in place of Iskol, who was lately sent to Port Blair for abetment of murder, and the prescribed certificate and uniform were presented to him. Having received from the Government Agent his diaries and returns, we returned to the steamer, which left for Port Blair at 4-30 p.m., and arrived here at 10 a.m. on the 14th January. Captain A. R. S. Anderson's Report 6th January.- Car Nicobar in sight at daybreak; at 8 we dropped anchor in Sawi Bay. After breakfast the Census Officers landed about half mile south of Mus, and at once directed their steps to Solomon's house. Ascending some 20 steps in the low cliff at the back of the beach we reached a well-beaten, broad, hard, earthen road with a sign-post directing us to "Temple Villa." Magnificent cocoanut trees, many fully 100 feet high, stretched on every side, and their boles formed the play-ground of vast numbers of the commonest Andamanese lizard Gonyocephalus subcristatus. Many of these I and some Nicobarese boys captured with a running noose tied in a shred of cocoanut leaf. Even when put round their necks the lizards do not fear this snare. After Solomon had been duly instructed regarding the Census operations, I inspected the meteorological instruments and found them and the houses containing them in good condition, except the thermometer shed, the northern roof of which was partly off-indeed, had never been put on from the mistaken idea that ample ventilation was required. The consequence of this has been that, when the sun is north of Car Nicobar, he sends his rays freely into the interior of the shed, and causes the thermometric readings to be considerably higher than those of the circumambient air. I instructed Solomon to have the shed re-thatched and the northern roof filled in, leaving a small hole only for ventilation. The situation of the meteorological station at Mus is by no means good -- wide clearing in a forest of high trees. The wind gauge must frequently register both wrong force and direotion of wind, as the tree tops are considerably above the wind vanes. For the same reason the rain gauges must be erroneous. Unfortunately, there appears to be no other and unobjectionable site in Mus. I afterwards walked through the village of Mus and found that the most prevalent disease is, as is the case in the Laccadive Islands, itoh. Both children and adults are affeoted, and some most severely. I instructed Solomon how to oure the disease, and gave him appropriate remedies. There is also a little filariasis among the people. The most striking feature of Mus is the large number and variety of fruit trees; for, in addition to cocoanut and pandanus, there are shaddock, pumelo, orange, lime, papaya and guava trees. Fowls and pigs breed very freely, and are extremely plentiful. Imported Indian cattle and goata flourish, but the latter are frequently killed by the village pariah dogs. A little cotton is grown and collected. 6th January. This morning we reached Chowra, landed after breakfast, and I took the Census of the inhabitants of Paland Raichafe. Here, alone, did I experience any discourtesy from a drunken Nicobarese man. As he was considerably interrupting the work, one of the policemen removed him from the machan under his hut and, with entire approval of the other inhabitants, laid him down in the shade of a tree at a sufficient distance from our operations. Thereafter the enumeration proceeded smoothly and swiftly. The inhabitants of Chowra suffer very greatly from filariasis. Of the eleven occupants of a boat that put off to us, no less than five were afflicted with the disease. One had elephantiasis of one leg, the other four suffererg bed lymphatic swellings and enlarged glands in the groins; two of the eleven men were also affected with itch. From what I saw, from one-third to one-half the people are diseased.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1931 At the bottom of each ladder leading into a Nicobarese hut on this island, is a large flat sponge to wipe the feet on, and, on hunting on the beach, I found very large numbers of these sponges at high-water mark, and in the afternoon found a few growing on the coral reefs fronting the island. Although most of the sponges are commercially useless, still some I saw were of value and one or two were of very fair quality and quite fit for bath use. A limited trade in this commodity might easily be established and is, I consider, well worth fostering. The Andamanese informed me that similar sponges are to be found on parts of the Andamans, and if so they are worthy of careful culture, and the matter of investigation. On the lime trees, but extremely difficult to see owing to their green colour perfectly harmonising with the leaves of the trees, and its yellow throat with the fruit, I caught & couple of Calotes jubatus. In the evening I visited the reefs fringing the island and got a few sponges growing on the stones. 7th January--Reached Bengala in teressa early this morning. Mr. Man at once landed and took Census. A large sign-board with the name of village inscribed thereon was also landed and hoisted into some cocoanut trees to serve as a direction to future mariners. When this work was accomplished we steamed to Kerawa, where we all landed, and at quarter to one, I, with a guide and Adolph, started off across the island to Aoang and Hinam. The path, after leading for about three-quarters of a mile through the usual thick coast fringe of cocoanuts, pandanus and creepers, emerged on open grass-covered downs across which I walked quickly for over an hour, probably rather over three miles. The grass is mostly quite short. from 6 inches to 4 feet, -the usual length about one foot, and consists of several kinds; one with very fine, delicate leaves, another with coarse leaves like coarse dub grass. On the upper parta of the down were very numerous pandanus trees, at places forming veritable pandanus thickets. In many places the forest and the grass land meet in such a perfectly straight line that human agency in the production of this grass land is very strongly suggested. The meeting of the forest and grass land takes place on the sides of hills, where sometimes forest, sometimes grass, covers their summits. In most places, however, the narrow and often very steep valleys descending from the grass land are clad right up to their tops with trees, although the trees on the top are merely rooted to rocks, and no difference can be seen between the soil bearing the trees and the adjacent soil producing merely grass. That the villagers do not consider the soil of the downs poor or unproductive, is proved by their enclosing parts of it with fences to form vegetable gardens, of which we passed several on our road. Finally, I was informed by a Nicobarege that they yearly fired the grass to keep the downs free from trees, which otherwise would spring up. For these reasons, I disagree with those observers who consider the grassy downs on Teressa at least natural and, with difficulty, explicable phenomena. In the margins of the forests, Nicobar imperial pigeons (Carpophoga insularis) were very numerous. On returning to the ship in the late afternoon some of the deep, well-wooded valleys in the middle of the island resounded with loud cries of the Mega pode, the cry closely resembling the croaking of the bull-frog. Rocks formed in coral-seas were found to constitute the larger part of the hill to a height of at least 200 feet about midway between Bengala and Kerawa. I shot a Megapode as it flew into a tree with a cry of alarm, and it proved excellent roasted. 8th January.Reached Bompoka early, and Mr. Man landed and performed the necessary Census operations. Thereafter, we left for Camorta and reached Nancowry Harbour in ample time to make all the necessary arrangements for the Census on the morrow and to visit the site of the old Danish Settlement. 9th January. Started early, with Nicobarese guide in boat with Nicobarese canoes in tow, and landed at Domyau where I collected information regarding the number of inhabitants in Olenchi, Monak, Oal-ok-heak, Hoe-chafa, Fop-dak, and Domyau itself. With the exception of Domyau, the above names merely represented the sites of one or two hute. Behind Domyau there was a very large accumulation of oyster shells, forming a veritable kitohen-midden.

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JULY, 1931) REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 135 I then rowed some mile or mile-and-a-half eastwards to the narrow neck of land separating Nancowry from Expedition Harbour. The Nicobarese canoe was carried across the neck some 100 yards, and, after breakfast under the trees, I started for Hoau, about a mile distant, where I got information of the number of the inhabitants of the villages surrounding Expedition Harbour. The Nicobar imperial pigeon was very plentiful round the Harbour, and of the Andaman cuckoo-dove I shot one specimen for identification and saw several others of the same species. In the evening I rowed round the southern part of Nancowry Harbour, where the most noticeable marine products are some very large digitate alcyonacece of at least two species. The stocks of these animals are frequently one to two feet in diameter, and the fingers at least one foot in length. 10th January --Reached Oyau-tapah on east side of Katchall early, landed and took Census of Hoinipoh, Moih-payala, Tapain, Hoin-henpoan, Olenchi, Koila-tapain, and Oyautapah itself. Although we landed as early as seven, the headman was drunk, as were most of the other male inhabitants. After breakfast we walked some mile or more to a limestone cave in the forest, and at an elevation of perhaps 200 feet. The whole hillside is composed of weatherworn coral limestone, and the caves are merely unusually large cavities in this stone. At the entrance to the caves we captured two pit-vipers [Trimeresurus cantoris (?)]. One was 80 severely injured in his capture that he subsequently died. The other is still alive and, in spite of his enormous fangs and poisonous aspect, is unable to inflict fatal bites or guinea pig. Earth-worms were very plentiful beneath the stones in the cave, and several were preserved in spirit. The bats (Minsiopterus schreibersi), which Ball noticed in this cave thirty years ago, are still there in large numbers. On returning to the ship, anchor was at once weighed and we steamed over to Dring Harbour in Camorta, where the necessary Census work was done by Mr. Man. 11th January.-Reached Kondul and, while Mr. Man did the Census work and Mr. D'Oyly went off to board and examine a Chinese junk, I collected reptiles ashore. 12th January --Reached Katchall West early, and, after taking the Census of the surrounding country, left at about 10 for Puli Pilau in Camorta. From this hamlet we walked southwards about four miles and, on reaching the open down country, were shown plentiful and recent tracks of buffalo, but although we waited till evening, we caught not a glimpse of the animals we were in search of. 13th January.Reached Mus in Car Nicobar about 1 p.m., and after lunch landed, saw Solomon and his Census papers, collected some crabs under fallen cocoanut trees, acquired a living monitor (Varonus sp.), prescribed for some sick people, and left between 4 and 5 p.m. for Port Blair, where we arrived on January 14th soon after 10 a.m. Mr. (now Sir) Hadley D'Oyly's (Bt.), Report. 5th January-Anchored in Sawi Bay, Car Nicobar, at 8.15 a.m. There was a big swell setting in from south-west, although the wind was east-north-east and the weather quite fine. Mr. Solomon came off from Mus village with six Nicobarese boys in a canoe. It was noticed that all these boys were suffering from itch. Solomon said that the disease was prevalent all over the Island. Captain Anderson advised Solomon to induce the people to take warm baths, apply sulphur ointment to their bodies, and wash their clothes in boiling water, and obtained ointment for the purpose from the ship's stores. The Census party went ashore at 9-30 a.m. Janding through the surf in & canoe. The chiefs Scarecrow, Frank Thomson, and Fat Boy met the party. Mr. Solomon's house was visited and his school and the meteorological observatory were inspected. Fourteen boys were studying at the school, and went through some physical drill well. I noticed several foreign traders, one or two Muhammadans, but mostly Burmans, at Mus village, and was told by Solomon that there were about 200 on the Island making kopra, their vessels, seven in number, being away at Camorta or other Islands,

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1931 Handed over certificate for Sajbu, new chief of Malacca, vice Iskol, who is undergoing imprisonment at Port Blair. Mr. Man gave directions to Mr. Solomon for taking the Census. The chiefs Offandi, Sampson and McPherson met us at Mus. 6th January.-Left Sawi Bay at 12 o'clock last night, and anchored off Sanenya village in Chowra Island at 7-45 a.m. Three or four canoes came off to us. The people seemed friendly enough and informed us that their headman Tamkoi was away on his annual visit to Nencowry. The Census party went ashore at 10 a.m., landing in canoes through the surf, which was not much. Having guides detailed, I proceeded to do my share of the work at Kotasuk and Olteak villages. Met Mr. Man and Captain Anderson at 1 p.m. at Sanenya and returned to the ship. At 4-30 p.m. I went ashore again to check the enumeration of the morning. 7th January.Left Chowra at 5 a.m. and arrived off Bengala village on Teressa Island at 7 a.m. The headman, Gibson, with his wife and child came on board. He was under the influence of liquor. Mr. Man landed and took the Census of three villages near Bengala. The ship then went on to Kerkwa further south on the same coast and landed Captain Anderson and myself. Procuring a guide I walked across the Island, about three miles to the village of Laksi on the West Coast, over high open lands covered with grass with Pandanus trees only, scattered about. Found the headman Wenechia away, said to be looking after a plantation of yams. Obtained information for the Census and returned to the ship, getting on board at 4-30 p.m. Remained at this anchorage off Kerawa for the night. 8th January.-Left Kerawa anchorage at 5 &.m., and arrived off Poabat village on Bompoka Island at 6 a.m., accompanied Mr. Man ashore to take Census of that village and of Yatkirana, the only two villages of this island. At 7-45 a.m. the ship left Bompoka for Nancowry Harbour, arriving there at 11-30 a.m. The Government Agent, Rati Lal, and headman Tanamara and others came off and reported all well. The Census Party went ashore in the afternoon and arranged for guides to visit the different parts of Camorta, Nancowry and Trinkat Islands the following day. Two bagalas from Bombay were lying in this harbour. 9th January.- I left the ship with three of the officers at 6-30 a.m. in a steam launch, towing & Nicobarese canoe, with guides. We first visited Hentoin village on the east coast of Camorta. The tide being low I had to walk over a coral reef for about 200 yards partly under water. Took the Census of this village and of four others to the north on the same coast. Three others, which were in existence at the Census of 1883, were found to be abandoned. Then proceeded in the steam launch from Hentoin aoroes to Trinkat Island, making for Okchedka, the principal village there. A Chinese junk was lying a mile off the shore opposite this village. The crew told us that the water was too shoal for us to proceed further. There was a fringing coral reef extending to a mile from the shore. The steam-launch was anchored and the party taken ashore in sampans by the crew of the junk. Even so there was difficulty as the boats were scraping over coral most of the way. I took the Census of Okcheaka and of the three other inhabited viilages of this Island. Found that seven villages had been abandoned since the last Census. We got some imperial pigeon and teal shooting at a jhil close to the landing place. The tide being high on our return to the launch, the passage over a mile of coral reefs was effected without difficulty in the Chinese sampans, We reached the ship in Nancowry Harbour at 4 p.m. Remained here for the night. 10th January.-Left Nancowry Harbour at 6 a.m. for the east coast of Katchall, where Mr. Man was landed at Kirehenpoan at 7a.m., and Captain Anderson and myself at Oyantapah at 8 a.m. Moung Poen, the headman of all the villages on the east coast, was found to be very much the worse for liquor, and several men were lying in his hut intoxicated. We took the Census of the seven villages allotted to us and then returned to the ship and were taken to an anchorage oft Hoinipoh village, where Mr. Man was picked up. At II a.m.,

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Plate 117. Indian Antiquary. M Willet v (I. AL 15 16 17 18 I'M * * + M U' ole 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Plate IV.

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Plate I. Plate 11. Indian Antiquary.

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JULY, 1931) NOTE ON CERTAIN SIGNS INSCRIBED ON POTTERY. 137 Captain Anderson, Captain Wilson and other officers of the ship, and myself landed and walked to some remarkable caves, 14 miles inland and at a considerable height. The place is well worth a visit. The caves are of coral limestone formation, with stalactites. Illumi. nated by a ship's blue light, a most beautiful effect was obtained. Near Hoinipoh village was an enormous clump of the giant bamboo, the finest I have ever seen. The ship left Hoinipoh at 2-30 p.m. for Dring Harbour, where she arrived at 3-30 p.m. I went ashore with Mr. Man and Captain Wilson to take the census of the villages in the north-west of Camorta Island. Could not get all the information required about five villages at the extreme north, 80 it was decided to pay a visit there on the return journey from the southern group of islands. Captain Wilson and myself went for a long walk in the adjoining country to the north in search of wild buffalo. There were fresh tracks all over the place, but no animals were seen. The ship remained at this anchorage, Dring Harbour, for the night. 11th January.--Left Dring Harbour at 5 a.m. for Kondul, where we arrived at 12-30. Mr. Man landed to procure all information as to Great and Little Nicobar as well as this Igland. I went off in the steam launch with Lieutenant Gray to visit a Chinese junk, lying off a village on Little Nicobar, five miles off. The Chinaman was found to be the Ching Taung Fat ; Master, Fu Chow Pian. A vessel of 38 tons with a crew of 12 men. They had a license signed by Rati Lal, Agent at Camorta. A search was made of the junk with the help of two of the crew of the launch, but nothing contraband was found; we got back to the Elphinstone at 5-30 p.m. (To be continued.) A NOTE ON CERTAIN SIGNS INSCRIBED ON POTTERY FOUND IN ANCIENT FUNERAL URNS IN SOUTH INDIA BY PHARMACIEN-COMMANDANT NUMA LAFFITTE OF THE SERVICE DE SANTE COLONIAL. DURING the years 1928-29 I explored round Pondicherry (French India), south of Madras, numerous beds of funeral urns, stretching from east to west for a distance of about twenty thousand yards. The results of this exploration will be published in a volume under preparation, and the finds will, I hope, be exhibited at the Colonial Exhibition being held in Paris during the current year. What I call funeral urns are large receptacles made of ordinary half-baked earth. measuring about one yard in height and about two yards in circumference. Buried in the soil, these urns, when in good preservation, are covered by others, of equal dimensions, in reverse position (see Plate I, urn 17). The presence of human bones and skulls in these urns is general. The bones at the bottom are accompanied by numerous red and black terracotta vessels. On the accompanying Plate II two skulls may be seen. The sizes and forms of these vessels are of great variety, and they are always of elegant shape. Stone axes and implements, and numerous kinds of iron arms and instruments are often found among the bones and vessels. Sometimes also there occur copper rings and beads of oornelian. Among the vessels found during the course of my excavations some had signs engraved upon them, which were always conspicuous. These signs are engraved in the thickness of the coating only, but this does not prevent them from being quite distinct and visible in most cases on the photographs. I collected 27 of these signs. These are shown in Plate III, reduced to half the actual size. Plate IV reproduces a photograph of two of the vessels (scale one-fifth of actual size). What is the signification of these signs? For a long time I thought they might be potters' marks, or might refer to the deceased himself. But a few weeks ago Dr. JouveauDubreuil, who had seen my collection in Pondicherry, wrote to me from Calicut, that is to say, from the opposite coast of the peninsula, that he had there soon, in an ancient burial

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1931 ground, vessels, one of which bore signs bearing an exact likeness to the 14th on my plate (see Plate IV). The problem is therefore changed. It is not possible to suppose that a sign found on a funeral vessel near Pondicherry and the same sign found on a funeral vessel near Calicut can represent a maker's mark, or the name of the deceased. It might perhaps be an auspicious sign, intended for the protection of the deceased, or a religious sign. To go into the question more deeply, it would be necessary to examine the largest possible number of these signs, with photographs of the vessels bearing them and of the funeral urns or chambers in which they were found. Nore 1.-The third sign from the end (.e., No. 16) in the third row on Plate III was inscribed upon & Vase found in a sarcophagus. This vase, instead of having two colours, red and black, is simply of a pale chestnut colour. Though this sarcophagus was found close to urns, there is no a priori reason for holding that it pertained to the same race as the urns. NOTE 2.--The object of publishing this short paper is to induce other research workers to photograph as many as possible, not only of such signs but also of Vases and funeral urns, so as to afford a basis for comparison and further discussion of these interesting signs or marks' and their meaning. The urns should be photographed (1) in situ, before being opened, (2) in course of being opened, and then (3) the contents should be photographed. EDITORIAL NOTE.-The attention of our readers is invited to the article entitled "Megalithio Remains of the Deocan-& New Feature of them " by Mr. G. Yazdani, published at pp. 56-79 of the Journal of the Hyderabad Archeological Society for 1917, and particularly to the Diagram of Marks' facing p. 57. Several of the marks listed by Mr. Yazdani and depicted on his diagram will be found represented on Monsieur Laffitte's Plate III. Attention is also directed to the article by Mr. H.C. Ray on "The Indian Alphabet "at pp. 233-35 of vol. LIII (1924) of this Journal. Readers may also be interested, in this connexion to refer to the recent discoveries at Ras Shamra in Syria. (See Antiquity, December 1930, p. 464, and references quoted in footnote.) BOOK-NOTICES. JOURNAL OF FRANCIS BUCHANAN, kept during the obtained permission to use Buchanan's Ms. material Survey of Bhagalpur in 1810-11: edited by for his Eastern India (3 vols.), but though he thus C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.B.I. Bihar and Orisa compiled s celebrated book, it was badly put together Research Society, Patna, 1929. Pp. xxxvi, 571. and much of Buchanan's work was lost in the com Buchanan Hamilton was one of those men who pilation. It is now due to the learning and industry worked incessantly and wrote voluminously through of Mr. Oldham and the late Mr. V. H. Jackson many years without any practical reward in his that Martin's deficiencies are being gradually filled lifetime, though all his work was of the highest class up. But they have accomplished more than that, and his accomplishments unusually wide and varied. because, being competent scholars, Buchanan's He was appointed in the early part of the nineteenth Journals are being reproduced in well edited forms. century on the statistical survey of the old Bengal The Journal under review is that of Buchanan's Presidency and wrote long Reports and Journals to survey of the old District of Bhagalpur, and the sccompany them, with many mape and drawings, Bibar and Orissa Research Society is to be congrawhich were all sent home in his name to the Court tulated on publishing it, for it runs, with Introducof Directors. The Journals were official diaries, tion, Notes and Appendices, to 297 pages of clonely recording the routes and distances travelled, contain printed text. The reader must expect to find ing also references as to objects of interest, and they changes in the district boundaries since Buchanan's sre of exceeding value to the anthropologist. day, so that the area under his survey as the Buchanan was, however, unfortunate in two "Bhagalpur District " contains about half of that matters. Nothing was printed from the Journals and district as at present known and part of Monghyr Reports during his life, and he added Hamilton to and the Santal Parganas. In addition Buchanan hris surname, so that eventually subeequent authors enquired beyond the Indian frontier of Bhagalpur did not always grasp that "Hamilton was identical in Nepal and produced an Account of the Kingdom with Buchanan." Then in 1838 R. M. Martin of Nepal and of the territories annexed to this dominion

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JULY, 1931] BOOK-NOTICES by the house of Gorkha. As Mr. Oldham says, "This book, like all Buchanan's work, is a mine of useful information, which has been largely drawn upon by subsequent writers." In perusing the pages under review the reader has therefore before him a work of the first value-the original observations on a part of India, important historically among other things, for it is Angadesa, the land of the Angas of the Atharvaveda, the Rama. yana and the Mahabharata, to say nothing of the ancient Buddhist and Jain texts, the old Hindu geographers and the records of the Pala and Sena dynasties. Its capital was the ancient Champa or Malini, with Modagiri (Monghyr) as its second city, and it played an important part at the time of the Muhammadan conquest and in the days of subsequent Islamic occupation, notably in those of Sher Shah Sur. Such a history is not only interesting in a high degree in itself, but it has had a remarkable effect on the population, and here Mr. Oldham ought to be quoted in a passage (p. xiv) worth remembering: "It has hitherto perhaps been insufficiently realized to what extent the martial Keatriyas of northwestern and western Hindustan moved eastwards under the pressure of continued shocks [from Muhammadan invaders] to seek their fortunes in new lands. Many of the oldest Rajput families in Bihar owe their local establishment to such migration. Scores of cases might be cited. * Soldiers of fortune many of them, they brought in their train others. Attaining control of large areas, these influences became widely disseminated and soon commenced to act as a solvent upon the religious and social customs of the primitive aboriginal inhabitants, conducting to the gradual disintegration of the old tribal organizations. We find these incomers first establishing themselves at convenient and pleasant sites in the immediate vicinity of the hills, extending their sphere of authority as opportunity offered. Within these spheres the aboriginal folk either accepted their superiority and control or else retired deeper into the hills. Those that remained would tend in the course of time to imitate, and eventually adopt, many of the practices of their overlords, the more conservative abstaining from contact and secluding themselves in the more inaccessible portions of the hills. Later on, when more settled government supervened under British auspices, infiltration from the Hinduized population of the plains around would increase in volume and pace. Then we arrive at the stage of which Buchanan was a witness, and of which he has given so many valuable records." And the country which these mixed Aryans occupied was the home of aboriginal tribes, "representatives (p. xv) of two important peoples, who, if not distinct in race, are distinct at least in speech, namely, the Munda and Dravidian families. The Munda family of languages is represented chiefly by Sontall, the language of the Sontals, who are now 139 spread over a greater part of the district that has been called after them. The Dravidian is represented by Malto or Maler, the tongue spoken by the Maler or Sauria Maler in the north-eastern part of the same district"; the very name is Dravidian, hillmen, malai, Tamil, a hill. To these tribes must be added the Paharias or hill-people, aborigines occupying the region known in Buchanan's time as the Jungleterry District, in the rule of which Augustus Cleveland made what was once a great name, largely, however, on the work of Capt. Robert Brooke, 17721774, and Capt. James Browne, 1774-1788, whose names Mr. Oldham most creditably brings forward. Through the District thus inhabited Buchanan systematically travelled and surveyed, practically without maps to guide him through a large part of it, though the maps of the very capable James Rennell (1773-1779) were available for certain portions. The area covered was of enormous extent when it is "remembered that a very large portion of it consisted of hills and jungle without any road communications, and unvisited hitherto by any European (p. xix)." Truly the modern enquirer has reason to be grateful to Buchanan for his work. Descriptions of all sorts of places abound in his notes-Rajmahal, Monghyr, Kharakpur, Teliyagarhi made familiar by Sher Shah Sur, the hot springs and the like, not forgetting the "invalid thanas," ""stations," that is, composed of retired and invalided sepoys, settled in the Jungleterry Hills to "establish a kind of militia" to keep the wild hillmen in order. This was an idea of the Capt. James Browne above-mentioned, propounded in 1778; and it lasted till 1821, there being traces of these thanas in the latest Survey and Settlement Reports. 66 I fear I have not left myself space to remark on the Journal itself, and the innumerable points of interest therein, so conscientiously annotated by Mr. Oldham, but enough has been said to show the reader that in the Journal of Buchanan's Survey of Bhagalpur he will find much to reward his curiosity and to teach him, however well he may be equipped in matters concerning India. R. C. TEMPLE. HANDBOOK TO THE SCULPTURES IN THE PESHAWAR MUSEUM, by H. HARGREAVES. 8 x 5 in.; pp. vii+111, with 10 plates. Government of India Press, Calcutta, 1930. This is a revised and much enlarged edition of the Handbook published by the late Dr. Brainerd Spooner in 1909, which has been out of print for many years. Since that delightful little guide was issued the number of sculptures housed in the museum has been doubled, owing to the additions from the finds made during subsequent excavations by Dr. Spooner himself and by Sir Aurel Stein and Mr. Hargreaves at Sahribahlol, Shahjt-ki-dheri, Takht-i-Bahi and Jamalgarhi. These accessions, which have been arranged in the halls and galleries and in some 37 additionst

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1931 CBO, have involved many extra pages of descrip-1 Mr. Ramachandra Dikshitar, who is a Lecturer in tive matter. Moreover, the acquisition of many Indian History in the University of Madras, handles sculptures illustrating legendary scenes not dealt the literary and traditional evidence with discrimi. with in the original guide has necessitated nation and good sense. On the vexed question of the expansion of the chapter (chap. II) devoted Sangam dates his conclusions, though quite reasonto the exposition of the legends that had grown able, are not likely to be accepted yet a final. His up around the life of the Buddha, some fourteen series of parallels (pp.140-176) between Tiruvalluvar's more stories being included. The opportunity Kural and Sanskrit literature is a useful bit of spade has also been taken to prefix & chapter on the work. His references (pp. 178-180) to the "preHistory and Art of Gandhara, which, though brief, historical period " might well have been omitted, is not the least attractive part of the handbook, for neither he nor those whose views he quotes are and to add a short chronology, a bibliography of archaeologists. His account of early Tamil society, works referring to Gandhara and a list of the ex. of town and village life, marriage and other customs, cavations carried out in that ares since 1902-03. dancing, music and other recreations is important, Otherwise the general arrangement, so admirable and it is to be hoped that he will take an early opin its conception, of Dr. Spooner's work has been portunity to develop this line of research in greater preserved ; and it is due to the memory of that detail. brilliant scholar to add that but very few amend- The author's remarks on p. 45 regarding the ments have been found necessary in the explanatory want of properly edited texts of the Sangam classics matter As a result of more recent research in deserve the attention of the University authorities. Buddhist art. To what extent the interpretation Tamil studies have made excellent progress during of the motifs in these Buddhist sculptures is due the past generation, as this book proves, and Tamil to the profound research and fine insight of M. scholars have proved their competence. The time Foucher will be obvious to all who are acquainted is ripe for the systematic editing of these national with the work of that great scholar. heirlooms to be taken in hand. One of the most striking facts emerging from F.J.R. the archaeological and historical records of ancient Gandhara and Udyana is how the legends of the Buddha had, as far back as the days of the early PAIA SADDHA MAHANNAVO (Prakrita Sabha Chinese pilgrima, i.e., in the fifth to seventh MahArpava). centuries of our era, become associated with parti We took cular localities in this distant mountainous region, casion to review the first parts of extending to the Kohistan on the fringes of the this work in the Indian Antiquary. We welcome Hindu Kush, though it is most unlikely that the the fourth part and with it the completion of this Buddha himself over wandered so far afield from important work by our friend, Pandit Harigovinden the lands of Magadha, Videba and Kosala. Was T. Shoth of the Caloutta University. It is an this due to the influence of the great emperor undertaking of magnitude, and the work covers Kanishka, who, after his conversion to Buddhism, very nearly 1,300 pages. It has been well received became such a realous champion of the faith? | by scholars and philologiste, and is likely to be the As suggestive perhape of such. genesis, we have means of advancing the study of Prakrit, and an earlier parallel in the case of the still greater incidentally of Jain Prakrit literature. The last Aboka, owing to whose unique prestige so many volume is provided with critical introduction, sites in other parts of India have been permanently Mesociated with incidents in the life of the great written in Hindi, of Prakrit literature and disteacher. courses on the history of the development of C.E.A.W.O. Sanskritio languages, their classification and provenance. There is much that is of value in the introduction, and the dictionary itself is bound STUDIES IN TAMIL LITERATURE AND HISTORY, by to prove very valuable to students of the Sanskritic V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, M.A. Pp. xii+ languages and philology, apart from Jaina scholars. 324. Luzac & Co. 1930. We congratulate the author upon the completion These "Studies" reproduce in book form & num. of such a useful undertaking by his own unaided ber of "stray writings" contributed by the author efforts. It is to be hoped that the work will to various journals, learned and popular, in recent receive the encouragement that it deserves at years. In three of the seven chapters he discusses the hands of the public, not to pay the author for the "Augustan Age" of Tamil literature, the the labour, which is impossible, but to encourage Sangam poeta and their works; another chapter is useful work of this kind by others, by diminishing devoted to the mystic poeta, Baiva and Vaishnava, of later periods: the remaining three to administra the amount and the extent of the sacrifioe that tive institutions, the art of war and social life in the scholars 80 minded are called upon to make. Sangam age. 8. K. AITANGAR

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Plate. Indian Antiquary. .M. 164-1929 IM. 162-1929 IM. 164.1089 IM. 161-1929 1.M, 165-1929 L.M. 161-1929 LM 163-1929 I.M. 166-1929 1.M. 165-1929

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August, 1931) SOME INDIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES 141 SOME INDIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES. BY K. DE B. CODRINGTON. One of the greatest problems in Indian archaeology is the fact that the available evidence from the classical sites of the north, as excavated and reported by officers of the Archaeological Survey, does not allow of an early dating for Indian culture. In the attempt to go beyond the archaeological evidence, literature has been allowed too much weight: indeed, what may be called "literary antiquarianism" has dominated pure archaeology. Furthermore, the loose dynastio chronology commonly adopted in India has too often been allowed to extend the oonfusion consequent on this critical laxity. For instance, the Archeological Department at various sites, such as Taxila and Bhita, has not odly made use of the term Mauryan, but has labelled certain groups of objeots, considered to be stratigraphically allied, Pre-Mauryan and Primitive. 1 Now, the term Mauryan provides a cufficiently accurate chronology as far as it goes, but it oan only be applied, archeologically speaking, to an extremely limited number of objects: that is to say, to certain rocks, pillars and caves, which are inscribed, and to a few stone sculptures and fragments that are akin to the capitals of the inscribed pillars in design and technique. Mauryan sculpture is usually discussed as a problem of foreign influence, Hellenic or Persian. It is at any rate distinct from the early Indian tradition of sculpture as exemplified by the railing-pillars of Bharhut, Bodh-Gaya and Sanchi, and as developed in Kushan Mathura, and at Amaravati. There are, however, certain intermediate soulptures such as the Parkham Yaksha which preserve the Mauryan technique (i.e., its finely polished surface), but, otherwise, in themselves, must be considered as fore. runners of the sculpture of Bharhut. With regard to sculpture, it is clear that the term Mauryan can only be applied justly to work that is comparable in design and technique with the Asokan capitals. A proper knowledge of Indian pottery would doubtless enable us to speak of a "Mauryan culture," in the proper arohaeological sense, but at present we do not possess sufficient knowledge to do so. In the face of this want of knowledge, the usual antiquarian inclination to acoept an earlier rather than a later date, makes itself evident. The problem of dating Indian terracottas is, therefore, admittedly one of the greatest difficulty. All that can be done is to compare them to the very few other terracottas which have been stratigraphically placed in a more or less definite period, or, where this is not possible, to compare them with the soulptures. Difference of material makes the latter prooedure hazardous, but in most cases it is the only possible method of investigation. Be-, cause a terracotta is unlike anything else recorded, it must not be taken for granted, in the present state of our knowledge, that it is "Pre-Mauryan " or " Primitive." Exceedingly primitive olay-horses are offered to-day at certain Indian shrines, and rough clay toys have been popular at all times. Four main groups of material for the direct comparison of terracotta figurines must be kept in view : I. Two figurines were found on the level of the brick floor, which lies two feet above the plinth of the southern of the two Rampurva pillars. The first is said to be a rabbit, but is more like an exaggeratedly plump cow. The body is hollow, the head, legs and tail being applied. The figure is three inches high and is said to be of "the rudest kind," although the fabrio is not described. The second is a bridled horse, four inches high, the applied bridle and eyes being ornamented with impressed dots. II-A. In the British and Madras Museums there are groupe of figurines from Nilgiri graves, mostly from pot-covers, some of which have been illustrated by Bruce Foote and in 1 Recapitulated with regard to terracotta figurines by Salmony, Rev. des Arts Arias., No. II, V Annee, p. 99. See also my criticism of this terminology at Bhit& in Man, 1929, No. 101. Arch. Sur. Rep., 1907-08, figs. 1 and 2.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Augusy, 1931 Plates XXXVI, XXXVII, and XXXVIII of Breek's Primitive Tribes of the Nilgiris. These are roughly modelled figures of men, women and animals, dogs, horse, Sambar, etc. The decoration of the pots, which are of complicated ringed formg, is accomplished by free use of stick-work, impressed as well as etched. The figures are modelled with the hands, only the details of the features, clothing and jewellery being sticked-in : necklaces, waistbelts and cloths are thus rendered by means of chevron- or cross-hatching, and the backs and horns of buffaloes are decorated in the same way. The spotted coats of dogs and the eyes of most of the figures, though not all, are rendered by means of impressed circles, a reed or tube of some kind having been used. One of the male figures wears the classio Indian double garland, the channapira. B. A group of terracotta figurines was excavated near the surface at the Bhir Mound, Taxila, among them a toy borse, 4 inches long.. The eyes of this boast are incised with the same reed-like instrument, and are also probably applied to the head, but the illustration is not detailed enough to make this plain, and no technical description is given. The date Ascribed to these finds is "late Mauryan." C. A few fragmentary terracottas were excavated in the monastery-mound at Shahji-ki-Dheri, a Graeco-Buddhist-site with Gupta surface-finds. Among these, four are noteworthy. Fig. a. 8, Plate XV, which is apparently the "grotesque terracotta figurine No. 16 " of the list of finds, is a crudely moulded figure, which may well have been the handle of a pot-cover. The arms, which jut out from the shoulders, with no attempt at modelling, are broken off. The figure wears & conical cap. The nose is literally pinched out of the clay. The eyes consist of applied circles, cut with a reed-like instrument, the pupils being marked by small impressed dots. Round the neck is applied a close-fitting collar, ornamented with a single row of impressed dots. Fig. b. 6 of the same plate (No. 45 of the list of finds ?), the figure of a horse, has eyes produced on the same way, and also Fig. b. 1 (No. 19 ?). In the centre of the top row of objects illustrated on Plate XVI a, there is a terracotta elephant which does not seem to be included in the list of finds. Its eyes and a band, or crupper, which passes horizontally round the body, are rendered in the same way. III. At Bas&rh numerous terracottas were excavated, which are attributed in the Archaeological Survey Report to the "Kushan, Sunga and even the Maurya age," though it is confessed that the evidence for the attribution of certain strata at this site to the Mauryan period is not plentiful. A few of the many seals found are described as Mauryan on palaeographical grounds, but apart from the difficulty of comparing the script of clay seals with inscriptions in stone, the term "Mauryan " has always been very loosely applied in Indian epigraphy. One fragment of polished stone of Mauryan type was, however, unearthed. In squares V. 19 and V. 21 a number of figurines were found, which Sir John Marshall described as Sunga or possibly Mauryan, with Persian affinities. The alleged Persian affinities are based on certain winged figures, which, however, are purely Indian in type and detail. These attenuated figures, some of them on lotus-bases, are most closely related to the sculpture at Sanchi.8 The treatment of jewellery, drapery, and, in fact, the whole pose is typical of the later work of the Early Period. They are very different from the robust work at Bharhut, and have nothing in common with the colossal Yaksha sculptures which are generally, and 3 Brit. Mus. Brooks and Elliot Collections. My attention was drawn to these figurines by Mr. Balakrishnan Nayar, who has catalogued them. See Footo, Cal. Madras Museum, Nos. 539 and 542. + Arch. Sur. Rep., 1912-13, p. 42, Pl. XXXIX e, 5. 5 Arch. Sur. Rep., 1910-11, p. 30, Pls. XV and XVI. * There is a small group of terracotta figurines in the Louvre from du Mesnil du Buisson's excavations at Mishrifle, Homs, Syria, labelled circa third century A.D., which correspond very closely with theso Indian figurines. 7 Arch. Sur. Rep., 1913-14. & See my Ancient India, p. 33 (odpa 3).

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August, 1931 ] SOME INDIAN TERRACOTTA TIGURINES 143 Teasonably, regarded as being the forerunners of the sculpture of the Early Period, intervening between it and the work of the Mauryan period, which, as has been pointed out, is known to us only by means of the pillar capitals. The little female head which is catalogued 28: "Head and shoulders of a human figure standing under a flowering tree. Found B. 42 c. 2, 16' B' deep ; No. 518," is of the greatest importance. 10 Its actual context is not given in the report, but the depth at which it was found is extreme for the site. Salmony 11 points out that the alleged tree is really part of a complicated flowered head-dress; the moulded face and body, with its complex textile pattern corresponds closely with Fig. B, and it will be noted that the "Powers" of the head-dress are formed by impressed circles. No details of fabric are available. No. 409 of the catalogue is a figure of the same type, also moulded, but from a very much more complicated-mould, the design being very naturalistically manipulated. The impression seems to have been taken and left untouched, all the details being in the mould. It was found at a depth of fifteen feet (B. 40 a). A second group of figurines from this site are obviously of importance, though, unfortunately, they have been left unillustrated. In Z. 11, at a depth of five feet, Nos. 717 and 747, were found, and are described as figurines of coarse workmanship, the eyes being represented by circles. These oocurred at the same level as a seal which is ascribed palaeographically to the fourth century, though with what definite standard of comparison it is not stated. The terracottas found above this stratum are clearly fifth-sixth century. At the same depth in X. 16 were found Nos. 693 and 742, which are said to be of the same type, as also are said to be Nos. 641 and 642 from W. 17, depth 3' 6'. In the latter area, &" Mauryan" seal, ascribed more definitely to third-first century B.O., was also found at a depth of 6'3", but, it is said, out of oontext. The alleged Sunga (so0ond oentury B.C.) terracottas of fine fabric, here ascribed to the late first century B.C., were found in V. 19 and V. 21 at a depth of four to six feet. IV. Gupta fifth and sixth century terracottas are well represented. They have been found at Basarh in context with fifth oentury seals (A.S.R., 1903-04, Plate XXXIX), at Besnagar (A.S.R., 1913-14, Plates LVIII and LIX), and in large quantities at Bhita (A.S.R., 1911-12, Plates XXV to XXVII). The actual fabric is seldom very fine, and according to the Survey Reports a red slip or paint is very commonly used as a surface finish. It is impossible to comment on these figurines as illustrated in the Survey Reports. It is evident that they follow the stone sculptures closely and are in fact often iconographical. In other words, they fall into knowntypes and cannot easily be confused with earlier work. At Bhita (Plate XXIII), the Survey classification, which seems to be based on what is, unfortunately, a very confused classification of the pottery, allocates & few figurines to the "Sunga-Andhra " and Kushan periods. 13 Those illustrated would seem to be all crude examples of Gupta work. Recently a large group of terracotta figurines appeared on the market, eventually finding their way into various museums. These Coomaraswamy compared to the terracottas of the so-called Indo-Sumerian culture of Harappa and Mohenjo Daro, 4000-3000 B.C.13 Certain of them are very primitive, in the sense that they are very crude. Coomaraswamy points out that his Fig. I wears the crossed garland, channavira, but he does not say that this ornament is essentially Indian and iconographical, and therefore does not hesitate to date the figure and millenium B.C., under the title " Indo-Sumerian."1. It must be noted, * Certain of the colossal Yakshas have the bright polish of the Aboka pillars 10 Plate XLV S. 11 Loc. cit., p. 100. 19 Man., 1929, No. 101. The Early Period terracotta plaque, Fig. 17 of Plate XXIII, is, of course, excepted. As also Figs. 29 and 31, animals' boods, which show the applique technique, and Fig. 40 hereafter to be discussed. Figs. 34 and 35 are late Gupta (sixth century). 13 Cortain of these, which represent grotesque masks and women in odrls, and are of a light-red fabric, can only be regarded as modern. 1. Boston Mw. of Fine Arts Bulletin, Dec. 1927.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1931 however, that at the moment the term "Indo-Sumerian " has very little reality for us and that this figure is not exactly parallelled by anything as yet extracted from the complicated stratigraphy of the two sites in question. Coomaraswamy so ascribes a high antiquity, under the title of Pre-Mauryan, to a group of terracottas which are distinguished by the fact that the faces are moulded, and from kindred, if not identical, moulds, and that much of the decoration is applied. Detailed descriptions of other figures of this group are given below. As has been said, Salmony points out that they have a close parallel in one of the many terracotta figurines from Basarh, which are all definitely of the Early Period (third-first century B.C.), being found in association with numerous seals. Just as Coomaraswamy's "Indo-Sumerian " figurine wears the iconographical channavira, Bo the dressing of the hair of these figures is directly comparable to the double and treble plaits of the Sanchi bracket figures; the likeness is undeniable.16 Moreover, the moulded features are typically Indian, approaching to the Kushan model rather than to that of the early Yaksha figures. Dr. Coomaraswamy attributes certain of these figurines to Taxila and Mathura, but, it would seem, upon no very certain evidence. They are certainly from northern India, and probably from north-western India. There is a small fragment of the upper part of a figurine in the British Museum which closely resembles them: this was found in the Bannu district. The following five figurines have been recently woquired by the India Museum, South Kensington - FEMALE FIGURINE. H. 57 in. W. 21 in. I.M. 161-1929. . The material is a hard grey stoneware which has been well-fired, but in this case is very weathered. As with the following six figurines the technique nised is threefold. The face has been moulded. The jewellery, head-dress (here missing), and hair have been modelled separately and applied. The features have then been worked over with a pointed instrument, and also certain details of the jewellery, which are further embellished with circular impressed dots. The figure is represented standing, but has been broken at knee-level. In front it holds in both hands what seems to be a bowl of fruit or rice balls (pinda). It wears heavy bangles, & wide and massive belt, a long neck-chain and two necklaces. The applied details of the head-dress have fallen away, but the hair is dressed in three plaits tied at the bottom and ornamented with flowers or perhaps jewelled studs. This form of hairdressing is directly comparable with the fashions portrayed on the Sanchi gateways. The jewellery also accords with the known Indian styles of the Early Period (third-first century B.C.). In spite of the rather childish overlaying of the applied details, which are put on very much 88 clothes are put on a doll, the moulded features have nothing primitive about them. FEMALE HEAD. H. 21 in. W.24 in. I.M. 162-1929. The fabric of this head is of a closer texture than that of I.M. 161-1929. There are also traces of a black metallic looking "slip," or rather paint of an oily nature. The head-drese and the final working-up is very much more complicated than in the last figure. The hair seems to be dressed in bicorn fashion, a head-cloth being draped over it, considerable care having been devoted to the representation of its decorated border and of its folds on either side. Some sort of frontlet worn above the forehead seems to be intended, although its appearance rather suggests negro curls. The figure seems to have been clothed in a highly decorative garment, which came up to the neck, and wore large disc earrings of a type common in the sculptures of the Early Period. The borders of the head-drees have been im pressed with a reed-like tubular instrument, which leaves deep-cut rings with slightly depressed centres, a row of these having been made on two stripe of clay, which have then been applied to the head. In the same way each of the larger circles has been cut and 15 The same dotail of multiple plaita seems to be preserved in two crude terracottas from made ground on the Sootforth Estato in Salem District. These are Noe. 192 K and 192 L of Foote's Catalogue, and are illustrated on Platos 21 and 22. The fabric is reported as "palo rod.... Dare and very friable."

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AUGUST, 1931 1 SOME INDIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES 145 applied separately. This figurine is closely duplicated by Salmony's Fig. 4, Plate XXX. R2. des Arts Asiat., No. II, V Annee. See also his Fig. 5, Plate XXXI, and Coomaraswamy's Fig. 3 (loc. cit.). All these heads are closely comparable with this head and with the other heads of this group, the same mould probably having been used for the face in each case. I.M. 165--1929 being the best impression. The existence of these duplicates and the state of the figures with reference to the falling away of applied parts suggests that their source was some sort of factory site. FEMALE HEAD. H. 34 in., Greatest width 21 in. I.M. 163-1929. The fabrio of this head is the same as that of I.M. 162-1929. The figure is without arms, and has been broken diagonally across the waist. The applied head-dress, part of the hair. plait and jewellery have fallen away. FEMALE HEAD. H. 21 in., W. 14 in. I.M. 164-1929. The fabric of this head is identical with that of I.M. 162 and 163--1929. In this example the details of the moulded face are clearly shown. The lips, pupils and eyelids are all boldly cut; the hair is naturalistically treated, being parted in the middle; over it some kind of ornament is represented by two rows of raised dots, as also in I.M. 162-1929. The earrings have fallen away. The three plaits of hair are ornamented with impressed ciroles. There is a heavy neoklace. The neck is very clumsily modelled, the result of the application of the moulded face to the modelled body. This head shows the surface finish admirably : it overlies the clay in a thin coat, which flakes away under the point of a knife. It is spread very evenly, but in places does not seem to penetrate into the interations of the applied details. It is, indeed, somewhat thicker on the protruding surfaces, as if it had been brushed on, rather than achieved by dipping. FEMALE HEAD. H. 31 in., W. 27 in. I.M. 165-1929. The parted hair is clearly shown and above it some kind of coronet is represented as in the other heads. The triple plait is preserved, and the heavy double-coil of the right earring, but the left earring has been broken away. Parts of a heavy garland remain round the neck above the breasts; this is ornamented with transverse bands of small impressed circles. FEMALE HEAD. H. 2 in., W. 1} in. I.M. 166--1929. The triple plait is ornamented with large impressed ciroles. The earrings are both broken away. The applique technique of these terracottas and the use of improseed ciroles in the rendering of the eyes and decorative details, have been found to be common to widely spread groups of Indian figurines. Examples have been quoted (6) from Rampurva, where they were found two feet above the plinth of a Mauryan pillar; (ii) from the Bhir Mound at Taxila, where they were found near the surface, a context which suggests the latter part of the Early Period (first century B.C.); and (iii) from ShAh-ji-ki-Dheri, a Graeco-Buddhist site, continuing into the fifth century. These features also oocur in the Nilgiri figurines, with such convincing identity with the Northern Indien examples, that a late date and northern contacte must be admitted for the graves from which they come. It is difficult to suggest an end-point for this technique. It did not survive into the Gupta period, and, moreover, the bulk of the Kushan and Gandharan figurines seem to be moulded. The ShAh-ji-ki-Dheri examples are, however, probably second century A.D. At Babarh the moulded technique prevails and the terracottas 88 a whole are finer, approximating very closely to the sculptures in stone : circa 100 B.o. is an acceptable date. The figurines under discussion partake technically of both these traditions, but they belong to the finer Basarh class, rather than to the more crude group. Their technique and the details of the hairdressing and jewellery, besides the Basdrh parallel quoted by Salmony, all point to late second-first century B., their date of origin.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1931 NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. By Pror. 9. H. HODIVALA, M.A. (Continued from page 132.) Churruck Poojah.-Mr. Crooke has given references to some other old descriptions, but a very long and very graphic account, as also one of the earliest, is to be found in Barbosa : [c. 1516.) "If any young maiden," he writes," would marry a youth on whom she has set her fancy, she makes & vow to her god that if he will arrange for her marriage, she will do him a great servioe before giving herself to her husband, If her wish is fulfilled. she tells him that before giving herself to him, she must offer to such and such a god to whom she has promised to make an offering of her blood. Then , they take a great ox: cart and set up therein a tall water-lift ... at the end of which hang two very sharp iron hooks ... They let down the long arm of the lift and push the hooks into her loins through skin and flesh. Then they put a small dagger into her left hand, and from the other end, cause the arm of the lift to rise... She remains hanging from the lift with the blood running down her legs, but shows no signs of pain, nay, she waves her dagger most joyfully, throwing limes at her husband." -The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, 220-2. Tavernier also witnessed the rito at Malda on the 8th of April (1666] and has given a pen picture of what he saw.-Travels, ed. Ball, II, 264. Cobra do Capello.-The following use of this word is older than the earliest (1523) in Hobson-Jobson. fo. 1516.) "In this kingdom of Cannanore) in some of the great rivers are found also certain great lizards which devour men... and in the land among the woods and thickets are found certain serpents which the Indians call Murcas, and we call them Cobras de Capelo (hooded snakes) for they make a hood over their heads. They are very poisonous." -The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, II, 83. Cobra Manilla.--[c. 1516.) "There is yet another kind of snake even more poisonous [than the Cobra de Capelo) whioh the natives oall Madalis. Such is their renown, that they kill in the very act of biting, so that the person bitten cannot utter a single word nor turn him round to die." --The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, II, 83. Mr. Dames says the name is Mandal' in the Spanish version and Mandali' in Ramubio, and that Payyana Mandali is the name by which Russell's viper is known. Lockyer's explanation of the name is most probably an example of 'striving after meaning,' and seems to be founded on the fact that the Portuguese word for 'bracelet' is manilha (Hobson-Jobson, ed. 1903, p. 558). Conbalingua.- This word rarely ocours in the writings of English travellers, and all the illustrative extracts in Hobson-Jobson are from continental writers. But it is found in Bowrey, who gives a long and very interesting list of the fruits of the Malay Peninsula : [c. 1679.) "This countrey (Achin) affordeth severall excellent fruites, namely Duryans, Mangastinos, Oranges the best in India or South Seas, comparable with the best of China, Lemons, Limes, Ramastines (Rambutan) ... Mirablines (Myrobalan], Bolangos, Monnoone plums, [Zizyphus Jujuba or ber], Pumple Mooses, &o., and the trees beare fruite both green and ripe all the yeare alonge."-Countries round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Sir R, Temple, p. 323. Here 'Bolangos ' is evidently "a curtailment of Conbalingua,'" as the editor has pointed out. Congeo.-The first English writer quoted in Hobson-Jobson is Fryer (1673). [1622.] "Have been endeavouring to prooure the goods required 'butt all this tyme itt hath beene soe extreame raynes thatt neather beater cann beate, washer can give Congee nor 3 Molesworth, in his Mardth Dictionary, gives " Maner or manydr. A snake of a venomous kind, Cobra Manilla."--C.E.A.W.O., JOINT-EDITOR.

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AUGUST, 1931] NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON 147 wee looke upon nill.'"-Letter from Ahmadabad to Surat Factory, English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1622-23), p. 109. Cossimbazar.- Castle Buzaar' and 'Cossimbazar' are both Anglicised and corrupt forms. According to Jarrett, the original name was 'Kazihattah(), Qazi's Hat, i.e., Qazi's Market or Bazar, and this is the form which occurs in the Ain-i-Akbart, where Qazihatta is listed as one of the mahals of the sarkar of Barbakabad in Bengal.-Text, pp. 388, 404; trans. by Jarrett, II, pp. 120 and note, and 137. Cowry. Here are two English examples earlier than those quoted by Yule: [c. 1610.] Nicholas Ufflet (who was with Hawkins) says: 'for your pice in Agra [you may have] 30 Caures, a kind of fish shell come out of Bengala.'-Quoted in English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1630-33), p. 275 note, from Factory Records, Miscell., vol. XXV. [1632.] "And att Agra, they have little shells called Cowrees, whereof 50 or 60 to a pice accordinge to the Bazare."-Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. Temple, II, 311. Crotchey, Kurachee.-The identifications of Arrian's Krokala and of As-Suyuti's Kirakh or Kiraj with Karachi are both exceedingly problematical, but there can be no such doubt about the following references to this town, which occur in the Muhit of Sidi 'Ali Kapudan, which is so frequently quoted by Yule. [1554.] "If you wish to go from Rasolhadd [our Rosalgat, q.v. Hob.-Job., 769] to Diulsind, you steer E. N. E. till you come to Pasani or near it; from thence to Dairai Barr, that is to say, E. by S. till Ras Karashi, where you come to an anchor, waiting for the fishing boats with which you enter the port." And again, [1554.] "If you guess that you may be drifting to Jaked [Jagat] you must take beforehand your precautions and endeavour to reach from the Coast of Makran, either the port of Kalmata or Kawader or Kachi [Kij] Makran; Bandar Kawader is the place where cocoanuts grow; or you must try to go to Karaushi or Khor Diul Sind, that is to say, the port of Lahori, to get rid of the fear of Jaked." Op. cit., trans. Von Hammer, JASB., 1836, pp. 459, 463. I am not aware of attention having been drawn to these passages in any of the numerous works on Sind. Cubeer Burr.-The Banyan tree described by Pietro della Valle is explicitly said by that author to have been within the environs of the town of Surat, but "on another side of the city" than the 'Gopi Telau-the Tank or 'Poole of Gopi.' (Travels, ed. Grey, I, 35.) Mr. Grey must be, therefore, mistaken in identifying it with the Cubeer Bur,' because that well-known specimen of the Ficus indica is situated, as Sir Henry Yule correctly says, " on an island of the Nerbudda, some 12 miles N. E. of Broach," Broach itself being about 30 miles north of Surat. Thevenot explicitly says that the Banyan tree which was worshipped by the Hindus in Surat was a hundred or hundred and fifty paces from the Garden of the Princess, Aurangzeb's sister in that town.-Travels into the Levant, Eng. trans. of 1687, Part III, p. 25. Cucuya, Cucuyada.-This word does not occur in Portuguese writers only. It is found in Thevenot, who has something new to say about its origin. [1667.] "For avoiding any mischance that may happen upon that account, the Poleyas cry incessantly when they are abroad in the fields, ' Popo,' to give notice to the Naires who may be there not to come near. If a Naire hear the word 'Popo,' he answers (crying) Coucouya, and then the Poleya knowing that there is a Naire not far from him, turns aside out of the way, that he may not meet him."-Travels into the Levant, Part III (Eng. trans., 1687), p. 89.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1931 Cuddy-An early use of this word is quoted below : "They being on board, their men in our misor shrouds, I left the deck and came into the Kuddy."- English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1661-4), p. 192. Cunohunee.-Yule's earliest quotation from a European writer is from Bernier, but the word ooours earlier in Pelsaert as well as in Mundy. f1628.) "Other Olasses fof dancers) are named 'horokenis and hentainis, who have various styles of singing and dancing, but who are all alike accomodating people."--Remonatrantie, trans. Moreland and Geyl, p. 83. The learned editor suggests that " Horckenis' may represent the sub-oaste Harakiya 'and Hentrinis is presumably formed from 'hansna' (to laugh) and may be a recognised description or merely & nickname." But wisi hurakni is given in Fallon's Dictionary and means a dancing girl or harlot'; and Mr. Crooke oites a proverb which runs thus : Huga, Sukka, hurkani, Gujar aur Jat In mon afak kaha, Jagannath kd bhdt. "Pipe, tobacco, courtesan, the Gujar and the Jat are all one, like the rice of Jagannath's temple whioh all castes may eat together."-Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces, II, 448. See also ibid., 498. I venture to suggest that 'Hentainis' is & misreading or copyist's error, and that Pelsaert wrote, or meant to write, Kentainis, i.e., kanchanis; and that this is the correot explanation appears clearly from the following passage in Mundy : (1632.) "There are also deunoeinge wenches, of whom there are divers sorte, as Lullenees, Haroanees, Kenchances and Doomenees (all whoores though not in soe publique & manner) beinge of severall Oastes and use different manner of musiok."-Travels of Peter Mundy, od. Sir R. Temple, II, 216. Curnum.-Yule cites only a late use of this word. Here is an early one : [1633.] "He promised to see that Carnam Vinoots (i.., Venkata) discharged his debt, but this is not yet performed."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster, 1630-33, p. 278. Cuscuss, Cass. [1632.) "In Agra men of qualitie, in tyme of heat, have little roomes accomodated after the manner oalled Okusse Connaee, where they sitt Coole, haveinge also a great artificiall fanne of linnen, which hanges downe from aloft, and by pulling from without side, it swings forward and backward caweeing a great deale of ayre within side. Of theis Ckusse Connaes wee have one att the English howe."--Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. Temple, II, 191. Deloll.-This familiar word is first found in a mutilated form in Varthema : [c. 1510] "The merchants [in Caliout] have this oustom when they wish to bell or purchase their merchandise that is, wholesale : They always sell by the hands of the cortor or of the Lella, that is, of the broker."-Travels of L. di Varthema, trans. Badger, p. 168. Dr. Badger suggests that cortor'is & contraction of the Portuguese Mercador and that 'Lella' is a corruption of daliai. Dewallee.-The earliest English illustration in Hobson-Jobson is of 1671, but there is a much earlier European description in Barbosa : fc. 1616.) "No Nayre woman may go into the towns under pain of death, save once only in the year for which one special night is set apart.... On this night, more than twenty thousand women, all Nayres go in, for the most part, in Caliout. In their honour, the dwellers in the city set out many lamps in the streets, and the houses of the principal persons are hung with Carpets and decorated with rich fabrics."--The Book of Duarte Bar. bosa, trans. Dames, II, 50. The translator says the special night is the Tubd-udvre, New moon day in the month of Pulam (October-November), which corresponds to the Dipavali season.

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August, 1931) NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON 149 [1632.] "Then Deewally, a holly tyme among the Hindooes, when they sett Lamps and lights in their windowes and tarrasses, etts."--The Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. Temple, II, 220. See also ibid., p. 146. Dhoty. In the illustrative quotations, dhoti, 'waist cloth,' and dogi (Dutties), '& coarse cloth for making and mending sails,' are mixed up together. The two words are quite distinct. The t in the first is dental, in the second cerebral. The first is derived from dhond, to 'wash,' cf. dhobi ; the second from the Pers. do or da, 'two,' and tah (-3), 'fold, ply.' Dota, dota and dotah (3,5 gw ,>>) are given by Richardson, and signify double,'' two-fold' (Persian Dict., 8.v.) Dhurna. In the first series of these notes, I gave a description from Idrisi. I now give a passage from Varthema, which bears an extraordinary resemblance to another from Ibn Batuta quoted by Yule, 8.0. Doai. [1503-8.) "And when any one ought to receive money from another merchant, . i they [scil. the people of Calicut] observe this practice. Let us suppose the case that some one has to pay me twenty-five ducats, and the debtor .... does not pay them;I...i shall take a green branch in my hand, shall go softly behind the debtor and with the said branch shall draw a circle on the ground surrounding him, and if I can enclose him in the circle, I shall say to him .... three times ....'I command you by the head of the Brahmins and of the King, that you do not depart hence until you have paid me and satisfied me ....And he will satisfy me, or truly he will die there without any other guard. And should be quit the said circle, and not pay me, the King would put him to death."Travels of L. di Varthema, trans, Badger, pp. 147-8. Doal, Dwye. The following two quotations would seem to support the suggested Sanskritic origin of this exclamation. [1639.] "Where with much trouble wee gott the Braming together, for the Seladar was fayne to send the harkara into their chambers with the King's daray er wee could gett them out. And after they were out hee gave them harsh words, with vild names commanding them and all the rest of the assemblie in the King's name not to goe out of the place till they had made a conclusion of our business."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1637-41), p. 175. -1673.1 "They set a Deroy on the Factory, which is a prohibition in the King's name for any one to have anything to do with them till that be taken off."--Fryer's New Account of East India and Persia, ed. Crooke, I, 90. See also ibid., pp. 91 and 251. Donoy, Dhony (Tony]. -Mr. Crooke could find no illustration from an English author earlier than 1860. [1622.) "The latter [the Dutch at Pulicat] sent one of their tonges to overtake the New Zealand with the intelligence, and Mills sent a briefe note to the President by that conveyance."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1622-23), p. 154. Doombur.-(The earliest use by an English author quoted by Yule is of 1828.) [1632.1 "Have provided a quantity of runds,.... and 'a fowo dumba sheepe for your piscashes and howse provision.'"-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1630-33), p. 211. Dubber.-(The earliest English illustration in Hobson-Jobson is of 1673.) [1619.) "Have been prevented from sending dubas for the butter."-Thomas Kerridge at Surat to the Factors at Broach, English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1618-1621), p. 123. 11622.1 "Butter and meal should be forwarded yearly to Batavia. The former muet be put into casks, not sent in dubbers."-Ibid. (1622-3), p. 115; also pp. 8 and 257; and ibid. (1624-29), p. 13. (To be continued.)

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1931 THE NAME OF THE KHAROSTHI SCRIPT. BY JEAN PRZYLUSKI. AMONG the tutelary deities of the towns of North-West India, the Mahdmdytri mentions the yaksa Kharaposta, whose name is rendered in Chinese as hide of donkey.' Khara means 'donkey' in Indo-Aryan, but posta is wanting in Sanskrit dictionaries. While discussing the allied word pustaka, Gauthiot showed that its origin should be sought in Iranian post (Avest. pasta, Pehl. post, Pers. pist), 'skin' or 'hide. Skt. pusta or pustaka, manuscript,' is derived from an Iranian word denoting skin or hide,' because pustaka, was at first a 'manuscript on skin or hide,' the use of which spread from Persia to NorthWest India. On the Lion Column at Mathura, we read the name of the royal prince 'Kharaosta Yuvardja,' son of Mahachatrava Rajula and brother of Chatrava Sudasa. The name of the yaksa Kharaposta and that of the yuvaraja Kharaosta: ape doubtless superposable: the latter, like the former, means skin of donkey.' Posta being a word of Iranian origin, the compounds Khara posta, Kharaosta might not have been intelligible to uneducated Indians. It was therefore tempting to substitute for the second element of Kharaosta an Indian word understood by all, and this word might have been ontha 'lip.' In fact, tradition knows of a tri called Kharostha, lip of donkey,' to whom the invention of the Kharosthf script was ascribed. Kharostha, formed of Khara toptha, might well have been the Indian corruption of the Iranian compound Kharaosta : popular etymology might have replaced the ancient saint called 'Hide of donkey' by the saint Lip of donkey.' If this be granted, the highly disputed question of the origin of the name of the Kharosthi script appears in a new light. If the name of the saint to whom the invention of this script was attributed is traceable to an original Khara posta, the form kharopthi should have the same origin. Historically, this induction is completely satisfactory. The documents in Kharostbi soript, which have come to us from Central Asia, are often written on the hide of the camel or more rarely on the hide of the horse or of the donkey. Donkeys being particularly numerous in North India, their hide should have been used more commonly in this region than that of horses or camels. We can easily see that Kharosthi may have in the past denoted writing on the hide of the donkey, on kharaposta. In a paper which provoked a sharp discussion, Mong. Sylvain Levi had tried to prove that Kharosthi was derived from a geographical name Kharostra which itself is formed of khara+utra 'donkey and camel,' and which (according to Levi) was an ancient designation of the town Kashgar. Two years later, without giving up his postulate concerning the origin of the word Kharosthi, M. Sylvain Levi abandoned the connection he had proposed between Kharosta and Kashgar, and showed that Khotan had, equally with Kashgar, claims to be considered as the regular equivalent of Kharostra. This last word, in short, would denote the vaguely defined tract " which modern geography includes roughly under the name of Turkestan." * A translation of the article published in French at pp. 48-48, JRAS., January 1930, with the kind permission of the author and of the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, by L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar, M.A., B.L. 1 Cf. Sylvain Levi, "The Goographical Catalogue of the yakya in the Maldmdyart," JA., 1916, 33rd verso, and for the explanation of the name, p. 58 of the offprint ; pould of verso 33 should ovidently be corrected to posto. : MSL., xix, 1915, p. 130. 3 On the olision of intervocal p in Prakrit, cf. Piachel, Gr. Prk. Sp. $ 188. + Sylvain Levi, in BEFEO., 1904, pp. 48-9. 6 CI, BEFEO., 1902. "The Script Kharopter and ita cradle," ibid., 1904, p. 41,

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August, 1931) PRAY ASCITTA, OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIATION OF SIN 151 It is unnecessary to discuss here the location of the Land of Donkeys and Camels' (Kharostra-desa). It is enough for me to point out that the script called Kharosthi was not introduced into India from Turkestan, and that we could not therefore derive its name from a geographical expression denoting the regions of Khotan and Kashgar. This does not mean that the speakers may never have confused Kharosthi and Kharostra. The plays of popular etymology are varied. Under & colloquial form like kharot thi, the normal equivalent of kharosthi, one could conceive as well a word like kharori as kharon hi ; the former term would suggest khara-ustra. In their ignorance of historical actuality, certain Chinese authors may have preferred kharors, which suggested the idea of the land of donkeys and of camels.' Supplementary Noto. While reviewing in T'oung Pao, 1921, p. 172, an article from the pen of R. D. Banerji on The Kharosthi Alphabet (JRAS., 1920, p. 193 ff.), Mons. Paul Pelliot has noted : (1) that the Chinese transcription by Houei-yuan implies an original like *kharostrag ; (2) that in the language of the Avesta we have aostra by the side of dosta for 'lip '; (3) that we find a form kharusts in Mekhitar of Aeriwank. All this would show that, during certain epoche, forms like Kharogtra were current and that they might have been explained as "lip of donkey " or otherwise. But the original value of the term kharosthi is quite a different problem, which could not be solved by popular etymologies like "lip of donkey " or " donkey and camel." PRAYASCITTA, OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIATION OF SIN. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS). Prayasoitta is & Sanskrit word, which has been taken over like many others into the modern Aryan languages of India. It is defined variously e penance,' 'expiation, atonement,' punishment, and so on. The idea expressed by all these different words is identical, the difference being only of degree rather than of kind. The word 'penance in English means an ecclesiastical punishment imposed for a certain sin, or the suffering to which an individual subjects himself as an expression of his repentance; whereas "expiation in its strictest sense is simply an act for the atonement of a certain offence, orime or sin ; and hence it is & purificatory rite. As for the other two meanings of prayascitta they need not concern us here in our present study. Prdyascitta may be, and is, demanded for all sins and crimes against the moral, religious and legal oodes of the Hindus. Therefore to understand what prayascitta means it is necessary to have an idea of the Hindu conception of sin. The Laws of Manu give us a detailed description of the different kinds of sins and crimes without making any very sharp distinotion between a sin and a crime. According to Manu almost all crimes, at least those of a graver nature, are those which offend the dignity of a Brahmana. And the greater the enormity of the crime, whether real or imaginary, the more is the need of a prayascitta ; and if the proper prayascitta be not performed the punishments meted out for such offences are often as severe as it is possible for the Hindu mind to conceive. In one place it is said that those who commit mortal sins (mahapataka) spend a large number of years in dreadful hells of varying stages of torture, and then, when that term of punishment is finished, they are reborn in different insect and animal shapes; and these punishments may easily be avoided by doing certain specified penances. Then Manu goes on to say that "he who steals gold will become a rat .... he who steals honey, & stinging insect; he who steals milk, a crow; he who steals sugaroane, a dog.... (and so on, through a long list]. .... He who deprives another of his property by force, or eats sacrificial offerings of which no sacrifice has been made undoubtedly becomes an animal. Women who This additional note was communicated to me by Prof. Przyluaki after the publication of his paper in JRAS.-L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar (translator). 1 Laws of Manu, xu 54.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUaust, 1931 commit thefts bear corresponding guilt and become the females of the animals above enumerated." All the crimes mentioned above deal with larceny in some form or another, but there are others which are much more serious. According to Hindu law crimes may roughly be divided under three broad headings : crimes against the property of an individual; crimes against the person of an individual ; and crimes against the honour of an individual. To the last group belong sacerdotal crimes and religious crimes or sins. An unfaithful wife, we are told, will become a jackal after death, and publish her shame to the world by howling dismally at night. The soul of a Brahmana, who drinks forbidden spirituous liquors, called surd, will enter the bodies of great and small insecte, moths, carrion-eating birds such a vultures and so on, and destructive animals. Men who take pleasure in inflicting pain become carnivorous animals; those who eat forbidden food become worms; thieves become creatures which devour their own kind, like fish. But more heinous still are crimes committed against the dignity of the twice-born Brahmanas. "He who kills a Brahmana, after a long process through different hells, is to be reborn as a dog, a pig, ass, camel, cow, goat, sheep, stag, bird," etc., and "the worst fate is reserved for those who commit adultery with the wife of a priest or teacher in former times a priest or a teacher was alwaye a Brahmana, and even today the office of a priest is reserved specially for a Brahmana); their souls are to return hundreds of times into grass, shrubs, creeping animals with claws and cruel dispositions." But the religious books of the Hindus say that nearly all these crimes may be atoned for by the person committing them, and a complete or at least a partial remission of the punishments may be obtained. In fact, the same lawgiver says that a man who omits to perform an action prescribed by the Sastras, or one who performs a blameable act, or one whe cleaves to sensual enjoyments, is obliged to perform a penanceand adds that penances are necessary for the sal, of purification, because those whose sins are not expiated are born again with disgraceful marks.8 Whether, however, any of the penances prescribed are applicable to graver crimes committed intentionally is not quite clear. The probability is that they are not. In one place it is said plainly that there can be no prayascitta for intentionally killing a Brahmana, but if the killing is unintentional the slayer must purify himself by erecting a hut in a dense and impenetrable forest and dwelling there for twelve years, subsisting on alms and making the skull of a dead man his drinking vessel. 10 And in modern India the unintentional slayer of a cow or a oalf must live on charity for a period of three or five years, and is not allowed to utter a word, although there does not seem to be any objection to bie making some inarticulate sounds. On the other hand, the slaying of a Sudra is a comparatively petty offence in Hindu eyes; or rather it was till British justice ohanged the whole aspeet. The only punishment prescribed for such an action is the same as for killing a dog, an iguana, & cat, a mungoose, a blue jay, a frog, an owl or a crow, 11 even though the killing be intentional. Some of the prayascittas are severe in the extreme, as for example that for a Brahmana drinking spirituous liquor. If a twice-born intentionally drinks such beverages through delusion of mind, his penance is to drink it again boiling hot; only thus, when his body has been completely scalded by the boiling liquid may he be freed from his guilt 19 ; or, he may drink a concoction of cow's urine, water, milk, clarified butter (ghyta) and cowdung, or any one of these, boiling hot until he dies. 13 Laws of Manu, xu, 55-69, cited by B. Bonnerjes, L'Ethnologie du Bengale (Paris, 1927), pp. 113 f. 3 Latos of Manu, v, 164 ; ix, 30. 1 Cf. Laws of Manu, xii, 66. 5 B. Bonnorjea, op. cit., 114, citing Manu. Ibid. 1 Laws of Manu, xi, 44. Laws of Manu, xi, 52. * Laws of Manu, xi, 90. 10 Law of Mans, zi, 90, 73. 11 Law of Manu, xi, 132. 13 Laws of Mann, ri, 91, 13 Laws of Manu, si, 92,

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August, 1931 ] PRAY ASCITTA, OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIATION OF SIN 153 Manu makes a sharp distinction between intentional and unintentional sins. As a general rule lesser crimes, though intentional, may be atoned for by the performance of certain penances, except, as we have seen, the slaying of a Brahmana or of a cow. We are told that all sages prescribe a prdyascitta for a sin unintentionally committed, and some declare on the evidence of the revealed texts that penanoes may be performed even for intentional sins. And further we hear that a sin unintentionally committed is expiated by the recitation of Vedic texts, while intentional sins may be expiated only by special penances, 14 Not only is there a distinction between intentional and unintentional sins, but also between actual and magical or actual and imaginary sins. The essence of the Hindu caste system as practised at the present day is not so much what he must do and what he must not do, but principally it is that he is forbidden to eat certain kinds of food, the chief of which is beef. A Hindu may still remain a Hindu in spite of all his contrary religious beliefs ; he may be allowed to mix socially with whomsoever he pleases; he may scrupulously avoid attending any Hindu religious worship; and, if a Brahmana, he may even neglect to have his upavita, (sacred thread), when he attains the proper age. There are prayascittas for all of these. But let him once eat beef, or even smell it, for the Sanskrit proverb says: Ghranam arddha bhojanam (Smelling is half eating '), and he becomes an outcaste for ever. Thus a well known case is mentioned of a certain Bengali family which lost its caste through having smelt for. bidden food (beef) being cooked. 15 So strict is this rule about food taboos that it has been said that "the stomach is the seat of Hinduism"; and down to our own times it is a favourite custom of the Muhammadans to make a man lose caste by forcing beef down his throat. The question never arises whether the man so treated was a willing party to it; indeed it is of no importance, even if he resisted to the best of his ability, but the fact which remains indisputable is that he has tasted forbidden food, and is therefore, ipso facto, an outcaste. For such a crime as the eating of beef no prdyascitta is possible. If, however, a man is made an outoaste for some other reasons, he may be reinstated into his former position by feeding a oertain number of Brahmanas, and by other similar means. Many other articles of food are also taboo to the Hindus, but infringement against these taboos may be expiated. In one religious book it is said that food which has been allowed to remain for a certain length of time, that which has got cold, over-cooked, evil-smelling food, food cooked the previous day, leavings from others' plates, and uneatable food, such as certain meats and so on, are acceptable food only to the vicious. 16 And a European scholar, mentioning the food taboos of the Hindus, says: "Fur noch wirksamer als alle aussere Reinigungsmittel gilt der Genuss reiner Speisen ; wer sich in Bezug auf seine Ernahrung rein erhalt, der ist wahrhaft rein, nicht der sich nur ausserlich mit Erde oder Wasser reinigt.... Doch sind nur den Brahmanen alle diese Getranke [i.e., surd and madhu, both spirituous liquors) verboten ; wahrend der Ksatriya und Vaisyo sie teilweise geniessen durfen....Fleischessen und Alkoholismus stehen im Allgemeinen auf gleicher Stufo, doch wird ersteres Vorgehen nicht zu den Todsunden gerechnet, und die Smotis enthalten noch manche Uberreste von den vedischen Tieropfern und einer besseren Auffassung der Ahinsd, welche gewisse Tiere fur essbar erklart. So besagt ein bekannter Memorialvers, dass man bei Empfang eines Ehrengastes, bei einem Opfer und zu Ehren der Manen ein Tier schlachten durfe, sonst aber niemals. Daher sagt Vas. 4.1, ist das Schlachten von Tieren bei einem Opfer kein Schlachten im eigentlichen Sinn: bei M. 5, 48, Vi. 51, 71, ist freilich an die Stelle dieses Satzes der andere getreten: daher muss man den 1. Laws of Manu, xi, 45 f. 16 B. Bonnorjon, op. cit., p. 7, notel, citing J. N. Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Scoto (Calcutta, 1896), pp. 119 f., S. O. Bovo, The Hindu as they are, pp. 171-174, (Sir) 8. H. Risley, The People of India, ed. 1915, p. 116. 16 " Yataydman galera.com puti paryyupitan ca yat Uochiatamapi odmedhyarh Bhojanom idmanapriyam" -Srimadbhagavadgled, xvii, 10 (Aryadharmmegranthdvalt, part i, edited by Abina candra Mukhopadhyays, Calcutta, 1319 (Bengali ora), p. 355).]

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY August, 1931 Fleischgenuss vermeiden.... Von vegetabilischer Nahrung soll man Knoblauch, Lauch, Zwiebeln, Pilze, auf dem Mist gewachsene Pflanzen meiden. Auch von unwurdigen Personen geschenkte, abgestandene Speisen, wie Uberreste einer Mahlzeit, von unreinen Tieren oder Menschen beruhrte Speisen u. dgl. durfen nicht genossen werden."17 Further lentills are taboo to all good Brahmanas, and it is forbidden to partake of food while standing or lying down, in a naked state, or in wet clothes. 18 Another imaginary heinous offence committed by young Hindus in modern times in ever increasing numbers is going to foreign parts, but fortunately this offence can easily be expiated. A traveller is often believed to contract a dangerous infection from strangers, especially if the strangers are of an inferior caste; and therefore, when, at the end of his 80journ in a foreign country, as for example Europe, he returns to his native place, he is required to submit to various purificatory ceremonies before he is allowed to mix freely with his kinsfolk, or before any one of his own caste may mix with him. In the vast majority of cases all he is required to do in order to be purified is to poll his hair--which may nevertheless be retained on payment of & certain sum of money-and by tasting the pancagavya or the five products of the cow. In one case however certain Hindu ambassadors who were sent to England were required to expiate more rigorously. They were considered so polluted by coming in contact with strangers that nothing short of being reborn was held sufficient in their case. A golden yoni was made, and they were obliged to pass through it in order to be reborn ; and they came out stainless as newborn babes. 19 As to what constitutes prayascitta, there are different forms of varying hardships. One of the easiest forms is the reading of certain ancient Sanskrit texts, but it is not quite clear which is the most efficacious.' The Vimu Purana says that whoever listens to the history of Prahlada is immediately cleansed from his sins, and that a man who hears this Purdna obtains the fruit of bathing in the Puskara lake for twelve years in the month of Karttika (Ootober-November). Equally emphatic, if not more, is the Bhagavad-gita about its supposed efficaoy in cleansing all kinds of sins. Here we are told that a man who attentively studies its eighteen chapters attains knowledge and thereafter salvation; if he is unable to read the whole of it but reads only one balf, there is no doubt but that he acquires as much virtue as is attained by the gift of a cow [to a Brahmana); he who reads only a third of it acquires thereby the fruit of bathing in the Ganges; the diligent reader of a sixth part gains as much virtue as though he has performed the soma sacrifice; and finally, he who reads only one chapter daily attains Rudra-loka and lives there happily for a long time. 80. And a little fur. ther on it is said that even if a great sinner is fond of listening to the Gite he will attain Vaikuntha and live there in peace with Visnu.11 Analysing the Gitd text we find that the gift of a cow is regarded as an expiation of the highest order, next to that comes bathing in the Ganges, and the third place is allotted to the soma sworifice. (To be continued.) 17 J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte (Gr. d. indo-ariach. Phil.), pp. 157 1. 18 B. Bonnerjee, "Some Notes on Magic and Taboo in Bengal," The Indian Antiquary, lvii (Bombay, 1928), p. 111. 19 Id., "The Power of Magic in Bengal," The Indian Antiquary, lviii (1929), p. 76 and noto's. Reforonces are given there. 30 Yo'apadalajapo nityam naro nidcalamdnorah JAdnasiddhin sa labhate tato ydzi parans padam (10) Pathe' Geamarthah sampame tatoarddan pdfhamdcaret Tadd goddnajam punyaris labhate ndera sarhayal (11) Tribhdgar paghandnasta garigdondnaphalar' labhet Sarapan japamanauta somaydgaphalam labhes (12) Ekddhydyantu yo nityari pathale bhaktisashyutal Rudralokama dpnoti garo bhdtud vasecciram (13) Srlglidmdhdimyam, 10-13 (Aryadharmmagrantha. valt, pt. i, pp. 413 f).)" 11 " Cherthadravandeakto mahdpd payuto api ud Vaikuntham samavdpnoti vaimund saha modate"-(ibid., 18 (p. 416].)

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AUGUST, 1981) SCRAPS OP TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from p. 118.) 5. Offerings. "At the same time (p. 26) he threw (from the bridge over the Tista) a couple of copper coins into the river as an offering to the deities which dwell there." "Burnt offerings of some sort (p. 282) play a part in all primitive religions. In Lhasa there is a striking instance of this. Some two miles to the south-west of the city on the very summit of a precipitous hill is a gigantic urn, in which very smoky incense is burned every day. It takes several hours to climb this hill, so the wealthier devotees prefer to pay various coolies to carry the incense up for them. But the merit acquired by the act belongs to the donor and not to the poor coolie." In Burma offerings of many kinds on every sort of oocasion are made to the ubiquitous nats : for details see Shway Yoe, The Burman, p. 238 f. [At boat races) " it is necessary to propitiate the guardian spirit of the river and votive offerings are therefore to be made. At the stern of each boat crouches a man, holding with outstretched arms a bunch of plantains, some cooked rice, flowers and betel for the soothing of the water kalpies. Op. cit., p. 357. In E.R.E., III, 26, it is said that "the Kachins [of Burma] give an explanation of the object of animal sacrifices and of the common practice of consuming the flesh of the sacrifice. They say that when they are in trouble, their primeval mother Chang-kho demands the pige and the battle, or she will eat out their lives. So when they are ill, they say 'we must eat to the nats.' The Kaohins have further an illuminating notion of being able to promise the Bacrifice ordered by the tumsa (exorcist) at some future time, if it be not available when ordered. Here we seem to have the embryo of the idea leading to the pictures and effigies, in lieu of actual sacrifice, used by the Chinese and their followers in Indo-China. The principle of the sacrifioe is to give a small portion of the animal or thing sacrificed to the nats and to devour the rest, or to eat up what has been temporarily devoted as an offering. Sometimes only the useless parts of the sacrifice are offered. . i. Absolute sacrifice, though uncommon on any considerable scale, is not unknown. . .On a small scale absolute sacrifice is common enough." Dropping trifling offerings into rivers, lakes and the sea is & corrmon practice in India. E.g., "Hindus, especially women, of Lower Bengal, on going on a pilgrimage by river or sea, generally drop a few coppers into the water as an offering to Buddha Udin [Badru'ddin Aulia of Chittagong] saying, 'Daryd kd panch paise, Buddhar, Buddhar' (the Sea's five pence, Badr, Badr)." (Journal, Burma Research Society, XV, 3.) See also pp. 11, 13: "The song which Muhammadan boatmen sing on the Ganges, and which ends with the words 'SariGanga, Panch Pir, Badt, Badr, Badr.' Here we seem to have the origin of the women's custom . ii of dropping coppers into the water on a river journey with the words Daryd ke panch paise, Badhar, Badhar,' where the Five Saints (PAnch Pir) have become five pence' (panch paise), the Musalman's Panch Pir being no doubt due to the old and famous Panche Deva, the Five Gods of the Hindu domestic ritual of purely Indian descent," See also The Word of Lalla, 70. 6. Incense. "A tiny sacred island (pp. 44, 45) in the middle of a frozen lake (at Pari) : Morning and evening was burned incense, the sweet odour of which appeared to frighten the dark demons of the night." In Burma "incense sticks and scented wood are often burnt on stone altars, erected specially for such fire offeringe (candles, tapers, lampe)." Shway Yoe, The Burman, 189. 7. Ceremonial Dancing. ""The whole morning (p. 271) the market place [at Lhasa) was full of revellers of both sexes and from every part of Tibet, They were singing, shouting and dancing. The dancing

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1931 interested me particularly, as it was unlike anything I had seen before. Three or four women would gather and form a circle. Each woman had in her hand a leather strap strung with little bells, such as are hung on the necks of ponies in Tibet when a noble rides forth. The women would then begin to sing and stamp their feet rhythmically, at the same time jangling the bells which they held in their hands. Gradually numbers of mon-strangers-would gather around, join in the song and stamp their feet in the same rhythmic fashion. Verse after verse would be sung and the stamping would go on for many minutes, until the singers were out of breath, or one of the women weary and jostled from behind would fall down. Then the party would break up, only, however, in most cases to form again a few yards further to the right, once breath and voice had been recovered. It was obvious that these parties were gradually making the way around the Inner Circle, .. performing the prescribed cir. cumambulation of the Cathedral square. It was quaint to see them performing this holy rite in such an exceedingly jovial fashion." In Burma "all propitiative ceremonies among the wild tribes end in drinking and dancing, and commonly in drunken orgies." (E.R.E., III, 7.) In The Word of Lalla, 172, it is remarked that ecstatic religious dancing is a very old practice in India and is there explained philosophically as a copy of the Dance of the Shiva -the Dancing Lord of the Himalayas-"typifying the course of the cosmos under His rule. It implies (philosophically] that the devotee has wholly surrendered the world and become united with Shiva [i.e., the Deity, represented in modern Tibet by the Buddha)." In the Calcutta Review, 1925, p. 71, there is an article by A. Somerville on "Queer Tibetan Customs," in the course of which he describes the Devil Dance thus: "In early Tibet there were two national dances which held precedence to all others, these were the Devil Danoe' and the 'Lama Dance. Of these, the Devil Dance' was certainly the more popular, and was originally a religious ceremony of the old Bon faith which flourished in Tibet prior to the introduction of Buddhism and was intended to propitiate the devils and various earth-demons, the worship of which formed the basic principles of the Bon ritual. Later it degenerated into a grotesque ceremonial dance, held principally at night, in which the performers disguised themselves in hideous masks representing various animals and demons, and careered wildly around a figure of Buddha or a hugo bonfire, uttering wild cries and imitating as closely as possible the motions of the various animals they represented. The significance of these masks was explained by their facial expression and was intended by the Lamas to instruct the ignorant on-lookers in the basic principles of the Buddhist faith. Thus the man who lived & cruel life, would later, according to the laws of Karma and re. birth, as interpreted by the Lamas, return to this earth in the form of the beast or demon he most nearly represented. Gradually, however, with the ennobling influence of Buddhisin and the introduction of a superior class of Lamas into the various monasteries all over Tibet, the popularity of the Devil Dance died out, but many of its rites, costumes, etc., were incorporated and the Lama Dance we see to-day is actually & co-mingling of the two." He then goes on to remark: "The statue of the largest Buddha is brought out and placed a short distance from the Monastery, facing the entrance. In the centre is a shrine of good. luck, composed principally of coloured thread, paper and flags. The worshippers advance towards this shrine, spray it with handfuls of rice or lay various votive offerings, such 88 fruit, milk, etc., before it. "The dance now commences. Heralded with a flourish of trumpets, a clanging of cymbals and beating of drums, the Lamas, made hideous with their grotesque headgear, troop slowly out of the Temple and commence to circle slowly round the shrine of 'good-luck.' Gradu. ally, with the music, the speed of the dancers increase. They work themselves up into a religious fury, whirling swiftly round and round, till exhausted, when with one accord they rush into the Monastery and the dance is finished,"

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August, 1931) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 157 8. Flags. "In the middle (p. 26) of the bridge (over the Tata) we found a number of paper prayers fluttering in the breeze. Toby brought out with him three such printed prayers, which he had carried with him, and tied them on to the others." "On reaching the town of Pari the first thing we noticed was a tiny saored island in the middle of a frozen lake. Hereon were erected prayer flags, which as they fluttered in the breeze wiped out the sins of man, according to the Tibetan belief" (p. 44). "The Tibetan roofs (are flat and) are rendered picturesque by having placed at each corner the prayer tufts and prayer flags which flutter in the wind. Each flutter is as a prayer which rises to the gods and brings supernatural protection to the house and its inhabitants." "The chorten or shrine (at Lhasa), which lay a few yards (p. 282) away seemed a special object of attraction for the women. Many of them came with little prayer cloths which they attached to the shrine; while others burnt small quantities of brush in the adjoining sacrificial urn." In Burma, says Shway Yoe, The Burman, 188, "Prayer flags .... are made of paper, cut fancifully into figures of dragons, lizards, and the like, with embroidery work round their edges. In the centre is written some pious reflection or aspiration, and the offerers place it on the shrine.... There are other small flags or streamers made of coloured cloth, and some of them, especially those presented by Shans, are stitched with many plies, until they stand out quite stiff. Others are made of varnished strips oi zinc. They have nothing written on them and stand simply for the advancement of the piety of their offerers." 9. Ragbushes. " Just at the top (p. 236) of the pass [above the Brahmaputra Valley) we found two chortens or shrines. We added our stones to the little pile in front of each, and also tied & rag to the brush sticking out above the stone heaps. We recited a charm (mantram) in honour of the gods and rested a few moments." Ragbushes are very common in India and indeed practically over the world. In The Word of Lalla, 726, we read: "The poison of Shaktiem entered only too largely into Mahayana Buddhism .... The MahAyAna system of spells was greatly extended by making the mere repetition of them efficacious, leading to the well-known prayer wheels and rage on trees and bushes, which repeated on behalf of the users the spells they contained indefinitely by mere mechanical agitation and fluttering in the wind." 10. Cairns. "On many occasions (p. 48), as we went along the road, we passed by some shrine or sacred image. One of these, the famous Red Idol, as it is called, is quite imposing, and I notic. ed with particular interest the heap of tiny stones in front of it. As Tibet has no flowers to preBent to the idols, the Tibetan peasants will carry pebbles and heap them up before the image." "Here [Pass near Kampa Dzong) we found (p. 126) another Gyatse and though no one was around we carefully followed Tibetan custom and added a stone to the little beap in front of the mountain shrine and called on the gods for protection." 11. Prayer-wheels. "Let into the walls (p. 54) of the lower part of the pagoda [at Gyangtse) were a number of revolving barrels. These were the famous Tibetan prayer-wheels. It is the duty of every man, as he passes along, to stop and twist these wheels, causing them to revolve. By this exercise, it is believed, a man aoquires an enormous merit, and by his pious efforts he is ridded of all his sins." " The old man (p. 158) carried a prayer-wheel in his hand, which he kept constantly turning in his hand, thereby laying up an enormous merit for himself, and he occasionally ejaculated the sacred formula of Tibet: Om mani peme hung, spelt Om mani padme hum, to make up for delinquencies, which the prayer-wheel might have left untouched." (To be continued.)

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153 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGEST, 1931 MISCELLANEA MUSSELL MAN. | book above indicated, p. 319. This heavily docu. The mistakes about the term Musuiman, the mented book, really a history of the founding of the Perso-Urdu plural of Muslim, ara, as has been State of Texas as one of the largest of the United frequently noticed in this Journal, innumerable. States, is thoroughly Amorican and like no other Here is a new one from an American book, The historical work that I have over read. The letter Raren, a Biography of Sam Houston by Marquis quoted conforms to its general style. In it Houston James, Indianopolis, 1929. Sam Houston (pro. writes: "He ** says Lamer (then President nounced Hewston in Texas and Howston in New of the Republic of Texas] is & Mussell man and York) was the hero of the great fight with the Burnett (another provincial Texan) ahog thief. Mexicans in 1826, which ended in the erection of the Republic of Texas, finally a..nexed by the Then Esau's (Houston's negro servant) convive Onited States. In the Houston Public Library and guests disturb the neighbourhood with burste there is a letter by Houston himself, dated 18 Decem. of cachination." her 1842, which is quoted by Marquis James in the R. C. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICES. AJANTA: The Colour and Monochrome Reproduc munificence of His Exalted Highness and the active tions of the Ajanta Frescoes based on Photo encouragement of his able finance minister, Sir graphy, with an Explanatory Text by G. Yazdani, Akbar Hydari. The difficulties of the task were M.A., and an Introduction by Laurence Binyon. great. Artificial lighting had first of all to be Part I: Text, 121 x 10 in., pp. 55, with map, Album installed, when the superb colouring at last became containing 40 folio plates, of which 16 are colour. clearly visible; but many of the frescoes had become ed and 24 in monochrome. Published under the badly damaged, and others had to be cleared of the special authority of H. E. H. the Nizam of ill offects of previous injudicious handling. In fact Hyderabad. Oxford University Press, 1930. the work is a great achievement for Mr. Yazdani Of the many wonders of India perhaps the greatest and his coadjutors. The reproductions are extraare the caves hown in the solid rock of picturesque ordinarily succesful, as we see from this first album, hill sides, dating from the third century B.C. on. which contains 24 plates in monochrome and 16 wards. Many of these are marvels from their great in colour. Besides these magnificent plates, there size and wealth of sculptural detail in their porches, is a volume of text (with a charming introduction by pillars, verandahs and ornamental friezes; but the Mr. L. Binyon) describing and interpreting the series of 29 caves at Ajanta are specially cebrated scones depicted, and reflecting the close and sympa. for their painted frescoes--the largest collec.ion of thetic study which Mr. Yazdani has so long devoted Buddhist paintings known. to the frescoes. Throe previous attempts had been made to copy It is in the north-west corner of H. E. H. the the frescoes since they were discovered early in the Nizam's Dominions, where the Indhyadri hills form nineteenth century. Major Gill worked there for some ghats leading down from the Deccan plateau to the twonty years; but the results of his labour were de. valley of the Tapti, that the rock.cut caves of stroyed in the fire at the Crystal Palace Exhibition in Ajanta stand in a long semicircle in the steep hill. 1866. Again, in 1872 Mr. Griffiths, Principal of the face. Here in these lonely shrines, as in the sculp. Bombay School of Art, commenced to make copies, tured marbles of Amaravati, we see the further with the assistance of his pupils, and worked for many flowering of purely Indian art in direct line of inherit. years. Unfortunately a great deal of his work was also ance from the naturalism of Bharhut and Sanchi. burnt, but he published his well known work, The Most remarkable is the unity of purpose in all these Paintings in the Buddhist Caves at Ajanta, in 1896 monuments of devotion to the Buddha. The his. from the copies saved. Next. Lady Herringham, tory of tho caves covers some 650 years. The with a band of Indian artists, took up the task Buddha romains human and great in his charity and during the years 1909-11, and in 1915 published a solf-sacrifice throughout the stories of his lives as portfolio of plates, mostly coloured, which gave the told in the Jatakas, depicted at Ajanta even as they public a clearer idea of the wonders of the frescoes. aro at Bharhut and Sanchi. These were tales, Though most useful for comparison, and perhaps simply told for the people, of tho perfections of preserving some details that have since been lost, Buddhahood, which Sakya Muni had attained these necessarily lack the accuracy ensured by through his compassion for all sorrow and suffering photographic reproduction possessed by the present during both his animal and human rebirths. We splendid series of plates. To preserve what remains find them expressed with the same simplicity by the of those frescoes for future generations, H. E. H. ancient artists of Ajanta in crowded soones of move. the Nizam authorized nis Archaological Departm ent and vitality, in which appear kings and cour mont to have a complete photographic record pre tiers, queens and princesos, tho populace, birds and pared. The world of art is doeply indebted to the animale, troes, plants and flowors, and architectural

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AUGUST, 1931 ] BOOK-NOTICES 159 features of towns and palacos-truly life in high, pierced gold crown and golden ornamenta, all profusion, glowing in colour : yet we are which lighten up her olive-brown complexion most told that only "lamp-black, red-ochre, yellow artistically. A noto tells us that the apparent ab. ochro and lapis lazuli formed the principal sence of covering on the upper part of the body is colours." due to the reproduction, as the fine brush lines indi. Part I illustrates the frescoes of Cave I, one of the cative of gauzy muslin are visiblo on the frosco. later caves. Art and Buddhism had learnt new Very fine, diaphanous materials, such as the cele. modes of expression during the centuries of Ajanta's brated Dacca muslins, were used by the rich; and growth; but the ideal is still that of the Buddha, his even on statues of the Buddha it is often difficult to renunciation, his infinite compassion for others, and see the lines of his garment. that devotion which is the fulfilment of charity Plate XXVIII (in colour) gives a highly imagi portrayed anew in the conception of the Bodhisattva. native and crowded, but well composed, scene of tho We have hero Ajanta's supreme expression in the temptation of the Buddha by Maro and his host. grand figure of the compassionate Bodhisattve, The various emotions expressed in the faces of the Padmapani, a favourite namo of Avalokitesvara assailants and temptresses are in marked contrast (Plates XXIV-XXVII). Golden-hued, as behoves to the imperturbable sererity of the seated Buddha. Buddhist tradition, his form is graceful in its supple whose right hand points downwards, as he calls the strength, as, slightly bending, he holds the lotus in earth to witness tho good deeds of his former lives his right hand, the begging bowl in his left, and locks Various positions of the hands (mudras) appear on down with pitying eyes upon men. The expression Plate XXIIIb, where a number of Buddhas may be of his face recalls his vow, that he will never enter seen seated or standing upon a lotus against a backhiruara until he has saved all living beings. He ground of flowers. Buddhist iconography had remains listening to the cries of fear and pain, the greatly developed since its early beginnings in the Bodhisattva of hope, the ever compassionato Protec. symbolism used to represent the Buddha--the tor of half Asia. His majestic figure dominates the wheel of the law, tree, footprints or empty thronoscene, yet he is one with the people as he holds the at Bharhut and Sanchi. begging bowl towards them, that they may attain Plates XIX and XXXV, among others, remind merit by giving to the perfect one. All the lower us of sculptured friezes at Boro Budur and of sculp part of the fresco has peeled away, but fortunately ture and art in Cambodia and China. The story of the upper portion has been left to show that Bud. Ajanta closed about 650 A.D., but it still retains its dhist painters have their place in the world's highest place in the history of Indian art. Buddhism car. art. The other two great Bodhisattvas are more ried its art with its spiritual teaching for a field. The damaged. Of one (Plate XXX) there is left & unifying offect of great tradition-perhaps unique beautiful arm and head and part of the fine face. in India's history-has set its seal on the art of The pair of jungle folk (? Bhils) in the upper left. Indonesia and is recognized in that of Central Asia hand corner, however, are most lifelike, as they and China. liston eagerly to the great Being from behind a M. F. H. palisade, through which a pair of wild fowl have poked their heads. The male figure has half mount. TENTH AND ELEVENTH REPORTS ON THE SEARCH ed the barrier, and looks as if ready to vault over OF HINDI MANUSCRIPTS for the years 1917-19 and fling himself at the Bodhisattva's foot, while and 1920-22, by RAI BABADUR HIRALAL, B.A. the woman apparently expostulates with him. 91 x 6 in.; pp. xi+ 511, and vii+513. Alla The fresco reproduced on Plates XXXI-XXXIII habad, U.P. Government Press, 1929. is far better preserved, except for the Bodhisattva's The systematic search for Hindi manuscripts lower lip and neck. He differs much in both features was commenced in 1900, under the patronage of and colour from the others, and would seem to be the Government of the United Provinces, by long to another race. The varied ethnical types Babu Syamasundara Dasa, whose name will ever portrayed at Ajanta are interesting and important. be gratefully remembered by Hindi scholarm The female heads in this fresco are very pleasing, for the splendid work done by him in connoxion verpocially the two in the lower left-hand corner, one with the publications of the Nagari Pracarini of which is shown in colour, enlarged, on Plate Sabha and as editor of the great Hindi dictionary XXXII. This lady has a serene expression and called Hindi-Sabdasdgara. For the first nine years beautiful hazel brown eyes. Round her dark hair the work was supervised and reported on by is a white band, which also appears on the female Syamasundara Babd himself, and seven Reports heads in the palace scenes. Many of these bands covering that period were issued by him. Pressure would seem to be made of flowers and leaves, worn of work, however, compelled him to hand over in addition to the row of jewels across the forehead. the tasks to others, with the result that the work There is much variety also in the colouring of the fell into arrears. The 8th and 9th Report. female figures, from nut-brown, olive or golden- | dealt with the eight years ending with 1916. For brown and brick-red to paler shades-oven an ashen- tunately the distinguished scholar Rai Bahadur grey. Very effective is the pensive Rani with a 1 Hiralal was ultimately prevailed upon to tako

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Adaust, 1931 over the duties and get the work brought up to date. The two volume now before us, which have been compiled under his supervision, comprise the 10th and 11th Reports, dealing with the research carried out during the periods 191719 and 1920-22, respectively. They are arranged upon similar lines : & short introductory chap- ter contains a summary of the results, the libra- rice and collections examined, the centuries and years (where noted) to which the MSS. pertain and the subjects of which they treat, the new Buthors and works discovered, as well as other points of special interest or importance. This is followed by two lengthy "appendices," viz., 1-Notes on all the authors whose works were found, and II-Extracts from their works. Ap. pendix III contains extracts from the MSS. of unknown authors, and Appendix IV a list (with Buthors' names) of MSS. composed after 1850, which, under the standing orders, did not call for report. Two useful indexes have been added, of (I) authors and (II) works. The new MSS. discovered range in date from the twelfth to the nineteenth century, and refer to a great variety of subjects, religious works being pro dominant, but philosophy, rhetoric, erotics, history and medicine also figure largely in the lists. Among the most remarkable results of the inquiriee made is the large number of works that have come to light, both in prose and verse, several being of special interest or merit, written by authors hitherto unknown. The examination of this maes of material has not only led to the acquisition of useful biographical and historical information, but has enabled the periode of many authors, which were previously doubtful or disputed, to be definitely established. Authors with the same name have been found to be distinct persons, while others have been found to be identical, though writing under different names. Among important new finds recorded in the 11th Report are complete work by Vidy&pati entitled Kirtilatd; a complete and probably the most reliablo) text of the Madandefaka, attributed to Rahim, the learned courtier of Akbar; en interesting work on the Dhami panth by Prana. natha, the founder of that sect; and a copy of Tulasidasa's Balakanda Ramdyana, dating from 1604 A.D., which has a special value 88 being apparently free from interpolations. C.E.A.W.O. India is also in some respects the most interesting to the student of anthropology in all its branches. It has produced, almost as a matter of course, a lively archaeological report. During the year under review the chief work undertaken was taking stock of the enormous number of inscriptions in the State--the collection up to date amounting to 1,231 lithic, 51 copperplate and 54 "cadjan," 1.c., palm-leaf inscriptions, making a total of 1,336. They relate to practically every dynasty that has ruled in South India and include 174 Christian and 3 Muhammadan inscriptions and are scattered about in 184 localities. The value of such work for historical purposes is beyond all doubt. The Mutta (Matha) or Vedic Colleges of Travancore which are well endowed and are divided into three classes, purporting to study Vedic and Secular Philosophy and Vedic ritual, have received much attention. The Department is undertaking thorough and comprehensive examination of their records. Here again its work can be made to be of the highest value. Travancore 18 rich in mural paintings and archit ectural sculpturos, usually illustrating Puranio legends, and here, if the Department will correctly photograph and otherwise reproduce them, much work of importance is before it. Her Highness the Regent has a fine collection of coins, an armoury and a library. Among the coins are specimens of Roman coins of Augustus, Tibe. rius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero-very valuable to show the time and duration of a famous son trade. An examination and catalogue of these coins and of the armoury and library would be of the highest value to European students. As regards the Lib. rary the following extract is worth recording : "Kanakkuadram is a treatise in an ancient Malay. Alam dialect, in the 5th book or chapter of which, entitled Kalafiju, are treated the weights of gems, gold, pearls, etc., for ascertaining which the following table is given - 1 nelmai = 1 visatukkam Then 4 nelmai = 1 kunni 2 kunni = 1 manjadi 2 manjadi = 1 panatukkam 10 panatukkam = 1 kalanju The Superintendent, Mr. Vasudeva Poduval, hae interested himself in ordeals and oaths, and he produced two short appendices containingen account of each, which are of much interest for a public outside the borders of the Travancore State. Travancore is a land of mountains and still waters and therefore of many attractive sites. A photograph of one such, Kaladgi, the birth-place of Shankaracharya, is given as an illustration. Altogether we have in this modeet report a document containing much that should attract the student of things Indian. R. C. TEMPLE. ADMINISTRATION REPORT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY, TRAVANCORE, for 1104 M. E. (1929 A.D.) Government Press, Trivandram. The territories of H. H. the MahAreni Regent of Travancore form the most southern portion of the Indian Peninsula, and contain one of the densest populations therein, with survivals of some of the oldest forms of civilisation, and at the same time 0.00 of the most modern. This remotest part of

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8PTIMBA, 1931) NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS 161 NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS. By W. H. MORELAND, C.8.1., C.I.E. 1. Introductory. TEB maund is perhaps the most treacherous unit which the student of Indian history has to interpret, for it may stand for almost anything from 2 to 82 lb., or occasionally even more. I have had oocasion to evaluate a number of maunds which occur in the literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and for a moment I thought of making a complete study of the subject; but I quickly found that the early history would have to be pursued through a number of languages of which I know nothing, and that the subject calls for collective rather than individual work. As a beginning, I offer in these papers the facts which I have been able to colleot from Persian, Portuguese, Datch and English sources; and I have made bold to offer also a few guesses, in the hope that they may provoke students to gather additional facts from dated inscriptions, and from the literature of various other languages notably Sanskrit, Bengali and Tamil-which will carry the subject further. Maund' represents the Indian word man. The Portuguese first met this word on the West Coast, and, according to their regular practice, nasalised it and added their characteristic termination -o, giving mao, the form which appears continuously in their literature from the year 1513 onwards. English merchants, taking the word from Portuguese interpreters, and denasalising it, seem to have fused it with 'maund,' an English word which then meant a kind of basket, sometimes used as a measure; and, the original sense having become obsolete, the derived one now holds the field. The origin of the Indian word must be left to philologers. The suggestion has been made that it is the Arabic mann, brought to India by merchants trading on the coast ; but it has also been contended that a similar or identical Indian word, derived from the Sanskrit root ma (measure), may have been already in existence when the Arab merchants arrived. The point might conceivably be cleared up by a study of early Indian literature : all I can Bay is that, if the Arabs brought the word, they did not bring the unit, for, as we shall see later on, their mann was about 2 lb., while the man found by the Portuguese on the West Coast was about twelve times as large. Indian weights are nowadays commonly presented in a single scale, running from the ratk to the maund and its multiples. The literature, however, suggests that the two ends of this scale grew up independently, and were subsequently linked through the tola. The amall units, constituting what may be called the jewellers' scale, were based on seeds, and originally were not absolutely fixed; as Thomas showed, the tola (96 ratti) ranged from 168 to 186 gr. in North India in the sixteenth century, and its definition as just 180 gr. belongs to the British period. The upper part of the scale may be called commercial, and the larger units probably originated in some fact or facts connected with transport. In it 40 sera make one maund, and 20 maunds make a bahar, candy, or mani. To link up the two, all that is needed is to fix the number of tolas in one ser, a number which varies within wide limits. according to the size of the maund. In the English literature there are occasional references to maunds containing more, or less, than 40 sers. All the cases which I have been able to study fall into two groups : either the divergence represents a trade-allowance, or it is due to the use of two denominations. Trade allowances up to 5 sers in the maund recur in the Dutch and English commercial records of the seventeenth century, and are doubtless older; a sale of cloves, for instance, at so much the 'maund of 42 sers,' meant that the seller made an allowance of 2 sers in the maund, or 5 per cent, not that the maund contained 42 sers in general. Again, one occasionally meets such a statement as 'here the maund contains 16 sers,' where the context shows that what is 1 Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. ; Dalgado, 8.v. Mio (I): Oxford English Dictionary, 3.u. >> Hobson-Jobson, 3.vv. Rutteo, Tola; and E. Thomae'o paper quoted thore.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1931 meant is that the local maund in question contained 16 standard sers. It cannot be positively asserted that every maund always contained 40 sers of its own denomination ; but it is reasonable to assume this relation when the contrary is not expressly stated, while, if some ather number is given, the context should be examined to see if the case comes under one or other of the two rubrics stated above, ox is susceptible of any other explanation. For readers of English the most convenient way of giving equivalents of the various maunds is to state them in pounds avoirdupois (lb.) and either a fraction of the lb., or the number of grains (gr. 7,000 to the lb.); ounces and drams are nuisances in this work, while indication of the number of grains is occasionally convenient, as it links up the maund in question to the troy scale as well as the avoirdupois. Other western units which may come before the student stand to the lb. in round figures as follows: kilogram, 2.2 lb.; Holland pound, 1.09 lb. ; Portuguese 'new' arratel, 1.01 lb.; the 'old' arratel (of 14 ounces) was ths of the last figure. Classification of the numerous maunds would be premature at this stage: it is the end, not the beginning, of the investigation. A few distinctions however can be drawn with advantage at the outset. When I write maund' without qualification, I mean a maund ruling in ordinary commerce, and not known to have been prescribed : 'official maund' means a maund known to have been prescribed by authority : special maund' means a unit, differing from the ordinary maund, used, in dealings in some particular commodity : retail maund' means a unit used by shopkeepers, but not by wholesalers. In order to reduce the bulk of the footnotes, I shall assume that readers are familiar with the classics of the subject, such as Hobson-Jobson (new edition, London, 1903), Dalgado's Glossario (Coimbra, 1919-21), Prinsep's Useful Tables (issued by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1834), Elliot's History of India (London, 1867-77), the calendars of the India Office records (Letters Received, and English Factories), the Batavia Dagh Register, and the like. Other authorities will be cited in full once only, and thereafter in abbreviated form. All references to Indian texts are to the Bibliotheca Indica issued by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, unless some other text is specified. As the interest of these notes is not primarily linguistic, I have adopted generally the simplified transliteration used in the Imperial Gazetteer of India. Many scholars have helped me generously with information on particular aspects of this enquiry. I hope all due acknowledgments will be found in the text or notes, but I must here express my gratitude to Dr. L. D. Barnett, to Sir Wolseley Haig, and to Sir Richard Burn, who have answered a large number of enquiries; to Mr. C. H. Rao, who furnished me with a detailed note on the maunds of South India, and to Professor S. H. Hodivala, who has been most generous in criticisms and suggestions. II. Omeial Maunds, I begin with the official maunds because the facts are clear and can be stated shortly. So far I have found these maunds only in the British and Mogul periods, though there are some grounds for thinking that standardisation began with Sikandar Lodi. The fluctuating Bouthern maund, which will be described in the next section, was standardised early in the British period at 25 lbs. for Madras, and 28 lbs. for Bombay, the latter figure, which was slightly too high, having been chosen as being one quarter of a cwt. More important, however, was the fixation in Bengal of the standard maund of 82 2/7 lb. The story is briefly that in 1833, when the rupee was being fixed at the uniform weight of 180 gr., the Aseay Master at Caloutta urged that this rupee should be taken as the standard tola, so that & ser of 80 tolas would be exactly 21 pounds troy, giving a maund of 100 pounds troy 3 Useful Tables, 61 ff.; Report of the Weights and Measures Committee, 1913-14 (cited below 19 Silberrad, after the name of the Chairman).

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SEPTEMBER, 1931) NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS 163 (or 82 2/7 lb). The proposal was accepted, the tola of 180 gr. was recognised in Regulation VI) of 1833, and the equivalent maund was adopted for Government transactions, as well as by Calcutta merchants; but its general vogue really dates from 1854, when its use was prescribed on the railway system. In 1833 the local unit known as the bazaar maund contained just about 82 lb., so that this action was doubtless convenient for Calcutta and the immediate neighbourhood ; but all the same, it must, I think, be regarded as a tragedy. In the fluid conditions which prevailed a century ago, it would have been equally easy to link the Indian unit directly to either of the two great systems, in one or other of which India's foreign trade is carried on: in fact it was linked to a system already obsolescent, and of interest to nobody outside a mint. As a matter of fact, the standard ser worked out almost to a kilogram, the lifference between the two being lesa than 7 per cent, and proposals have occasionally been made to eliminate this difference. The Mogul official maunds were, like the British standard maund, based on the weight of a coin, but it was the copper dam, not the silver rupee. In the literature the dam is sometimes called paisd, but the latter word is quite indeterminate, being applied to whatever copper coin was ordicarily used in any locality. Edward Thomas calculated the weight of the dam as 323.5 gr., and this figure fits in very closely with the approximate equivalents of the various maunds used in the Dutch and English commercial records, and shewn in the table given further on. In interpreting these coin-weights, it has been usual to take them at somewhat less than the mint-weight, on the assumption that the coins used in weighing would be somewhat worn. This assumption seems to me to be open to criticism. Where the sellers provided the weights, as in the case of retail shopkeepers, it is safe to assume that some of them, if not all. used the lightest coins available. We know (Ziya Barni, 318) that giving short weight waa common in Delhi under Alauddin Khalji, and it is by no means unknown in India at the present day; the practice may reasonably be regarded as continuous. On the other hand, if it was, as it still is, usual for the buyers to provide the weights in what was formerly the most important class of transactions, the purchase of goods from peasants and artisans, it is reasonable to assume that the coins used were as nearly new as possible, if indeed their weight was not fraudulently increased. Francisco Pelsaerts described the 5-ser weight used in buying indigo at Bayana in Jahangir's reign as consisting of 152 paisa i.e., dam) sewn in a bag of doubled cloth. In his time the Akbari maund (30 dam to the ser as explained below) was used as a special maund in this trade ; 150 dam therefore made 5 sers, and hence there was a formal allowance in favour of buyers of 2 dam plus the weight of the bag. It is safe to assume that the coins were new when placed in the bag by the buyers, to whose commercial astuteness Pelsaert renders due homage, and that they were packed so as to minimise friction while in use ; whether anything else was put surreptitiously into the bag is matter for conjec. ture. It seems to me to be best to take the new coin as the basis for calculation, and to allow for the fact that in any particular transaction the precise figure probably depended on the interests of the party who chose the coins. Taking the dam as 323 5 gr., the Mogul official maunds were as follows: No. of dam in Calculated wt. Commercial Date of one ser of maund. equivalent. introduction. 16. gr. Akbari 30 55.3200 Before 1595. Jahangiri 36 66.3840 66 1620. Shahjahani 73.6600 74 1634, or a little earlier, Do. 36.6800 37 1635-6 ; Gujarat only. Edward Thomas, The Chronicles of the i'athan Kings of Delhi. London, 1871 (quoted below as totaia). 5 Jahangir's India, tr. W. H. Moreland and P. Geyl, Cambridge, 1925, p. 16 quoted below as Pelaagri). ib. .. 20

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1931 The commercial equivalents in this table are taken from numerous foreign business records, particularly those of the Dutch, who were very punctilious in putting such matters on paper. It will be noted that merchants usually took the nearest whole number, neglecting fractions ; but occasionally they used simple fractions, as when the Gujarat Shahjahani was taken 88 36 2/3 lb. (English Factories, si, 110). I have not found in the chronicles any formal record to the effect that Akbar prescribed the unit which bears his name. The Ain-i Akbari (u, 60) says merely : "from the beginning of the present reign it (the ser) was 28 dam, and today it is 30." This passage will be discussed in a later section; it is quoted here merely as showing that the 30-dam ser was introduced in the course of Akbar's reign. The inference that it was officially prescribed is practically certain, but the fact is not formally proved. The corresponding maund was in general use over a wide area when Dutch and English merchants first came to India, and it survived as a special maund used for certain commodities after it had been superseded in general use by the Jahangiri. The most noteworthy survival was in the Bayana market, where indigo continued to be sold by the Akbari maund until late in the seventeenth century. In the year 1619 Jahangir was told by a Hindu ascetic that according to the scriptures the ser ought to weigh 36 dam : I do not know the ascetic's authority for this statement, but Jahangir accepted it, and the Jahangiri maund dates from 1620 as a general institution, though possibly it had been introduced somewhat earlier for particular purposes. The introduction of the Shahjahani maund has not been traced in the chronicles, but it was in use in Agra in 1634 (Dagh Register, 22nd October), and later commercial reeords show that its introduction was effective throughout the empire, except in the markets of Gujarat. At the time of its introduction Gujarat was employing a ser of 18 ddm, giving a maund of just over 33 lb.; but Shahjahan ordered the local ser to be raised to 20 dam. This was done in Ahmadabad about the end of 1634, and in Surat in February, 1636, so that, to quote William Methwold,"now the maen of this place [Surat] is just the halfe of a maen Jehann [Shahjahan), which consisteth of 40 seares, and every seare 40 pice weight." (English Factories, v, 156.) I have not traced any definite origin of the Gujarat maund of 33 lb, which has just been mentioned. The fact that the corresponding ser was reckoned in dam might suggest that it was prescribed by Akbar; but it is more probable that the unit was much older, and that the ser was found to weigh just about 18 dam when that cain became current in the course of the sixteenth century. As will be shown in a later section, the range of this unit was extensive, reaching as far north as the neighbourhood of the Jumna. This maund is familiar in commercial records from the time of William Finch, who, however, took it as 321 lb. (Letters Received, i, 34.) Finch noted that a smaller maund of 27 lb. was also known in Surat, but its use there was exceptional; this smaller maund brings us definitely away from the region of official prescription, and is discussed in the next section. A word of caution may be added on the risk of using any of these official maunds to interpret figures of a date earlier than that of their known introduction. The caution may seem superfluous, but I have seen & promising bit of research-work ruined by interpreting eighteenth-century figures in terms of the British standard maund, and it is well that students should always bear such risks in mind. (To be continued.) Memoirs of Jahangir, tr. A. Rogers, ed. H. Beveridge, London, 1909-1914; ii, 108 ; also the Persian text, ed. S. Ahmad, Aligarh, 1864.

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SEPTEMBER, 1931] PRAYASCITTA, OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIATION OF SIN PRAY ASCITTA, OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIATION OF SIN. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS). (Continued from p. 154.) Expiation by means of mortification was till comparatively recent times largely practised. The principal forms were self-inflicted tortures by inserting an iron hook through the fleshy part of the back, and swinging on poles during the Carak-pajd keeping one or both arms raised above the head or in a horizontal position for a certain stipulated period, which might, in extreme cases, extend over a few months; not uttering a word under any circumstances whatsoever, and so on. And the life of a modern Hindu widow is one long period of prayascitta, for who can doubt that the widowhood in her present life is the recult of the crimes committed during a former existence on earth? 165 The Visnu Purana says of the Ganges that the sacred stream sanctifies all beings; and those who even at a distance of a hundred yojana (leagues) exclaim "Ganga, Ganga" atone for the sins committed during three previous lives. That the Ganges is still the very best river to bathe in there can be no doubt. Thousands of Hindu pilgrims go every year to Benares for no other purpose but to bathe in the river there, and even at the present day all Hindu burning grounds are situated on the banks of the river Ganges, or, if that be impossible owing to its distance, beside a flowing stream. So necessary is this condition that "Le fantome d'un mort laisse sans sepulture tourmente les vivants jusqu'au jour ou une corneille traine au Gange ses ossements. Alors il entre dans la beatitude celeste."3 Moreover mourners must bathe themselves in the Ganges after the body has been burned in order to purify themselves from the infection of death. And for ceremonial bathing it is essential that the whole of the body and the head must be submerged under the water. Hence every time a bath is taken in the river the bather must duck down three times at least, and each time he mutters a short prayer. Finally it is by no means an uncommon sight to see pious Brahmanas standing breast deep in water and reciting prayers. The idea in this ceremonial bathing is that as the stream water flows over the head, it must carry away bodily as well spiritual impurities. The polling of the hair combined with ceremonial bathing is another well known Hindu prayascitia. Monier Williams writes in this connection: "It should also be noted that special religious shavings are performed at sacred places of pilgrimage on the banks of rivers, and are held very efficacious in purifying soul and body from pollution. Persons who have committed great crimes or are troubled by uneasy consciences, travel hundreds of miles to Prayaga (Allahabad), Mathura (Muttra), or other holy places for the sole purpose of submitting themselves to the tonsorial skill of the professional barbers who frequent such localities. There they may be released from every sin by first being relieved of every hair and then plunging into the sacred stream. Forthwith they emerge new oreatures, with all the accumulated guilt of a long life effaced."5 On the other hand, however, the shaving of the head and the cutting of the nails of mourners on the tenth day after a person's death is a purificatory rite performed because of the dangerous influence of death and the ghost to which they for a time had been exposed 16; and it is hard to say if such shaving is simply a trick to escape the pursuing ghost as Frazer thinks.37 33 Cf. M., "In Benares zur Zeit der Wasserfeste," Globus, lxxx (1901), pp. 137-142. 33 R. Hertz, "Representations collectives de la mort," L'Annee Sociologique, x (1905-1906), p. 117,note1. 34 I have tried to demonstrate elsewhere (The Power of Magic in Bengal, p. 81) that a bath in itself is regarded by the Hindus as a cleanser of both physical and moral impurities; in fact, the principal use of a bath is for the latter purpose. 26 (Sir) Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India (London, 1883), p. 375. P. Finner ("Cerimonie funebri fra gli Indiani," Strenna delle missioni della Compagna di Gesu per l'anno 1922 [Supplemento al N. 24, 16 Dicembre 1921], p. 71) writes: "Il barbiere s'accosta poi ai morto e gli rade completamente il capo e ne lava il corpo." 16 Cf. H. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda (Berlin, 1894), pp. 426 1. 37 Cf. (Bir) J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 285.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1931 Pilgrimage to certain holy places is also considered to be a prdyascitia. The most famous of these places of pilgrimage are Benares, Allahabad and Muttra. Besides these three, there are numerous other places, a list of which would take too much space. To give only a few oxamples, Puri, 18 Gaya, Brindavan, Baidyanath, Dvaraka, Ramesvaram, Tanjore, Trichi. nopoly, Kanjiveram, Tinnevelly, Cuttack, Kalighat, and so on, are all places where much virtue may be acquired by simply setting foot. Last but not least, the pancagavya as a means of purification is second to none in Hindu eyes. Much has been said about the sanctity of cows in Hindustan, and cowdung has many uses, the chief of which is its supposed purificatory character. The pancagavya is a collective name for the five products of the cow, viz., urine, dung, clarified butter, milk and curds. In an ancient Sanskrit book the cow is extolled as an auspicious purifier, on whom depend the worlds. It is said that cows alone make sacrificial oblations possible by producing butter; cows take away all sins.49 The productions of a cow are always propitious. Drops of water falling from the horns of a cow are productive of religious merit, and have the power to expiate all sins of those who bathe in or rub themselves with the drops.30 Guilt, it is said, may be destroyed by rubbing the back of a cow; and giving a cow to eat procures exaltation in heaven.31 In the urine of the cow dwells the Ganges ; prosperity dwells in the dust rising from their couches, good fortune exists in cowdung, and virtue in saluting cows. Therefore, it is advised that every man should salute cows as often as possible.38 Besides prayascittas for special sins committed knowingly or unknowingly, there are periodical prdyascittas. One of these is performed once a year at the time when a Brahmana changes his sacred thread and dons a new one in order to expiate all the accumulated sins committed during the past year. Another is known as the Rsi pancami (seers' fifth '). which is essentially a woman's festival. Worship is offered on this day for sins committed unwittingly by reason of impurity. In this the seven brightest stars of the Ursa Major, vis., Kasyapa, Atri, Bharadvaja, Vievamitra, Gautama, Jamadagni and Vasistha are worshipped. ----*Jamadagni *Vasistha *Gautama *Kasyapa Visvamitra ------- *Atri Bharadvaja "The ceremonies are performed at noon. A woman must offer a mantra (magic spell) to the aghafa plant (Achyranthes aspera), clean her teeth with a twig one hundred and eight [i.e., 3 X 3 X 3 X 4) times, and bathe, if possible in a stream, dipping one hundred and eight times, otherwise at home, pouring one hundred and eight pots full of water over herself. The previous anointing is to be with sesamum oil, dried myrobalan dust, and earth, and she 38 Speaking of the car of Jaggernaut, I had said (L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 87; A Dictionary of Super. atitions and Mythology (London, 1928), p. 137) that Hindus were formerly crushed under the wheels of the car, believing thus to go to heaven. Since then I have found out my mistake. Some authorities have called this statement "a calumny." See Chambers' Encyclopaedia, vi, 273. 39 Inavitutes of Vishnu, (tr. by J. Jolly (SBE, vii, Oxford, 1880]), xxiii, 58. 80 Institutes of Vishnu, xxiii, 59. 1 Institutes of Vishnu, xxiii, 60. 31 Institutes of Vishnu, xxiii, 61. Compare The Sacred Books of the East, vii, pp. 105 f.

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SEPTEMBER, 1931 ] PRAYASCITTA, OR HINDU IDEAS ON THE EXPIATION OF SIN 167 must drink pancagavya. Afterwards she should assemble with other women, and worship the seven seers as follows: "Lucky symbols are drawn in colour on a board, on which is placed a copper vessel Glled with clean water and wrapped in a new cloth. The eight small heaps of rice are made (for the seven and Arundhati) and on each heap is put a supiri nut [areca nut) or a pavitra, i.e., a ring made of darbha grass (Eragrostis cynosuroides). Coins, perfumes, flowers and rice are put in the pot, and all these are worshipped with mantras. Afterwards the officiating priest receives presents and his fee, and gives his blessing. "On this day nothing grown from bullocks' labour must be eaten. An onion must be bitten into and then thrown into a stream."33 This festival is held on the fifth Suklapakua (light half) of the month of Bhadra3* (August. September). According to some authorities this ceremony of expiation should be performed every year, whereas others are of opinion that if ii be performed for seven consecutive years, enough virtue will be gained to last till one's death. These expiatory ceremonies are for all sins : mahapataka (mortal sins) as well as upay pataka (venial sins). To the former belong killing a Brahmana, drinking wine, having carnal knowledge of a guru's wife, theft, and association with a person who has committed any one or all of these sins. To the latter, for which forgiveness is asked twice daily, belong untruthfulness, cheating, refusing to give alms to the deserving, eating garlic, onions and so on, or doing such things as are unworthy of a Brahmana. After performing these praykscittas the pancagavya is tasted, or rather in modern times the pancamla or nectar consisting of milk, curds, clarified butter, honey and sugar. The paficamota is a modern substitute for the pancagavya, in which the objectionable ingredients, urine and dung, are left out. For smaller sins it is equally effective, the pancagavya being reserved for the greater sins, We see, then, that sin may be expiated by various means, all of which have a more or less magical character, and sin itself is of a magical nature. It may be cleansed by bathing; as the flowing runs over the body and carries away the dirt and dust, so is the heart purified of all pollution. The cow being sacred lends some of her sanctity to those using the producta, for who can doubt that things which have been in contact with the cow must retain some of the sanctity of the cow ? Rebirth, too, is resorted too when all else fails, and the method employed for being reborn is symbolical. And lastly, we are told, that in order to expiate a certain sin it is of the utmost importanoe that the sin be revealed to all and sundry,35 because each time a sinner tells his sins to another, bis sins become less and less; the hearer, go to gay. becomes a partner to it, and finally the sin becomes so dissolved that it disappears altogether. In short, magic enters largely in all modern prdyascittas, and true repentance has very little, if anything, to do with the expiation of sing. We may, therefore, be justified in saying that the Hindu prayascitta is nothing but a magical rite, widespread but little understood. 38 M. M. Underhill, The Hindu Religious Year (The Religious Life of India ; Ox. Un. Pr., 1921), pp. 73 f. ef. pp. 71 f. 34 Ibid., p. 146. 36 " Un peccato si dice-non viene perdonato se non quando e giunto a conoscanea di tutto mondo.... Cont il peccatore rivela il suo peccato a tutti quelli que incontra, e sotto regreto perchd la noticia propaghi pia presto Gillo Tostore, S.J., "La superstizioni indiane sotto il loro aspetto utilitario," Stronna delle mie sioni della Compagnia di Gesi per l'anno 1922, p. 39). Presumably Father Gille-Testore's paper refers only to Southern India, where Hindus are much mixed with the aboriginal Dravidians.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTIE, 1931 ATHABHAGIYE. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH. THIS word occurs in the Rummindei pillar inscription of Asoka (Ep. Indica, V, 4; Hultzsch's The Inscriptions of Asoka, p. 164) in lines 4-5 which read as hida Bhagavam jale ti Lunmini-gdme ubalike kafe atha-bhagiye ca It is said in these lines that the village Lumbin was made (by the king) ubalika and athabhagiya because the Lord (Buddha) was born there. Of these two words, the meaning of ubalika is undisputed; it is the equivalent of Skt. udbalika and means 'tax-free. It also corresponds, as pointed out by Fleet (JRAS., 1908, p. 477), to Kannada umbali, ummali, umbalige, Tamil umbalikkai, and Telugu umbala, umbali, umbalike, all which mean 'tax-free land or village.' About the meaning of atha-bhagiye, on the other hand, there has been much dispute. (1) It was looked upon as equivalent to Skt. artha-bhagya by Barth (Journal des Savants, 1877, p. 73, n. 2), Buhler (Ep. Ind., V, 5) and Neumann (ZDMG., 68, 721 ff.) and explained as 'partaking of riches,' the riches' being the hundred thousand gold pieces which, according to the Divyavadana (p. 390) Asoka spent at Lumbinivana. (2) Fleet regarded the word as equivalent to Skt. astabhagya and explained it (JRAS., 1908, p. 473 ff.) as 'entitled to an eighth share,' the eighth share being that referred to by Manu 7, 130 as leviable on grains. (3) In the opinion of Thomas (JRAS., 1914, p. 391 ff.), the word represents Skt. ardhabhagya and means 'paying half (of the usual amount to the royal treasury)'; while (4) in the opinion of Hultzsch (op. cit., p. 165) athabhagiye-Skt. astabhagika and means 'paying only an eighth share of the produce.' According to Hultzsch, bureaucracy triumphed against charity' and athabhagiye restricts the scope of the grant conveyed by the words Lammini-game ubalike kate ('the village Lumbini is made tax-free'), and imposes upon the village the obligation of paying an eighth share of the produce to the royal treasury. These explanations do not seem to me to be satisfactory. (1) It is foreign to the stylo in which inscriptions are written to employ vague terms like 'partaking of riches. As a rule, the inscriptions state clearly the exact amount of money donated as a gift. Again, the gifts of money recorded in Indian inscriptions are made not indiscriminately to all men, but to priests only, that is, to Brahmanas, Jaina or Lingayat gurus or Buddhist bhikrus. The gift of 100,000 gold-pieces, therefore, stated in the Divyavadana as made by Asoka in the Lumbinivana must have been made to the Buddhist bhiksus of some monastery established near by ; it can in no way be regarded as made to the freemen of the Lumbini village, and it would be incorrect to describe them as partakers of riches.' (2) Fleet's explanation too is unsatisfactory; for the eighth share of grains that he refers to is a tax payable to the king, and since the village is made ubalika, the freemen thereof will receive not only this tax but other taxes as well payable to the king, and the addition of the words afhabhagiye ca is, in the circumstances, meaningless and unnecessary. (3) Similarly, it is shown by the word ca after athabhagiye in the inscription that this word refers to the grant of something in addition to the freeing of taxes; and hence the explanations of Thomas and Hultzsch, according to which athabhagiye restricts the scope of the gift conveyed by the words Lummins-game ubalike kate are clearly untenable. I propose therefore to make an attempt here to find out a more satisfactory explanation of that word. As has already been indicated above, the king's making the Lumbini village tax-free means the grant by him of that village, that is, of the revenues derived from that village, payable to the king's treasury, to the freemen thereof. Such grants of tax-free villages are recorded in innumerable inscriptions of later times, and it is instructive in this connection to compare the wording of some of them with that of the Rummindei inscription. I shad

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BEPTEMBER, 1931 ] ATHABHAGIYE 169 therefore for that purpose reproduce here the relevant words of some of the inscriptions published in the Epigraphia Carnatica. 1. Inscription at Homma (IV, p. 10 ff.), dated 8th July 1380, recording the grant of a sarvamanya (i.e., tax-free) village by Ballapa, governor of Hadinalu to Bhutendi-haruva : devara sthanika Bhutandi-haruvam....lige hiran ya dhari-parvakam madi Candrdrlalarama baram sarvamanyay dgi, i.e., 'as tax-free gift to Bhutandi-haruva trustee for the [image of that) god, with pouring of water and gold, to endure as long as the moon, sun and stars.' 2. Karakala-madahalli inscription (IV, p. 60 tf.), dlated in 1497 A.D., recording the grant by Canna-nahjardja Odeyar of Ummatturuto Narasimhabhatta of a village : & gramavanu nimage sa-hiranyodala-dana-dharuparvakavvigi sarvaminya uigi koffu, i.e., having given that village to you tax-free with pouring of water and gift of gold." 3. Harihara inscription (XI, p. 13 ff.), dated 20th January 1562, recording a donation by Margasahaya-nayaka to the Harihara temple : Ganganara si embar gramaranu sarvamanya-jirnoddharava madli samarpisi, i.e., 'having granted the village Ganganarasi after making it tax-free.' 4. Puttanapura inscription (IV, p. 14 ff.), daied apparently on Uuh December 1846, recording the grant of a village by the mahama dalesvara (name defaced) to a Lingayata guru of Ummatturu : gramada simeyannu nimage srvumanysagi kottevu, i.e., 'we have given to you tax-free the village [limited by the afore-mentioned) boundaries.' 5. Citaldrug inscription (XI, p. 4 ff.), dated 1st August 1328, recording a grant made by Ballappa-dandanayaka and Singeya-dancanayaka : Bernedoneyanu....cfabhoga-lejassvimya-nidhi-nikx@pa-siddha-sidhya-jalapasuna-sahitavagi....sarumanyavagi, i.e., the village Bennedone free of taxes and with estabhonga-te jussuremya, nidhi, nikwepa, siddha, sadhya, jala, and pasdna.' 6. Belur grant of Harihara II of Vijayanagara (V, p. 211 ff.), dated in 1385 A.D., reoording the gift of a village to some Brahmanas : grumann Ghattadahal!iti samakhya-sobhitan dhruvam Sarvajna-sri-Harihara-maharaja-purakhyaye nidhi-nikepa-salila-papdragami-sadkyakamsiddhaksinayutam castabhoga-svimyldi-samkulam il ngraharam imam sarvamanyam a-candra-tarakam 7. Hulikere grant of Harihara II of Vijayanagara (V, p. 520 ff.), cated on 4th December 1378, recording the gift of a village to some Brahmanas : Jambiranu Honnalapuravigi madi....d-catus-sime-volag-ulla nidhi-niks@pa-jala-pusana-siddha-sudhya-astabhogatejassamya-samasta-ba!i-sahita-vagi sarvamanyarigi kotta, i.e., 'having granted Jamburu ag tax-free village after renaming it Honnalapura, with nidhi, niksexa, jalu, pagina, siddha, sidhya, astabhoga-tejasswimya and the revenues from all taxes within ito four boundaries.' 8. Sadahalli grant of Devaraya of Vijayanagara (IX, p. 106 ff.), dated 22nd November 1425, recording the gift of three villages to a Brahmana named Kesava.....adat su-manoharam kiranyodaka-dharaptam sarvamanyagraharakam | e-candra-tara-bhogartham akrilopddhi-duritam nidhi-niksepa paguna-jala-sekharitantaram catus-simodara-gatair astabhogair alamkrtam agaminim cheesanam bhoganam api bhajanam | sthinam kariyamaninam tataka. kpetra-sampadam 9. Mudiyanur grant of Bukkaraya of Vijayanagara (X, p. 135 ff.), dated in 1344 A.D., recording the grant of a village to Somana-Nacana the Telugu poet : Penamagani-vilhydtam sarva-sasyopasobhitam | Bukkarayapurakhyata-pratinamna ca sobhitam || nidhi-nikpepa samyuktam jala-pagina-samyutam | akpiny-agami-sakitam siddha-addhya-samanvitam | asta bhogam idam sarvamanyam a-candra-tarakam ....dattavan muda 10. Nagasandra grant (XII, p. 63 ff.), dated apparently on 18th November 1381, recording the gift of a village to Vidyabhugana-diksita by Cannappa Odeya, nephew of

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17 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1 SETEMBL., 1981 Harihara 1 of Vijayanagara: Nigrmirinc-halliyan ....-hiranyadaku-dana-huni-puress kwa midi grimada musimnya agancs nidhi nikipa-jala-pisina-alvini-ligami-siddha lekye-astabhige-lijne-xruim h itar-shani: 1-grimavannesarramanyavagi ekabhogy Ir agrali kottare, i.e.. with pouring of water and gift of goki, he granted Nigemarine-halli free of taxes and as an wreshara enjoyable by one persou only with farbloge-le jussucimya, namely willi. nike jalur, pisina. alvini. agimi. siddhes and wildlys. within the four boundaries of the village. 11. Hassan grant of Naraya of Vijayanagara (1. p. 4 ff.), dated 25th July 1513. re. cording the grant of it village to some Brahmanas:...... Kittane-grimam uttamansar. rumany Wils-xi mimpulan rasamantalah : nidhi-nikxepa-papana-siddha-sidhyjalanvitam i viny-siyami-maklum gana-bhogyam sa-bharuham vapi-kupa-tatakais u Ivicchend pi saman ilani .... shiran -piyo-chiri-parcokan dattavin muda i 12. Harihar inscription (XI. p. 38 ff.), dlated 6th November 1538. recording the grant of a village to the Haribaru temple by devuta-mallapanna. governor of Acyutaraya of Vijayanagara : Kundaradabhidher grima sarv-ssyabhirdethidam 1.... nidhi-nikzepsacimyuktam jula-nisina-canvyutami alviny-agami-samyuktan siddha-aldhya-samanvitan I Rurvamdnyam amum gramamu saniasta-bali-samyutam ....prudad ucandra-tarakam! 13. Hassan grant of Sadasivara ya of Vijayanagara (V. p.4ff.), dlated in 1561 A.D., re. cording the grant of a village to a Brahmana : Kabballinamckain graman grharamo prasobhitam ! saramanyam catus-sima-samyutant ca samantatah nidhi-nikepa-pasana-siddhasuidhya-jalanritam alsiny-igrimi-samaktan eka-bhogyam sa-bhuruham i vvpi-kupa-tala kais ca kacchardi mais ca acumulam 1 ....801-hiranya-payo-dhgri-pirakan dottarin muda 14. Singapura inscription (1, p. 18 ff.). <Page #199
SEPTEMBER, 1931 ) WAS THE RAUTALIYA ARTHA-SASTRA IN PROSE OR IN VERSE 171 18. WAS THE KAUTALIYA ARTHA-SASTRA IN PROSE OR IN VERSE ? BY PROFESSOR PRAN NATH, D.Sc. (LOND.), PA,D. KAUTALYA states at the end of his introductory chapter that in the text "There are on the whole 15 books, 150 chapters, 180 sections and 6000 Slokas."1 Dr. Shamasastry men. tions that "In chap. vii of his Dasakumara-carita, Dandin has also stated that the extent of the Dandaniti abridged by Vishnugupta is 6000 Slokas.". As sloka generally means veree' and the present text is in prose, Pandit Ganapati Sastrin thinks that "by sloka, 32 letters are meant, and when these letters are knitted together they make a book."3 Before accepting this interpretation, it may be stated that the present text shows a peculiar type of harmony which does not seem to be accidental. The text is full of parts of anustubh verse and of sentences which, by a slight alteration, assume the form of stanzas. The following examples of sentences which either (a) begin with a line, or lines, of anustubh verse, or (6) can be converted into the anustubh metre by removing or adding a word or two, will make my meaning more clear. (a) Sentences which begin with a line or lines of anustubh verse : 1. Anviksakt trayi varta p. 6. 2. Tatra dharmopadha buddhan und suddhan p. 16. 3. Sarva-pravrajitasca svam 4. Tatra ye'nuprasamseyuh 5. Yathasvaganinam dhenus 6. Ingitam anyatha vittih 7. Amatya-sampadopeto 30. 8. Atyaktam tulya-silabhis 9. Dvitiye andna-bhojanam 10. Tytiye turya-ghosena 11. Astame tvigacarya 12. Mryate matta-kokilah 13. Catur dandantara rathyd p. 54. 14. Caturvarnya-samajive 16. Yo bhrtyatma-pidabhyam p. 69. 16. Aksa-salam anayukto p. 87. 17. Trayomsah tapaniyasya p. 88. 18. Atma-balanukalyena 19. Kosa-grha-vidhanena p. 40. Arpayet kaca-karmanah p. 87. Bharta vd karayan nanyah Andhas calita sastro va p. 325. Asastra-caksur andho yat 24. Sannidhatr-samahartros p. 333. Sannidhata kytavastham 26. Bhinna-kutandhayor bhinna p. 337. Kalah sitosna-varsatma ; tasya ratrirahah pakso p. 340. 28. Desah sreyan ityeke Sthala-gato hi sva nakram p. 340. 38. 38. 20. 21. 23. p. 325. p. 333. 1 Dr. R. Shamasastry, Kautilya's Anthasdetra, English translation, 1929 edn., p. 6. 1 Ibid. p. viii. 3 Sloka iha dvatrimdad aknarani, yesam samuddya eko grantha iti ganyate. (The Arthasdorra of Kautalya, Trivandrum, 1924, vol. I, p. 25.)

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Sun , 1931 (b) Sentenons which become verse by removing or adding a word or two: 1. Saptame mantram adhydafta, Gadha-puru pica prepayel Astams rtvigdcarya, Bhandikddhikaranf-picchas ordtram cellamabollanan Pragnid-edetra-caksur-li ndje alpenapi prayatnena Mantrindmapi hi mantripo bhavanti topampyanya, said mantri-parampard mantram bhinatti (yaondt) P. yadyad utpadyats tallad bhaksayati..... Sasane bdsanam iti...... Sasana-pradhand hi rdjanah, tanmdlatadt samdhi-vigra... p. Khanibhyo dhatu-panyaddnesu patchatam atyaya) p. 113. Akamdyah kumdryb od adhase uttamo dandah p. 124. Nagne vinagns nyange' pitsko'mdtrks its p. 164. 10. Kapild urtta-pucche ca. iti (!) carma-jataya) 80. It is also interesting to notice that in many places the text of the Artha-datra is so sensitive that by a slight change it turns into a verse, e.g., by omitting the words iti, vydlhydian, etc., or by adding or altering a few letters. A change in the construction will sometimes have the same effect. The following specific examples will give a better idea of what meant. 1. Anviksak trays vdrla dandanitie ceti vidydh. Kau. S. P. 6. 2. Tray vdrta danda-nitis Ibid., p. 6. 3. Varia danda-nitieceti Ibid., p. 6. 4. Dandanitirekt vidyety Ausanasdhtasyam hi sarva-vidy drambhah pratibaddha is. Ibid., p. 6. 6. Catasra eva vidyd iti Kautilyah. Ibid., p. 6. 6. Dharmd dharmau trayyam. Arthanarthau vdrtdydm. Naydnayau denda nityam Ibid., p. 6. 7. Dravya-praksto-henan api Ibid., p. 250. Anoiksaki trayl odrid dandanitisca basvati. 2. Kamandaki, p. 26. Trayi udrta danda-nitis Ibid., p. 27. Vartd ca dandanftitca Ibid., p. 27. Ekaiva danda-nitistu vidyety Autanaadh sthitah. Tasyam hi sarva-vidyanam drambhab sampratisthitah. 5. Ibid., p. 27. Vidyascatasra evaita iti no guru-darsanam. Ibid., p. 27. Dharmadharmau tray-othitau. Arthdnarthau tu adridyam danda-nitydm saydnayau. 7. Ibid., p. 27. Droga-praksts-Himo'pi Ibid., p. 87.

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SEPTEMBER, 1931] WAS THE KAUTALIYA ARTHA-SASTRA IN PROSE OP. IN VERSE 173 8. Na tvevanatma-sampannam. Ibid., p. 250. 9. Atmavati labdhavakasah.. Na tvevanatma-sampannad Ibid., p. 67. Labdhavakaso nipuna atmavatya(ti).......... Sthane sthairyam avapnoti Ibid., p. 68. Cakorasya virajyete nayane visa-darsanat. Suvyaktam madyati kraunco mryale matta-kokilah. 12. Ibid., p. 92. Visa-digdhena Sauviram mekhala-manina nrpam. Napurena ca Vairupyam Jarasyam darpanena ca. 53. Ibid., p. 100. Thus it is clear that the interpretation of the term stoka as meaning any 32 letters does not appear to be satisfactory. Fragments of anustubh given above show that the present text is based on books which were in verse. Kamandaki, while abridging the Artha-edstra of Canakya does not follow the order of the present text. He has, moreover, left out some of the most important portions of the text and gives nothing about them. For instance, the Adhyaksapracara, Dharma-sthiya, Kantaka-bodhana, Aupanisadika, etc., covering nearly 218 pages of the present text, are overlooked by him as if he did not know them. There is a chapter entitled Kantaka-bodhana in the Niti-sdra of Kamandaki, but it has nothing in common with the Kantaka-sodhana of the present Artha-bastra. It is possible that he may have taken liberties with the original text while abridging his master's book. Against this suggestion it may be said that Kamandaki often versifies the sentences occurring in the Artha-bastra and in many places follows them very minutely. The best solution of the problem seems to be to assume that the original text was in verse and that the order of the sections was also slightly different. The compiler of the existing text was very eager to end each chapter with a verse. These verses may have belonged to an original text and have been quoted at the end of each section with a view to paying due respect to Acarya Kautalya. If this explanation be accepted many riddles may easily be solved. For instance, the verse Sarva-bastranyamukramya prayogam upalabhya ca, Kautilyena narendrarthe sasanasya vidhih krtah," which means Having followed all sciences and having fully observed the forms of writing in vogue, these rules of writing royal writs have been laid down by Kautilya in the interest of kings,' may belong to the colophon of the original text. As the 28th prakarana of the Artha-edstra is full of verses together with explanations thereof, it is probable that the verses represent an earlier text, while the explanation in prose belongs to a much later date. Those who believe that the present text in its present form was compiled by the minister Kautalya himself will find it difficult to explain what induced him to mention his name at the end of 28th section. The ordinary procedure was for the author to mention his name and the work done, together with other details if so desired, at the end of each chapter, or part or volume. There is no such order in the Artha-sastra. Furthermore, at the end of the present text there are two verses in the colophon which have been translated by Dr. Shamasastry in the following manner: sthana-athairyam audymoti Ibid., p. 250. 10. Kraunco visabhyase madyati.... Mryate matta-kokilab. Cakorasyaksinazaira. jyete. Ibid., pp. 40-41. 11. Visa-digdhena nupurena Vairantyam mekhala-manina Sauviram Jalutham adarsena........ Ibid., p. 41. "This Sastra has been made by him who from intolerance (of misrule) quickly rescued the scriptures and the science of weapons and the earth which had passed to the Nanda king.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1931 "Having seen discrepancies in many ways on the part of the writers of wommentaries on the Sastras, Vishnu Gupta himself has made (this) Satra and commentary." The question naturally arises, where are the sutras and the commentaries on them ! The present text is not in the form of sutras and commentaries. If the last verse is an inter polation, what guarantee is there that the verses mentioning the name Kautilya, and following no particular order or procedure, are not themselves interpolations ? The Canakyasutrani appended to the second edition of the Mysore text might have had a commentary which is now lost. On the one hand, the author of these sutras follows a portion of the Artha-ddatra, and the first seven otras disclose the same order of sections as was followed by Kamandaki ; on the other hand he seems to be quite independent, as if he had no regard for the present text and had no acquaintance even with the Niti-sdra of Kamandaki. Taking all these points into consideration, it appears that the verses containing the author's name have no practical value in fixing the date of the text, as Dr. Shamasastry thought. The learned doctor's further argument, based upon the state of society depicted in the Artha-sastra, leading him to the conclusion that it is pre-Buddhist, becomes inoonolusive in view of the fact that there is little to show the exact conditions prevailing in the pre-Buddhist period. Similarly, his reliance on Dandin is not conclusive, inasmuch as there is no means of ascertaining whether. the tradition handed down to Dandin about the authorship of the work was based on fact. From what has been said above it would seem most probable that the original text was in verse, and not in prose. NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. BY PROY. 8. H. HODIVALA, M.A. (Continued from page 149.) Ellora.-The earliest reference to these Caves in Hobson-Jobson is from Thevenot (1665). But there seems to be a fairly clear allusion to them in Mas'udi. [c. 916] "Nous avons decrit les temples de l'Inde consacres aux idoles qui ont la forme du badrah (sans doubte le pradjaprsti], c'est-a-dire du germe qui parut dans l'Inde a l'origine des temps ; le grand temple nomme Aladra (Ellora ?] ou les Indiens se rendent en pelerinage des regions les plus eloignees. Ce temple a une ville entiere a titre de la fondation pieuse, et il est entoure de mille cellules ou vivent les devots qui se consacrent a l'adoration particuliere de cette idole."-Prairies d'or, ed. et tr. Barbier de Meynard, IV, 95. The translator suggests that this must be Ellora ; and there is a good deal to be said for this identification, as I may be easily read as 1,1 Aldura ' the symbols for dal and wdo, being so very much alike as to be often confounded by copyists. The cave temples are also mentioned by Firishta in his account of the Deccan expedition of 1306 and the capture of Dewal Devi, the daughter of Raja Karan of Anhilwad : "While halting for two days to refresh his army among the mountains, some of his [Alaf Khan's) troops to the number of 300 went without leave to see the caves of Ellora, in the neighbourhood of Dewgur [i.e., Deogiri now Daulatabad), from which city bis camp was not far distant." Briggs' Ferishta, I, 369; Lucknow Lith., I, 117. This is but a casual mention. But there is a lengthy description of these monuments in the Tazkiratu'l-mulak-a History of the Adilshahis of Bijapur written in A.H. 1020 (c. 1611 A.C.).-Rieu, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, I, 316; Rehatsek, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Mulla Firuz Library, Bombay, p. 75. Another Musalman historian also speaks of them, but the passage is scarcely worth quoting as it is practically identical with the one quoted by Sir Henry Yule from the Ma'dir. i Alamgiri. See Khwafi Khan, Muntakhabu'l-lubab, in Elliot and Dowson, History of India, VII, 189. 1 Shemasustry's English translation, 1929, ed., p. 463.

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SEPTEMBER, 1931) NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSOX 176 Fedea Fuddeea.--Yule's earliest reference is to Nunez (1554). Referring to the Kingdom of Gujarat, Barbosa writes : fc. 1516.1 "There is as well another kind of reckoning in which they carry on their dealings, which they call ferlso and it is nought but a name being the value of eighteen reis, or fourteen or twelve, according to place, for it is more in some places and less in others.'-. The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Trans. Dames, I, 156. The author of the Mirat--Sikandari, a history of the Independent Sultans of Gujarat written about 1611 A.C., speaks of phadiris having been current in the provinco in 1457 A.C. "It is said that fighting went on for five days in the neighbourhood of Kombhalmer between Sultan Qutbu'd-din Ahmad Shah and Rana Kumbha of Chitor), and that a cup of water was sold for five phadiyde, equivalent in that neighbourhood to twelve Muridi tankahs" (Sir E. C. Bayley's trans., p. 151). This word also occurs in two old Parsi sale-cleeds, dated A.H. 923 (1517 A.C.) and A.H. 952 (1545 A.C.), which have been published in my Studies in Parsi History, pp. 157-167. Firinghee.-(The earliest English example given by Yule is of 1614.) 11609.) "And his reason was, for that at his bee inge with the Greate Turke at courte. there came a Frangay, as he tearmed him (which I take to bee an Italian) whoe desirert license to come into the Red Sea with one shipp to trade."-Journal of John Jourdain, Hak. Soc. Series, ed. [Sir] W. Foster, pp. 89-90. Ganza.--[1583-91.] "Their current money in these parts [Pegu] is a kind of brasse which they call Gunsu, wherewith you may buy golde, silver, rubies, muske, and all other things.'-Ralph Fitch in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 35. Ghee.--Yule's earliest illustration is from Blochmann's translation of the Ain-i-Akbari. but a reference to the Bibliotheca Indica text, which was edited by himself, shows that the word ghi does not occur in that work, and that the expression used by Abul-Fazl is raughan.. zard ( w ), Yellow oil.'--Loc. cit., p. 138, 1. 3 from foot. Gingerly-The earliest example given of the use of this name for a part of the cast coast of India (between the Godavari delta and Orissa) is of 1680-81. (1654.) "Greenhill, being about to send his brother (Joseph, and son-in-law (John Gurneyl to Gingarlee insisted, in spite of Fuddle's protests, on dispatching Nynapa with them."-English Factories in India (1651-4), p. 263. 11669-79.) "This coast called Chingalee is certainly the most pleasant and comdious sea coast that India affordeth. .. It beginneth at Point or Cape Goodawaret, the entrance or south side of the bay Corango. . and ... extendeth itselfe soe farre as to the Great Pagod Jno Gernaet."-Bowrey, The Countries round the Bay of Bengal, ed, by Sir R. C. Temple, pp. 120-21. Gold Mohur Flower --The derivation of this word is uncertain, but Yule's suggestion that it signifies' peacock-flower 'receives some support from the following sentence in Babur Memoirs. In his description of the Peacock, which, he says, is called mor by the Hindistanis, he writes : << The flowers on its back are much the smaller ; below the back as far as the tail-tips are [larger) flowers painted in the same colours, A. S. Beveridge, The Babur-nama in English, II, 493. Here the word used for 'flowers' in the Turki text is the Persian gul, and is used, as Mrs. Beveridge says, for what we call 'eyes. In the Persian version made by the Kban.i. khanan Abdu'r-rahim in the reign of Akbar, the same phrase is used and the clause runs thus : r glhy psht w khwrd khwrd glh st z psht pyn tryn rngh mnqsh glhy khln qynrdm (Bombay Lithograph. A.H. 1308, p. 194, 1. 11.) In a word, the 'eyes' on the peacock's

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1931 tail are called gul by the Persians, and as the flower bears markings similar to these 'eyes, it may have been called gul-i-mor. Another possible explanation is to US gul-i-mihr, 'flower of the sun,' as the tree is in its glory and blossoms in summer, when the sun is at the height of his power. Goojurs.-William Hawkins is perhaps the earliest English traveller who mentions these people. [1610.) "Passing a mile hence (scil. Bayana) on a faire cawsey, you come to the King's house, sometimes faire, now ruinate, where a few poore Googers remaine in the ruines."Sir W. Foster, Early Travels in India, p. 152. See also ibid., pp. 156, 157. Gosain Gossyne.--[1608-11.] "Acabarpore (Akbarpur in Fyzabad District, Oude) 12 c[), formerly a great city, still famous for the antiquities of Indian gobins or saints." William Finch in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 155. Grass-cloth.-The learned authors say that these fabrics were made of Rhea or some kindred species, but we have not been able to determine this.". Dr. Watt has examined the matter and he is of opinion that this herba' was the coma of the hairs or floss from the seeds of madar or Calotropis gigantea, and not the Rhea fibre. Rhea could never have been found as a wild plant in Orissa, and the allusion in Cesare Federici) to the 'bole' or fruit from which the fibre was obtained precludes rhea from consideration altogether." The vernacular Jame yerua, which occurs in Fitch, he thinks, " is clearly a form of the word that denotes Calotropis throughout Orissa and the Karnatak to this day."-Commercial Products of India, Pp. 207-08. Gunny.-Mr. Crooke points out that the word does not occur in the original text of the Ain, but there can be no doubt that it bad come into general use about that time as it is found in Firishta's History, which was completed about 1611 A.C. [c. 1611.) "It happened that some of Ram Dew's subjects who had brought salt for sale from the Concan had left their bags close to the fort walls and fied on the approach of the enemy."-Briggs' Ferishta, I, 306. Here the word for bags' is guni (Liss), Lucknow Lith., 1, 95, 1. 15. T'he same word is again employecl, ibid., I, 96, 1. 9 (=Briggs, ibid., I, 309). [1619.) - To-morrow they will send a case of Alicante to the Governor, and some gunny for the factory."-English Factories in India, erl. Foster (1618-1621), p. 99. See also ibid., p. 161, "stronge gunnee or course canvas. Haddy-11612.) "Of these there are many; and hold yes, which are pentioners from the paye of one horse to ten, there are an infinite number. The paie of each horse is worth betweene 40 and 43 ropeas per monneth."--The Journal of John Jourdain, ed. [Sir] W. Foster, p. 190. Halalcore.--[c. 1590.) "Sweepers are called in Hindustan Halalkhur. His Majesty (scil. Akbar) brought this name en vogue.- linkbari, trans. Blochmann, I, 139. The words in the original are will ha, (Text, I, 144, 1. 11 from foot). [c. 1.39.5.1 "Whoever found a powerful friend among the nobles and people at Court, secured his wishes, and whoever could not obtain a similar introduction had to give large bribes . to all the subordinates of the Shaikh, even to the farishes, door keepers, grooms and sweepers." -Badkoni in Elliot and Dowson, H. of I., V, 521. Here the word for sweepers ' in the text is halal.or (Text. II, 205). Blochmann says that "it is doubtful whether it was Akbar's invention" (ibid., note). But Abul-Fazl does not state that the Emperor intented it. He is said only to have brought it into vogue. In this connection, the following sentence from Thevenot, which Yule has omitted from his quotation, is worthy of attention : "And they who approve this last application, say that heretofore the Halaloour were called Haramcour, eaters of prohibited weats; but that a King one day hearing his courtiers

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SEPTEMBER, 1931) NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON 177 jear them, because of their nasty trade, said to them, since these people gain their bread better than you, who are lazy lubbards, their name of Haramcour ought to be given to you, and to them that of Halalcour."-Travels into the Levant, Part III (Indies), Eng. trans., 1687, p. 64. Whether Akbar had anything to do with it or not, it is fairly certain that no example of the use of the word in this sense by any writer who lived before his accession is known. There can be also little doubt the King of Thevenot's story is Akbar. Peter Mundy gives a third explanation of the name. [1632.) "They eat all manner of carrion, as horses, cattell, doggs, catts that die of themselves, sayeing other men are cruell in takeinge away the lives of the creatures, when as (whereas) they eat none but those whome Cod kills. " The Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, II, 306. Harry.--The earliest use of the name quoted by Yule is of 1706, but we find it in Albiruni. [c. 1030.) "The people called Hadi, Doma (Domba), Chandala and Badhatan (sic) are not reckoned amongst any caste or guild. They are occupied with dirty work, like the cleansing of the villages and other services : ..according to general opinion, they descend from a Sudra father and a Brahmani mother as the children of fornication ; therefore they are degraded outcasts."-Alberuni, India, trans. Sachau. I. 101. Hooka. The following is a much earlier use of the word than any of those quoted by Yule - 11675.1 "Hoocars : commonly called hubble-bubble."-T. Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, p. 97. See also ibid., p. 96 and n. Hooly.-Mr. Crooke quotes from Hedges' Diary (1671); but here is an earlier use - [1628.] "It is however reported that a great caravan is to depart from this place after the Hoolee festival."- English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1624-9), p. 246. Hoondy. (The earliest use quoted in Yule is of 1810.) [c. 1600.] "When H. M. [Akbar] heard of this he gave orders that the Gujarat treasure should be gradually conveyed and that more than three lakhs of rupis should be sent from Court by way of hundi. In this country the rule is that when one desires to have money conveyed without the expense and trouble of transit to distant places, he makes it over to a man of means and he thereupon gives a writing. This is conveyed to the desired place, and the person there pays the money on seeing the document. The singular thing is that seals and witnesses are not required. The writing is called by this name (hundf), and in consequence of difference in place and circumstance sometimes it is met at par and sometimes there is profit." Abul Fagl, Akbarnama, trans. Beveridge, III, 1139. The elaborate explanation indicates that it was a Hindu institution with which the Muhammadan conquerors were not familiar even at the end of the sixteenth century.' Furcarra. See quotation dated 1639, 8.v. Doai (supra, p. 149). Indigo.-Sir George Birdwood's identification of Belondri' with Valabhi.' is admittedly conjectural and uncertain. 'Baladi' Ginger is often mentioned by old European writers (Dames, The Book of Duarie Barbosa, II, 92 n.; Hobson-Jobson, 266, 8.v.Country'), and it is possible that the same epithet may have been applied to the home-grown' variety of indigo also. But balandar and balandarin jail and w aily are given in the dictionaries of Richardson and Steingass as short forms of balandtar yj wiland balandtarin, wvisit, for. 'higher' and 'highest.' The best Belondri' may thus signify the best of the first (or second) class. Jancada.--Yule's earliest quotation is from Correa (1543), but those people are mentioned in Barbosa also and they are called Janguada' in the Spanish version and Sanguada' in Ramusio,

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178 THE INDIAN AXTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1931 01516."When these Nayres accept service with the King or with any other person 1.y whom they are to be paid they bind themselves to die for him, and this rule is kept by nost of them : some do not fulfil it, but it is a general obligation. Thus if in any way their Lord is killed, and they are present, they do all they can even unto death; and if they are not at that place, even if they come from their homes they go in search of the slayer or of the King who sent him forth to slay, and how many soever may be their enemies yet every one of them does his utmost until they kill him. .If any is in dread he takes one or two of these Nayres, or as many as are daring, to maintain; to these he gives a certain small fee to protect him and for love of them, none dares to do him any hurt, for they and all their kindred will take vengeance for any injury done to such an one."--The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, II, 48. This passage shows that the Jancadas were closely related to the Amoucos. See HobsonJobson, s.c. A muck. The former were men' bound by a vow,' the latter were those Janardas who in fulfilment of that vow, "did all they could even unto.death," when the necessity Arose, who slow and gave " themselves to slay" for their lord. Jangar.--(The earliest English use of the word quoted by Yule is of 1756.) 1621.) "This coast (is) not yet freed of all the Danes, from whome an English woman (which] came out in their fleet, a maid about 24, upon a gingastha) came to Pollecat, and was after a little stay there honn[estly) married to the preacher of the fort."--English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1618-1621), p. 266. [1632.) "That Sill in the night was to come ashore upon a gingada."-Ibid. (1630-33), )). 262. Jumdud. - The Jamdar Khana' (recte, jamdar-khana) (wls lovel) of the passage tuoted from Forbes, Oriental Memoirs has nothing whatever to do with this word ( s), jamdhar, which is derived, as Yule says, from Sansk. yamadhara. Jamdar-khana is a Persian word from jam (L), 'cup,' or jdma, 'garment,' 'robe.' Junk.--11503-8.) "There is also another kind of large ship whieh is called Giunchi and each of these is of the tonnage of one thousand butte, on which they carry some little vessels to a city called Melacha and from thence they go with these little vessels for small Spices to a place which you shall know when the proper time comes."--The Travels of L. di Tarthema, trans. Badger, p. 211. See also pp. 239 and 258, where the word occurs in the singular form, giunco. Juribasso. -A little carlier than Saris (1613) or Cocks (1615), Jourdain uses this word in the passage quoted helow. [1610.] "Sir Henry Middleton haveinge in the meantime fitted the shipps and made his Commission to mee... appointed for my assistance Georg Cockayne, Nicholas Bangham and a Spaniard as juribasse and our pilot for the countrye."-Journal of John Jourdain, ed. Foster, pp. 243-44. Kapal.--This Malay word for any square rigged vessel' occurs very early in European writers and is found in Varthema. In the chapter on the manner of navigating in Calicut,' he says that flat-bottomed boats are called 'Sambuchi' and that "others which are made like ours, that is, in the bottom, are called Capel."--Travels of L. di Varthema, ed. Badger, p. 154. According to the Bombay Gazetteer (Thana), XIII, Pt. 2, 470, the word is stili in nise on that coast. (To be continued.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1931) MISCELLANEA . 179 MISCELLANEA. ORDEAL BY BALANCE. from the bed of the temple tank was brought and The following extract, being Appendix of the put into one of the scrles, and the accused VamArcheological Report for Travancore, 1930, is worth putiri was made to sit in the other scale in order to reproducing for & wider public than that of the adjust the weight beforehand. Many people Travancore State. examined the adjustinent and said that it was R. C. TEMPLE. exact, the clay and the Brahunan weighing exactly "Some 18 years ago, at Calicut, there took place the same weight. I believe I myself was one who Dhata' or the weighing ordeal. It was in connec. examined and testified to this fact. The accused tion with a suit then pending before the Sub-Court Brahman then left the scene to reappear for the at Calicut, in which one of the questions to be ordeal. When the wretched man reappeared, all determined was whether Nampatiri Brahman, who saw him were moved to pity. The 24 hours' who was a party to that suit, had lost his caste for fasting which he had to undergo previously to breach of some caste rules. I do not well remember purify him for the ordeal, and the great mental now the grounds of accusation, but I heard the anxiety, made him look al very miserable creature parties agreed with the concurrence of the Sub indeed. Add to this the fact that he had just then Court, that, should the Namputiri Brahman under plunged in the tank and was coming directly from go the weighing ordeal, and succeed in establishing the tank without wiping off the water from his body his innocence before the Vydikas, or priests, according and with his wet clothes on, as he was directed to to the rules prescribed on that behalf, the question do. It will be observed that not only was his body, as to the caste status of the accused Namputiri but his wealth, his reputation, his caste, in fact Brahman might be decided in his favour. I pur. everything he cared for in this world, were, as it posely came down to Calicut from a distant place were, to be put in the balance; and if he failed in to be present at the ordeal. I have a vivid rocollec- the ordeal, his life was of course not worth living. tion of the very imposing ceremony I witnessed on You can imagine, gentlemen, under such circum. that occasion. It took place in the temple of Siva stance, what should have been the great mental in Tali at Calicut, in the midst of a vast concourse perturbation of the poor old Brahman as he apof people, Brahmans and Sudrag and the presence proached the scales slowly, trembling with fear, and of the late Zamorin Maharaja Bahadur of Calicut, with torre running down his cheeks. As he a whose presence, it was said, was necessary to vali. proached the scalos, he was made to prostrate date the procedure of the assembly of the Brahinans. before the weighing scales and repeat a stanza The king or his accredited minister, it is said, should which was, I think, to the following effect : "O witness the ceremony. Accordingly tho Zamorin Dhata, or weighing scale, thou art the great judge officiated as the king. There was a large assembly of guilt or innocence. O mother Dhata, if I am of the most respectable Vydika Namputiris, Nam- innocent, let the scale in which I sit, go up; if guilty, putiripads and many learned Brahmans from all let it go down." With these words he got into the parts of South Malabar. A big weighing machine, scales. Great was the anxiety of the onlookers to made of copper, was hung to a thick wooden beam know the result, which was inwever soon pronounced placed on two strong wooden pillars planted in the by the Brahman priests (who officiated as judges inner courtyard of the temple. Before the actual of the ordeal) to be in favour of the poor Brahman. weighing ceremony, there were as usual in all ceremonies conducted by the sacerdotal order, As soon as the Brahmen got into the scale, the various preliminary ceremonies performed. Some surging crowd Arommet the weighing machine beBrabman priests of high order sat for making came so uncontrollable and so disorderly, and there * homams' in the sacrificial fires kindled around the was so much confusion and pronr that many scale, some sat to perform pujds, and some to officials, including myself, were unable to see exactly recite mantras' and Vedic hymns. The weighing how the scales stood; but the judges loudly and apparatus was decorated with garlands and wreathe vehemently declared in favour of the poor accused, of flower and sandal paste, and formally monotified and we were all much pleased. A rich banquet by mantras. The temple music was going on all followed this ceremony, at which the Vamputiri's the time, and occasionally the katinde, or temple guns, were fired. As usual at all Brahman cere innocence was formally declared by the Vydikas, monies, a mhurtam, or auspicious hour, had been and he was allowed for the first time, after a fixed beforehand for the actual performance of the long period of suspension from caste, I believe weighing ceremony. About some balf an hour be- nearly 30 or 40 years, all the privilegos of a fore the appointed hour, a quantity of clay taken Brahman."

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IS THE INDIAN AXTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1931 BOOK-NOTICES. HISTORICAL FACTS UK TIL AKALIAN MUSICAL his critic. In his historical perspective he has INFLUENCE, by HENRY GEORGE FARMER (Studies undoubtedly made out a case for the Arabian in. in the Mwic of the Middle Ages). Wm. Reeves, fluence. He has examined the musical literature of London, 183: . vii-37. Europe and compared it in detail with that of the 4rabian wil info Europe. --The Arabs. His discussions, in periodical literature, of tnttsical influewe of Arabialt endure on Europe epecifie Arab musical instruments have strongthened is a subject requiring an instally wide amount his case. His promised translations and further of Arabic scholarship with cleep technical know pursuit of clues should go still further to clear ledige of the history. theory and art of music. These up doubtful and debatable points. His researches are of immonso value for the study of Arabic qualifications are combined in Dr. Farmer in an civilization and the civilization of medieval Europe. eininent degree. His brilliant contributions on this subject are attracting the attention of students and They dissipate the one-sided views which have hitherto held the field. musicians in both hemispheres. His conclusions become the more firmly established the more they A. YUSUF ALT. are questioned and controvertcil, just as the evidence of a witness in a court of law is best catablished RELATIONS OF GOLCONDA IN THE EARLY SEVEN. when it stands the test of cross-examination. Arabian culture in this connection is the culture TEENTH CENTURY. Edited by W. H. Moreland, C.S.I., C.I.E. 8} x 57 in.; pp. li+109, with 2 maps, which was lissominated through the medium of the Arabic language when that language held the Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, No. LXVI. London, 1931. supreme position in the world of culture from the eighth to the eleventh centuries of the Christian era, of the three accounts of the kingdom of Golconda and was still exerting some influence for at least published in this volume, one was written by an three centuries longer. Its motive force was English morchant, and the other two by Dutch supplied by Islamie organization. Int Jews and merchants who served on the Coromandel Coast. Christians collaborated in the task, and many Tho first is the Relations of William Mothwold, races and many cultures (notably Persian and based upon the knowledge acquired as "Principall Byzantine) e valuable contributions to its of the Coast of Choromandell " during the years vrowth and development. It was ten years ago 1818-92, which appeared in the 1836 edition of that Dr. Farmer senre hell out the cluing to that Purchas his Pilgrimage, but does not appear to have culture in the realm of music, examining the terb een over separately printed in English. The minology and history of musical instruments, second, written for the information of the Directors Discant, Organum. Law of Consonance. Solfeggic, of the Dutch Co. in Holland in 1616 or 1616, by Instrumental Tablature. Mensural Music, and Antony Schoror, an employe of that company at Xotation. He discovered the identity of the term Masulipatam from about 1008 to 1014, is now print. "hocket" with the Arabie "givil." and his clueed for the first time. The third was compiled in for Mensual Mensie is to be followed up in a special the latter part of 1614, probably, as Mr. Moreland hook. Some of his conclusions were accepted, and and shows, by Pieter Gielisz van Ravestyn, who served others were called in question by crities of authority, in the Dutch factory at Negapatam from 1608 to Among the latter is the well-known writer on music, 1614, and was printod in a Dutch collection of voy. Mise Kathleen Schlesinger, who has subjented many ages published in 1644-46. These practically con. of Dr. Farmer's statements to cleta,lecl criticism. tomporaneous narratives, which corroborate each There have been replies and counter-replier, and other in esential points, are of considerable value the present book "Historical Facts for the Arabian as giving a graphic picture of the conditions of the Musical Influence" reviews the whole controversy people and the methods of government in the king. in detail, point by point. from Dr. Farmer's point dom of Golconda at time when the Qutb Shahi of view. dynasty was approaching its end. As Mr. More Unfortunnely Miss Schlesinger is no Arabist. land points out, with the two Dutch ascounts Dr. Farmer is able to dispose satisfactorily of many before him, an unprejudiced roader can be satisfied of the arguments advanced against him as far as of the essential trustworthiness of Methwold's they depend on Arabic sources. He also promises to Relations. issue a complete translation of the Arabic trestige The editing of this volume has been performed in on music by the famous writer Al-Farabi, who died & manner that might well serve as a model. The in 950, as well as a critical edition of the text and Introduction contains just such historical, geogra. translation of an Arabic manuscript, the Ma'rifat phical and biographical information as is required al Naghamdt, which bears on the questions at issue. for proper approciation of the texts; while the We think that Dr. Farmer's thorough examination notes are commendably concise and to the point, of all the criticisms lovelled against him enables the suporfluous and irrelevant matter finding no place. impartial investigator to judge between him and C.E.A.W.O.

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OCTOBER, 1931 ) NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS 181 NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS. BY W H. MORELAND, C.S.I., O.I.E. (Continued from p. 164.) III. The Southern Maund. In the year 1554 Antonio Nunez, Accountant of the Treasury at Goa, prepared an official manual' detailing the currencies, weights and measures used in all the Asiatic seaports where the Portuguese then possessed settlements. This document is the primary authority for the Indian sea-board at this period ; but unfortunately it omits the ports of Sind, Gujarat and Goloonda, where no Portuguese settlements were then in existence. I have found no early data for Sind; for Gujarat we have the early English data quoted at the end of the last section; and for Golconda the precise statements of Antonio Schorer, 8 a Dutch factor who served for six years at Masulipatam. With this supplementary information, we can frame & complete account of the commercial units in use from Diu round the coast to Masulipatam. In Nunez, the Malabar Coast, from Bhatkal to Quilon, is distinguished from the rest of the sea-board by the fact that the word maund was not used on it. The current term was the Arabic farsala ; since 20 farsala ordinarily went to the bahar, it is practically equivalent to the maund, but its use in this region, the main seat of the Arab spice-trade, points to the predominant influence of the Arab merchants before the arrival of the Portuguese. The weights of the farsala recorded by Nunez are as follows: Port. 16. Bhatkal .. .. 212 and 242; Onor 222; Cananor.. 22.6; Calicut .. .. 22.8; Cochin 18.3; and Quilon .. .. 18.3. Cochin ind Quilon were primarily pepper-ports, while the other places named were used largely for transhipment of cloves, mace and nutmegs: the small unit recorded at the former may be a special unit for pepper, but I have found no other information regarding it. Bhatkal is peculiar in having two commercial units. The farsala of 21 Portuguese pounds, or arratels, is given as used for copper, iron, cinnamon, coir and sugar : the larger unit (24 arratels) is given only for pulse, and nothing is said as to the unit for other commodities. The most probable view is that Bhatkal was the point where two units met, the smaller farsala of the spice ports, and the larger maund of the Konkan coast. In any case it will be seen that the faraala of the transhipment ports was from 21 to 23 lb., while that of the pepper-ports was 184 lb. For the rest of the coast, the maunds recorded are Port. 16. Authority. .. 28.9 Nunes. Surat .. 27.0 and 32.5 (38) Finch (Letters Received, i, 34). Basrein Nunea Chaul .. 25:8 Dathal 25.2 .. 24-2 Negpatam .. .. 23.2 Tegnapatam.. 25 (nearly) Schorer. ? Livro dos pesos da Ymdia, e assi Medidas e Mohedas, printed by the Academia Real des Scientias de Lisboa, in Suidios para a Historia da India Portugueza, Lisbon, 1868; cited below as Nunez. A French version will be found in G. Ferrand's Les Poids, Mesures et Monnaies des Mera du Sud, in Journal Asiatique, July-Dec. 1920. & Translated and discussed in Relations of Golconda, Hakluyt Society, 1931; cited below a Schorer. Dia Goa 31

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1931 .. 23.2 Port. 10. Authority. Pulicat Nunez : Schorer has 24.2. Nizampatam .. .. 27.2 Schorer. Masulipatam .. .. 26 (just over) The southern maund, as I shall call it, thus ranged from 23 to 27 lb.; and, as with the fairsala, there was only a single unit at each port, except in the case of Surat, in the extreme South of Gujarat, where the Gujarat maund of 33 lb. was used alongside of the southern maund. Surat was thus the meeting place of two different maunds, in the same way as Bhatkal was the meeting place of the maund and the farsala. These data make it easy to interpret the other literature of the period. As examples, it will suffice to take Barbosa, Garcia da Orta, and Linschoten. Barbosa gives (ii, 232) the 'new' and 'old' Portuguese scales, and equivalents for the bahir and farsala used in India.' In the old scale the arratei or pound contained 14 ounces ; it was already obsolescent, the pound of 16 ounces having come into general use. The quin. tal contained 128 arratels. The Indian' bahar contained 20 farsala : the farsala contained 22 arratel 6} oz. (new weight), or 226 lb. This is clearly the farsala of Cananor and Calicut, given above, and we know that Barbosa spent much of his service on this part of the coast. Here as always, Barbosa uses the name India ' in a very narrow sense to denote only the West Coast, south of Bhatkal (vide the notes on i, 163, 188). Barbosa gives also (i, 157) the weights of the kingdom of Gujarat and Cambaya, and here the editor was misled. He started from the fact (u, 232) that in India'a bahar was equivalent to 4 old quintals; and he applied this equation to Barbosa's statement that in Gujarat the candy "weighs 4 quintals more or less, according to the place, as in some cases they are greater." In other words, he assumed that the bahar of India ' was the same as the bahar or candy of Gujarat, which lay far outside Barbosa's India, and he deduced a maund of 22.4 lb., which he noticed was low. The true reading is that the candy of Gujarat contained 4 quintals, which must be taken as 'new, because the 'new' quirtal was the ordinary one, and this gives & Gujarat maund ranging round 26 lb. with local variations. In the same note, the editor assumed that Garcia da Orta, in 1563, was using 'old' arratels, when he 10 put the Cambay maund at 26 arratels. There is no reason, however, to assume that the arratels in question were anything except the new' arratels, which by this time held the field; and the figure 26,, taken as & round number, agrees with all the other information of the period. The same writer (p. 433) gives the Did maund as 27 arratels, which, taken as a round number, grees with the official figure given above. The only other equation which I can find in this bcok is the statement (p. 236) that somewhere in the Deccan, i.e., inland, 6 maunds were equal to 6 Portuguese arrobas, or quarters of 32 arratels, making the maund 263 arratels, or just under 27 lb. This is one of several indications that the southern maund was used inland as well as on the coast. Linschoten 11 must be taken as a good authority for Goa, where he lived for several years before 1590, holding a responsible position in the household of the Archbishop. He is habi. tually careful to specify the scale he uses, weight of Portugal, weight of China, and so on. He tells us (c. 35) that in Goa the ordinary Portuguese scale was usual ; "but they have also another weight called Maund, which is 12 pounds, with which they weigh butter, honey, sugar, and various things sold by weight. They have also & weight used for pepper and other spioes called bahar, equivalent to 31 quintals, Portuguese weight." The Book of Duarte Barbosa. Ed. M. Longworth Dames, Hakluyt Society, 1918-21, dted below as Barbosa. 10 Garcia da Orta. Colloquies on the Simples and Drugs of India. Tr. Sir C. Markhim. London, 1913; p. 342. 11 The Voyage of J. H. van Linschoten to the East Indies. Ed. A. C. Burnell and P. A. Tiale. Hakluyt Society, 1884.

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COTOBER, 1931) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 183 Here the special unit for the spice-trade works out at 22-6 lb., which is the farsala we have already met a little further down the coast. The maund of 12 pounds (presumably Holland or nearly 13 lb.) used for provisions, etc., does not appear, so far as I can find, in earlier records we may guess it to be a retail maund, for the articles mentioned did not form part of Goa's principal export trade. I have referred above to indications that the maund of about 25 lb. prevailed inland as well as on the coast. A few of these may be noted here. In the hinterland of Dabhol the maund Was 24 to 25 lb. (English Factories, i, 289); and at Hubli it was about 27 lb., or possibly some. what less (idem, xi, 344). In Useful Tables (i, 80 ff.), the following commercial maunds are recorded as current early in the nineteenth century: Bangalore, 25 lb.; Belgaum, 26 lb.; Bellary, 258 lb.; Coimbatore, 24 lb. ; Poona, 271 lb.; Hyderabad, 237 lb.; Madura, 25 lb.; Seringapatam, 241 lb.; and Trichinopoly, 25 lb. It may therefore be taken as established that this southern maund was generally, though not necessarily exclusively, employed throughout India south of the Tapti. There is no suggestion that it was ever prescribed by authority, nor do we know of any authority which could have prescribed it over the whole region; and the facts suggest that a unit of about 25 lb., with local variations, had come into general use, booause it was in some way or other convenient for packing and transport. Wheeled traffic was rare in this region in early times, and the unit is too small to make a load, or half-load, for any pack-animal; but it is conceivable that we have here a survival of the porter's load, that is to say, that a porter carried about 50 lb. (with small local variations) in two equal pack ages, slung banghy-fashion from his shoulders. On this guess the candy would represent the load of a gang of 10 porters, each carrying two packages of about 25 lb. (To be continued.) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from page 157.) 12. Prayer-walls. "Prayer-walls (p. 173) are very common in Tibet [Mondang). They consist of a thick stone or sun-dried brick wall of varying length, sometimes a few yards long and sometimes stretching for a quarter of a mile or more. They are frequently placed in the middle of the high-road, so that travellers may acquire merit merely by passing them in the prescribed way. In some cases prayer-wheels are set in the walls, and in nearly all cases tbe sides are ornamented with sacred inscriptions, or with bas-relief sculptures representing various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. As it is considered an act of great merit to erect such a prayer-wall, they are to be seen in the neighbourhood of nearly every village." "On the Rong Valley.... (p. 206), alongside the roadway, were a number of prayerwalls. In these were placed a large number of prayer-wheels. .... These particular prayer-walls were of interest to me, because they contained inscriptions-invocations, which were not in Sanskrit as is usual (even Om mani padme Tuung is Sanskrit), but in Tibetan. and were, moreover, written phonetically, and not according to the classical spelling." IV. SUPERSTITIONS. 1. General. " There was (p. 334) a great deal of excitement in Lhasa, during the early part of my stay there, over a fire which broke out in the Potala. By a curious coincidence, I had been asking about fires in Lhasa only a short time before the conflagration, and though the Potala was a mile away and I was known to be in Sonam's apartments the whole time, some people wondered if my dark influence did not have something to do with the accident." 2. Boys in Processions. [On March 13th, 1923, was the procession of the festival in honour of the Blessed Maitreya, the Coming Buddha.] "Small boys (pp. 319-320) played a very important part in the

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1931 procession. . . . . According to ancient Indian cosmology the stature and span of life of mankind are not changeless, but undergo cycles of decrease and increase. At the zenith of human glory man is a giant, and the average duration of life is 80,000 years, but gradually degeneration sets in. Stature and life-span decrease until all human beings are dwarfs and live only for ten years. After this comes a cycle of increase, when man goes back to his original size and duration of life, but just at present, according to the Hindus and Buddhists, man is on the down-grade. Every century man's life and size steadily, even though imperceptibly, decrease. The average life is already less than 100 years and the average stature less than six feet, and this degeneration will continue for many centuries to come. But when the nadir is reached, Maitreya, the compassionate Saviour, will arise. The boys in the procession, therefore, represent what all human beings will look like in the era of the future Buddha." 8. Head-room. "In nearly all cases (pp. 122-123) the ground floor of the house is used only for stables and warehouses, with occasionally a room set aside as servants' quarters, the residential part being on the first or second floor. Most frequently, I was told, the head of the family had the highest room, as it was considered injurious to his dignity to have any one standing or sleeping above him." 4. Left-hand Whoris. "Another interesting relic (p. 125) at the Lha-Kang champo is a conch shell, the whorls of which turn from left to right. Lamas alone may blow it, and they do so only on receiving seven ounces of silver. One acquires great merit by blowing or inducing a lama to blow this shell." 5. Merit in possessing books. "Most of the peasant pilgrims (p. 320) who come to Lhasa like to buy a few religious books. To be possessed of holy writings is to acquire merit. It is quite unnecessary that they be read, and as they are not to be read, why should they be well printed." 6. Books. "Printed books I also secured (pp. 323-324) now in large numbers. The more metaphysical and philosophical books are never kept in stock in the book shops, but the old scholar managed to get several printed off for me. The wooden blocks for such books are kept in some of the larger monasteries, and when one wants a copy of a book, one must bring one's own paper to the monastery, and for a small cost the monastery officials will have the paper stamped with the proper blocks." 7. Learning. "He was a man of great learning (p. 323) from the mediaeval Tibetan standpoint. His learning was exactly like that of the school-men of the Middle Ages. His geography was delightfully vague. To him the world was a cylinder and the sun and moon but tiny satellites which revolve round it, but for him such concrete material things were of little or no importance, for he was interested in the subtleties of being and non-being, the nature of substance and the inherence of attributes, and on these pointe his knowledge and his views were profound." "I was surprised at the colossal ignorance of the average (p. 325) monk-ignorance concerning his own religion. This was the more surprising considering the examination they are supposed to have undergone. Very few of them could give any clear exposition of what Buddhism really teaches. They could only repeat a large number of incantations." 8. Snowmen. [McGovern devotes two pages (pp. 98-99) to the "Snowman" of Tibet.) "In nearly all parts of Tibet one finds traditions of the existence of a primitive race of men-former inhabitants of the land, who have been driven out of the plains by the Tibetans and who now

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OCTOBER, 1931) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 185 dwell only in the passes and on inaccessible mountain orage. My own servants referred to them as snowmen..... As an anthropologist I had been interested in the wild man disoussion, but I soon found out that the information acquired belonged by right more to the folk-lorist than to the serious soientist." V. MEDICINE. 1. Theory. "The groundwork of their medical theory (p. 313) is based on the ancient Indian system incorporated in medieval Buddhism, but this system has been somewhat modified by ideas taken from the Chinese pharmacopoeia." In Burma also, says E.R.E., III, 29 f., medicine, "which is Indian in origin, is not clear of necromancy. The doctor (althama) is a mere quack with empirical knowledge of leaves, barks, flowers, Beeds, roots and a few minerals. The datsayd is a dietest and the beindawsaya a druggist, but a doctor seldom combines both practices, and in either case is largely necromantio, professes to cure the witch-caused disease commonly believed in. The position of the moon and the stars has more to do with the medicine than the drug, and the horoscope than the diet. Oases of doath or failure to oure are attributod to error in the astrological or horoscopio information supplied." 2. Medicine. . "I was destined (p. 314) to receive medical assistance from quite another souroe. Know. ing that I was ill, Tsarong [the Commander-in-Chief) promised to send me some English medicines that he had had especially imported from India, but on arrival they turned out to be a dosen boxes of very mouldy Beecham's Pills and three pounds of Epsom salts." [Dr. MoGovern explains (p. 316) that Tibetans do not take to European medical treatment.] 8. Anatomy. " Elaborate anatomical charts (p. 313) are prepared, but in these the heart of a woman is supposed to beat in the middle of her chest and that of a man on the left. Red blood oiroulates on the right side of the body and yellow bilo on the left." 4. Curas. "The dysentery (p. 312) proved even more troublesome. At first I thought of calling in some of the lamas from the famous Medical College on the Chakpo Hill opposite the Potala Fat Lhasa), for I knew that in addition to their chants, they were in the habit of giving oertain herbs to their patients. . . . . for simple troubles many of the herbs of the witoh-dootor of primitive people are quite useful [By the time he reached Lhasa Dr. MoGovern was suffering from inflammation of the longs with hemorrhages and dysentery. Rest brought about improvement in his physical condition very slowly, and it was proposed to call in some priests.] " According to this plan some priests were to perform three rites on my bebalf. One was the chanting of a famous metaphysical Buddhist work oalled Praja Paramita Sutra (Shor-chin), or the Discourse on the Transcendental Wisdom. The second was the offering of food and drink to various demons, genii and guardian deities to insure their goodwill. Finally, in case these failed, and I should grow worse, the monks should perform a ceremony called chi-lu, wherein & crude image of myself, wrapped in some of my clothes, should be offered to the gods of death, with the idea that the gods would be deoeived into taking this image instead of myself." "Two other similar cures are recommended. One was to eat some of the rilbu, or holy pills, which are prepared in somewhat different forms all over Tibet. In nearly all cases they are round blank balls, about the size of marbles, made of barley-flour and containing the relio of past saints, or even something from the body of living inoarnations. Needless to say, the Dalai Lama pills are considered partioularly efficacions in ouring ABCD, and I Was assured of & supply,"

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 66 "In Burma," says Shway Yoe, The Burman, 418 f., even in perfectly evident illnesses, such as low fever, two persons in the same house, afflicted in the same degree with the same ailments, are treated in different fashion, simply because they were born under the influence of different planets, which have a special control over. . . . the respective relations of fire and water. The dietists are often particularly absurd in their regulation of the diet from the horoscope. Having ascertained the day on which the patient was born, they will forbid him to eat the articles of food whose names commence with any of the letters assigned to that particular day, most especially if they have the same initial letters as the sick man has himself." [OCTOBER, 1931 VI. SOCIAL CUSTOMS. 1. Position of Women. "It was interesting (p. 341) to note the large number of stalls [in the Lhasa market] kept by women, for women play a large part not only in the social but also in the economic life of the country. Some of the smaller articles were sold at fixed prices, but for the more valuable articles there was always interminable bargaining and haggling before anything could be sold." Says Shway Yoe, The Burman, 52: "Married women enjoy a much freer and happier position than in any other Eastern country, and in some respects are better off even than women in England. . . . . They are much more independent than any European, even in the most advanced States..... As a matter of fact, a woman may do precisely as she pleases, may marry the youth on whom she has fixed her affections, and may separate herself from the husband who has offended her, by going before the village elders and stating her case, and if the complaint is just her request is never refused." 2. Female Hospitality. "Here in Lhasa (p. 276) in good Occidental fashion, the lady of the house sat down and by conversation sought to lessen the tedium of my wait." 8. Polyandry. "Returning that evening (p. 42) to Yatung, we found that a Bhutanese chieftainess had arrived with three of her husbands-all people of Tibetan stock practise polyandry." 4. Curfew. "Every night at half-past eight (p. 273) curfew is sounded in Lhasa, but not by means of a curfew-bell. Instead, a giant squib is let off at each one of the four corners of the Inner Circle, as a warning that thereafter everyone should stay indoors [for his own safety]." 5. Saluting. "As soon as the Governor and his party (p. 221) came in sight, all of us dismounted from our ponies and withdrew to the side of the road. Satan and the elder of our companions, being supposedly of high rank, contented themselves with removing their hats as the procession rode past, but I and the other members of the party were forced to give the more formal Tibetan salutation. This consisted of opening the mouth and sticking out the tongue. . . . The fists were also clenched and the thumbs elevated as a sign of surrender, while Diogenes and I were even more humble, and with our open palm pressed our right ears forward. The Governor, of course, made no answer to our salute, and in fact two of his servants, out of pure devilment, lashed out at us with their whips and gave me a stinging blow on the shoulders." (To be continued.) 5 Nickname of McGovern's secretary, who acted as leader of the party in Tibet. His real name was Trashi-gigen Felicitous Teacher. See plate facing p. 58. "A poor stunted half-witted boy, whom I called Diogenes, was to act as oddman" (p. 59).

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OCTOBER, 1931) THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS 187 THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS. (A Bihar Cattle Festival and the Cult of the Mother Goddess.) BY KALIPADA MITRA, MA., B.L., PRINCIPAL, D. J. COLLEGE, MONCHYR. EVERY year on the day following the diwali, that is to say, the first lunar day of the bright fortnight of Kartik (Hindi, Kartik sudi) an interesting festival, known as the gaydant, is cele. brated in the afternoon. On the 18th of Ootober, 1925, I was invited by the local [Monghyrl Goalas to be present at this show. At about 3 P.M. & confused noise of many voices with occasional hilarious ejaculations, an increasingly audible gurgle born of mingled steps, human and bovine, treading on the dry leaves in the mango-grove, a low drumming on the tom-tom, plaintively monotonous, relieved from time to time by saltant strokes, the hallooing to the cows to exhort them to be of more decorous demeanour in the solemn procession--all this threw me into an expectancy hitherto unfelt. Then was there a sally into the improvised arena of cows gaily stamped with circular stains of red and blue on their hides, their horns glistening with oil and red ochre, led by new, bright-coloured strings, now lowing, now stamping, now heaving their heads up in the air, with their calves frisking about in mingled joy and fear, with the Goalas arrayed in their best and beaming with pride for their animals, which they keenly regarded, while the confused hubbub kept up the excitement of the soene-a truly bucolic spectacle that might well delight the heart of a Virgil, A puny pig that had not seen many a moon, adorned with a chaplet of flowers about its neck, was then led in. It was secured by cords attached to its hind feet, and was trem. bling all over and scanning the soene with weary eyes, vaguely divining the import of the impending orgy. Soon followed a chaog-the cows were set on the poor animal. They skipped and frisked about, aiming their pointed horns at the devoted victim. Each successful stroke was greeted with many an admiring shout, which forthwith developed into mad yells and frantic huzzahs. The poor pig, bound as it was with the cord that prevented escape, bravely struggled for lifenow dodging, now slinking, -Squeaking vainly for reprieve. Again and again the infuriated animals were urged with shouts and physical force to make at the animal. Whistling and hooting, halloos and hurrahs, crying and squeaking rose and fell with the hum and jerk of the tom-tom notes; and swung and swayed, swayed and swung the excited multitude. Long had ebbed away the water of life from the tiny little thing, and yet and yet again the lifeless mass was thrown before the cattle to be trodden and trampled upon. Verily was this scene a terribly cruel affair, and many & time did I wish it were stopped. The frantic fray was at an end, the cows were led away, and then followed a sombre proceeding. The Chamar, tom-tom beater and three or four Goalds improvised a resting place and put the dead animal on it north-and-south-wise. They then made a fire with cowdung cakes, and threw incense therein. Sitting round the carcase, one of them poured country wine into the mouth of the dead animal, uttered some plaintive and dolorous chants over it, that sounded like a veritable dirge. They smoked ganja and passed the chilam (pipe-bowl) round. They then made inyooations to Goraiya Baba and Jethu Baba and some other cattle guardians. The whole proceeding had the air of a crude but solemn worship or funeral service. (The Hindus place dead bodies north and south at the time of cre. mation.) They out off the left ear of the pig and took it singing to the courtyard of my cowshed (bathan) and buried it therein. On enquiring of an experienced Goald as to what the significance was of the burying of the sundered ear of the pig in the bathan, I got the reply that he could not really tell, but that it was a very ancient practice. The carcase was then taken away by the Chamar to be eaten. The funeral service had a sacramental air. During the proceedings I noticed my servant taking a cow of mine that had calved scarcely s month before, and setting her on the pig. I thought that this was to enhance the excitement of the game, as such cows, being anxious about their new-born offspring, are

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1931 known to be jealous and vicious. My servant's reply was that it was for luck to the animal that he did it, and I believe he was quite right. In the morning there had been a crude worship of the cows in the cowshed, at which the cows were fed and circular stamps were made with liquefied red ochre and a blue colour on their hides by means of earthen chilams (pipe-bowls made of baked clay), and the horns carefully painted with red ochre pounded in oil, technically called chumand, or 'touching.' On personal enquiry I have learnt that the festival is observed throughout the districts of Monghyr, Patna, Shahabad, Muzaffarpur, Saran and Manbhum. In the village of Kalyanpur, near Bariarpur, it is celebrated with much eclat, and buffaloes and elephants are brought out, besides cows that have recently calved. The trumpeting elephants catch up the pig and dash out its brains. In a Saran village a double enclosure is improvised by means of a low bamboo partition running east and west, at the northern side of which are marshalled the cows and at the southern the buffaloes, facing at the further end the dahra or dagra, i.e., the pig secured by cords. A third pig is bound by both the fore and hind pair of feet with stretched ropes placed in the hands of two or three Goalds standing at the opposite ends, east and west, who swing it from the north to the south enclosure and back again with thuds. They are good sized hogs. The size depends on the means of the local Goalas, and there seems to be no special significance in the smallness or bigness of the victims or in their number. The introduction of the elephant is merely for spectacular effect. At the SAran village, after the victims were gored to death, the names of Goraiya Baba and Jogi Bir were invoked. The Chamars and Doms take away the carcases to feast on them. I am informed that in Shahabad when the animal survives the rough treatment, a pointed bamboo is thrust into its chest to despatch it finally. Buchanan mentions that the Goalas of Bihar celebrate the festival at the divalt, when they tie a pig by the foet and drive their cattle over the animal till it is crushed to death, after which they boil and eat the meat in the fields. Next day is the Govardhan, when women of all castes pray to a mass of cowdung made in human form and distribute the sacred dung to their relatives, "to whom at the same time they threaten death as impending from some accident which is considered as abuse," abusive language being a well-known prophylactic against evil. I enquired of an experienced Goald in this neighbourhood if the Goalds do eat the meat of the pig killed in the gaydans. He replied in the negative, saying it was not banaiya or wild. On further enquiry it appeared that they do not now eat even the banaiya (wild) boar, not to speak of the gharaiya (domesticated) pig. On the other hand, a certain gentleman tells me that he heard that Goalas used to eat the meat, but the practice has been discontinued. My informant from Shahabad district tells me that even now the Goalas do eat the pig killed in the gaydant. First of all they roast the carcase and then, cutting it up, boil and eat the meat, all the Goalds sharing in the feast. And this is confirmed by Mr. Oldham. He (in the Indian Antiquary of August 1928, p. 137) says: "One of the most peculiar features of the festival as observed in Shahabad....is the eating of the pig after it has been killed. It is not a case of the wild boar, the flesh of which is relished by so many tribes and castes that are accustomed to the chase (among whom the Ahirs, moreover, cannot be classed): the pig in question is a village pig, the flesh of which is only eaten ordinarily by the most despised castes, regarded by all orthodox Hindos as quite outside the pale, and between whom and the Ahirs there is a wide gap." Speaking generally of the Ahirs' position in the social order, he says (p. 138): "These Ahirs as a general rule lead an orthodox life, and except on the occasion of this particular festival I have never heard of their eating village pig." 1 Martin's Eastern India, vol. I, p. 194 ff. * W. Crooke, Religion and Folklore of Northern India, Oxford, 1926, pp. 260, 261, (The italics are mine.)

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189 OCTOBER, 1931] THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS Crooke says that the Bengal Goalas themselves do not eat the meat. He obtained the information from Risley. Mr. Oldham says that Risley's date the samkranti-is a mistake. The festival is held on the 1st day of Hindi Kartik sudi, which is the first day of the second lunar fortnight, and it begins immediately after the amavasya is ended, which may happen at night of the previous day, viz., the last day of Hindi Kartik vadi. One probable explanation is that this may be regarded popularly, but not correctly, as the samkranti, which is used in solar calculation. In the year 1925 the divali fell on the samkranti day of Asvin, i.e., the 31st of the Bengali month of Asvin. It has to be enquired if the last day of Kartik, when Risley says the festival was held, was the pratipada or the first day of Hindi Kartik sudi. In that case only he may be correct. According to Risley, the Bengal Goalas do not eat the pig. It may be that the one-time practice of eating the pig by the Bengal Goalas may have been discontinued at the time that Risley wrote, owing to the spread of advanced ideas, which may have induced them to suppress information regarding the old practice. With the holding of present-day caste conferences, where the castes claim to be dvi-jati, e.g., Ksatriya and Brahmans, and in some cases Vaisyas, the chances of getting accurate information regarding old observances which may seem derogatory to the castes would be almost hopeless. More than fifteen years ago at a conference in Bhagalpur district the Ahirs proclaimed that they were not Sudras but Vaisyas. During the interval they have improved upon their old position, and today they claim to be Yaduvamsi Ksatriyas. Crooke tells us that the wild pig is pure and "ceremonially hunted by Rajputs as representing Gauri Devi, the mother goddess in her benign form, and the flesh is sacramentally eaten." The most important point herein is the identification of Gauri Devi with the pig and the sacramental feast-or the yajna or sacrifice, which I will deal with fully later on. Further enquiry elicited the information that the festival is not held on the divali day, as Buchanan observed, but on the day following, which, in agreement with him, they call the Govardhan day. In the morning, says my own cowherd boy, the Goalas make rude images or effigies of cowdung representing the cowherd, the cows, the calves, the troughs in which they put in yava (barley), kerao (peas), etc., the ploughshare, the yoke, etc., in short every. thing pertaining to bucolic life. The sacred cowdung is indeed distributed among themselves; but no invective follows. In northern India the very same thing happens in similar forms. According to the Bengali panjikakars this day is recognised as the Govardhan day, in conson. ance with the Goswami School of Sri Sri Haribhaktivildso, which enjoins worship of cows, worship of Govardhana and night vigil, besides worship to Bali, the Daitya king. I am informed by a Sindhi gentleman that the same observances are practised in his country, and worship is offered to Balraj. That the cow-worship should be associated with Govardhana, the scene of Krsna's (the divine protector of cows according to the Hindus) exploits against Indra, is quite natural. The plough, the share and the yoke suggest an agricultural state of society, as distinct from the pastoral; the cow represents the Earth and Lakshmi, and therefore the agricultural state. The Puranas (e.g., the Skanda and Padma) refer to the go-paja and go-kridd on the first day of the lunar month. The Sohorai festival of the Oraons of Chota Nagpur offers a striking parallel to the gaydany, and it should be so, as the Oraons have borrowed it from the Hindus. Rai Bahadur S. C. Roy writes: "The Sohorai festival in which the Oraons anoint the forehead and horns of their cattle with vermilion and oil and wash their hoofs and give them a day's rest and entertain them An Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore of N, India (Allahabad Edition, 1894), p. 377. 4 Crooke-Religion and Folklore of N. India (1926), p. 367. (Italics are mine.) Oraon Religion and Customs, 1928, p. 80.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1931 with a hearty feed and light lamps in the cattle shed at night, is really a festival of the Hinduized pastoral caste of Ahirs. The Oraons have easily borrowed and assimilated that festival as it is in consonance with their own Goensali Nad puja." The latter puja is this: "A fowl is fed on a handful of arua rice placed on the floor by the head of the family and then pushed outside (tukko othorna). The fowl is then sacrificed to the Goensali Nad or Gohar Deota or Gonred by another man. While sacrificing the fowl the man says, "Hatram kala, etc., or 'Now I have sacrificed to thee. Go away, carrying with thee all sickness and sins. Do not afflict us with sickness and other calamities."" This is obviously a vicarious offering and suggests the idea of the scapegoat. The Bataks of Sumatra set free a swallow with a prayer that "the curse may fall upon the bird and fly away with it." The Greeks did the same with the swallow. Transference of sin, evil, curse or disease to an animal and then sacrificing it with a view to get rid of it, is a widely prevalent practice. I make no apology for giving the following description of the Sohorai festival on account of its important bearing on the subject. Mr. Roy says (pp. 230 ff.): "In the evening of the Amawas or New Moon day in the month of Kartik, a number of newly made earthen lamps (kachcha dia) fed with oil, are lighted in all the rooms, cattle sheds, manure pits and kitchen gardens, upland fields and trees attached to the house of each Oraon family. The lamps, if possible, are kept burning the whole night. Incense (dhaan), if available, is also burnt in the cowshed. In each house a special meal is prepared for the cattle by boiling together urid (Phaseolus Roxburghii), marua (Eleusine corocana), and bodi (Vigna Catiang). "On the following morning, at about 10 A.M., the cattle are bathed in some tank or pool or stream, and then taken into the family cattle shed, where some female member of the family sprinkles rice-beer on the hoofs of the cattle. The cattle are then given slices of the spiked tuber called of (Colocasia antiquorum) mixed with salt to eat, and are given a hearty feed of the arid, marud and bodi grains boiled overnight. The horns, forehead and hoofs of the cattle are then anointed with vermilion diluted in oil. "In a few families a fowl is then sacrificed to its presiding spirit Gordid or Gohar Deota or cattle shed spirit, who is also sometimes called by the name of the Hindu goddess of wealth, Lachhmi. After the cattle have been thus fed, they are taken by the young bachelors (jonkhar) of the village to the village pasture ground or to some tanr or upland outside the basti or inhabited part of the village. There the village Ahir (Mahrds) or cattle herd with cowbell (tharki) in one hand and a staff in the other meets them. "Some families who own buffaloes sacrifice to Gordid a black pig in the following manner. They first wash the hoofs of the buffaloes and anoint their horns and forehead with vermilion diluted in oil, then the pig is offered a handful of arud rice to feed on, and its feet are washed and its forehead anointed with vermilion diluted in oil and with rice flour moistened in water. The pig is then dragged over the ground and thus taken, struggling and squeaking, to the place where the buffaloes have been let loose. The buffaloes, excited and frightened by the squeaking and grunting of the pigs, gore the pig to death with their horns. Ordinarily the pig is purchased by subscription from all the villagers who may own buffaloes, and the ceremony is a public one. "On this day and the following day, a few young Oraon boys, dressed from head to foot in straw and decked with flowers mainly surguja (Guizotia abyssinica), go from house to house playing on drums and dancing, begging for gifts of rice and other grains and vegetables as also coins, and drive away fleas and mosquitoes. One or two of them dress themselves in paddy straw like women with make-believe babies on their back. These boys are called dunda and their begging and flea-driving is known as dasa-masa." (To be continued.)

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OCTOBER, 1931) LALLA-VAKYANI 191 LALLA-VAKYANI. * (The Wise Sayings of Lal Dod.) BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR. (Continued from vol. LIX, p. 130.) The cultural expressions of the ancients serve, no doubt, as a living link between the present and the past and bring one into contact with philosophy at a deeper level. There is, therefore, & growing desire everywhere to know and appreciate these expressions, after sifting them as corn is sifted in a cribble. Kashmir is a fairyland of peace and contentment, removed from the terrors and turmoils of the world and wrapt round with the devotional silence of the Himalayas. It produced men as well as women in the past who enriched mankind by a literature containing the deepest thought and the loftiest philosophy. Until lately the vast region of this literature lay dark and unexplored. Some European savants, however, collected many old manuscripts and dived deep into the mysteries of philosophical speculation contained in them. Thanks to their zealous efforts, many precious works dealing with ancient popular religion in Kashmir, which were forgotten, nay, almost lost, were recovered, translated and published. Thus rescued from the abysmal depths of oblivion, this classic literature has now happily regained currency in the literary world. Amidst the gems of this literature were the Lalla vakyani or the Wise Sayings of Lal Ded, a creative genius and prophetess, who flourished in Kashmil in the fourteenth century of the Christian era. Many of these were translated into English prose by Sir George Grierson and Dr. Lionel D. Barnett, and rendered into English verse by Sir Richard Temple. There remained unpublished, however, a number of the Sayings of Lal Ded over and above those already conserved by the said gentlemen. I, therefore, made searching inquiries for them in different parts of the Kashmir Valley, and my labours were fortunately rewarded by my being able to obtain 60 more Sayings. Out of these, 33 have already been published in the Indian Antiquary (vol. LIX, pp. 108-113 and 127-130, supra). The remaining 27 are now given below. My constant feeling is one of gratitude to fate for having permitted me to live to find out these treasures of Kashmiri literature, which will, no doubt, not only interest philologists and antiquarians, but will also help to vitalize thought and action in the time to come. 1. Andar asit nebar tshondum Pawanan ragan karnam sath, Dhyana kini Day zagi kewal zonum, Rang gav sangas milit keth. Though within, I searched [God) without. The vital airs satisfied my veins, [as] Through meditation only I found God pervading the world. The world got merged into the union (with God). Buthi kyah jan chul wunda chuy kaniy, Aslac kath zah saniy no! Paran lekhan wuth anguj gajiy, Andrim duyiy zak teajiy no ! How pleasing is thy face, [but] thy heart is (like) stone, The word of reality (i.e., religion) never penetrated into thee! Thy lips and fingers were worn away by reading and writing, But the inner hatred never went away from thee!

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1931 Chas kenh na ta deas kerhnay, Keihnay, kerhnas kesh na id kerk gom tarit keth Shiva puzum wuchum Naran, Kerhnay keihnas kerh na ta kenh gom tarit kath. I am nothing and I was nothing, No, into my nothingness (i.e., transitory existence) something or other penetrated. I worshipped Sive, I saw Vienu, No, into my nothingness (i.e., transitory existence) something or other penetrated. Chuh kuney. Chuh nd kuney? Uchum or yor nd luney. Dayi phal, tay mol nd kundy; Tsay tsento gdrun na kunty. (God) is somewhere. Is He not anywhere! I saw Him neither here nor there. God's fruit, and it has no prioe (i.e., it is free), Take thou a hint, thou hast not to search [for) (Him) anywhere (He being Omnipresent). Goras pritshom adsih lafay Yas na kerk wandn tas lydk ndo? Pritshdn pritshan thacis ta visas "Reihnas nishe kyahidni dndo." I asked the Guru a thousand times What is the name of Him who is not called anything! I got wearied and tired by inquiring (and) inquiring"Something came out of something" (i.o., this was the answer, meaning that God was incomprehensible). Kandyo Ilarak kanda, landby; Kandyo I karak kandi vilde Bhogay mithiy ditit yal kanday At kandi rozi sur na ta ade. Somanah gdrun manz yat kandty, Yath kandi dapdn Sarup ndo. Lob moh taaliy, shob yiyi kandey, Yath kandi tez tay sor praldsh. O thou, possessed of body! If thou wilt talk of body, body O thou possessor of body! If thou wilt adorn this bodyThou hast given sweet feasts to this body Of this body there will remain neither dust nor ashes. With a good heart search (God) within this body, The name of this body is the Impersonal Supreme Being. When greed [and] ignorance will be dispelled, (then) this body will acquire beauty, To this body (will then come] light and all lustre,

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OCTOBER, 1931) LALLA-VAKYANI 193 Khina khcna karan kun no watak ; Nakhona gatshak ahamkari. Sumuy kheh mali, somuy deak, Samiy khenah mutsaranay baranen tari. Sum yoli samiy rum kati roziy, Ada ha mali sapanak,-"Sotham, Suy." By eating [and] eating thou shalt not reach anywhere (i.e., wilt not achieve anything); By not eating thou shalt become conceited (i.e., thou shalt consider thyself a great Sscetic). Eat moderately, and thou shalt live, By eating moderately doors will be unbolted [for thee). When an even ljoint) is joined to another even joint, no rim remains, Then thou, O Father, shalt become [fit to proclaim]--"I am He, even He."1 8. Kwebab ta koso majt, Kami laji bhajf-bhat? Kali gatahak kunih na bab kunl no mdje. Zanit lava lajit bhajibhag. Who is father and who is mother, Who made friendship with thee! After some time thou wilt go [dio, then) none is father, none mother. Knowing this, why hast thou contracted friendship (i.e., art attached to them)? 9. Lali gor brahmdndah pahkeun wuchum Shakibalo balo pada da. Gnanaki amrita prakrat bharam ; Lobay morum andatand idm. I, Lalla, saw the guru above the Brahma-randhna: The digit of the moon (i.o., the light of true knowledge) reached down to my feet. I Alled the intellect with the neotar of knowledge; I deadened greed completely. . 10. Latan hund mda idrion walan; Aliy haunam aliciy wath Yim yim bozan tim kona matan! Lali biz ahatan kuniy kath. The flesh of my feet was caught in the paths; The Only One (i.e., Om) showed me the path to the Only One (i.e., God); Why wilt not those who listen to this become mad (with love of God)! Lalla listened to simply one word (i.o., Om) in place of hundrede. (To be continued.) 1 Thie Saying may be compared with the Bhagavadgita, Chap. VI, versea 16 and 17. For explanation of shishikalsoo Sir Gloorgo Grierson's Lould Vdkydni, p. 202, and Sir Richard Temple's The Word of Lalla, p. 186. * For Brahmanandhra ne explanation giren der LANA'Saying No, in Sir George Grierson's Lalla Vdkyni

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTODER, 1931 PLACE NAMES. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRA LAL, B.A. WHILE engaged in the preparation of District Gazetteers of the Central Provinces, under. taken for the first time in the first decade of the current century, it struck me that placenames usually revealed a wonderful history, which I occasionally noted in the volumes under preparation. Later on an educational Journal pressed me to contribute some thing which would be interesting to schoolmasters and their pupils, and I thought of making an experi. ment whether the interpretation of place-names would be of any interest to those people. An article was therefore prepared giving in a general manner the signification of village names together with somewhat detailed information in connection with the derivation of the names of 117 towns and cities found in the Central Provinces. The article aroused such enthusiasm that it had to be reduced to the form of a booklet, which had to be reprinted within a month of its first issue, and had to be translated into Marathi, the second great verna. cular of the province. Later on I circulated the booklet to the Directors of Public Instruction and notable literati of the various provinces in India, recommending that similar booklets, giving the signification of geographical names in each province, might well be prepared. The proposal was heartily approved everywhere, but so far as I know not a single work in that line has been yet produced, although some thirteen years have elapsed. Meantime I noticed that the matter had independently attracted the attention of geo. graphers in England, and a society for interpretation of place-names was formed at once. I am not aware of its transactions, but I trust a good deal of spade work has been done. I, however, believed that this was the first attempt in Great Britain in this direction, but the other day I was disillusioned, when in a heap of old books for sale in a Simla shop, I found a work named Etymological Geography written by C. Blackie, with an introduction by Profes. sor J. S. Blackie and published in 1875. In the preface Mr. Blackie wrote:"When I was myself one of a class in this city (Edinburgh) where geography and history were taught, no information connected with etymology was imparted to us. We learned with more or less trouble and edification the names of countries, towns, etc., by rote: but our teacher did not ask us who gave the names to these places, nor were we expected to know if there was any connection between their names and their histories. Things are changed now: and, I be. lieve, the first stimulus to an awakening interest in Geographical Etymology was given by the publication of the Rev. Isaac Taylor's popular work, Words and Places." So it was somewhere in the sixties of the last century that an effort was made to unravel the mysteries which surrounded the names of places at least in one part of the world. Professor Blackie, while introducing the subject, wrote enthusiastically saying, " Among the branches of human speculation that, in recent times, have walked out of the misty realm of conjecture into the firm land of Science and from the silent chamber of the student into the breezy fields of public life, there are few more interesting than Etymology. For as words are the common counters, or coins rather, with which we mark our points in all the businesses and all the sport of life, any man whose curiosity has not been blunted by familiarity will naturally find a pleasure in understanding what the image and superscription on these matters mean; and amongst words there are none that so powerfully stimulate this curiosity as the names of persons and places. About these the intelligent interest of young persons is often prominently manifested ; and it is a sad thing when parents or teachers, who should be in a position to gratify this interest, are obliged to waive an eager intelligence aside, and by repeated negations to repel the curiosity which they ought to have encouraged. Geography, indeed a subject full of interest to the young mind, has too often been taught in such & way as neither to delight the imagination with vivid pictures nor to stimulate enquiry by a frequent reference to the history of names; and this is an evil which, if found to a certain extent in all countries, is particularly rank in Great Britain, where the language of the coun. try is composed of fragments of half a dozen languages, which only the learned understand,

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OCTOBER, 1931 ] PLACE NAMES 195 and which to the ear of many have no more significance than if they were Hebrew or Coptic." These remarks are more forcibly applicable to India, where names owe their origin to more than 500 languages and dialects. Yet while Great Britain has taken up the thread again, India remains where it was, in spite of attention having been drawn to the desideratum. "The composite structure of our English speech," wrote Professor Blackie," in fact tends to conceal from us the natural organism of language." One may well ask how much the babel of India conceals from the Indian people. Even in a single province like the Central Provinces about 150 languages and dialects are spoken, some of them by what may be termed autochthones, differing widely from the speech of the Aryan immigrants, who settled in the province in comparatively late times. In these circumstances, conjecture in the realm of etymology is simply unavoidable, but if it is pursued patiently, accepting only what is solid and eliminating what is problematical, one need not be afraid of treading over ground that may not be wholly terra firma. During the times of Sri Ramacandra, a great portion of the present Central Provinces was Dandakaranya or Dandaka forest, whence Sita, wife of Rama, was abducted by Ravana, king of Lanka, which has been usually identified with the modern Ceylon, but since about & decade this identification has been questioned and a theory started that Ravana was king of Amarkantaka, & peak of the Vindhyachala mountains, whence the sacred river Narmada takes its rise. The Dandaka forest was inhabited by wild tribes, of whom the Gonds were most prominent, as they still continue to be, numbering over two millions, a strength which no other tribe or caste in that province attains. It is, therefore, likely that most of the place. names are in the language of these Gonds, as also in that of the Oraons, who are believed to have been the vanaras or monkeys' of Rema's army; but several of them have undergone such a change by Aryan influence, in fact have become so sanskritized as to look Aryan in their present forms. Mr. Ramdas of Jeypore Zamindarf in the south has gone so far as to say that even in Valmiki's Ramayana, they were put in such a garb as to look sanskritic, though they were in origin purely Dravidian, to which Gondi, Oraon and other wild languages conform. He has made a special study of the Savara language, remnants of which still remain in the Ganjam District. Savaras find mention even in the Vedic literature (Aitareya Brahmana) and probably they allied themselves with Rama as Riksas, or bears, in the fight between Rama and R&vana, the king of Raksasas or Gonds. Be that as it may, he traces the origin of the following well-known places mentioned in the Ramayana to the Savara language. He says 1 :-"In the language of Sabars or Savaras, Lanka means above, tall, high, and it is used to signify the sky or heaven. Any high object is indicated by this word.......Lanka was originally a Savara word and was adopted into Sanskrit...... The people of Lanka living on the top of the hill spoke of Khara's camp as Jaitan, down or below ...... This name easily becomes Janasthana in the mouths of the Aryans.... The word Dandaks does not mean of the king Danda,' but signifies 'full of water. It is made of dan+dak+a, the final d being the Savara genitive termination. In Savara language dan means 'water,' in other dialects of Savara dak is the word for water. So dan+dak denotes excess of water. Dan+dak+d means of much water.' Dan+dak+a+aranya means the forest of much water.'" Without endeavouring to unfold the mysteries of classic names, I would here quote some examples of place-names, which are absolutely aboriginal and have undergone hardly any change. Mr. Ramdas has been speaking of the Savara language, which continues to be 1 JBORS., vol. XI, pp. 43 ff. > For emphasis, words carrying the same meaning are duplicated, e.g., balla fale, in which the first word is Hindi for a bull and the second a Gondi word for the same,

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1931 spoken in the tract where he lives, viz., the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. I shall confine myself to Gondi, the principal language of the Dravidians living in the Central Provinces. Kohka (a village in the Jubbulpore District) derived from Gondi kohka (bhelwa, or Semecarpus anacardium). Bareli (in various districts) from Gondi bareli (* Banyan,' or Ficus bengalensis). Kursipar (in Saugor District) from Gondi kursi (hardu, or Grewia Rothii). Kesala or Kesali (common to many districts) from Gondi kesla (dhaman, or Grewia tiliaefolia). Tumri or Tumribahar (Saugor and Raipur Districts) from Gondi tumri (tendu, or Diospyrus melanoxylon). Teka or Tekapar (Raipur District) from Gondi teka (Teak, or Tectona grandis). Rongakhar (Nandgaon State) from Gondi renga (ber, or Zizyphus Jujuba). Palari (in many districts) from Gondi paladi (alaua, or Calotropis gigantea). Sareka or Sarekha (Balaghat District) from Gondi sarekd . (char, or Buchanania angustifolia). Tahka (Raipur District) from Gondi tahka (bahera, or Terminalia belerica). Pahud (Betul District) from Gondi pahud (camel's foot creeper, or Bauhinea Vahli). Narri (Raipur District) from Gondi nalli (aonld, or Phyllanthus emblica). Muripar, Murmura R and Murwari. (Raipur and other Districts) From Gondi mur or murmurd (palas, or Butea frondosa). Markadih and ? (Raipur District) From Gondi marka (Mango, or 3 Mangifera indica). Mahka (Raipur District) from Gondi mahka (bel, or Aegle marmelos). It will be seen that all the above examples relate to names of trees, a most conspicuous feature of the jungles, in which the Gonds lived and still live, but even Aryan immigrante found this method of naming villages after the trees to be very convenient, and thousands of villages are so named, their favourite trees getting the lion's share. In a single district, viz., Jubbulpore, there are over 50 villages named Piparia, from pipar (Ficus religiosa). Simi. larly we have in the self-same district a number of Jamunids after the jamun (Eugenia Jambolana). Umarids after the umar (Ficus glomerata) and Imalias after the imli (tamarind). The other favourite trees are bad (Banyan '), am (mango), bel (Aegle marmelos), bet (plum), semar (Bombax malabaricum), mahud (Bassia latifolia), char (Buchanania angustifolia), and hardu (Grewia Rothii). Instead of having bald tree-names, as in Gondi, the Aryan names carry some suffixes, which indicate a locality, for instance, Belgaon=bel (a tree) plus gdon (village), Beltari-bol+tard (tank), Bilpurd=bel+purd (quarter), Bilpath&r=bel + pathar (stony land), Bilkhirw=bel+khirwd (hamlet), Bilh&=having bel trees, and so on. Similarly, we have Ami, Amkuhi, Amahta, Amakhol, Amanala, Amgava, Amajhal, Amraiya and Amuwari, all named from the am (mango); those after other trees named above being Badkhera, Baroda, Badkachhar, Barghat, Bargaw&, Badwara, Badgaon, Badchhad, Badmani, Badwabi, Badera, Simra, Simaria, Mahgavan, Mohgaon, Charguyen, Charkheda, Hardua, etc. In the primitive stage another distinguishing feature next to trees was the resort of wild animals, which gave their names to certain localities. Thus in Gondi, Malpara from mal, peacock ; Arnameta from arnd, buffalo; Ponar (green pigeon); Kondig&or, from konda, 3 Mr. Ramdas has been so enthusiastic in the matter, that he has purchased a village inhabited by Savaras in order to learn their language, or rather the relic of that language, at first hand. In the Central Provinces as now constituted, after the transfer of certain Oriya State to Orissa, the Savara language bag ceased to be spoken at all, although there are still 36,000 Savaras living within the province. There is a zamindari named Suarmar which is a variant of Savar-mal, meaning the hills of the Savaras ,like Kandhmal, the hills of the Kandhs or Khonds.

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OCTOBER, 1931 ] PLACE NAMES 197 bullock ; Mauhar* from mau (deer) are of this description. The prototypes of these in Aryan dialects are profusely found, for instance, Richhai from richha, a bear; Bagholi and Baghpur from bagh, a tiger; Bhainswahi and Bhainsdehi from bhains, a buffalo; Hathigadh, Hathikhoj and Hathnavar from hathi, an elephant; Untia from int, a camel ; Ghodamar from ghoda, a horse ; Gadhabh&ta from gadha, an ass; Hiranpuri from hiran, a deer; Gaikhuri from gai, a cow; Billiband and Manjarkhed from billi or mdnjar, a cat; and so on. Both tree and animal names are usually joined with some terms indicating water, which on the face of it affords a better way for distinction than their solitary names, thus we have Aunrabandha =aunrd (a tree) +bandh (embankment). Semartal semar (a tree) +di (tank). Bilsara Ebel (a tree) +ear (tank). Amanald =dma (a tree) +nald (brook). Champajhar =champa (a tree) +jhar (spring, source). Kusumsard = kusum (a tree) +sar (tank). Jampani =jdmun (a tree) +pani (water). Jamtard =jdmun (a tree) Hard (tank). Piparod =pipar (a tree) +ud (water). Bandarchuk =-bandar (monkey)+chud (well, spring). Baghdabri =bagh (tiger) +dabri (pool). Hathbandh hathi (elephant) +bandh (embankment). Hathisara =hathi (elephant) +sara (tank). It may be added that water, or a store of water, is itself a feature which has given names to many villages, instead of the double characteristic shown in the foregoing paragraph ; for instance, Kak (a well), Jhiria (springlet), Panohdhara (five streams), Chikaldabra (muddy marsh), Saugor (sea), Mahasamundra (ocean), Janapani (old water). Reptiles, insects and birds have also contributed their names to a number of villages. Nagpur, the capital of the Central Provinces, means a city of cobras. Dhamangaon, a town in Berar, is named after another variety of snakes, Magarmuh&, a village in the Jubbulpore District, means crocodile-faced,' situated as it is close to the Narmada river. Gidhaura (' vulture ridden'), Kukrikhapa (hamlet of fowls'), Kauakhapa ('crow hamlet'). Chelhia (kite '), Undari ('full of mice'), Kekradih (orab wasteland') and Jhinguri ('full of crickets) are other examples of this class. There are a number of village-names which are onomatopaeic. They represent the peculiar sound heard in the variety of the habitations, either by the fall, or flow of water or by chirping of birds, etc. These are Damdama, Daldali, Murmur, Mulmul, Burbur, Buj. buja, Lutluta, Rigriga, Bidbida, Dhabdhabe, Tulbul, Turturiya, Cheumeu, etc. (To be continued.) 4 If it is derived from an Aryan source, it would mean the forest of mahud trees. There are instances where the name yield meanings both in aboriginal as also in Sanskritic languages, but their signification bas to be judged from environmente, e.g., MailApur, & quarter of the Madras City, means in Aryan dialecte a dirty town, but in Dravidian, it means peacock town. The first interpretation in this case cannot hold good in view of the foot that Mailapur is perhaps the cleaneat quarter of the city, and has nover been known to have been a dirty quarter:

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1931 BOOK-NOTICES. NYAYADARGANA (Gautama Satra and the comment. | The interpretation of the term Yanga, as applied ary of Vateyayana with Bengali translation and in more than one work in reference to the Nyaya or elaborate explanatory notes) by MabAmaho- Vaibesika system as the Sdstra which propounds & padhyaya Phanibhugana Tarkavagisa. Vol. I:- peculiar kind of connection (Samyoga) between xlviii +1-427; vol. II:i--vii +1-526; vol. III:1- atoms (vol. I, p. 228, under I. I. 29), is highly x+1-369; vol. IV:i-xi+1-372 ; vol. V:1-xvi+ ingenious. But the statements of Gunaratna in the 1-486 Royal. Published from the Bangiya Sahitya commentary of the Saddardanasamuccaya (Bib. Parishat, 243-1, Upper Circular Road, Calcutta. Ind., p. 49 ff.) which definitely identify the fol. Of all philosophical systems Nyaya is represented lowers of the Nyaya system with those of Saiviem to be the most important in the sense that its study and attribute yoga practices to both, require proper is essential in any philosophical discussion, it being consideration before any conclusion is arrived at. the light which enlightens all Sastras (rata: As a matter of fact, the story of the interrelation TOUTH). But the amount of work done in between the Nyaya, Saiva and Yoga systems of modern times to interpret and popularise this system thought is of absorbing interest, and will be dealt is very soanty, at least in comparison with the work with in a separate paper by the present reviower. The identification of the Nydya Sastra of Medhadone in other systems, especially Vedanta. This last system has of late got the upper hand even in tilthi mentioned in the Pratimd of Bhasa with the Bengal, which was reputed for its partiality towards work of Gautama (vol. V, 485) supported by a verse Nyaya. And, as a result, modern Bengal can take from the Mahabharata may not unlikely be ques pride in its wealth of Vedantio literature. The tioned. On the whole, however, the work is a Bangiya Sahitya Parishat itself, a publication of marked achievement in Bengali, and congratulations are due both to the author and the publishing society, which society is under review, augmenter its philo. which has already to its credit the publication of a sophical publications by a translation and annotated critical edition of the Sribhasya of Ramanuja. good many old Bengali texts and translations of Thore is an elaborate account in Bengali of the Sanskrit works. Such & work in any of the world growth and development of the Vedanta system of languages would have established the reputation of thought, with a description of its vast literature, in the author. Composed in a provincial dialect it three volumes by Prajnanananda Saraswati. A cannot be expected to enjoy the amount of celecritical edition, with translation and annotations, of brity that it deserves. the Vedanta Sutra and its interpretations according If we could get such volumes not only in other to the school of Sankara, is in course of publication. systems of philosophy but also in different branches of Sanskrit literature from the hands of similar old. There was no such work pertaining to the Nyaya type Pandits, much valuable tradition which is still system, which until recently constituted the most popular subject of study in Bengal. But the want living would be preserved. CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI. has now been supplied by Mm. Tarka vagisa by the publication of his Nyayadarsana. HINDI BHASH AUR SAHITYA, by Shyam SUNDAR In the present work the Nydya Sutra with the DAS. Published by the Indian Press, Ltd., celebrated commentary of Vatsyayana has been Prayag. Price Rs. 6. translated into Bengali. A learned and independent Rai Sahib Babu Shyam Sundar Das, B.A., is too commentary in Bengali by the translator, embodying well known to scholars interested in Hindi to re. valuable information collected from different old quire introduction. He is one of the chief founders texts, has enhanced the value of the work. It amply of the Kashi Nagari Pracharini Sabha, and has done testifies to the deep and extensive scholarship of the go much noble work in the cause of Hindi that it is learned translator. The problems have been tackled rather difficult to praise him adequately for it. The herein in a very lucid way. We have here the books he has published have already placed him in advantage of listening to the discourses of an old the forefront of Hindi writers of the day. The type scholar of wide reading, whose association with new work entitled Hindi Bhdsha aur Sahitya which the Nyaya system has extended for years as a he has now placed before us substantially adda student and as a teacher. to his already established reputation. A brief review In the lengthy introduction, topics like the anti- of this useful publication is made here, so that it quity of the Nyaya system, the name and author of may attract the attention of such scholars we have the Nydya Sutrcs, the date and identity of the not yet seen it. The book comprises two parte, commentator Vatsyayana have been discussed more one dealing with Hindi language and the other in the orthodox fashion than in the modern scientific with Hindi literature, both meant to place before historical way. Thus all the conclusions drawn 18 & vivid account of the growth of Hindi from its are not expected to be accepted by modern scholars. commencement to the present day. Babu Shyam According to the Mahamahopadhyaya tho mytho. Sundar Das has done his work in & laudable and logical sage Gautame, husband of Ahalya, is the scholarly way. His style, though learned, ia pure author of the Nyaya Satras. and lucid, and his reasoning is forooful as well as

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OCTOBER, 1931 ] BOOK-NOTICES 199 convincing. The extraneous matter he has brought KICAKAVADHA OF NITIVARMAN, WITH COMMENTARY, in to explain the development of the fine arts Edited by Dr. S. K. De, 1929.. (lalita-kald), painting, architecture, etc., was more This is a short poem in five cantos describing a suited to general history than to the survey of well-known episode in the Mahabharata. This the growth of Hindi. The viows he has expressed poem belongs to what is called the Yamaka Kavyas, in this connection are not of an art critic, but of a a very artificial kind of poetry in which a few general Hindu observer. The simhhdvalokana he has syllables are found repeated; for example : given and the instances he has furnished will, it is asti rajd jagadgitamahimd lokavigrahah hoped, be welcomed by general Hindi readers. The adkydd iva rucam sthanamahimdlokavigrahah I. 7. account of modern Hindi writers which is given in Such & play on words for sound effect is an old the book, together with the general remarks by the device in Sanskrit poetry. Kalidasa resorts to it. author, is quite appropriate. One could well expect Alliteration in general is seen even in the oldest reasoned criticism of their works from an authority phase of Indian poetry-in the Vedas. In Kalidasa of Babu Shyam Sundar Das's type, A9 it usually we see only a portion of one of his kavyas with this is and ought to be given in books of this nature. device adopted for sound effect. A whole poem with I congratulate Rai Sahib Babu Shyam Sundar this play on words is perhaps a later phenomenon Das on the production of this learned and careful in Sanskrit poetry. Such poetry was considered work and wish it the wide publicity it so fully only as a source of temporary, light amusement, deserves. and not as serious art, and as such it may be, no HIRANANDA SASTRI. ancient specimen of such a poem, though in vogue even in very early times, is preserved to us. Kica. KERALA SOCIETY PAPERS, published by the Kerala kavadha is probably the oldest, provided Nalodaya Society. Series 3, 4, 5 and 6; 104 x 81 in. ; pp. is not by Kalida. 113-352. Trivandrum, 1930. There is very little to be said against the form These four seriala published during the past year of the edition of Kicakavadha. The manuscript beer witness to the useful work being carried on by material is amply described. Some specimen sheets the Kerala Society, and the wide scope of its interests of the manuscripts are also reproduced. It is clearly -historical, archaeological, epigraphical and lin. indicated where the page in the manuscript changes ; guistic. Mr. M. Rajaraja Varma Raja continues changes of handwriting, corrections by later handshis Travancore Dynastic Studies in Series 3 and 6. all guch details are given. If the edition had boon Series 4 is chiefly devoted to articles on the Malabar free from some of its inaccuracies, it could have been Christian copper-platee by the Rev. J. Monteiro safely recommended as & model of editorial skill D'Aguiar, the Rev. Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., and Mr. T. Besides many printing mistakes, there are certain K. Joseph ; while in Series 5 Fr. H. Hosten contri- deficiencies which could very easily have been butes an interesting account of the St. Thomas avoided with a little more care. I give a few in. Christians of Malabar from Assemani's Bibliotheca stances : Orientalis, with abundant annotations. The Rev. (1) I. 1. (Com.)-Subhadrstam vi is quite correct; G. Schurhammer, S.J., also contributes several I do not know why a note of exclamation (1) hag papers on different subjects in Series 4 and 6. been added. Ity etasmdd eva karanat ought to read Among articles of special interest may be cited that ity etaemdd iva kdramat. by Mr. C. P.T. Winckworth (Ser. 3, pp. 159 f.) on a (2) I. 4.-When & text is edited with a comnew interpretation of the Pahlavi Cross Inscriptions, mentary, it is desirable that the reading in the which have hitherto baffled so many scholars, commentary be followed for the text. It would wholly divergent renderings having been suggested have been better if tand were printed in the text. by Burnell, Haug, West and others. Mr. Winck. and the reading nata given as an alternative one. worth has at lagt arrived at & reasonable and well- (3) I. 7. (Com.)-Yaddjnaya kavikavyan tam founded interpretation that meets with the ap- dha. This is not intelligible. Yet there is no comproval of those best qualified to judge. The meaning ment to show that the phrase needs consideration, of the final word is still rather ambiguous, eg will be either in a footnote or in the body of the notes. seen from the revised interpretations proposed on (4) I. 8. (Com. Arthdd ayam mayi sati pp. 268-69. Some six inscriptions, both Tamil and etatirdne.--Perhaps this should read arthad ayam.iti Hebrew, are dealt with in Series 3, 4 and 5. Another sati eta trdne. important contribution that should be mentioned (5) I. 11. (Com.)- Api virodhe.-A happier is that on the Feaste of St. Thomas by Dr. F. C. reading would be apir virodhe. Burkitt (Ser. 6, pp. 287 f.). The Society is fortunate (6) I. 17. (Com.)Sidiram ityddi.-Sisiretyadi or in having secured the collaboration of so many sidirdmdor ityddi would be a happier reading. scholars of note, which seems to be largely due to (7) I. 18. (Com.)-Krasvasting should be in. the exertions of the Secretary, Mr. T. K. Joseph, serted before krtakremena. whose devotion to the interests of the Society is (8) I. 27. (Com.)Priyam hitam copapalayan apparent throughout these papers. du pavadhddind bharavatarandt priyakaranam; C.E. A. W.O. vajaddind vratikarandt sampannasaayakaratiam.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY We are justified in expecting the expression hitakaranam corresponding to priyakaranam. (9) II. 2. (Com.)-Channd iti sambandhah.The expression is not quite clear. Perhaps the reading should be sahita iti sambandhah. (10) II. 4. (Com.)-Cakarat stribhir anydbhir api.-Perhaps the commentator did not notice that the word stribhih is in the text, and need not be understood from the word ca. (11) II. 7. (Com.)-Makaralayah should be fined to his own kingdom, spread throughout the inserted before silakhando. world. In either case there is no certain clue (12) II. S. (Com.)-Kamalinilayd ought to be regarding the date of the poem. mahakamalinilayd. I have no wish to add more, though many more could be found throughout the book. [ Ostoviv, 1931 interpretation proves nothing; it solves no difficulties. It simply complicates matters by our having to assume that Kalinga was ruled by a large number of chieftains instead of by one king, as we have the word nrpdn in the plural. The first alternative is a far more direct one. The general idea will be that the king had great fame in Kalinga, and on account of his magnanimous dealings with the subdued rulers, his fame, instead of being con. The editor discusses a large number of topics in the Introduction, and I had better make some remarks on some of them in the order in which they occur there. The editor says: "The example of a poem commencing with an deth-prelude is hard to find." Perhaps he is thinking of metrical kdvyas, as "Almost this statement follows the sentence, all the mahakavyas open with a namaskriyd or a vastunirdeda." Both the Ramdyanacampu and the Bharatacampu begin with deia; all the natakas begin so. In the case of Nalodaya it is difficult to decide. It is neither deis nor namaskriyd, and yet there is a mangala. I may add that nearly all the standard mahdkavyas begin with vastunirdesa, which is only a polite way of saying "without a mangala." It would be rather an interesting study to investigate the problem of the necessity of a mangala at the beginning of a literary work. Neither Panini nor Patanjali, nor even Kasikakara worries about a mangaldcarana. The sutras and bhasyas in the systems of philosophy do not begin with a mangalacarana. After some discussion regarding the source of the poem and the nature of Yamaka, the editor takes up the question of the authorship of the poem. The poet wrote the poem for the amusement of a king (I. 25). In I. 21 it is said that the fame of the king spread all over the world. In this stenza there is the word kalingatah. The editor introduces a discussion on the interpretation of the word. The stanza is : sucanuddharatah siddhan nrpams tasya kalingatah sadhuvadah ksitim sarvam paribhaya kalin gatah. The point is, is the word kalingatah in the first half to be taken with gatah or with anuddharatah. In the first alternative, the idea will be that the fame of the king, who re-instated on the throne the kings he subdued, spread all over the world from Kalinga, and the king will be the ruler of Kalinga. In the second alternative, the idea will be that the king, who defeated the kings of Kalinga, re-instated them on the throne, and thus his fame spread all over the world. Here the king will be a ruler of a neighbouring country, and not of Kalinga itself. For the second interpretation the editor has the support of Prof. F. W. Thomas. This alternative The poem is quoted or referred to by many authors. The author's name is not mentioned by any one. The editor's statement that in Srngdraprakasa Bhoja mentions the name of the author and the work (Introduction, p. xiv) contains a small error. Bhoja does not mention the name of the author. In the Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London, vol. IV, pt. ii, p. 282, the editor simply copied what he saw in the report of the working of the peripatetic party of the Madras Government Oriental MSS. Library, and there the reporter introduced the name of Nitivarman, not because Bhoja had given the name, but because he knew from catalogues that Kicakavadha was attributed to him. The commentator of Kicakavadha, both in the beginning and in his commentary on I. 25, says that Nitivarman is the author of the poem. The colophon in MS. A also attributes the work to Nitivarman. But MS. B does not give the name of the author. The marginal gloss in MS. A also gives the name of Nitivarman as the author of the work. It says: nitivarmanah sakasaj jatam, tena krtam ity arthah. It is not known from the edition if the Tikakara Sarvananda attributes the authorship to Nitivarman. The stanza, on the basis of which the work is attributed to Nitivarman, is: tasya sambhrtasatkirter ajahannitivarmanah vinodartham idam kavyam pravrttan nitivarmanah 1. 25 It is explained as: tasya vinodartham idam, nitivarmanah kavyam pravrttam ('this poem of Nitivarman was composed for his amusement '). There is another possible explanation, and I see no reason why I should not suggest that also, though it is against the commentator, inasmuch as the editor has chosen to differ from the commentator in his explanation of I. 21, and to make the patron. of the poet a king of the neighbourhood of Kalinga, who defeated the many kings of Kalinga. The other explanation is: tasya (described above) nitivarmanah vinodartham (for the amusement of Nitivarman) idam kavyam pravrttam (this poem is composed). This will make Nitivarman the patron of the poet. I leave it at that. Perhaps this clue 'may lead to the determination of the date of the poem. Some Nitivarman prior to Bhoja, either in Kalinga or in the neighbouring country, would solve the problem. C. KUNHAN RAJA

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NOVBER, 1931) NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS 201 NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS. By W. H. MORELAND, O.S.I., C.I.E. (Continued from page 183.) IV. Delhi Maunds. I now pass to the more difficult question of the units current in the North before the era of standardisation. I have found no suggestion in the chronicles that any of the early Muslim rulers of Delhi prescribed units of weight, and those which we meet may reasonably be taken as unofficial or customary. From the nature of the case equations are very rare, in the literature, but it so happens that we possess a few definite statements for the neighbourhood of Delhi in the second quarter of the fourteenth century. In these statements the equivalents are given in terms of Arabio units, the evaluation of which is a task for specialists ; I use the following values, which are based on the relevant articles in the Encyclopaedia of Islam and on some supplementary data, for which I am indebted to Professor H. A. R. Gibb. The misgil, or mithadl as Arabista write it, was very close to 70 gr. when used as a weight by apothecaries; the coin-weight was somewhat smaller. The classical dirham weight (as distinct from the coin) was 487 gr. The rith was round about 1 lb. It contained 12 dqiya for ounces), and in classical literature the dgfya contained either 6 or 7 misgdis, making the nith either 5,040 or 5,880 gr. In some regions, however, the aqiya, and consequently the ritl, was substantially larger; the ritl of Egypt works out to 7,776 gr.; that of Barbary was approximately of a kilogram, or as much as 10,288 gr. The Masdliq-ul Abedr, which was written in the reign of Muhammad Tughluq, and the information in which relates to the neighbourhood of Delhi, says (Elliot's History, iii, 582); "The rid of India, which is onlled aer, weighs 70 miaqdio, which, estimated in dirhams of Egypt, is worth 1024. Forty sers make one man." The maund was thus 2,800 misgile, or (at 70 gr. to the misqar), exactly 28 lb.; and the dirham of Egypt works out to 477 gr., which is very olose to the classical equivalent given above. Ibn Batuta, 13 who spent some years in India during the same reign, says (iii, 382) that the Delhi rith contained 25 Egyptian, and 20 Barbary, ritlo; presumably be used round figures rather than precise equivalents. The two equations give maunds of 27 lb. 6,400 gr. (which is within a few ounces of that deduced from the Masdlig), and a little over 29 lb. Uncertainty as to the precise equivalents of the Arabic units makes it impossible to fix the Delhi maund to the proper decimal on these data, but it is safe to take it as 28-29 lb.; and this figure fita some, but not all, of the passages where quantities are given for this period and locality Thus the Masdlig (Elliot's History, iii, 577) says that Muhammed Tughluq's royal slaves, who, we may be confident, were pampered, received a monthly allowance of two maunds of wheat and rice, and a daily ration of 3 sers of meat. Taking the maund at 281 lb., and the Average month in the Islamic calendar at 29 days, we get a daily grain-ration of just under 2 lb., which by itself would be inadequate, for the enquiries made in the nineteenth century in connection with famine-polioy showed 2 lb. of grain to be less than a satisfactory ration for an adult male. The meat-ration, equivalent to 2.1 lb., looks very high ; but it may be reduced by almost one-half on the reasonable assumption that the butchering was done in the slave-department, since, judging from data kindly furnished by Mr. J. Hammond of the Cambridge University School of Agrioulture, something like 40 per cent of the capoase would not be available as meat. 13 I quote from the French version : C. Dofremery and G. Sanguinetti, Voyages d'Ion Batoutah; Paris, 1874-79. These pronage are discussed (iv, 81n) in H. Cordier's edition of Yulo's Cathay and the Way Thisher, Hakluyt Society, 1916.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1931 Taking the maund at 281 lb., the total ration was thus about what might be expected : with a much smaller maund, the royal slaves would have been seriously underfed, a thing which is inconceivable in the conditions of the period. In the next reign, that of Firuz, 3 sers of grain daily were allowed for each prisoner taken in war (Eliot's History, iii, 331); at 281 lb. to the maund, this gives a daily ration of nearly 2.2 lb., granted by an exceptionally kind-hearted king; and this is very close to what would be allowed to prisoners at the prosent day. There is no doubt then that the equations quoted are substantially correct. On the other hand, various passages relating to booty taken in war are quite incredible when interpreted in terms of a maund of this size. They have usually been read as fantastic exaggerations, and it may be agreed that exaggeration is probable in the case of narratives written some time after the event; but precise accountancy was the rule of the period, and it is probable, though not certain, that some at least of the figures given in contemporary narratives are taken from official returns, which would certainly not exaggerate the value for which the makers might be held responsible. These figures can be interpreted on the theory that the original Arab mann of nearly 2 lb., which was certainly used by the early Moslem invaders, Burvived in the treasury departments for use in the case of gold, silver, and precious stones. The Arab mann of 2 ritis is familiar in all the lexicons, and it was so defined by the early geographer Ibn Khurdadba (Eliot's History, i, 14). Nunez shows that this unit prevailed in the sixteenth century at Ormuz, where the maund was 2.2 Portuguese pounds. He shows also that a maund of this size ruled, with local variations, on the east coast of Africa from Quiloa to Sofala ; and since we know that such civilisation as existed on this coast was the work of the Arabe, we may reasonably infer that this unit had been introduced by them. This Arab maund appears also in Persian literature, as where Hafiz speaks of two maunds of wine 88 sufficient for three people : a pint of wine weighs about 20 ounces, so two maunds, or about 4 lb., would give just over three pints, a pint a head for the party. Again, Abdurraz&q, who came to India as an ambassador in the fifteenth century, wrote (EUiot's History, iv, 40) that elephants' food was made up into balls of about 2 maunds each: obviously this is not an Indian maund of 25 lb. or more, but the Arab maund which the writer knew in his own country. That a maund of about this size was in regular use among the early Moslem invaders of India can be inferred with confidence from some passages in the Tarikh-i Baihaql, a contemporary, and obviously trustworthy, account of the reign of Masalld, son of Mahmud of Ghazni. In one place he tells (p. 131) of a knock-out blow delivered with a 20-maund mace'; I am Assured by oxperts that a mace weighing 40 lb. would be far too heavy to be used, and this phrase is best read as a variant of dah-manf, as in the expression ndchaka-i dah-mans, which Steingass interprets as a very heavy battle-axe'; but obviously the reference in both phrases is to the Arab maund, and not to one of those which prevailed in India. Again, we read (p. 361) that on one occasion Ghaznt sent to the Caliph a tribute of 25,000 maunds of indigo. Having regard to the scale on which the trade in indigo was carried on, this maund cannot be much more than about 2 lb. ; 22 tons of indigo would be a very substan. tial figure for those days. Again, there is the detailed account of Masaad's wine-party (p. 825, translated in Eliot's History, ii, 145). It was a special oocasion, and the wine was served in large goblets (adiginf), each containing half a maund. Taking 20 ounces to the pint, and a 2 lb. maund, such a goblet would hold 4/5 of a pint, and obviously a much larger maund is out of the question. Various details given in this chronicle show that in the matter of alcoholio consumption the period may fairly be compared with the Regency. It is hardly necessary to cite authorities to show

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NOVEMBER, 1931) NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS 203 that in those days the three-bottle man was common---that is to say, half a gallon might easily be drunk at a sitting-and that individuals conld be found who drank twice as much, or more ; but I may instance the fact vouched for 13 by Lieutenant John Pester, that 14 British officers at dinner consumed 42 bottles of claret, besides & proportionable quantity of Madeira, so that they averaged well over three bottles in all. Now four out of Masalld's six guests were hopelessly drunk before they had attained the six-bottle 'mark, and the fifth just exoeeded this figure. The story is thus not impossible in terms of a 2 lb. maund; a much larger unit is out of the question. It is to my mind a reasonable guess that this 2 lb. maund survived in the treasury when Moslem rule was definitely established in Delhi, and that returns of treasure were made in terms of it, and not of the maund used in commercial transactions. As a single example of the passages dealing with booty, I take Ziya Barni's statement (p. 333, translated in Elliot's History, iii, 204) that in 1311 A.D. Malik Naib Kafur brought from the South, among other items, 96,090 maunds of gold, 1. and that the king gave some of it away in portions varying from four maunds down to half a maund. This chronicler was in general obviously truthful, and he certainly had access to official information : it does not seem possible to accept his figure in terms of either the 25 Ib. maund of the South or the 28-29 lb. maund of Delhi; but with a 2 lb. maund we come within the limits of possibility. First, as to the distribution. Alauddin, the ruling king, was by no means lavish, and it is very hard to conceive of his giving away gold by the hundred-weight: presents ranging from one to eight lb. would be reasonable in the circumstances. Next as to the total amount. According to the maund used, it was 1,240 tons (Delhi), or 1,070 tons (southern), or about 80 tons (Arab). The first and second figures may safely be discarded as impossible, and even the last is very large for the period; for comparison it may be noted that the huge imports of gold into India in the year 1924-8 weighed about 360 tons. A very large figure is, however, required by the chronicler's language, for he insists that the spoil taken on this occasion was utterly unprecedented in the history of Delhi; while he tells us that it included not merely the hoards of gold, but the fragments of the golden idols which the conqueror had broken up, and even a small idol would contain a lot of gold. The figure of 80 tons is not therefore impossible ; and, while I have found no direct evidence of the survival of the 2 lb. maund, it is at least permissible to recognise the possibility, as an alternative to writing off all these reports of booty as fantastic exaggerations. I have found no later passages bearing on the Delhi maunds. The literature of the fifteenth century is very scanty, and, after the transfer of the capital to Agra in 1502, we hear practically nothing of Delhi until the period when official maunds had come into general use. (To be continued.) 13 War and Sport in India, 1802-6 (ed. J. A. Devenish, London, 1913); p. 68. 14 I take the figure from the British Museum MB., Or. 2039, which in all matters of detail is a better authority than the inacourate printed text; the text figure is 96,000, the words and ninety' having presumably slipped out. Briggs' text of Firishta puts the amount of gold at only 98 maands, but Briggs him. self in his rendering given 96,000, and the Museum MS. of Firishta, Add. 6669, hae the word haudr, which must have dropped out of that text mocidentally.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVRBER, 1931 ATHABHAGIYE. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH, (Continued from page 170.) 17. Sampige inscription (XII, p. 40), dated 19th September 1331, recording the grant by the Hoysala BallAla III of a tax-free village to Singe-setti: f-catus-sims-volagulla gaddebeddalu f-Sampigege salva halligalu adarolagulla ka e-kirukattegalu cepabhoga-lejassvdmyanidhi-niksepa-jala-papana-siddha-addhya-aksini-Agami puruiya-apurvaya tappe-taudi-kirukula-sthana-manyav-o!agagi samasta-bali-sahitavagi d-Sampigeya sthalavann.....sarvamanyavagi, i.e., 'the village Sampige tax-free, with gadde, boddalu, large and small tanks and hamlets comprised in its four boundaries, with aftabhoga-tejassvdmya, nidhi, nikaepa, jala, pasana, siddha, sidhya, akrini, agdmi, former and new revenues and the revenues from all taxes including tappe, laudi, kirukula, and athana-manya (1) Of these inscriptions, Nos. 1-4, it will be seen, record grants of tax-free villages only. The term sarvamanya is used in all four to denote the idea 'tax-free.! Other words used in Kannada inscriptions to denote the same idea are umbali or umbalige, kodagi, sarva-namasya and agrahara ; and the words sarva-bidha-parihara too have perhaps the same sense. The number of published inscriptions which record such grants (of tax-free villages only), and in which one of the above-mentioned words is used, is fairly large. Nos. 5-10 record grants of tax-free villages and also of the rights known as affabhoga [-tejassvdmya), which comprise among others the right to nidhi, nikpopa, jala, pdedra, akorini, dodmi, siddha and addhya, all or some of which terms are mentioned in them. Nos. 11.13, too. record the grant of the same rights with tax-free villages; but the term asfabhoga Coleja esimval is not used in these inscriptions. The grants of tax-free villages made by the Viiayanagara kings and the majority of their governors and feudatories and successors in the territories ruled over by them all belong to this class; that is, they make over to the donees not only tax-free villages but the asabhoga or asfabhoga-tejassvamya also, either explicitly mentioned by name or otherwise described. The number of such grants is very large and exceeds three- or four-hundred. Nos. 14-17 record grants of tax-free villages with apgabhoga-tejassvdmya and also of the revenues derived from other taxes named. The number of published inscriptions registering such grants, too, is fairly large. It is clear from the above-cited inscriptions that the grant of a tax-free village does not by itself carry with it the right to nidhi, niksopa, eto., known as de tabhoga [-lejassvdmya). Nor, on the other hand, does the grant of the rights known as agfabhoga-tejasevimya in connection with any village imply, of itself, that such village too has been granted tax-free, and as a matter of fact, we find grants of astabhoga-tejaseudmya made in two inscriptions in coaneotion with villages that were not tax-free. One of these inscriptions which is at Govindanahalli (Ep. Carnatica, IV, p. 176 ff.) and is dated 6th May 1236, records the grant to some Brahmanas by the dandandyakas Bogaiyya and Mallaiyya with the permission of their master, the Hoy. sala king Somesvars, of the asabhoga-tejassamya in connection with the village Tenginakatta, which too was granted to them, not however tax-free, but subject to the payment of 100 gadydra as quit-rent every year. The other is a Bangalore copperplate inscription (ibid., vol. IX, p. 3 ff.), dated 1st March 1253, and records the grant to some Brahmanas by the above-mentioned king Somesvars of the adabhoga-tejasadmya in connection with two gadydqan 100nu kapp-grattage-pindaddnaodpi yend-endigend aramanege lette bondgi prasiddha-olma somancitamappa tonna keddalapalli salita Teinginakapapamu astabhoga-tjaeredmyo-nidhi-nikada-salita dhardpuruakaopi kotaru, 'They granted with pouring of water (the villago) Tonginakatta with its well-known boundaries and eleven hamlow together with the aptabhoga-lejasaydmya, nidhi and nikpepa (with the obligation that the doncco) should pay to the palace for over the rum of 100 padydpa as quit-rent (every year).'

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NOVEMBER, 1931) ATHABHAGIYE 205 villages which were granted to them at the same time subject to the payment of 140 gadyana every year. It thus becomes plain from what has been said above that the grant of a tax-free village is quite different from the grant of the aptabhoga [-tejasevdmya) in connection with it, that there are some inscriptions which record grants of one only of these two, and that there are many inscriptions, exceeding four or five-hundred in number, which record grants of both these with or without the revenue derived from other taxes. Now we know that in Prakrit 'the suffix -ka is added to words without altering the meaning, much more frequently than it is in Sanskrit' (see Pischel's Grammatik der Prakritsprachen, $598; p. 405). It seems to me that this is the case with a thabhagiye (=wabhagika) in the above-cited passage and that the word is equivalent to Skt. astabhagi and means 'having or possessing eight (things).' The hundreds of inscriptions of later times that record grants of tax-free villages indicate clearly that the things of which arfa is an attribute is without doubt the bhoga [-ujassvdmya] that is mentioned by them. Thus athabhagiye, I conceive, is equivalent to astabhoga [-tejasevdmya)-bhdge, and the words Lummini. game ubalike kafs atha-bhagiye ca of the Rummindei inscription are equivalent to Lumbini. gramam sarvamanyam axtabhoga-sahitam graminebhyo raja dattavin. The earliest inscription that I know of in which the term astabhogatejassamya oocurs is the Govindanahalli inscription cited above, which is dated in 1236 A.D.; and the word does not seem to be used in any inscription prior to 1200 A.D. Nevertheless it would not be correct to conclude from this that the rights denoted by the word began first to be recognised in the thirteenth century A.D. and were not known in earlier times; for, the office and title of dandandyaka, for instance, which are mentioned very frequently in inscriptions of the tenth and following centuries A.D., are not at all mentioned in those written in 200-900 A.D. The occur. rence however of this word in the Manikyala inscription (see Luders in JRAS., 1909, p. 648) and also in an inscription at Mathura (Ep. Ind., IX, 246) shows that they were well-known in the times of the Kusana kings and that they did not first come into existence in the tenth century A.D. It is my belief that the case is similar with the rights denoted by the word astabhoga [-tejassvamya) and that these rights were known and formed the subject matter of grants even in Mauryan times. In any case, it cannot be disputed that the meaning proposed above for atha-bhagiye fits very satisfactorily into the context, and that it brings the Rummindei inscription into the same class as the hundreds of inscriptions written in later times and recording grants of the same character. The Rummindei inscription is, however, peculiar in one respect : the donees of the grant recorded in it happen to be the freemen of the village whose revenues form the subject matter of the gift. This does not seem to have been the case with the donees of the later inscriptions that I have read, who were all either priests (Brahmanas, Jaina or Lingayat gurus) or men of high position in life, like dandandyakas, maha-vadda-vyavaharis (great-big-merchants), etc., that is, in all cases, persons who could not be conceived as being farmers or cultivators of land, and who could not therefore have had any interest in the lands of the villages granted. The freemen of Lumbini, on the other hand, already possessed ownership and other similar rights in respect of the lands, eto., of the village, and it was they who cultivated the lands and paid the revenues due to the king's treasury. Hence the Rummindei inscription does not make use of the word 'give,' but says merely that the village was made tax-free and the 3 Madani-gudida Mattilafravanu....ga 140 m prativarpan aramanege tett umbandagi ndndgotrar appa Brdhmanottamarigeum idvu pratifea-madida deparigeum d-cand drka-sthagiy.dgi bhogistwantdgi astabhoga. te jassvdmya-nidhi-nikspa-samasta-bali-sahita dhard-purvakam mddi koffari, 1.o., 'He gave with pouring of water to excellent Brahmanas of different gotras and to the god set up by him the village Mattikatta with Madani together with a tabhoga-tejasaudmya, nidhi, niknepa and (revenues of) all taxoe, to be enjoyed till the moon, sun and stars onduro, on condition that they should pay to the palace every year the sum of 140 gadydna.'

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1931 possessor of the eight-fold right by the king' (rajna grdmah udbalikah kytah aptabhdg ca) instead of saying, like the inscriptions of later times, that the king gave the village free of taxes and with the eight-fold right' (rajd gramam udbalikam aprabhoga-sahitam ca dattavan). It is difficult to determine exactly the nature of the rights denoted by the word aptabhoga-tejassvamya. The expression astabhoga-tejas vamya-nidhi-nikpepa-aahita that is used in the two above-cited inscriptions of Somesvara's reign seems to show that nidhi and niksepa were not included in appabhoga-tejassvamya. Similarly, the words of the Citaldrug in. scription of 1328 A.D. cited above (No. 5) seem to show that nidhi, niksepa, siddha, sadhya, jala and pdsana were not included in it; and the wording 3 of an inscription at Seringapatam (Ep. Carnatica, III, p. 14), dated in 1527 A.D., and recording the grant of a sarvamanya village seems to indicate that hola, gadde, kadarambha, nirarambha, akrini and agdmi are not includ. ed in it. On the other hand, the words used in another copperplate inscription of the same place (ibid., p. 20), dated in 1663 A.D., and in scores of other similar inscriptions, all recording grants of saruamdnya villages, show clearly that the asabhoga-tejassvumya consists of the possession or enjoyment of nidhi, nikpepa, jala, pasana, aksini, dgdmi, siddha and addhya. The Melukote copperplate inscription, again (ibid., p. 65) of 1724 A.D., which records the grant of thirteen sarvamanya villages by Krsnaraja of Maisuru, contains the words catus. rimey olag-un idda nidhi-nikpepa-jala-taru-pasana-ksiny-agami-siddha-addhyagal-emba astabhoga-muntada a-sakala-le jassvdmyavd, which show that astabhoga consists of the possession or enjoyment of nidhi, nikpepa, jala, taru, pasana, aksini, agami, siddha and sddhya and that tejasavamya includes apgabhoga and other rights; and an inscription at Mankasandra (Ep. Carnatica, IX, p. 96), dated in 1408 A.D., which records the grant of a sarvamanya village with 'nidhi, niksepa, jala, papana, aksini, agami, siddha, sadhya, aptabhoga-lejassvamya in. cluding grha, drama, kpetra, gadde, beddalu, ane and accukatu" continues with the following stanza and words: djna kpetram ca yad danam sulkam siddhi-karam tatha nidhanam...... karam mude.... ll yemba aptabhoga-tejassvamyasthavagi,which seem to contain an explanation of the term aytabhoga-te jassvamya that is different from those given above. And, finally, the Hebbale grant of 1665 A.D. cited above (No. 16) makes out that asabhoga consists of gadde, beddalu, tota tudike, ane, accukattu, kad drambha and nirdrambha and that aptattjassvamya is formed of nidhi, nikesepa, jala, pasina, aksini, agami, siddha and sadhya. It is thus plain that the expression astabhoga-tejassvamya was understood in different ways by the writers of inscriptions. The great majority of them, however, who lived in the fifteenth century A.D. and later have used it to denote the possession or enjoyment of nidhi, miksepa, jala, pasara, aksini, agami, siddha and sadhya, which again are denoted by the word "btubhoga only by the writers of many other inscriptions of the same time. And one can hence conclude that aztabhoga-tejassvamya is the same as aztabhoga and that both these terms signified the same thing, namely, the group of eight formed of nidhi, nikpepa, etc., in the fifteenth century A.D. and later. * d-gramakke saluva catus-simevolagana hola-gadde-kadArambha-nerarambha-sahita aksini-Agami-astabho. 71-jasavdmya-aahita-vagi. * f-catus-simey olagulla nidhi-nikaepa-jala-pasana-aksini-agami-siddha-addhyamgalemba aptabhoga-18jassyam malanu. 6 E.8., Soring patam Nos. 14, 15, 64, 94, 157, etc. (Ep. Carnatica, III, pp. 23, 28, 49, 58, 84). 6 gadde =wet land; beddalu =dry land; a = garden ; tulike fruit storo-house; age=dam; accukat. u = irrigstedarca under a tank;kdddrambha=dry cultivation, and nirdrambha = wet cultivation; nidhi = (right to) buriod treasure ; niksepa, too, means buried treasure, and perhaps signifiee here the right to troasure known to have been buried by specific persons while nidhi refers to treasure buried by unknown persons; jala =(right to) water (i.o., to underground springs and stroams, etc.), pada = stone, that is, the right to quarry stone ; siddha = income accrued ; addhya = any further income, that may accrue, due to development. I do not know the signification of the terms aksini and agdmi.

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NOVEMBER, 1931 ] CORRESPONDENCE 207 As already observed, however, the wording of the above-cited two inscriptions of Somesvara's reign makes it doubtful if the term astabhoga-tejassvdmya had the above signification in his time. This doubt is but strengthened by the fact (noticed above) that the writers of the fifteenth century A.D. and later do not themselves know definitely the meaning of the term, but use it in a manner which plainly suggests that it formed part of a formula which had been in use from a long time. And hence I consider it improbable that the group of eight things whose possession or enjoyment was granted by the Rummindei inscription was identical with the above-mentioned group of eight formed of nidhi, niksepa, etc. The Kamandak yaniliedra, written before 550 A.D. (see Asia Major, III, p. 320, n.), contains the following two verses (V, 77-78); korpir vanikpatho durgam setub kufujana-bandhanam khanyakara-vanadanam sunyanam ca nivesanam asta-vargam imam raja addhu-vitto 'nuplayet in which the king is enjoined to give protection to the astavarga or group of eight formed of krpi, vanik-patha, durga, setu, kunjara-bandhana, khanyakaradana, vanadana and bunya-nivesana. These words signify primarily agriculture, trade-way, fortress, dam, catching of elephants, working of mines and of forests, and settling of unoccupied places.' But Dr. Breloer has pointed out (Kautaliya-studien, I, p. 80) that this group of eight' is referred to in the Arthasastra, $ 90,8 which speaks of revenue derived from them; and hence it seems probable. that astavarga has the secondary meaning of 'income derived from the group of eight consisting of agricultural lands, trade-ways, etc. This group of eight' is referred to in Manu, 7, 154 also (krienam cdstavidham karma pancavargam ca tattvatah) according to Medhatithi, whose explanation of astavidham karma as vanik-patha udaka-setu-bandhanam durgakaranam klasya samakdra-nirnayah hasti-bandhanan Khani-khananam sunya nivesanam daru-vana-cchedanam ca is cited by Kullaka in the course of his commentary on that verse. Thus it is very likely that this group of eight things was known as such to the administrators in Mauryan times, and it is even possible that the word asta in atha-bhagiye refers to this group of eight or to one containing many of its components. At present, however, there is nothing known about such matters; and we can only translate atha-bhagiye as possessor or enjoyer of the eight things' without being in position to explain definitely what the eight things are that the grantor had in his mind. CORRESPONDENCE. The Angarika Dharmapala, Fannder and General Secretary of the Mahabodhi Society, writes to us that the Malagandhakuti Vihers at Sarnath, near Benares, is at last complete, except for the fresco work in the interior, which will be taken in hand as soon as possible, and an image of the Buddha in the preaching attitude, which is being made at the School of Art, Jaipur. He adds that, at the suggestion of the Archeological Department of the Government of India, the opening ceremony and the enshrinement of the sacred relio have been fixed to take place during the current month, and he invites Buddhists of all countries to participate. 1 According to some insoription, asabhoga comprises widhi, mikpepa, jaka, toru (trove growing on the land), pdpdxa, akini, niddha and addhya. Kittel in his dictionary gives the components of asrabhoga 80 nidhi, nikaopa, akplni, dodmi, amcita, jala, lan and pdedna. . (Mysore edition, 1909, p. 240) janapadam mahantam alpa-pramdnam od devo-matrkam prabhdtadhanyam didnyaoydmdan trikyam caturtham ud yaceto yathedram madhyam avaram vd durga-setukarmavanikpatha-kanyaninda-khansdravya-hastivana-karmopakarinam * Arihaldstra, p. 59 ff., enumerates the different items which are comprised in each component of this group of sight and which yield income.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1931 PLACE NAMES. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRA LAL, B.A. (Continued from page 197.) Many villages are named after the nature of the sites they occupy, for instance, Pahadia or Dungaria (hillock), Patharid (stony land) Tharpakhna (firm rock), Tikurid (raised ground), etc. This gource got much amplified when agriculture commenced and soils were classified. For instance, Kacchar, Kanharpur, Kalimati, Lalmati, Chhuiha, Chhuikhadan, Darrabhata, Khudardand, etc., are names of villages, all connoting the peculiar soil on which they were founded. Crops also contributed their quota, such as Dhanras, Dhanora and Dhaneld from Dhan (paddy), Nibarf, Karahni, Kakeni, Masurikhar, Arasia, Kodwa, Kudai, Gehunras, Chaurai, Chanhia, Chanahta, etc., taking their names from wheat, gram, and a number of other cereals and their varieties. Grasses and herbs have also helped a good deal in the choice of names, e.g., Siliyari, Ankanih, Kenapand, Sukalakhar, Kekati, Puraina, Ajvaindih, etc., are all derived from those sources. It is somewhat curious to note that household furniture has also been placed under contribution in this connection. We have such villages as Karahia which means a frying pan, Mathani (a churning stick), Kundo (a broad-mouthed pot), Kathotia (a wooden bowl), Ghinochi (water pot stand), Khatola or Khatoli (a cot), Tildi (an earthen frying pan), Lodha (a grind. ing pestle), Doli (a hammock-like conveyance), Jhanpi (a bamboo basket), Rahta (spinning wheel), Bahunta (armlet), Biobhia (anklets), Jhanjh (cymbals), Loni (butter) and Dahigion from dahi, curds. With the advancement of civilization and the respect shown to gods and goddesses, names like Rampur, Ramnagar, Narayanpur, Surajpura and Malharpur cropped up. In due course temples were constructed, which became a distinguishing feature, and this is the reason why & very large number of villages are known as Deori, Deora, Dewal. wada, Devapur, etc., which simply connote a habitation with a temple. Below the gods stood kings, princes and prominent citizens, to whom honour was due. So a number of villages came to be named after their official or personal names, for instance, Rajadih, Rajadhar, Ramdera, Ranisagar, Ranigaon, Malkapur, Lalpur, etc. These are named after the official title Raja (king), Rani or Malika (queen), and Lal (prince). Karanpur, Adhartal, Burhanpur, Gosalapur, and Sleemanabad are examples of places having names of individual kings, queens and prominent citizens or officers from ancient to modern times. Karna was a king of the Kalachuri dynasty reigning in the eleventh century A.D. Adhar was a Kayasth minister of the famous Gond queen Durgavati, Burhan was & Musalman saint, Gosale was a queen of a descendant of Karna, and Sleeman was a European officer appointed for the suppression of thagi and dacoity in India. There is another source peculiar to India from which villages have derived their names, viz., the majority of the caste which inhabited it originally. The name has been preserved, although in some cases every member of that caste has disappeared from the locality. We have thus numerous Bambnis, or settlements of Brahmans; Jugia, the settlement of Jogis ; Gudano, the settlement of Gonds; Kachhgawa, of Kachhis (vegetable growers); Tilagwa, of Telis (oilmen); Barhaikhoda, of Barhais or carpenters; Lohari, of Lohars or blacksmiths; Domjhar, of Doms or scavengers ; Ojhagahan, of Ojhas or Gond priests; Halbapali, of the Halba tribe ; Gandadih, of Gandas or village watchmen ; Maliqih, of Malis or gardeners; and Gaitaguda, of Gaitas or aboriginal priests. The most interesting names, however, appear to be those which go by the reciprocal terms of relationship, for instance, Sasbahu (mother-inlaw and daughter-in-law), Mamabhanja (maternal uncle and nephew), Bapa pati (father and son), Jithani-deorani (wives of elder and younger brothers), and so on. Some villages bear opprobrious names, as Chorh& or Chorgaon, thief's village, and Thagpali, a village of thags or cheats. These were apparently imposed by others in consideration of the inhabitants' character, and superseded the original names which they may have bomne when founded. The process of supersession is, however, whimsical. The village from

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NOVEMBER, 1931 ] PLACE NAMES 209 where I am writing is called Murward, having been bestowed on the original proprietor as Mudwir, defined as a " death grant given to persons whose relatives were killed fighting for the State" (see Luard's Baghelkhand Gazetteer, page 65), in other words, for giving their mid or heads for the purpose, but it has now been superseded by the simple Katni, which is the name of the river on which it is situated, while the quarter in which I live still retains the old name of Bharia Mahalla given to it, because it was inhabited mostly by the bharia tribe, though every one of them was replaced by other people more than a quarter of a oentury ago. Roughly speaking, these are all the notable sources from which village names are derived in India or Eastern countries. Now let us cast a glanoe on the Occident and examine whether there are prototypes of those in the Western countries. According to Professor Blackie, the most obvious characteristic of any place is its shape and size, its relative situation, high or low, behind or in the front, its colour, the kind of rook or soil of which it is composed, the climate which it enjoys, the vegetation in which it abounds and the animals by which it is frequented. The only other features of natural scenery that play a noticeable part are the rivers, lakes, wells, and waterfalls. These are the features of unappropriated nature, stereotyped, as it were, once and for all in the old names of local scenery. But as into a landscape an artist will inoculate his sentiment and symbolize his fancy, 80 on the face of the earth men are found to stamp the trace of their habitation and their history. We thus have names which commemorate events and give likewiee the clue to great ethnological facts and movements of which written history preserves no trace. There is thus a good deal common to both (the East and the West) in giving place-nikmes. By way of example the following actual names may be cited. Names like Kynloch meaning the town or the house at the head of the lake, Tobermory, the well of the Virgin Mary, and Inverness, the town on the confluence of the Ness, are of the same class as Dongartal, the town on the mountain lake, Karanja, the reservoir town, and Chikalda, the town on the marsh. Oakley (oak meadow), Wokingham or Oakingham (the dwelling among oaks), Ashby (ash tree dwelling), Leipzig (abounding in lime trees), Beddoe (the birches), and so on, take their names from trees, as they do so profusely in India. Animals do not seem to play a great part, yet there is Lockmaddy, which derives its name from madadh, a fox, Beaverloo from Beaver and Gulbin from a dove. A few others named after a dog, a wolf or a snake may be found here and there, but on the whole they are very rare. Brinkhorst (the edge of the thicket), Brynn-uchel (high hill), Kleinbuhil (little hill), Croydon (chalk hill), Woolwich, the ancient Hylvich (bill town), and a host of others indicate characteristics of shape and size and relative situation. Danby (Danes dwelling), Dantzic (Danish fort), and Ballinggown (town of the blacksmith) furnish ethnographic clues, while Famars (the temple of Mars), Fano (the temple of fortune), Franstadt (our Lady's town), Munster (the Monastery), Westminster (the monastery west of St. Paul's), Nagy-Malton (St. Matthew's great town), Leoncourt (the manor of Leo), Aubercourt (the manor of Albert), Furstenau (meadow of the prince), Gobenow (Count's town), Kenninghall (king's palace), etc., reveal their sanctity or the historical importance attached to them. But what we miss are names of crops, human relatives and onomatopaeic names. One may find a Dinkelburg named after Dinkel, a kind of grain, but such instances are sporadic. The other two sources appear to be altogether absent. In quoting the above examples, I have simply endeavoured to find Western prototypes of Indian village names. They show that the considerations which weighed with the first name-givers were common in almost all parts of the world. So the subject is well worthy of study everywhere. So far as I remember, it was Sir Edward Gait who first drew attention to this matter in India in 1911, when he worked as Cengus Commissioner; but nobody seems to have responded to his call. A few geographical societies have, however, been started in some places. They might well include this fascinating study in their programme.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1931 NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. By Pror. 8. H. HODIVALA, M.A. (Continued from p. 178.) Kodgorry, Kitebory-Yule's earliest illustration is from the Travels of the Tangierene Ibn Batuta (c. 1340), but the word is also used by an Indian author, Shams-i Siraj, in the contemporary History of Sultan Firuz Tughlaq. In the course of his account of the privations endured by the army during his retreat through the Rann of Cutch (Kachch], the writer says: "By the great God," said Sultan Firuz, " of things which can be used as food, we possess nothing today except one ser of khichri [s ] which has been brought for [the young Prince] Fath Khan from the house of Bashira (i.e., Imadu'l-mulk."1-Tarikh-1-F'fruzshahi, Bibl. Ind., text, 216, 1. 11. The word is used rarely now in the secondary sense of a mixture of pearls,' and only one example is given in Hobson-Jobson. But I can quote another from Manucci: [c. 1700.) "The great ladies are well received upon their arrival; they also obtain costly sarapas (robes) and jewels. At the time when they say good-bye their hands are filled with kichari, which is, in its literal meaning, & mixed dish made up of several kinds of vegetables. As to this it must be remarked that the lichari of these queens and princes is not of that sort, but, on the contrary, a mixture of gold and silver coin, with all kinds of precious stones and pearls, large and small."-Storia do Mogor, trans. Irvine, II, 346. Kidderpore. The origins of the names of towns are not easy to determine with certainty. Sir Henry rejects the statement in Hunter's 'Imperial Gazetteer' about this village having been named after General Kyd. It is possible that it was originally called Girdhar. pore, after some Hindu named Girdhar, just as the neighbouring Gobernapore' [Recte 'Govindpore 'l preserves the memory of some one named Govind. But perhaps the true form is Gidarpore 'from gidar, a jackal--the animals which enter the precincte of the villages near Calcutta, after dark, "startling the newcomer with their hideous yells." (HobsonJobson, 8.0. Jackal, p. 443). Killadar.--In illustration of this word, Yule has quoted from Ibn Batuta a passage in which the Kilit dar' (Pers. yok ), Keeper of the keys,' is mentioned. But 'Killad&r,' slaali'commandant of a fort,' is an altogether different word, and the one has nothing to do with the other. The first is from Pers. kalid, 'key'; the second from Arab. qal'a, 'fort.' Kitmutgar.-The following is perhaps a much earlier use of the word than any cited by Yule. [c. 1632.] "Att Brampore (Burhanpur] hee (acil. Prince Khusra, the eldest son of Jahangir] had a roome allowed him, a waterman, & porter and a maidservant or HiometKecare to attend him and dress his meate."-The Travels of Peter Mundy, od. Sir R. Temple, p. 105. Sir Richard identifies the word with hashmatgir which, he says, means 'female servant.' Hashmat does mean pomp,' 'retinue,' and hashmatgor is not an imposaible compound, but I cannot find it in Richardson's Dictionary, and I submit that Hiomet-Kecare is a cor. rupt form of khidmatgar. "Kismutgar,' says Sir Henry Yule, 'is a vulgarism now perhape * Yule properly rejected the view that the place was called after Kyd : and, it may be noted, this suggestion has been omitted from the later (1908) edition of the I.G. The place is not only marked on maps drawn before the days of the Kyda, but it is referred to in the Company's records of earlier date. Thomas Bowrey, on his map drawn in 1687, apells the name Kedarpoer,' from which it might be conjectured that it was called after a man named Kedar : but these early spellings cannot be relied upon. As the name is generally pronounced Khidarpur' in thp vernacular, however, I suspect that the original namo wao Khizr. pur (vulgo Khidarpur); and it is just powible that we have in the name a reference to the famous Saint of the Waters, Al Khizr, whose cult w so widespread in deltaic Bengal, at site on the lower reaches of the old channel of the Ganges, just there was Khizrpur on the bank of the ancient course of the Brahma. putra, to the west of SunArgaiy-C. E. A. W. O., JOINT-EDITOR.

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NOVEMBER, 1931 ] NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON 211 obsolete.' The word is spelt by Hadley in his Grammar (see under Moors) Khuzmutgar' (p.486). In Mundy's Hismetkeoare,' the Kh seems to have been miswritten or misread as an h. Kuhar.-This word is also used by early Muhammadan historians. [c. 1358.) "The Sultan (Qutbu'd-din Mubarak Khalji] was so infatuated, and so strongly desired the presence of Khusra Khan, that he sent relays of bearers with a litter to bring him with all haste from Deogir in the course of seven or eight days."-Barani, in Elliot and Dowson, 1. of I., III, 220. Here the word used in the text is kahdr (4), and the same vocable is again found at p. 86, 1. 2, of that author's Tarikh-t-Firdashahi. (Text.) The word also occurs in the Tarikh-i-Firizshahi of Shams-i-Siraj, which was completed about 1400. (Text, p. 320, 1. 9, and p. 325, last line.) Kunkur, Conker.-This word occurs in the Ain-s-Akbart, only it has not been recognized, even by the learned Blochmann, on account of a copyist's error. In the chapter on the Prioes of Building Materials, Abal-Fayl writes : "Chunah, or quiok lime, 2 d[ams) per man; it is mostly boiled out of kangur, a kind of solid earth resembling stone in hardness." --Ain-i-Aldari, trans. Blochmann, I, 223. The text has tik, but it is clear that the second stroke of the us is due to a slip on the part of the transcriber and the true reading must be sok, lodnkar, i.e., the Hindi kankar. The word is even now spelt in Gujarati with the long a, e.g., kdnkrf. cf. also the place-name Kankra Kharf near Surat. (Mundy, Travels, II, 33, note.) Larin.--Yule's earliest illustration is of 1525. The following reference is several years older. [c. 1516.) "In silver there is [in Ormuz) a long coin like a bean, also with Moorish letters on both sides, which is worth three vintens, more or less, which they oall tangas, and this silver is very fine."-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, 100. Love bird.-The following description of this pretty little lorikeet' is from the pen of the Emperor Jahangir. "In these days, thoy brought a bird from the country of Zirbad which was coloured like a parrot, but had a smaller body. One of its peculiarities is that it lays hold with its feet of the branch or perch on which they may have placed it and then makes a somersault, and remains in this position at night and whispers to itself. When day comes, it seats itself on the top of the branch."-Tuzuk-s-Jahangfri, trans. Beveridge, I, 272. Lungooty.-Yule's earliest quotation is from 'Abdu'r-razzag (1442), but the scanty piece of cloth which appears to have been the only apparel of the masses of India in the middle ages is the subject of contemptuous allusion in the India of Albiruni. [c. 1030.] "Thoy [the Hindus) wear turbans for trousers. Those who want little dress are content to dress in a rag of two fingers' breadth, which they bind over their loins with two cords."- Alberuni's India, trans. Sachau, I, 180. And an English 'voyager,' Thomas Stevens, wrote thus in 1679 : "They that be not of reputation, or at least the most part, goe naked, saving an apron of a span long and as much in breadth before them, and a lace two fingers broad before them, girded about with a string, and no more ; and thus they thinke them as well as we do with all our trimming."-Hakluyt's Voyages, II, 585. Madras.-In the three first quotations in Yule, which are dated 1663, 1886, and 1872, the town is called 'Madraspatan.' 'Maderas' appears for the first time in Fryer (1673). But there is an earlier example in the following: [1654.] "Baker after his arrival summoned Yardley, Edward Winter and Leigh to oonsult about the differences between Greenhill and two Bramonies, the one the Governor and Justice of this towne of Madrass, the other the cheofe for buying goods of all sorts in those parts for the Honourable Company."-English Factories in India (1651-84), p. 246. Sir William Foster says that !! this early use of the shortened form " is worthy of note,

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1981 Madura.There is a reference to this town in Mas'udi, which does not seem to have been recognised either by Yule or by other writers. [c. 943.) "El-Ma`sadi says we have related the history of the Kings of India; iii we have entered into details respecting the Maharaj, who is the King of the islands ... and the history of the Kings of China, of the King of Serendib and of the country of Mandara ndio, which is opposite to the island, Serendib, as Komar [Khmer] is opposite the islands of the Maharaj .. Every King of the country of Mandura has the title of El-Kayadi, wale 1."-Trans. Sprenger, pp. 397-98. In Barbier de Meynard's text and translation (Prairies, I, 394-5), the name is read w gain, Mandourafin,' which is, I think, a migwriting of w i e Mandourafatan-i.e., Mandaraipattan-(Sanskrit). The title of the kings (SLI) also can be explained easily on the supposition of its being a copyist's error for saleli, 'Al Fandi,' i.e., Al-Pandi' (Pandya), as there is no sign for p in Arabic, and p is changed into f, as in Farsi' for 'Parsi,' etc. Malum.-All the early examples of the use of this word quoted by Yule are from Portuguese writers. Here is an early use by an English traveller : [1613.] "Butt the next daie goinge aland with the Generall, I brought him a mallim or maister of a Guzuratts shipp."-The Journal of John Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 311. Maryacar.-c. 1510.] "When the Moors saw our fleet arrive (at Cannanore) they sent an ambassador, who was named Mamal Maricar, who was the richest man in the country, and he came to demand peace."-Travels of L. di Varthema, trang. Badger, p. 282. This is perhaps the earliest example of the occurrence in a European author of this "titular appellation of the Moplah Mahommedans on the S. W. Coast." Mamal' is most probably a slip for 'Mamat,' i.o., Muhammad. Matranee.-The strange confusion between this word and Bhathiyarin, wife of an innkeeper,' of which Yule cites an example from Forbes' Oriental Memoirs (1785), is exempli. fied in a much earlier author, Peter Mundy. [c. 1632.] "Metrannes or Belearees are certain women in all Saraes, that looke to the litle roomes there and dresse the Servants meate, accomodateinge them with cottes ette. needfull to bee had."--The Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. Temple, II, 121. Moolvee.-Yule quotes no early use of the word. Here is one [1636.) "The Sircale [Sar Khail) and the Malliveece two eminent persons in Court (and our utter enemyes)."-English Factories in India (1634-1636), ed. Foster, p. 325. Moonshee.-(The earliest example quoted by Yule is of 1777.) [1622.] "After viewing the present, they had brought, he questioned them about the stay of their goods at Ahmadabad, and finally caused his Monses to write a parwana to Safi Khan to release them."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1622-23), p. 9. Mosquito.-[c. 1516.) "When these Baneanes meet with a swarm of ants on the road they shrink back and seek for some way to pass without crushing them. And in their houses they sup by daylight, for neither by night nor day will they light a lamp, by reason of certain little flies Mosquitos in the original Portuguese text] which perish in the flame thereof." The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, 112. It will be seen that the word is here used in its original sense of little insects of all sorts and not in the narrower and modern one of a species of gnat. Mussendom, Capo.--The learned authors seem to have been in doubt as to the correct transcription of this place-name and have said nothing about its derivation. The 'explanation' quoted by Mr. Crooke from Morier is one of those etymological conjectures of the eponymio type, which are only too common. The following statement, therefore, of a very old and very well-informed writer may be found interesting. [c. 943.) "Then the mountains known under the name of Koseir, Owair i and a third one the name of which is not known. Then ed-Dordor which is oalled the terrible

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NOVEMBRE, 1931) . NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON 213 Dordur (p ), Durdur-i-musaddam) and by the sailors, the father of hell; it !! ( a ); at these parts of the sea rise enormous black rocks high overhanging the water, neither plants nor animal can live on them, and under them the sea is very deep and stormy, hence everybody who sails there is filled with fear; they are between Oman and Siraf, and vessels cannot help sailing through the midst of them. There is a constant current of the water which makes it foam."-El Mas'udi's Historical Encyclopaedia, trans. Sprenger, p. 268; see also Prairies d'Or, text and trans, by B. de Meynard, I, 240, who reads pavimento [Mogendam) and has tourbillon' instead of 'terrible.' Mussoola. -Yule's earliest English example is of 1673. [1654.] "The Muowaes' [boatmen) received formerly three fanams for each Mas. soola turne; now they are allowed but two."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1651-4), p. 264. Mutlub.--Yule says: "Illiterate natives by a common form of corruption turn the word into matbal. In the Punjab, this occurs in printed books; and an adjective is formed, matbali, opinionated' and the like." I am afraid these animadversions are founded in error and due to a misapprehension on the part of the writer. Matbal is an entirely different word, of Prakritic origin, from the Hindi mat (Sanskrit, mati), 'opinion, belief,' creed,' religion '-and bala, strength, power.' Mutlub' (matlab) is a purely Arabio vocable from the root talab ( Yub). Neelgye.-The proper Hindi name of this animal may be rojh, but nilgao (s occurs in Barani's history, which was written about 1358 A.D.-Tarilch-1-Firizshahi, text (541, 1. 3, and 600, 1. 5), as well as that by Shams-i-Siraj. The latter describes the habits of the animal, and says that "the chase of deer, [ 1], nil-gdos, etc., was carried on principally in the neighbourhood of BadQan and Anwala."--Elliot and Dowson, H. of I., III, 353; Bibl. Ind., text, 321, 1. 6. The earliest reference by a European author that I can call to mind is in Barbosa, who gpeaks of them "as certain ash-coloured animals, like camels, so swift that no man can kill them."--The Book of Duarte Barbosa, ed. Dames, I, 199. This painted antelope' is described by Mundy also, who uses both names, Rose,' and 'Nilgaue.'The Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, II, 182, 230, 307. Navait, Naltea, etc.-Below will be found a reference to these people by an English writer, which is both earlier and less uncomplimentary than the one in Yule (1626). [1608-11). "A little lower on the right hand over the river (the Tapti at Surat) is a little pleasant towne, Ranele, inhabited by a people called Naites, speaking another language, and for the most part sea-men."-Finch's Journal, in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, 135. Nokar. This is, as Yule says, a Mongol word introduced into Persia by the hosts of Chingiz, and his earliest quotation is from 'Abdu' r-razzaq, who wrote about 1445 A.D. But there is an older example in the Zafarnama of Sharfu' d-din 'Ali Yazdi : [c. 1399.) "On the last day of Rabi'u'l-awwal [801 A.1.-1399 A.D.] he [Timur issued his orders and the servants of Mallu Khan and other inhabitants of that fortress [Scil. Loni, near Delhi) who were adorned by the ornaments of Islam were separated from the rest, and the irreligious infidels were all put to death by the sword."--Bibl. Ind. edn., II, 87, 1. 6. Here the words for servants of Malla Khan' are naukaran-i-Maua Khan.weglo ulus The passage is translated in Elliot and Dowson, but the relevant phrase is there erroneously rendered as 'Servants of Nankar Khan,' on account probably of the word glo (Malla) having been inadvertently left out by the copyist of the manuscript used by Dowson. (H. of 1., III, 495.) Nuncaties. The derivation from Khatai,' of Cathay or China is correct. Chinese porcelain is called Chint Khatai and silba m il occurs in the Tabaqat-s-Akbari. Text, p. 290.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Recipes for making 'Nuncaties' are given in many Indian cookery books, but there is no special mention in any of them of Mr. Weir's six ingredients; and leaven produced from toddy' does not, so far as I know, enter into the composition of these cakes at all. Organ. Mr. Crooke's illustration is dated 1790. I give below a description of a mitrailleuse from Abul Fazl : [c. 1595.] "His Majesty [Akbar] has made several inventions [in guns], which have astonished the whole world. . . . . By another invention he joins seventeen guns in such a manner as to be able to fire them simultaneously with one match."-Ain-i-Akbari, trans. Blochmann, I, 112-3. = Badaoni also speaks of an Organ' [s, arghan] and thus describes that wonder of creation': [NOVEMBER, 1931 [c. 1595.] "At this time [988 A.H. 1580 A.c.] an organ which was one of the wonders of creation and which Haji Habibulla had brought from Europe, was exhibited to man. kind. It was like a great box, the size of a man. A European sits inside it and plays the strings thereof and two others outside keep pulling their fingers on five peacock-wings [probably the bellows], and all sorts of sounds come forth."-Muntakhabu' t-tawarikh, trans. Lowe, II, 299. It will be seen that Badaoni's Arghun' is not a mitrailleuse, but a real organ in the modern English sense of that word. Pangara, Pangaia.-[1608.] "Further they tould us that in their pengoas or proas they had some quantitye of Indian commodities, wherewith they traded from place to place which they bought at Mombassa in barter of rice and other provision which they did usuallie carrie from Pemba thether and to other places on the coaste."-Journal of John Jourdain, ed. [Sir] W. Foster, p. 40. Parsees. Sir Thomas Roe's Chaplain, Terry (1616), is the earliest English writer quoted by Yule. Here is an earlier reference : [1609.] "These two townes of Gandivee and Nassaria, especially Nassaria, [Navsari, about eighteen miles south of Surat] doe make greate store of baftas, being townes which stand in a very firtill and good countrie. In this towne there are manie of a strange kinde of religion called Parsyes."-The Journal of John Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 128. Patola. This word is used by Barani, who wrote about 1358 A.D. [1295 A.c.] "And Sultan 'Alau' d-din brought from Deogir such a large quantity of gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, rarities, and vessels, and silk and patola [] that much of it survives to this day in the Delhi treasury, although more than two generations have elapsed since."-Barani, Tarikh-i-Firazshahi, text, 223, 1. 7. Paunchway. This Bengal boat, the correct name of which is pansuhi, is actually mentioned by the historian Barani in the fourteenth century. [c. 1358.] "In their extreme inexperience and folly, they [the rebels under 'Ainu'lmulk] crossed the Ganges at Bangarmau in batalahs [in the original] and sundh [] and long boats [j]."-Tarikh-i-Firazshahi, Bibl. Ind. text, 490, 1. 6. is a mistranscription or copyist's error for Here it is permissible to suggest that .pansdhi, i.e., pansdhi pn hy psn hy Pergunnah.-This word appears to have been in general use as early at least as 1400 A.D., as it is found in the Tarikh-i-Firazshdhi of Shams-i-Siraj 'Afif: "Such was the prosperity that, throughout the Doab. .. not one village remained waste, even in name, nor one span of land uncultivated. In the Doab, there were fifty-two parganas flourishing."-Elliot and Dowson, History of India, III, 345. [1608-11.] The way followeth by Gamgra [Jampda]; Charsoot [Chatsu] (chiefe seat of Rajaw Manisengo his prigonies)."-William Finch, in Early Travels in India, ed, Foster, P. 170, Here 'prigonies '=parganas. (To be continued.)

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Plote 4 Indian Antiquary But Car Nicobar - NICOBAR ISLANDS. -- 10 Balli Malv. Geog Miles.www English Miles.w. 20 20 10 30 Tillangchong. 1 Bomapoka. Teressa. Cunorta. Trinkat. Katchal tchall Nancowry Nancows Sombrero Channel Maroe O Treis Mehebat. Pulo Milo Little Nie abar . Cabrs. Cabre Condado Great Nicebar. CENSUS OPERATIONS TOUR OF R.I.M.S. ELPHINSTONE ONE In

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NOVEMBER, 1931] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 215 REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from 1894 to 1903. (Continued from page 137.) 12th January.-Left Kondul anchorage at 12 o'clock last night and arrived off Oalkolokwak on the west coast of Katchall at 6-30 a.m. Mr. Man landed to procure information about all the villages on this coast of the Island. Left Oalkolokwak at 10 a.m., and arrived off Puli Pilau on the north-west coast of Camorta at 1-15 p.m. The headman Keapshe came off in a canoe and gave all the information required about the villages at the north end of the Island. Captain Wilson, Captain Anderson, Lieutenant Campbeli and myself landed at the village and walked about four miles to some open country in the south, in search of buffalo, which were said to abound in these parts. We saw several fresh marks of the animals, but not one buffalo itself. Did not get back to the ship till 8 p.m. There was a barquantine from Moulmein, lying at anchor off the coast near here. 13th January.-Left Puli Pilau anchorage at 3 a.m. and arrived off Chowra Island at 6-30 a.m. Left Chowra at 7 a.m. and arrived in Sawi Bay, Car Nicobar, at 1-30 p.m. Mr. Man, Captain Anderson and myself went ashore and walked to Mr. Solomon's house at Mus, to get the result of his Census work on this Island. Three sub-chiefs, Edwin, Sweet William and Chon, of Lapate village, were said to have obstructed his work and to have wilfully omitted 412 of their population in the enumeration. Chon was arrested and taken on board for conveyance to Port Blair as a punishment, the other two had absconded into the jungle, no doubt to avoid arrest. There were two sailing ships from Burma lying in the Bay. II. GEOGRAPHY. The Nicobar Islands lie in the Bay of Bengal between Sumatra and the Andaman Islands. Geographically, they are situated between the 6th and 10th parallels of north latitude, and between 92deg 40' and 94deg of east longitude. The extreme southern point is 91 geographical miles from Pulo Brasse off Achin Head in Sumatra, and the extreme northern point 75 miles from the Little Andaman. They consist of twelve inhabited and seven uninhabited islands running in a rough line from Sumatra to the Andamans. The extreme length of the sea-space occupied by the Nicobars is 163 miles, and the extreme width is 36 miles. The geographical names of the Nicobars are nearly all foreign, and are not used by the inhabitants. They are as follow from north to south, the islands having an aggregate area of about 635 square miles. The islands starred are not inhabited : Geographical Name. Native Name. Area in square miles. Car Nicobar *Batti Malv Chowra *Tillanchong Teressa Bompoka Camorta Trinkat Nanoowry Katchall *Meroe *Trak *Treis *Menchal Little Nicobar Pulo Milo ::::: Pu Et Tatat Laok Taihlong Poahat Nankauri Laful Nankauri Tehnyu Miroe Fuya Taan Menchal Ong Miloh 49.02 0.80 2.80 6.50 34.00 3.80 57.91 6.40 19.32 61.70 0.20 0.10 0.10 0.50 57.50 0:40

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1931 Great Nicobar .. Loong .. .. 333.20 Kondul Lamongshe .. .. 0.50 *Cabra Konwana .. .. 0.20 The Southern Group of islands are known to the Malays as Sambilong or the Nine Islands. I have not been able to trace the modern geographical names of these islands to their sources, except in a few cases, and the old maps do not help much. Nicobar turns up as a general name for the islands in maps of 1560, 1688, and 1710, but this name is separately traced out. Nicobar, and corruption Nicular means, however, on the maps the Great Nicobar (1695, 1642, 1710, 1720, 1764). It did so to Dampier in 1688. Car Nicobar has a variety of names; some through misprintsCarecusaya .. .. 1560 for Carenicaya ? Caremcubar .. .. .. .. .. 1595 for Carenicubar. Carenicubar .. 1642. Cara Nicobar .. 1710. Cornaloa bar.. 1720 for Cornaccabar ? Cumicubar, Carnicular and .. .. 1720 all for Carnicubar. Carnioubas. Carnicobar .. .. .. 1764, 1785. Chowra appears as Jara, 1764, 1785, and all the other names for it are corruptions of sombrero, from the remarkable umbrella-shaped hill to the south of itDosombr .. .. 1595 for Dos Sombros? Sombrero .. . .. 1642, 1710, 1720. Dos Sombreros .. .. .. 1686. Sombrera .. .. 1720. Hence the existing (Canal de Sombreiro) Sombrero Channel in these islands. Terenga was always distinguished and shows its origin in the village of Tras, with which, no doubt, trading was done. Rasa . . .. 1595, 1642. Raya .. .. .. .. .. .. 1686 for Raza. Ras& .. .. . 1710. Possa, Raza, and de Richo .. .. 1720 all for Rasa. .. .. .. .. .. 1764 for Rasa. Terache .. .. 1764, 1785. Bompoka appears as Pemboo, 1764, and Perboo, 1785 (misprint for Pemboc). Camorta was called the Isle of Palms. Thus, Das Palmeiras, 1642; Des Palmas, 1720. But later by its native name Nicavari (=Nancowry) 1764, 1785. Tillanohong is Talichan, 1764, 1785. Trinkat is Sequinte in 1710. Nanoowry is Souri in 1764, 1785 (and in all reports up to 1800 and some time after). Katohall is de Achens in 1710. And Great Nicobar is Seneda for some reason in 1710. There is considerablo variety in the appearance of the several islands of the Nicobar groups. Thus, from north to south, Car Nicobar is & flat coral-covered island; Chowra is also flat, with one remarkable table-hill at the south end (343 feet); Teressa is a curved line of hills rising to 897 feet, and Bompoka is one hill (634 feet) said by some to be voloanio; Tillanchong is a long, narrow hill (1,058 feet); Camorta and Nancowry are both hilly (up to 735 feet); Trinkat is quite flat; Katchall is hilly (835 feet), but belongs to the Great and Little Nicobars in general form, differing much from the others of the Central Group; the Great and Little Nicobars are both mountainous, the peaks rising to 1,428 feet in the Little, and to

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NOVEMBER, 1931] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 217 2,105 feet in the Great Nicobar. Car Nicobar is thoroughly tropical in appearance, showing a continuous fringe of cocoanuts, but a high green grass is interspersed with forest growth on Chowra, Teressa, Bompoka, Camorta, and Nancowry, giving them from a distance a parklike and, in places, an English look. It is also found on Car Nicobar in the interior. Katchall, Great and Little Nioobar have from the sea something of the appearance of Sardinia from the Straits of Bonifacio, and are covered with a tall, dense jungle. Rocky, though heavily wooded, Tillanohong is entirely unlike the rest. The more prominent hills with names are on Great Nicobar, Mount Thuillier (2,105); on Little Nicobar, Mount Deoban (1,428), Princess Peak (1,353), Empress Peak (1,420); on Camorta, Mount Edgecumbe (251) near to and south of Dring Harbour, west coast of Camorta, so called from the likeness to the scenery of Plymouth. The scenery is often fine and, in some places, of exceeding beauty, as in Galatea and Alexandra Rivers and in Nancowry Harbour. There is one magnificent land-looked harbour formed by the islands of Camorta, Nancowry, and Trinkat, called Nancowry Harbour, and a small one between Pulo Milo and Little Nicobar. There are good anchorages off east, south and west of Kondul, in some seasons in Sawi Bay in Car Nicobar, East Bay in Katchall and in Castle Bay in Tillanchong: but the overgrown coral interferes with the usefulness of the otherwise large and land-locked Expedition Harbour, west coast of Camorta, Dring Harbour, west coast of the same island, Campbell Bay and Ganges Harbour east and north respectively of Great Nicobar, and Beresford Channel between Trinkat and Camorta. Galatea Bay and Laful Bay, south and east of Great Nicobar, are too open to be much better than roads, and the other usual points of anchorage are merely open roadsteads. The coasts are coral-bound and dangerous, but there are many points at which small craft could find convenient shelter. The other usual anchorages are off Car Nicobar, Mus, north-east, and Kemios, south: off Chowra, Hiwah, east: off Teressa, Bengala, Kerawa, Kolarue, all west, Hinam, east: off Bompoka, Poahat, east: off Katchall, west, good for small boats: between Menchal and Little Nicobar, west; inside Megapod Island, Great Nicobar, east,-good for small boats: Tillanchong, Novara Bay. The Nicobars generally are badly off for fresh surface water: on Car Nicobar there is hardly any, though water is easily obtained by digging. The only island with rivers is Great Nicobar, on which are considerable and beautiful streams: Galatea (Dak Kea), Alexandra (Dak Anaing) and Dagmar (Dak Tayal). The whole of the Nicobars and outlying islands were surveyed topographically by the Indian Survey Department under Colonel G. Strahan in 1886-87, and a number of maps on the scale of 2 miles to the inch were produced, giving an accurate coast line. The longitude of the (former), Camorta Observatory in Nancowry Harbour, has been fixed at 93deg 31' 55.05" east. The marine surveys of these islands date back to the days of Ritchie (1771) and Kyd (1790), and are still meagre and not satisfactory. The chart in use is that of the Austrian frigate Novara (1858) combined with the Danish Chart of 1846, with corrections up to 1889. There is also a large scale chart of Nancowry Harbour, which is that of Kyd in 1790 with additions up to 1869. There are beacons for running in at Mus and Sawi Bay in Car Nicobar, at Bengala in Teressa, and (now doubtful) buoys in the eastern entrance to Nancowry Harbour. A voyage round these coral-bound and sparsely-sounded coasts is one to be made with caution. The Eastern Extension Company's cable from Madras to Penang lies between the Central Group and Car Nicobar, the whole line across the Andaman Sea being, of course, charted. III. GEOLOGY. Considerable attention has been paid to the geology of the Nicobars, two properly quali. fied expeditions having been undertaken thither in the Danish corvette Galathea in 1846, and in the Austrian frigate Novara in 1858. Both expeditions have made elaborate reports. It will be sufficient here to note that Dr. Rink of the Galathea expedition notices that. though the Islands form part of a submarine chain known for its volcanic activity, he found 3

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1931 no trace of truo volcanic rocks, but features were not wanting to indicate considerable upheavals in the most recent periods. The connection of the Islands with the principal chain is exhibited in the strike of the oldest deposits, from south-south-east to north-north-west, 1.6., coincident with the line between Sumatra and the Little Andaman. The hilly islands consist partly of these stratified deposits, which occupied the level bottom of the sea before their appearance, and partly of plutonic rocks which pierced the former and came to the surface through the old upheaval. The age of the stratified rocks generally indioates that of the islands, which Dr. Rink takes to be tertiary. The undulating hilly land of the islands he considers to be due to an old alluvium upheaved by a movement subsequent to that which caused the principal upheaval of the islands. In addition to this there is a distinct new alluvium on the flat lands due to the disintegration of coral reefs, which still surround the islands as a circular flat. Von Hochstetter, of the Novara expedition, classifies the most important formations, thus eruptive, serpentine and gabbro; marine deposits,-probably later tertiary-consisting of sandstones, slates, clay, marls and plastic clay, recent corals. He connects the whole group geologically with the great islands of the Asiatic Archipelago further south. From Dr. von Hochstetter's observations the following instructive table has been drawn up as to the relation of geological formations to soil and vegetation and showing how the formations have affected the appearanoe of the islands - Geological character of the under lying rock. Character of the soil. Character of the forest vegetation. Mangrove. Cocoanut. 1. Salt and brackish swamp, damp Uncultivable swamp .. .. marine alluvium. 2. Coral conglomerate and sand, Fertile calcareous soil, carbonate dry marine alluvium. and phosphate of lime. 3. As above, with dry fresh-water Fertile calcareous sandy soil .. alluvium. Large trees. 4. Fresh-water swamp and damp alluvium. Cultivable swamp . . Pandanus. Grassy, open land. 5. Plastic and magnesian clay, marls ; partially serpentine. 6. Sandstone, slate, gabbro, dry river alluvium. Unfertile clay; silicates of alumi. na and magnesia. Very fertile ; loose clay and sand, rich in alkalis and lime. Jungle ; true prime. val forest. Mr. E. H. Man made a valuable report on 4th August 1880 on the islands and their soil, the following extract from which is valuable by way of contrast to the two statements above given Car Nicobar.--Soil rich, but the island being fairly well populated, difficulty with the natives would probably arise if a foreign settlement were established. Chowra.--Island small and, comparatively speaking, densely populated : is therefore not adapted for occupation by strangers. Tillangchong.-Is uninhabited owing, apparently, to its isolated position. Contains a quantity of cocoanut and other fruit trees without an owner. Is described as "Covered with thick primeval forest which thrives well." (To be continued.)

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NOVEMBER, 1931 ] BOOK-NOTICES 219 BOOK-NOTICES. SOUTH INDIAN PORTRAITS IN STONY AND METAL, by DJAWA: the publication of the Java Institute. T. G. ARAVAMUTIAM, M.A., B.L. 73 x 44 in.; pp. 10th Year, Parts 1 to 3, Jan-May 1930. Xy+98 : with 42 illustrations inset. Luzac & Co., The first two parts contain a report of the proceed. London, 1930. |ings of the 5th Congress of the Java Institute held PORTRAIT SOULPTURE IN SOUTH INDIA, by the at Soerakarta in December 1929, when discussions same author. 94 x 6 in.; pp. 16+100 ; with plates were held on the advanced teaching of Easteru prosenting 34 figures. The India Society, Lon- literature, a lecture given on the Land and People don, 1931. of Bali, an exhibition held of Javanese gold and These two volumes are complementary ; in fact silver work, both ancient and modern, and a rethe first contains the later chapters of the author's presentation given of & Javaneee play, Anooman work as originally prepared, the earlier chapters Doeta. Part 3 contains & memorandum of the being printed in the second volume, which has been Department of Education and Cultus on the foun. issued by the India Society as one of their annual dation and organization of a Faculty of Letters in publications. In this letter work, after a brief the Dutch East Indies. survey of portrait sculpture in India generally, M. J. B. either established or conjectured, Mr. Aravamu. tham reviews in some dotail the principal examples HISTOIRE DE L'EXTREME ORIENT, par RENE of portraiture in stone or metal that he has been GROUSSET. 2 vols., 10 x 6 in.: Pp. xviii + 770 ; able to find in various localities in 8. Indis. These i with 32 plates and 7 maps. Annales du Musee he classifies on a chronological basis, as (1) Early, Guimet; Paris, Paul Geuthner, 1929. from the age of the Amaravati #upa to the end of Central Asia and India both lie midway between the Pallave sway; (2) Medieval, from the rise of the the Near East and the Far East; both have played Cholas to the end of the fourteenth century; and (3) an important part in diffusing the civilizing in. Modern, from the fifteenth century onwards. Chapters fluences of art, religion, philosophy and commerce. are then devoted to the portraiture of Saints and Central Asis provided a highway to China for Preceptors ; Material, Method and Motif ; and western as well as Indian trade, while the restless Memorial Stones, generally known as urakals, or spirit of its races drove hordes of warlike tribes horo-stones,' in S. India. The illustrations, which weet and south and cast, that changed the fate furnish selected oxamples of the sculptures, both in of empiree. From the third to the tenth century stone and metal, roferred to in the text, have been of the Christian era it might be called a Buddhist excellently reproduced by Meeers. Henry Stone & Co. land, where thousands of monks translated Buddhist The first, or smaller, volume deals with the same texte into Eastern Iranian, Tokharian, Chinese, subject under & somewhat different arrangement, the ete., bending out missionarios equipped with knowmatter contained in sovoral chapters of the larger ledge of the languages required, to spread the volume being condensed or briefly summarised in dharma farther afield. It is the history of these chapters I and V, and the sculptures discussed lands traversed by the expansion of Buddhism under their sevoral typen, e.g., those intended for that M. Grousset gives us in a skilful synopsis of purposes of worship, memorial stones, memorial their ethnology, religion, languages, literature, temples and statute to ancestors. Art and architecture. In these two volumes the The author does not fail to note case of doubtful author has not only remodelled and revised his identification; and he states impartially the argu- previous work, l'Histoire de l'Asie, but has prements for holding others to be reasonably accurate sented it in a completely new form. India, Central likenesses, or "portrait statues," & term for which Asia, China, Champe, Annam, Tonquin, Cambodia, Dr. Coomaraswamy would prefer to substituto Siam and Burma, all pass under review. In his "effigies." As regards the origins of such sculp- preface he explains that Japan has been omitted tures and the motifs that inspired their prepare. because it will be more suitably dealt with in a tion-subjects that open & vast field for further future volume of the series owing to its peculiarly inquiry-he holds an open mind. Almost all, As insular character. The volume are well documented he admits, may be said to be religious in one song with notes and references, & bibliography and or another index, besides many appropriate illustrations and Mr. Arayamutham has rendered very weful seven useful mape. service to the study of Indian art in collecting M. Grousset begins with India, referring to together so many examples of sculpture of this the Mupdas with their Austronesian affinities of naturo, some of which are here shown for the first speech, linguistically associated with the Mon. time. The discernment and culture of mind dis- Khmer, Annamite and some Melayan dialects. Ho played in these two volume, combined with an touches on the early domination of the Draviesse of diction, enhance the pleasure of following dian race, whose languages are peculiar to the Mr. Arayamutham in his survey of this branch of Indian peninsula, and whove influence in art and art. religion as well as language is being recognized C.E.A.W.O. M raising many questions of their importance

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1931 in cultural development. He briefly sketches the south and, crossing the Yang-tse, made the present etory, from the fifth century B.O., of internal strifo Nanking their capital. After 304 A.D. the north and successive invasions from the north and north remained in the hands of the 'barbarians,' and West; how great kingdoms rose and fell in the played the greater part in China's history. The central, oastern and southern parts of the peninsula, settled agricultural and social life of the Chinese, while Indo-Greeks, Indo-Scythians (Sakas), and however, had the power of attracting and abeorbYue-chi Kusadas in succession overran the Panjab ing the warlike nomads who so often overran And NW. India as far as Maharetra. Through their country. "China," it has been said, "iB & all these changes in temporal power Indian ideals Bes that salts all the rivers that flow into it"; and continued to penetrate beyond her borders spread by the indefatigable zeal of the missionaries of Bo it was that China conquered ite conquerors. that "great international religion of India" Even the great Khaqan of the Mongols, Qubilai, who Buddhism--through the success of which Indian ruled the whole of China as well as Central Asia, merchants became pioneers of commerce and and the Manchus, in their turn, preserved con. civilization. They spread north across the mountaintinuity by leaving the Chinese family economic passes into Central Asia and on to the Far East, system intact and adopting much of their adminiand south and south-east they travelled to Ceylon, strative system. China's stronghold lay in its class the islands of the Eastern Archipelago and parte of literati, who formed a bureaucracy educated s he adioining mainland. The history of those in the social and ethical discipline of Confucianlatter areas begins for us with their indianization. ism that permeated the masses. Confucius, their The very names 'Further India,' 'Indonesia,' not great teacher, had built out of his people's ancient to mention numberless place names, form a record wisdom & constitution based upon the ideal of family of this influence. In Burma, Siam, Indo-China, life in different grades of development, using the great islands of Sumatra and Java and little an agrarian cultus for & race whose genius for Bali we find the deep impress of Buddhism as agricultural colonization still persists, as shown in well as of Hinduism in the religion, literature and Mongolia during the current century. With the arts of the people. Here, again, Jelam followed barbarian' rulers came foreign influenose in art in the wake of the Arab traders, and supplanted and religion, and, though singular liberality was these influences in some of the coastal regions. shown towards other teachings, Buddhism was The influence of the two great countries that have specially favoured. Tradition places the official given it its name swept through Indo-China, that advent of Buddhism into China in 64 A.D. Bud. of China being strongest in Annam and Tonquin, dhism in no way superseded Confucianism, which where the earliest invaders were Chinese tribesmen. was not openly antagonistic to it, until the inPorhaps the most striking effect of a condensed croase of monasteries and monks became a menace survey such as M. Grousset givee, is to make us to family and social life, whereas in Taoism it realize how restlese movements of race and tribe, had an opponent from the first. The influence of invasion from without and strife within were almost Buddhism increased under the domination of the continuous throughout Asia. We see how re. barbarians. It was a Tartar king ruling in percussions of events in China and Mongolia were Shansi who, early in the fourth century, first perfelt as far away as India, and even in Europe. mitted his Chinese subjects to enter monasteries ; China, which seemed at one time to have stood apart and it was the To-pa, who took the dynastic title from the convulsions of Asia, had, like India, few of Wei, that made it the state religion in the if any peaceful centuries. Her northern and western middle of the fifth century. borders were exposed to constant inroads from the turbulent nomade of Central Asia and Mongolia, M. Grousset devotes a liberal share of space to and later from Tibetans and Manchurians. Chinese the development of the arts. He pointe to the imperialism began when the great warrior ruler Wei period as one of those rare epochs that are of the Ta'in subdued the feudal chiefs and pro. signalized by the development of a great religious claimed himself emperor in 221 B.C. It was heart. His appreciation of China's original artistic who carried out systematically the building of the genius and of the foreign influences that she abGront Wall, parts of which had already been raised, sorbod holpe wu to realize the extent to which the as a protection against the Huns and other Turco history of a people finds expression in ite art. We Mongol tribes. From this dynastic name, according How the storm and stress of conflict in China's to M. Pelliot, may have originated the name early bronzes, while the philosophic teaching of the China. During the long period of the Han dynasty peaceful message of Buddhism produced the sorene the Turco-Mongols were fairly quiet, but their Buddhas and pitying Bodhisatvas of the cave successore, the Tsin, after two of their emperore groups. had been murdered in their pillaged capitals, moved M. F. H:

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DECEMBER, 1931 ] NOTES ON INDIAN MOUNDS 221 NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS. By W. H. MORELAND. C.S.I., C.I.E. (Continued from page 203.) V. Agra Maunds. There is definite evidence that maunds, somewhat larger than that of Delhi, prevailed in what may be called the Agra country, though Bayana country' would be a more precise name, for up to the end of the fifteenth century Agra was a place of no particular importance, and BayAna was the administrative centre of the region. Such a difference is no matter for surprise. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Bayana was ordinarily cut off from Delhi by the turbulent and unadministered region of Mewat, while the route along the left bank of the Jumna was apt to be interrupted by the not less turbulent Thakurs who held much of what is now the Muttra district, so that a traveller from Delhi to Bayana might on occasion find it best to pass through Kanauj. Thus Bayana must have lain in & commercial region quite distinct from that of Delhi, the ordinary trade relations of which were with the East and the West rather than the South. The most important passage regarding Agra is that in the Ain-i Akbar (ii, 60), which has already been quoted in part as authority for'the Akbari maund. The relevant portion may be rendered literally as follows: " Weights of other craftsmen [1.8., other than jewellers and bankers, whose scales have just been given). Formerly in Hindustan the ser was of the weight sometimes of 18 dam and sometimes of 22 dam. From the beginning of the present reign it ran at 28 dam ; and today at 30 dam. The maund is made up of 40 sers." Hindustan at this period might mean any part of northern India, but it is reasonable to take the reference to the country round Agra, where Akbar's capital was situated, and which would naturally be referred to by the official compilers of the work quoted. 15 With the dam of 323.5 gr., we have the following maunds : Ib. gr. Some time before Akbar's accession, (1) 33.1920 and (2) 40.4680 At Akbar's accession .. . (3) 51.5320 By 1595 .. (4) 55.3200 The fact that two anits had been replaced by one suggests that we have here an early Cage of official standardisation; and, having regard to the character of the rulers of Agra before Akbar, the choice of the possible standardiser lies between Sikandar Lodi and Sher ShAh. The latter was the introducer of the large copper coin which later reccived the name of dam, and it is improbable that he should have fixed the ser at such an unusual and inconvenient multiple as 28 dam. Sikandar was interested in units, for we know from the Ain-s Abbar (i, 296) that he altered the gaz or yard, and consequently the unit of land-measurement, though this fact is not recorded in the extant chronicles of his reign; consequently, the silence of these chronicles is no objection to the view that he may have altered the ser also. The dam did not exist in his time : the ordinary coin was the Banloll, which from the data given by Thomas was somewhere near 144 gr. A ger of 28 dam contains 9058 gr.; a ser of 64 Bahlolta very natural multiple in India-would contain 9116 gr., if the Bahloli was just 144 gr.; or to get precise identity, the Bahloli would be nearly 142 gr. My conjectural explanation of the facts on record is that when Sikandar transferred his capital to Agra in the year 1502, the existing diversity of the units prevailing there was found to be inconvenient, and he standardised the ser at 64 Bahloli, a figure which in fact gave a unit already known in India. The compiler of the Ain-i Akbari, stating the facts in 15 Doctor Pran Nath has shown in his Study in the Economic Condition of Ancient India (London, 1929). pp. 71-78, that units corresponding to 18, 22, and 28 dam are recorded in Sanskrit literature, but the region in which they provailed is not precisely indicated.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1931 terms of the coin current in his time, gave this ser as 28 dam, the nearest whole number, and possibly the exact equivalent. Under Akbar, when the Bahloli had given way to the dam, the figure 28 was thought to be unsuitable, and he ordered it to be raised to 30, the nearest round and suitable multiple. This, however, is not proved: the facts we possess are that the customary maunds in this region were in round figures 33 and 40 lb.; and that they were replaced by a maund of 52 lb., which under Akbar was raised to 55 lb. That the customary maunds in Central India were in fact somewhat larger than those of Delhi and of the Deccan may be inferred from the records preserved in Useful Tables (i, 80 ff.), which show customary maunds of 40 lb. in Indore, Rutlam, and Malwa generally, 34 lb. in Mandasor, 333 lb. in Ujjain; these figures agree closely with those calculated from the Ain-i Akbari; and there is no doubt that Malwa was ordinarily in commercial relations with Bayana as well as with Gujarat. It will be noted that the smaller Agra unit was identical with the Gujarat commercial maund, the range of which can thus be extended northward to the neighbourhood of the Jumna. Turning to the literature of the period, I have found no illustrative passages for the Lodi dynasty; but a notice (Elliot's History, iv, 529) of Ali Khawas Khan, one of Sher Shah's distinguished officers, speaks of his allowing 2 sers of corn daily to the religious mendicants whom he maintained in large numbers. If this is the 40 lb. maund, the allowance works out at just 2 lb.; if it is the 52 lb. maund, the allowance is about 24 lb. The former would be a little low, and even the latter would scarcely justify the unkindly phrase ' obese vermin' used of the recipients by Sir Henry Elliot in his discussion of the passage. The reference is more probably to one of these Agra maunds than to the Delhi unit, which would give less than 1 lb., a very meagre ration. The Emperor Babur recorded 16 the scale of weights used by the people of Hind,' but he did not mention the locality where he learned this scale, and he had been in various parts of Hind when he wrote. Both the lower and the upper portions of the scale given by him are familiar: the tola contained 96 ratti; the unit called by him manban, which is rendered man in the Persian version and is obviously the maund, contained 40 sers; and 20 maunds made a mani. According to the text, 14 tolas made a ser; and this would give a maund of about 15 lb., taking the tola as 186 gr. This maund is much smaller than those which have so far come under review; and the question naturally presents itself whether the figure 14 a very unusual multiple-is correct. It recurs in the Persian version, and I can hear of no variations in the MSS.; there may be a mistake somewhere, but there are no grounds for proposing an emendation, and we must admit this as a maund existing somewhere in northern India-where, we cannot say, but known in the Mogul Palace. Gulbadan Begam,17 writing many years after the event, told (p. 12) a story of one of Babur's jokes, which incidentally contains a very puzzling equation. Presents were about to be given, and one man was informed, to his great disgust, that he was to receive only a singlo gold coin. A special coin had been prepared for the purpose, which was hung round the recipient's neck after he had been blind-folded; and we are told that "he was quite helpless with surprise at its weight, and delighted and very very happy," so that the coin must have been altogether out of the common run. The Begam described it as weighing 3 badshahi (i.e., royal) sers, making 15 sers of Hind; and the problem is to know what she meant by s royal ser. Writing, as she did, late in Akbar's reign, it is natural to suppose that she meant the Akbarf ser of 30 dam: in that case the coin would have weighed a little over 4 lb., and the maund of Hind' would be just 11 lb., a unit not recorded elsewhere. Professor Hodivala proposed 18 to read 11 for 15 sers in this passage; accepting this correction, the maund of 16 Baburnama. Tr. A. S. Beveridge. London, 1921; p. 517. 17 Gulbadan Begam. History of Humdyun. Text with translation by A. S. Beveridge. London, 1902. 19 Historical Studies in Mughal Numismatics. Calcutta 1923; p. 62.

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DECEMBER, 1931) NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS 223 Hind would be nearly 15 lb., or that which has been calculated from the scale given by Babur. The suggestion is thus attractive, and the difference in Persian script between 11 (yazdah) and 15 (panzdah) is very slight. There is, however, no MS. authority for the emendation, The only MS. known to me is that in the British Museum (Or. 166) which was used by Mrs. Beveridge ; and in it the word panadah is written with the utmost clearness, as I have found it in various other Mogul MSS., transcribers being obviously alive to the danger of confusion with ydzdah. It is certain that the writer of this MS. meant 15, not 11; and if we could be sure of Mrs. Beveridge's suggestion that this MS. is the Begam's autograph, the proposed emendation could not be acoepted. If it is a copy, it is certainly a very early one, and on general principles we should not be too ready to depart from the MS., even if it gives a maund not elsewhere recorded. In correspondence Professor Hodivala has suggested an alternative interpretation, that the royal ser in this passage may be the Kabul ser of 500 misgals spoken of in the Baburnama (p. 632). Taking the misgal as before at 70 gr., this Kabul ser is just 5 lb. ; then the ser of Hind' would be just llb., and we should have the Agra maund of practically 40 lb.. surviving doubtless in the bazar after the offieial change to 52 lb., if the change had been made before Babur's arrival. This identification seems possible, for the Begam was a very old lady and might still think of Kabul as the Mogul onpital, which it had been in her youth, and consequently of its ser as 'royal'; but definite evidence is wanting as to the exact force of the epithet badshahi. On this suggestion, the gold coin was 15 lb. in weight, instead of 4 lb.; we may think the smaller ooin would have sufficed for the joke, but we cannot gummarily reject the larger one, for Babur did nothing by halves. Coins of enormous size were oocasionally struck for special purposes; and Jahangir mentions (Memoirs, i, 406) a coin weighing 500 ordinary muhr, which would be nearly a stone, and is comparable with the 15 lb. coin suggested above. Another passage may be noticed here in connection with maunds of about 15 lb., though it takes us some distar.ce from Agra. In the Mirat-i Sikandari, which was written in Gujarat about the year 1611, Mahmud Bigada is said to have eaten daily "one Gujarati maund, the ser of which weighed 15 Bahlolis." Taking the Bahloli at 144 gr., this gives a maund of a little over 12 lb.; but there is no reason to suppose that the Bahloli, in the strict sense, was known, or current in Gujarat at the time this chronicle was written, and I think it is reasonable to take the word in a looser sense, as equivalent to dam or paisa, which denote the commonest copper coin current at the time and place mentioned, so that all three words are best translated as 'coppers.'19 We know from the commercial records that the usual copper' in Gujarat at this time was the adheld, a half-dam, weighing nearly 162 gr.; this would give a maund of just under 14 lb. No local unit of this size is recorded in the commercial literature of the period, 80, assuming the chronicler's accuracy, the 12 lb. or 14 lb. maund must be taken as non-commercial, whether it was a retailer's unit, or a special unit used in the royal household of Gujarat. Returning to the vicinity of Agra, I may refer to the statement made in the notice of Abul Fazl in the Madsir-ul Umnd, that that eminent literary man consumed daily 22 sers of food. In terms of the Akbari maund this is over 30 lbs., which is incredible ; but if the reference is to the 'maund of Hind' mentioned by Babur, the figure works out to about 8 lb., which is within the limits of possibility, and is, at any rate, littlo more than half of the ration attributed to Mahmud Bigada. There are, too, some other passages regarding this period and locality which indicate the use of units other than Akbari in particular departments of the Palace, certainly in the artillery and in the cellar, and possibly in some others. 19 Cf. the statement in the Ain-i Akbart (i, 27) that the dam was at first called paisd, and also Bahlolt: the three names were thus in fact interchangeable in current language.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1931 The Ain-i Akbart, when referring to the improvements effected by Akbar in the artil. lery, says (i, 124) that some guns were so large that the ball weighed 12 maunds. In most chapters of this work the maund is clearly the Akbari ; but at this period balls of 660 lb. are quite out of the question, and some other unit must be used here. My guess is that the foreign gunners who first organised Babur's artillery used the 2 lb. maund which prevailed to the north-west, and that it survived in the department, so that, after Akbar's improvements, the maximum weight of the ball was about 24 lb. It is true that the Tarikh-i-Alfi, referring to a period nearly 30 years earlier, says (Eliot's History, v, 175) that on one occasion guns were used " capable of discharging stones of fifty, forty, and twenty maunds"; but this must be taken as mere rhetoric, for Badallni, referring to the same occasion, has " five or seven maunds." Badauni's figures would mean that early in Akbar's reign the balls used were of 10 to 15 lb., and that as the result of his improvements this figure rose to nearly 25 lb., a reasonable and probable interpretation, which accords with the information collected by Irvine, in the Army of the Indian Moghuls (London, 1903). Irvine came to the conclusion (p. 116) that the most important development of the artillery occurred after Akbar's time, and showed that early in the eighteenth century the balls for the heavy guns ranged about 70 to 100 lb. The only passage quoted by him (p. 115) which is inconsistent with the suggestion I have made is one (translated in Elliot's History, v, 131) relating to Humayun's artillery. In 1540 the balls for the light guns weighed 500 misqal, or about 5 lb.; but for the heavy guns the weight was 5,000 mieqal, which would be approximately 50 lb. The text of this passage is in some respects uncertain, as Irvine showed, and its authority is consequently dubious; but in any case it cannot be employed to justify the use of a maund much greater than 2 lb. in the artillery of Akbar's time. The passages which suggest the use of other units in the cellar and elsewhere occur principally in the Memoirs of Jahangir, which contain numerous references' to weights, at first sight so puzzling that they require a section to themselves. (To be continued.) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from page 186.) 6. Winds. "For some curious meteorological reason (p. 108) unknown to me, these winds become much stronger in the afternoon. Sometimes the whole morning will be absolutely calm and about 1-30 o'clock a breeze will set in, which by 3-30 or 4 o'clock will have developed into a hurricane. The winds have a tendency to die down after sunset, but sometimes continue far into the night. They are generally regarded as the most terrible and devastating steady winds known anywhere in the world. The cutting gales pierce every form of clothing, and remove the little layer of warm air which ordinarily surrounds the body, rendering frostbite a eonstant and a very real danger. It is to counteract this that the Tibetan preserves on his body the layer of dirt and grease which renders him so obnoxious, but which is really the finest natural clothing he could secure." 7. Cleanliness and Washing. "Most Tibetans never touch their bodies with water (p. 157) during the whole course of their lives, and become practically encased in a layer of fat and dirt, which serves the usual function of keeping out the cold. In this connection it may be added that from the time I entered Tibet until I entered Lhasa I found it impossible to wash even my hands or my face. Tibetans find the layer of dirt by no means objectionable, and are even proud of it. They believe that such a layer not only keeps the cold out, but also keeps the luck in, and in many parts of the country a young man wants to be sure that his bride-elect has not

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DECEMBER, 1931) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 225 washed this luck-covering away. Not infrequently the natural layer will be supplemented by smearing the body with butter or sheep's fat." "The afternoon of this day (p. 283) was marked by a very important event, the taking of a bath [at Lhasa). .... At last everything was ready, when, to my horror, I discovered that after all I did not want a bath! Cleanliness and dirtiness are largely a question of habit, and perhaps of climate. At first the steadily increasing layer of dirt had been a misery, but now, with the Tibetans, I had come to regard it as a secure protection." 8. Natural Hot-baths. "On passing a village (p. 211) situated in the lower valley (of the Brahmaputra), near the water's edge, I saw a number of persons lying stark naked near the roadside. I thought they must be raving lunatics, or else corpses, to be thus exposed to the cold. But as we came nearer I discovered that they were ordinary Tibetan peasants lying in shallow pools of steaming water. The village in question, I learned, is famous for its natural hot springs. Great curative powers are ascribed to the waters, and the Tibetans sometimes overcome their disinclination to wash and will then soak themselves in the steaming water for hours." "But in addition (p. 212) to the great importance attached to the healing properties of the hot springs, the Tibetan has an ulterior motive for bathing in the sulphurous waters. He is a verminous creature, and his Buddhistic beliefs preclude the hunting and slaughter of the insects which infest his body and clothing. The springs, then, provide him with a simple means of ridding himself of vermin without trespassing too far on his religious scruples." 9, Story of an Abbot. "The nemo, or landlady (at Shigatse), came up to talk to us (pp. 188-189) and to tell us about the local scandal. She had a good deal to say about the local abbot, who was con sidered to be an 'incarnation of deity,' and the troubles which he was having. He had, of course, been chosen as the true incarnation and appointed abbot when he was still an infant, and during his minority the power had been exercised by one of the senior monks. Even when the young divine ruler' came of age, the regent was very unwilling to renounce his power, and a bitter enmity sprang up between the two as to who was to have the real control of the affairs of the monastery. The regent, as the older and craftier man, had proved successful, and in wrath the incarnate abbot had resigned his post and left the temple. "I was very much interested to learn that an incarnate and re-incarnate abbot could resign his job, and asked our gossipy informant what had become of him. She answered that he had received an invitation from another monastery to become its head, and had ordained that hereafter he would be reborn as the abbot of the new temple, rather than as the ruler of the temple from which he had been ejected. This little incident was of great interest to me, as it threw fresh light on the way in which the Tibetans regard and regulate the institution of re-incarnated divine rulers." 10. Preaching. "This, I found (p. 280), was the Lhasa pulpit (a curious sort of platform rather elaborately decorated), the only pulpit I ever saw in Tibet. Preaching plays no part in Tibetan religion. The peasants are quite willing to pay money to the priests to perform ceremonies for them. This propitiates the gods and demons: why, therefore, should one be forced to listen to sermons ? The monks on the other band see no reason why religious secrets should be delivered to the masses...... (this pulpit) is used only by the Dalai Lama, who once a year, in the character of high priest of bis people, delivers a short discourse to the Lhasa commu. nity, which packs itself in the open space around. This annual sermon is a very quaint custom, and I was very anxious to learn something of its origin, but I found no one who could tell me." 11. Romoval of Residence. "To my surprise I found that he [Tsarong Shape, the Commander-in-Chief] was build ing a new city palace only a few hundred yards away from his present establishment. I

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1931 later found that the real reason for this was that he believes the present palace to be haunted by the old murdered Tsarong and his son, whose estates and women-folk the present man has inherited. Tsarong has had several children who died in infancy, and there is left to him only one sickly little boy. Medical science would account for this in another way, but even the modern and progressive Tsarong believes that these calamities are due to the ghosts of his predecessors, who are thirsting for revenge, and he believes that in a new building the shades of the dead will be powerless." VII. FOOD AND TABUS. 1. Chlokons. "Chicken (p. 210) is supposed to be an unspeakably filthy food in Tibet, and custom forbids its use. Eggs, for some reason, are also placed on the taboo list, and many strict lamas, who consume huge quantities of mutton, refuse to eat eggs on the ground that the practice deprives future chickens of life." In Burma cocks are kept for fighting, but hens are regarded with indifference, for their eggs are of no use, owing to the Buddhist prejudices against destroying life by eating them. See Shway Yoe, The Burman, 84. 2. MINE. "Strangely enough, notwithstanding the enormous number of yaks to be found in Tibet and the great amount of milk which they produce, the Tibetans themselves are very loath to drink it, or to use it in any way in cooking. Most Tibetans rogard milk as filthy, as being a different form of urine, and when drunk it is regarded as a kind of medicine which must be taken, however unpleasant it may be, so that when we purchased our supply from the herdsman, we had to explain that one of us was ill and requirod it on medical grounds." In Burma, and apparently in all far Eastern lands, milk is not an article of diet. 8. Batter. "The repugnanoe (p. 127), which the Tibetans feel against milk, is more than counter acted by their fondness for butter. While, curiously enough, milk is rogarded as filthy, butter is considered clean, and incredible quantities of butter are consumed overy year. It is chiefly used in the preparation of tea." 4. Butter for Lamps. "Quite apart from its food value, butter is largely used in other ways, one as a fuel for lamps. Nearly every one of the older religions reveals a fondness for having some light burning before its sacred images, and in Tibetan Buddhism this practice has been carried to extraordinary lengths. At all times the principal idols have two or three sacred lamps burning in front of them, and at festival periods such lamps not alight in a temple will be increased by hundreds and even thousands. It is a common form of piety to bestow a sum of money on a temple to have a special display of such lights. In all such cases the only fuel used is butter. The lamp itself is a wide, shallow bowl, the wick being a twisted cord made of wool placed in the middle of a lump of butter. The flame is a rich and creamy yellow, rather pretty, but it gives out little light, for which reason, and also because of the expense of the fuel, these butter lamps are chiefly used in religious buildings, and are but sparsely employed by laymen." 6. Butter for Decoration. I "As a decoration for the temple, or family shrine (p. 128), butter is also greatly in demand. The butter is moulded into various shapes, having some more or lone geometrical form, and frequently having some bas-relief design representing an animal, or more frequently a flower. Although made entirely of butter, these forma, as they are called, are usually dyed in various different colours, reds and greens being the popular shades. Some of these forma are made only for a special occasion and then ceremoniously destroyed, but inany

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DECEMBER, 1931) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 227 of the larger ones, on which a great deal of sculptural effort has been expended, are expected to last a year, and are solemnly replaced at some annual festival." 6. Tea. "The corpse [of the pony) lay in the little stream (pp. 236, 237) which ran down from here to the village at the bottom of the valley. We later found the stream was the water supply for this village ; but the Tibetans are not at all fastidious in these matters, though they have a healthy dislike to drinking cold water, water being only drunk in the form of chang or tea, the preparation of which rendere it more or less safe. It is curious to find how in many cases popular superstitions have as their basis a certain amount of truth. The Tibetans regard tea as a preventive of typhoid and other forms of fover. The truth is, of course. that in order to prepare the tea they have to boil the water, thereby killing the germs." 7. Buttered Tea. "The tea is of a very coarse kind (p. 161). It is all imported, chiefly from China in the form of compressed bricks. As it is difficult to make leaves stick together, the tea is mixed with small quantities of yak-dung, which acts as a cement. A portion will be broken off a tea-brick and thrown into the water to boil. After it has bubblod for some time a huge mass of butter will be added, and at the same time a small quantity of soda and salt. This is thoroughly mixed, and then allowed to boil again for several minutes. Needless to say, the use of milk and sugar is unknown. Sometimes sheep's fat will take the place of butter. In any case the butter which is made from the yak's milk is invariably rancid. It is kept for months and even years before being used. As with us wine, so with the Tibetans butter is considered to be improved by age. This buttored tea is consumed in increasing quantities, and served as a food as well as drink." Tea-bricks, though distinctly manufactured articles, have long been and are still [1892) used in precisely the same way as currency as is salt in many places, mulberries in Persia and sago in the Malay Archipelago, all about the borders of Burma. For numerous references as to the use of tea in bricks, see Indian Antiquary, XXVI, 285 f. 8. Cooking. << The natives (p. 75) of this part of the world [Sikkim) have a prejudice against meat cooked in any way except by boiling. They believe that roasted or grilled meat impedes the breathing when climbing mountains. The same notion in regard to roasted meat obtains in Tibet, I found out later, the nomads in particular having a prejudice against meat cooked in any other way than boiling." In Burma " there is a particular objeotion to the smell of cookery, and when anything is fried in oil or prepared so as to produce a strong savour, it is always done to the leeward of the house, and where the fumes may not reach any other dwelling. Such smells are believed to be very productive of fever." Shway Yoo, The Burman, 70. In large towns, like Mandalay, the use of oil in cooking is a frequent source of violent quarrelling. VIII. MEASUREMENTS. . 1. Reckoning. "The Tibetans are extraordinarily bad (p. 228) at arithmetio, and find it impossible to add even the simplest problem of arithmetic in their heads. Pen-and-paper calculations are also almost unknown, so that they are forced to count either on their fingers, with little stones, or with beads. This last is the most common way, and nearly every Tibetan is possessed of a rosary, whioh he sometimes uses for .... his prayers and sometimes for secular purposes to add up his accounts. In the larger cities use is also made of the abacus, which is so frequently employed in China. Even with this aid the Tibetans find calculation very hard work, and it took our friends nearly an hour, squatting in the courtyard and fingering their beade, before they arrived at the sum which I had done in my head in a very

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228 [ DECEMBER, 1931 few minutes. This slowness of wits the Tibetans share with the Mongolians, and in consequence both peoples were, in the old days of Chinese influence, frequently fleeced by the more nimble-witted Chinese merchants. And this is one of the reasons for the deep-seated hatred which both the Mongolians and the Tibetans have for their Celestial neighbours." THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In my Notes on the Burmese System of Arithmetic, Indian Antiquary, XIX, 55 ff., it is noted that "it seems to be certain that the Burmese obtained what mathematical knowledge they possess from their priests and astrologers with their religion and civilization generally, and that it is directly of Hindu origin.".... Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, the mathematician, informed me that a system of arithmetic nearly corresponding to that of the Burman is still in vogue all over India among Hindu astrologers.".... Precisely the same thing appears to have happened in Tibet: for whatever the truth as to the real date may be, there appears to be no doubt that the Tibetans claim to have received their mathematical knowledge directly from India with their religion in the second century B.C., and when I was, about a year ago (1890), explaining the Burmese arithmetic on a blackboard before the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta, Babu Sarat Chandra Das, the Tibetan scholar, at once recognised portions of the Burmese system as still current in Tibet. With the Babu was a Lama who further shewed on the board that the system taught him in the indigenous monastic schools in Tibet was much the same..... The Burmese system of arithmetic is specially adapted to mental processes... They commence addition sums by adding the hundreds, then the tens and lastly the units, as do all Hindus and Bank clerks also in England on the reverse system to that used by Europeans on paper. Subtraction is to the Burman, however, a complicated affair and multiplication is a science requiring much exercise of brain power. Division is a very complicated process... Burmese arithmetic arose naturally out of a system of notation, which was merely one of writing numbers exactly as they were spoken [1000-100-99-1199; I have seen municipal carts so numbered in Mandalay]." 2. Currency. "The basis of money (p. 112) in Tibet is the trangka, approximately five of which, according to present rates [1923] of exchange, make a rupee, or 18. 3d., so that a trangka is about a fourth of a shilling. These are supposedly made of silver, but of silver so debased that I wondered if empty tin cans did not form a large item in the purchases of the Lhasa mint, where these and all other Tibetan coins are made. Even trangkas are somewhat rare and most of the peasants concern themselves only with the smaller divisions of the trangka. These smaller denominations are coined from various copper alloys. The most important are: 1. The kakang or one-sixth of a trangka. 2. The karmanga or one-third of a trangka. 3. The chegya or one-half of a trangka. 4. The shokang or two-thirds of a trangka. This curious division of the mint results in a good deal of extraordinary calculation in Tibet, where the peasants are completely lacking in a mathematical sense." [It ought, however, to be a very simple matter of calculating prices on such a system for the Tibetan peasant. For to him, if we take the kakang as the base of his monetary system, prices are calculated thus: 2 kakang make 1 karmanga. 3 kakang make 1 chegya. 4 kakang make 1 shokang. 6 kakang make 1 trangka.]

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DECEMBER, 1931) SORAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 229 The Tibetan monetary scale, however, is not so complicated as many an European and Asistio scale in civilised countries has been in quite recent times. See Temple, Obsolete Tin Currency and Money in the Federated Malay States, 29 ff. . The Tibetan trangka appears to be connected with a universal Asiatic unit of coinage, the taka : Indian tanka, Siamese, tickal: Persian, dang : Russian, dengi ; Burmese, dinga. See Indian Antiquary, XXVI, 235 ff. As to debasing silver, & common practice everywhere, the alloy in Burmese silver under native rule varied in 1885 from 21 % to 90 % Indian Antiquary, XLVIII, 11. There was under native rule some confusion in the name of the half-rupee but none in practice. Thus 10 mu made 1 kyat, which represented the Indian Government rupee. So 5 mi=balf a rupee. But in India 16 annas made 1 rupee ; 80 8 annas=half a rupee. This the Burmese understood, but in conversation they always called the 8 anna-piece 5 mupiece. There was no practical confusion as the terms 8 annas and 5 mu were mere conventions and the coins they represented were always understood. 3. Prices. "If the accommodation (p. 155) in a Tibetan rest house is poor, and service practically non-existent, yet we certainly could not complain as to the amount we had to pay as nela, or rent, which, apart from supplies purchased, was only & chegya or half a trangka, approxi. mately 1 d., and this for a party of five." 4. Distance. "The Tibetans are, indeed, extraordinarily inexact (p. 190) in their methods of measuring. For calculating distance I heard mention of only three terms. One of these was kostsa, literally, the distance the voice carries, but which in practice seemed to vary from one to five hundred yards. The second was isapo or tsasa, or a half march, ranging from five to ten miles, and finally a shasa, a full march, which meant anything from ten to twenty miles." The Tibetans, however, do not seem to be more inexact than other nationalities in measuring distances. Anything approaching exactitude in measuring a mile in England is comparatively quite recent, not 200 years old. So the measurement of a kos (now two English miles) in India is still often very vague"Clodhoppers " all over the world are very vague in measuring distances. In Burma says Shway Yoe, The Burman, 552,"& stone's throw is from 50 to 60 yards and a call' about a couple of hundred yards : 'a musket's sound' is half an English mile : morning meal's distance' is as far as a 'man can walk between sunrise and breakfast time,' say six English miles : a mui, the eighth of a taing, is a quarter of a mile : a mah is half a mile : & nga-mu, literally 5 mt, is half a taing or English mile." 5. Time. "As regards time (p. 191) they are equally vague, though they have a larger number of terms. Among the phrases I heard most frequently employed in this connection were : nyima = daytime. , Isen or gongmo = night-time. chake-tangpo = first cock-crow. chake-nyipa = second cock-crow. torang = just before dawn : 'false dawn.' tse shar = sunrise, lit., ' peak-shining.' shokke = early morning. tsating = late morning. nyin-gung = midday. gongta = afternoon. 8a-rip = dusk. nam-che = midnight.

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230 : THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1931 "Owing to the greater exactitude of the European system of the measurement of time, the Tibetans who have come into contact with life in India have learned to understand and even employ European reckoning of the hours. Curiously enough, this is quite irrespective of whether they have watches or not. A certain position of the sun in the sky means to them three p.m., and so on." As a matter of fact, the Tibetans employ the same methods of reckoning time with sufficient accuracy for their wants as do other peoples who have no watches. Their divisions of the day and night correspond with those of the Nicobarese and Andamanese. The Nicobarese are & semi-civilised people of ultimate origin in Western Chinese bighlands, and the Adamanese are savages who cannot count, and yet they divide their days and nights with sufficient accuracy by the same process as the Tibetans. The Burmese adopted the Indian system of watches of uneven length for daylight and dusk--four watches, nominally three hours each. In Burma again Shway Yoe, The Burman, 553 f., tells us that "in the smaller villages and towns time is only roughly indicated by a reference to the position of the sun or the moon or to a certain daily occurrence taking place at a fixed time, as 'in the morning when the sun was as high as a toddy palm': or before the sky was light : when the light got strength (about half-past five): the earliest cock-crowing time; when the monks go a-begging (six or seven in the morning, according to the custom of the monastery): the monks returning time (usually about eight, but varying, of course, with the charity of the neighbourhood): after midday: sky closing time (about six p.m.): 'brothers don't know each other time' (just after dark): when the lamps are lighted : children's go to bed time (about eight): lads go courting time (about the same hour): when grown up people lay their heads down (ten in the country, twelve with kalathas of the town) : all the world quiet time: thagaung-gyaw 'the wee short hour ayont the twal': when the red star rises--all these and a multitude of others are in common everyday use." In Burma "a breath's space" serves to denote a moment : "the chewing of a fid of betel " oocupies ten minutes ; "the time it would take to boil one pot of rice," twenty minutes. 6. The Calendar. "The first of these (pageants) took place on March 3 [1923), which (p. 317) was the fif. teenth day of the first Tibetan month, and as the Tibetans have a lunar calendar, the night of every fifteenth is marked by the full moon." [It is a pity that Dr. McGovern has not told ya whether the Tibetans reckon by thirteen months in the solar year.] Shway Yoe, The Burman, 549, tells us that "the ordinary year in Burma consists of twelve lunar months of 29 and 30 days alternately. Every third year a thirteenth month is intercalated between the fourth and fifth. The date on which the year begins in the month of April was determined by the calculation of the Royal astronomers in Mandalay, and published throughout the country by the monks and district officials."

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DECEMBER, 1931] ST. THOMAS IN IOTHABIS 231 ST. THOMAS IN IOTHABIS, CALAMINA, KANTORYA, OR MYLAPORE. BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T., TRIVANDRUM. TAE Rev. Fr. H. Hosten's article entitled 'Is St. Thome in Civitate lothabis ? ' published in The Indian Antiquary for March 1931 is the same as the one published by him in The Catholic Register (of Mylapore) for June and July 1930. My reply to it appeared in the August number (page 12) of the same magazine. I stated in that reply: "I got the text of the entry in Codex Fuldensis relating to the burial place of St. Thomas from Dr. F. C. Burkitt, of Cambridge. The date 546, too, was supplied by Dr. Burkitt. I do not know if Dr. Burkitt himself is responsible for deciphering the name from the Codex.' See Kerala Society P ere, Series 6, p. 292. for Dr. Burkitt's text." Further information about the entry in the Codex was very kindly supplied by Dr. Burkitt in his letter to me from Cambridge dated 6th September 1930. He saye : "Cod. Ful. densis, 546 A.D., has between Hebrews and Acts a list, by the original hand, of the places where the Apostles' bones were lying. It says Thomas * IN INDIA IN CIUITATE 10ThaBIS "This is not a regular facsimile, but it will give you an idea of thu writing, which is quite clear and regular. So far as I know there are no copies of the list in Cod. Fuldensis." In his letter Dr. Burkitt imitates the lettering of the original, but the above copy of it will only indicate which of the letters are capital and which small as they appear to me in his copy, This is what Dr. Burkitt had said in Kerala Society Papers (loc. cit.) "Finally it may be remarked that Codex Fuldensis, the famous MS. of the Latin Distessaron, written for and corrected by Victor, Bishop of Capua in 546 A.D. has a list of where the Apostles are buried. The entry for Thomas is THOMAS. IN INDIA CIVITATE IOTHABIS The elucidation of this notice I leave to others, but it is so ancient that it ought not to be forgotten in discussions on this subject." (Here an in is inadvertently omitted before civitate.) Dr. Burkitt's letter of 6th September 1930 quoted above says that St. Thomas's " bones were lying " in civitate lothabis. May we assume that the author of the entry in the Codex meant the city where St. Thomas's body had originally been buried in the first century, and not some other city in the vague India of olden times, where some portion of his bones was actually lying (as in Edessa) or supposed to be lying? (An Ethiopic version of The Acts, thirteenth century, has Kantorya, instead of Iothabis and Calamina.) Now Fr. Hosten attempts to identify Iothabis of the Codex of 546 A.D. with Mylapore, as he "cannot twist the tradition away from the tomb at Mylapore." But no one has yet been able to prove that the tradition that St. Thomas lies buried in Mylapore existed in the early centuries of the Christian era. From Marco Polo's statement in about 1300 A.D. we can infer that there was such a tradition in his days in Mylapore. And Fr. Hosten endeavours to bridge over the very wide gulf of thirteen centuries between St. Thomas's and Marco Polo's times by means of (1) Mar Solomon's Mahluph (about 1222 A.D.) (2) Hulf or Hulfa of medieval German accounts, which he says goes back to the account (about 1122 A.D.) of an Indian bishop (3) Calamina extending from Barhebraeus (thirteenth century) back to St. Isidore of Seville (about 560 to 636 A.D.) (4) King Alfred's embassy to India (A.D. 883) (5) The church and cross on St. Thomas Mount near Mylapore (about 825 A.D.) (6) The church and monastery of wonderful size visited by Theodore (before 590 A.D.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1931 (1) The Indian monastery of St. Thomas existing in Zadoe's time (say between 350-390 A.D.) (8) Christians in South India about 290-315 A.D. . We shall briefly examine the several parts of this bridge. 1. According to Budge's edition (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1886) of Solomon's Book of the Bee, the sentence mentioning the burial place of St. Thomas has another reading which does not contain the name Mahluph. Budge's translation runs: "Others say that he was buried in Mahluph, a city in the land of the Indians [the Oxford MS says he was buried in India)." (See Medlycott's India and the Apostle Thomas, 1905, p. 38.) 2. I do not know if the Indian Bishop, who, coming from the town where was St. Thomas' tomb, appeared at Rome about 1122 A.D., specified the name of the town as Hulf or Hulfa.' 3. Reliance cannot be placed on my identification in The Indian Antiquary for 1924, pp. 93--95) of Calamina with Chinnamalai, the Little Mount near Mylapore. It was nothing more than a surmise based on nothing better than a Malabar tradition of the Portuguese period. When the authenticity of that tradition itself is open to question, how could my surmise based on it be accepted and made the basis of an argument ! In my letter itself (in The Catholic Register for April 1930) which called fortb Fr. Hosten's article under consideration here, I had said in so many words that "my identification of Calamina with Chinnamalai is, of course, open to question." Previous to the above identification of mine in 1924 Calamina had been identified (1) with Kalyan near Bombay ; (2) with Min-nagara of the Periplus (by Cunningham in Archaeological Survey of India, Report for 1863-4, p. 60); (3) with Kalama, a village on the west of Gedrosia, opposite the island of Karbine or Karmina (by Gutschmid); (4) with Carmana, the capital of the well-known ancient country Carmania Propria in Persia, on the west of Sistan, which is on the south-west frontier of Afghanistan (by W. R. Philipps in Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 149); and (5) with Kalah, which is either a place on the Malaya Peninsula, or Point de Galle or some ancient port on the south-east coast of Ceylon formerly known as the Galla country (Medlycott in his India and Thomas, 1905, pp. 156 and 158). These, like my identification and those by Fr. Kircher, Baldaeus, Fra. Paulinus, Fr. Bernard, Mr. F. A. D'Cruz and some others are mere speculations. They may or may not be right. It is not wise, therefore, to basc any argument on any of them, Thus we find that one long portion of Fr. Hosten's bridge, extending from about 1250 back to about 600 A.D., is weak. 4. As for King Alfred's cmbassy taking alms (883 A.D.) " to India to Saint Thomas and Saint Bartholomew," according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the earliest document on the subject, no one can say for certain which part of the world the alins for St. Thomas actually reached. Nor can one assume that since a 'tomb of St. Thomas' existed at Mylapore in the thirteenth century it had been to Mylapore itself that King Alfred's alms were taken in 883 A.D. According to Dr. Mingana, "The mention of Bartholomew renders almost certain the opinion that King Alfred's India was not India at all, but South Arabia or Abyssinia." Early Spread of Christianity in India (Reprint) 1926, p. 21. Says Dr. Mingana : "the expression 'Great India is used of Ethiopia and Arabia Felix combined " in a passage of Michael the Syrian's history.-(Ibid., pp. 12, 13, 63.)"Indeed, many other writers count as integral parts of India some localities situated in Persia, Afghanistan and Baluchistan. So the great Michael the Syrian clearly mentions the city of Kabul, in present Afghanistan, as part of Inclia. Another writer, supposedly of the end of the fourth century, counts Ceylon as India." (Ibid., pp. 11, 12.) "It is impossible to resist the temptation to believe that the

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DECEMBER, 1931 ST. THOMAS IN OTHABIS 233 knowledge of many ecclesiastical writers of the West concerning India was very limited, .... To some of them India seemed to represent a generic name for all the dark peoples of the East, or like Gog and Magog, to represent any Far Eastern country of which little was known."-(Ibid., p. 13.) And "Spiegel has clearly shown (in Die arische Periode, p. 118) by sufficient references that, at least in Sassanian times and doubtless earlier, there prevailed an idea of an India in the west as well as an India in the east." ...." the territory of Arachosia which corresponds to the modern province of Kandahar, was known, at least in later Parthian times, as White India' ('Ivduki) Acuan). This we have on the authority of the geographer Isidor of Charax (first century A.D.), who, when mentioning Arachosia as the last in his list of Parthian provinces, adds (Mans. Parth. 19) the Parthians call it "White India." "-(Cambridge History of India, vol. I, 1922, pp. 325, 326.) Regarding the realms of Kabul and Sistan, the French savant James Darmesteter says (S.B.E., 2nd ed., IV, 2) that "Hindu civilization prevailed in those parts, which in fact in the two centuries before and after Christ were known as White India, and remained more Indian than Iranian till the Musulman conquest." Now, when in 883 A.D, King Alfred vowed to send alms to Rome and to India, to St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew (Thorpe, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, II, 66), neither the king nor Sighelm and Aethalstan who conveyed the alms to Rome, nor even Rome must have had any idea about the actual locality of St. Thomas to which it was to be directed. Nor is it clear whether King Alfred meant the alms for the original tomb of St. Thomas in India. To offer it at any of the localities where portions of the Apostle's bones were treasured would have satisfied the king and the embassy, and the Pope, whom they visited and must have consulted. And we know that after 22nd August 394 A.D., when the casket containing the bones of St. Thomas in Edessa was taken from the old church to the new basilica in the same town, Bishop Paulinus of Nola (died 431 A.D.), Bishop Gaudentius of Brescia (died between 410 and 427), and Bishop Ambrose of Milan (died 4th April 397) had in their possession bones of St. Thomas in the places mentioned, all in upper Italy.-(Medlycott's India and Thomas, p. 45, note 1.) We see also from a sermon preached in 402 A.D. at Edessa on the occasion of an annual festival of St. Thomas, that "The relics of the just have gone round the world... Every corner of the earth holds a part of St. Thomas; he has filled every place, and in each place he subsists entire... The barbarians honour Thomas, all people celebrate his feast this day" (very probably 3rd July)" and make an offering of his words as a gift to the Lord, "My Lord and my God!"-Op. cit., pp. 106-108.) From this it is not unreasonable to infer that St. Thomas's bones were enshrined also in many localities east of Edessa after 394 A.D. as they were in Nola, Brescia, and Milan to the west of it. One may infer also that Mylapore was one of those eastern localities treasuring some bones of St. Thomas after 394 A.D., the relics having been obtained perhaps from the casket in Edessa before its removal in that year to the new basilica of St. Thomas. King Alfred's messengers perhaps offered his alms at one of such St. Thomas shrines in the East much nearer Rome than modern India. The "exotic gems and aromatic liquors," which William of Malmesbury says (about 1120 A.D.) the messenger Sigelinus brought back to England, could vory well have been obtained in Arabia or Persia. 5. The church and cross, on St. Thomas' Mount do constitute a real, conspicuous landmark in the early history of Christianity in South India. The Pahlavi inscription around the cross is most probably of the ninth century A.D., while the cross (without the inscription) may date from some earlier century, say after 435 A.D., when Nestorianism was established in Persia. (See my Malabar Christians and their Ancient Documents, Trivandrum, 1929, pp. 11-32, and Kerala Society Papers, Series 5, Trivandrum, 1930, pp. 267-269.) The

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1931 Mount cross inscription and the Quilon copper-plates are indeed the only sure and real landmarks between Cosmas (sixth century) and Marco Polo (thirteenth century). 6. Theodore's church and monastery cannot be affirmed to have been in Mylapore, Theodore's account found in Gregory of Tours (in Gloria Martyrum) does not contain any. thing that will help us to identify "the place in the country of India where he first rested" (in loco regionis Indiae, quo prius quievit). It may or may not be Mylapore. It may or may not be some place near Gondophares's capital, in North-West India, or Afghanistan and Balachistan ("White India' as already mentioned), in which two countries there were not less than five bishoprics in the period 420 to 497 A.D.-(Kerala Society Papers, Series 5, p. 257.) It is indeed a thousand pities that we know only a little about Christianity in the kingdom of Gondophares and Eastern Iran in the period before 420 A.D. Archaologists in that region seem to have found no Christian vestiges there yet. There is no harm in carrying on investigations there on the assumption that St. Thomas worked, died and was buried there, and not in South India. 7. As regards the Indian monastery of St. Thomas existing in Zadoe's time, Dr. Mingana says: "Putting all these facts together, I believe provisionally that it is possible to assume that the island was not Ceylon at all, but one of those small islands situated south of Baith Katraye, on the way to Mazon and Oman," ... (Early Spread of Christianity in India, 1926, p. 20.) As in the case of the church and monastery visited by Theodore (before 590 A.D.) this Indian' monastery of the fourth century cannot at all be proved to have been in Mylapore. 8. Fr. Hosten says that I have myself shown "satisfactorily enough, that there were Christians in South India and in Malabar about 290--315." In my Malabar Christians, p. 2, I said in December 1929 that "there were Christians in India,' which most probably is Malabar, about 354 A.D." At that time I took on trust Medlycott's identification of Theophilus the Indian's "Divu " with the Maldives. But subsequently I began to doubt the correctness of his identification and to ask whether Divu cannot be Diu South of Kathiawar, or Diul near the mouth of the Indus. The whole passage about Theophilus the Indian's mission has to be obtained and scrutinized again. (See p. 248 infra.) Fr. Hosten identifies. Andrapolis of The Acts of Judas Thomas with Cranganore. It would be well if Fr. Hosten would publish his reasons for the identification. CORRESPONDENCE. In reference to Mr. P. Anujan Achan's article on "A Hebrew Inscription from Chennamangalam," which appeared in the July 1930 issue of this Journal (vol. LIX, pp. 134-35), Dr. Kurt Levy, Ph.D., of the Halle University, sends the following letter : Halle/Saale, April 16th, 1931. TO THE EDITOR OF T'he Indian Antiquary. DEAR SIR, The translation of the Hebrew inscription published in your journal, vol. LIX, p. 135, is to be corrected in several points. We may read as follows "Praised be the true Judge, &c. (some words of a prayer). The Rock, his work is perfect, &c. (Deuteronomy 32, 4]. This tomb (hides the remains) of Sarah, daughter of Israel God's spirit give her peace. In the year 1581 of (the era of) contracts, 26 days in the month of Kislev." Yours very sincerely, KURT LEVY.

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DECEMBER, 1931) THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS 235 THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS. (A Bihar Cattle Festival and the Cult of the Mother Goddess.) BY KALI PADA MITRA, M.A., B.L., PRINCIPAL, D. J. COLLEGE, MONGHYR. (Continued from page 190.) Mr. Roy gays that this festival of Sohorai--their only festival connected with cattlehas been adopted by the Oraons from the Hindus. This being so, we can infer that some of the features connected with the Sohorai festival which are now not ordinarily found, or which probably for want of sufficient observation have not been described, or which have been forgotten, belonged to the original Hindu festival from which it has been derived. Anyway they are very interesting. The following points deserve notice (1) The date for the celebration of the festival is the day following the new moon day of the month of Kartik-thus coinciding with the day of the Hindu festival. (2) Illumination on the Amavasya day agrees with the Hindu festival, and garsi vrata in Bengal (which I shall describe later on). (3) Bathing of the cattle in some tank or stream is also done in connection with the garsi vrata. (4) Worship, feeding and adorning of the cow agrees with the Hindu festival. (5) Sacrifice of fowl to the cattle-shed spirit Go Deota, who is also called Lachhmi, is not found in the Hindu festival. (6) Leading the cattle outside the basli, as the Goalas do in Shahabad and other places. (7) Sacrifice of a black pig in the same manner as in the gaydan!. (8) Adorning the pig, washing its feet, anointing its forehead with vermilion, giving it arua rice to feed upon, etc.-Cf. adorning the pig with a chaplet of flowers and scattering achhat about its snout. (9) The purchase of the pig by public subscription and the publicity of the ceremony, as in the Hindu festival. (10) Dressing of Oraon boys from head to foot in straw and decoration with flowers. (11) Going from house to house with music and dance and begging for gifts, as at Cawnpore at the Govardhan festival (see Crooke, op. cit., p. 261). (12) Driving away fleas and mosquitoes, as in the garsi vrata, navanna, etc., to be described later on. (13) Dressing in paddy-straw like women with make-believe babies on their back, The last four practices may have originally belonged to the Hindu festival, but are now forgotten, I will here comment on (1) the dressing of Oraon boys in straw, and (2) dressing in paddy. straw like women and bearing make-believe habies on the back. (1) The practice of dressing up a person in straw, or sheaf of corn (generally the last sheaf) is widely prevalent, the meaning of which is to supply a human duplicate for the corn spirit. "In Silesia the binder, and in Bavaria the cutter of the last sheaf is tied up in it. Simi. larly & person wrapt in branches of leaves represents the tree spirit. The decoration of the straw-dressed Oraon boys with flowers points to the same idea. (2) In most cases the cutting and binding of the last sheaf, or for the matter of that, the harvesting, seems to have been, partly at least, the woman's business. She was therefore dresged up in straw in the first instance and her nearest approach would be a male attired like a female in straw; and the straw babies were like the harvest child of north Germany, where a puppet is made of the last sheaf of corn, and the corn spirit is conceived as a child. The Oraon youth in straw dressed as a female may represent the old corn, and the straw baby, the new corn spirit, probably suggesting and thereby securing by symbolical magic uninterrupted agricultural fertility. After the sacrifice of the pig, the procession of the straw-dressed Oraon boys went with music and dance from house to house collecting grain and money. Another thing deserves

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236 THE INDJAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1931 attention. Mr. Roy says that after the pig has been killed, the village Ahir or herdsman goes dancing and playing on drums to the house of the village pahan (priest), whose wife washes his feet, gives him rice-beer to drink and reverently anoints his staff with oil and vermilion. Then the Ahir goes home and, taking his wife with him, proceeds to visit cach family whose cattle he grazes. The village Gorait musicians follow them playing on drums, and at each house the Ahir sings and dances, the purport of which is to bring luck to the cattle-owner. It has not been mentioned what happens to the pig after it has been killed, whether the carcase is eaten or carried in procession. If carried in procession it would furnish a paral. lel to the procession that in Europe follows the ceremonial hunting of the wren, chanting & rude rhyme while going to every house to collect money, after which the members of the procession bury the wren in the parish churchyard, singing dirges over her, and then they form a circle and dance to music. The taking in procession of the sacred animal before or after death to each house or through the village was done with the object that a portion of the divine virtues that are supposed to emanate from the dead or dying god might accrue to such house or village. Frazer says that such religious processions had great place in prehistoric times and traces of them have survived in rude folk-custom : "On the last day of the year, or Hogmanay as it is called, it used to be customary in the Highlands of Scotland for a man to dress himself up in a cow's hide to go from house to house attended by young fellows each of them armed with a staff to which a bit of raw hide was tied. Round every house the hide-clad man used to run thrice deiseal prudoksina). Others pursued him, making a noise like drum by beating the hide with their staves. The man stood on the threshold and blest the family, May God bless the house and all that belongs to it, cattle, store, etc.'" I shall notice a few instances in other parts of India where the pig is sacrificed for the benefit of the cattle. While describing the worship of the village deity Peddamma, the great mother, in the Telugu country, Bishop Whitehead relates : "A pig is buried up to the neck in a pit at the entrance of the village, with its head projecting above the earth. The villagers go in procession to the spot, while one of the Madigas carries the rice, soaked in the blood of the lamb, in a basket. AU the cattle of the village are then brought to the place and driven over the head of the unhappy pig, which is, of course, trampled to death, and as they pass over the pig, the blood and rice are sprinkled upon them to preserve them from disease."7 He relates, further on, in describing the worship offered to Pallalamma at Gudivada: "In the evening a cart is brought to the image with nine pointed stakes standing upright in it, two at each of the four corners and one in the centre : on each stake a young pig, a lamb or a fowl is impaled alive. A Mala, a Pambala, i.e., hereditary priest, then sits in the cart dressed in female attire, holding in his hand the clay image of the goddess which was made for the festi. val. The cart is dragged with ropes to the extreme boundary of the village lands and both cart and ropes are left beyond the boundary."& Living animals were impaled in many villages and though discontinued at Ellore, where they were tied to the stake instead of being impaled. the cruel custom still survives. Swinging sheep by the hook in & festival celebrated in honour of Arikalamma has replaced the swinging of men by means of iron-hooks fastened to their backs. The pig is also sacrificed as a remedy against cattle disease. "Sometimes," continues the Bishop," when there is cattle disease, a pig is buried up to its neck at the boundary of the village, a heap of boiled rice is deposited near the spot, and then all the cattle of the * The Golden Bough, pp. 537 f. Whitehead-The Village Gods of South India, 1921, p. 53. . Ibid., p. 58. (Italics are mine.)

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DECEMBER, 1931) THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL AND ITS PARALLELS 237 village are driven over the unhappy pig." He quotes Thurston, Ethnographical Notes in Southern India (p. 507): "In former times the Lambadis, -before setting out on a journey, used to procure a little child and bury it in the ground up to its shoulders, and then drive their loaded bullocks over the unfortunate victim. In proportion to the bullocks thoroughly trampling the child to death, so their belief in a successful journey increased.'' It will have been noticed that the only difference in this charm to secure the success of the journey, or yatra, is that a child was sacrificed instead of a pig. Evidently originally human sacrifice was offered, subsequently pigs, lambs, fowls, etc., being substituted. The Bishop very cogently remarks: "It is possible that this custom of driving the cattle over the head of a buriod pig may be connected with the worship of an agricultural goddess, since in ancient Greece the pig was sacred to agricultural deities, e.g., Aphrodite, Adonis and Demeter ; but it may also be a survival of some former custom of infanticide or human sacrifice such as prevailed among the Lambadis." 10 Dr. Elmore says that "it is a common custom of the Lambadis to bury a pig leaving the head above ground when they are about to start on a journey. The cattle are then driven over it and trample the pig to death. This appears to be a survival of the practice of human sacrifice. The same custom of burying pigs alive was notiood above in connexion with the worship of Nadividhi Sakti. The similarity in the two rites points to a common origin. It may be that, as the Lambadis have adopted many gods from the Dravidians, they have adopted this custom, too, because of the difficulty of obtaining human sacrifices. ...Another informant, one of their own number, admits human sacrifice, but says that it has ceased within the past ten or twelve years because of the vigilance of the government. He says that the cattle do not trample the victim, but rush by on either side, while the victim is left to die of starvation unless some passer-by rescues him."!! The following account of ceremonies observed when founding a new village in the Telugu country is interesting : "An auspicious site is selected and an auspicious day, and then in the centre of the site is dug a large hole in which are placed different kinds of grain, small pieces of five metals, gold, silver, copper, iron and lead, and a large stone called boddurayes, i.e., navel-stone, standing about three and a half feet above the ground, very like the ordinary boundary stone seen in the fields. And then, at the entrance of the village in the centre of the main street, where most of the cattle pass in and out on their way to and from the fields, they dig another hole and bury a pig alive. This ceremony would be quite consistent with either of the explana. tions suggested as to the origin of pig burying. The pig may be buried at the entrance to the village, as the emblem of fertility and strength, to secure the prosperity of the agricultural community, the fertility of the fields, and the health and fecundity of the catlle. Or it may equally be a substitute for an original human sacrifice."13 The Bishop further refers to the custom at one time practised by the Todas of the Nilgiri Hills" to place female children, whom it was not desired to rear, on the ground at the entrance of the mund, i.e., & group of huts, and drive buffaloes over them " and to "the Mala. gasy custom of placing a new-born child at the entrance of a cattle pen, and then driving the cattle over it, to see whether they would trample on it or not."13 Enthoven in his Folklore of Bombay connects the wild boar with the prevention against and remedy for cattle disease." In Hubli and Karnatak a practice prevails of killing a wild boar and burying it feet upwards beyond the village boundary."14 9 Ibid., p. 69. 10 Ibid., p. 19. 11 W. T. Elmore-Dravidian Goda in Modern Hinduism, 1925, pp. 43-45. 13 Whitehead, op. cit., p. 60. (Italics are mine.) 13 Ibid., p. 61. 14 R. E. Enthoven-The Folklore of Bombay, 1924, p. 316, and Intro., p. 22.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1931 The following points call for consideration, viz. : (1) there is an indisputable connexion between the cattle and the pig; (2) the pig is sacrificed for the benefit of the cattle; (3) the pig is either tethered by means of ropes or buried up to its neck in the earth, in which state it is gored or trampled to death by the cattle; (4) in Bihar in some places it is only cows which have calved recently that are set on the pig and kill it ; (5) the idea of the pig-sacrifice is to avert disease from cattle; and also from men, e.g., by warding off epidemic, as in the case of worship to Pallalamma in which a young pig is impaled; (6) in Madras the ceremony is performed at the village boundary, e.g., in the case of worship offered to Peddamma (or else the cart of Pallalamma is dragged to the village boundary, where both cart and ropes are left); (7) the underlying idea is probably one of sin-transferring which is the same as diseasetransferring, or the scape-goat in some of its phases; (8) originally the practice was human sacrifice, for which pig sacrifice has been substituted; (9) the sacrifice dates as far back as the pastoral state of society and still continues to be characteristic of people now leading a nomadic or pastoral life; (10) as subsequently cattle came to be used for agricultural purposes it came to be connected with agriculture, or else (11) human sacrifice was originally connected with agriculture, i.e., the growing of corn, and therefore with the worship of the Corn Mother, Earth Mother, Mother Goddess, etc., and, as a result of the increasing difficulty of providing a human sacrifice, other animals were substituted, or even vegetables, etc.; and this sacrifice was handed down to contemporary pastoral society; (12) the pig, though an abomination, was eaten by Bihar Goalas, suggesting that it was a sacramental feast; the pouring of wine by opening the mouth of the carcase being another noticeable feature; (13) the Rajput idea of the identification of the pig with the Mother Goddess, and the relation between the sacrificer, the sacrificed and the object of sacrifice; (14) the pig represented evil, the demon, the killing of which must chase away evil and bring luck; (15) the annual character of the ceremony, either on the last day of the year or the first day of the year; the different years and ceremonies attending on them; (16) the offerer of sacrifice is in some parts a woman, or in her stead a man disguised as a woman or a man with feminine tendencies or a hermaphrodite or man masquerading as such-of some low caste, suggesting non-Aryan origin; (17) the general idea is to secure prosperity to the community, whether pastoral or agricultural, by magic or religion, chasing away evil spirits by diverse means, e.g., by worshipping some goddess in her wrathful or benign aspects by some sacrifice originally human and then animal and vegetable.

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DECEMBER, 1931 PADIHARS 239 PADIHARS. BY JOGENDRA CHANDRA GHOSH, Puratattva-vichakshana. TWENTY years ago, Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar wrote his paper on Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population' in this Journal (Vol. XL, 1911, pp. 7-37). Mahamahopadhyay& Rai Bahadur Pandit Gaurisankar Hirachand Ojha, in his Hindi history entitled Rajputane ka Itihas (Vol. I), and Mr. C. V. Vaidya, in his History of Mediaeval Hindu India (Vol. I, pp. 83 f. ; Vol. II, pp. 27 f.), have tried to refute the arguments of the professor. We find, already published, some additional notes on the professor's paper in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, Vol. XII, pp. 117-122 and 164-170. In the present article we will take up the case of the Padihars and try to examine how far the two scholars have been successful in their attempts. Rai Bahadur G. H. Ojh& on page 147 of his book says: "The names of royal families such as Guhila, Chaulukya (Solanki), Chahamana (Chauhan) and others are derived from those of their founders, but Pratihara is derived from the name, not of any founder of a royal family, but from the designation of a king's officer. For, the Pratihara was one of the many officers of the state. His duty was to guard the door of the sitting place of the king or his palace gate. In the matter of this appointment there was no distinction of caste or creed; what was wanted was that the man should be worthy of confidence. References to pratihara or mahd-pratihara are found in old inscriptions. In the vernacular they are called Padihara. The term pratihara is similar to panchakula (pancholi). In Rajpatana, Brahman Pancholi, Kayastha Pancholi, Mahajan Pancholi and Sudra Pancholi are to be found. Like Pancholi, Pratihara does not indicate a caste. Both only indicate & post. For this reason in the inscriptions we find Brahman Pratiharas, Kshatriya (Raghuvamsa) Pratiharas and Gurjara (Gujar) Platiharas. It is a mistake on the part of modern scholars to take all Pratibaras as Gojars." Let us now see how far the above remarks are justifiable. Pratihara means an ordinary door keeper.' It has got no restrictive sense, as the Rai Bahadur would make us believe. that is to say, that it was applied only to those door-keepers who guarded the doors of the king's sitting place or of his palace. It is not, again, true that pratiharas were appointed irrespective of caste or creed, for the Sukra-niti distinctly tells us that only Sadras are to be appointed as pratihdras. "Bhaga-grahi Kshatriyas=tu adhas-adhipatis=cha sah || 19 Gramapo Brahmano yojyah Kayastho lekhakasutatha Sulka-grahi tu Vaidyo hi Pratiharas-cha Padajah." || 20 (Sukera-niti, Chap. II. Sri Venkatesvar Press.*) It will thus be seen that according to the Sukra-niti the office of a pratihara could be held only by a Padaja or Sadra, and not by a Brahman, Vaisya Kayastha or Kshatriya, as the Rai Bahadur thinks. Mahd-pratiharas and pratiharas, again, should not be confounded one with the other, as has been done by him. Vast is the difference of position between the two, as betwoen an Inspector-General of Police and a police constable at present. The mahapratihara held a very respectable post, whicb used sometimes to be held by the king's own kinsmen. So we see that a pratihara was a menial servant. And it passes our comprehension why the Pratih&ras should perpetuate this as a clan name, especially when they became kings, as it would clearly indicate their low status and origin. I am afraid the Pandit has done them a distinct disservice by his explanation of the origin of the name Pratihara. We could have believed it, if the name had been Maha-pratihara, instead of Pratihara. Again, if the clan had derived its name from that of the post held by its founder, we should have found some other instances of it among the Rajputs. Can the Mahamahopadhyaya cite any ? The powerful Peshwa has not become a clan, caste or class name. * These verses are found on p. 202 of Jivananda's edition. Sandhyakara Nandi's Ramacharita, II, 8 (Commentary): Gupin Tanr., p. 190.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1931 The respectable name of Senapati had been used by Bhatarka and Pushyamitra even when they became kings. But did their descendants use it? Of course, the historians speak of a slave dynasty,' but did the kings of this family style themselves as such ? In the present case we find that it is not others who called them Pratibaras, but they who styled themselves as such in their inscriptions. This clearly shows that the clan name, Pratibara, cannot arise out of the name of a menial post held by some of their forefathers as the Mahamahopadhyaya thinks. We shall have to look for its explanation elsewhere. The Mahamahopadhyaya has compared Pratihara with Pancholi, but they do not stand in the same category. The former is a clan name, wbile the latter is only a surname. In. stanoes of names of posts being used as surnames can be found throughout India, but we do not know of any other instance of a clan being known by the name of a post. Then again referring to the Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka of V. S. 894 and the two Ghatiyala inscriptions of Kakkuka of V. S. 918, both of the Mandor Pratihara dynasty, the Mahamahopadhyaya writes on pages 148-149 of his book "It is clear from these three inscriptions that there was a Brahman named Harischandra, who was also called Rohilladdhi. He had two wives, one of the Brahman and the other of the Kshatriya caste. The sons of the Brahman wife were called Brahman Pratiheras, and those of the queen (rajna) Bhadra were 'wine-drinkers.' We thus find from these three inscriptions that Harischandra was a Brahman and a door-keeper (pratihara) to some king. From the word 'queen' applied to the second wife, Harischandra appears to have had some jagir. In the Jodhpur State Pratihara Brahmans are to be found even now. They must be the descendants of Harischandra, the Pratihara. His sons by his Kshatriya wife, Bhadra, according to the custom then prevalent, were wine-drinkers,' i.e., Kshatriyas..... Harischandra must in the beginning of his life have served as a pratihara to some king. He had four sons by queen Bhadra, namely, Bhogabbata, 'Kakka, Rajjila and Dadda. They by their own might conquered the fort of Mandor and built a high rampart round it, Rajjila was the eldest son." Let us see how far the author is correct in his remarks. We are extremely sorry to note that he has made statements without authority, and in one case has omitted a most pertinent fact. In the first place, the name of the founder of the family is not Harischandra, but Hari. chandra. This mistake is repeated, not once, but several times, by him. Next, the Mandor Pratiharas have stated not only that they were the descendants of Harichandra, a Brahman, but also that they were the descendants of Ramabhadra's brother, who served as a doorkeeper (pratihara) to his elder brother, and hence they are called Pratiharas. It is nowhere, however, stated in inscriptions that Harichandra ever was a protihara to anybody. This is a gratuitous assumption or a subconscious conjecture to support the assertion that Pratihara was derived, not from the personal name of the founder but from his office designation. Nor is it true that Rajjila was the eldest son, because from the order in which their names have been mentioned he appears to have been the third son of Bhadra. Surely this amalgam of truth, half truth and untruth is unfortunate. In support of our criticism we will quote the pertinent verses from the inscriptions - "Sva-bhrattra Ramabhadrasya pratiharyam kritam yalah Sri-Pratihdra-nando=yam=alas=cha=onnatim-rapnuydt || 4 Viprah Sri-Harichandrarakhyah patni Bhadra cha Kshatriya | Tabhyan=tu ye suul jardh Pratiharams=cha tan=viduh || 5 Babhiva Rohillaldhy-anko Veda-sdstr-arttha-paragah Dvijah Sri-Harichandr-akhyah Prajapali-samo guruh | 6 Tena Sri-Harichandrena parinita dvij-dtmajd Dvitiya Kshatriya Bhadra mahd-kula-gun-invita || 7 ? Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, p. 88. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 277.

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DECEMBER, 1931 ] PADIHARS 241 Pratihard dvija bhita Brahmanyam ye=bhavan sutah! Rajri Bhadrd cha yan=sute te bhuta madhu-payinah | 8 Chatvars=chardtmajds=tasyam jata bha=dharana-kahamah." | (Jodhpur Inscription-Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, p. 95.) "Asit Pratihara-vamsa-guru-sad-dvijah Sri-Harichandrah Anena rajnl-Kshatriya-Bhadrayd jatah Sriman=sutah Sri-Rajjilah." (Ghatiyala Inscription, No. 1-Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 279.) From the Jodhpur inscription, we learn that Harichandra, a Brahman, married two wives. The first of these was Brahman, the second, rajni Bhadra, Kshatriya, by caste. How could he marry a rajni, i.e., a king's wife, unless she was a widow? The Mahamahopadhyaya, apparently to explain away this anomaly, suggests that Harichandra probably had some jdgir, i.e., he was a petty raja. But this also is a gratuitous assumption and an insult to the memory of Harichandra who was Veda-odstr-artha-paraga. Even if it is accepted as probable, it does not explain all the facts. Why shouid only Harichandra's Kshatriya wife be designated as rdjsi and not his Brahman wife? Was this Brahmani not a real wife of Harichandra ? And if Harichandra was a rdja, how is it that his Kshatriya wife alone, and not the Brabmani, became & rajni? The question therefore naturally arises : Was this a regular marriage, or did he simply beget sons on rajnt Bhadra, as was done by Vasishtha on the queen of king Kalmashapada ? It is true that the word parinita has been used in the Jodhpur inscription. But the same inscription describes the Pratibaras as descended once from Harichandra, who was a Brahman, and at another time from Ramabhadra's brother, who was a Kshatriya.. How can both these things be possible, except on the supposition that it was a mesalliance 2 This view is supported by the Ghatiyala inscription No. 1, where there is no mention of marriage at all. There it is simply stated that Harichandra was the guru of the Pratibaravamba, and by him Rajjila was begotten on rajni Bhadra. In the Jodbpur inscription Hari. chandra has been described as prajapati-samo guruh. This may either mean that Harichandra was as venerable as Brahma, the progenitor, or he was as venerable as father, i.e., procreator, but not legal father. The second alternative interpretation rather strengthens our doubt that it was not perhaps a regular marriage, but only a niyoga. We do not know if the system of niyoga was in vogue in Harichandra's time, i.e., in the latter part of the sixth century. If it was a marriage at all, it must have been a widow marriage. Could a Brahman in that age marry & widow of any other caste ? Padihers are looked upon as Kshatriyas. Although the sons of Harichandra's Brabman wife have been described as Brahman Pratiharas, sons of his Kshatriya wife have nowhere been distinctly said to be Kshatriyas. They have been described at one time as Pratiharas and at another time as madhu-pdyinah, i.e., "wine-drinkers.' The Mahamahopadhyaya bag taken this in the sense of Kshatriyas. He means to say that, according to the custom of the time, Kshatriyas were wine-drinkers. We do not know that he has any authority for saying that the Kshatriyas were wine-drinkers in the latter part of the sixth century, to such an extent that the term wine-drinker' was a synonym for Kshatriya. This doubtful compli. ment to the whole Kshatriya race is not supported by Mr. C. V. Vaidya. He writes in Vol. II, p. 202, of his book : "The kingly family too abstained totally from drink, from the evidence of the Arab travellers supported by the known example of the Guhilots of Mewad. This is indeed still more creditable that being placed at the head of power the kings abstained from drink totally. Such self-abnegation in power is rarely witnessed in bistory. The ordinary Kshatriyas were temperate in drink and took three cups of wine only !!! The Vaisyas were probably total abstainers. The religious precept of the Smritis is that Brabmins, Kshatriyas and Vaibyas should not drink liquor (lasmad Brahmana-Rajanyau Vaisyas=cha na suram pibet).... Sadras and others drank, for we have evidence in inscriptions that liquor was manufactured and was a good source of revenue." According to this the wine-drinkers, far from being Kshatriyas, fall under the category of 'Sudras and others. Wbat is meant

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*: THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1931 by others' here ? According to Manu there are only four varnas, and no fifth. The issue of a Brahman by a Kshatriya wife cannot be a Sudra according to any smriti. Who were, then, the Pratihdras born of Bhadra ? They were wine-drinkers. Were they thus Sadras, or others,' i.e., foreigners, according to Mr. Vaidya ? Prof. Bhandarkar wrote: "The marriage of a Brahman with a Kshatriya woman, with the result as related in this inscription, is curious, and can only be accounted for as being of foreign importation." What he mainly questioned was whether the issue of a Brahman by a Kshatriya wife could be a Kshatriya. Now let us see how far Messrs. Ojha and Vaidya have been successful in answering this question. Both have quoted the following verse from Manu, which says that the issues will be like (sadrica) father but a little inferior, owing to the inferior status of the mother : "Strishurananlara-jalasu dvijair=utpaditan sutan Sadrisan=eva un=ahur=matri-dosha-vigarhitan ! (x. 6). This did not help them at all. So Mr. Vaidya has taken this opportunity to give in a nutshell a history of the development of the caste system in India, and at the same time imputed to Prof. Bhandarkar something which he never said. "Morcover the marriage," says Mr. Vaidya, "of a Brahman with a Kshatriya woman is not curious." This the pro. fessor never said ; on the other hand he admitted that this was allowed by the smriti. Mr. Vaidya then says: "The race being the same, caste in ancient times among the Aryans was merely occupational. Hence Brahmins often married Kshatriya wives. In oldest times their progeny was treated as of the Brahmin caste. By degrees, however, caste became rigid and the progeny of such marriages was treated as intermediate between Brahmins and Kshatriyas. In further process of rigidification of caste the progeny followed the caste of the mother. Such was the case in about the sixth century A.D." Scholars will note how precise Mr. Vaidya is about the time limit, the sixth century A.D.,' obviously to include just that time when Harichandra flourished. But can be cite from any smriti not later than the sixth century, that the progeny of a Brahman by a Kshatriya wife, obtained by regular marriage ceremony with mantras, would be Kshatriya ? The verse quoted above from Manu shows that, though they were just inferior to the Brahman, they were yet just superior to the Kshatriya in rank. Rai Bahadur G. H. Ojha, on the other hand, has quoted from other smritis in support of his contention. But he too does not appear to have attained better success. He has quoted some of the comments of the Mitakshard on verse 91, Chap. I, of the Yajnaralkya-smpili, which says that according to Sankha the issue begotten by a Brahinan on a Kshatriya wife will be Kshatriya. But has he verified this from Sankha? We ask because we could not find it in the Sankha-samhita published in Bengal. On the other hand, the verge of the Yajnaralkyasmsiti, to which the comment refers, says that such issues will be Murddhabhishiktas, as Viprad Murddhabhishikto hi Kshatriyayam visah striyam Ambashthah Sudryam Nishado jatah Para savo=pi-va! The Mahamahopadhyaya then quotes the following from the Aueanasa-emsili - Nripayim vidhindi vipraj=jato nripa ili smritah But we will invite his attention to two more verses from the same smriti, quoted below, which are contrary to this statement. Vidhind Brahmanah prapya ngipayan=tu 80-mantrakam |23 Jatah su(sa)warna ity=uklah s-anuloma-dvijah emritah | Nripayam vipratas=chauryyat samjato yo Bhishak emritah Abhishikta-nsipasy=ajnam paripalyet=tu Vaidyakam || 26 4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL (1911), p. 24. 6 Hist. Med. Hindu Ind.. Vol. 1, pp. 85-86. " Rajputine killiheis, Vol. I, p. 149, u.

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DECEMBER, 1031 ] PADIHARS 243 If we carefully read these verses and those that follow, we find that the Brahmane ustu to procreate children on Kshatriya women in three ways: (1) By going through marriage ceremony with mantras. The children were sararna (the reading suvarna in the text is apparently a mistake), i.e., Brahmans. This is supported also by the Mahabharata (Anutalana-parra, Chap. 48, vs. 3-8), and by the Kautiliya artha-sastra (Bk. JJI, Chap. VJJ, pra. 60); (2) By clandestine means (chauryyat). The children were Bhishakas, i.e., physicians, and (3) By vidhi, or ritual merely, without reciting any mantras. The children were Kshatriyas. Now, as the Pratiharas claim to be Kshatriyas, they were perhaps the children of vidhi, probably niyoga. But there are certain objections to this supposition. The children of niyoga are not the children of the procreator, but of the man from whose wife (kshetra) the children were born. But here we find that the Pratiharas were the sons of the procreator Harichandra. The name of the king-husband of Bhadra is not even mentioned. Besides, if they were the Fons of a Kshatriya king, they would have inherited some kingdom. But we find them described as acquiring power by their own exertion (nija-bhuj-arijita). They are not mentioned as Kshatriyas or kings, but as Pratiheras, madhu-payinah and bhu-dharana-kshamah, i.e., fit to be kings. They, therefore, appear to be the sons of the widow Bhadra, who was formerly the wife of a king, by Harichandra. As Harichandra was a Pratihara, they are called Pratiheras. Tbat Harichandra was a Pratibara Brabman is clear, for we find that his sons by both the wives were called Pratiharas. We have already seen that it could not be due to his having held the post of pratihara. He, being a Brahman, was precluded from serving as a pratihara, which according to the Sukra-niti was reserved for a Sadra. Even if it be admitted that he served as a pratihara owing to some untoward ciroumstances, it cannot be believed that his sons, even when they rose into prominence, adopted this family name, which really smacked of servile origin. That they knew of this disadvantage attaching to pratihara as a term of servile designation is clear from their attempt at an explanation, by saying in the Jodhpur inscription that they were the descendants of Ramabhadra's brother, who was a pratihara to Ramabhadra. In the same plate, it is stated they were the sons of the Brahman Harichandra. How are we to reconcile these two contradictory statements? It appears to us that in the Ghatiyala inscription No. 1 the unvarnished true facts have been stated, except that the word Padihars has been sanskritized into Pratihara. In the Jodhpur inscription, which was expressly written for the glcrification of ancestors (Gunah=pururam purushanam kirtlyante tena panditaih I guna-kirttir=anasyanti spargga-odsakari yatah || 2), some embellishments have found place. This is the reason why repetitions and contradictions are found in the Jodhpur inscription. Now, if the clan name Padihara or Pratibara is not derived from the name of the post, to what is it due ! The only other plausible theory, which has gained ground is the theory propounded by Prof. Bhandarkar, according to which Padihara itself is the clan name. These Padiharas, as their name indicates, were foreigners. On coming to India, they gradually became hinduized and were merged into different castes according to the different occupations they pursued. Their name, Padihar, was sanskritized, to give it a meaning and derivation consistent with the Sanskrit language. The Mahamahopadhyaya only admits of the existence of Brahman Pratibaras, Kshatriya Pratibaras, and Gajar Pratibaras, but in the quotation' given by him from the book of Bhat Khangar, we find other castes also among the Pratibaras, such as Bhat, Mahajana, Raiberi (rearers of camels, etc.), and Kumbhar (potters). Besides, Padibar is a division of the Ajmer Mers.8 We shall now examine the objections to the theory just set forth. Mr. Vaidya says: "The argument that foreigners becoming kings could enter the Kshatriya caste might be plausible though even that is weak but they could not become Brahmins for there could not have been any incentive to admit them as Brahmins" (Vol. I, p. 85). Mr. Vaidya may not 7 Ibid., p. 168. 8 Bomb. Gazr., Vol. IX, Pt. I, p. 493.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1981 be able to find any incentive, but our scriptures and traditions furnish ample evidence to show that foreigners and even low castes in batches became Brahmans, not by severe austerities like those of Visvamitra, but by a simple process of purification, namely the fire of a funeral pyre, or by putting on a sacred thread. We have already shown in our "Some Additional Notes, etc.,"referred to above, by quotation from the Mahabharata that the foreigners (dasyus) were absorbed into the four varnas. There is a tradition among the Mastana or Anavala Brahmans that at one time Rama wanted some Brahmans. As there was a dearth of Brahmans, 18,000 hillmen were converted into Brahmans by investing them with sacred threads. Other traditions 10 of similar nature are not wanting. The Sahyldri-khanda of the Skanda-purina will also supply some. The Mastana Brahmane, also called Anavales, are still cultivators. The Desais represent the higher section of these Brahmans.11 By-the-by, Mr. Vaidya, speaking of the Jats, says: "Though treated as Sudras by modern opinion owing to their being agriculturists, and the practice of widow marriage, eto." (Vol. I, p. 87). If agriculture and widow marriage are the criterions of Sudradom, how could these Mastana Brahmans, who had been cultivators, become Brahmans and remain as such? Is the marriage of widows unknown even now among some of the Brahmans and Rajputs? The Rajgors, otherwise callod Rajagurus, the priests of the Rajput chiefs, allow widow marriage and eat with Vanias and Kanbis.12 The thing is that these foreigners, when they became kings and were hinduized, required the services of priests, artisans, menials, etc., and they were primarily supplied from among their own tribe. This was a clear incentive to some of the foreign tribes to become Brahmans also. The process is still going on in society. We shall cite an example from Bengal. There is a sect named Jugi (Yogi). They are all also called Natha, as all of them use the surname of Natha. They were originally the disciples of Matsyendranatha and Gorakshanatha, who made converts from all castes, high or low. They did not conform to the rites and customs of the ordinary Hindus, and were a religious sect by themselves. They did not observe caste, and they used to bury their dead even up to rocent times. Now they burn their dead and observe rites and customs like other Hindus, As no Brahmans will officiate at their ceremonies as priests, some among them learn mantras, put on the sacred thread and officiate as priests. They are called Blon Jugi or Jugir Baon, i.e., Brahman of the Jogis. In other respects they are like the ordinary Jugis. They will eat with the latter, and have matrimonial connections with them. Some of them have been following this profession for generations. Very recently some Jogis have set up a claim to be of pure Brahman origin and say that through the tyranny of king Vallalasena they were degraded. Mr. Vaidya further says: "We need not stop to see whether Gurjara, the Sanskrit word, has been coined from Gujar by Sanskritists, though apparently there is no reason why they should have done so, for they could have pronounced Gujar as well as Gurjara, or whether Gujar, Gujar, Gurjara names still surviving are the natural Prakrit forms coming out of an original Sanskrit word Gurjira." (Vol. I, p. 84.) Does Mr. Vaidya mean to say that difficulty of pronunciation was the only reason for sanskritizing a foreign word for adoption into the Sanskrit language ? Both Mr. Ojha and Mr. Vaidya have throughout changed the name Harichandra found in the inscription into Harischandra. Was it because they could not pronounce it, or was it to give it a Sanskrit look and correct it according to the Sanskrit grammar? Hari' was perhaps the name of the man, and 'Chandra' his surname. Brahmans with the surname Chandra' are found in the Tippera copper-plate grant of Lokanatha 13 and the Neulpur grant of Subhakaradeva 14 of about the eighth century. Any philologist will be able to tell Mr. Vaidya how and for what reasons foreign words have been adopted into the Sanskrit language and given & derivation from Sanskrit roots. Difficulty of pronunciation was not the reason. Another argument of Mr. Vaidya to prove that foreigners could not gain the status of Kshatriyas within a hundred years of their coming into India, is that caste was not so Ind. Ant., Vol. I, p. 142. 10 Crooke's Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. and Oudh, Vol. II, p. 146. 11 Bomb. Garr., Vol. IX, F. 1. pp. 4-6. 13 Ibid., p. 17. 13 Ep. Ind., Vol. XV. p. 312. Ibid., pp. 7-8.

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DECEMBER, 1931 ] PADIHARS fragile in the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. He says that "the inscriptions of the Guptas and even of Harsha's father show that kings were particular in preserving the purity of caste (see Varnavyavasthapanapara applied to Prabhakara Vardhana, Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 200)."15 In the first place, the reference given here by Mr. Vaidya is wrong. It is not Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 200, but Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 210. Secondly, what we find there is the transcript of the Banskhera plate of Harsha. Mr. Vaidya, however, thinks that it is an inscription, not of Harsha hut of his father, of whom no record is yet known to any epigraphist or historian. Thirdly, he most strangely overlooks the fact that the word vyavasthapana means 'cstablishment' and not rakshana, 'preserving,' as translated by him. Unless there was unsettlement, was there any necessity for settlement? This argument of his, far from establishing his case, goes to disprove it. That this state of unsettlement prevailed even to the end of the eighth century is evident from the inscriptions of Devapala of Bengal and Subhakara of Orissa. 17 "The existence of a Gujar Karhada Brahmin family," says Mr. Vaidya, "is also of no importance as it may have got that name by even residence in Gujar country as the addition of the surname Patavardhana suggests."18 Is there any evidence to show that this family ever resided in Gujar country? On the other hand, Campbell writes that the Navasari Gujar Karhades in south Gujarat came from the south with some Maratha conquerors, 19 It is again not understood how the surname of Gujar Patavardhana can disprove the fact that the family was originally of Gujar origin. Can it not be that they were Gujar by race and held the post of patavardhana as, for example, the Gujar Pancholi cited by Mr. Ojha. Besides Gujars among the Karhade Brahmans, there are Gujars among the Marathas, Kolis and other castes in Maharashtra. This also shows that Gujar here is the name of a race which was settled in this province and absorbed into its various castes. 245 The Mahamahopadhyaya says that the Mandor Pratiharas and the Pratiharas of Mahodaya, or Kanauj, are not of one stock. He calls the latter Raghuvamsi. Dr. R. C. Majumdar, on the other hand, writes: "As the available evidence goes, Harichandra must be looked upon as the earliest Pratihara chief. The verse 5 of our inscription says that the sons that were born of Harichandra and Bhadra were known as Pratiharas and wore wine-drinkers. This might imply a common origin for all the Pratihara ruling class, and it is not impossible that the Imperial Pratiharas of Kanauj also branched off from this family, The two following grounds may be urged in support of this view, although the question cannot be finally settled till fresh evidence is available: (1) The common mythical tradition about the origin of the name Pratihara, both tracing it to Lakshmana, the brother and door-keeper of Rama. (2) The community of names in the two families, such as those of Kakkuka, Nagabhata and Bhoja." 33 Although we do not agree with him in all the details, we must say that there is much force in his argument. Mr. Ojha says that Rajput clans are called after their originator, but Pratihara is named after the designation of the founder. Many Rajput families or clans must, like Pancholi, have thus been called Pratihara. This being the case, there should be no bar to marriage among these different families or clans falling under Pratihara. Do the modern Pratiharas, however, marry among themselves? If not, it shows that they are of the same stock, and Mr. Ojha's theory of the origin of the name of Pratihara falls to the ground. In the Ghatiyala inscriptions, Kakkuka was satisfied with being a descendant of Pratihara vamia-guru sad-dvija Harichandra and also with his Pratihara-jati. But his brother Bauka's ambition could not remain satisfied with simply tracing his descent from Harichandra. Some explanation was considered necessary of their clan or jati-name Padihar, which has been sanskritized into Pratihara. As the word pratihara indicates servitude, it has been hinted that their forefather was not an ordinary door-keeper of an ordinary person, but a door-keeper of no less a personage than Ramabhadra, who was his brother. Here no 15 Hist. Mcd. Hindu Ind., Vol. I, p. 85. 17 Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 3, 1. 2. 19 Bomb. Gazr., Vol. IX, Pt. I, p. 497, n. 8. 16 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 254. 18 Hist. Med. Hindu Ind., Vol. I, p. 85. 20 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, p. 88,

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1931 indication has been given as to who this Ramabhadra was, or who his brother was. But the intention seems to be to point to Rama of the Raghu-vama and his brother Lakshmana. Now Bhoja, belonging to the imperial dynasty, must have had greater ambition than that of the potty chiefs Kakkuka and Bauka. He could not remain satisfied with the vague hint, nor with the ordinary meaning of the word protihara, a door-keeper, which after all is a badge of servitude, no matter whether it be of Rama, the incarnation of god Vishnu or somebody else. So a grandiloquent exposition must be found for the word befitting the imperial dignity of his family. Therefore we find in his Gwalior prasasti that the poor Brahman Harichandra has been left out altogether, and the genealogy begins with the Sun. And the name Pratihara has been derived from pratiharana, which means 'depriving, taking away, or destroying. The incident referred to is the fight of Lakshmana with Meghanada as Slaghys=tasy=anujo=sau Maghava-mada-musho Meghanadasya sankhye Saumittris=tivnedandah pratiharana-vidher=yah pratihara asit || 3 | We have so far traced the genesis of the Pratibaras and seen how from the sons of Brahman by & Kshatriya wife they emerged as full-fledged Kshatriyas of the solar race. Is there any mention in the Ramayana or anywhere else that Lakshmana carned the epithet of Pratihara, so that his descendants came to be known as such towards the end of the ninth century A.D. ? Mr. Ojha has failed to quote any mention of their Raghuvamsi origin before that time. Where had they been from the time of Rama till the time of Harichandra in the sixth century ? Do not the different versions of their origin go to show the obscurity thereof and the fictitiousness of the stories? There remains a very striking fact, that some of these reigning dynasties, such as the Chalukyas, Kadambas, Padiharas, Pallavas, etc., although they claim to be Kshatriyas, trace their descent from the priestly class. Why could not they at once lay claim to be Kshatriyas of the solar or lunar dynasties, which some of them afterwards did! Was it because, according to the eastras, there were no Kshatriyas after the Nandas? Mr. Vaidya says that "Mr. Bhandarkar's treating the Chalukyas and Kadambas as of priestly origin is indeed ridiculous." Again, he says that "the progenitors of all castes or peoples in India are believed to be Rishis especially the seven Rishis."1 We do not know who is ridiculous. Will Mr. Vaidya please state what is the source of his statement that all people in India are the descendants of the seven Rishis? Mr. Vaidya considers it strange that Mr. Bhandarkar should seek to derive any historical inference from these imaginary legends about the progenitors of peoples, and again says that they are important only as traditions, and if traditions are long current they may be treated as proof of race. The Chalukyas of the Deccan looked upon themselves in their oldest documents as born of the Manavya golra, and hence they may be looked upon as Aryan in race. The Kadambas also thought they were born of the same gotra, and hence they also might be looked upon as Kshatriyas and allied in race to the Chalukyas.22 We do not quite follow his arguments. Why could the non-Aryans on becoming kings not invent their genealogy? Again, why should they not be looked upon as of Brahman origin when they not only mention the gotra but also the name of their Brahman forefather, as in the cases of the Kadamba and Chahamana families? We hope, however, to discuss this matter in some future article. From the above we are inclined to conclude as follows: 1. The Padihara clan is of foreign origin. The words Padihara, Rohilladdhi and Pel. lapelli are decidedly non-Sanskritic. This together with their habit of wine-drinking, even when hinduized, tend to prove this. The word Padihara has been sanskritized, to give it a Sanskrit look and derivation. 2. Harichandra was a Padihara Brahman. His connection with queen Bhadra, who was a widow of some Kshatriya king, was perhaps a mesalliance, 23 or at best a widow-marriage. He was the procreator or founder of the Padihara kings of Mandor and possibly of Mahodaya or Kanauj. 3. This clan after coming to India became hinduized and merged into different castes according to their occupations. This is the explanation why Padiharas are to be found among different castes. 21 Hist. Med. Hindu Ind., Vol. I, p. 86. 29 Ibid. 23 For a similar ingtance, see Padma purana, Paidla-khanda, Chop. 102 (Anand&srama Series).

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DECEMBER, 1931) BOOK-NOTICE 247 BOOK-NOTICE. HARSHA (Calcutta University Roodership Lectures, Yasodharman of Mandasor can by a stroke of the 1925), by Radhakumud Mookerji, M.A., Ph.D., | pon bo transformed into a ruler of the Maitraka Itihasa Siromani, Professor and Head of the lino of Valabhi, and be still allowed to retain his Department of Indian History, Lucknow blood relationship with Yahodharman, Yasovat? University. Oxford University Press. London: And Bhandi (an account of whose struggle with Humphrey Milford. 1926. hie "natural fathor" is alluded to on p. 17). Chandragupta and Aboka, Babur and Akbar Besides those inconsistencies, we find inaccuraaro no longer figures of a dead past, whose namos cies. On p. 19 the responsibility for statemente raise but fow echoes in the hearts of the living. in the Gaudardjamala is fathored on Mr. A. K. The story of their exploits and achievements has Maitra, giving Rai Bahadur R. P. Chanda the cold been recounted by scholars with a wealth of detail shouldor. Similarly on p. 157 two passages are and a sobriety of judgment which bid fair to with. borrowod from the Priyaclarsikd, pp. xl, xli, edited stand the ravening tooth of timo. But, strange by Nariman, Jackson and Ogden, but are fastened w it may seem, Harsha, "the Akbar of the Hindu upon Cowell and Thomas. But a stran period," who was fortunate to have an eminent is the transference of the Vindhyakotu episode Indian biographer and an equally distinguishod from the Priyolarsikd to the Raindvall (vide p. 153). foreign panegyrist, is still without an up-to-date ! On p. 29, n. 1, we have a roference to country and authoritative history in the English language. oalled Svaretra, alleged to be one of the five Indias Under those circumstances it is only natural of the Chinese pilgrims (notwithstanding Watters, that we should gratefully receive it, when & work i, 140). The wrong name is repostod on pp. 44 on the Kanauj Emperor comes from the pen of and 201. One wonders whether the ItihasaDr. R. K. Mookerji. The book embodies lectures Siromani bas even heard of the Sanskrit couplet :delivered before the Calcutta University as & Read. Sdrastutah Kanyakubjah Gaudd Maithil-Otkalah er, and is now published as one of the Rulers Pancha Gaudu iti khydid Vindhyasyotlaraudsinah. of India Series. It consists of seven chapters en- Further proof of the author's up to dato knowledge of titled :-1. Early Life and Accession ; 2. Campaigns, geographical nomenclature is afforded by the reference Conquests and Suzerainty ; 3. Assemblies; 4. Admi-l on page 167 to SankAbral=Kapitha). and on n. 180 nistration : 6. Religion and Looming: 6. Econo- to Sribhoja, notwithstanding anything written by mic Conditions; and 7. Social Life. Besides there Coedde and Foucher (Sir A. Mookerji Silver Jubilee are Notes, Index, Plates and a Map of India Volume III, Orientalia, Part I, pp. 3-4). A perusal of the book, however, has greatly On page 145, n., the author expresses the opinion disappointed us. The author has collected his that "Haron seems to have had some touch with materials from various sources, but he has not Christianity too. Dr. Edkins makes the state. shown much discrimination or critical judgment ment that his court was visited by the Syrian in sifting the materials which he has taken paine Christians, Alopen, and his companjona in 639 to gather from the storehouses of Fleet and Max A.D. (Athenaeum, July 3, 1880, p. 8)." Imagine Muller, Beal and Wetters, Hoornle and Levi, our surprise when on opening p. 286, n., of Max Cowell and Jackson, Ettinghausen and Panikker, Muller's "India, what can it teach us," 1883, we Vaidya and Smith, and a host of others. Much of find the following lines: "Dr. Edkins (Athenaeum, the material collected is somewhat out of date and 1880, July 3, p. 8) informs us that the same emperor consequently of doubtful value. who received Hiouen Thsang, received with equal Ingtances of inconsistency sro fairly common. favour the Syrian Christians, Alopen, and his comOn page 41 of the book " Kajangala" is mentioned panions in 639 A.D." Unfortunately the author as the ancient name of Rajmahal. But on pages does not appear to know that the view crucainod 47, 75, and 85 the form "Kajughira," favoured by in the passage, borrowed without acknowledgment scholars whose views have become out of date, from Max Muller, namely, that Christians came to is rostored. The author pays equal honour to India in 639 A.D., has been given up by scholars Hoernle and Levi, as Harsha did to Siva and the (JRAS., 1915, pp. 839-40). And what is worse Buddha. Thus on page 12 Queen Yasovati's is, that if Prof. Mookerji had really examined the brother is declared to be no legs a person than passage in the Athenaeum, as he implies he has the "Emperor" Siladitya of Malava, who is repre- done, Mr. Rama Shankar Tripathi would not have sented as the son of Yasodharman " Vikrama- been compelled to inform scholars that the original ditya," and the father of Bhandi. But on p. 31, n., referred not to Haraha, but to the Emperor of Siladitya is "the original ruler of Valabhi to which China, who welcomed Hiuen Tseng on his return he annexed Me-la-po." Tho bewildered student from India and also receivod the Syrian Christiana, ia at a loss to find out how the imporial son of Alopen, and his companions (JRAS., 1928, p. 629). 1 "His gifts in poetry could hardly find expression in words"; "pouring forth in art-poesy and in stories a nectar unquaffed, etc."

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMDER, 1931 Further proof of his knowledge of religious Vigaya, eg., Arikina called a Pradeda in the Erap history is afforded by his calling Pasupatas Pain. Inscription of Samudragupta." In a book called supatas on p. 121. Political History of Ancient India (by Dr. H. On page 54, n., wo find reference to Sanavar. c. Raychaudhuri) published in 1923, three years man's victories over the Salikan, and tho author before Prof. Mookerji's Harsha, we find the following adds in a footnote : "The Bulikas night be the lines on page 286 (Ist edition) Among Deine Chalukyas. Wo know of a Chalukya king, Kirtivar. the Gupta inscriptions montion Sukulideks, man I, extending his conquosts up to Vanga, Angs, Surashtra, Dabhu and Kalindi Nermadayor Magadha, etc. (Mahakuta Pillar Inscription)." Madhya' aro also perhape to be placed under On opening page 319 of the JASB., N. S. XVI. this category. Among Bhuktis we have referonco (1920), we find the following note on the Satikas :- to Tirabhukti, Pundravardhama bhukti, Sravasti "Probably the Chalukyas ..... The Mahakota bhukti and Nagara bhukti. Among Pradosas pillar inscription tolls us that Kirtivarman I gain. or Vishayas mention is made of.... Arikipa od victories ovor the kings of Vauga, Augs, Magacha, (called Pradosa in Samudragupta's Eman inscripMadraka, etc." There is no reference to this pas. tion ....)". "The Desos wore governed by sage or its author in the book under review. On officers called Goptris or Wardens of the Marches p. 67, referring to Floot's Inscription No. 42, (cf. Sarveshu Doboebu vidhaya Goptrin)." Further Dr. Mookerji says "dripedrasi ..... might be comment is umnocoustry. even Yasodharman himself. The third king, Jivi- The author of the book, again, is not me up to tagupta I, made his power felt as far as gea. date as a History Professor of a University ought side shores,' i.e., on the Gaudas." Curiously to be. His statement that Harshe received at enough, on p. 318 of the JA8B., N. S. XVI., his court Alopen and Syrian Christians has already roforrod to above, wo have the lines the dripta. been dealt with. Similarly, he does not know ruti may have been Yasodharman"; "Jivitagupta that a Virgel stono inscription has been found I succoodod in ro ostablishing the power of his in Mysoro which says that Harsha had penetrated family ..... The haughty foos on 'Bonside as far south as this province during his expedition shorog woro undoubtedly the Gaudas." On page of conquest in the Dokkan and that a Pallava 105, n., Dr. Mookorji writes: "Some of the king called Mahendra fled in fear of him. An names of tho Bhuktis of the Gupta empire aro account of this opigraph has been givon by Dr. givon in the opigraphic records ; 0.g., Tirabhuk. Shama Sastry in the Mysore Archaeol. Report for ti, Pundravardhanabhukti and Nagara Bhutti." "Sarvepu dodeu vidhdya Goperin. Hore the term 1923, p. 83. Although the contents of this record Doa stands for the province or Bhukti; othor were known three yours before tho book on Harsha examplon of this use are Sukulideln, Suraefen are Sukulidele. Suristen was published, it is singular that Professor Mookorji dosa, or DobhAla-dots of the Gupta Inscriptions. has failed to take note of it. Similarly the term Pradeda is sometimes used for ATUL K. SUR. NOTES AND QUERIES. DIVU OF THEOPHILUS THE INDIAN. P. G.-L., tom. Ixv. Dr. A. Mingana gives the Aceording to Philostorgius's account (423 A.D.) reforonce more spocifically as Migno's Pas. Gr., of Theophilus the Indian's mission of about 354 A.D. Ixv, 481-489, although I doubt whether the to the Sabrane of South Arabia, summarised by extracts will be found on those pages. Photius in his Bibliotheca, the island home It has to be seertained afresh whether of Thoophilus was Ausgus, the inhabitants of Theophilus's island home Aussovs is really the which were called Aussvot. Tho Latin forms Maldives. Why can it not be Diu, south of Kathia. in which (according to Medlyoott's India and war, or Diul near the mouth of the Indus, or some the Apostle Thomas, 1905, p. 190) these names other place ? are reproduced are Divu or Divus and Divaei. I shall be greatly obliged if an English translation Modlycost (op. cit., pp. 188-202) has attempted to establish that Theophilus's Ac3.jus is the of the Theophilus paeongee from Photius, Suidas Maldive Islands, weat of Coylon. Unfortunately and other authors be published in The Indian Antihe has not given us the entire pasage from Photius quary and scrutinized with a view to the corroct identification of Assous. Ammianus Mar. and the extracts "chiody contained in Suidas' Lericon." Photiu's summary and the above cellinus also, who mentions Diou and Serendivu mentioned extracts are to be found in the Corpus (362 A.D.) has to be consulted for the purpose of Ecclesiastical Historians with notes and Latin (his History, bk. xxii, ch. 3). translation by Valesius, reproduced by Migne, T. K. JOSEPH.

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JANUARY, 1931 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY [12. TO HATCH EGGS WITH FIRE.] Take a quantity of eggs; put them in (a) basket cover'd and put the basket in a tub and make fire round it thus. Take a hand full of fine beaten charcole; kindle it, and cover it all over with ashes of straw. So keep the fire and tub &c. cover'd all together close, oberserving (sic) not to keep the place too cold or hott but with a due heate. 2. Every 4 or 5 honre must put fresh cole to the fire and turn the eggs in the baskett; the top must be the bottom and the sides in the middle, et contra. 3. After seven or eight days), must look the eggs against a candle and you will find which are good and which bad ; the bad must turn out. 4. After seventeen or eighteen days take the eggs and spreed them in a wooden frame like a cott [khay, bedstead frame) and so turn them as before, keeping little or no fire till they are hatoh'a. [13a. TO MAKE Soy. Take a quantity of gram more or less ; steep them in water for severall houres and then boile them very well. Take them out and strow some flower over them and so let them lye warm till they are cover'd all over with mold. Then dry them well in the sun, and then put them (in) a tub or some other thing that is shallow with salt and water, and so expose it to the sun all day, turning them now and then till they are all melted, the water of which is soy. [136. TO MAKE MISSOY.] Take a quantity of flower, and kneed it well with hott water, and cut it in thin slisses and boile it well; then take them out, strowing a little flower over them and spread it on a matt or soop which you use to clean rice with, and so keep it warm by covering it with straw &c. till it be mouldey, and then do as you did the gram. (NOTES ON DOCUMENTS 13a AND 136.] Soy. Jap. si-yau, Chin, shi-yu, a condiment in constant use up to the middle of the last century, but now out of favour in England. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Soy. Gram. The term gram generally indicates the Hind, chand or chick-pea, but the proper constituents of soy are the beans of the Soya hispida. Milburn, Or. Commerce, II, 519-20, describes a method of making soy which agrees with the above, except as regards the "mold." He says it should be " of a good flavour, not too salt or too sweet, of a good thick consistence, of a dark brown colour and clear ; when shaken in a glass, it should leave a coat on the surface, of a bright yellowish brown colour ; if it does not, it is an inferior kind, and should be rejected." Soop. Hind. sup, a basket for winnowing corn. [13c. TUCKSEEN'S ACCOUNT (1711) vizt.] Tale. m. To the Duokmen for hatching Ducks .. .. .. .. .. .. 7. 2. - To charcoale &o. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8. - 8. 0. To make Soy. gram flower salt Soop given to the man Mill to grind paddy Chair 3. 2. 6. boat hire ... 4. 6. 4. 6. | bo vi o p o o

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1931 11 Candlesticks a pair 1. 3. - 13. 0. 2. given to him .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..... 1. 0. 0. 14. 0. 2. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 13c.] These entries show that Scattergood had practical experience both of hatching ducks by incubators and of making soy Paddy. Rice in the husk. [14. TO CURE Hysom.] Hysom there are 3 sorts ; one sort looks black when they (are) caught and another) are small (and) white; and another sort looks red; this last is worse of all. To cure them, vizt., 1st, the black you must not open, but when you bring them in the boat, if you can keep their mouths downward they will throw out alltheir water, but if you can not, 'twill be no great matter; then put a little allom in water, about 1 of tale weight, in as much water as will boile about 50 of them, and when the water has boiled up two or three times, take them out. Take care not to put too much water, because they themselves will throw out water enough. Then take them out and make a house with bambous, like gratings, about 7 foot from the ground, and put the Hysom with their mouths downward, makeing fire under them to smoke them 3 or 4 days, and then put them in the sun to dry them well and pack them up. The white sort and the redish sort, they must be first be [sic] open'd to take out their dirt and gutts; then boile them as the other and smoke them and dry them in the sun as the others. When you smoke them you need not put their mouths downwards. (NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 14.) Hysom. This, Mr. L. C. Hopkins tells me, is Scattergood's rendering of the Chinese sounds hai-shan (Cantonese, hoi-sham), i.e., beche-de-mer (trepang, sea-slug, sea-cucumber), the Holothuria edulis. Later on Scattergood gives it the European name, beche-de-mer, which appears to be an early instance, since the first quotation for the term in the 0.E.D. is of 1814. The recipe for ouring Hysom is attached to a slip of paper containing a "List of goods procurable at Malacca " (No. 15), where Scattergood stayed more than once in his voyages to and from China. (15.) 600 Dragons blood lst sort 20 Peculs 25 to 30 Hysom black 400 6 to 7 Do. white 600 Pepper 6 to 7 Stiok lack Cambodia 9 to 10 150 18 Agala 10 30 Betell Nutt 200 21 to 24 Rattans 2000-2300 at 12 to 13 pr 100 bundles Conshin 600 at 4 to 5 per baharr Sappan 17 to 11 Oanes 30000 at 31 to 4 per 100 Breda de Marr 500 at 14 34300 500 2800 1800 4200 500 2700 300 450 390 3000 Wax 1200 500 .. 18140 &c. . 2000 [Endorsed) How to oure Heysam and List of Goods procurable at Mallacoa 20140

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JANUARY, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 77 [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 15.] Dragons blood. Calamus draco, a red-coloured resin. Compare Lockyer, op. cit., p. 131 : "Sanguis Draconis in drops. See the colour by rubbing it on white paper." Agala. This wood, also called by travellers eagle-wood, aloe-wood and lignum-aloes, is the Aquilaria Agallocha. Lookyer, op. cit., p. 129, oalls it "Aquala Wood" and says that "the best is of a dark oolour, with whitish streaks on the outside, full of gum and affords an odorous smell in the fire." Conshin. Skr. chandana, red sandalwood, 'red sanders,' the wood of the Pterocarpus santalina. Breda de Marr. Port. breda do mar, lit. sea-beet, an edible seaweed. Three more documents connected with the Bussorah Merchant are dated in Canton on 9 and 10 December 1711. The first is an acknowledgment by Edward Jones of the sale of pearls belonging to Richard Hunt, a member of Counoil at Fort St. George, the produce remaining in Lingua and Anqua's hands," to be brought by Jones later on in the Howland. The other two are receipts by Scattergood for gold weighing 438 t. 6 m. 3 c. and two chests of tea consigned to him by Jones on behalf of Thomas Frederiok, one of the chief freighters. When next we hear of the supercargoes they have left Canton and have reached Macao, at which place is dated the dooument previously noted, which proves the identity of the Elizabeth with the Bussorah Merchant. f16a. RECEIPT FOR GOLD 17 DECEMBER 1711.) Received a bulse, said to be gold, of Manuel Favooh of Macao, merchant, sealed as above, which I promise to deliver to Mr. Frederick, the dangers of the seas excepted. J. SCATTERGOOD. [166.] By this, which we have signed, we, Edward Jones and John Scattergood, supercargo[8] of the ship Elizabeth, of which John Caeoroft (Cracroft) is captain, now by God's favour going on a voyage to the coast of Coromandel, confess to have received from the hands of Manuel Favacho, resident of the city of Macao, one paroel wrapped in white cloth with fine red wax seals, such as in the margin, in which it is said are contained fifteen pams, one bar and three pieces of good gold, which should God bring us safely to the port of Madras, we shall deliver as it is and in the same manner to Thomas Frederiok, at whose account and risk it is sent, or in his absence, to whomsoever is empowered by him. In witness whereof we have given three notes of this tenour, one of which will have effect. Macao, 28 of December one thousand seven hundred and eleven years. Received per Thos. Frederick [Endorsed] My receipt for a parsell of gold brought for Mr. Frederick. [NOTE ON DOCUMENT 16a.] Bulse. This term is adapted from tho Port. bolsa, =It. borsa, a purse. It was used to indioate a package of diamonds or gold dust. [NOTE ON DOCUMENT 166.] Fifteen pams. Dr. H. B. Morse has very kindly explained that the word 'pam 'used by Scattergood no doubt represents the Portuguese pao, the name they gave to the Chinese shoe. shaped ingot of gold. He further points out that at the period in question the only medium of communication between the English and the Chinese was Portuguese. In the East India Company's records these ingots were usually called 'shoes '; in the Portuguese records, pao de ouro or ouro de pao. See Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Shos of gold; and Dalgado, Glossario Lusoasiatico, 8.0. Pao de ouro. As previously stated, there is no information available regarding Scattergood's voyage from Macao to Madras, but the Papers show that he arrived before 3 March 1711/12, when he

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1931 delivered to "Mutaball Chitty" (Muttu Bala Chetti) a merchant of the Chetti caste, the produce of his "adventure sent with me to China." The voyage of the Bussorah Merchant to China appears to have resulted in a considerable profit for Scattergood, for in an undated account, which was probably kept by his wife or his agent during his next trading voyage and consequent absence from Madras, there are entries : "Received for Mr. Scattergoods concern in the Bussorah Merchant Pagodas 5804. 6." or about PS2,300, and "Received of Mr. Jones for Mr. Scattergood's commeshun [commission) Pagodas 518.14.32" (or about PS200). From an undated account book, the first eight pages of which are missing, we find that Scattergood executed commissions in China for various friends and acquaintances. Tea was purchased for Mary, widow of Edward Fleetwood;"fanns of the best sort," broad and narrow ribbon, black silk and silk stockings for Frances, wife of Benjamin Walker, soy and tea for Elizabeth wife of Captain Charles De La Force, etc., all inhabitants of Madras. No sooner had he returned from China than Scattergood became immersed in another trading venture, this time to Surat and Bombay. His standing in Madras can be gathered from the fact that he was one of the "four able merchants of the place," chosen in July 1712, to settle a dispute between the trustees of Gulston Addison, Governor of Fort St. George (who had died in 1709) and Edmund Bugden (Diary and Cons. of Fort St. George, 1712). At this time, too, Scattergood was interested in the affairs of a "kindsman," on whose behalf he wrote to Richard Boone, then trading as a free merchant in Bengal : (17.) Mr. Boone, Sir I lent one] Thomas Dixon, one of the mates of the Dolben, (being a kindsman of mine) 500 Pagos. at Respondentia. I paid him 100 and was to send the other 400 after him when rupees should be cheaper, but finding they hold up their price, and being a little necessitated for mony, makes me draw a bill on you for rupees Madrass 1300, which is 400 Pagos. at 325 per 100 Pag., the current price. Hope you may have so much money of mine in your hands, and when money comes in a littel, which I hope it may by the Heriot (which is not arrived yet), I shall send down some to you. I would beg of you to assist the said Thomas Dixon in laying it out for him in such goods as will be proper where he is a going. No news yet of the Howland, but abundance concludes she may be in Bengall. If she should be their, I desier you to receive my share of our stock and improve it as you think fitt, if you can at Respondentia. I shall be a going by the latter end of the new month on the St. Andrew for Surratt. She will have no freight, so you may conclude she will make no voyage. I have lately lost my poor boy, your godson, which makes our family a little melancolly at present. When you goe away from Bengall, pray leave nothing of mine behind you. I gave a receipt to Mr. Dixon, which pray receive of him and cancell it. My wife gives her serves to you and your family and desiers you not to forgett to send her things as soon as you can. Remain your most oblidged humble servant Madrass the 26th August 1712. PS. Please to give my serves to all freinds. NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 17.1 The Dolben. She was a country trading vessel, commanded in 1712 by Captain Charles Boddam. a " seafaring man not constant inhabitant" of Fort St. George, who arrived from Surat with his ship on 6 June 1712. Scattergood had constant dealings with Boddam while he was in India and he was also interested later on in the cargo of the Dolben. Respondentia. The earliest instance of the use of this word in the O.E.D. is 1727. It is there defined as "a loan upon the cargo of a vessel, to be repaid (with maritime interest) only if the goods arrive safe at their destination."

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JANUARY, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 79 - Rupees Madrass 1300 which is 400 Pagos. Reckoning the pagoda at 48., this makes a Madras rupce worth nearly half a crown in 1712. The Heriot. The Heriot or Harriot was also a country trading vessel commanded by Captain John Jones. She sailed for Bengal on 28 May 1711 and arrived at Fort St. George from Vizagapatam on 25 November 1712 (Fort St. George Diary 1711-12). Scattergood was interested in her cargo at this time and also in a previous voyage she made to Persia in 1710-11. The Howland. The reports concerning this ship were erroneous, as she was at Malacca in the autumn of 1712 (see note on p. 77). New month, i.e., September 1712. The St. Andrew. This was another country trading vessel, commanded by Captain Thomas Greenhaugh (a "seafaring man, not constant inhabitant" of Fort St. George). She arrived at Madras from Bombay on 23rd September 1711 and sailed for Bengal on 5 October, whence she returned to Madras on 11 April 1712, shortly after Scattergood's arrival from China (Fort St. George Diary, 1711-12). My poor boy. This was Seattergood's second son who, like his brother, died in infancy. While preparing for his voyage to Surat, Soattergood still found time to execute commissions for business friends. By John Curgenven, a brother of Peter Curgenven who had been his companion from Isfahan to Gombroon in 1708, he sent to Captain Bartholomew Stibs in Bengal a consignment of the highly reputed stockings from the Dutch settlement at Pulicat, and on the Mairmaid (Mermaid?) a country ship he sent guns purchased for Mr. John Brown. The account for the latter shows that Soattergood received a portion of their cost through Captain Alexander Hamilton, yet another notable figure of those days with whom he came in contact. Apart from his own investments and commissions undertaken for correspondents in India, Scattergood was employed as a go-between by acquaintances in England to dispose of goods for them in India. The following letter written by him at this period is an amusing instance of the kind. [18. Copy.] Mr. Hobdy, Sir Yours of Jany, last I received the 25 of July and was glad to hear of your good health. By Mr. Thomas Pain I received your four perriwiggs, t[w]o long and two short, but they are too dark for this place, for the Gentlemen hear all desier to wear light wiggs, and those long. By comparing those wigs of yours to others that was sent, I judge you sett them down at a littel to heigh price. We have no demands for perriwigs at present. These ships have brought out a great many, and sold them at outcry for great deale less price then they cost in England, so I designe to keep your wiggs for a better markett. Ill sell them as dear as I can and send your retur[n]s by the next shipping, for I doe not want any for my own ware, haveing a lettel before yours arrived bought some at a very low prioe. I remain, Your most humble servant Madrass the 16th September 1712. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 18.] Mr. Hobdy (Hobday). This individual appears to have died before he received the produce of his wigs, as a receipt for the amount, dated March 1717, is signed by Mary Hobday. Thomas Pain (Payne). He was a cousin of the Trenchfields and had been sent to India by his father, Thomas Payne, and placed under the protection of Scattergood as a relative by marriage (his mother's second husband was Richard Trenchfield), who shipped him as midshipman in the Duke of Cambridge in 1714. He died in Bombay in 1717. Four periwiggs. These, with Thomas Pain, probably came out in the Arabella, which arrived nt Fort St. George from England on 8 July 1712 (Fort St. George Diary). These ships. The ships arriving at Madras from England in 1712 were the Company's ships Kent and Marit vrough and the Arabella, a separate stock ship.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1931 On 15 September Scattergood wrote a joint letter to John Russell, President of Bengal, and his iriend Charles Boone, begging them to act for him and "see to do me justice" in two affairs. The first concerned goods shipped by him on the John and Elizabeth, of which Mr. Foulkos, whom he had met at Isfahan in 1708 (see pp. 33, 45), was supercargo. Foulkes was now dead and Scattergood's attorneys, during his absence in China," never so much as examined into the accounts." He found that he had not received the whole amount due to him for tin hold, nor anything, for his " Agala wood and Hubblebubble canes." The other business was an overcharge of commission on Soattergood's investment in the Hariot or Harriott, which Russell and Boone were requested to get refunded by the supercargo, Thomas Saunders, in Bengal. The application to Messrs. Russell and Boone was followed up by a personal letter to the latter. (19.) To Mr. Charles Boone, Sir The above I wrote you by Captain Martin. This is only to desire you to egg Mr. Russell en to see to do me justice in those affairs of Messrs. Foulks and Croke. And about Tom Saunders. I do not know yett but that those ships may arrive, and then I will see to right myself here if I can. But, however, pray attach the estate of Mr. Foulks in whosesoever hands you find it, till you hear further from me. Mr. Bennett is arrived from Bombay and tells me that Surratt will be stoped up, and beleives that I shall gett little or no subscription from thence, by reason the Generall is angry about the Union and says he will not be concerned with Madrass nor Bengall, sence they would not take him in the Union. However, I am still again [goling to Surratt to sue and try. Mr. Bennett thinks that he has a great interest with our Governor. He talks no less then a China voyago the next year, and he does not question but that you will goe with him. If my Surratt project is oversett, hope you will secure a Persars place with you, or if anything better, it will not do a miss. There is one Captain Stibs owes me 5 P. 23 fa., the ballance of an account, and Mr. John Browne 19:11:45 which pray receive of them and place them to my account. I hope I sball hear from you at Sarratt how matters stand in Bengall &c. (and other) places. The John and Elizabeth will not goe homo this year. Captain Reid has made Mr. Peachey Supercargoe in his stead and has given over all his power to him. Pray give my sorvice to Mr. Starke, &c. freinds. I remain Dear Sir Your most oblidged humble Servant J. S. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 19.1 Captain Martin. Captain Matthew Martin of the Company's ship Marlborough, who sailed for Bengal on 27 August 1712 (Fort St. George Diary 1712). Foulks and Croke. George Crooke, supercargo with ? Robert Foulkes on the John and Elizabeth. Tom Saunders. Thomas Saunders of the Harriot which, as previously noted (see p. 79), arrived at Madras in November 1712. Mr. Bennett. Alexander Bennett, a free merchant. The Generall. William Aislabie, Governor of Bombay, 1708-1715, brother-in-law of Scattergood's wife Arabella. Our Governor. Edward Harrison, Governor of Fort St. George, 1711.1717. Captain Stibg. Bartholomew Stibs to whom Scattergood had sont stockings (see p. 79). John Browne. Guns had been procured for him (see p. 79)

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JANUARY, 1931 ] TIE SCATTERGOODS AND THE CAST INDIA COMPANY 81 .. 2 .. 80 The John and Elizabeth, a Separate Stock ship commanded by Captain William Hamilton, did, however, sail for England on 27 October 1712 (Despatches to England 1711 to 1714, p. 87), and to Batavia in September 1712 Captain Reid. Captain Alexander Reid commanded the Arabella, a Separato Stock shin. Mr. Peachy. Probably James Peachy, part owner of the Sceptre in 1707. (See Wilson, Early Annals of Bengal, I, 287.) He is not mentioned again in the Papers. Mr. Starke. John Starke came to India as purser of the Company's ship Averilla in 1711, and seems to have remained in the East, for there are various accounts of transactions between him and Scattergood up to 1720. The following extract (No. 20) gives an idea of the trade between Madras and Surat at this period. [20. [28 September 1712] Account of package of my things bought for my Voyage to Surratt &c. In my chest qt vizt. fine Gingams stript .. .. 10 ps. Do. painted with flowers.. .. 10 ps. Red Do. Pollicatt Gingall stript and painted .. Black and white chints Red and white Do. .. Sarasses black and white .. 28 Do. red and white Do. that I bought at outcry [a'stion] Painted Clouts (cloths) red and whito .. 58 in one draw Chints Metohlepatnam and fine Palem pores in the other Fine Palempores draw Course Do. Gingam musters (samples] .. Sannoes .. Cotton 1 bale qt. Handkercheifs 15 ps. fine ca[mbriol 16 Had. Do. course 535 Hand[k]er Cosgos 11 Cor[ge, score) Do. 5:10: and 6 cor. Gingams 2 pieces Mus[lin] Baftas 8:3: Musters 2 pieces Sannoes 3:2: pieces : 1 piece musters Blew Gingams 25 pieces Blew Moores, 139 pieces ; 1 piece musters An Account of what qts. [is contained) in 5 wine cheats sent on board the St. Andreu, vist. doz. bottles. Small Beer .. .. .. .. 134 S. Florence.. . .. . 5 - Cape .. .. 1 3 Renish Clarett .. ... 29 Madera Small Beer .. .. 19 .. 15 ::::::::::::::::::

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1931 doz. bottlea. Cider G. Florence.. Canary .. .. .. .. .. .. Brandy .. Drams .. G. Cider .. Madera . An Account of 20 Gunns [the total weight of which was 53 cwt. 2 qr. 2 lbs.) at P. [blank] per lb. is [blank] Pagodas. Shott 867 poiz 7. 2 qr. 15 lb. at [blank] Pagodas per lb. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 20.) of the piece-goods mentioned, ginghams (p. 54), sannoes (p. 53), Cassos (p. 53), baftas (p. 6) and moores (p. 9) have been previously dealt with. Pollicat. There is an omission here. Cloth from Pulicat is intended. Gingall. This seems to be an error for "gingam," gingham. Sarasses. (Skt. sarast, a woman's girdle) long cotton scarves. Chintz. Hind, chint a printed or spotted cotton cloth (not the glazed variety of modern commerce), for which Madras was famous. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Chintz. Palemores. Chintz bedspreads for which Madras was also noted. Yule (HobsonJobson, 8.v.) thinks the term may be a corruption of palang-posh. Dr. Crooke suggests, with greater probability, that the name may have been derived from that of the town Palanpur, in Gujarat, long noted for chintz of this kind. S. Florence. The wine known as "Florence " was a red Italian wine brought from that place. "S" apparently stands for " Small," i.e., thin, or of inferior quality, while the "G" below indicates " Good." Cape. Wine from the Cape, in much request at this period. The Mary Galley shipped three hogsheads in 1705 (Papers of Thomas Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 261). Renish. Rhenish (Rhine) wine for which Dordrecht was noted (op. cit., p. 57). Canary. Canary sack, a sweet white wine imported from the Canaries. Outward bound ships furnished themselves from the Canaries and Madeira with the wine of these islands. Drams. By drams, small phials of spirits or cordials seem to be meant. The above account of cargo is followed by a list of goods suitable to bring back from Surat. [21. RETURNING CARGOE, rizl.] Rupees Peices Cotton .. 10000 Shaules Jamawers . . 20 Corrall head (sort) .. 20000 Shasses Do. 2 sort .. 10000 Cambalys 2 sort. .. 1000 Do. 3 sort .. 500 Guspees Branches 10000 Kincaws Do. 5000 Putcaloes Ophium .. 1100 Attlasses red Beads 1200 Cuttanees geverall 100 Shaules 5000 Cambelys head 1500 1380 Soap 2000 Pearl earings 1000 Phiscick root 1000 Brimestone 1000 75 69300

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MARCH, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 21.] Corrall head. Best quality coral. The terms, "head, belly, foot" were used at this period to indicate, first, second and third quality goods. Cambelys. Blankets (Hind. kamalt). Phisick root. Medicinal root. Probably China Root (Smileke pseudo-China) is meant. Shaulos Jamawars. Hind. jamawir, "sufficient for a dress," here apparently applied to striped shawl pieces. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Piece-goods. Shassos. Ar. shish, turban-sash. Guspoes. ? Guzzees, Pers. gazi, a coarse cotton oloth. Kinoaws. Kinoaubs, Pers. kam-khwab, brocade. Putoaloes. Unidentified as yet. Attlasses. Ar. atlas, satin. Cuttanees. See p. 54. In addition to the goods mentioned in Dooument No. 20 Scattergood had a half share in other piece-goods, 'mullmulls, sannoes and doreas' (see p. 54) shipped on the St. Andrew by himself and Captain Greenbaugh, to whom he also lent 500 pagodas at respondentia. On his own aocount he took up from various merchants, English and Indian, at respondentia, at 20 per cent., sums amounting to 3,200 pagodas. The St. Andrew was ready to sail in September 1712, but her departure was delayed by a storm, and while waiting for favourable weather Scattergood wrote the following letters to England. [229.] [Ootober 1712.) To Mrs. Elizabeth Trenchfield and Mrs. Anne Wigmoro. Honoured Mother and Good Madam, I have already writt to you both at learge by these conveyances. The designs of this is oheitly to inolose one of Captain Read his bonds at respondentia to me upon the Arabella for pags. two thousand and five hundred principall whereof five hundred pagodas is for the account of my mother Mrs. Elizabeth Trenchfield and five hundred pagodas for the account of Mrs. Anne Wigmore, and five hundred pagodas for my own account. The re. main[in]g one thousand pagodas is for the account of certain freinds who desier you to receive it and employ at interest as you do your own in safe hands, and design to writ to you themselvs about it. I have allso inclose[d] Capt. Alexander Read and Mr. George Crook the bond at respondentia to me for pagodas two thousand and five hundred upon the John and Elizabeth, whereof five hundred pagodas is for the account of Mrs. Elizabeth Trenchfeild, five hundred for the account of Mrs. Anne Wigmore and five hundred pagodas for my own account. The remainfinle one thousand is for the account of certain freinds who empower you to receive it and employ it as before, and about which they themselves design to write to you. This is all I thought materiall to advise you of at this time. I beseech God to bless and keep you and remain Honored Mother and good madam your dutifull son and most humble servant. Fort St. George Octor. 1712. (NOTES ON DOCUMENT 22a.) Elizabeth Trenchfield. As previously noted (p. 37) Scattergood's mother had returned to England after the death of her second husband, Richard Trenchfield. Mrs. Anne Wigmore. Widow of Thomas Wigmore, Senior Merchant in the Company's service at Fort St. George, who died 10 May 1708 (Fort St. George Diary).

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . MARCH, 1931 These conveyances. The Dartmouth, a Company's ship, Captain Thomas Beckford commander, and the Arabella, a Separate Stock ship, Captain Alexander Reid commander, sailed on the 14 and 20 October 1712, respectively (Fort St. George Diary). The Arabella. See p. 79, for her arrival in India. [226.] To Mr. James Wendey and Mr. Osmond Beavoir, Sirs, By the enclosed letter of attorney I have appointed you two to be my attorneys in England, which favour I hope you will not deny me. Sir George Mathews was my attorney before, but haveing drawn upon him bills payable to Mr. Thomas Wright for pounds [blank], those bills and 110 pounds more that he paid to Mr. Wendey and Mrs. Burniston, beleive that little or nothing is left in his hands, therefore desire you to speake to him to make up my accounts and send it me out (if anything left) in wine and beer; but I would not have you show your power nor call him to account, but leave it to himself to send me out accounts &o. as he thinks fitt. I beleive Mr. Wendey will be the properest person to speak to him about the matter over a glass of wine, he knowing some. thing of the matter allready. I have ? s[l]ent on the John and Elizabeth pagos. 500 at 14 shillings for a pagoda and on the Arabella 500 more at 138. Bd., in all amounting to 687 li. 10s. payable to you two, which pray receive of him, 500 pounds of which I would beg you to send me out again in dollers by the way of China to be invested in gold and the rest to keep at interest. I designe to send my wife home the next year to live with my mother, where I hope she and her two daughters may live with all oharges for 150 pounds per annum, which pray pay her at sundry times as she may want it; but you may allow her a little more if you judge it necessary. But in case of the loss of the said ships John an Elizabeth and Arabella (which God forbid) and my wife should went money, I would have you take it up att interest on my account and pay it when you receive some of mine, which I shall send on all oppertunitys a little; but Mr. Lewis has promised me to give my wife a letter of creditt to take of his attornies what money she shall want. I have sent 3 bonds home on severall conveyances for 2500 pagos, on the John and Elizabeth payable to my mother and Mrs. Wigmore. I have but 500 in those bonds; the rest belongs to my mother, Mrs. Wigmore &ca. Land other] freinds. I have likewise sent 3 bonds for 2500 pa. on the Arabella, payable as the others; 500 pa. is mine; the rest belongs as above. Pray receive my 1000 pa. out of those bonds and employ as above directed. I remain, your most humble servant J. SCATTERGOOD. Madrass the 2d Octr. 1712. P.S. Sirs On the John and Elizabeth I have sent a small bundle putt up in waxcloth, marked containing 19 peioes fine chints, all for a bed, six peices of very fine for gownes and petticoates, anu two peioes of Surratt gold stript demitys, which I desired Mr. Crook, if he touches in Holland, to deliver to Minheer Drumond and Vanderhegden, merchants in Amsterdam, and to advise you two of it (those merchants being Mr. Wendeys corispondents); but if he should not touch in Holland, then to carry them to London in his ship and advise you of them that you may take effeotual method to bring them ashoare, either by having them run or to sell them amongst the John and Elizabetha cargoe, and soe buying them yourselves. Doe which way you judge best. When you gett them ashoare, give my mother 3 peices of those chints out of the six for gownes and petticoates, and let her have her choise. The rest keep till my wife

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MARCH, 1931 THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 85 comes in England or till you hear further from me, which you shall not faile upon every oppertunity. Hope you will pardon this letter, for I wrote it at three severall times and being in an hurry in goeing away for Surratt. October the 8tb 1712. J. S. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT 226.) James Wendy. The Rev. James Wendy was elected chaplain for Fort St. George on 31 December 1697 (Court Book, 37, 467, 471) and was probably a fellow passenger of Scattergood in the voyage to India in 1697-8. In February 1708 the Court appointed Robert Jones "in the room of Mr. Wendy who, as your last letters say, desires to quitt our service and return for England" (Despatches from England 1706-10, p. 43). The latest mention of Wendy in India is found among the Scattergood Papers, dated 9 November 1708, endorsed "Mr. Wendys Bond for pagodas 1000 to be paid at the marriage of my daughter Elizabeth." See also The Rev. Frank Penny, The Church in Madras, I, 117, 128, etc. Sir George Matthews. Commander of the London in 1708. See p. 57. Thomas Wright. There is no other mention of this Thomas Wright in the Papers. He was probably connected with John Wright, a friend of Francis Forbes, Arabella Scattergood's first husband, and father of Thomas Wright, a writer who died in Bombay c. 1704. Mrs. Burniston. Mary, wife of Charles Burniston and sister-in-law of Arabella Soatter. good. She and her husband acted jointly in the settlement of the affairs of John Burniston, Arabella's father, who died in Bombay in 1704. The John and Elizabeth and Arabella. Separate Stock Ships. See p. 81. I designe to send my wife home. Arabella Scattergood, however, did not sail for England until 1716. Mr. Lewis. The Rev. George Lewis, chaplain at Fort St. George from 1692 to 1714. He sailed from Madras for England in the Marlborough on 21 January 1713-14 (Fort St. George Diary). See also the Rev. Frank Penny, op. cit., I, 108, 130, 178, etc. Gold stript demitys. For dimity see p. 7. Mr. Crook. George Crooke, supercargo of the John and Elizabeth. Haveing them run. That is, smuggled ashore to avoid paying custom. Among the Papers is Seattergood's "Acoount of what I carry with me to Surrat on the St. Andrew. This inoludes "sundry goods bought at Madrass, others in company " with Captain Greenhaugh and Govr. Edward Harrison, and "chekings" (sequins) at 161 and 15 per cent. The St. Andrew was ready to sail in September 1712, but, as stated above, her departure was delayed until October by a storm which damaged the ship and cargo. Soattergood employed this time in reviewing his affairs and in drawing up an account of them for his wife, whom he deputed to act for him at Madras and to whom he gave careful instructions for her guidance. [23. AN ACCOUNT OF WHAT MONEY I HAVE ABROAD AND WHAT I OWE WITH PROPER INSTRUCTIONS TO EACH VOYAGE &O, TO MY WIFE MY ATTORNEY IN MY ABSENCE (9 OOTR. 1712)], vizt. In the Heriot to Persia Mr. Dean supercargoe, vist. Mr. Dean received here as per his note pagodas .. .. .. 535. 25. 58 Messrs. Russell and Feake paid in Bengall 2 bills amounting to rupees Madrass 4284.7. at 336 rupees per 100 pagodas: 1273. 24. - 1809, 13 58 When this ship arrives gett my share and after all nocounts are made up for I don't care to be any more ooncerned

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1931 500.-. in her, except she sells very cheap and goes some good voyage with some good men, and then not above 500 pags. In the Four Brothers stock under Captain Greenhaugh In the China stock with Mr. Jones concerned Principall Under me in said stock Mr. Lewis... 3000 Cogee Petrus 200 insurance to be taken out .. .. 196 Nina Chittie 350 insurance to be taken out 2 per oent.. 343 6750. - - 3539. - - - 5211. . . Have received the first devidend and paid all those persons that are under me their shares about of the principall, 80 that I suppose am to receive of the principall and 25 per cent on the whole, vizt. of my principall remaining my share only .. .. .. 25 per cent on the whole 5211 pa... My commission of the remains in China 21 per cent There is accounts betwixt my brother and self remains in China that he owes me tales 255, I suppose will make 1737. 1302. 1000. 300. -4339. 27. - 1000. 394. - 300. 100. Some accounts remains betwixt Mutaball Chittie and self, beleive may come to about 200 or 250 pagodos but will make up the account when I come back. In the stock and block of ship St. A Cruze as per Mr. Fre deriok[s] note and account current .. .. .. .. In Bengall the remains of my Persia voyage on the John and Elizabeth which Messrs. Russell and Feake have received in rupees 1379. 3. as per their letter at 31 per pagoda .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 candy of sampon wood sent on the Heriot Sandall wood remains that Captain Saunders carried .. Mr. John Browne ballance .. .. Captain Hils ballanoe .. .. .. .. 5. 23. -. Mr. Boones owes me for broad cloth .. .. . 9. - - Do. for my share for Kismisses . .. 20.- - Tom Saunders overcharge in com mision 229 rs. his : is pagodas .. 39. 15. - Interest for 2 years at 12 per cent 9. 18. - 48. 33. - Mr. Robert Foulkes omission in not bringing to my creditt on my tin account on rupees 3144. 9 per cent batta 400 rupees at 3) per pagoda .. .. .. .. 114. 70.Agala wood and Hubble buble canes 78.-.-. 192. 10. 295. 5. 45. 1089. 5. 45. I have drawn a bill payable to Mr. Thomas Dixon for Pagodas : .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 400.-. 689, 8.45.

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MARCH, 1931] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY S 87 275. - 68. 18. - - 500. 500. In Persia consigned to Agent Lock a parsell of Rubies as per Invoice .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. Mutaball under me .. .. .. Lent at Respondentia to Mr. Thomas Dixon on Ship Dolben. Lent at Respondentia to Mr. Heriot as per his bond to Moca. Lont to Captain Bennett at Respondentia to Pegu 100 Pagolas at 25 Per cent but he staying out 2 you (years] I must demand 50 Per cent .. Lont at Respondentia to Manilla under Padre De Saa .. Remains of the Harriots voyage to Surratt Messrs. Harriot and Weld Supercargoes in the Hands of Mounr. Hebert at interest Surratt Rupees 406 at 330 per 100 Pagodas is Lent at Respondentia to England on the Arrabella at 138. 6d. per Pagoda ... .. .. .. .. .. .. Do. on the John and Elizabeth at 14 .. .. .. .. Conoerned in the St. Andrews stook and blook .. 1573. 25. advanoed now .. .. .. .. .. 229. 30. 100.500. - - 123. 500. 500. - - - - 1000. 1803. 19. 3500. - - I carry with me in goods and money on the St. Andrew as Per my book Pagodas taken up at Respondentia at 20 per cent on the St. Andrew .. .. .. .. Mr. Legg .. .. .. 400.Mr. Lewis .. .. .. 500. - - Mr. Bennett .. 200. - - Muta pauoca .. 300.Chenande Chittie .. .. 100. - - Mr. Benion 500. Trepasure marr Chittie .. 300. -.Chena Muta .. 200. 2500. In Doctor Gray Ship Thomas under Mr. Frederick .. .. Remains of the Dates of the John and Elizabeth that Mr. Lewis will make up my share I hope will be about Pagodas .. Comoopha Conniooply that Vincatte Chittie Mutabell's brother knowes of for Plank .. .. .. Custome on blew cloth that I paid him .. .. .. 1000.160.- 10. - - 18. - - 26. 19. - 14457. 31. 23. I owe att Interest to the Churoh Pagodas Mrs. Mary Fleetwood .. Collaway Chittie Vincattie Chittie Mutaballs brother . .. 2000... 500. 500. ... 200. - .. 3200.11267. 31. 23. I bought a note of Mr. Bourchier to Mr. Corbett to bring him Hawkings to the amount of 4 tales and 2 mace Left with my wife for expences Pagodas 5. 290. - 11642. 31. 23. [Endorsed] Instructions for Last Voyage.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . MARCH, 1931 (NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 23a. The Heriot. See p. 79. William Dean (or Deane), the chief supercargo in 1711, died shortly after his return from Persia (Diary and Consultations at Fort St. George 1711, p. 86, 1713, p. 59). Messrs. Russell and Feake. John Russell, President of Bengal 1711-1713, Samuel Feake, then member of Council and Import Warehousekeeper, later, President 1718-1723. Rupees Madrass. Taking the pagoda at 8s., its value in Bowrey's day (Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, p. 114), this makes the Madras Rupee worth only 2s. 1d. at this date. The Four Brothers. Scattergood was evidently not aware that the Four Brothers. Thomas Punt Master, was "supposed to be lost at sea," as stated in a Consultation at Fort William on 28 July 1712 (C. R. Wilson, Early Annals of Bengal, II, Pt. 1, p. 69). Mr. Jones. Edward Jones who had remained in China to settle the accounts of the voyage of the Bussorah Merchant. Cogee Petrus: Khwaja Petrus. This cannot be Khwaja Petrus Arathoon, the earthly god of the Calcutta Armenians" (see vol. XLIX, 76), who died in Calcutta in 1778 after thirty years residence there, but is possibly a member of the same family. Nina Chittie. Naina Chetti, one of the numerous members of the merchant family of Madras with whom Scattergood did much business. The first devidend. That is, of the voyage to China in the Bussorah Merchant. My brother. Elihu Trenchfield, Scattergood's step-brother, supercargo of the Barrington, a Separate Stook ship, commanded by Capt. Christopher Cradock, which arrived at Fort St. George from Vizagapatam 21 September 1712 (Fort St. George Diary 1712). Stock and blook. That is, the cargo and the ship itself. St. A Cruze. The Sancta Cruz, a country vessel, which arrived at Fort St. George froin Manila 3 April and sailed for Pegu 13 May 1712 (Fort St. George Diary 1712). This appears to be the same vessel which Thomas Bowrey navigated in the Bay of Bengal in 1676. See Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, p. 172 and footnote. Sampon wood. Sappan-wood, See p. 64. Captain Saunders. Thomas Saunders. See p. 80. John Browne. Guns had been purchased for him. See pp. 79, 80. Captain Hil. An error for Captain (Bartholomew) Stibs. See Document No. 19, p. 80. where the amount owing tallics with the amount here given. Mr. Boones. Charles Boone. See p. 67. . Kismisses. Kishmish, small stoneless raisins from Persia. See Yule. Hobson-Jobson. 8.0. Hubble buble canes. Hubble-bubblo canes was tho term applied by Europeans to the huqqa. See Yule, op. cit., 8.v. Hubble-bubble. Agent Lock. John Lock, the Company's Agent at Isfahan. Mr. Heriot. Robert Heriot (Harriott)"seafaring man not constant inhabitant " of Madras. He married Elizabeth, claughter of John Haynes in June 1710 (Mrs. Penny. Mar. riages at Fort St. George). Captain Bennett. Abraham Bennett, master of the Good Fortune, mentioned on p. 69. Padre De Saa. Padre Paulo de Saa, a Capuchin priest of the Portuguese Church. He died at Madras in 1715 (Consultation at Fort St. George 2 August 1715). Messrs. Harriot and Weld; Mounr, Herbert. Robert Harriot or Heriot (see above) and Captain William Weld who commanded the Harriott. The Chevalier Hebert, Governor of the French settlement at Pondicherry.

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MATCH, 19311 THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY R9 Mr. Legy. John Logg, a factor in the Company's service at Fort St. George and Registrar in the Mayor's Court. He died in 1719. Mr. Bennett. Alexander Bennett, a writer and steward at Fort St. George. Muta paucca. Possibly Muttu Pakka. Chemande Chittie. Chennandi (or Chinnandi) Cheffi. Mr. Benion. Bernard Benyon, a member of Council at Fort St. George. Trepasure marr Chittie. Tiruppachur Mara Chetti. Chena muta. Chenna (or Chinna) Muttu. I am indebted to Mr. F. J. Richards for the identifications of the various members of the Chetti family and other Madras merchants with whom Seattergood had business relations. Doctor Gray Ship Thomas under Mr. Frederick. This was an unfortunate investment for Soattergood. The Thomas made a voyage to Surat, went thence to Madras and sailed for Bengal on 14 May 1713, "but was unfortunately cast away coming down hither (Caloutta] from that place." Mr. Gray (the "Dr." appears to be an error and his Christian name does not appear) olaimed of, and obtained judgment against, Messrs. Russell and Adams for part of her loss, sinoe the ship had been purchased on their behalf on her arrival at Madras. (See Fort St. George Diary, 14 May 1713; Early Annals of Bengal, II, Pt. 1, p. 160.) Comoopha Connicoply. Kama Kuppa, Tam. kanakkapillai, clerk. Vincattie Chittie, Mutabell's brother. Venkata Chetti, Mutta Bala Cheffi's brother. Mary Fleetwood. Widow of Edward Fleetwood. See p. 61. Collaway Chittie. Kalavay Chetti.. Mr. Bourchier to Mr. Corbett. Richard Bourohier, writer at Fort St. George, resigned the Company's service on acccount of ill health 15 May 1712 (Consultations at Fort St. George, 1712) but remained at Madras as a "seafaring man not constant inhabitant." In 1716 ho was supercargo of the Anne. Mr. Corbett appears to be Henry Corbet, lst mate of the Success which arrived at Fort St. George from Bengal on 1 September 1711 and sailed for England on 17 October (Fort St. George Diary, 1711). N.B.-Persons and things not identified or explained in the above have already been dealt with in previous documents. [24. 9 OCTOBER 1712.) My Dear The afore mentioned is an account of what I have abroad on sundry ships and what I owe at interest. I would have you, as money comes in, to pay off my interest, espwcially the black people, for they make the most noise. When dollers come cheap, about next February, if you stay, buy me some and speak to Messrs. Lewis, Legg, and Auga Pera to secure me what they can for my China voyage, but take care to make a true calculation that the interest of the money may not make the dollers come out dear. I have spoke to Messrs. Lewis and Legg to assist you in your accounts in those matters that you doe not understand and want their assistance, which I hope they will not deny. As for your goeing home to live with my mother this year, I would have you follow these instructions, vizt. If your health will permitt you by the latter end of January and there is peace, you may goe cither on Captain Martin. Minter or Holden, if on those ships goes Mrs. Brabourne or Mrs. Carrell, either of which two will be good company, but otherwise I would have you stay till you bear further from me. I have sent home to England to Messrs. Wendey and Beavoir, my attorneys there, 1000 pagodos on the John and Elizabeth and Arrabe!la, 500 on each. I have order'd them to pay you for your self and two daughters 150 li. per annum, which I hope will be sufficient liveing with my mother, but if you should want a little more, I have order'd my attornies to give it you ; but in case of the loss of those two ships Mr. Lewis has promised me to give you a letter of creditt to take what money you shall

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH. 1931 want on his account and I will pay him upon your writing me out. Do not fail to carry such a letter of creditt for fear of accidints. I have left a good quantity of wine, beer, &c., out of which you may furnish yourself for your voyage; the remainder leave with Mr. Legg, whom I have appointed my Attorney in your absense. My brother spoke to you to buy him 6 chests of shiross [Shiraz) wine which Mr. Boone bought ; he charges mo 12 pagodos per chest, which is 72 pagolos. Pray give him the 6 chests and receive the money. If you should go home before I come back, desire Mr. Legg to sell all the perisable goods that you shall leave behind, or anything else that he can for good advantage. If you goe homo leave the child that you goo with to Mrs. Ramslen care ; if a boy, make Mr. John Raworth and my brother Elihu godfathers, and sister Anno godmother, and name it what you please. If a girl, my sister Anne godmother, and Mr. John Raworth godfather, nameing her Arabella. I hear that two ships will goe home, one early, which beleive the Howland ; on her I would not have you goe. And if the other should be Captain Martin and Mrs. Brabourne goes, I would have you (if time and health permitts) goe, weither peace or warr. But if Captain Martin dont goe, nor Mrs. Brabourn, you may stay till the October shiping. I remain my dear, Yours intirely J. SCATTERGOOD. Madrass the 9th Ootober 1712. P.S. Leave Carles money with Mr. Leg if you goe home. [Endorsed] Instructions of last voyage. (NOTES ON DOOUMENT No. 24.] The afore mentioned. Document No. 23. Auga Pera. Khwaja Agha Pera (or Perez), an Armenian merchant and inhabitant of Fort St. George, with whom Scattergood carried on business for several years. If......there is peace. The War of the Spanish Suocession, which had been going on since 1702, was drawing to a close and the Treaty of Utrecht was signed in March 1713. Captain Martin, Minter or Holden. Captain Matthew Martin commanded the Marlborough, Captain Lawrence Minter, the Kent, and Captain Richard Holden, the Mary. All these three Company's ships had arrived at Madras from England in the summer of 1712. The Mary and Kent sailed for Europe in January and February 1713, respectively but the Marlborough was not despatched until January of the following year. Mrs. Brabourne. Anne, widow of John Brabourne, chief of the Company's factory at Anjongo for several years prior to 1706, and a contemporary and friend of John Burniston, Arabella Scattergood's father. Mrs. Brabourne sailed to England in the Marlborough in January 1716 (Fort St. George Diary). Mrs. Carrell. Elizabeth Caryl, also a widowed inhabitant of Fort St. George. Two daughters. Elisabeth, born 27 May 1707, and Carolina, born 23 October 1710. Mrs. Ramsden. Mary, widow of George Ramsden, for whose career see Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, II, 198n. John Raworth, like Soattergood, a free merchant at Fort St. George. Arabella. The child, a girl, was born 23 December 1712. The Howland. This ship, however, did not sail to England from Fort St. George, but was despatched home from Fort St. David (Cuddalore) on 14 February 1713 (Consultation at Fort St. George, 19 February 1712-13). Carles: 1 Carlos, possibly a half-breed Portuguese servant. Before he left Madras Scattergood also wrote again to his friend Charles Boone in Bengal, repeating the substanoe of his former letters (Documents Nos. 17 and 19) and adding some interesting details,

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MAY, 1031] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY [25. 8 OCTOBER 1712.] Dear Sir, On the 5th of this month past arrived the Malborough. Meeting with 3 French ships off Point Palmerie, she made a running fight for 2 or 3 days, and by her sayling well upon the wind, escaped them. I sent severall letters to you by her and other ships, which may never reach your hands, so shall write all the heads in this by the patamarr. [Here follows a summary of the directions previously given regarding money due from Messrs. Foulkes, Stibs, Browne, &c. and the bill of exchange for Thomas Dixon.] Captain Greenhaugh disputed with me to have more comission then I and to goe head. I allowed him half, but he was not satisfied, so we had a tryall before our owners, and I gained my point to goe head, and he was laughed at by most people. I find that I shall have but a troublesome companion of him, but I am resolved not to bate him an inch. We were just ready to goe, but a storm happening on the 4 and 5 of this month, made our ship (after all his expences in fitting) so leakey that we had 5 foot 4 inches water in the hold, and if the storm had not bated, should have sunk or come ashoare. We have damaged a great many of the freight bales. We are now stopping our leakes and shall goe, if please God, in 2 or 3 days more. This day I received two of your oblidging letters per Chenapatnam and Recovery, wherein you tell me that you put my business with Messrs. Russell and I'cake to arbitration, and bopo that I will abide by what you doc. You may assure yourself that whatever you doe with my affairs I shall think well done. As for my goeing to China and Surratt the next year, I beleive that nothing will come of it, for I hear that Mr. Phips goes from Bombay, and weither I shall gett any subscriptions or noe tis very doubtfull. No news of the Heriot, but hope to find her on the Mallabar coast. I am very glad to hear of the Houlands safety, but not a little concerned at Mr. Jones staying hebinil; hope he may loc well and gett lis gold a great deal cheaper, for I hope he made a new contract with the China merchants. Mr. Bennett is in hopes of gocing to China with you the next year. He pretends to have a great interest with the Government. I hope you may goe, so it be to your satisfaction, be with who it will. I have sold my garrien house to Mannutche, designing to send my wife home the next year to live with my mother and so to follow in a few yeares myself, if I can gett a little more money, for I find maintaining a family here is very chargeable. (iive my service to Mr. Starkes and tell him that I received his oblidging letter and that he need not fear Mr. Legg for a rivall, tho' his mistrisses eyes getts him some every day; but young girles are generallly) very constant to their first lover, so that, let him but gett a little noney, he need not fear a wife; they will hop to his armes as sparrows to a hatt. I beleive now I have tired you so will conclude, clear Sir Your most oblidged humble servant J. S. Please to give my servise to all freinds, especially your family. Madrass the 8th October 1712. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 25.] This month past. Really, the present " month. The Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George, 1712, records the incident described by Scattergood as follows: " 5th October. Ship Marlbro Captain Mathew Martin Commander returned into this road. "At a Consultation. Present: Edward Harrison Esqr. Governor and President fand seven members of Council). "Captain Mathew Martin of the Marlbro delivers in a Journall of his being chae'd by three French ships off Point Palmeras the 4th, 5th and 6th ulto. as also of his being engaged with the biggest and the least for severall hours." The "Journall" however does not

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TILE INDIAN ANTIQUIRY MAY, 1931 appear to have been preserved, but from "General Letters" dated 14 October 1712 (Despatches to England, 1711-14, pp. 44, 80) sent to the Company, a clear account of the affair can be obtained : Para. 35. "On the 27th of August wee dispatch'd the Marlborough for Bengall with seventy two chests containing five hundred and four thousand rupees [and] one hundred twenty one baleg of oallicoes. Para. 221. "On the 5th instant arrived ship Marlbro Captain Matthew Martin and acquaints us that on the 4th ulto, he mett off the False Point of Palmeras with three French ships, two of fifty to sixty guns and one of twenty six or thereabouts; when he first saw them they were so farr seperated from each other that he did not take them to be enemies, though his ship was prudently made ready for defence; the biggest ship and the little one gott well up with him about noon, and severall broadsides were exchang'd, till a fresh gale springing up, the Marlbro had the advantage of sailing, but so very little, that they chas'd her all that day and the two following allmost as farr as Bimlepatam, and on the 7th in the morning she lost them in a squall of wind and rain, and made the best of her way hither, because they spread themselves in such a manner, that she could not gett to the northward of them, without being tore to peices, and if they had chased her into Ballasore road, she must have run a shoar for want of a Pilot or been taken; we have unladen the treasure that was on board her, and wait to here further advices of the enemy before she proceeds: Captain Martin requested us in behalf of his ships Company, to give them a gratuity of two per cent upon the cargo, according to Act of Parliament, for the defence of it, which we think is an affair more proper to come before Your Honours when the ship returns, which was the answer we gave him." The Company's comment on the encounter was as follows (Letter to Fort St. George dated 13 January 1713, Despatches from England, 1713-14) : Para. 24. "We were extreamly pleased to read the account of Captain Martin's good conduct in extricating himself from the French in his way down to Ballasore as well for the general benefit of all concerned in the ship as for our own large stock aboard and the disappointment of the enemy. When it pleases God he returns to us, we shall not be wanting in a suitable encouragement to him and his men, which you did well in letting him know you would leave to us, as you also did in sending him in company of the Dartmouth &ca.ships dispatcht by you till they were out of the Ponticherry track." A storm happening (Para. 4 of document No. 25 above). The General Letter from Fort St. George, noted above, comments thus on the storm : Para. 220. "On the 4th instant we bad a sort of monsoon, in which severall ships lost their anchors and putt to sea; by good providence it did not last long, but two ships foundered at an anchor... one small vessel was cast away near Sadrass ; which is all the damage we hear of, except that the vast rains which fell at the Fort St. David in the same storm have intirely laid all our bounds under water, and washed down some of the works." Chenapatnam and Recovery. Tbe Chinnapatnam, Senr. Calacto Commander, sailed for Manila on 24 March 1712 (Fort St. George Diary), and the Recovery, Captain Joseph Beale Commander, sailed for Bengal on 17 September 1712, but the Diary does not chronicle their return on 8 October. Mannutche. Nicolas Manneci, the "Pepys of India." See W. Irvine, Storia do Major, Indian Texts Series. It seems probable, as will be explained later, that it was during his enforced delay in Madras, after making his final preparations for his voyage to Surat, that Scattergood acquir. ed the interesting contemporary accounts of Divi Island and of Junkceylon found among his papers. Therefore, before following the St. Andrew up the Malabar Coast and recording

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MAY, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 93 her supercargo's business success at Bombay and Surat, it has been thought best to insert the two isolated descriptions at this point. [26.) A DESCRIPTION OF DEWY (TAKEN PARTLY FROM THE NATIVES) OF METCHLEPATAN AND THE MOORS GOVERNMENT WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS IN THE MEDICAL ART. 1 Dewy is a Gentowe word signifying an island. When there is several that lye together they are distinguisht by adding some other word, as Gutten Dewy, an island near Ingeram. Dewy is a flat island but not without riseing ground in several places, and higher land then the adjacent Continent, as appeared when the sea broke over its boundarys, laying Metch lepotan under water and carrying several vessells many miles up the country, when little damage was don upon Dewy, which appears at sea to be of a round shape or figure, and two thirds of it to be surrounded by it [the sea), and as near as can be judged (without surveying), a hundred English miles in circumference. That part which is divided from the Continent by the River Kisney, (Kistna) is about forty miles, that is to say, from Chiplear to Metchlepotan, according to the opinion of an English gentleman that travelled it overland. This River Kisney breaks in upon the Island in several places, branching out, and embraceing a good number of islands, three of which are said to be considerable ones, but are all comprehended under the name of Dewry [Divi]. The greater rivers cutt their way through the Island and runn eastward into the sea, whilst the lesser ones, flowing more slowly, are lost in winding streams.? The fertility of the Island has long since invited the Dutch to get it into their possession. They well perceiving that the land will abundantly recompence the tillers care, they have had an eve upon the excellent pastorage, flowry meadows and such fine grass where the cattle feed, that they looked upon it as Fatherland, and the yallow butter to be as good as that of Holland, which alone, with the help of cabbage and scapes, from which they are no starters, makes a Dutch man fat at Metohlepotan as soon as in Amsterdam. Whilst the pleased spectator views the green livery of the fields and open country, there appears to his sight wildernesses and woods, one of which is said to be of a larg extent, where wild bulls, horses and most sorts of wild beasts shelter themselves. There the tyger, that ravenous animal, and others of the savage host, range without controulment, kil manki..d without distinction. The tusky boar and all fall & prey alike to 'em. The spotted deer creeps amongst the bushes, whilst the nimble antilopes [sic] soours the plains where the hunts man does not frequent, and fears not his near approach. They give him the conveniency of standing at what distance he pleases to shoot amongst their harmless flocks. Of all fower footed beasts, the hunting the hare gives the most delight, especially to ladys who love to pursue the harmonious noise of a pack of beagles noe bigger then lap dogs. Inter quadrupides, gloria prima Lepus (Martial). This sport upon Dewy is hardly practicable. The watchfull puss will not run for it but suffers her self to be knockt in the head with a stick or a stone, and are in such plenty that they may be found sitting in towns as well as in the fields. The rivers are full of excellent fish, and hardly a tree which is not adorned with the peacooks train. Here the English Chiefs used to divert themselfs in the month of February, 10 pitching their tents under a banian tree, remarkable for the large extent of ground it covers. This Inland, so fit for agriculture and merchandizeing, has but few inhabitants upon it, which is oocasioned by a constant tyranical government, formerly of the Moors and now of the Rajowe that has it in possession, 11 the annual revenues of the King not amounting to above 7 or 8 thousand pagodas, which is raised from the produce of grain, oyl, seeds and salt, an inconsiderable summ to what they may amount to after the English have it for some years in their possession, especially when the whole Island is inhabited with merchants and

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1931 others who will come there for the advantage of tradeing, others for the security of their persons and estates, expecting protection and justice. Those that live in Metchlepotan country will be the more inclinable to live upon Dewy, because there [in Masulipatam) is not only a bad government 12 but a constant scarcity of grain and other things. If what they want of eatables be not annually imported, the inhabitants would not be able to live upon the place, although indulgent Heaven takes care of 'em in sending rain in due season. Yet what falls there is lost as to the production of grain. The inhabitants 13 are generally employed in makeing chints, which is carryed as far as Dely (Delhi), the chay root 14 growing at Pettipole 15 and upon Dewy in perfection which, with the agreeableness of that water, gives a greater lustre then any other, and makes the chints so valluable. Yet, if the government gave incourigment, there would be people enongh besides to till the ground. If Madrass (which) (when the English first settled the place) seemed by nature designed only for fishermen and the country for shepherds to dwell in, has been capable of such improvements as at present to shew a prospect of inclosures and avenues, green walks, broad slady trees and flowry gardens, all growing up out of a heap of sand, and the fields without [outside), the verdure of a continual spring of corn and other productions, what greater improvements then may be expected from Dewy, which is watered with a fresh and large river that overflows its bancks and fattens the ground as Nile does that of AEgypt; and what is the narrow bounds or fruitfull soyl of Tevenapatam 16 to the extent and soyl of Dewy, the situation of which alone, lving in the high road to the Mogulls Court, will make it the emporium of the East for traffick, as Metchlepotan once was; and when it flowrishes under the English Colours, the former place, in comparison to it, will be as little vallued as a casket is to its jewel. The Right Honble. Company will be here supplyd with all sorts of callicoes that are nadle on the Coast, and with some that are made no where else, as superfine long cloth and gingham sheets, and it will be able to supply other countrys also. The cotton tree and sugar canes will grow, and the teak tree will grace the woods. The rivers may be made navi. gable, commodious and pleasant to sayl in, and some of the barrs, of which they say there is 7 or 8, may be cleared, as in Holland, for larg shipps to enter in. If not, Ingeram Island, 17 which lay almost in sight will supply the defect, where the Company has ground given 'em and where the best teak growes. The Island has been 5 or 6 years in Rajowe Opparos possession.18 He made himself master of it, as the Northern Rajowes usually doe, by taking an oppertunity of a Nabobs death, or when out of place, by throwing up a mudd fort at once and putting in men and provissions, after which he makes it up for a present with the next Nabob that comes. The Dutch say they offered the King of Gullounday two hundred thousand pagodas for Dewy, and they had a Phirmand 1 or his Royal Promise for it, but after maturer thoughts the King recalled the grant and gave 'em Pollicull, with the territoryes belonging, 20 in lieu of it. Afterwards) they had a grant of Auronz Zeb, 21 which he also recalld. Noe doubts but they who know that it may be a more proffitable place then their Batavia or Zelon, and love so much to rival the English in trade, laments their loss of it. According to the report Sir William Norris did endeavour to get it for the New English Company alsoe. 29 The Moors government is tyranical, from the highest in power to a Hobladar,23 but the tyranny does not always lodg in the King. Aureng Zeb in his declineing years would havo putt an end to the unhappy and inhuman customs of his sons fighting for the Crown by settleing it in his life time on his eldest son Sho Allum. 24 He was likewise desireous to have given a Phirmand to Sir Willian Norris and an other to the Zar of Moscovys Embassador for some priviledges about the Caspian Sca.21 Yet he was not able to effect any of these. And King Sho Allum had not a despotick Suveraignity during his reign. He had little more power then one of the Dukes of Venice, and much adoe to keep upon his throne. 26 The Dutch Embassador could get no Phirmand from him.27 When he sent his Embassador

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MAY, 10311 THT SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 95 Gusbaclar to Metchlepatam for the English present, 28 "You know," he said to him, "my father was very desireous to have given the English a Phirmand. I could not. My Omrahs 29 do what they please. I order you to promise no Phirmand. It is in my power to confirm their old priviledges, which I will doe, but I am not sure if giveing 'em new ones. I desire only to se the face of one or two English men. I vallow not silver or gold. Bring only a fow rarietys that may be putt in my lap. You know what disturbance there is amongst em in parting of bales of cloth and bulky goods, which I never se."30 These Gusbadars have free access to the King, whose chop,31 or seal, is putt on their turbitts 32 and on their horses, and have a mace carryed before 'em. They have power to clcar Junckanes 33 and to press the people to carry the Kings present and to cutt down the tents over the heads of those that refuse to goe to the King in the limited time, which happou'd to be done to Sho Allum, when Aureng Zeb told the Gusbbacar that he had don right." And when they are sent upon an expedition, they take place of Vice Roys, Nabobs and all others that are not of the Royal Family. There is an inferior sort which carry the Kings letters.35 Such an ono was sent to Sir William Norris, who desired him to goe and order the Governor to let his hackerys 36 (or coaches), camells, &ca., to pass, which wire stopt a little way out of Metchlepotan for customes, as they did not belong to the Old Company.37 When Sir William found the Gusbadar had not the power to doe it, he resolved to embarck for Surat, and the Governor who had ordlers to stop him, durst not venture to attempt it. Ho went off unreconciled with Consul Pitt,38 who he blamed wrongfully. The scuflling letters that passed after betwixt Madrass and that place sufficiently shewed that he was as sincerely concerned for the New Companys interest as Governor Pitt wes for the Old ones. Sir William was the occasion himself of the loss of that journey, by throwing uway such summs of money for the people to scramble for, which made him suspected to be a P- t [pirate). The Kings officers believed he had taken some ships and did not come honestly by the money and represented him to Court accordingly:39 Metchlepotan lyes about three miles to the North West from Dewy, surrounded with marrish and swampy ground. The streets are regular and the houses built all of teak, two story high. There is a bridg upwards of a mile long, of thick teak planck, which shows it to have been Regis opus. * The King of Gullounday honoured the English by first visiting 'em in their Factory, and in particular Mr. Fleetwood by goeing to se him at his own house at Norus Porum.41 There was a throne made for him in the Faotory. He was desireous to hcar Divine Service, and highly commended the decency and order of it. He wont on board of an English ship in the Road 12 and a hunting upon Dewy.43 He was a comely person, of a merry disposi. tion, generous and curteous to all. Had he kept the English and other Europeans in his service at Gulcunday, it was believed Aureng Zeb had not taken this Kingdomo." Tis customary for an English Chief to pay a visit to a Nabob, tho Phousdar and Wakeneves, 45 and ask leave upon the exportation or importation of goods. Tho Wakanaves business is to write to the King of all occurrances, and the Nabob, who is generally a servant of him that rents the country, is affraid of doeing any thing without his consent and approbation. The inhabitants have a great love and respect for the English and those of the Government are as much affraid of 'em. They have all of 'em known or hoard for the strength and courage of Sir Edward Winter of Couch *6 and the English that burnt their vessells and set their Banksal on fire, anno 1705, when the English Factory was beseiged by the Kings Duans foroes, on account of protecting the New Company[s] merchants, &ca. customes they had promised to pay.7 Mr. Symon Holcomb, Chief of Vizagopatan, who had then considerable effects lodged in the Factory, sent him a threatening letter, that if he continued to hinder his business, he would make him repent it. The beseigers hearing a country drum at the North gate, concluded the Vizaggopatan 38 soldiers were bome, and every one of 'em run away, some in such hast that they left their guns behind 'em," and there was a clear stage

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1931 for near half an hour. About this time the Duan 50 received advices from Pettipolco 51 that au' English vessell was arrived at Chipplear 62 full of soldiers ; at the same time a letter from Governor Pitt that he would set the town on fire if he did not withdraw his people from the Factory. This Duan was then Nabob of the country. Yet he quaked for fear after an unaccountable manner and sent to the Factory in a begging manner to havo matters accommodated. 53 When the English first settled at Metchlepotan,5* before diseases were contracted from the punch bowle, or strong fiery spirits drunk upon empty stomachs to quencht the central heat, tis written the English dyed there as fast as rotten sheep, but after they found a way to bring winc from Persia, the lives of many of 'em were saved. In the year 1700 Sir William Norris, Consul Pitt35 and the New Company gentlemen brought out plenty of Florence 66 and the best of wines, but they unhappily chuseing rather to imitate the Romanes in the cleclineiny age of that Empire in drincking and eating all sorts of flesh and fish together, then the natives of Metchlepotan. Whoever would be an epicure, let him eat of that excellent salt fish and rice and drink cold water upon it, and by custome he will find it to rellish better then the nicest viande. Most of 'em were soon sent to their long homes. They dyed of intermitting fevers, dysenterys and impostumes in the liver. Cort. Peru, 8 that admirable specifick, when rightly administred, fails here as seldome as any where of its desired effect and is also of great use in fluxes, 59 and in reality worth half the remedyes in an apothecarys shop. The inflamation of the liver is taken off and impostunations prevented by large phlebotony in the begining, so long as the patient is able to stand or stagger under 'em, and by starveing the disease out by a lowe dyet, after the same manner as in perfect rheumatismes. Their physicions were at first ignorant of the disease and its symptom, a pain in the right shoulder, till their Secretary, one of the last that dyed, 60 was opened. Here it may be objected that several of the gentlemen lived moderately, and some by rule, yet dyed as soon as the others. To which may be answered, that every constitution will not admit of such a change, especialy in sickly places, as will inevitable happen from the climate it self. The curious machin is in imminent danger of being overthrown, because the bloud will putt on such a disposition as is suitable to the air and dyet of the place, espe. cially in young people, some of which suffers the fatigue in Madrass, the healthfullest place, three or fower years before the country becomes natural and their bodys assimilated there. unto. Those that are turned of forty, health is more steddy in them and they are subject to less chang. People live longer or shorter according to their temperament or proportion of the fower principal elements which compose punctus saliens, that minute origin of man. Adam had first a temperamentum ad pondus or parity of the quallitys given him, and after his fall such a mixture, by a physical chang, as kept fast the seeds of distempers for several hundred years, for certainly the Antidiluvian Fathers enjoyed a steddy state of health the greatest part of their life ; otherwise it will be hard to determine by physilogy1 how they lived so long, and as mankind was to increase and people the world, so birds and beasts were to stock it with their kind. Hence it may be concluded that they also had at first a temperament of long life given 'em when they were few in number and seldome lost their way in strang moun. taing, according to Virgil, who follows the Moisaical system in the formation of the universe, Rara ignotas errent animalia montes.69 "The lofty mountains feed the savage race, Yet few and strangers, in th'unpeopl'd place."63 DRYDEN. It was customary to goe to Mada pollam as soon as any where seized with a violent disease which was usually found the best remedy, the air there being pure, sweet, and free from saline particles and such pernicious ones as the other place is sometimes stuffed with, and much cooler, from the fine soly * dureing the land winds, then tis at any settlement on the Const. The desart and sandy ground to the westward of Madrass and Fort St. David, 66 and barren

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MAY, 1931 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 97 mountains at Vizagopatam refleot the hot rays of the sun and give such an additional heat as makes those winds very troublesome, but especially from the salt ground at Metchelepotan that is as fiery hot there as at Commeroon 66 in Persia. Many inhabitants at Metohlepotan preserve their lives by dayly indulging themselves with a inoderate dose of opium, and some are lusty, vigorous and strong at a hundred years of age, which shews that the medicinal vertue of this excellent drug does consist in preventing distempers and not in cureing of 'em. They begin to take it about twenty years of age, and live free from all diseases and are never observed to catch cold. The natives in Ginea are said to have a certain root or fruit, called Tantarobois,67 which is full of bitter seeds, and them they mixt with their foods, which proves very profitable to their healths, so that they live strong and lusty to very great ages. Mr. Noden68 preserves his health at Metchlepotan by a full and liberal feeding upon vegetable food, ourrys, &ca., made after the Portugeese fashion, and has already past his Viridis Senectus, and stands fair for a rejuvinessency, but this is still oweing to a good temperament. Doctor Willis,69 with all his skill in the medical science, could not out live the flower of his age in his native country, and Mrs. Noden lived in Metchlepatam70 or India 40 or 50 years and dyed about 90 years old. If shee had been Eve shee would not have lost Paradise by intemperance in drinking. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 26.) 1 Beyond the title there is no information of the authorship of the monograph. It is not in Scattergood's hand nor does it resemble his style of writing. It seems therefore likely that it was compiled by one of his numerous European friends in Madras and presented to him as having a special interest in Masulipatam and Divi on account of his father's connection with those places, for he would have heard from his mother of the visit of Abdu'l-hasan Shah of Golaonda to Divi in December 1678 and the part played by John Scattergood senior in the entertainment of that monarch (see vol. LII, p. 23). The date of the document can only be approximately determined from internal evi. dence. It was written after the death of "Shoa Allum" (Shah Alam I or Bahadur Shah I), as this monarch is spoken of in the past tense, and before the death of Philip Noden, an agent of the English at Masulipatam, whose good health is the subject of remark. Shah Alam I died 18 February 1712, and Noden in May 1718. The period can be further narrowed, since the grant of Divi Island from King Farrukhsiyar (who succeeded Shah Alam I) was one of the concessions obtained by the Surman Embassy (1714-1717). The writer makes no direct mention of the Embassy nor of the request for Divi, although his remarks indicate a hope that the British may soon have possession of the place. It seems therefore likely that the account was written soon after the first tender of the Island to the authorities at Fort St. George in January 1712 and before a formal application was made for it to the Mogul. This points to 1712 or early in 1713 as the date of compilation, and Scattergood may have acquired the MS. soon after it was written, or, later on, in 1717, when the island was granted to the English, and his friend, Richard Horden, a member of Council at Fort St. George, was appointed Deputy Governor. 2 Divi, Tel. from Skt. dvipa, island. By "Gentowe" the writer means Hindu. The form most in use was Gentoo or Gentue, a corruption of Port. Gentio. See Yule, HobsonJobson, s.v. Gentoo. 3 Guttinadivi near Inzaram. Guttinadivi is not now an island, and its name is said to be derived from Tel. gutti, cluster and adavi, forest. It is correct that it is close to Inzaram, which is near the mouth of the Godavari river. * The writer is referring to the cyclone of 13 October 1679. For contemporary accounts soe Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, II, 300-303. Divi is a low headland surrounded by shoal flats for six miles south and east, and though it escaped the fate of Magulipatam in 1679, it is liable to inundation, cansing loss of lives and property, in severe gales.

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os THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1931 6 Chippaler, close to Zavvaladinne, 26 miles N.N.E. of Nellore. The name Masuli. patam is given as Metchlepotan throughout this account. 7 The writer is somewhat confused here. His "greater rivers" seem to refer to the mouths of the Kistna and his "lesses ones" to the small deltaic channels belonging to the same river. 8 "Cabbage and scapes, from which they are no starters "=cabbage and scapes to which they are constant. For various examples of the obsolete phrase "to be no starter" from 1536-1704, gee the Oxford English Dict., 8.0. Starter. Scape (L. scapus, It. scapo), a flower-stalk, stem, also the shaft of a column (Stormonth's Dict.). The term is perhaps here applied to "root" vegetables, such as carrots and parsnips, as distinct from "greens." 9 The allusion is to Martial's Epigrams, XIII, 92, but the quotation is incorrect. It should run: Inter quadripedes mattea prima lepus. 10 It was in March, 1679, however, that Streynsham Master visited Divi and "went a hunting of wild hoggs" thero (Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, II, 139). 11 The writer is wrong. Divi was not " formerly" under the government of the "Moors" (Muhammadans), but under the Nuzvidu Zemindars, for whose history see Mackenzie, Manual of the Kistna Dist., p. 295. The usurping "Rajowe" will be noticed later on. 12 F'or the Nawabs of Masulipatam, see Mackenzie, op. cit., p. 293. 13 ITere the writer seems to have gone back to speak of Divi. 14 Chayroot, Tam. chayaver, chirval wood (Oldenlandia umbellata), used for dyeing cotton and silk cloths, the colouring matter being in the bark of the root. The Council at Fort St. George, commenting to the Company on the offer made to them of the Island (see below, note 18), remarked : "The Island is very fertile and productive of a great many valuable things, particu larly the best Chay root in great quantitys, and the water is incomparably good for painting.' 15 Peddapalle in TenAli taluk, Guntur District. The English had a factory at the neighbouring village of Nizampatam, known as Pettipolee Factory, up to 1687, when it was abandoned. (See Diaries of Streynsham Master, II, 136, n. 7, 138, n. 2.) 16 Tegnapatam (Tam. Tevenambattanam), the native name of the site of Fort St. David, where the Dutch had a factory. 17 Inzaram (see ante, note 3) is now, however, not an island, but is situated near the mouth of the Godivari river. An English factory was established there in 1708. 18 By "Rajowe Oppero" Rajah Appa Rao, one of the Nuzvidu Zemindars, is apparently meant. The title Appa Rao was conferred on Appanna (Vijaya, the Victorious '), a noted member of the family, in 1667, after which date it was used to designate all the Nuzvidu Zeminders. See Mackenzie, op. cit., p. 296. This particular Appa Rao, however, seems to have been a usurper, for the Council of Fort St. George, in their General Letter to the Company of 14 October 1712 (Despatches to England, 1711.14, p. 55), wrote as follows: "We have had an offer made us of Due Island near Metchlepatam by one Upperow, a Gentue freebooter that has possession of it at present, and wants our force to maintain him in it. We returnd him a very civill answer, but did not think it in our power to undertake a thing of this nature without your Honours permission, which would undoubtedly put us to very considerable expences before we should be able to reap any advantage from it." The offer of the Island was made to the Council of Fort St. George through the "chief Braminy" at Masulipatam and was recorded in Consultation of 17 January 1711/12. The Council was urged "to solicit for it by means of the persons that accompany our present to Court [i.e., to Shah 'Alam) and in the mean] time to send down soldiers and take possession of it." (Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George, 1712, p. 8.)

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JULY, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST ENDIA COMPANY 18 Farman, Pers., an order. 20 Palakollu, in Narsapar idial, Godavari District, where the Dutch had & settlement as early as 1652. It was in 1676, when Abi'l-Hasan Shah, King of Goloonda, paid a visit to Masulipatam, that the Dutch obtained free possession of Palakollu in return for a valuable present. See Diariea of Streynsham Maslar, II, 164 n. 31 Aurangzeb, Mughal Emperor, 1659-1707. 18 For the Embassy of Sir William Norris to the Court of Aurangzeb (1699-1709), see the articles by Mr. Harihar Das in the Calcutta Review, 1926, and that author's farthcoming exhaustive work on the subject. 13 By the "Moors Government." the Muhammadan Government is meant. "Hobladar" represents Hind. havildar, & native non-commissioned officer, corresponding to an English sergeant. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Havildar. 9. Prince Mu'agzam, or Shah 'Alam, Aurangzeb's eldest son, was arrested for alleged treasonable correspondence with his father's enemies in 1687, and was kept in confinement for more than seven years. On his release, Prince As'am, the second son, who had looked upon himself as heir apparent, made a fruitlees attempt to seise the crown. It is true that Aurangzeb feared the struggle for the throne that would ensue on his decease and his "deathbed letters" were designed, though without avail, to prevent such a contingency. 95 The statement regarding Sir William Norris's Embassy is not correct. The negotiations were carried on mainly by Aurangzeb's ministers, and no concessions could be obtained without the payment of large sums. As regards an embassy from Russia to the Mughal, no confirmation has been found in the East India Company's records of 1699-1702, the period when the writer implies that it took place, but it is quite possible that it may have occurred at some other time during the reign of Aurangzeb. ** Shah Alam, who assumed the title of Bah&dur Shah, gained the throne by the defeat and death of his brother Prince Afgam at the battle of Jajau in June 1707. He had, as the writer remarks, a troublous reign and died within five years of his accession, in 1712. # The Embassy of the Dutoh to Shah Alam took place in 1711. In & letter to the Company, dated 14 September of that year (Bombay Abstracto, I, 164), the Bombay Council reported (para. 22) that the Dutoh ambassador reached Agra on 4 May, 1771, after a "troublesome and expensive " journey; and on 14 January 1711/12 they wrote (ibid., p. 167) that the King was reported to be moving either to Kashmir or Jahandbad and the Dutch will follow." However, as the writer obeerves, they appear to have accomplished but little. 18 It was in November 1708 that the Council at Fort St. George decided to send a present to Shah Alam in return for his husboolhookum (hasbu'l-hakm, dooument issued by royal authority), wherein they were invited to "make their addresses " for the confirmation of their privileges (see Fort St. George Consultations for that year). The later proceedings with regard to the present are summed up in pera. 9 of a General Letter to the Company, dated 11 and 23 October 1709 (Coast and Bay Abstracte, I, 200) as follows: ." Have formerly advised their design to send a present to the Mogull by Meeere. Lewis arid. Bertue, but the Mogul marching from Galaonda for Delhi, their intention was prevented, it being the generall opinion the present would be lost it sent by land. Where. upon wrote to Wooden Caun (Ziu'd-din Khan] to send a Gasbardarr to convoy it, when he thought proper. The 11th August one arrived at Metchlepatan. The Mogall was thon at Arungabad. They agreed to send the richest part of the present to Metohlepatam with their chief Dubash [dabashi, interpreter) and Mulla mauld, laxmed man), and the rest to Bengall on the Abingdon, to go thence to Suratt and go to the King:" 39 Omrahs. Umard (plof amir), nobles, high officials of the Mughal Court 39 The "natives of Metchlepatan," or the members of the "Moore Government" from whom this accuunt purports to have been drawn. seem to have played on the writer's

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1931 credulity. It is most unlikely that Shah 'Alam either uttered the words attributed to him or authorized his emissary to repeat them. If it is true that he desired "only a few rarietys," his orders were not carried out for, with the hasbu'l-hukm received on 16 December 1708, was handed to the Governor of Fort St. George "A List of what proper for a Present" (see Consultation, 16 December 1708). In this document were included, not only "raritys of all countrys," but broadcloth, silk, velvet, china and glassware, Persian carpets, clocks and watches, swords, birds, horses and an elephant. 100 31 Chop. Hind. chhap, seal-impression, stamp. 33 Turbits. Turbans. 33 Junckanes. This word commonly occurs as Junkan. It is a corruption of changam, customs. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Junkeon and Junkameer. 3 This seems to be an allusion to the time when Shah Alam opposed his father Aurangzeb. See note **. 35 The official here referred to is probably the waqi'a-navis, a news-writer or intelligencer. 36 Hackerys. Carriages drawn by bullocks. See Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Hackery. 37 Sir William Norris was accredited to the Mughal by the New or English Company (whose headquarters in Madras was Masulipatam) and was therefore strongly opposed by the Old or London Company of merchants. 38 John Pitt, Consul for the New Company at Masulipatam. "Governor " Pitt was the celebrated Thomas Pitt (of Pitt Diamond fame), head of the Company's factory at Madras 1698-1709. 39 See note 33. 40 Masulipatam is nearly eight miles north of Divi. For seventeenth century descriptions of the town see Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, 62-63 and notes, and for the long bridge erected by Mir 'Abdu'llah Bakir, Governor of Masulipatam in 1672, see Diaries of Streynsham Master, II, 146, 152, 159, n. 2. 41 For the visit of Aba'l-Hasan Shah, the last of the Qutb Shahi Dynasty of Golconda, to Masulipatam in 1675, see Bowrey, op. cit., p. 88 n. It was, however, three years later, in December 1678, two years after the death of Robert Fleetwood (who had farmed lands from the King), that the monarch spent the day in Fleetwood's house at Navarazpuram. He was "much taken with the very fine large strong built house," which was of brick, and expressed his intention of taking up his residence there at his next visit (see Diaries of Streynsham Master, I, 284, n. 1; II, 161, n. 5. 43 The Loyall Subject, commanded by Captain William Goodlad. See Bowrey, ap cit., pp. 88, 90. 43 The writer has mixed up the two visits of the King. It was in 1675 that he went on board the Loyall Subject at Masulipatam, and it was in December 1678 that he made the hunting expedition to Divi, when Scattergood's father was one of his attendants (see ante, vol. LII, p. 23). **It was in 1686 that Aurangzeb invaded Abu'l-Hasan's territory, and in 1687 Golconda fell, after a brave defence of seven months. 45 Nawab, Viceroy or Chief Governor. Faujdar, Military Governor. Waqi'a-navis, intelligencer (see ante, note 35). 48 Sir Edward Winter, Governor of Fort St. George 1685-1668. For an account of his rule and the imprisonment by him of his successor, George Foxcroft, see Mrs. Penny, Fort St. George, Madras, pp. 21-28; Foster, English Factories, 1665-1669, passim; Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, I, 208-263. Sir Edward Winter's "strength and courage" are commemorated in the rhyming eulogy below his epitaph in Battersea Church where he is credited with having slain a tiger and dispersed "thrice twenty mounted Moors" single-handed.

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JULY, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 101 The title " of Couch " is a puzzle. In Courthope's Knights Sir Edward Winter is styled "of Zidney, Gloucesterdhire." There is some confusion here. It was in 1710-11, not in 1705 that troubles occurred at Vizagapatam between the English and "Fackerla Cawn" (Fakhru'llah Khan), Diwan of the district. The reason given for the siege of Visagapatam is also incorrect. It was owing to the injudicious conduct of Simon Holoombe that hostilities eventually broke out. 48 Simon Holcombe, Chief of the Factory at Vixagapatam, died there in 1705, the year given by the writer of the monograph for the siege of the place. On 9 June the following reference to him occurs in the Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George, p. 75: "This day we received letters from Vizagapatam which advised the death of Mr. Simon Holcombe Cheif of that place, who we are jealouse has involved himself with the Rajahs of that Country, which we know not but may tend to the prejudice of the Companys affaires." 49 As stated above, the skirmish between the forces of the Diwan and the Company and the siege of Vizagapatam did not take place until 1710. An account of the action, given by the Council of Fort St. George in paragraph 39 of their General Letter to the Company, dated 5 January 1710/11 (Despatches to England, p. 137), differs considerably from that of the writer of the monograph : "At Vizagapatam they have made no investment, we judging it not safe to adventure any money there, more than what was absolutely necessary for the expenses of that factory dureing their present troubles and convulsions, under which they laboured the last year by means of Fuokerla Cawn's having stop'd up all the avenues of your bounds, and in November last with an army of 800 horse and 7,000 foot actually layd siege against your factory and began the first acts of hostility, whaich was warmly returned by the guns of your little Fort, which made the enemy retire to a further distance, but did not disperse them any more than that they continued the siege, whom we hear since are gone twenty miles further into the country, which wants oonfirmation and is no more than what we have from Jentue letters to some merchants of this place, and we fear the offect will not ease till the cause be taken away, occasion'd by that unlucky debt of Mr. Holcombe's, the remaining part of a sum of about Pagodas 6,500." 50 Fakhru'llah KhAn. 61 Peddapalle. See note 18, 58 Chippeler. See note & There is no confirmation of this statement in the Consultation Book of Fort St. George, and no records of Vizagapatam at the period are extant. 53 The writer has again confused his facta. Simon Holcombe died during Thomas Pitt's Governorship, but the affray took place while William Fraser was at the head of affairs in Madras. Far from quaking "for fear," Fakhru'llah Khan continued to invest Masulipatam until May 1711, when the "troubles were accommodated" by the payment of Rs. 20,732. 5 an. See Diary and Consultation Books of Fort St. George, December 1710 to May 1711. 54 Masulipatam was visited by the English as early as 1611 and the first factory was established there about 1615. It was in 1631 that the place became the centre of English trade on the Coromandel Coast. 55 For Sir William Morris, see notes 11 and 51. Consul Pitt is John Pitt, for whom see note 38. 56 Florence, & red Italian wine. See note on p. 82. 57 Abscesses. 58 Cort, (cortex) Peru, i.e., Peruvian bark, Cinchona. See John Marshall in India, pp. 343, 351. 59 Dysentery. 60 It is difficult to identify this individual as no date is given, uor is it clear if he were secretary at Magulipatam or at Fort St. George. The reference may be to Samuel Wales,

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1931 at one time secretary at Masulipatan who died of a pestilenon' at Fort St. George on 24 September 1687. See Diaries of Streynsham Master, II, 198, n. 2. 51 Physiology. 3: The correct quotation from Virgil (Ed., VI, 40) is Rara per ignotos errent animalia montes. 68 This is Dryden's rendering of the passage above. See his translation, II. 60-61, of Virgil's "Sixth Pastoral or Silenus." 66 te writor is correct. Madapollam was the health resort of Fort St. George and Masu ipatam in the seventeenth century. "Soly" seems to be a miswriting of "sky." 65 The Easturn Ghats. 66 Gombroor, Bandar 'Abbas. 67 The Director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, to whom I mferred this passage, infcrms me that "Tara" and "Divi Pivi" are recorded as naznes for species of Caesalpinia, the seerls and fruits of the woody species of which appear to comply with the description given The name "Tantarabois cannnt, however, ho traced.. 68 Philip Noden, who went to India as a soldier in 1672 and resided as a freeman at Masulipatam, where he kept a tavern for several years. After the withdrawal of the Company's factory in 1687, he remained there as representative of the English. He died on 12 May 1718. 63 I have failed to trace this individual either in the Fort St. George or Masulipatam Records. Te Mrs. Noden, wire of Philip Noden. He is mentioned as "being married to an English woman in this towne" (lasulipatam) ir 1679. See Diaries of Streynshamn Master, II, 155, The cxt document, a description of the island of Junkceylon, like the preceding, is not in Scattergood's writing. It is evidently a copy, for corrections and additions have been made in a different hand. It is contained in a small paper-covered notebook and is marked "No. 68," but there is no indication of the author. Of internal evidence to fix the date approximately, there is practically none, for the reference to Pulo Condore might equally refer to that island before or after it was abandoned by the English. The account seems to have been written after the brief ascendancy of the French in Junkcegion (c. 1687), since no mention is made of that nation. It seems therefore to belong to the eighteenth century and was probably acquired by Scattergood about the salat time as the monograph on Divi Island. The author of the two accounts may be identical. Tle style is similar and in each narrative is exhibited an eagerness to extend the trade and possessions of the East Indis Company, such as might have been shown by one of its senior merchants on the Coromandel Const. Although no settlement bad been made by the English on Junkceylon, that island was frequently visited during the period spent by Scattergood in India by "country" ships commanded either by Indians or Europeans, and there are numerous entries of the arrival and departure of such vessels in the Fort St. George Consultations. That intercourse with Junk. ceylon prior to 1712 had been profitable to the Company is shown in a General Letter from Fort St. George para. 77), dated 10 January 1711/12 (Despatches to England 1711-14, p. 53): "Junkcaylon and Quedah where we used to trade considerably, but are now grown places of 80 much villany and corruption that the hazard is much too great for the little or no proffitt." The description of Junkceylon here given is far less detailed than that by Bowrey in the seventeenth century (Countries round the Bay of Bengal, pp. 235-238). No single place on the island is mentioned by name and the remarks are entirely of a general description, such as might be gleaned in a brief visit. It may therefore be supposed that it is the work either of the commander of a country vessel or one of his passengers from whom Scattergood subacquently obtained it.

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JULY, 1931] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 103 [27.] A DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND JUNKZELONE AND WHAT VAST PROFITT THE HONBLE. COMPANEY MAY MAKE BY SETTLING THAT PLACE. JUNKZELONE is an Island lying in the lattitude from 84: to 94: North, on the West of the Peninsula of India,1 close to the extremity of the coast of the Kingdom of Syam, near the confines of the Malaya Countrey. About 60 miles long and about 25 miles broad. The countrey woodey, and some planes gradually ascending; towards the middle, hilly; severall small rivers in it, that vessells from 50 to an 100 ton may goe a good way in them, and fine riverletts all over the countrey of very good water. THE AIR very good, especially the Norther most part; the it lyes so near the Line, yet it is not so hott as Madrass and other parts of India of the sains lattitude, by reason of fine breazes of wind that continually blows (and cooling showers of rain that falls), the grass seldome is burnt up as in other places. The soil is very good both for grain and pasture. PROVISIONS are plenty, as cows, hogs, some goats, and fowles abundance, and for fish, plenty of severall sorts all round the Island, and in the season abundance of turtles comes ashoare. The woods contain a bundance of deer of severall sorts, and wild hogs; turtle doves wild pidgions parrotts, &c. the trees afrej full off. The Island afords several! sorts of fruits, as oranges, limes, mangoes, mangostaine[s], durians, and all the other sorts that India [affords. The inhabitants are Siams, about 2000 soules, and about 2 or 300 black Christians, who call themselves Porteguese. It is under the Government of the King of Siam, who sends two Chinese Governors8 every 3 or 4 years to rule them, by which meanes 'tis greatly oppress'd, allmost depopulated, and the trade ruined. Often vex'd with descents and depredations by the Malays piratts, lyeing so farr from Court that it is little regarded. The people inexpressiably lazy, all property being perfectly precarious; beggars to a man both Governors and governed. Yett, notwithstanding it is at present such a scene of missery and want, it needs nothing but a good Government to make it a very happy place and the inhabitants very rich. They would be glad to joyn or come under any forrainers for their protection, knowing they would live much happier, and not be oppress'd as they at present are, and likewise be fre'd from the piracies of the Malays, who often comes amongst them with 50 or 100 men in small vessells and plunder all they can. The King of Syam cannot send any number of men to their aid or assistance by reason the Island lyes so farr from him, and so many mountains and woods betwixt him and them that it is impossible for any number of people to march that way, and by sea he has no shipping to send. The black Portegues would be sure to joyn with any Europeeans that settles there. The island lyes extreamly well situated for trade with the Coast of Chor]mandell, Bengall, Pegu and Sumatra. Ships may goe and come from all those places most, al times in the year and with all moonsoons. The moonsoons does not break up here as at other places with stormy weather only with rains. The harbour is one of the best in the world, for so soon as you turn the South part of the Island, no winds can hurt you, and you may come Lear any part of the Island in what depths you please, and may lay ships ashoare to clean their bottoms in severall very convenient places. 10 The Commodities the Island afords and can aford are as follows. TIN. All the South parts are full of Tin mines lyeing high and near the surface of the earth, which however, the natives, for want of the art our Europians are masters off, find difficult enough to come at; which, added to their naturall sloth,11 and the just fear they live in of being rich (which would render 'em liable to greater inconvenience then liveing just from hand to mouth) are the causes that very little is dug. When they gett into a hole five or ten foot deep (which is what they call a mine), if they meet with any water they leave. of immediatly, and goe no further, let the vein be never so rich (because they cannot drain the water off). They never goe under ground to follow a vein, but poke what they can with

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1981 a stick of hard wood, or some poor ill contrived iron tool, as farr as they can reach round them, and then leave of and goe and sink a hole in some other place till they find a vein, and of such places as these they h[ave] hundreds, for all the South parts of the Island are like so many gravell pitts. Even in melting the oar they are very wastfull, very inexpert and tedious; they often give 25 per Cent for melting, and this intirely for want of art in makeing furnaces, contriving bellowes and other melting conveniences, for they have charcoal enough for little or nothing. Yet for all this, they gett above 100 tonns a year. So that any person may judge what a vast quantity may be gott by a few expert miners and slaves that may be had very cheap from Madegascar, the Coast of Chormandell and Bengall. The oar consists of two sorts, [one] of black sand, and the other in stones. The first they melt, but hardly know what to doe with the other, for want of mills to beat the stones in peices. A few expert Cornish miners and a good number of slaves may resonabley dig 6 or 700 tonns a year, for all the South part of the Island is in a manner an intire mine of tin, and tin is such a commodity that all India wants it and would take take it off at good rates, vizt., Surratt will take off upwards of 200 tonns at 100 pound per ton; Bengall as much; the Coast of Chormandell about 150 tons at 70 or 80 pounds per ton; and China as much as you can send, at the same rate. Besides Persia, Mocs, &e. Sc that if you dig 700 tons, this, at 80 pounds per ton, will amount to 56000 pounds, and the charges of maintaining the slaves a triffie. SUGAR CANES grow there extreamly well, so that sugar may be made at a very cheap rate, which commodity sells well and in vast quantities at Surratt, Moco and Persia, &c. Let any resonable person judge what vast advantage must people make that settle here, when they can have slaves, provissions, clothing, and all sorts of work done at very cheap rates, and their produce of the ground to sell well. Indigo likewise grows here very weli. The ground of the Island is so well water'd by riverletts and showers of rain that rice grows anywere, and in vast quantities13; two crops may be had in a year, which may produce a great reveniue to export it to Madrass, Atcheen, Persia, Moco, &c. Madrass itself will take of 15000 pound a year of it and open vessells may goe from hence theirther in the months January and February in 6 or 7 days. And for the Maldivia trade it may be made vastly advantagious to truck rice for their cowries. 1 COCONUT TREES grows so fast and naturally, that any person may plant thousands of them without any trouble, and in four years they bear, which may aford a good trade three severall ways: 1st. The nut made into oile. 2d. The nut dryed (which is called copera). Suratt, and all to the North ward of it, will take of 1000 tonn a year. They all want it, for it [to] eat in their curries, and make sweet meats of it. 3d. By drawing offf} toddy or juice, a vast quantity of arrack may be made, 15 which in time may beat out the trade of Batavia and Goa rack, 16 or at least we may share with them. Besides, the rind or husk will make all sorts of cordage. These two commodities of rice and coconuts the Porteguse at Goa and near Bombay make vast incomes off. I know severall Fidalgoes or Porteguse gentlemen that have reveniues from 2 to 3 thousand pounds a year by letting out their trees and their rice ground. Nay, all the rice ground about Madrass and Bombay yeelds from 3 to 5 pounds per aker. Beatle nutt trees, or more properly, arackee nutts, 17 may be as easily propogated as coconutts, and as much may be made of them, for Madrass and all the Coast of Chormandell uses great quantities, which now they are forsed to have it all from the Dutch att Zeylone. Surratt likewise takes great quantities, which they have from Zeylone and the Mallabarr Coast. Pepper will grow here extreamly well and cotton for planting. The Island afords vast quantities of very good timber, fitt for building of ships and houses, which may be made very usefull and advantagious with a sawmill or two. [On] all the coasts about this Island [and] on the maine abundance of eliphants are to be taken alive, 18 and the Natives will ketch them for very little money, by which a great

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JULY, 1931) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 105 profitt may be made yearly by transporting them to Madrass, where you may sell hundreds from 300 Pagodos to a 1000, according to their height and bigness. Some small quantities of eliphants teeth, wax, dammer, 19 rattans, 80 canes, 31 wood oilo and stricklacks are likewise to be had. So that by what has been said afore, what vast reveniue must this Island in a few years bring in to the Companey, or any number of persons that will undertake to settle it, by leave of the Companey, let any body judge considering the healthfullness of the air of the place, the commodities it produces or may produce, noe enimies of any consideration that can doe you any prejeduce if you have but a small force to protect you. ALL the natives would be glad of your proteotion, nay, in a little time thousands will joyn you from all parts round you; for what won't people that live in missary and salvery [sic] doe to gett into a place where they may have liberty and property, and call what little they have their own. So that by a good mild goverment a vast reveniue may be drawn by customes (for trade from all parts round it must center there), and some small duties laid upon beatle, tobacco, arrack, &c. Ground rent will in time produce a great income, as thus : Lett every freeman, either Euripians or blacks, have what ground they please or can manage, and after 3 years to pay the Companey an acknowledgement of a shilling or sixpence per aker. It will amount to a great gume, for once the Island is aettled all the stragling Euripians in India will come and live here, and as many Chanamen as you please to permitt. Sence the Companey are settled for ever, and money at 4 per cent, now is the time to settle such places. I am sure it is much more benificiall then Polioundore, ** and the China trade may be as easily brought here as at Batavia ; and this place is more in the center of India then Batavia. The way to settle this place easily and cheaply is thus. Suppose the Companey sends, out 2 ships for the Coast and Bay, 'tis but sending those ships 2 months earlier, that they may reach Junkeelone in June or July and carry about 150 men all together, as miners, planters, gouldiers, &c., with stores proper. These two shipe may putt all these things and men ashoare there and gett to Bengall in October, which will be time enough to be dispatched for England by December or January without loseing any time. Besides, such a place, when once it is settled, may be a great security to Madrass and Bengall, by being so near; for upon any oocation they may have help and assistance from hence whenever they want it. [Added in a different band.35) Within 8 miles of Junkcelon lyos an Island cald Pulla Panjong, *6 as large as Junokslone, which is not settled by any nation, it being much frequented by roges that has forat them of This Island, by report of the people of Junkoelon, will predue [produce) as much or more tinn then Junkoelone. As I have saild along it, I have taken great notece that its full of fine green plaines and trees, as fine and larg as one Junkeslone. I have saild along the West sid of it within 2 or 3 miles of the shore severall times in 10, 12 fathom, fine softt ground, 806 that a ship may with securety ly all weathers, &ca. There Lackways: one this Island sappen wood : Im informd Lackways one this Island is more viretios then one Junkcelone. ST (NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 27.) 1 By the "Peninsula of India " the writer means Further India. Junkceylon (Junk Ceylon), Salang or Puket Island in reality lies off the north-west of the Malay Peninsula. : The extent is overestimated. There is a marginal note here in a different hand : " The Island is in sercomfrance about 90 milles ; along the shore is every yeare found amber. grece." For varying estimates of the size of Junkceylon, see Bowrey, Countries round the Bay of Bengal, p. 236, n. 1. 3 Bowrey, however (op. cit., p. 259), says that, though there are "very excellent roads," the "barts or entrances into the river are very shoale, not affordinge more then 7 foot."

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1931 * Bowrey (op. cit., p. 246) differs from the writer, for he says: "Provisions here are not very plenty, being not over well stocked with cattle nor fowle." 6 See Bowrey, op. cit., loc. cit. and note 11 for confirmation. 6 Bowrey, op. cit., p. 247, again differs from the writer: "The best, and indeede all the fruit this country affordeth is coconutt, plantan, sam cau (shaddock] and betelee areca." At Kedah Bowrey found both mangosteens and durians plentiful and he describes those fruits fully (p. 278). 7 Bowrey (op. cit., p. 236) remarks: "The inhabitants up in the country are natural Syamers. The "black Christians" would be Portuguese half-castes, generally known at the time as Mestizos (port. mestico, mongrel). 8 This is incorrect. The Island was governed by emissaries from Siam. See Bowrey, op. cit., pp. 237-8, for the Saleeters (Cellates). or Malay pirates, who preyed upon Junkceylon. 10 There are references in the Fort St. George Consultations to the careening of ships at Junkceylon, e.g., in September 1710 two French ships" careened and cleaned "there. 11 Bowrey, op. cit., p. 240, also remarks: "Tinne they have in abundance, and were they industrious might have tenne times soe much." 11 Here has been added a note in a different hand: "Th[ely offten dig the[i]r mimes 10 foth; and when they have a shoure of raine or two in a day, then they geet the most tinn. But when the raines are wholley seet in then th[ely leave of their diging and goas to the[i]r varges [? villages)." 13 Here again Bowrey (op. cit., p. 246) differs from the writer: "They have an excellent sort of rice here, but scarcely enough to subsist with the whole yeare." 14 Cowries were the chief article of export of the Maldive Islands in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. 15 Toddy, the fermented sap of the tas or palmyra, though it is also extracted from the date and coco palms. For arrack see note on p. 31. 16 Goa arrack was in high estimation at this period, 17 The Piper betel and the Areca catechu are here confused. It is the leaf of the former which is chewed with the seed (or nut) of the latter. See note on p. 64. 18 Bowrey, op. cit., p. 248, speaks of the wild elephants in the woods of Junkceylon, but says (p. 240) that very few " are hence transported, by reason the duty laid upon them is very great, near Boe much as the elephant doth cost." It seems therefore that the writer had not made himself acquainted with the customs duties of the Island. 19 Damar, resin used as pitch. See note on p. 64. 30 Rattans. The long stems of various species of Asiatic climbing palms, used for walking-sticks. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Rattan. 31 Another term for rattans. 33 See note on p. 64. 13 This must refer to England, where several acts had been passed, from the time of James I onwards, to limit the rate of interest. In India it was much higher. 34 Pulo Condore, an island in the China Sea, south of Cochin China, where the New East India Company established a settlement c. 1700. In a rising of the Macassar soldiers, in March 1706, Allen Catchpole, head of the settlement, and most of the Europeans were massacred. See Diaries of Streynsam Master, II. 320, n. 2. 25 The writing is in the same hand as that of the two previous additional notes, already quoted. 36 Pulo Panjang lies to the east of Junkceylon and is somewhat smaller. 27 The writer of the additional notes is evidently illiterate, and in this case it is difteuh to understand him. He may be refexring to the island called Palo Lankava or Lankawi, which lies off the northern end of Kedah, south-east of Junkceylon.

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NOVEMBER, 1931 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 107 We can now return to Scattergood and the St. Andrew (see pp. 78-92). That the vessel touched at Cochin on her way to Surat is evident from three accounts of goods disposed of there, to Captain Edward Peirson, William Kyffin and Captain Philip Clifton. These include cotton cloth, Goa stones and a Cochin chest. The Goa stones or Gasper Antonio stones, made by the Jesuits, were a quack remedy in great repute in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and Cochin chests were equally popular on account of the excellence of their wood and workmanship. For the latter see Mundy, III, 112, n. 4. The next point of call for the St. Andrew was Goa, where moro piece-goods were sold, and here, it is probable, that Scattergood obtained the directions which follow for making Portuguese sausages. [28] RECEIT. How to make Portigall Pia's or Sausages. Take 4 quarts of wine and 2 quarts of vinegar (if very strong, take a less quantity of vinegar); 3 or 4 heads of garlick, beaten; 8 or 10 cods of long pepper, beaten, a handfull of salt. With these make a pickle. Take pork, as much as you think this liquor will cover ; cut it in large peices : put lean and fatt together, but not too much fatt. Let the pickle cover the flesh all over for about 10 or 12 days, stering it about once in a day or two with a stick. When you take it out, put the flesh in large boeff gutts, pressing it very close therein and tyeing cords about the gutts very hard. Then put the gutts in smoke till they be very dry, about 15 or 20 days, where no great fire; then hang them in the air a few days. When you put them in jarrs press them in it very hard, or close and cover it all over with good oile. [NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 28.] Pia's. This word is a puzzle ; but it probably represents Port. paio, a sort of thick sausage' (Michaelis, Portuguese-English Dictionary). The St. Andrew arrived at Bombay in January 1712/13, and at a Consultation in that factory, on the 7th of the month, the offer of " Mr. John Scattergood, an eminent merchant and inhabitant of Madras," to hire the Company's ship Somers for a year, for rupees 20,000, is recorded. His offer was accepted and he bound himself to freight her from Surat to Persia, thence to Bengal and back to Surat. Of Scattergood's movements in Bombay and Surat at this period we have but little information beyond a Gujarati document recording the acceptance of a bill for Rs. 5,000 by" English gentleman, John Katarigut" at Surat, and an account dated at Bombay on 24 March between Scattergood and Bernard Wyche, & member of Council, showing large purchases of gold and silver thread, olibanum and raw cotton. The St. Andrew touched at Calicut on her return voyage, as we learn from a letter written by Scattergood to his wife's brother-in-law William Aislabie. Her arrival, under Captain Greenhaugh, at Madras is recorded in the Fort St. George Diary on 8 May, and on the same day Scattergood arranged to ship some of the goods purchased at Surat to the Philippines. [29. INVOICE OF GOODS AND MERCHANDIZE BELONGING TO JOIN SCATTERGOOD SHIPT ON BOARD SHIP Brampore, LEWIS MADEIRA COMMANDER, FOR MANILLA, AND GOES CONSIGN'D TO MONSIEUR DUPRE FOR HIS BALE THERE, CONTENTS, COST AND CHARGES vizt. MARK'D, NUMBRED AS PER MERCENT.) No. 1 qt. 10 oorge large pallum(pores) at ..181 203. 32 10 ditto small .. .. .. .. ..14 140. - 5 do. 'course chints .. .. .. .. 12. 8 62.32 406.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1931 108 - No. 2 qt. 13 corge of do. 10 ditto lungeys .. 16. ..28. 8 8 214. 285. 32 - 499.32 ru. ps. ..44. 54 893.40 No. 10 No. 11 20 corge of fine chints .. 15 ditto 670. 14 6 do. of pallimpores at 4 do... . .. ..30.8 - ..31.8 183. 126. 979. 14 No. 12 14 corge lungeys at .. 5 ditto fine chints .. .. .. ..28. 8 ..44. 54ps. 399. - 223.26 .. 622. 26 3400. 48 Customs paid at Surat 21 per cent.. .. 85. - Charges of merchandize, embaleing 5 bales at Br per bale 25. - Cooly hire 2. - Rups. 3512. 48 Mons. Du Pree, Sir, The above is an invoice of goods and merchandize as they cost at Surratt, which pray dispose of for the best advantage att Manilla and send me the produoe to Canton in Dollers and consigne them to me, and in my absence to Linqua and Anqua. If you can not dispose of them pray take the money up. If you come to Canton bring it with you. I wish you a good voyage and remain, Your humble servant J. SCATTERGOOD. Madrass the 8th May 1713. (NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 29.) Ship Brampore. The Brampore, Lewis Madera commander, arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 30 April and sailed for Manila on 30 July 1713 (Fort St. George Diary). Monsieur Dupre. Pierre Du Prie, whom Scattergood employed as his business agent in Manila, with unfortunate results, as will appear in the sequel. Numbred as per margent. That is, "J.S." Lungeys. Lungi, loin-cloth. The other terms have already been explained. The instructions to Du Prie to send the produce of his goods to Canton indioato Scattergood's plans for his next venture. In less than a fortnight after his return to his family he was again at sea, on a second voyage to China, as supercargo in the Amity, commanded by Captain James Berriman, which had arrived from Bombay on 21 April (Fort St. George Diary). Soattergood's co-supercargo Was William Phipps, like himself a free merchant. The goods and bullion entrusted to their care amounted to a considerable sum, a large proportion of which was contributed by Edward Harrison, Governor of Fort St. George. Bernard Benyon, a member of Council, sent a consignment of ooral beads which he valued at 880 pagodas, but stated that he would" be content if the returns produces principall or something under." Amid the hurry of his preparations for the voyage Soattergood found time to write to William Aislabie, to his wife's cousin Douglas Burniston, to Captain Peacock of the Somers and to the supercargoes of that ship. Two of these letters are given below, the other two being mainly repetitions.

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NOVEMBER, 1981) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 109 [30 (a)] To the Honble. William Aislabie Esqr. Generall for affairs of the Right Honble. English East Indie Companey on the Coast of India &c. and Govr. of Bombay. HONBLE., I did myself the honour to write to you from Callicutt by Mr. Bennett, to return your Honour my hearty thanks for all favours received at Bombay. This comes by Mr. Trenchfeild who is my brother by my mother. He is supercargoe with Captain Cradock and designes to touch at your port in his way to Surratt. I beg the favour of your Honour to let him enjoy your Honours favour and good will, and to give him a letter to Rusta to Surratt which may do him and his Owners some service. We are now just upon our departure from this place, have compleated our stock here to an 10000 Rups., shall not trouble your Honour with Europe news &c., knowing Mr. Phipps has wrote very largely. Captain Collett I hear has made up his stock in Bombay rupees. I paid him 5000 Surratt rupees, so must beg you, when he comes, to adjust that matter; either he must be concerned in our stock 200 rupees less or I 200 more in his, being the difference of 4 per cent on 5000 rupees betwixt Surratt and Bombay. My wife gives her service to your Honour and thanks you for her kind present. She designes to write you by my brother. . I remain your Honours most oblidged and most obedient humble servant Madrass the 14th May 1713. (Unsigned.] [30 (6)] Fort St. George May 16th 1713. CAPTAIN PEACOCK, SIB, I am heartily sorry I could not have the happiness of seeing you here, but hope however of meeting you on the Mallabarr Coast. I have delivered your bag of correll beads to the Governor and he has paid me the 4160 rupees. I am afraid that your wine and horses will not return to so good a markett as expected; but however, you must look about and use your endeaver to help the markett by selling little at a time. Hing and ruinase bears a great price, as you may informe yourgolf from the black merchants, but must not declare how much you have. I beleive a private contract will do well for those commodities or an outcry for the others. If you carried a little wine down with you to Bengall, it would not be a mies. Mr. Russell I hear is dead or adyeing, so that when you come down to Bengall, you must look who has the greatest interest to get you a freight, and with him or them, and if some presents will be exceptable you must give it on the owners ac. unte, for freight, you know, will be the life of our voyages, and there will be great strugling for it. I hope you will excuse this trouble as comeing from, Sir, Your most obedient Sumbel servant J. S. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 30] William Aislabie (see p. 80), who married Elizabeth daughter of John and Carolina Burniston and sister of Arabella wife of John Scattergood, entered the Company's service in 1692 ad was appointed " Generall " of Bombay in 1708, a post which he held until 1715 when he returned to England. His wife died in 1705. Mr. Bennett. Probably Alexander Bennett (see p. 89), a shareholder in the St. Andrew, who was appointed a supernumerary searcher at the Sea Gate at Fort St. George in April 1713 (Cons. of 2 April).

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(10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1931 Mr. Trenchfeild. Elihu Trenchfield, supercargo of the Barrington, Captain Christopher Cradock commander (see p. 88), which had arrived at Madras from Bengal on 31 March and sailed for Bombay on 9 October 1713 (Fort St. George Diary). Pusta. A broker at Surat whose name is variously spelt, Rustam, Rustom, Rustomjee Monackjes (Rustam Manakji). Our stock here. That is, for the Amity. Captain Collett. Captain Jonathan Collet of the Company's ship Grantham, who sailed from England to Bombay, Batavia and Madras in March 1712. (b) Captain Peacock. Captain Eustace Peacock commander of the Somers which Scattergood had hired (see p. 107). The Governor. Edward Harrison (see p. 88). Hing. Assafoetida. Ruinass. Rands, madder. See p. 36. Mr. Russell. John Russell who had been Governor of Bengal since 4 March 1711, did not die, but resigned his post on 3 December 1713 to Robert Hedges and returned to England in the Marlborough (Early Annals of Bengal, II, Pt. I, xxxvii). Governor Harrison, the principal freighter of the Amity, gave minute instructions to the supercargoes as to its disposal. [31.] To MESSES. WILLIAM PHIPPS AND JOHN SCATTERGOOD. GENTLEMEN, Having shipp'd on board the Amity under your care several goods and silver as per invoices, amounting to pags. 3877. fa. 68 ca. 8 I desire your peculiar care thereof. Please to dispose of the goods as conveniency offers, together with those belonging to the cargo. When I was last there we sold our cotch for 6 tale a pecul, and as there goes no more this season, I hope you will be able to get the same price. Mr. Scattergood remembers that when he was last at Canton, gold being very scarce and dear, Anqua trick'd them out of the usual allowance for pillar dollars; however, I make no doubt but other merchants, and especially Hinqua, will do you justice as to the chest I send along with you. If gold is procurable at or about 100 for 94, I would rather have my returns therein and desire that it may be of that sort call'd Chusy, but if it should be at such high rates as it was the last two years, I desire you'l invest it in quicksilver and what else you think will do as well for Surat; this I leave wholly to you and shall be satisfied with whatever you do. If you invest my money in gold I would have it sent by any ship bound hither from Macao or Canton, but if there should be no such conveyance you need not fear of meeting a Manilha ship at Malacca or some other conveyance bound hither. Yet, since 'tis possible you may be disappointed, in such case I desire you will carry it forward with you for Bombay and bring the returns in dollars. Mr. Raworth being to come back hither from Canton, if he should stay ashoar at Malacca for a Manilha conveyance, you may venture to leave my gold in his possession. I desire you to procure me 50 to 100 cattees of the very finest sort of Bohea tea, such as Hinqua us'd to provide me. I have wrote to him about it and believe he will not disappoint you. I us'd to pay 8 mace the cattee, but do not matter the price so it be of the right sort.

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NOVEMBER, 1931] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 111 . I deliver you herewith a pattern for embroideries, and desire you to get it me done upon three pieces of sattin, one a full lemmon colour, another a brisk lively cherry, and the third upon a full skie. The colours of the work must be full shaded and the stitches drawn through, which I know will cost a good deal more than the usual work, but that I shall not grudge if it is well done. Hinqua will inform you where those people live that work'd for me last voyage, and I do not doubt but he will help you to get these well perform'd. I perswade myself I need not say much to engage your kindness to my son. I would not have him too much indulg'd but strictly kept to business as one that is to hew out his own fortune with the sweat of his brows: the less time he has to be idle the better, and as he is very backward in writing and accounts, pray let him be kept to both during the voyage at sea, and let his encouragement he always suitable to his deserts. I send by you a small box containing 1000 dollazs for which I desire he may be interested with you in what you think will turn best to account. The pattern of embroidery not being quite finish'd will come by Mr. Raworth when I shall write you further. In the meantime; heartily wishing you & successful voyage, I remain, Gentlemen Your real friend and humble servant Fort St. Goorge E. HARRISON. 18th May 1713. Father Cordeiro has engaged that Senior Sabino Marianis at Macao shall deliver you what gold he has by him at the price he bought it, which may be about 30 or 40 shooes. If you cannot get it cheaper, pray receive and pay for it on my account. Yours, E. H. [Endorsed] Instructions from E. Harrison to Messrs. Phipps and Scattergood, May 1713. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 31.) When I was last there. Edward Harrison was captain and supercargo of the Company's ship Kent in 1708-1710 and took her to Canton in 1708-9. Cotch., Cutch, catechu. An astringent extract from the wood of several species of Acacia. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Catechu. Anqua ... Hinque. For Anqua see p. 70. Hinqua is perhaps identical with Quinqua, for whom see p. 71. Chusy. This word is a puzzle. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 134, says that the Chinese had names for the several varieties of gold, according to the percentage of pure metal and that "Chuchapoa" was "reckon'd......95 Touch." Dr. Morse, to whom the passage was referr'd, thinks it possible that "Chusy" may be the Cantonese equivalent of "Chuchepoa," in the Amoy dialect of the Hong merchants at Canton, who generally came from Chang-chowfu, near Amoy. Mr. Raworth. John Raworth. See p. 90. Full skie. That is, a deep blue shade of colour. My son. Richard Harrison who was placed under Scattergood's care and acted as purser on the Amity. 30 to 40 shooes. See p. 74 for" shoo of gold." , of colour. As in his previous voyage to China, Scattergood left his wife in charge of his affairs, furnishing her with full instructions regarding his various investments. These serve to show how both his activities and fortune were increasing.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1931 [32.] A[N] ACCOUNT OF WHAT MONEY I HAVE ABROAD AND WHAT I OWE WITH PROPER INSTRUCTIONS TO EACH VOYAGE, TO MY WIFE, MY ATTORNEY IN MY ABSENCE, vizt. In the Chine Voyage with Mr. Jones oonoerned .. .. 8750. - -. Under me in said stook Mr. Lawis .. .. .. .. 3000 .. Cogee Petrus 2 per cent insur. 198 Nina Chittee 350 pagodas, 2 per cent insurance paid the French to be deducted .. 3539. - - 5211. - - The first dividend have received and paid all those above their share about so that suppose am to receive of the principal, of the principal remaining my share only .. 25 per cent on the whole .. .. .. .. .. 20 per cent on 1737 .. My commission 21 per cent will be about .. .. .. Ballance of what my brother left in China which Mr. Jones will bring .. .. .. .. .. 311t. 3m. 2c. He is to have out of it .. .. .. 15 . 1737. - 1302. 27. 347. 16. 1000. - - - - 296. 3. 2. At 25 per cent advance will be about 350. - - 4737. 7. - Pay Vincattee Chittee for account of Mutaball Chittee and tako his receipt 300. 4437. - - 4437. - - 375. - 68. 18. - - 206. 18. 300. 500. 100. 500 | In Persia consign'd to Agent Lock a persell of rubies as pr invoice .. Muttaball under me 2. Lent to Mr. Dixon at respondentia .. .. .. 3. Lent to Mr. Harriott at respondemtis to Moca 4. Lent to Capt. Bennett at respondentia to Pegue 100 pa. at 25 per cent which he has had 3 years, therefore must pay 75 per cent 5. Lent to Manila under Padre de Saa 500 which will be now paid, therefore pray ask the said Padre .. 6. Remains of the Harriotte voyage to Surrat with Messrs. Weld and Heriott in the hands of Mons. Hebert at interest; my share is 406 Surrat rups. at 330 per pags. 100 is .. Lent at respondentia to England on the Arrabella at 13s. 6d. per pa. .. .. .. .. .. Lent at respondentia on the John and Elizabeth at 14e. St. Andrews voyage beleive will ballance but pray make it up with Mr. Frederick I was conoerned.. Have received .. .. .. .. .. .. which beleive will lose .. .. .. .. 125. 1. - 500. 500. 1803. 19.1500.- - 303. 19. -

Page #317
NOVEMBER, 1931 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 150. 7. In Doctor Gray ship Thomas under Mr. Frederick .. Remains of the dates of the John and Elizabeth that Mr. Lewis knows of 8. Comrapha Conicoply for plank .. .. .. .. Custome on the blew cloth 18. 8. - 19. - . 20000. - 3 9. I bought a note of Dr. Corbett for Mr. Boucher In the stock put on board Ship Somers .. Under me the Govr. Capt. Greenhangh 1000 Mr. Frederick 3000 Mr. Douglas Burniston .. 500 .. 7000 11500. - - 8500. - 2576. 27. 1553. - 1000.. 1058. 12. - at 330 per 100 pags .. .. .. .. .. 10. In the stock of Capt. Collett raps. Surrat 500 at 322 per 100 pa. .. In gold thread in Mr. Boones hands about .. .. 11. Lent at respondentia on 'the St. Andrew with Capt. Greenhaugh rups. 2750 to be paid the same at Madrass in Surrat rupees and 11 per cent advance which will make Surrat 30521 at 322 per page 100 will be pags. .. . .. .. Capt. Groenhaugh will make up the account. 12. Adventure to Manila on Lewis Maderas consign'd to Dee Proe, 5 bales of ps. goods 35121 Surat rupe... 13. Adventure to Siam consign'd to Capt. Poney, 646 rups. 14. Adventure to Bengall consign'd to Capt. Willy Sanders, 100 candy of pepper; he lent me rup. 3000 on it, suppose my bailance may produce about .. 15. Concern'd in ship Ormond.. .. .. .. Subscribed to Mr. Livesay and Capt. Bodham 2000 rs. which I have wrote to Capt. Sanders to pay them in Bengall out of the produce of pepper. Left 2 bales with my wife to be sold of shalloes, 850 rs. qt. 26 corge at 10 page. per corge .. .. .. 1091. 200. 1000. - - 500. 260. 16588. - - 16. Concern'd under Mr. Fredetick in the Barinton, Capt. Cradock .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 500. 17088.-. When Mr. Jones arrives from China put in under my brother moro pags. 500:

Page #318
114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1931 An account of what money I owe at interest To the Church about 2500.To Mr. Lewis .. 1500. - To my brother .. 500. - To Capt. Poney 500. - - - - 5000. - - 12088.- - When any money comes to your hands, pay of[f] my brother and Mr. Lewis out of the money that am to receive from China, and the Church and Capt. Poney as fast as you can. What money I carry at respondentia and what have of my own you shall have an account from Malacca. Mr. Boone has of mine some gold thread and sandall wood, which desire him to dispose of for the best he can. He owes for Thom. Saunders interest and for my share of kissmiss 20. Remains a small dividend [on] the Four Brothers, money that came by Captain Wesly, which Captain Greenhaugh will pay you my share. Mr. Boone has 17 small bundles, ten of gold thread and seven of silver, which desire him to sell apart, it being half of Capt. Greenhaughs. Send to Captain Greenhaugh for 12 hogshead of Goa arrack which he is to send me, I having already paid him for it. Speak to Padre Lewis to take care to get the money for the hing that was sold at Bengall. Padre Paulo de Saa had some goods of mine to sell at Goa and lent me 1000 pardoes thereon; he has ballanced that account but has left some goods unsold yett, which he will give you. An account [of] his papers is No. 17. [Added to the foregoing account.] MY DEAR The above are an account of what I have abroad and what I owo; what I carry with me I shall keep exact account of and send you. When Mr. Jones comes, pray speak to Mr. Lewis and Boone that Mr. Frederick do not wrong me in my China commission, and as you gett the money of him or others, and what I am concern's under Padre Paulo de Saa to Manilla (No. 6), you must speak to him about it, for that money is due, pay of[f] my interest of my brother and Mr. Lewis. Send to Surratt under my brother pags. 500 and to England with Mr. Lewis in diamond, [of] which desire him to buy pags. 1000; and if any other money of mine comes to your hands, pay of [f] Capt. Poney and the Church's interest. Desire Mr. Legg to assist you in your business. Desire him, if he can, to put of [f] my dispute with Mr. Russell and Feak till I come. Be frugall in your expences, for the more money you save, the sooner we shall goe out of this place. I remain, my Dear, Your affectionate Husband J. SCATTERGOOD. Madrass the 19th May 1713. [Endorsed] Instructions left with my Wife, 1713.

Page #319
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS. . BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, O.M., K.C.I.E. [The following pages were originally intended to form a part of the Grundriss der IndoArischen Philologie und Altertumskunde. Their preparation was greatly delayed by the demands of the Linguistic Survey of India, and the progress made was so slow that, by the time I was free from the latter, I had been able to prepare only the earlier sections. I then found that reasons of health and age prohibited my going further with this difficult and complicated work, and, to my greut regret, I was compelled to ask the Editor of the Grundriss to release me from the lask. It has therefore been transferred to the competent hands of Professor R. L. Turner, of the University of London, and I have now no more to do with it. The manuscript of the portion already written by me, however, still remains in my hands. It consists of two Introductory Chapters and of the greater part of the section dealing with Phone. tics. These represent a considerable amount of labour, and as so far as they go, they are complete in themselves, they perhaps contain information not hitherto readily available. Friends who have examined the manuscript have been kind enough to urge me to publish it. I hesitated, be. cause I was conscious of its fragmentary character, and could feel no certainty of being able to complete it even as a fragment of the larger work originally contemplated. But Sir Richard Temple has honoured me by offering to print what I have written as a supplement to the Indian Antiquary, so I have abandoned my hesitation and offer it in the hope that my fellow students of Indian languages may now and then find in it something of use. It is necessary to explain that the first two chapters have already appeared in a preliminary form in volume I of the Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies (1918-19). These have now been brought up to date, and are here reprinted with the necessary corrections.) List of Abbreviations. List of A A.=Assamese. AR =Asiatio Researches. A. Dioy.=Hema Kosha or an Etymological As.=Axkund Kafir. Dictionary of the Assamose Language. Ag. Gr.=The Language of the Ashkun Kafirs. By Hemchandra Barua. Published under By G. Morgenstierne. In Norsk Tidsskrift the authority of the Assam Administra for Sprogvidenskap. II (1929), 192 ff. tion, 1900. Av.=Avesta. A. Dioy. Br.=A Dictionary in Assamese and English. Compiled by M. Bronson. Sib Aw.=Awadhi=EH. (Aw.). sagar, 1867. B.=Bihari. A. Gr.=Grammatical Notes on the Assamese B. Gr.=Seven Grammars of the Dialects and Language. By N. Brown. . Third edition. Sub-Dialects of the Bihari Language. By Nowgong, 1893. G. A. Grierson. Eight volumes. Calcutta, abl. =ablative. 1883-1887. acc. =accusative. B. (Bh.)=Bhojpuri. ag.=agentive, or case of the agent. B. (Mg.)=Magahi. AJP = American Journal of Philology. AMg. Ap.=Ardhamagadha Apabhramsa. B. (Mth.)=Maithili. AMg. Pr. = Ardhamagadhi Prakrit = Pr. B. (Mth.) Gr.=An Introduction to the Maithili (AMg.). Dialect of the Bihiri Language as spoken in Ap.=Apabbramsa. North Bihar. By G. A. Grierson. Second Ap. Mat.=Materialen zur Kenntnis des Apa edition. Calcutta, 1909. bhramea. Ein Nachtrag zur Grammatik B. (Mth.) Dioy.=Chrestomathy and Vocabuder Prakrit.Sprachen. Von R. Pischel, lary, boing Part II of the first edition of Berlin, 1902. B. (Mth.) Gr. Calcutta, 1882. Ar,=Arabic. Bg. =Bengali

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ABBREVIATIONS] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS Bg. Diey. A Dictionary, Bengali and Sanskrit, explained in English. By G. C. Haughton. London, 1833. Bg. Gr. Grammar of the Bengali Language, Literary and Colloquial. By John Beames, Oxford, 1894. Bg. Gr. Ch. The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language. By Suniti Kumar Chatterji. Calcutta, 1925. Bgh. Bagheli EH. (Bgh.). Bh. Bhojpuri B. (Bh.). Bhn. Wilson Philological Lectures on San skrit and the Derived Languages. Delivered in 1877 by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, K.C.I.E., LL.D., Ph.D., Member of the French Institute, etc., etc. Carried through the Press by Shridhar R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Bombay, 1914. [Some of these Lectures were previously printed in JBRA, XVI and XVII.] Bid. Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh. By J. Biddulph. Calcutta, 1880. Bn. Bundeli=H. (Bn.). Br. Braj Bhakha =H. (Br.). Bs. Beames. Bs. Cp. Gr. Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India. By John Beames. Three volumes, London, 1872-1879. [FEBRUARY, 1931 CPS. Pr. Culikapaisucika Prakrit Pr. (CPs.) D.Dogri=P. (D.). dat.=dative. dial.=dialect. Ch. Chattisgarhi EH. (Ch.). Cm. Cameali WPh. (Cm.). coll.colloquial. conj. part. conjunctive participle. CPh. Central Pahari. There is no Grammar or Dictionary. Cf., however, H. Gr. CPh. (Grh.) Garhwali. CPh. (Km.) Kumauni. Div. Divatia. See GLL. Drd. The Dardic or Modern Pisaca languages. Drd. Group The Dard Group of the Modern Pisaca languages. Ds Desya. E prefixed to a language name = East. EH.-Eastern Hindi. There is no separate Grammar or Dictionary. Cf., however, H. Gr. and the following. EH. Gr. Gr. Notes on the Grammar of the Ramayan of Tulsi Das. By Edwin Greaves. Benares, 1895. EH. (Aw.)=Awadhi. EH. (Bgh.) Bagheli. = EH. (Ch.) Chattisgarhi. EHI. Elliot, History of India, told by its own Historians. EI. Epigraphia Indica. Ba. Baggali Kafir. Ba. Dicy. Bashgali Dictionary. By Sten EPh. Eastern Pahari or Naipali. Konow. Calcutta (ASB.), 1913. B. Gr. Notes on the Bashgali (Kafir) Language. Compiled by J. Davidson. Calcutta, 1902. BSOS. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London. BSL.-Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris. C. prefixed to a language nameCentral. CASR.Cunningham, Archeological Survey Reports. EIAV(s). =Eastern Indo-Aryan Vernacular(s) (B. A. Bg. O.). EIIAV. Eastern Intermediate Indo-Aryan Vernacular (EH.). Eng.=English. EPh. Gr. Nepali i.e. Gorkhali or Parbati Grammar and Vocabulary. By A. Turnbull. Second Edition, Darjeeling, 1904. Cf. also H. Gr. esp. especially. fem. feminine. FLM.-Jules Bloch, La Formation de la Langue Marathe, Paris, 1914. G.=Gujarati. G. Dicy. The Student's Gujarati-English Dictionary. Compiled and Edited by Bhagu F. Karbhari. Ahmadabad, 1899. G. Gr.The Student's Gujarati Grammar. By Geo. P. Taylor. Second Ed., Bombay. 1908. G. Ph. Gujarati Phonology. By R. L. Turner in JRAS, 1921, 329 ff. and 505 ff. gen.=genitive, 2

Page #321
FEBRU ARY, 1031 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS ABBREVIATIONS. GIP.=Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie, Hn.=Hindostani.=H. (Hn.). herausgegeben von W. Ch. Geiger und | Hn. Dicy.=A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Ernst Kuhn. Strassburg, 1895-1904. Hindi, and English. By John T. Platts. GLL.=Gujaruti Language and Literature. London, 1884. By N. B. Divatin. Bombay, 1921. En. Gr. A Grammar of the Hindustani or GNPE.=Grundriss der Neupersischen Etymo. Uriu Language. By John T. Platts. logie, von Paul Horn. Strassburg, 1893. London, 1874. Hn. Man.=Hindustani Manual. By D. C. Gr.=Grammar. Phillott. Calcutta, 1910. Grh.=Garhwali=CPh. (Gsh.). IA.=Indian Antiquary. Grs.=Grierson. IAV(8).=Indo-Aryan Vernacular(s). Grg. Suff.=On certain Suffixes in the Modern EIAV(8).=Eastern Indo-Aryan Vernacular Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. In zvs, 1903, (s) (B. A. Bg. O.). pp. 473 ff. EIIAV. Eastern Intermediate Indo-ArGrw.=Garwi. yan Vernacular (EH.). GSIA.=Giornale della Societa Asiatica Ita IIAV(8).=Intermediate Indo-Aryan liana. Vernaoular(8) (EH. R. G. P.). Gwr.=Gawar-bati. MIAV.=Midland Indo-Aryan Vernacular H.=Hindi. (H.) H. Dicy.=A Dictionary of the Hindee Lan. NWIAV(8).=North-Western Indo-Aryan guage. Compiled by J. D. Bate. Benares Vernacular(s) (L. S.). and London, 1875. Cf. also Hn. Dicy. OIAV(s).=Outer Indo-Aryan Vernacular H. Gr.=A Grammar of the Hindi Language: (8) (L, S. M. B. A. Bg. O.). in which are treated the High Hindi, Braj, SLAV.=Southern Indo-Aryan Vernacular and the Eastern Hindi of the Ramayan of (M.). Tulsi Das. also the Colloquial Dialects of WIIAV(8).=Western Intermediate Rajputana, Kumaon, Avadh, Riwa, Bhoj. Indo-Aryan Vernacular(s) (R. G. P.). pur, Magadha, Maithila (sio), etc., by S. H. IIAV(8). Intermediate Indo-Aryan Kellogg. Second edition, London, 1893.. Vernacular(s) (EH. R. G. P.). H. Gr. Gr.= A Grammar of Modern Hindi. IG%.= Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1907. By Edwin Greaves. Revised edition, Be- instr.=instrumental. nares, 1908. J.=Jaipuri=R. (J.). H. (Bn.)=Bundeli. JA.=Journal Asiatique. H. (Br.)=Braj Bhakha. JAOS.=Journal, American Oriental Society. H. (Hn.)=Hindostani. JASB. Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, H. (Kn.)=Kanauji. and since 1905, Journal and Proceedings Ho.=Hemacandra's Grammatik der Prakrit. of the same. Sprachen. Herausgegeben von Richard Pis | JBORS.=Journal, Bihar and Orissa chel. Two volumes. Halle, 1877, 1880. Research Society. HH.=High Hindi. JBRA.=Journal, Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Hl. Hoernle. Jn.=Jaunsari=WPh. (Jn.). HI. Ga. Gr.=A Grammar of the Eastern Hindi JRAS. = Journal, Royal Asiatic Society of compared with the other Gaudian Languages. Great Britain and Ireland. By A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. London, 1880. Kf.=The Kafir Group of Dardio Languages. HI. R.=A Collection of Hindi Roots with Re-Kh.=Khowar. marks on their Derivation and Classification, Kh. Gr.=Grammar and Vocabulary of the accompanied by an Index of Sanskrit Khowar Language. By D. J. T. O'Brien. Roots and Words. By A. F. Rudolf Lahore, 1895. Hoernle. (Reprinted from the Journal of the KI.=Kramadisvara. Asiatio Society of Bengal). Calcutta, 1880. Kl. Kalasa.

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ABBREVIATIONS. ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [FEBRUARY, 1931 KI.-Kului=WPh. (K!.). LSI.=Linguistic Survey of India. By G. A. Km.=Kumauni=CPh. (Km.). Grierson and Sten Konow. Published by Kn.=Kanauji=H. (Kn.). the Government of India. Calcutta, 1903. Kon.=Konkani=M. (Kon.). M.=Marathi. Kon. Dicy.=M. (Kon.) Dicy. M. Dicy.= A Dictionary, Marathi and English. Kon. Gr.=M. (Kon.) Gr. Compiled by J. T. Molesworth, assisted by K .=Kasmiri. George and Thomas Candy. Second edi. Ks. Dicy.=A Dictionary of the Kashmiri tion. Bombay, 1857. Language. By Sir George A. Grierson. M. Gr.= A Comprehensive Marathi Grammar. Published by ASB., Part I, 1916 ; Part II, By Ramachandra Bhikaji Joshi. Third or 1924 ; Part III (to letter T), 1929. English Edition, Poona, 1900. K. Dicy. El.= A Vocabulary of the Kashmiri M. (Kon.)=Konkani. Language. By William Jackson Elmslie. M. (Kon.) Dioy.=A Konkani-English DicLondon, 1872. tionary. By A. F. X. Maffei. Mangalore, Ks. Gr.=Essays on Kacmiri Grammar. By 1883. G. A. Grierson. London and Calcutta, 1899. M. (Kon.) Gr.= A Konkani Grammar. By A. Ks, Man.= A Manual of the Kashmiri Lan. F. X. Maffei. Mangalore, 1882. guage, comprising Grammar, Phrase-Book, M. Ap.=Maharastra Apabhramsa. and Vocabularies. By G. A. Grierson. MASB.=Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Two volumes. London, 1911. Bengal. Kth.=Kilitha?i=WPh. (Kth.). masc.=masculine. L.=Lahnda. MBh.=Mahabharata. L. Dioy.=Dictionary of the Jatki or Western Mg.=Magahi=B. (Mg.). Panjabi Language. By A. Jukes. Lahore Mg. Ap.=Magadha Apabhramsa. and London, 1900. Mg. Pr.=Magadhi Prakrit=Pr. (Mg.). L. Gr.=Grammar and Dictionary of Western MIAV.=Midland Indo-Aryan Vernacular Panjabi, as spoken in the Shahpur District. (H.). By J. Wilson. Lahore, 1899. Mk.=Prakstasarvasva of Markandeya Kavin. L. (MI.)=Multani. dra. Edited and published by S. P. V. L. (Ml.) Gr.=Glossary of the Multani Lan Ranganathasvami Aryavaraguru, Vizaga. guage, or (South-Western Panjabi). By patam, 1912. E. O'Brien. Revised by J. Wilson and MI.=Multani-L. (Ml.). Hari Kishen Kaul. Lahore, 1903. This includes a full grammar as well as the Ml. Gr.=L. (M.) Gr. Mlv.=Malvi=R. (Mlv.). vocabulary. L. (Pth.)=Pothwari. M. Pr.=Maharastri Prakrit=Pr. (M.). Mrgn. Rep.=Report on a Linguistic Mission Leit. Dard.=The Languages and Races of Dardistan. By G. W. Leitner. Lahore, 1877. to Afghanistan. By Georg Morgenstierne, Oslo, 1926. Leit. Hunz.=The Hunza and Nagyr Handbook, Part I. By G. W. v. Leitner. Cal. Mth.=Maithili=B. (Mth.). cutta, 1889. Mth. Dicy.=B. (Mth.) Dicy. lg. fm. long form. Mth Gr.=B. (Mth.) Gr. LI.=The Languages of India : being & Re. Mw.=Marwari=R. (Mw.). print of the Chapter on Languages in the Mwt.=Mewati=R. (Mwt.). Report on the Census of India for 1901. My.=Maiy. By G. A. Grierson. Calcutta, 1902. N prefixed to a language name=North. LIA.=Lassan, Indische Alterthumskunde, N. Ap.=Nagara Apabhramsa. second edition, Leipzig, 1858-74. neut.=neuter. loc:=locative. nom, nominative.

Page #323
FEBRUARY, 1931) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (ABBREVIATIONS: NP.=Northern Panjabi | Pr. (Mg.)=Magadhi Prakrit. NP. Gr.=Panjabi Manual and Grammar : Pr. (P.)=Paisci Prakrit. A Guide to the Colloquial Panjabi of the Pr. (Sr.)=Sauraseni Prakrit. Northern Panjab. By T. F. Cumming, and Prs. =Persian. T. Grahame Bailey. Calcutta, 1912. Ps. L.=The Pidaca Languages of NorthNWIAV(S). = North-Western Indo - Aryan Western India. By G. A. Grierson. Asiatic Vernaculars (L. S.). Society Monographs, volume VIII. Lon. N.W.Pr.=North-western Prakrit, in S. Ko don, 1906. now's Kharoshthi Inscriptions (Corpus Ps. Pr.- Paisaci Prakrit=Pr. (Ps.). Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. II, Part I). Pth.=Pothwari=L. (Pth.). O prefixed to a language name=Old. R.=Rajasthani. For a Grammar, sce H. 0. = Oriya. 0. Dicy.=An Oriya Dictionary in three vo Gr. and LSI. IX, ii. There is no diclumes. By A. Sutton. Cuttack, 1841. tionary. Cf., however, the following. 0. Gr.=Oriya Grammar for English Students. R. Sp.-Specimens of the Dialects spoken in By E. C. B. Hallam. Calcutta, 1874. the State of Jeypore. By G. Macalister. obl.=general oblique case. Allahabad, 1898. This contains numerous OuIAV(s).=Outer Indo-Aryan Vernacular(s) grammars and a vocabulary. (L. S. M. B. A. Bg. O.). R. (J.)=Jaipuri. OWR.=Old Western Rajasthani, i.e., the R. (Mlv.)=Malvi. parent of modern Gujarati and Marwasi. R. (Mw.)=Marwari. OWR. Gr.=Notes on the Grammar of the old R. (Mwt.)=Mewati. Western Rajasthani with special Reference red. fm.=redundant form. to Apabhramba and to Gujarati and Maruari. RT.=Prakrta-Kalpataru of Rama-sarman By L. P. Tessitori. Reprinted from the (Tarka vagisa). Sakha I, viii in MASB, "Indian Antiquary." Bombay, 1916. See VIII (1924), 159 ff.; III, ii, iii, in IA, LI IA, XLIII, 21 ; XLIV, 3; XLV, 6, 93. (1922), 13 ff.; LII (1923), 1 ff., 187 ff.; II, P.=Panjabi. i-iii, LVI (1927), and LVII (1928) (in P. Dicy.=The Panjabi Dictionary prepared Supplements); III, Xv, in Ashutosh by Munshi Gulab Singh and Sons. Com-1 Mukherji Jubilee Volume, III, 119 ff. piled and edited by Bhai Maya Singh, and S prefixed to a language name=South. passed by Dr. H. M. Clark. Lahore, 1895. S.=Sindhi. P. Gr=Panjabi Grammar. By E. P. News. Cer.=Cerebralization in Sindhi. By R. L. ton. Ludhiana, 1898. See also NP. Turner. JRAS, 1924, 555 ff. P. (D).=Dogri. S. Dicy.=A Sindhi-English Dictionary. Com. Pas=Pasai. piled by G. Shirt, Udharam Thavurdas, and Ph.=Pahari. S. F. Mirza. , Karachi, 1879. pl. or plur.=plural. S. Dicy. St.=A Dictionary English and Poet.=Poetical. Sindhi. By George Stack. Bombay, 1849. p. p. p.=past participle passive. S. Gr.=Grammar of the Sindhi Language. By pr.=pronounced. Ernest Trumpp. London, 1872. Pr.=Prakrit. S. Gr. St.= A Grammar of the Sindhi Language. Pe. Gr.=Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen. By George Stack. Bombay, 1849. (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie S. Rec.=The Sindhi Recursives. By R. L. und Alterthumskunde, I. Band, 8. Heft.) Turner. In BSOS., III, 301 ff. von R. Pischel. Strassburg, 1900. $.=sina. Pr. (AMg.)=Ardhamagadhi Prakrit. s. Gr.=Grammar of the Shina (Sina) LanPr. (CP.)=Calikapaisacika Prakrit. guage. By T. Grahame Bailey, Royal Pr. (M.).=Maharastri Prakrit. Asiatic Society, 1924. exai.

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11 ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (FEBRUARY, 1931 8. Ph.=Notes on the Phonetics of the Gilgit WIIAV(s).=Western Intermediate Indo Dialect of Shina. By D. L. R. Lorimer. Aryan Vernaculars (R. G. P.). In JRAS, 1924, pp. 1 ff. and 177 ff. Wk.=Altindische Grammatik von Jakob Wacksg. or sing. || Singular. ernagel, I Lautlehre (Gottingen, 1896). Sgh.=Singhalese. II, Einleitung zur Wortlehre. Nominal Sgh. Gr.= Literatur und Sprache der Singha- Komposition (Gottingen, 1905). When only lesen. By Wilhelm Geiger (GIAP, I, 10). the page is quoted, it is to be understood Shb,=Shab5zgarhi. that the reference is to vol. I. Sh.fm.=short form. WPh.=Western Pahari. There is no sepaSIAV.=Southern Indo-Aryan Vernacular (M.) rate Dictionary or Grammar. Of., how Skr.=Sanskrit. ever, the following. Sr. Ap.=Saurasena Apabhraga. WPh. (Cm.).=Cameali. Sr. Pr.=Sauraseni Prakrit=Pr. (Sr.). WPh. Gr.=The Languages of the Northern str. fm. strong form. Himalayas, being Studies in the Grammar of sTs.Esemi-Tatsama. Twenty-six Himalayan Dialects. By T. T.=R. L. Turner. See G. Ph. Grahame Bailey. Asiatic Society's MonoTbh.=tadbhava. graphs, vol. XII. London, 1908. This Tir.=Tirahi. contains grammatical sketches of several Trw.=Torwali. WPh. dialects. Trw. Gr.=Torwili, an account of a Dardic WPh. (Jn.)=Jaunsari. Language of the Swat Kohistan. By Sir WPh. (K!.)=Kului. George A. Grierson. Royal Asiatic Society, WPh. (Kth.)=Kidthali. 1929. WZKM.=Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Tr.=tatsama. Morgenlandes. Up. Ap.=Upanagara Apabhramsa. V. Veron. ZDMG. Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenlanV. Ap.=Vracada Apabhramsa. dischen Gesellschaft. voc.=vocative. ZVS.=Zeitschrift fur vergleichende SprachW prefixed to a language name=West. forschung auf dem Gebiete der IndogermanWai.=Wai-ala. ischen Sprachen. I. General View of the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 1. The languages spoken at the present day in British India are usually divided into three main groups, viz. (1) Aryan languages, (2) Dravidian languages, and (3) others. The last group is mainly composed of Munda and Tibeto-Burman forms of speech, whose present habitats are, respectively, the central hill country of Hindostan and the mountains that form the northern and the north-eastern boundaries of India proper. The Dravidian languages are principally spoken in the Deccan, although sporadic dialects of this group are found even so far north as the Ganges valley and in Balucistan. The Aryan languages cover, roughly speaking, the whole of the northern plain of India, penetrating, in the case of the Pahati dialects, into the lower ranges of the Himalaya. Closely related to them is another group of languages foy usunhd e wild mountainous country lying to the south of the Hindukus. These are called in this work the 'Dardic' or Modern Pisaca' languages. The Indo-Aryan languages have followed the course of the Ganges down to its mouth, and have conquered the fertile plains on both sides of the Brahmaputra as far as Sadiya, near which place that river enters the Assam valley on its journey from Tibet. The entire course of the Indus, from the frontier of India proper to the sea, recognizes their sway, and on the east and the west coasts of the Peninsula they have pushed far to the south, displacing Dravidian languages, - on the East, Kandh, Gond, and Telugu, and, on the West, Kanarese.

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FEBRUARY, 19311 GENERAL VIEW 2. Throughout the present work I shall call these Aryan languages the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars '(IAV.), it being understood that by this term is meant the Tertiary Prakrits or Vernaculars of the present day, and not the ancient Aryan Vernaculars of India, such as the Primary Prakrits (including Vedic Sanskrit), or the Secondary Prakrits, such as Pali or Prakrit KIT coxyv.1 They have been called 'Gaudian,' a name derived from the Gauda or Gaur tribes of northern Hindostan, and having no connexion with the other Gauda of Bengal. This word Gauda is often opposed in Sanskrit writings to Dravida, or south India, and hence there is a certain appropriateness in calling the great rival of the Dravidian tongues by the name of Gaudian'; but the term has not found general acceptance, and is liable to misconstruction owing to the twofold meaning of the word 'Gauda.' It has therefore been considered advisable to adopt, instead of this very convenient word, the somewhat unwieldy periphrasis of 'Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.'s 1 The terms Primary.' 'Secondary,' and 'Tertiary' Prakrits are explained later on. 3 E.g., by Hoernlo in his Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages. : The term Indo-Aryan distinguishes those Aryans who settled in India from those Aryans who settled in Porsia and elsewhere, just as 'Aryo-Indian' signifies those inhabitants of India who are Aryans, 8a distinguished from other Indian races, Dravidians, Mundas, and so on. Gaudian,' meaning non-Dravidian, therefore connotes the same idos az 'Aryo-Indian.' These two words refer to the people and their language from the point of view of India, whilo 'Indo-Aryan ' looks at them from the wider aspect of European athnology and philology. Soe Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Ed. (1910), s.v. Indo-European Languages. 3. According to the Census of 1921, the population of India, excluding Burma, may be taken as about 305 millions. Of these, about 230 millions speak Indo-Aryan vernaculars, 84 millions Dravidian, and the rest other languages. According to the Linguistic Survey of India, the total number of speakers of the Indo-Aryan vernaculars is about 226 millions. The difference is mainly due to the fact that the Survey is based on the figures of earlier cenBuses. Further, and more important, differences in the figures given for the separate languages are explained by differences in classification, and in such cases it may be taken that the Survey figures are the more correct, although, necessarily, not absolutely accurato for 1921. Survey These IAVs. fall, as we shall see, into three main divisions, the grouping of which is based on linguistic considerations, and also coincides with the geographical distribution of the various languages. These divisions are - Number of Speakers. According According to Census to Linguistic of 1921. A. The Midland Language 1. Hindi (H.) .. .. .. .. .. 41,210,916 38,013,928 B. Intermediate Languages (a) More nearly related to the Midland Language: 2. Panjabi (P.) .. 12,762,639 3. Rajasthani (R.) .. .. .. .. .. 12,893,834 17,561,326 4. Gujarati ? (G.) . . . 11,407,609 13,336,336 6. Eastern Pahari, Khas Kura, or Naipali * (EPh.) 279,716 143,721 6. Central Pahari (CPh.).. 3,863 1,107,612 7. Western Pahari (WPh.).. .. .. .. 1,633,916 853,468

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$$ 4-5 i ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (FEBRUARY, 1981 (6) More nearly related to the Outer Languages8. Eastern Hindi (EH.) .. .. .. .. .. 22,567,882 24,511,647 c. Outer Languages(a) North-Western Group: 9. Lahnda (L.) .. 5,652,264 7,092,781 10. Sindhi (S.) .. .. .. 3,371,708 3,069,470 (6) Southern Language: 11. Marathi (M.) 18,797,831 18,011,948 (c) Eastern Group: 12. Bihari (B.) 34,342,430 37,180,782 13. Oriya (0.) .. .. 10,143,165 9,042,525 14. Bengali (Bg.) .. 49,294,099 41,933,284 15. Assamese (A.) .. . 1,727,328 1,447,552 Total .. 229,560,145 226,059,019 In the above, Census figures for Hindi, Eastern Hindi, and Bihuri are not those given in the published Census Report. The latter are certainly wrong, and have been adjusted so as to agree more nearly with the actual facts. 1 The letter after each name indicates the conventional sign by which it is roferred to in these pages. 2 Including the mixed Khandesi dialect. 8 Including the mixed Bhil dialects. 1 Nearly all the speakers of this language inhabit Nepal, a country which was not subject to the Census of 1911, and to which the Linguistic Survey did not extend. The figures here given refer only to tem. porary residents in India. 6 In the Census, nearly all the speakers of Central Pahari were classed as speaking Hindi. 4. These fifteen languages form the subject of the present work. In addition we shall consider the Dardic (Drd.) or Modern Pisaca languages. Of these, only Kasmiri came fully under the operations of the Census of 1921, the number of speakers recorded being 1,268,854, According to the more accurate results of the Linguistic Survey, these figures should be corrected to 1,195,902. The Dardic languages are the following: (a) Kafir, or Western, Group. (Kf.). (6) 9. Khowar (Kh.). 1. Basgali (BX.). (c) Dard, or Eastern, Group. (Drd. Gr.). 2. Wai-ala (Wai.). 10. sina ($.). 3. Veron (V.). 11. Kasmiri (Ks.). 4. Askund (Ad.) 12. Maiya (My.). 5. Pasai (Pas.). 13. Garwi (Grw.). 6. Tirahi (Tir.). 14. Torwali (Trw.). 7. Gawar-bati (Gwr.). 8. Kalaka (KI.). 5. Returning to the IAVs. proper, it can be gathered from the names of the various groups that the Midland language occupies the centre of the northern Indian plain, corresponding to the ancient Madhyadesa, while the Outer languages lie round it in a band on the West, South, and East. Between this Outer band and the Midland language lie the intermediate languages, representing the latter shading off into the former. There is no hard and fast geographical frontier between each language, for, unless separated by some physical obstacle, such as a wide river or a range of mountains, languages of the same family are not separated by boundary-pillars, but insensibly merge into each other. For instance, P. is classed as an Intermediate language, and the adjoining L. as an Outer language, and yet it is impossible to say where P. ends and L. begins. We shall now proceed to consider these languages in detail,

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APRIL, 1931 GENERAL VIEW 6. The term Hindi' (H.) is very laxly employed by European writers. It is a Persian word, and properly means of or belonging to India,' as opposed to 'Hindu,' a person of the Hindu religion. In this sense it can be used to mean any Indian language. By Europeans the name is sometimes reserved for the High Hindi to be described below, but it is more often employed as a vague term to designate all the rural dialects of the four languages,-Bihari, Eastern Hindi, Hindi, and Rajasthani, spoken between Bengal and the Panjab. In this work the term 'Hindi' is restricted to the modern vernacular of the ancient Madhyadesa in its narrowest sense, i.e., of the greater part of the Gangetic Doab and of the plains country immediately to its north and south. Its centre may be taken as the city of Agra. From this it extends, on the north, to the Himalaya, and on the south to the valley of the Narmada. On the west it goes beyond Delhi, and on the east to about Kanhpur (Cawnpore). On its west lie Panjabi and Rajasthani, and on its east lies Eastern Hindi. As also was the case in ancient times, the language of this tract is by far the most important of any of the speeches of India. It is not only a local vernacular, but in one of its forms, Hindostani 3 (Hn.), it is spoken over the whole of the north and west continental India as a lingua franca employed alike in the court and in the marketplace by everyone with any claim to education. Hindo. stani is properly the dialect of Hindi spoken in the upper part of the Gangetio DoAb and in the neighbouring parts of the Panjab, and in the days of the early Muyul sovereignty of India it was the common speech of the polyglot military bazar of Delhi, which is situated close to this tract on the right bank of the Jamuna. From Delhi and other military head. quarters it was carried all over India by the Muyul armies. It first received literary cultivation in the sixteenth century in southern India, and received a definite standard of form a hundred years later at the hands of Wali, of Aurangabad in the Deccan. It was then taken up in the north by both Musalmans and Hindus. The former enriched its vocabulary with a large stock of Persian (including Arabic) words, but this Persianization was carried to an extreme by the pliant Hindu Kayasths and Khattris employed in the Muyul administration and acquainted with Persian, rather than by Persian and Persianized Muyuls, who for many centuries used only their own languages for literary purposes. This Persianized form of Hindostani is known as Urdu, a name derived from the Urdu-e mu'ala, or royal military bazar outside Delhi palace, where it took its rise. As a literary language Urdu is also called Regta (scattered ' or 'crumbled ') from the manner in which Persian words are scattered through poems composed in Persian, not Indian, metres, and a further form of this is Reyti, or the language of verse written by women, and expressing the sentiments, etc., peculiar to them. We have seen that Hindostani literature began in the Deccan. The language is still used by Musalmans of that part of India, and there retains many old and provincial forms belonging to the Upper Gangetic Doab, which have fallen into disuse in the language of the north. This southern dialect is called Dakhini Hindostani. The present form of literary Hindi, or High Hindi (HH) is a reversion to the type of the non-Persianized vernacular of the upper Doab, brought into general use through the influence of the teachers at the College of Fort William in Calcutta in the early years of the nineteenth century. It was desir. ed to popularize a Hindostani for the use of Hindus, and this was recreated in Calcutta by taking Urdu, the only form there known, as a basis, ejecting therefrom all words of Persian or Arabic origin, and substituting in their place words borrowed from, or derived from, the indigenous Sanskrit. Owing to the popularity of the Prem Sagar? of Lallu Lal, one of the first books written in this speech, and also owing to its supplying the need for a lingua franca which could be used by the strictest Hindus without their religious prejudices being offended. it became widely adopted, and is now the recognized vehicle for prose written by those inhabitants of Upper India who do not employ Urdu. It was not, however, a newly invented

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$$ 7-8 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS APRIL, 1931 language, but was rather a purified resuscitation of the original speech of the upper Gangetic Doab, in which a few sporadic works had already been composed. Up to the date of the introduction of printing into India by the English, the only Urdu literature was in verse. During the same period, Hindu poets generally used their own local dialects for the same purpose. These are still used for Hindi poetry, High Hindi being almost entirely confined to prose. HH. poetry has only come into existence during the last thirty years and has not yet won general acceptance. Poetry in the Hindi dialects is based on Indian traditions and written in Indian metres. On the other hand, nearly all Urdu poetry is an imitation of the Persian, and employs Persian metres. Urdu prose, like HH., came into general use under English influence, and began in the compilation of text books for the College of Fort William. 1 Cf. Amir Xusrau in Elliot, History of India as told by its own Historians, iii, 539. Whatever live Hindu fell into the king's hands was pounded into bits under the feet of elephants. The Musalmans, who were Hindis (country-born), had their lives spared.' 9 In LI. the term Western Hindi' is employed instead of Hindi,' in order to distinguish it from the altogether different 'Eastern Hindi.' The word 'Western' is here dropped, as being hardly necessary for the class of readers for whom this work is intended. 8 Not Hindustani,' as often written by Europeans. See 0. J. Lyall, Sketch of the Hindustani Language, Edinburgh, 1880, p. 1. Regarding the place of origin, cf. J. Blool, in BSOS., V, 728. He is inclined to look upon Hindostani as barod on the dialect of tho Eastern Panjab rather than on that of the upper Gangetic Doab. The South being a Dravidian country, the soldiers and rulers who came from various parts of northern India and conquered it, did not acquire the local language, but adhered to their own lingua franca picked up in the Delhi bazar. 5 Lyall, op. cit., 9. Regarding Roxta, sco Kantu-prasad Guru, in Hindi Tyokaruna, p. 26. The two principal writers in Roxtl wero Rangin and Jan Sahib. Their work are valuable for students of the women's dialect. A translation of the tenth book of the Bhagavata Purana. 7. Urdu is written in a modified form of the Persian character. The general use of this form of writing the languago dates from the time of Todar Mal, Akbar's celebrated Fin. ance Minister, and a Hindu (+ 1589). Up to this time all revenue acoounts had been kept in some character of the Nagari type, and he ordered them in future to be written in Persian. He thus forced his coreligionists to learn the court-language of their rulers, and the study of Persian, and a familiarity with its character, became necessary for its pecuniary advantages.1 Other forms of H. are gonerally written in the Nagari character or in the closely allied Kaitbi. Owing to the number of Arabic words present it is most inconvenient to write Urdu in Nagari, wbile HH. written in the Persian character is found, as a matter of practical experi. ence, to be illegible. 1 Blochman, Ain-d Akbari, tr., 352. 8. The other dialects of Hindi aro Bangaru, Braj Bhakha, Kanauji, and Bundeli. Bangaru, or Hariani, ie the language of the Bangar, or the highland of the south-eastern Panjab, immediately to the west of the Jamuna. It is a mixed dialect, partly Hindi, partly Panjabi, and partly Rajasthani. Braj Bhakha (Br.), the language of the Vraja or the Cowpen country celebrated as the scene of the early life of Krena, is spoken round Mathura and in part of the Central Gangetic Doab. It is the form of H. mainly used in literature of the clas. sical period, and is hence considered to be the dialectos praecipua, and may well, save in one respect,1 be considered as typical of the Midland language. It has a copious literature of high merit, mainly devoted to illustrating the legends regarding and the religion directed to Krena. Kanauji (Kn.) or Antarbedi is the language of the ancient holy Antarvedi or Cuntral Gangetic Doab, the chief city of which was for very many centuries Kanauj (Kanyakubja). It hae extended north of the Ganges up to the Nepal Tarai. It differs but little from Br., and like it has a copious literature. Bundeli (Bn.) is the language of Bundolkhand, lying

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APRIL, 1931) GENERAL VIEW ( 89 9.10 south of the Br. country, and reaching to the valley of the Narmada. It also has a literature of considerable merit. 1 The one exception is the fact that the termination of strong masculine nouns with a bases ends in a, not in au or 0, thus agreeing with the vernacular Hindostant of the upper Doab and with Panjabi, both of which owe it to the influence of the Outer languages. 9. The Intermediate languages, as their name implies, are of a mixed character, repre. senting the Midland language shading off into the Outer languages. In those to the west of the Midland the shading off is very gradual, the influence of the Midland language being strong near the centre, and gradually fading away as we approach the circumference. On the other hand, the eastern Intermediate language, Eastern Hindi, belongs rather to the Outer type, and is not so strongly influenced by the Midland language. 10. Panjabi (P.) lies immediately to the north-west of Hindi and occupies the central Panjab. The eastern Panjab is occupied by Hindi, and the western by Labnda, an Outer language. Nowhere do we see the gradual change of the Midland to the Outer languages more clearly than in the case of P. This is due to the very composite nature of the speech. We shall see that the north-western Outer languages (including Lahnda) are strongly in. fluenced by the Dardic languages of the extreme north-west, and traces of this Dardic influence extend over the whole P. area, growing weaker and weaker as we go eastwards, just as the influence of the Midland language grows weaker and weaker as we go westwards. This linguistic condition leads us to the conclusion that much as we know from history was the case in Rajputana) this mixed language, mainly Outer, but partly Dardio once extended over the whole Panjab, and that the inhabitants of the Midlana, through pressure of population or for some other reason, gradually took possession of the Panjab, and partly imposed their own language upon the inhabitants. In no other way can the nature of the mixed language of the Panjab be explained. One result of this mixture is that it is quite impossible to give any definite boundary-line between Panjabi and Lahnda, and if, for convenience sake. we take the degree of 74deg East Longitude as an approximate conventional frontier, it is to be clearly understood that much that is very like Lahnda will be found to its east, and much that is very like Panjabi to its west. Panjabi has a national alphabet akin to the Mahajani of Rajputana and to the Sarada of Kasmir. The characters are known as Lande? or clipped,' and it is a most imperfect means of writing. It has only two or three signs for the initial vowels, and none for the non-initial. The consonants, too, are far from clear and the script varies from place to place. It is seldom legible to anyone but the writer, and not always to him. According to tradition, Angada ('538-52), the second Sikkh Guru, found that the hymns of his religion when written in this character were liable to be misread, and he accordingly improved it by borrowing signs from the Nagari alphabet and by polishing up the forms of the existing letters. The resultant alphabet became known as Gurmukhi, or that which proceeds from the mouth of the Guru. This Gurmukhi alphabet is the one now used for printed texts used by the Sikkhs of the Panjab, and is also used by Hindus of the same country. Musalmans, as a rule, prefer the Persian alphabet. The standard form of Panjabi is that spoken round Amrtoar (Amritsar), and although it varies slightly from place to place, it has only one real dialect, the Dogri (D.), spoken in the State of Jammu and, with slightly varying inflexions, in the District of Kangra. This has a written character of its own called Takkari or Takari, the name of which is probably derived from that of the Takkas, a tribe whose capital was the famous Sakala. P. has a small literature, mainly consisting of ballads and folk-epics. The contents of the Sikkh Granth. though written in the Gurmukhi character, are mostly in old Hindi, only a few of the hymns, though some of these are the most important, being written in Panjabi. Of the languages connected with the Midland, P. is the one that is most free from borrowed words, whether Persian or Sanskrit. While capable of expressing all ideas, it has a charming rustie flavour 11

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$$ 11.121 ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAY VERNACULARS APRIL, 1931 characteristic of the sturdy neosentry that uses it. In many respects it bears much the same relationshin to H. that the Lowland Seotch of the poet Burns bears to the southern English. One other point may be noted. So far as I am aware, P. is the only IAV. that possesses tones, corresponding to the accents of Vedic Sanskrit, or to the tones of the Tibeto-Chinese languages. 1 Such, for instance, as the plurals of the personal pronouns. * This word has nothing to do with the word Lahnda, which means 'West.' See Grierson, The Modern Two Aromen 41phabets of North Western India, JRAS, 1904, 67. 1 See Grierson, JRAS. 1911, 302. . These were first noted by T. Graham Bailey. See his Panjabt Grammar as spoken in the Wasirubrid District, Lahore, 1904. For particulars aeo & 152 below. I believe that no one has hitherto noted that the Vedie watta corresponds to the Tibeto Chinese 'mid rising' tone, while the visarga corresponds to the abrupt glottal check, called by Chinese scholera 'the entering tone,' like it, also, being the result of the elision of a final consonant. Sen Grierson. JRAS, 1920, 475 f. 11. Directly south of Panjabi lies Rajasthani (R.). Just as Panjabi represents the ex pansion of Hindi to the north-west, so Rajasthani represents its expansion to the south-west. In the course of this expansion, Hindi, passing through the area of Rajasthani, reaches the sea in Gujarat, where it has become Gujarati (G.), another of the Intermediate languages. Rajasthani and Gujarati are hence very closely connected, and are in fact little more than variant dialects of one and the same language.1 We shall thereforo consider them together. Rajasthani has many traditional dialects, which fall into four well-marked groups, -a northern, or Mewati (Mwt.); a south-eastern, or Malvi (Mlv.); a western, or Maruari (Mw.) ; and an east-central, or Jaipuri (J.). Each of these has numerous sub-dialects. Marwasi is typical of Western Rajasthani and Jaipuri of Eastern Rajasthani. Mewati ranges with Jaipuri, and represents Jaipuri shading off into Hindi, while Malvi represents Gujarati and Rajasthani also shading off into Hindi. Marwari and Jaipuri are sharply distinguished by two important characteristics. In Jaipuri the postposition of the genitive is ko, and the verb substantive is derived from the old Vach-, while in Marwari the genitive termination is ro, and the verb substantive is hai, is.' Gujarati has no definite dialects, but northern Gujarati differs in many important points from that of the South. The differentiation of G. from the Marwa dialect of R. is quite modern. There is a poem by Padmanabha of Jhalor, a town only 80 miles from Jodhpur, the capital of Marwar, entitled the Kanhada. deva-prabandha. It was written in 1455-6 A.D. At the beginning of the year 1912 there was a lively controversy in Gujarat as to whether it was in Gujaratf or Mrwast. Really it is in neither, but is in the mother language which in later years differentiated into these two forms of speech. Cf. Tessitori, JRAS, 1913, p. 553, and his Notes on the Grammar of Old Western Rajasthant, with special reference to A pabhraida and to Gujarati and Mardrl, in TA., XLITI-V (1914-16), reprinted in one volume, Bombay, 1916. 12. There are many traditions of migration from the Midland into Rajputana and Gujarati, the first mentioned being the foundation of DvAraka in Gujarat, at the time of the war of the Mnhabharata. According to Jain tradition, the first Caulukya ruler of Gujarat came from Kanauj, 1 and in the beginning of the ninth century A.D. a Gurjara-Rajput of Bhil. mal in western Rajputana conquered that city. The Rathanrs of Marwas say that they came thither from Kanauj in the twelfth century. The Kachwahas of Jaipur claim to come from Ayodhya," while another tradition makes the Caulukyas come from the eastern Pan. ab. The close political connexion between Gujarat and Rajputana is shown by the historical fact that the Gahlots of Mewas came from Saurastra. That many Rajput clans are descended from Gurjara immigrants is now admitted by most scholars, and also that one of their centres of dispersion in Rajputana was in, or near, Mt. Abu.8 They appear to have entered India with the Hunas and other marauding tribes about the sixth century A.D., and rapidly rose to great power. They were in the main a pastoral people, but had their chiefs and fighting men. When the tribe became of consequence the latter were treated by the Brahmans as equivalent to Ksatriyas and became called Rajaputras or Rajputs, and some 12

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APBIL, 1931) GENERAL VIEW 133 13-14 were even admitted to equality with the Brahmans themselves, while the bulk of the tribe which still followed its pastoral avocations remained as a subordinate caste under the titlo of Gurjaras, or, in modern language, Gujars. 1 V. Smith, JRAS, 1908, 768. 9 id. JRAS, 1908, 789 ; 1900, 56. 3 Tod, Rajasthan, Annals of Mewar, Chap. II. 4 Ib., Annals of Amber, Ch. I. lb., History of the Pajput Tribes, Ch. VIII. 6 Ib., Annals of Mewar, Ch. I. 7 V. Smith, Early History of India, 377. Son also the following Tod, Rajasthan, Introduction : Elliot, Memoirs on the History, Folklore, and Distribution of the Races of the North-Western Provinces of India. Ed. Beames, I, 99 ff., and Index ; Ibbetson, Outlines of Indian Ethnography, 262; Jackson, in Gazetteet of the Bombay Presidency, I, Pt. i, App. III, Account of Bhinmal, esp. pp. 463 fl.; V. Smith, The Gurjarge of Rajputana and Kanauj, JRAS, 1909, 53 ff.; D. R. Bhandarker, Foreign Elements in the Hindu Popu. lation, IA, XL (1911), 7 ff., esp. 21 ff. 8 V. Smith, Ear. Hist. Ind... 377, and IA, XL (1911), 36. D. R. Bhandarkar, JASB, V (N. S.) (1909), 185. Cf., contra, Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandia, ib., VIII (X. S.) (1912), 63 ff. 13. So powerful did these Gurjaras or Gujars become that no less than four tracts of India received their name. Three of these are the Gujrat and Gujranwala Districts of tho Panjab and the Province of Gujarat, and Al-Biruni (970-1031 A.D.)' mentions a fourth identi. fied by D. R. Bhandarkar as consisting of the north-eastern part of the Jaipur territory and the south of the Alwar State. According to D. R. Bhandarkar these last Gujars camo thither from that part of the Himalaya called Sapadalaksa corresponding to the modern Dis. tricts of Kupaun and Garhwal with the country to their west, and, from these, at least Eastern Rajputana was peopled. Whether those that centred round Mount Abu in Western Rajputana belong to the same invasion, or whether they came independently, via Gujarat and the north-west, is not as yet clear. Here it will suffice to state that the Central Pahali of Kumaun and Garhwal (i.e., of Eastern Sapadalaksa) agrees with Eastern Rajasthani (Mewati and Jaipuri) in having the genitive postposition ko, and the verb substantive de. rived from the Vach., while in the Western Pahari of the Simla Hills (i.e., of Western Sapadalaksa) the termination of the genitive is the Western Rajasthani (Marwari) ro, while one of the verbs substantive (i, is) is probably of the same origin as the WR. hai. We thus see that the grammatical shibboleths of ER. agree with Central Pahari, while those of WR. agree with Western Pahati. We now come to Gujarati. Here the genitive termination is no, and the verb substantive belongs to the vach- group. West of Western Pahari, in the Himalaya, we come to the northern (Pothwuri) dialect of Lahnda. Here also the genitive termination is no, but the verb substantivo differs from that of Gujarati. On the other hand, Gujarati agrees with all the Lahnda dialects in one very remarkable point, viz., the formation of the future by means of a sibilant. Hence we find that, right along the lower Himalaya, from the Indus to Nopal, there are three groups of dialects agreeing in striking points with, respectively, the three tongues Gujarati, Marwari, and Jaipuri. Sachau's Tr., I, 202. Cf. D. R. Bhandarkar in IA, XL, quoted above. 2 Pth. kursi, G. kutse, he will strike. 14. Three characters, all of the Nagari type, are current in Gujarat and Rajputana. The Nagari character itself is used by the Nagari Brahmans of Gujarat, and is also read and understood over the whole area of both these languages. In Rajputana books are printed in it, but, in Gujarat, people other than Nagar Brahmans employ a variety of the Kaithi character. This Kaithi character is current over the whole of the Ganges Valley as a kind of script hand, instead of Nagari, for letters and documents of small importance; but in Gujarat it is used not only for written communications but also universally for printed books and newspapers. In Marwas, the mercantile classes employ a character called Mahajani, 13

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15-19 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [ APRII, 1991 allied to the Landa of the Panjab and to the Sarada of Kasmir. Marwaris are the bankers of India, and have carried this character all over India for their banking accounts. According to Nagendranatha Vasu, JASB, LXV (Pt. i) (1896), 114 ff., these Brahmans gave their name to the alphabet. In Al-Biruni's time, the Nagara alphabet was used in MalwA, which is close to Gujarat. Sachau's Tr., i, 173. It is worth noting in this connexion that Old Mw. in some respects agrees with Ks., e.g., in possessing a genitive post-position hando. 15. Rajasthani has a large literature, about which very little is known. The greater part of it consists of bardic chronicles, but Marwali has also a considerable poetical literature. Most of the Mw. poets wrote in the Braj Bhakha form of Hindi, which, when so used, is locally - known as Pingal. When poems were written in Mw. itself the language was called, in contra. distinction, Dingal. Gajarati has an old poetical literature dating from the fourteenth century A.D. The first, and still the most admired, poet was Narsimha Mehta (B. 1413), and beforo his time there were writers on Sanskrit grammar, poetics, etc. Tho Pr. Grammarian Hemacandra flourished in the middle of the twelfth century. He described the Nagara Apabhramsa, and thus it can be said of Gujarati, and of Gujarati alone, that we have an almost unbroken line of descent from the Vedic language down to the vernacular of the present day. 1 A Bardic and Historical Survey of Rajputana was lately set on foot by the Government of India, under the superintendence of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It was put into the charge of Dr. L. P. Tessitori, who discovered a number of important works. See JASB, XIII (N.S.), 1917, pp. 195 ff., and reports and texte published by the ASB. under Tessitori's editorship. Since the death of that excellent scholar, the schere seems to have fallen into abeyance. 16. We can now consider the three Pahari (Ph.) languages. The word 'Pahati' means of or belonging to the mountain, and is used as a convenient name for the three groups of IAV. languages spoken in the lower ranges of the Himalaya from Nepal in the east, to Bhadrawah in the west. Going from east to west, these three groups are Eastern Pahari (EPh.). Central Pahari (CPh.), and Western Pahara (W Ph.). 17. Eastern Pahari (EPh.) is commonly called Nepali' or 'Naipali' by Europeans, but this name is hardly suitable, as it is not the principal language of Nepal. In that State the principal languages are Tibeto-Burman, the most important being Newari, the name of which is also derived from the word "Nepal.' Other names for EPh. are Parbatiya' or 'the Hill language,' and 'Khas Kura' or 'the language of the Khas tribe.' We shall shortly see that the last name is not inappropriate. EPh. being spoken in a mountainous country has no doubt many dialects. Into one of these, Palpa, spoken in western Nepal, the Serampore Missionaries made a version of the New Testament, and, as Nepal is independ. ent territory to which Europeans have little access, that is our one sole source of information concerning it. The standard dialect is that of the valley of Kathmando, and in this there is a small printed literature, all modern. The dialect of eastern Nepal has of late years been adopted by the missionaries of Darjiling as the standard for a grammar and for their translations of the Bible. EPh. is written and printed in the Nagari character. 1 EPh., as an independent language, is of very modern origin, the Indo-Aryan migration from the west into Nepal dating only from the sixteenth century A.D. The language is strongly influenced by the surrounding Tibeto-Burman dialects, and has changed considerably within living memory. It appears to have superseded another Indo-Aryan language akin to the Maithili dialect of Bihari, now spoken immediately to the south of Nepal. A specimen of this old dialect was published by Conrady in 1891. It is a drama, entitled the Hariscandranrtya. 18. Central Pahari (CPh.) is the name of the language of the British Districts of Kumaun and Garhwal and of the State of Gabwal. It has two main dialects, Kumauni (Km.) and Garhwali (Gh.). A few books have of late years been written in Km. and one or two in Grh. So far as I have seen, both these dialects are written in Nagari character. 19. Western Pahari (WPh.) is the name of the large number of connected dialecte spoken in the hill country, of which Simla, the summer headquarters of the Government of 14

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APRIL, 1931] India, is the political centre. These dialects have no standard form, and, beyond a few folk'epics, no literature. The area over which they are spoken extends from the Jaunsar-Bawar tract of the United Provinces, and thence, in the Province of the Panjab, over the State of Sirmaur, the Simla Hills, Kulu, and the States of Mandi and Camba, up to, in the west, the Bhadrawah Jagir of Kasmir. It has numerous dialects, all differing considerably amongst themselves, but nevertheless possessing many common features. We may take as typical, Jaunsari (Jn.), of Jaunsar-Bawar; Kithali (Kth.), the dialect spoken in the hills round Simla; Kului (K!.), of Kulu; and Cameali (Cm.), of Camba. WPh. is written in the Takkari or Takari alphabet, already referred to as the alphabet used for the Dogri dialect of Panjabi. It has most of the disadvantages of Landa, being very imperfectly supplied with signs for the vowels. Medial short vowels are usually altogether omitted, and medial long vowels are represented by the characters that are also used for initial vowels whether long or short. In the case of Cm., the character has been supplied with the missing signs, and books have been printed in it that are as legible and correct as anything in Nagari. GENERAL VIEW [ $ 20 20. It has long been recognized that all the Pahari languages are at the present day closely allied to Rajasthani, and we have seen above that Central Pahari (to which we may here add Eastern Pahari) more nearly agrees with the eastern dialects of that language, especially with Mewati and Jaipuri, while Western Pahari agrees rather with Western Rajasthani. We have also seen that the areas of CPh. and WPh. together coincide with the ancient Sapadalaksa. I shall now state what I believe to be the origin of these languages.1 The bulk of the agricultural population of the modern Sapadalaksa consists, in the west, of Kanets, and in the east, of members of the Khas tribe. The Kanets are divided into two clans, one called Khasiya, which claims to be of pure, and the other called Rao (=Raja or Rajput). which admits that it is of impure birth. The chiefs of the country all claim to be of Rajput descent. We thus sec that the whole of modern Sapadalaksa is either peopled with, or contains, many people who call themselves Khas or Khasiya. That these represent the Khasas, Khasas, or Khasiras of the Mahabharata cannot be doubted. Like the Pisacas, they were said to be descended from Kasyapa the founder of Kasmir. They are frequently mentioned in the Rajatarangini, and in the MBh. they are often referred to as a people of the northwest, and even as closely connected with the Kasmiras and Pisacas (VII, 399). They were Aryans, but had fallen outside the Aryan pale of purity (VIII, 2055 ff.)3 The Harivamsa (784, 6440), the Puranas, Law-books, etc., all agree in placing them in the north-west. Stein (1.c.) shows that in Kalhana's time (fl. 1148 A.D.) their seat was, roughly, the valleys lying immediately to the south and west of the Pir Pantsal range, between the middle course of the Vitasta on the west, and Kastavata on the east. That they eventually spread castwards over the whole of Sapadalaksa is shown by their existence there at the present day. They must have conquered and absorbed the previous inhabitants, who were probably non-Aryan Mundas. In later years (about the sixteenth century A.D.) they advanced into Nepal, and, mixing with Tibeto-Burmans and Mundas whom they found there, became the Khas or ruling tribe of that country." 1 The who's question is worked out in detail in vol. IX. Pt. iv., of the LSI. dealing with Pahari. It is impossible here to give more than the general results and a few of the principal references. Those desir ing the full proof must refer to the volume of the LSI. Cf. CASR, XIV, 125 ff.; Ibbetson, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography, 268; Atkinson. Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, II, 268-70, 375-81, 439-42, and Index; Stein, Tr. Raja. tarangint, Note to i, 317, II, 430, and Index. 3 In the Satapatha Brahmana (I, vii, iii, 8), the Bahikas, with whom the Khasas are associated in MBH., VIII, 2055 ., are still within the pale and worshippers of Agni. 4 Cf. Vienu P. (Wilson-Hali), I, xxi; Bhag. P., II, iv, 18; IX, xx, 29; Mark. P., lvii, 56; Manu, x, 44; Bharatanatyasastra, xvii, 52. 15

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# 21-22) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS APRIL, 1931 6 Cf. Imperial Gazetteer of India (1907), I, 387. 6 Hodgson, Origin and Classification of the Military Tribes of Nepal, JASB. II (1833), 217 ff. ; Vansittart, The Tribes, Clans, and Castes of Nepal, JASB, LXIII (1891), Pt. I, 213 ff.; S. Lvi, Lc Nepal, I, 257 ff., 261-7, 276 ff., II, 216 ff. and Index. 21. We have seen that these Khasas arc, in Sanskrit literature, frequently associated with the Pisacas. They must have spoken a language akin to the Dardic languages, for traces of the latter are readily found over the whole Sapadalaksa tract, diminishing in strength as we go eastwards. The Gurjaras, modern Gujars, seem to have first appeared in India about the fifth or sixth century A.D. D.R. Bhandarkar bas shown (I.c.) that they occupied Sapadalakna. There they amalgamated with the Khasa population that they found in situ. In western Sapadalaksa they became the Rao sept of the Kanets, but were not admitted to equality of caste with the older Khasiya Kanets. In east Sapadalaksa they became altogether merged in the great mass of the Khas population. These Gurjaras were those who took to cultivation, or who adhered to their pastoral pursuits. The fighting men, as we have seen, became Rajputs. From Sapadalaksa, Gurjaras migrated to Mewat, and thence settled over eastern Rajputana. In later years, under the pressure of Musalman rule, many Rajputs remigrated to Sapadalaksa, and again settled there. In fact, there was continual intercourse between Sapadalaksa and Rajputana.3 Finally, as we have seen, Nepal was conquered by people of tho Khas tribe, who of course included many of these Gurjara-Rajputs. In this way the close connexion between the three Ph. languages and R. is fully explained. 1 Such are the tendency to drop an initial aspirato (ina for hona, to bocomo); to disaspirate sonant aspirates (bas for blue brother): to hardlen sonants Gawan to change c to fa, and j to 2 (isataru for cajari, good); to change to ts (Theis for klut, a fiold: to crop modial (kata for karta, doing); to chango a sibilant to X (Xunnu for funna, to hear), or to h (orak (for bras, a rhododendron), and many others % Tod, Rajasthan, Introduction : Elliot. Mcmoirs, ote., an quotoil above, I, 99, and Index ; Ibbetson, op. cit. 262 ft. Jackson, Gazetteer, as ab., I, 4633 : V. Smith, The (urjaras, etc., as ab., 03 fl.; The Outliers of Rajasthani, IA, XL (1911), 83 ff.; D. R. Bhandarkar, Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population, JA, XL (1911), 7 ff., esp. 21 ff. 3 It is worth noting that the Raja of Garhwal claims descent from Kanisko, who is said to have come to Garhwal from Gujarat or western Rajputana. (Atkinson, op. cit., 449.) I have not considered here the question of Western Rajasthani and Gujarati. Gujarat may well have been conquered by Gurjara tribes coming from the north-west. The western Rajputs had their centre of dispersion near Mount Abu, but whether the Gurjares of Abu came from the east or from the west I cannot say. All that can be said is that the agreement between WPh. and WR. is very striking. 22. Finally, as shown by V. Smith, 1 certain of the Gurjaray who had settled in eastern Rajputani agnin migrated towards the north-west, and invalled the Panjab from the southcast. They left a line of colonists extending from Mewat, up both sides of the Jamuna valley, and thence, following the foot of the Himalaya, right up to the Indus. Where they have settled in the plains they have abandoned their own language, and speak that of the surrounding population, but as we enter the lower hills we invariably come upon a dialect locally known as Gujari. In cach case this can be described as the language of the people nearest the local Gujars, but badly spoken, as if by foreigners. The farther we go into these sparsely populated hills, the more independent do we find this Gujar dialect, and the less is it influenced by its surroundings. At length, when we get into the wild hill-country of Swat and Kasmir, we find the nomad Gujars (here called Gujurs) still pursuing their original pastoral avocations, and still speaking the descendant of the language that their ancestors brought with them from Mewat. But this shows traces of its long journey. It contains odd phrases and idioms of the Hindostani of the Jamuna valley, which were picked up en route, and carried to the distant hills of Dardistan. We thus see that there are two classes of Gujar languages in the sul)Himalaya. There is first the mixed languages of the Gurjaras who conquered the Khasas of Sapadalaksa, some of whom migrated later to Mewat, and there is also the Gujuri of Swat and the Kasmir hills, which is the language carried by some of these last back to the Himalaya. In Outliers, etc., an above.

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JUNE, 1931] GENERAL VIEW [SSSS 23-28 23. The preceding Intermediate languages all lie to the west of Hindi. To its east, separating it from Bihari lies another Intermediate language, Eastern Hindi (EH.). While the western Intermediate languages are on the whole more nearly related to Hindi than to the Outer languages, only showing prominent traces of the latter as we go farther from the centre of dispersion. Eastern Hindi is a fairly uniform language which bears on its face clear marks of connexion both with the Midland and with the Outer languages. As a rule, we may say that in declension it agrees most closely with the Outer languages to its east. In the conjugation of the verb, it is more eclectic, sometimes showing forms connected with the Midland, and at other times other forms which are typical of the Outer band. Eastern Hindi has three main dialects, viz., Awadhi (Aw.) which may be taken as the standard, spoken in Audh, Bagheli (Bgh.) spoken in Baghelkhand, and Chattisgarhi (Ch.) spoken in Chattisgarh, i.e., the plain lying to the south-east of Baghelkhand and forming the upper basin of the Mahanadi river. Awadhi is often called Baiswari, or the language of the Baiswar Rajputs, but this name properly belongs to that form of Awadhi which is spoken in the southwest of the dialect area. Another name for Awadhi is Kosali from Kosala, the ancient name of the country in which it is spoken. Awadhi and Bagheli hardly differ and form practically one dialect. Chattisgarhi, which is isolated by a range of mountains, is more independent. Eastern Hindi is generally written and always printed in the Nagari character, but for less important or less formal documents, the Kaithi character is generally employed. Some of the oldest MSS. of Hindi poetry were also written in Kaithi. Eastern Hindi pos. sesses a great literature, dating from at latest the fifteenth century. Tulasi Dasa, the greatest poet of medieval India and author of the so-called Hindi Ramayana, wrote in an old form of Awadhi, and since his time this has been the dialect most employed for poetry dealing with the history of Rama, while the Braj Bhakha form of Hindi has been reserved for poetry dedicated to Krsna. 1 See LSI, VI, 2 ff. 24. We now come to the Outer languages. Besides differences in matters of detail we may here draw attention to one characteristic in which they all agree in showing a marked contrast to the language of the Midland. This is that while Hindi has a grammar that is essentially analytic, the Outer languages are passing from that stage and are now again becoming synthetic like their Sanskritic ancestors. It is true that in most of them the declension of nouns is still analytic, but in all, the conjugation of the verb, owing to the use of pronominal suffixes, is strongly synthetic. As regards the Intermediate languages, we may say that the western ones (P. R. G. and Ph.) agree in this respect with the Midland, while EH. agrees with the Outer languages. The Outer languages fall, as shown in the list in SS 3, into three groups. The first, or north-western group, consists of Lahnda and Sindhi. The character of both these languages is complicated by the fact that they are strongly influenced by the Dardic or Modern Pisaca languages lying immediately to their north. 25. Lahnda1 (L.) is the language of the western Panjab. As explained under the head of Panjabi (SS 10), there is no distinct boundary line between it and Lahnda, which, more even than elsewhere in India, insensibly merge into each other, 74deg E. Long. being taken as the conventional boundary line. The influence of Dardic (Modern Pisaca) languages on Lahnda will be understood when we consider that the country in which it is spoken includes the ancient land of Kekaya, and that while the Prakrit grammarians give extremely contradictory lists of the localities in which Paisaci Prakrit was spoken, they all united in agreeing about one, and only one, locality,-Kekaya. Lahnda is known by several other names, such as Western Panjabi, Jatki, Ucci, and Hindki. The word 'Lahnda' itself means 17

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26) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [JUNE, 1931 (sun)-setting,' and hence the west.' As applied to a language it is merely a conventional abbreviation of the P. Lahnde-di boli, or 'the language of the west,' spoken from the point of view of the eastern Panjab. Western Panjabi' has the disadvantage of suggesting that Lahnda is a dialect of Panjabi, whereas it is nothing of the sort. Jatki' means the language of the Jatt tribe, which is numerous in the central part of the L. tract, but L. is spoken by millions of people who are not Jatts, and millions of Jatts of the eastern Panjab do not speak Lahnda. Ucci,' 'the language of the town of Uce' (Uch or Ooch of the maps), is really another name for the Multani dialect of Lahnda. Hindki,' the language of the Hindus (i.e., nonPathans), is the name given to Lahnda in the west of the Lahnda tract, in which Musalman Pasto-speaking Pathans also dwell. Lahnda has four dialects, a Central, spoken in the country south of the Salt Range, and considered as the standard, a Southern or Multani (Ml.) spoken in the country round Multan, a north-Eastern, or Pothwari (Pth.) spoken in the eastern and western Salt Range and to the north-east as far as the borders of Kasmir, and a north-western, or Dhanni, spoken in the central Salt Range and northwards up to the northern extremity of the District of Hazara, where it meets Sina. Both sina and Kasmiri are Dardic languages. Beyond ballads and other folksongs, Lahnda has no literature. Its proper written character is the Landa or 'clipped' character mentioned in connexionwith Panjabi, but, owing to its illegibility, this is being superseded by the Persian, or, amongst Europeans, by the Roman character. 1 Not Lahndi. See Grierson, BSOS, vol. V, pp. 883 ff. * Grierson, ZDMG, lxvi, 75. 26. Sindhi (S.) is the language of Sindh, the country on each side of the River Indus, commencing about Lat. 29deg N. and stretching thence down to the sea. In the north it merges into Lahnda, to which it is closely related. Sindh included the ancient Vracada country, and Prakrit Grammarians recorded the existence of both a Vracada Apabhramea and a Vracada Paisaci.1 Sindhi has five recognized dialects Vicoli, Siraiki, Lari, Thareli, and Kacchi. The first is spoken in Central Sindh. It is the standard dialect, and that employed in literature. Siraiki is merely a form of Vicoli, and is no real dialect. The only difference consists in its pronunciation being more clearly articulated, and in slight variations of Vocabulary. In Sindhi, the word 'Siro' means the 'head' of any. thing, and Siraiki' hence comes to mean 'upstream,' or 'Northern' from the point of view of the Lar", or Lower Sindh. Siraiki is considered by Sindhis to be the purest form of the language, or, as a local proverb says,. ' a learned man of Laru is an ox in the Siro.' In this connexion it must be remembered that, as a name of a locality, 'the Siro, or upstream country,' is a relative term, and that its meaning varies according to the locality of the speaker. The lower down the Indus a man lives, the larger the extent of the Siro, and, from the point of view of an inhabitant of the Lar", the term practically includes also the Vicolo, or Central Sindh. Lari is the language of the Lar" already mentioned, and is considered to be rude and uncouth, but it retains many old forms, and displays one important feature of the Dardic languages,-the disaspiration of sonant consonants, which no longer exists in Vicoli. Thareli and Kacchi are both mixed dialects. The former is spoken in the Thar", or Desert, of Sindh, which forms the political boundary between that province and the Marwar country. It is a transition form of speech, representing Sindhi shading off into Rajasthani (Marwari). Kacchi, on the other hand, is a mixture of Sindhi and Gujarati 18

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JUND, 1931) GENERAL VIEW 1$$ 27-25 spoken in Kacch. Sindhi has received very little literary cultivation, and few books have been written in it. Its proper alphabet is Landa, which as usual varies from place to place, and is hardly legible. The Gurmukhi and Nagari characters are also employed, but the Persian alphabet, with several additional letters for sounds peculiar to the language, is the one in general use. * Pr. Gr., 27, 28; Grierson, JRAS, 1902, 47; Mk. XVIII (Ap.); RT, III, ii, 1 (Ap.); III, xv, 12 (Pd. Pr.) 27. South of the Kacchi dialect of Sindhi, the Outer band of the IAVs. is broken by Gujarati. Although Gujarati is one of the Intermediate languages, it bears, more especially in its northern forms, numerous traces of the old Outer language once spoken in Gujarat before it was occupied from the Midland. 1 South of Gujarati we come to the Southern Outer language, Marathi (M.), the great daughter of Maharastri Prakrit. Marathi covers the north of the Deccan plateau and the strip of country between the Ghats and the Arabian Sea. It is also the language of Berar, the ancient Vidarbha, and of a good portion of the country to its east. It stretches across the centre of the Central Provinces, and, in a very corrupt form, ogcupies most of the State of Bastar, where it merges into Oriya, through the Bhatri dialect of that language. To its south it has Dravidian languages, and to its north, in order from west to east, Gujarati, Rajasthani, Hindi, and Eastern Hindi. The first three are connected with the Midland, and Maratbi does not merge into them, a sharp border line existing everywhere between the two forms of speech. In the east it shows several points of agreement with the neighbouring Chattisgarhi dialect of Eastern Hindi, while it shades off gradually into Oriya, the former of which is closely related to, while the latter is actually a member of the Outer band. Such are, 0.g., the existence of a broad a, sounded like the ain'all'; the change of ai to a; of k to and oto e; the frequent confusion between dentals and cerebrale; an obliquo case in a; and a post participle formed with the letter L. 28. Marathi has three main dialects. The standard dialect, commonly called 'Deki Marathi' is spoken in its greatest purity in the country round Puna. Varieties of this are spoken in the northern and central Konkan, and are hence often called 'Konkani,' but the true Konkani (Kon.), spoken in the southern Konkan in the country near Goa, is a dialect quite different from these. The third dialect is the Marathi of Berar and the Central Provinces, which differs from the standard chiefly in matters of pronunciation, Halbi is a mongrel mixture of Marathi and Dravidian tongues spoken in Bastar. Marathi is usually written and printed in the Nagari character, a modification of which, known as modi, or 'twisted,' and invented by Balaji Avaji,' Secretary to the famous Sivaji (1627-80), is used by some for current correspondonoe. The Kanarese alphabet is generally employed for writing Kookani, but amongst the numerous native Christians who speak that dialect, the Roman character is often used. Marathi has copious literature, and many poetical works of great value are written in it. As Beames (Comp. Grammar, i, 38) says, Marathi is one of those languages which may be called playful. It delights in all sorts of jingling formations, and has struck out a larger quantity of secondary and tertiary words, diminutives and the like, than any of the cognate languages. Compared with the analytical Hindi, the synthetic Marathi has a rather complicated grammatical system, and in this and other respecte Hindi bears to Marathi much the same relationship that, in Europe, English bears to German. In one important particular, Marathi differs from all other Indo-Aryan vernaculars. It retains many traces of the ancient Vedic tone-accents, here converted into weak stress-accents; while tho 19

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29-30) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [JUNE, 1931 pronunciation of most of the other languages is based on a new-system of stress-accents falling, as far as possible, on the antepenultimate of each word." See B. A. Gupte, IA, xxxiv (1905), 27. 1 Soe Turnor, The Indo-Germanic Accent in Marathi ; JRAS, 1916, 203 ff. 29. Coming to the Eastern Group of the Outer languages, the first that we have to deal with is Bihari (B.). This is spoken over a considerable area, including nearly the whole of the Bihar and Cutia (Chota) Nagpur Provinces, as well as the eastern part of the United Provinces of Agra and Audh. The eastern boundary may be taken as the River Mahananda in the District of Puraniya (Purnea of the maps), and in the west it extends to Benares and beyond. Its northern boundary is the Himalaya and its southern the northern border of the District of Simhabhumi (Singh bhum) of Cutia Nagpur. In the centre of the Bihari area lie the Districts of Patna and Gaya, which together roughly correspond to the ancient king. dom of Magadha, and we may here note that B. still shows the two most important charac. teristics of Magadhi Prakrit.1 1 These are the change of a tod, and the termination & of the nominative of a basee. In writing at the present day, 6 is invariably written for both . and a, though in modern times the pronunciation is , not d. The change of pronunciation is due to political reasons. See LSI, I, I, 148. In Bengali, the 4-sound is retained. In old Bihari poetry, when, for metrical reasons, it is necessary to lengthen the final vowel of the nominative singular, this is done by making the word ond in d. Thus Vidyapati Thakkura (1400 A.D.) has sinand for andrs, paragdde for prabasah, pare for param, dhing for dhiram, and hundreds of other which will be found in any edition of the poet's works. In Hindi poetry such words would end in au, not in &. The old Eastern Hindi of Tulasi Dasa, corresponding to Ardham agadhi Prakrit, occupice an intermediate position, and use both a (for au) and as in parivaru for parivarah, and sayane for sajAnah. It should be noted that both these & and a terminations are used indifferently both for the nominative, and for the accusative, thus following the example of Apabhramsa, in which (Pr. Gr., p. 247) tho mocutive has the same form as tho nominative. 30. Bihari has three main dialects, Maithili, Magahi, and Bhojpuri. Maithili (Mth.) or Tirohutia, the language of the ancient Mithila and of the modern Tirhut, is spoken over the greater part of north Bihar, its standard form being that of the north of the District of Dar. bhanga, and has a small literature going back to the fifteenth century. Magahi (Mg.) is the dialoot of the Districts of Patna and Gaya and the neighbourhood, and also extends south over the northern plateau of Cutia Nagpur. It is the modern representative of the ancient Magadhi Prakrit, the language of ancient Magadha. It closely resembles Maithili both in grammar and vocabulary, but has no formal literature. Maithili and Magahi have & most complex verb, the conjugation of which is determined not only by the subject, but also by the person and degree of honour of the object. Bhojpuri (Bh.) differs considerably from Mth. and Mg. It is spoken in the western portion of the B. area and also covers the southern plateau of Cutia Nagpur. It has abandoned the conjugational complexities of the other two dialects, and is a simple, direot, form of speech. These differenoes of dialect correspond to ethnic differences. Maithili is the language of a people under the domination of a power. ful sept of Brahmang, who lay great stress on ceremonial purity. According to the proverb, three Tir hutia (or Maithil) Brahmans will have thirteen cooking places, so particular are they to avoid pollution of their food. Tirhut is one of the most congested parts of British India, the inhabitants of which have little intercourse with the outer world. Magadha is the country of the Babhang, admittedly descended from outcaste Brahmans (probably Bud. dhists), and lies on the highway between upper India and the fertile plains of Bengal. It forms the political gate of the latter province, has suffered many disastrous invasions from Musalman armies, and has long lost the spiritual impress given to it by the Buddha. Its

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JUNE, 1931 ] GENERAL VIEW [8 31-33 peasantry, oppressed for centuries, is illiterate and unenterprising. Bhojpuris, on the con. trary, are a long-boned stalwart fighting race, whose members have spread all over India as mercenary troops or in similar pursuits. They are the fighting men of eastern India, and their dialect is a handy, if rough, article, made for ourrent use, and not hampered by grammatical subtleties. 1 Pischel (Pr. Gr., p. 25) considered that there is no connexion between Mg, and Mg. Pr. With all respect for this great scholar, I am unable to agree with him on this point. The dialect is named from the ancient town of Bhojapura, on the southern bank of the Ganges, in the District of Shahabad. For the history of Bhojpur, and its traditional connexion with the famous Bhoio of Malwa, see Shahabad Gazetteer (1906), 132. For an account of the character of the Bhojpuris. see ib., 21. 31. Three written characters are in use in Bihar. Kaithi is in universal employment by everyone except Maithil Brahmans. Its use closely corresponds to that of our soript hand, while Nagari is used for printed books. Maithil Brahmans have a special character of their own, closely allied to that of the neighbouring Bengali. 32. Oriva (0.). Odri, or Utali is the language of Orissa, or, as natives of India call it. Odra or Utkala. It is bounded on the east by the sea, and in other directions somewhat extends beyond the borders of that province. It varies slightly from place to place, but has no recognized dialectic forms, exoept that in the south-west there is a mixture of Oriya, Marathi, and Dravidian forms of speech that is called Bhatri, through which Oriya merges into Marathi, Oriya has a fairly large literature, mainly devoted to the worship of Krana. It has a written character of its own, described in the chapter on alphabete. 33. Bengalii (Bg.) is the language of Bengal proper, i.e., of the Gangetie Delta and of the country immediately to its north and east. It has a large literature dating from the fourteenth century A.D., which has been spoilt, since the commencement of the nineteenth century, by a fashion of borrowing Sanskrit words in order to enrich its vocabulary, to an extent that can hardly be conceived by one not familiar with the language. A page of a Bengali book of the early nineteenth century is, so far as its vocabulary is conoerned, almost pure Sanskrit, disguised to a certain extent by modern terminations and also by an alphabet differing from the familiar Nagari. In this way the literary tongue is quite different from the ordinary speech of general conversation. There are three main forms, of the colloquial language, & western, a northern, and an eastern, each with numerous local varieties. As the literary language can scarcely be said to be founded on the colloquial, there is no literary form of the colloquial to give a steadying impulse, and prevent the fission into numerous sub-dialects. The standard form of the western dialect is that spoken round Hugli (Hooghly). The northern-dialect is spoken in the country north of the Ganges, and has no special standard. It is a curious fact that it agrees in some respects with the cognate Oriya, which is separated from it by the whole width of western Bengal. The standard of the eastera dialect is the form of Bengali spoken in the neighbourhood of Dhaka (Dacca), but it varies very widely from place to place. One well-marked variety is spoken in the west end of the Assam valley and in the adjoining parts of northern Bengal, and is commonly known as Rangpuri, from the town and district of Rangpur. Another variety, spoken in the neighbourhood of Chittagong, has developed so many peculiarities of pronunciation that it is almost a new language. Bengali agrees with Magadhi Prakrit in changing every 8 to 8. Old Bg.:

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# 34-35 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (JUNE, 1931 poetry also frequently retains the Magadhi Prakrit nominative in Z, as in ifadeve for devah, nayane for-nam, nirakhane for niriksaram, and so on, and traces of this termination are visible in the prose of the present day. Bengali has a written character of its own, allied to Nagari, which is described in the chapter on alphabets. Here it will be sufficient to say that, while it is admirably adapted, like Nagari, for spelling all the borrowed Sanskrit words of the literary languages, it can only represent certain of the sounds of the spoken language by the most olumsy periphrases. Thus, it has to represent the sound of wi by writing oya, ng the letter corresponding to the va of Nagari is confounded in the literary language with ba. 1 This is an English word, derived from Bengal. The Indian name is Bagla or Bangabhapa. As an Indian word, 'Bangal' means 'Eastern Bengal.' The Bengali word 'Bangali' is borrowed from Hindostan. (LSI, I, I, 221). * See Dines Candra &n, History of Bengali Language and Literature, Calcutta, 1911. 3 Buch words can be found on every page of OBg. poetry. 34. Assamese (A.) or, as its speakers call it Aynmlya, is the Indo-Aryan language of the Asgam Valley, in which there are also several Tibeto-Burman languages spoken by tribes who have not yet accepted Hinduism. We may trace Magadhi Prakrit from Magadha in three lines. To the south it has become Oriya, to the south-east it has become first western and then eastern Bengali, and to the east it has become first northern Bengali and then Assamese. Although closely related to Bengali, Assamese, owing to its isolated position, and to the presence of Tibeto-Burman influence, has struck out on lines of its own, and differs from Bengali both in grammar and in pronunciation. It has also a good literature specially strong in historical works. It has no true dialects, and its written character is the same as that of Bengali with some useful additions for representing sounds unprovided for by that alphabet in its own home. Under the guidance of the earlier Christian missionaries, Assamese acquired a system of spelling which is much more phonetic than that of Bengali, but of late years the revival of the study of Sanskrit has promoted a return to the unphonetic spelling and to the abuse of Sanskrit borrowed terms which has done so much harm to the Bengali literary dialect, 35. We now come to the Dardic or Modern Pisaca languages (Drd.). I have given them the latter name because they are spoken in what was the original nidus of the Pisacas of Sanskrit literature. These usually appear in that literature as demons, but the name also represents an old tribe inhabiting the extreme north-west of India. 1 From this country as a nidus they travelled down the Indus! and across the north of Gujarat into the hill country of central India. If the IAVs. are any test, they not only found their way down the west coast of India as far as the southern Konkan, but also covered a great part of the Panjab and the lower ranges of the Himalaya up to the borders of Nepal. Throughout this work I shall, however, preferentially use the name 'Dardio' (Drd.), as I find that the use of the word Pilaoa' is liable to give offence to some of the speakers. Dardio' has also been used by previous writers (LSI, VIII, 4, 1). A form of Prakrit spoken by Pisacas is recorded by Hindu grammarians under the name of Paisaci (Ps. Pr.). Konow (1.c.) maintains that this language, which was used for literature, and was described by Hemacandra, was the language of the Pisacas of central India, and this may have been the fact. But it does not follow that this Paisaci Prakrit was identioal with the language originally spoken by the Pisacag of the north-west. The Paisaci 222

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JUNE, 1931) GENERAL VIEW ($ 36 Prakrit of Hemacandra is a purely Indian language, although differentiated from other Prakrite by important peculiarities that still survive in the Dardic languages of the north-west ; and it is quite possible, nay probable, that the Pisacas in the course of their journey to central India lost those peculiarities of their language which were essentially non-Indian, and which are below classed as Eranian or Burusaski, while retaining those peculiarities by which Paisaci Prakrit is now known. 1 See Grierson, Pisaca = 'Quo dyos JRAS, 1905, 285 ff., ; P. L. Introduction ; Pidacas in the Mahabharata in Festschrift fur Vilhelm Thomson (1912), 138 ff.; on the other hand, Konow, The Home of Paidaci, ZDMG, lxiv, 112 fl., maintains that P4. Pr. was an Aryan language as spoken by Dravidians of Central India. The whole subject is again discussed in Grierson, Paitaci, Piducas, and Modern Paidaci, ZDMG, Ixvi, 49 ff. Paikaci Prakrit and the Pali of the Buddhist scriptures have much in common, and my own opinion is that the latter was originally a kind of literary, lingua franca, based on MAgadhi Prakrit, which developod in the great university of Takpokila, situated in the heart of Kekaya, the nidus of the former. Its development is exactly paralleled by that of literary Hindi, the original home of which was the country round Delhi, but which took its present form in Benares, far to the East. See my 'Home of Literary PAN' in R. G. Bhandarkar Oommemoration Volume, 117. * Of. tho Kaikoya and Vrdoada P4. Prs. of the Sindh valloy (Pr. Gr., 27) and 526, n. 1. 3 ZDMG, lxvi, 76, 77. * He is, however, contradictod by Markandeya, xix, 9, in which some words are quoted from the Brhat Katha, the work supposed to be He's authority, as examples of Kekaya-paibacild, i.e., of the Paidac! of North Western India. 36. These modern Pisaca (henceforth in these pages called 'Dardic ') languages are not purely Indian. They have several typioal phonetic rules that markedly differentiate them from the IAV8.1 Again, while in other respects they are generally in agreement with the IAVs., they occasionally present Eranian characteristics. Indeed so striking are some of these that Konow considered that one of these languages, Basgali, is the modern represen. tative of an Eranian language, the oldest traces of which are found in the names of the Mitanni chiefs and other chieftains known from ouneiform inscriptions. In consideration of the fact that some Eranian characteristios are wanting in all of them, my own opinion is that Dardic forms a group of languages neither purely Eranian nor purely Indian, and that they probably left the parent Aryan stem after the Indo-Aryan languages, but before all the typical Eranian characteristios that we meet in the Avesta, had developed, or else that they are descended from a group of Aryan dialects intermediate between those that subse. quently became Eranian and those that subsequently became Indo-Aryan. R. G. Bhandarkar's opinion, though differently expressed, is much to the same effect. He says 5: ....perbape this (Ps. Pr.) was the language of an Aryan tribe that had remained longer in the original seat of the race......and emigrated to India at a very late period and settled on the borders. Or it might be that the tribe came to India along with the others, but living in the mountafnous countries on the border in a state of rude independence, it developed peculiarities of pronunciation.... Since under this supposition they could not have come into very close contact with their more civilized brethren of the plains, their language did not undergo those phonetic modifications which Sanskrit underwent' in becoming Prakrit. Finally, the fact that Dardio agrees in certain points with the Talcah languages6 tends to show that the speakers entered their present seats, not from the plains of India, but directly from the Pamirs, or northern Afyanistan, while the speakers of the most ancient forms of true Indo-Aryan entered the plains of India from the west. If this is the case, they formed a wave of Aryan immigration distinot from that of the main body.'

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$ 37 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [JUNE, 1931 1 Such, 0.g., are the very un-Indian treatment of the letter r; the change of om and sm to 6 and 8, respectively, of ty and tm to I, and of t to lor ; the retention of the sibilant in conjuncts containing that letter: the regular disaspiration of sonants: the not infrequent retention of intervocalie consonants and hardening of sonant consonants; a work sense of the difference between cerebrals and dentale; and the use of alveolar sounds to represent both; the tendency to aspirate a final surd; the frequent palatalization of gutturals, cerebrals, dontals, and l; and the regular retention of a short vowel before a simplified double consonant. E.g., the treatment of the vowels; the preservation of numerous consonantal compounds; the change of d to l; of dy to d; and of sk(ok) to c. 3 JRAS, 1911, 45. I differ hero, sae ib., 195. 4 E.g., the Aveeta change of om to hm, and the preservation of 5 Bhn., 94. 6 P. L., 5. 7 Morgenstierne (Megn. Rep., pp. 50 ff.) comes to an opposite conclusion. He is inclined to differentiate between the Kafir and the other Dardic languages. The former he admits (p. 68) has some affinities with Eranian, but has far closer affinities with Indian. The others (p. 52) are absolutely and unquestion. ably Indian.' His arguments have not convinced me (800 JRAS, 1927, pp. 371 ff.). 37. Under the shadow of the Hindukus lie the two small chieftainships of Hunza and Nagar. Their inhabitants have a language of their own, which is not Aryan, and which has not yet been definitely connected with any other family of speech. This language, or an old form of it, must once have been spoken over the whole Dardic area and also in the west of Baltistan, where a Tibeto-Burman language is now spoken. This non-Aryan language is called Burusaski, the Boorishki of Biddulph, and the Khajuna of Leitner. Stray words from its vocabulary can be found in nearly all the Dardic languages. Thus, comar, the Bur. word for 'iron,' is used in every Dardic language, and iakun, an ass, bus, a cat, bring, & bird, appear in sina under the forms of zakun, busu, and brin, respectively. Again the Ks. chan", empty, recalls the Bur. can, with the same meaning, the Veron iul, the belly, the Bur. yul, and so other words for which there is no room here. It is probably owing to the influence of this language that we find the peculiar treatment of the letter in Dardio (cf. 8287). In all these languages it shows a remarkable tendency to become a palatal letter. This tendency cannot be considered as original in Dardic itself, for it is not confined to it alone, and is really typical not of any group of mutually related languages, but rather of a tract of country, i.e., the whole of the Dardic area and also of the immediately adjoining Baltistan; for in the TibetoBurman Balti the same change occurs, though it does not appear in other Tibeto-Burman dialects more to the east, such as Purik or Ladakhi. Both Tibeto-Burman Balti and the Aryan Dardic must therefore have borrowed this peculiarity from a common source, and that can only have been their predecessors in the country. It is impossible to point out instances of such a change in Burusaski itself, as there is no other known language with which comparison can be made. It is an isolated language, with no known relative. See, however, P. L. Barbour in JAOS, XLI (1921), pp. 60 ff. He suggests that Burusaski ia a remnant of a language akin to the ancestor of the modern Munda (Austro-Asiatic) forms of speech, spoken in northern India before the Aryan invasion, the people using it being driven further north by the new comers into the fastnesses of the Himalaya, where they have led an isolated existence ever since. P. L., 20. 3 LSI, III, 1, 34. The only parallel that I have been able to find in an oriental language is the Chinese sound which in Southeru Mandarin is pronounced like an English, but in Pekin as (Matoer, xvii).

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August, 1931) GENERAL VIEW [ $ 38 38. The speakers of Dardic inhabit the wild mountain country lying between the Kabul River and the lower ranges of the North-Western Himalaya on the south, and the Hindukus and the Mustay Range on the north. They fall into three groups, the Kafir, Khowar, and the Dard. Most of the speakers of the languages of the Kafir group (Kf.) dwell in the wild and inhospitable country of Kafiristan, which is not within the sphere of influence of British India, being subject to the Amir of Afyanistan. Our knowledge of them is therefore limited. We know Basgali best, as & good grammar has been written by Davidson, and we have a dic. tionary by Konow. On these is based the account given in the LSI., but since that was published additional and important information has been provided by Morgenstierne in his Report on a Linguistic Mission to Afghanistan (Oslo, 1926). Before that Report appeared the only speakers of the language known to us were the Kafir tribe dwelling in the Basgal valley of Kafiristan, and it was accordingly called "Basgali" by English writers. But Morgenstierne has discovered that these Basgal Kafirs are comparatively late arrivals in their present seat, having come there only some twelve generations ago from the Ktivi and neighbouring valleys much farther west in Northern Afyanistan. In their ancient home the same tribe of Kafirs still also persists under the name of Kati, and Morgenstierne (pp. 40ff.) has found that this Kati language is the same as what has hitherto been known as Basgali. A better name for the whole language would therefore be "Kati," and so it is called by Morgenstierne, but in the present work, to avoid confusion, I have thought it best to adhere to the older and more familiar name. Between the two groups of Katis, and directly south of the Eranian-speaking Munjan, lie the Presuns, whose language is known as Veron, Presun, or Wasi-veri. It differs considerably from Basgali,-60 much so that Morgenstierne (p. 47), who calls it Prasun, suspects an un-Aryan substratum. The speakers, in their inhospitable home, were not found to be easy of approach, and our information concerning it is based but on a brief interview with one of them by Morgenstierne, and on the language of one Presun shepherd who was enticed from the wilds of his native valleys to Citral for the purposes of the Linguistic Survey of India. As its geographical position suggests, Veron possesses more Eranian characteristics than do other Dardic forms of speech, such as the frequent change of d to l; but, on the other hand, it sometimes agrees in phonetio details with the Dard group, where the other Kafir languages differ from it.1 South of the Preguns dwell the Wai Kafirs, who speak Wai-ala, closely related to Basgali. In addition to the information given by the LSI., we have now & further account by Morgenstierne (pp. 42 ff.). Weat of Wai-ala, and immediately to the south of the western section of Kati, lies Aslund (or Aglun). The LSI. failed to obtain any specimens of it, but Morgenstierne was more fortunate. He was able to show its close relationship to Wai-ala, and to identify it with the "Kafir " language described nearly seventy years ago by Trumpp in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.' Pagai, a name that is possibly derived from "Pisaca," is the speech of the Dehgans of Layman and of the country eastward as far as the River Kunar, that is to say of the tract between Western Kati, Askund, and Wai-ala on the North and the Kabul river on the South. It is also called Laymani and Dehgani. Since it was described in the LSI., a valuable addition to our knowledge of it has been made by Morgenstierne (pp. 81 ff.). It has several well. marked dialects, which fall into two groups, an Eastern and a Western. In the Western dialects, usually becomes x, a change that occurs not only in the neighbouring dialects of the Eranian Pasto, but also in the Indo-Aryan Gadi dialect of Western Pahali. Tirahi is the language of the people who once inhabited the Tirah country, and who in comparatively modern times migrated to Ningnahar, both in Afyanistan. Thanks to the help of Sir Aurel Stein, a fairly full account of this language will be found in pp. 266 ff. of vol. I, Part i, of the LSI. Before that, all that we knew about it was confined to the few words contained in a short vocabulary by Leech.3 Gawarbati (Gwr.), or Gawar-speech, is the language of the 25

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$39.40] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (Avaust, 1931 Gawars, & tribe living in the Narsat country, at the junction of the Basgal and Citral rivers. Kalasa (KI.) is the language of the Kalasa Kafirs, who live in the Doab between the same two rivers. Gwr. and Kl. are both spoken in territory within the sphere of British influence, and we have more information about them than about most of tlae other Kafir languages. Biddulpho has given a vocabulary of Gwr. under the name of Narisati, and Leitner's Dardistan is largely taken up with information about Kl. All the Kafir languages are strongly influenced by the neighbouring Pasto. Pasai, the most southern member of the group also shows traces of the influence of the Indo-Aryan languages of the Western Panjab, and Kalasa, on the other hand, is, as might be expected, influenced by Khowar, the language regarding which we now proceed to speak. 1 E.8., the aspiration of a final surd, the change of nig ton, and the sligion of medial m. 2 JRAS., 1862, pp. I ff. For the language, see Morgenstierno in Mrgn. Rep., pp. 44 ff., and a much fuller account entitled "The Language of the Ashkun Kafire" in Norok 2'idsskrift for Sprogvidenskap, II (1929), 192 ff. 3 JASB., VII, 783. 4 Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, oxvi. 6 E.g., there can be little doubt but that they owe the presence of the cerebral to the influence of Pasto. 39. Khawar (Kh.), the language of the Kho tribe, ocoupies a linguistio position midway between the Kafir and the Dard group of the Dardio languages. It is the language of Upper Citral and of a part of Yasin, and is also called Citrali or Catrari. Boing spoken in a tract under the British sphere of influence, we have a fair amount of information concerning it. There is a great deal about it in Leitner's Dardistan, under the name of Arnyia,' and we have grammars by Biddulph (Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, cxxi) and O'Brien.! 1 See E. Kuhn, Die Verwandtachaftsverhaltnisse der Hindukush Dialetto, in Album Kern, 29 ft. Published in 1895. This work would have been more valuable if the author had consulted his predecessors, Biddulph and Leitner. 40. The principal genuine language of the Dard group (Drd. Gr.) is Sinal (S.), the language of the Sin tribe, inhabiting the country north of Kasmir, including Gurez, Dras, Cilas, and Gilgit. In former days these people extended far to the East, over Baltistan into Tibet, at least up to Khalatse, beyond Leh in Ladakh. Full accounts of this great tribe and of its language will be found in Biddulph's Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh and in Leitner's Dardistan.3 The people of Gurez still call themselves Dards, a name which has survived from the name of the great nation, the 'Derdai' of Megasthenes and the Daradas or Daradas of the MBn. There are several dialects of sina, the most important of which are Gilgiti of the Gilgit valley, Punidli of north-West Gilgit, Astort of the Astor valley, Oilasi of the Indus valley from near Astor to Tangir, Gurezi of the Gurez valley, and the two Brokpa, or Highland, dialects of Dras and of Dah-kanu. The last-named is spoken in a couple of isolated villages in Baltistan, surrounded by speakers of the Balti dialect of Tibetan. It differs so widely from even tho Brokpa of Dras, that Dras and Dah Hanu people have to use Balti as a lingua franca, when they communicate with each other. The name Derd' has been extended by Europeans to include all the Aryan languages spoken on the south side of the Hindukus, and is the basis of the name 'Dardic' which I here use for the Modern Pisaca Languages. 1 The word is pronounced with a cerebral, and a cerebral , with the strong accent on the last syllable. The presence of the cerebral is secondary, being due to the proximity of the cerebral , exaotly as ooours under the well-known rule of Sanskrit. An original cerebral does not, so far as I am aware, ooour in the Language. It may be added that the samo rule for the cerebralization of nooours also in Burudeskt, sco Lorimer, se quoted below, pp. 188-9. See A. H. Francke, A Languags Map of Western Tibet, JASB., vol. LXXIII, Pt. i (1994), pp. 362 ft., and The Darde of Khalates on Western Tibet, MASB., 1906, pp. 413 d. 26 -

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August, 19311 GENERAL VIEW (84143 8 See also, beside the grammar of T. Grahame Bailey, D. L. R. Lorimer, Phonetics of the Gilgit Dialect of Shina, JRAS., 1924, 1 and 177, and, for important information regarding the Brokpa, or Highland, dialects, R. B. Shaw, Stray Ariana in Tibet, JASB., XLVII, Part i (1878), 26 ft. 1 J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, 51. 41. Kasmiri or Kadir (K.) is the language of the valley of Kasmir. Its basis is & tongue closely allied to sina, and some of its most common words, such as the personal pronouns or words indicating close blood-relationship, are almost identical with the corte. sponding words in that language. But at an early date it developed a literature under San. skrit influence, and both its vocabulary and its accidence have been strongly affected by that language or its descendants, especially the Lahnda of the Western Panjab, spoken immediately to its south. In the fourteenth century A.D. the valley was invaded by the Musal. mans, and it remained under their rule till the year 1814, when it was conquered by the Sikkhs. During these five centuries the bulk of the population became converted to Islam, and a large number of Persian and (through Persian) Arabic words was added to the vocabulary. Those Kasmiris who became Musalmans naturally borrowed most freely from this foreign source, but the speech even of those few who remained faithful to Hinduism is also infected by it. Kasmiri has a small literature, and has received study at the hands of ite own speakers. A grammar, on the model of the Kaumudis of India and named Kasmirasabdamrta, was written about the year 1875 A.D. by Isvara Kaula, who for the first time gave the language a fairly consistent system of spelling. His system is gradually being adopted, but with most writers, the spelling of the language is still in a state of chaos. Kasmiri varies slightly from place to place. It has one important dialect, Kaste wari, spoken in KastAwar (Kishtwar of the maps) to the south-east of the Valley, on the Upper Cinab. There are also a number of local dialects of small importance, such as Dodi, Rambani, and Poguli, spoken in isolated villages south of the Valley, in the hills between it and the Cinab, where the latter passes through Jammu territory. Kasmiri is the only one of the Dardic languages that has a written character. Musalmans, who form the bulk of the population, employ a modification of the Persian character. Hindus prefer the Sarada character, and in this most old Kaxmiri works are written, but of late years the Nagari has begun to come into general use. Although Kasmiri cannot be called a pure example of the Dardic languages, it is the only one for which we have ample materials for study. It will hence be frequently referred to in the following pages. Published by the ASB., under the editorship of the present writer, in 1898. 42. Maiya (My.) may be taken as & corrupted form of sina. The river Indus, after leaving Baltistan, flows pretty nearly due west through the Cilas country till it receives the river Kandia. From this point the joint Indus-cum-Kandia turns to the south, and passes through a wild hill-country known as the Indus Kohistan, till it de bouches on to the plains of the Panjab, and a tract in this Kohistan is locally known as Mayo. In this Kohistan several dialects are spoken, all based upon sina, but much mixed with the Lahnda spoken to its south, and with Pasto. These dialects are collectively known as Kohistani, and Maiya, the most important of them, may be taken as a typical example. Others, such as Cilis and Gauro, are described by Biddulph in Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh. None of them have any known literature or written character. The Kohistan was for long under the domination of the Afyans, and the main language of the country is still Pasto, Kohistani being spoken only by a few tribes who, while they have acoepted Islam from their conquerors, still adhere to their ancient tongue. 43. Another Kohistan, that of the valleys of the rivers $wat, Panjkora, and Kunar, lies immediately to the west of the Indus Kohistan. Here also Pasto is the main language, but, exactly as in the case of the Indus valley, there are a certain number of tribes who still speak languages that are based on sina, with an admixture of Pasto and. Lahnda. As a

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$$ 44-45 1 ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [ August, 1931 typical example, we may take Torwali, spoken in the south of this Kohistan. Biddulph, in the work already mentioned, describes it under the name of 'Torwalak,' and it also has a graramar by the present writer published by the Royal Asiatic Society. Other dialects which may be mentioned are Garwi, spoken north of Torwali, and Baskarik of the upper part of the Swat and Panjkora valleys. The latter has also been described by Biddulph. 44. None of the Dardic languages really fall strictly within the definition of Indo. Aryan vernaculars, and hence they will not directly form an object of study in this work. But nevertheless they have exercised such strong influence over the true IAVs. of the Hima. lava, the Panjab, Gujarat, and the west of Central India, that some consideration of their peculiarities is a necessity, and, accordingly, when such a necessity occurs reference will be made to them in the following pages. 45. We have seen that the Dardic languages are divided into three groups,-a western, a central language (Khowar), and an eastern. It is important to note that the western group is more nearly related to the eastern group than either is to Khawar, a language which, ac. cording to geographical position, separates them as if it were a wedge between the two.1 In order to illustrate (not to prove) the independent position occupied by Khowar, I give the following short list of words partly based on Leitner. Besides the Kh. terms, are shown the corresponding words in two western languages-Basgali and Kalasa; and two eastern ones-Sina and Kasmiri. Although Kh. occupies this independent position, it certainly be. longs to the Dardio languages, and has borrowed nothing of importance from the Talcah languages to its north. Western Group Eastern Group. English. Khowar. Basgali. Kalasa. Kasmiri. Bad khica khacu kac sum. Behind ptior pisto phatu aci. Black kruna kino krehun sa. Bone ati ati kol. gao gav lesu. Deep guru gut gutumo gutulu kulum. krui seon hunu reni. Eye ec aci achi yac. angur ango agui angaj camut. Head sai ger sor. Heavy gano aguroka aguru kayi. High drgr hutala uthalu wotul zang. Horse uep has as po guru istor. Husband .. beru baro barla mas. ha hanu chuh asur, sair. Rise aeati uthe woth rupe. Silver aru rua rup rop droyum (cf. dpaxun) Son putr putr puc put jau. Sour cenai cukra curko tsok* sut. Star rasta taru taruku istari. Stone wott batt wat bort. Sweet mace mahora moro modur sirin. Tongue dits jip ligini. Was azzi avi a ssistai, osoz. sina. .. digar raa atti Cow gak go Dos ace Finger ::::::::::::::::::: gobo mos .. asse .. usta taro bar jip zev 680 su 29

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AUGUST, 1931) HISTORICAL [#46-48 It must not be assumed that Khowar is so different from the other Dardic languages as this table seems to show. The table shows only points of difference and does not show the many points of agreement. 1 This was first shown by Leitner in The Bashyeli Kafirs and their Language, reprinted from the Journal of the United Service Institution of India, No. 43, Lahore, June 10, 1880. Morgenstierne (Rep.. p. 74) is of a different opinion. 46. Finally, in regard to Dardic languages, it is noteworthy that they still possess many words in extremely ancient forms. Such are, for instance, KI. kakauak, V. kakoku, Bs. kakak, a fowl, as compared with the Vedic Sanskrit krkavakr. ; Kh. droyum, silver, which preserves the Greek Spyuh unaltered to the present day, although even in Skr. it became changed to dramma-; Skr. kaina, milk, Bs. kasir, white ( 290 ); Skr. svasar-, Kh. ispusat, a sister; Skr. asru-, Kh. asru, a tear; and several others, CHAPTER II. Historical. 47. We have completed our geographical survey of the IAVs. and their dialects. It has beon seen that they have been divided into three families--a Midland, an Intermediate, and an Outer. We shall now consider the mutual relationship of these families, and it will be more convenient to consider their growth downwards from the source than to follow their course upstream. The treatment must necessarily be historical, but the portion dealing with those stages which preceded that of the IAVs. lies outside the frame of the present work, and my account of them will be as brief as is consistent with gaining a clear idea of the whole subject. 43. The earliest documents illustrating the language of the Indo-Aryans that we possess are the hymns of the Rg Veda. These hymns were composed at widely different times and in widely different localities, some in Arachosia, or even in Eran itself, and some in the country near the Jamuna; but, owing to their having undergone a process of editing by those that compiled them into their present arrangement, they now show few easily recognizable traces of dialectic differences. On the other hand, it is certain that even at that early period 'there must have existed a popular language wbich already differed widely in its phonetic aspect from the literary dialect,' and that this folk-language varied 80 greatly from place to place that Indo-Aryan speakers of one locality were unintelligible to Indo-Aryan speakers of another. In the process of editing the hymns, much of the original dialectic variations have disappeared, and there has even been, as has always been the tendency in literary India, & disposition to use exceptional forms as bases for generalizations ; but, nevertheless, the hymns, even as we possess them, form an invaluable record of the Aryan language of ancient India, especially of that of the Eastern Panjab and of the Upper Gangetic Doab where they were compiled. 1 Cf., however, von Bradke, ZDMG, I, 673 fl., Wk., xiii, xix, xxv. Macdonell, History of Sanskrit Literature, 24. Of. Wk., xvi ff., XXV. 3 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologiel, i, 89, 114, 136. 4 Cf. von Bradke, 669 ff., Wk., xii. 49. It is impossible to trace the origin of these ancient dialects in detail, but one general theory must be stated, which not only has the authority of a distinguished philologist, but is also supported by the leading Indian ethnologist. 1 1 Seo Risley, Report of the Census of India (1901), i, 511, repeated in the Imperial Gazetteer of India (1907), i, 302 ff. According to him, the earlier Aryan invasion suggested by Hoernle, and mentioned below. was one of a tribe or tribes who brought their women with them. The later invadere roprosent the 29

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$ 50-51 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS August, 1931 Indo-Aryan population of the Midland, which presents the ethnological type that might be expected to result from the incursion of a fair long-headed race that entered India by a routo which prevented women from accompanying them, into a land inhabited by dark-skinned Dravidians, whose women they took for them - relves. It is thus seen that Risley postulates two sets of invaders, one bringing their women and settling at first in the central and western Panjab, and the other coming without their women, and settling at first in the Midland. It is evidently immaterial to his argument which was the first and which the second, but be assumes that the first was that with women. 50. On purely Linguistic grounds, Hoernle considered that at some former period of its history, North India was divided between two great forms of speech which he calls the Sauraseni tongue' (Western), and the Magadhi tongue' (Eastern), respectively. He fur. ther suggested that at a still earlier period the limits of the Magadhitongue included a much wider extent of country. He finds isolated traces of Magadhi characteristics in the far West. These increase in number as we proceed East, till at last in the East itself they predominate Bo as to constitute the Magadhi tongue. These circumstances, he maintains, seem to disclose the fact that at some time in the remote past the Magadhi tongue must have reached up to the extreme North-Western frontiers, and have been the only language of North India; but that in course of time it gradually receded more and more to the South and East before the advancing tide of the Sauraseni tongue, leaving, however, here and there in the deserted territories traces of its former presence. With this Magadhi tongue Hoernle associated Pasto and Kafiri, and concludes. It would appear from this that Magadhi Prakrit and the Pasto and Kafiri were once in close connexion, perhaps one language, and that, at some time in the remote past, they became separated by the Sauraseni Prakrit tongue, like a wedge cleaving them asunder and gradually pushing the Magadhi further and further away towards the East.' 1 H). Gd. Gr., Xxx ff. 51. I have quoted at length this eminent scholar's theory, and now proceed to state my own opinion which is founded upon it. In the first place, it must be remarked that, since Hoernle wrote, it has been proved that Pasto is an Eranian language, and hence can hardly have been closely connected with the Indo-Aryan Magadhi tongue. As regards Hoernle's Kafiri, by which he means Askund, one of the Dardio languages, the case is some. what different. In some respects Dardic differs widely from NWIAV., i.e., Lahnda and Sindhi, while in other respecte it closely agree with them. Reference has already been made to this point (ante $$ 10, 24, 25), and I have stated my opinion that the points of agreement are due to the intermingling of the ancient speakers of the old form of Ps. Pr. with the IndoAryans of the North-West,-in other words, that they are due to very ancient borrowing by the latter. Otherwise, I am unable to account for the existence of Eranianisms in Dardio that are wanting in L. and S. On the other hand, it is evident that Ks., a Dardic language, either has borrowed freely from NWIAV., or else is a connecting link between the two groups. Possibly, when we know more about Dardio, it may be shown that I am wrong, and that Hoernle's instinct was justified in suggesting that the old Pr. of the North-West, i.e., Hoernle's old Magadhi tongue, and the ancestor of Dardic were once in close connexion or perhaps one common language.1 My mind is entirely open on the point. Three interesting points are on Hl.'s side. One of them is the optional change of rto lin Calikapaidacika. The same change was obligatory in Mg. Pr. Cf. Mahabhagya (Kielhorn, I, 2, 1..8) na layo, for AS arayah, in the speech of the Asuras, which is often said to be Mg. Pr., but can be better explained as CP. Pr. The second is the change of on to a (K. asi, we, etc.) See Hl. Gd. Gr., 280, note I. The third is the frequent use of A both in P6. Pr. and in Mg. Pr. (Hc., iv, 305, etc. Cf. Hl. Gd. Gr., 11). 30

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August, 1931 ] HISTORICAL [H 62-63 52. I nevertheless believe that NWIAV., whether of common origin with Dardic or not, are much more closely related to Hoernle's Magadhi tongue than even he supposed. In other respecte also his contention seems to me to be entirely justified, and, so far back as we can trace the linguistic history of Northern India, we find a 'Magadhi Prakrit tongue' occupying the North-West, South and East, with a wedge of Sauraseni in the Midland, which it embraces on three sides. Now, the Aryan invasion of India was a process extending over several centuries. The Voda itself shows this. There are, for instance, hymns that treat of Divodasa of Arachosia as a contemporary, and there are others that tell of his descendant, Sudas, who dwelt in the Panjab, and in whose days the martial exploits of his ancestor had already become legendary. This invasion may have been gradual, or, as Risley (op. cit.) suggests, there may have been two different Aryan invasions at widely separated periods. For our present purposes, it is immaterial which was the fact. If it was gradual, then the first comers differed from the latest as widely as if there had been separate invasions instead of a continuous one. Sudas's hymn-writers tell us how he conquered the Purus, another Aryan tribe far to the East, on the Jamuna, whom they called mydhravac, of barbarous speech. Again, we have a valuable reference to the struggle between the Aryans of the Western and those of the Eastern Panjab, in the oontest between the Western Brahmana Vasistha and the Eastern Ksatriya Visvamitra.. Similarly, the war of the Mahabharata between the Kurus and the Pancalas gives us hints as to the state of affairs at a later stage of history. Since Lassen's time it has been recognized that the latter were older settlers than the former, and it is an interesting fact that, broadly speaking, their allies belonged to the South Midland and Pascala, or East Midland, while the Kurus had allies from the North-West, the South, and the East. This would illustrate & later stage of the struggle. The Pancalas of the East Midland would be the representatives of the Magadhi Prakrit tongue,' opposed to the Kurus coming of the West Midland and Eastern Panjab. The fact that the Kurus are described as having allies in the extreme East can hardly affect the question. We can accept the original authors of the old Bharata lay (ciro. 400 B.C.) as authorities for the centre and west of Northern India, but references to settled kingdoms in the Far East must be ascribed to later writers. Political considerations affected the conduct of the nations immediately to the East of Panoala, viz., Eastern and Western Kosala, Vatsa, Kasi, Videha, and East. ern and Western Magadha. Some of these sided with one party and the others with the other. Making these subtractions, we find that the war was one between the Brahmanical Kurus of the West Midland and the anti-Brahmanical Pafcalas to their East. This point is discussed in detail in an Appendix to this chapter. Hillebrandt, 104 ff., 109. J Hillebraad', 14. * Hillebrandt, 110, also maintains that there was a second invasion of Aryana from the West. It is worth noting that Visvamitra oallod Vasitha a Yatudhana, or Rakyasa, a form of abuse that the latter strongly resented (Rv. vii, 104, 15). 6 The kingdom of Magadha was, as a whole, hostile to the Midland. See Jacobi, Das Ramayana, 104. * Pargiter, JRAS., 1908, 334 ff., and map; Grierson, ib., 602 ff. 63. It is to be noted that the Rama legend belonged to Eastern India, while the MBh. (originally with Kurus, not Pancalas, for its heroes) belonged to the Midland. Nevertheless, the connexion of the East with the extreme North-West was close. The progenitors of Rama, the Ikawakuides, whose home was in Kosala, east of the Midland, belonged originally to the 31

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$854-58 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (August, 1931 extreme North-West (Ram. II, lxviii, 17), hailing from the Ikgumati, close to the Satadru. Moreover, it was from this country, not from the Midland, that Dasaratha took his wife Kaikeyi. Lassen points out that in the Satapatha Brahmana the Kurus were connected with the Bahlikas of the land beyond North-Western India, and that their allies, the Sauviras, Madras and Kaikoyas, though Aryans, are called Mleochas. He maintains that the Pancalas were earlier immigrants, and even suggests that they had been so long in India that their colour had changed from fair to dark.. 1 Jacobi, op. cit., 69. LIA, i, 720, 742, 743, 791. 54. It was in the West Midland that the Vedic hymns were collected and edited, and it is hence reasonable to assume that they represent in the main the language of that part of Northern India. Here, also, in later times was the centre of Brahmanical culture, here arose Classical Sanskrit, 1 and here a non-classical speech developed in the mouths of the people from the ancient vernacular, of which we find the literary form in the Vedic hymns, and which was the ordinary language of mutual intercourse. In the literary circles of the Brahmanas, the language of later Vedic literature, i.e., that of the Sutra period, continued as the polite language and the language of literature, and was fixed by the labours of grammarians oul. minating in Panini (ciro. 300 B.C.) This language, so fixed, was known by the name of Sanskrit ' (Samskrta, purified), while the language of the common people, the loka of Patanjali,' was oalled 'Prakrit' (Prakyta, natural, unsophisticated). In Patanjali's time correot Sanskrit was spoken in its purified form only by poor learned Brahmanas who had been specially taught grammar. Other Brahmanas spoke incorrect Sanskrit," while the uneducated people spoke a form of Prakrit. As the language of literature, Sanskrit held a monopoly in the West ; but in the East of Northern India, where the Brahmanical influence was not so strong, and which was the oentre of anti-Brahmanioal reform, Prakrit was also used for this purpose.8 1 Wk., xxxiv. 2 The earliest examples of this are to be found in the inscriptions of Aboka (cire. 250 D.O.) and in the Mahabhagya (circ. 150 B.C.) (Bhn. 280). 3 Wk., xxxii, xii. Liebich, Panini, 47 ff. + See Thomas, JRAS., 1904, 471, 748. 6 E.g., Kielhorn, 1, 289, 1. 14. . JRAS., 1904, 480. Jacobi, Ramayana, 114 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texte, II, 168 ; W., XXIviii, Noto 6. 8 Cl. Sylvain Levi, Bull. Soo. Ling., 8, p. viii, , xvii, quoted in Wk., Xxxx N. 65. From this definition of the term 'Prakrit,' it follows that the vernacular dialects, the literary form of which is preserved in the Vedic hymns, were essentially Prakrit, and as euch they may be called the Primary Prakrits of India. The vernaculars that developed from them and which continued developing in various phases, alongside of the Sanskrit whose growth was arrested or retarded by the grammarians of the Brahmanical schools, may be called the Secondary Prakrits, while the final development, the modern vernaculars of the present day,--may be called the Tertiary Prakrits. It is with these Tertiary Prakrits that we are immediately conoerned. 1 The Primary Prakrita plus their literary form a conserved in the Veda correspond to Wk.' Altindiach,' and the Secondary Prakarite plus their literary form to big Mittelindiscb.' 32

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SEPTEMBER, 1931 ] HISTORICAL [$56-57 56. It stands to reason that no distinct border line can be drawn between the Primary Prakrit, or Prakrits, and the Secondary Prakrits,' or between the Secondary Prakrits and the Tertiary. If we exclude sporadic traces in the Veda, the Secondary Prakrits first appear to us in literature in the inscriptions of Asoka (third century B.c.), and here we find them in their first phase, but in a state of full development. We know, on the other hand, that the transition from the Secondary to the Tertiary Prakrits was so gradual that, at or about the approximate border line, it is impossible to state to which stage the language belongs. At the same time there is no difficulty in recognizing the main characteristics of each stage. In the primary stage the language is synthetic and has no objection to harsh combinations of consonants. In the secondary stage, the language is still synthetic, but diphthongs and harsh combinations of consonants are eschewed, --so much so that, in the latest artificial literary phase,--the literary Maharastri Prakrit,-it arrives at a condition of almost absolute fluidity, becoming a mere emasculated collection of vowels hanging for support on to an occasional consonant more lucky or more hardy than its brethren. This weakness brought its own Nemesis, and in the tertiary stage we find the hiatus between contiguous vowels abolish. ed by the creation of new diphthongs, declensional and conjugational terminations, consist. ing merely of vowels, worn away, and a new kind of language taking shape, no longer synthe. tic, but analytio, and again reverting to combinations of consonants under new forms, which had existed three thousand years before, but which two thousand years of attrition had worn away. Nay more, in the OuIAVs. we see the analytic form of language disappearing, and in the process of being replaced by a new synthetic form comparable, in its principles, with that of Primary Prakrit. 1 It is quito certain that oven in the Vedic period the popular speech of at least some classes of the people already contained many words in the same stage of development as Pali, 1.6., 88 the earliest phase of Secondary Prakrit. Cf. Wk. xviii, xxv. It is always the Midland which has been behindhand in the race of development. Sauraseni Pr. is less developed than Maharaetri Pr., just as the modern IAV. of the Midland is less developed than any of the Outer languages, including Marathi. Is this because the inhabitants of the Midland represent the latest Aryan immigrants (600 above), or is it due to the influence of literary Sanskrit,-itself a Midland language? Opportunity may here be taken to warn against one common error. It has often been stated that, because (e.g.) Sauraseni Prakrit is less developed than Maharastri, it is therefore earlier in point of date. Such an argument is fallacious. It is & well known fact that different languages of a common origin do not all develop at the same rate of progress. To take an example from the Romance languages,-- Italian is much less developed than French. To use Indian terms, we might almost say that Italian is in the Pali stage, while French is in the Prakrit stage. Nevertheless they are contemporary. 57. We know that the Primary Prakrit had dialects, and it therefore follows that there must also have been dialects of the Secondary Prakrits even in their earlier phase, but we do not obtain any certain information on the point till we come to the Asoka inscriptions already mentioned. In them we find that the then existing Aryan vernaculars did include at least three main dialects, an Eastern, & Western, and a North-Western.1 As to whether there was at that time a Southern dialect we do not know. I Cf., as the latost authority, Michelson, AJP., Xxx (1909), 284, 416, xxxi (1910), 55 ; JAOS, XXX (1909), 77, xxxi (1911), 223. Also Grierson, JRAS, 1904, 725. The Eastern dialect in the days of Asoka was the official imperial language, and was understood even where it was not spoken as a vernacular (JAOS. xxx, 77). The Brahmagiri (Siddapura) Edict of the South is written in a mixture of Eastern and Western forms (Buhler, EI, iii, 135). But this, being in a Dravidian country, is not decisive. Cf., however, the close connexion between Marathi and Ardhamagadhi Prakrit. Wk. (xxi) considers that there were probably in Vedic times an Eastern and a Western dialect. The Eastern, which was the language of the earlier Aryan immigranta, was then spoken on the banks of the Ganges. The literary language of the Veda would in the main correspond to the Western dialect. We cannot trace in the Voda any marks of a dialect of the extreme North-West, but we can deduce nothing from their absence. 33

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$$ 58-59 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS SEPTEMBER, 1931 58. The particular phase which the Secondary Prakrits had reached at this time was that of which Pali is the literary representative. As vernaculars they continued their course of development, and, in various dialects, entered the phase of Prakrit kar' toxuv. When we speak of Prakrit' without qualification, we mean this later phase of the Secondary Prakrits, when they had developed beyond the phase of Pali, and before they had reached the analytic stage of the IAVA. 59. These Prakrits became, in later times and under the influence of religious and political causes, the subject of literary study. Poems and religious works were written in them, and they were freely used in the drama. Grammars of the various dialects were written by contemporaries or by men who lived a comparatively short time after they had become dead languages. Here again we see the same Indian proclivity to turning tendencies into, or even to use exceptional occurrences as the bases of, general rules. The Prakrit spoken was bound by only one universal rule,--the convenience of the speakers,-but the grammars and the literature based upon them altered this speech in important particulars. The writers omitted what they considered to be vulgar, reduced wild luxuriance to classical uniformity, and thus created artificial products suited for the artificial literature which has ever been popu. lar in India. For instance, the laws of the development of the language created a tendency to drop medial consonants. The grammarians made this & universal rule for certain consonants, so that, e.g., mata-, mada-, maya-, mrga-, and mpta-, all became maa-, and kako-, kaca, and kaya, all became kaa. Such a language must have failed to fulfil the main purpose of any language,-that of conveying intelligible thought, and could never have existed as a general means of communication. That there was a tendency to drop such medial consonants is certain, but various automatic devices came at the same time into being that preserved intelligibility at the cost of that consistency on which the gramma. rians set so great a store. One of these was to arrest the phonetio development of a word at that particular point at which its further development would have led to its confusion with another word. As an example, take the word kaka- given above. The ordinary course of development would have been kaka > kaga-> kaa-. We have proofs from the IAVS. that development in the mouths of most Indians stopped at kaga-. The genius of the vernacular felt that kaa- would lead to confusion, and resisted the tendency towards phonetic indolence that urged it to drop the g. It has accordingly kaga- unchanged down to the modern Hindi, where it still appears under the form of kag, in spite of the efforts of the long series of Prakrit grammarians. Other Indians, it is true, gave way to the tendency, but saved the cause of intelligibility by the use of pleonastic suffixes, of which a great variety were to hand. So in the case of kaa- (< kaga-), they distinguished the meaning of 'crow' by appending the sufix waa- ( ukaka-), and the word became kauaa-, which is the parent of the Hindi karwa. As for kaca-, it never lost its original form, for the order of development would have been kaca >, kaja-> kda-. But kaja- was already appropriated by lajja- or kaja- < karya-, and hence the development of kaca- was stopped from the very first, and we have still kac in modern Hindi, usually, but unnecessarily, described as a tatsama. (see below). Kaycr alone really became kia- in the latest stage of the Secondary Prakrits. In short, too much stress cannot be laid on a fact which seems to have been ignored by many writers, that no language in the world has ever developed homogeneously on regular lines, as if it were a mathematical problem. At no stage is it possible to draw & line at which it will be found that all the words in use have arrived at the same stage of development. The most that we can say is that the majority have arrived at that stage, while, on the other hand, the development of many words has been retarded, or even hastened, by various causes such as desire for intelligibility, religious tradition, or political prejudice. We must, however, credit the grammarians with expressly warning us that their rules are not universal. Cf. Hc. i, 2. See also Bhn. 77 noto, all these rules are general, not universal.' 34

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SEPTEMBER, 1931) HISTORICAL [ $$ 60-81 2 Pr. Gr., $12. 3 C4. Pr. Gr., & 364. Regarding the changes which Pr. has undergone in becoming literary, see Pr. Gr., SS 9, at end. For the last, compare the change of pronunciation of Mg. Pr. 6 to 8 in Bihari, although e is invariably written. 60. Before dismissing this part of the subject, it is necessary to warn the reader that he must not expect to find the Secondary Prakrits or the IAVs. to be each shut up in a watertight compartment. There has always been much reciprocal borrowing among them, so that in one Prakrit or IAV. we often find words belonging to another. This was mainly due to the fact that there appears always to have been in India soine particular dialect which was used as a Kotvi, at one period of history one, at another another. This depended largely on political and literary factors. In early times Sanskrit, so far as any Aryan language was spoken, was the universal language of polite society all over Northern India, and thus brought the influence of the West Midland to bear on the most distant vernaculars. In Acoka's time, the Kotrh was the eastern language of Magadha, as we know from numerous examples of Magadhi in the most distant inscriptions. On the other hand, in the last centuries the Kotry has been Hindostani, essentially a Midland language, and even in tongues so different from it as Bengali many Hindostani words have been incorporated and admitted to full citizenship in more or less distorted forms. Similarly, Bihari, which has always been historically connected with Awadh, the home of Eastern Hindi, has abandoned the Magadhi Prakrit pronunciation of 8 as 8, although it always preserves the o in writing. Again, the literary Prakrits, as time went on, lost their characters as local forms of speech, and each became the universal language of a special kind of literature, Maharastri Prakrit monopolized the Prakrit lyrics and kavya, and Sauraseni Prakrit and Magadhi Prakrit became the dialects used, not by natives of any country, but by partioular classes of characters in the drama. It is clear that a language such as Maharastri Prakrit, which was largely used by lyrical poets from all parts of India, would in course of time adopt words and perhaps also inflexional forms from other vernaculars than that which was its original base. On the other hand, it would naturally influence the spoken vernaculars. The language of lyrical poetry is, of course, more apt to exercise such influence than that of any other branch of literature. Every Prakrit, and especially Maharastri Prakrit, should therefore be expected to be more or less of a mixed character, and this is undeniably the case.' 1 Soe, for instance, Micholson, AJP., XXX, 285. ? Konow, IA., xxxii, 181. 61. Owing to their deformation at the hands of grammarians and their followers, & veil, which it is not always easy to lift, is drawn between the literary Secondary Prakrits in their Prakrit' stage, and the true vernaculars of their time. We are able, however, to distinguish, as in the Asoka inscriptions, an eastern and a western Prakrit, each possessing distinctly marked characteristics.1 The principal form of the western was Sauraseni, the language of the Midland, and of the eastern, Magadhi, the language of Magadha, the present south Bihar. Between these two there was a kind of neutral ground, the language of which was Ardha-Magadhi, or half-Magadhi, partaking of the nature of both languages. Closely connected with the last-named, but leaning rather to the Eastern than to the Western, was Maharastri or the language of the present Varhada (Berar) and the country adjoining. More. over, in the extreme North-West there was an unnamed speech, which was a development from the particular Primary Prakrit spoken on the banks of the Indus, and whose existence is vouched for by the reference to it in the next phase of the Secondary Prakrits to be immediately described. For this division of the Prakrite, see Konow, Maharasnt and Marathi, IA., xxxi (1903), 181 f., with which I am in entire accord, 35

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9 62 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [ SEPTEMBER, 1931 3 Mk., xvi, and Comm. to xviii, perhaps calls it Takki,' or perhaps Paacatya,' Cf. RT., III, III, 6, 12, in IA, LII (1923), 21, 23, and Al. Gd. Ur., 15, note 1. 62. The phase referred to at the end of the preceding paragraph is that known as Apabhramsa,'1 The word ' Apabhrasta ' means 'corrupted ' or 'decayed. Applied to a language, from the point of view of a philologist, it means 'developed.' The Secondary Prakrits became fixed and stereotyped for literary purposes by the grammarians, but the actual spoken languages (descs-bharas) on which they were founded continued to develop, and, as compared with the literary Prakrits, were looked upon as corrupt, though nevertheless popular narrative poems were also composed in them. Such poems were written for the general public, and, unlike the works in contemporary literary Prakrit, they borrowed freely from the form of speech current in the locality where each was composed. In this way, a work composed in the desn-bhani of, say, Kosala would differ widely in its vocabulary and in its methods of expression from one composed in, say, Gujarat. The popular words,-known as debya, or local,'-used in such works had no literary authority, and hence had no permanence, their meanings, becoming forgotten as time went on, fell into disuse, and became superseded by others, so that ultimately these narrative poems became unintelligible and required translation, for which purpose vocabularies were compiled of the desya words used in them. An example of such popular poems is the Tarangavati, composed in Kosala by Padalipta not later than the fifth century A.D. This has been lost, but eight hundred or a thousand years later it was translated into literary Apabhramsa, under the name of Tarangalola by an anonymous writer. Later writers applied the name 'Apabhramsa'to these deba-bhanus, and as the works composed in them became more and more popular a tradition of style became developed, and certain of them, particularly the local dialect of the Abhiras, became specially used in poetic works. Finally, a variety of this Vracata, or Vracada, dialect of the Abhiras received, like Prakrit, fixation at the hands of the grammarians as a literary dialect, in which, in western India, works in Apabhramsa were henceforth composed. As so used, it became a kind of literary Kouvh, varying slightly from place to place, though these variant forms,--they can hardly be called true dialects, were, it must be under. stood, not the same as the several independent desa-bhanas or other languages spoken by the people among whom it was employed for literature. They were each a local variation, not of any desa-bhana, but of the one language which we may call 'Literary Apa bhramba.' Rama-Tarkavagisa and Markandeya each give us a list of no less than twenty-seven 6 of these forms of literary Apabhramsa, with brief notices of the peculiarities of each, and each named after the country in which it was employed. As go fixed, Titerary Apabhramsa (with due regard to phonetic development) closely agreed with literary Prakrit in its vocabulary, while its grammar, and much of its phonetics, were in the main still those of the Desa-bhasas of western India. The western grammarians -Hemacandra and so forth.--called this literary Apabhramsa simply 'Apabhramsa,' tout court; but the eastern grammarians gave it a special name, viz., 'Nagara Apabhramsa,' with which they couple two subordinate literary forms,-Vracata (or Vracada) and Upanagara.8 The earliest grammarian, of whom we have literary remains, and who gave an account of literary Apabhramsa, was Hemacandra (twelfth century A.D.), and in his time it was a dead language. He and the other writers on the subject treated it as a dialect of literary Prakrit, ignoring its relationship to the local vernaculars. To them it was Prak to 'pabhrambah (Pr. Gr., p. 30), i.e., they clescribed a Prakrit modified by the peculiarities of the contemporary and older vernaculars, not in the true vernacular,-the real Desa-bhasa or real Apabhramsa, itself. Just therefore as is the case with the literary Prakrits, we cannot expect the literary Apabhramsa to give a true picture of the real vernacular. The works in this form of Apabhramsa are of varying date and differ among themselves as to the extent to which the 36

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SEPTEMBER, 1931) HISTORICAL $ 63 literary Prakrit has been altered to approach the vernacular. But, nevertheless, when used with caution they impart valuable information as to what that vernacular was.10 1 For the whole question of the origin of Apabhramsa, see H. Jacobi, Bhavisa ita Kaha von Dhanavila. 58. ff. (Munchen, 1918), as supplemented by his Sanatkumiracaritam, XVIII ff. (Munchen, 1921), both heing in the Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, XXIX and XXXI, respectively. 2 See H. Jacobi, Sanatkumaracaritam, XVIII. 3 Translated into German by E. Leumann, under the title of 'Dio Yonny,' in Zeitschrift fur Buddhiriw. III, 193 ff. and 272 ff. 4 Regarding the Vrucnta Apabhramba of the Abhiras, see H. Jacobi, 'Bhavisatta Kaha, 67' ff. and 73* ff. Jacobi, Bhavisatta Kaha, connects 'Vracata with 'vraja,' a station for herdsmen, rejecting Lussen derivation from vratya,' a man who has lost caste, or who does not follow the proper rites. With all respect for Jacobi's authority, I prefer Lassen's explanation. The termination ta or da, is frequently sect to indicate contempt.-in the modern languages this is the rule. The Abhiras, or cowleda, were always looked upon as unorthodox. They were, and are to the present day, worshippers of Indra, rather than of Vignu (cf. Bhag. Pu., X, xxiv-xxvii, and Grierson, Indra and Durga in modern Hindostan,' in Zeitschrift fur Inologie und Ironistik, II, 133 ff.). 6 RT., III, iii, 6 ff.in IA., LII, 5 ff. ; Mk., XVIII, Comm. to 12. 7 That they were not the actual vernaculars of the countries after which they were named is clear frore the descriptions of RT. and Mk. See Grierson in JRAS., 1913, 875 ff. # KI., V, 68-9; RT., III, iii, 1-5; Mk., XVIII, 1-12. Both RT. and Mk. say that Vracada was born in Sindh (Sindhudesodbhava). See the dates fixed in SS 66 pos. Ap. could hardly have been a living spoken language in He's time, for his grammar does not deal with one Apabhramsa, but with several dialects which he mixes together. His very rules are frequently contradicted by his own examples. He would not have done this had he been describing a living language known to him colloquially. In this respect, his grammar is a compilation put together from many widely differing and mutually contradictory sources (Pr. Gr., 28). 10 In his grammar, Hc. gives numerous Ap. verses as examples of his rules. Many of these, with the necessary phonetic changes, have survived almost word for word in the modern language of western Rajputana, and are still current in popular speech. See the series of articles by Candradhar Sarma Guleri in vol. II (New Series, Sam. 1973) of the Nagart Pracarini Patrika, especially pp. 18 ff. and 44. 63. Turning now to the real Apabhramsas,-the actual Aryan vernaculars of the people, originally called desa-bhasas,--they were spoken during the later centuries of the first millennium after Christ (Bhn., 302). To each Pr. there was a corresponding Ap. Thus there was a Saurasena Ap. corresponding to Sauraseni Pr., a Magadha Ap. corresponding to Magadhi Pr., a Maharastra Ap. corresponding to Maharastri Pr., and so on (Pr. Gr., 85). To these can be referred nearly all the IAVs. To Saurasena Ap. are to be referred Hindi, Rajasthani and Gujarati, the last-named being closely connected with the Nagara form of Saurasena (see below). To Magadha Ap. belong Bihari, Bengali, Assamese and Oriya, to Ardha-Magadha Ap., Eastern Hindi, and to Maharastra Ap., Marathi. There remain the North-Western group. There does not seem to have been a literary Pr. for this part of India, but, for Sindhi, we can fall back on the Vracada Ap. of the grammarians (see below). For Lahnda no corresponding Ap. is known, and we must assume a Kaikeya (of. the Kaikoya Pistoaka of Pr. Gr., 827) Ap., which was closely connected with Vracada. The Indian grammarians did not divide the literary (as distinot from the real) Aps, in this fashion. As already stated, those of the East knew of three chief literary dialecte, a Nagara, a Vracada, and an Upanagara. The first was the principal literary dialect, and seems to have been based on the deda-bhaga spoken in the country now inhabited by the Nagara Brahmanas of Gujarat, a tribe long celebrated for its learning and which, according to Nagendranatha Vasu (vide ante, $ 14, n. 1), gave its name to the Nagari alphabet. Hemacandra was also an inhabitant of Gujarat, and the Ap. described by him claims (iv, 446) to be based on Sauraseni Pr., although, as already remarked, much of what he teaches really belongs to other forms of the language. We may therefore assume that Nagara Ap. was either the same as, or was closely related to, 37

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$$ 64-66 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [SEPTEMBER, 1931 Saurasena Apabhramsa. Vracada Ap. was based on the form spoken in Sindh. Its peculiarities are described in Pr. Gr., $ 28.1 It is noteworthy that, as in Dardic, it makes little distinction between cerebrals and dentals. Upanagara Ap. was a mixture of Vracada Ap. and Nagara Ap., and was therefore probably based on the language of the modern western Rajputana and the south Panjab. 1 Cf. also Mk., Preface, 7 and xvii, xviii, RT., III, iii in IA., LII (1923), 3] and Grierson, Vracada and Sindhi, JRAS., 1902, 47. 64. Even the Apabhramsa of the grammarians shows clearly the artificial character of literary Prakrit, and how tendencies have there been generalized into universal rules. Apabhramsa is in a phase of development more advanced than that of the spoken languages cor. responding to literary Prakrit, yet even the grammarians show that it was in a phase much older than that exhibited by these artificial monuments of false generalization. For instance, He., iv, 396, expressly states that Apabhramsa does not usually elide, but often softens, certain surd consonants, although these inust be elided by the rules of literary Prakrit, in which such an Apabhramsa word as sughe for sukhena could not occur. There, the word would be suhena. No ingenuity of etymology could make the h of suhena develop into the gh of sughe. The latter is the older form, and shows that the usual pronunciation of the spoken Prakrit on which the literary Prakrit was founded must have been something like sughena, with a tendency, at most, for it to be pronounced suhena by some lazy speakers. The literary Apa. bhramsa, therefore, though not wholly trustworthy, gives us important information not only in regard to spoken Apabhramsa, but also in regard to the spoken Prakrit on which Jiterary Prakrit was founded 65. The spoken, or real, Apabhramsas follow, as has been suid above, the divisions of the Prakrits. Unfortunately, Hc., our chief source of information regarding them, deals professedly with but one of them,--the literary Saurasena (or Nagara) Apabhramsa. We have little definite information regarding the others, although RT. and Mk. tellus something; but for our present purposes it is permissible to assume that each Apabhramsa in, say, the period between the sixth and tenth centuries after Christ, bore, as regards stage of development, the same relation to its corresponding literary Prakrit that the literary Apabhramsas on which He, based his grammar bore to literary Sauraseni Prakrit. Thus, the Skr. sutah, would be sudo in Sr. Pr. and sudu in Sr. Ap. In Mg. Pr., it would be sude, and we are justified in assuming that the corresponding Mg. Ap. word would be *sudi,1 or something of the sort. Again, the Skr. pattah becomes paffo in Sr. Pr. and paste in Mg. Pr. (Mk., xii, 7), and we may assume that the Mg. Ap. would be something like *pasti. That this assumption is not irrational is proved by the modern vernaculars. The IAV. of the Midland has the nominative of strong a-bases in 7 (Page #357
SEPTEMBER, 1931) HISTORICAL [$ 67 used for the ordinary spoken Skr. of the time, i.e., for classical, as distinguished from Vedic Sanskrit. Patanjali extends it to include the more or less correct Skr, used in conversation concurrently with the Secondary Prakrits of his day.1 As R. G. Bhandarkar (287) points out, the root from which the word is derived means 'to speak,' and therefore the original meaning of the word as a proper noun was the speech'or the spoken language. We see this meaning of the word in the Srihargacarita of Bana (sixth century A.D.), in which, in a list of Bana's companions is mentioned his dear friend Isana, a bhaga-kavi, or poet in the bhasa, who is differentiated from Vayuvikara, a Prakrit poet. Here evidently bhasa means the common spoken language of the sixth century, as opposed to the artificial literary Prakrit. In other words, sana wrote in the local Apabhramsa. In this connexion we may point out that Rajasekhara (tenth century A.D.) mentions (Balabharata, i, 11) four literary languages, Skr., Pr., Ap., and Bhutavacana (i.e., P. Pr.) as used in his time. Still later (twelfth century A.D.) Kalhanas describes Harsadeva of Kasmir (eleventh century) as asegadesabhasajna, and as a good poet sarvabhagasu. Kalhana's very name is either an Ap. or a Tertiary Pr. form, and here we may safely conclude that by the desabhasas are meant the local tertiary dialects or languages spoken over northern India, including Kasmiri iself. In a prosody entitled the Pingalarthapradipa, composed in 1601 A.D., the examples of metre consist of verses selected from various older works, and several of these are in praise of princes who were contemporary with the respective writers. The date of these princes are known, and the verses are in various languages. Bhn, points out that some are in Maharastri Prakrit, which was evidently at the time that they were written as classical as Sanskrit itself. Others were written in Apa bhramsa, and one of these was in honour of a prince named Karna of Cedi, who reigned in the first half of the eleventh century. Finally, others are in Tertiary Prakrit, and are in honour of Hammira, who reigned in the thirteenth century. The poet Cand, who is said to be the author of the Hindi Prithiraj Rasau, died at the end of the twelfth century. From these data we gather that the IAVs., were employed for literary purposes by at least the beginning of the thirteenth century A.D., and that Apa bhramsa was used for similar purposes as late as the eleventh. Allowing the time necessary for any language to gain such favour as to be deemed worthy of being employed for literature, we may safely consider that the TAVs. had developed from the Secondary Prakrits by the year 1000 A.D.,' the year in which Mabmud of r'a na (Ghazni) made the first of his seventeen invasions of India. Bhn., 27, 286. Wk., xlii. * Bomb. Ed., p. 47, 11, 6, 7. 3 Rajatarangint, vii, 610. 4 Stein, Tr. Rajatarangiai, I, 13, and footnotae. 6 Kasmirl was certainly in existence in Kalhapa's time, and pomuibly so far back as the tenth century. See Stein, Tr. RT., V, 397-8 * (I, p. 228). Described by R.G. Bhandarkar in Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency for 1887-91 (Bombay, 1897). 1 On this point, cf. Bhn., 302. Bhn. pute the commencement of Ap. at the sixth or soventh century A.D. 67. Concurrent with this long development of the Tertiary Prakrits, and down to the present time, there has existed classical Sanskrit, with all the prestige that religion and learning oould give it. It too, underwent changes in the course of time, but on the whole has remained faithful to the rules laid down by Panini and his successors. It gradually changed from being a polite language to becoming a school language, occupying much the same position as that taken by Latin in the Middle Ages or by Hebrew amongst the Jews. Even in Vedio Skr. we find examples of words borrowed from the spoken Primary Prakrit, and so, in later

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1 68 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [SUPTEMBER, 1991 times, there are numerous instances of borrowing from the Secondary Prakrits. On the other hand, the Secondary and Tertiary Prakrits have freely borrowed words from Skr., although the Secondary Prakrit grammarians hardly mention the fact. We have, however, the express admission of Hc. (iv, 448), and we must also conclude from analogy, that, as at the present day, the more highly-educated Prakrit-speaking population freely interlarded their conversation with Sanskrit words. These words, once borrowed, suffered a fate similar to that of the ancient Primary Prakrit words that came down to the Secondary Prakrits by direot descent. They became distorted in the mouths of the speakers, and finally became Prakrit in form, though not by right of origin. 1 See Bhn., 21, for the change from the verbal to the nominal style of Skr. Ct. Wk., div. For dialectio variations, Wk., li. * Wk., xlii. 3 Wk., lii. * Some later Pr. writers, 0.g., Rajasllchars, borrowed Skr. worde very freely. Of. Indox to Konow's edition of the Karpuramanjari. $ It stands to reason that tho modern distortion of a Skr. word may often have a result different from that of the gradual development of a Primary Pr. word. This accounts for many of the so-called irregular Pr. words noted by the grammarians. To quote an example, Ho., ii, 104, gives a number of irregular forma int (for frt), hirt (hrt), kiria (kriyd), which are really distorted Tatsamaa, not Secondary Pr. The true recondary form of briya is lid (104). So also in the following rutros. 68. Such borrowed words as retained their Sanskrit form were called Tateama (Ts.), or " the same as "That' (i.o., Sanskrit)", while the original Prakrit words, which had come by direct descent from Primary Prakrit, were called Tadbhava (Tbh.), or "having That' (i.e., Sanskrit, or, more correctly, the Primary Prakrit, from one of the dialects of which Classioal Sanskrit was descended) for its origin." Under the latter name the grammarians.also included those Tatsamas which had been distorted in the mouths of the Prakrit-speaking population into apparently Prakrit forms. These I prefer to call Semi-Tataama (Ts.). It is evident that, in the course of events, the tendency must have been for all Tss. to become sTse., and for the latter ultimately to become so degraded as to be indistinguishable from Tbhs. Another class of vocables was the so-called Dedya (Ds.) words of the Indian grammarians. It included all words that they were unable to refer to Sanskrit as their origin. Some such words were inoluded in this group simply through the ignorance of the writers who catalogued them, and modern scholars can refer several of them to Sanskrit like any other Tbh. A few others are words borrowed from Dravidian or Munda languages, but the great majority are words derived from dialects of Primary Prakrit that were not the dialect from which Classioal Sanskrit was descended. They are thus true Tadbhavas, although not in the sense glven to that word by Indian grammarians, in whose philosophy the existence of such ancient dialects found no place. These Ds. words were local dialectio forms, and, as might be expected, are found most commonly in literary works whose places of origin were in countries like Gujarat, far away from the Midland, the natural home of Classioal Skr.. For our purposes we may consider them as identical with Tbhs. 1 Regarding the subjoot dieoused in this paragraph, so Pr. Gr., 48. * For Twin Pr., of. Bhin., 16, and Wk., liv. For the origin of T..of. Bhin., 298. Bhn., 60, give a looount of the so-called Gathi-dialoot, which is germane to the present subject. Pr. Gr., 9, Bhn., 107, 131. Sr. Pr. which developed in the Midland is naturally that Pr. which is most free from Dt. worden 04. Pr. Gr., 22, 40

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OCTOBER, 1931] 69. We find an exactly similar state of affairs in the vocabularies of the IAVs. Omitting foreign words, such as those borrowed from Dravidian or Munda, from Persian, Arabie, or English, their respective vocabularies may each be divided into three classes, Tss., Tss., and Tbhs. The last class consists of words that the IAVs. have received from the Secondary Prakrits, whether in those Prakrits they were Tbhs. descended from the Primary Prakrits, or Tss. (including sTss.) borrowed at that stage from Sanskrit. From the IAV. point of view, their ultimate origin is immaterial, so long as they were inherited from Secondary Prakrit. The Tss. and sTss. of the present day are loan-words, borrowed from Sanskrit in modern times by the modern vernaculars themselves, not by their secondary progenitors. To take an example. The IAV. ajna, a command, is borrowed direct from Classical Skr. Its sTS. form, which we meet in some IAVs., is agya, and one of its Tbh. fcrms is the H. an, derived from the secondary Pr. ana. So also, raja, a king, is a Ts., but ray or rao, a gentleman, is a Tbh. It is not often that such complete sets of three or two are in use at the same time. Frequently only a Ts. or a Tbh. occurs by itself. Sometimes, as in the case of raja, we find the Ts. and the Tbh. forms of a word both in use, but each with a different meaning. Thus, the Skr. vamsa, has the two meanings of 'family' and 'bamboo,' and connected with it we find the H. sTs. bans, a family, and the H. Tbh. bas, a bamboo.3 1 For Tss. and sTss. in IAV., see Bs. Cp. Gr., ii, 11; Hl. Gd. Gr., xxxviii; Bhn. 131. 2 Many Primary Pr. words, which have survived unchanged into the IAVs., and which are hence Tbhs., are liable to be confused with Tss. Thus, the Primary Pr. kara-, a hand, remained kara- in the Secondary Prs., and is still kar(a) in H. As kar(a) is also a pure Skr. word, it is generally looked upon as a Ts. in H., but it can equally correctly be looked upon as a Tbh. In a book called Theth Hindi-ka Thath, by Ayodhya Singh Upadhyay, from which the author designedly excludes all Ts. words, many honest Tbh. words have also been excluded owing to this misapprehension. Nevertheless, it and another work by the same author, Adhkhile Phul, are invaluable records of Tbh. Hindi. 3 For these specializations, see Bhn. 13. He quotes : T8. vedana, any pain. garbhisi, a pregnant female. tapa-, heat. hrdaya-, heart. pinda-, a ball. cetaka-, an attendant. gaves, search. raja, a king. keana-, a moment. kubja, a hunchback. and several others. HISTORICAL STS. varta, a tale. marag, a road. karam, fate. garabh, core. sarav, all. Tbh. M. ven, the pains of childbirth. M. gabhan, only used with respect to the lower animals. M. G. tav, esp. the heat of fever, Kb. exhaustion. M. hiyya, courage. P. G. pand, the body. H. cela, a disciple; Bg. cele, a boy. M. Ng gavas-, find. IAV. ray or rao, any respectable gentleman. (Pr. chapa), M. san, a festival. M. khuja, a dwarf; kubada hunchbacked; Divatia (GLL., 389) compares the following sTss. and Tbhs. in Gujarati: Tbh. vat, conversation. mag, room, space. kam, work, action. gabh, foetus. sau, complete. [ 69-70 70. It will therefore be understood that the IAV. Tss. are really foreign words, and as little belong to the modern languages as do the few Latin words now in use in French or Italian. They are merely an addition to the vocabulary, and in no way affect the grammatical structures of the languages that employ them. They thus, like borrowed foreign words in all languages, rarely change their forms in the processes of grammatical accidence. For instance, the Tbh. H. ghora, a horse, has an oblique case ghore, because it is a Tbh., but raja, a king, does not change in the oblique case, because, and only because, it is a Ts. Grammatical 41

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$$ 71-72 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (OCTOBER, 1931 changes are intimately connected with the history of a language, and the borrowed Tes. of the IAVs. form no part of its history. Now, in all IAVs. the verb must change its form in the processes of conjugation, while the noun is not necessarily changed in the processes of declension. Hence, nearly all Tss. are nouns, and hardly any, except in manifest instances of false analogy, are treated as verbs. If it is necessary to use a Ts. to employ a verbal idea, it must be done with the help of another Tbh. verb. For instance, the word darsan, seeing, is a Ts., and if we wish to use it in the phrase "he sees,' we cannot say dareane, but must employ the periphrasis darsan kare, he does seeing. On the other hand, in all the modern vernaculars, nouns need not necessarily be declined synthetically. They can all be also declined analytically.1 Hence Ts. nouns, necessarily declined analytically, are common, and in the high literary styles of most of the IAVs. very common; and, although there are sporadic exceptions to the broad rule, it may be laid down as a general law that IAV. nouns may be either Ts. (including sTs.) or Tbh., but that IAV. verbs must be Tbh. 1 There are a few exceptions to this. In K. and M., for instance, under the influence of analogy, borrowed nouns can be declined synthetically; but the above holds true as a general rule. 71. The extent to which Tss. are used in the IAVs. differs for each. Everywhere in the common speech of even educated people they are few in number, but in some tongues, such as Bengali, they flood the literary languages to such an extent that it is unintelligible to anyone who has not been specially taught to understand it. In the literary Bg. of the commencement of the nineteenth century, when, under English auspices, there was a general revival of learning, actual counting shows that 88 per cent of the vocabulary of a book called the Puruga-parikpa was composed of Tss. Of late years, an improved literary taste has tended to reduce the proportion in this language, but literary Bg. is still so overloaded with Sanskrit words that it is not understood by the common people. In Hindi, the High Hindi of Benares has been showing signs of succumbing to the same fate, but a body of enlightened writers is doing its best to stem this flood of borrowed terms. The lato Sudhakars Dvivodi (Ramakahant, p. 7) gives an amusing instance of the difference between literary and colloquial H. A friend wrote to him a letter as follows ap.kd samagamartha mai gata-diana ap-ka dhama-par padhara Grha ka kapaya mudrita tha, ap-sd bhli na hus. Halda ao-kar pardvarttita hud, i.e., yesterday I went to your house to see you. The door of the house was shut, and I did not meet you. I returned home disappointed. Shortly afterwards Sudhakars met the writer of this letter, who, not knowing that it had been received, said, -kal mai ap-se milna-kd liye ap-kd ghar par gaya tha. Ghar ka darwaza band tha, ap-se bhat nahi hut. Lacar ho-kar laut aya. This, in conversational H., has exactly the same meaning as the letter in Sanskritized literary style, yot both came from the same man. As Sudha. kara observes, the feeling of a pen in the hand of such a person makes him Sanskrit drunk, and prevents him from using his own mother tongue. 72. Besides Sanskrit, otber Indian languages have exercised influence on the IAVs. The Dravidian and Munda languages have had most influence in the Ganges Valley and in M. The contributions from the Dravidian languages have not been unimportant from the earliest times. In the Tertiary Prs, such borrowed words are often given a contemptuous meaning, e.g., the Dravidian pillai, a son, becomes the IAV. pilla, & cub. In phonology, if the cerebral sounds were not directly borrowed from Dravidian, their development was at least encouraged by Dravidian example. These sounds are an essential feature of Dravidian languages. The peculiar development of the letter l in Indo-Aryan languages has also probably been due to Dravidian influence. We may also note the softening of the Indo-Aryan medial surd consonants. This would have occurred in the course of natural development, but it is also permissible to look upon it as encouraged by Dravidian, in which it is a very prominent feature. Again, we may mention as probably due to Dravidian influence the double pronunciation of the palatals in Marathi and in the languages of the North-West, such as Pasto and Kasmiri, the frequent change of c and ch to e, and the eastern change of a to 1.'In certain languages of the Outer circle, viz., Sindhi and Bih ari and also in Kasmiri,

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Octobra, 19311 HISTORICAL [ $$ 73-74 in sTss. a final short i or u is not dropped as in the Midland, but is only half pronounced,--the mere colour, so to speak, of the vowel being given to the last consonant. Thus, the Ts. murti, an image, becomes the sTs. murat in the Midland Hindi, but is pronounced murati in the Outer Bihari. This is also a peculiarity of Dravidian. 101. the list of Dravidian words said to be borrowed by Skr. on pp. xiv ff. of Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary. See also LSI., IV, 278. Since the latter was written, an important discussion on this subject. by J. Bloch, entitled "Indo-Aryan and Dravidian," has appeared in BSOS., V, 730 ff. (1930). See also the same author in BSL., XXV (1924), (trazislated in Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India, referred to in note to $74 below). Most common, and longeet preserved, in the folk-speech, i.e., Apabhrarga. 3 See Konow, in LSI., IV, 279 ff., for details. Bhn. (87 ff.) attributes the development of Prakrit to the mi pronunciation of Sanskrit words by alien (i.e., Dravidian) races, and so algo Petersen in JAOS., xxxii, 423 ff. I am unable to agree to this. The development as a whole exactly followed the same course as that of the Romance languages from the Latin dialects-B60 Brandreth, The Gaurian compared with the Romance Languages, JRAS., 1879, 287, and 1880, 335. At the same time I readily admit that Dravidian had some influence on their development. 73. In inflexion, the Dravidian influence is still more apparent. Inflexions have not been borrowed, but those systems of Aryan inflexion which were most consonant with Dravi. dian practice are the ones that have survived in the struggle for existence. Such are the formation of cases by the use of postpositions added to an oblique form of the noun; the selec. tion of particular Aryan words as postpositions ; the adjectival treatment of certain cases, guch as the genitive, the ablative, and the datives; the use of two distinct forms for the accusative case, one of which is always employed when the noun is a rational being; the paucity of forms of the finite verb, and the extension of the use of participles to form tenses ; the steady increase in the use of the absolutive, i.e., the conjunctive participle of the IAVs.,which is freely employed in secondary sentences ; the increased employment of the periphrastic future in later Sanskrit, which is exactly parallelled by Dravidian use. The order of words in the IAVs., in which the governed word precedes the governing and the verb is placed at the end of the sentence, is also in agreement with Dravidian principles. 1 E.g., krte > kahu > k0 for the dative, as compared with the Dravidian lu. In OG. 3 In K. 8o exact is the parallel that both in Skr. and Dravidian the verb substantive is not added to the third person, although it is added to the other two persona. 6 It is to be noted that the Dardio languagos, which apparently did not fall to the same extent under Dravidian influence, differ altogether from the IAVs. in this respect. In them the order of words is nearly the same as in English or as in modern Persian. For the whole of this subject, se LSI., I, I, 130, and Konow in IV, 279 ff. 74. The influence of Munda languages on the IAVs. is not so evident. These languages appear to have been superseded on the Gangetic plain of India by Dravidian before the Aryans had occupied that tract. At present they are confined to the forest country of Central India, although traces of them can be recognized as surviving below the Tibeto-Burman languages of the central Himalaya as far west as Kanawar in the Panjab.1 As Munda survivals in the IAV8. we may perhaps note the occasional counting by scores. While the IAV. numeral system is essentially decimal, the word kori, perhaps itself a Munda word, is commonly used for score,' and the uneducated people of the Ganges Valley use this in the formation of the higher numerals. Thus ' fifty-two 'would be expressed as 'two-score twelve,' do kori barah. This counting by twenties is a Munda peculiarity. The Mundas were strongest in the eastern Gangetic plain, and apparently exercised another kind of influence on the eastern dialects of Bihari (Mth, and Mg.). In these dialects the conjugation of the verb is much complicated by changes depending on the number and person of the object. These changes are Aryan in their origin, and have parallels in the NWIAVs., but the system is that of the Munda verb.

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$975-76 . ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [OCTOBER, 1931 1 LSI., III, i, 273 ff. 2 Cf. LSI., I, i, 132, and Konow in IV, 9. The Munda languages form a branch of the Austro-Asiatic family. The question as to borrowings by Sanskrit in ancient times from languages of this family is too wide to be discussed here. Reference may be made to " Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India" (published by the University of Calcutta, 1929) containing translations by P.C. Bagchi of articles on the subject by Sylvain Levi, J. Przyluski, and J. Bloch, and also articles in English by other scholars. See aleo P. Tedesco, BSL., XXIV (1924), 255 ff. 75. Indo-Chinese languages come into contact with the IAVs. in Assam, in Eastern Bengal, and in the Himalaya. In the first two a few Tibeto-Burman and Ahom words have been borrowed. In Assam, Tibeto-Burman influence has also been at work in obscuring the distinction between cerebral and dental letters, and in encouraging the retention of pronominal suffixes added to nouns, which has fallen into disuse in other IAVs. except in the North-West. Tibeto-Burman languages employ pronominal prefixes very freely. In the Eastern Pahasi of Nepal, Tibeto-Burman languages have affected the grammar more than the vocabulary, and the whole conjugation of the verb bears many traces of their influence. Another more general fact may possibly be due to Tibeto-Burman example. This is the so-called bhave prayoga of IAV. transitive verbs. In Classical Skr. the past participle of an intransitive verb may be used impersonally, as in maya gatam, it was gone by me, i.e., I went. But this idiom is incorrect with transitive verbs. We cannot say maya maritam, for 'I struck.' But this very idiom, with transitive verbs, is the rule in Tibeto-Burman languages, and is common in all IAV8. except those of the Eastern Group. If this extension or, possibly, survival of the prayoga in popular speech, although exoluded from Classical Skr., is due to Tibeto-Burman influence, it must come from very early times. E.g., the use of the agent case for the subject of all tenges of the transitive verb, and the creation of a new impersonal honorific conjugation. 76. Far more important than Dravidian, Munda, or Indo-Chinese additions to the vocabulary are those which are due to Persian influence. The Persian is not the Eranian language of pre-Musalman times, although that also has furnished a small quota,1 but the Arabicized Persian of the Muyul conquerors of India. Through this Persian, IAV. has also received an important contribution of Arabic and some few Turki words. The influence of the religion of Islam has opened another door for the entry of Arabio, and a few words have been imported on the west coast from Arab traders; but in the main the Arabic element in all the LAVs. came in with Persian, and as a part of that language. The pronunciation of the Persian and Arabio words so imported is still that of Muyul times, and not that common in Persia at the present day. Thus in India people say ter, not fir, for 'tiger,' and godt not gust, for 'flesh.' The extent to which Persian has been assimilated varies much according to locality and to the religion of the speakers. Everywhere there are some few Persian words which have achieved full citizenship and are used by the most ignorant rustic, and we find every variation between this and the Urdu of a highly educated Musalman writer of Lakhnau (Lucknow), who uses scarcely a single Indo-Aryan word except the verb at the end of the sentence. Under all circumstances, it is the vocabulary, and but rarely the syntax, which is affeoted. The additions to the vocabulary are, as in the case of Ts8., nearly oonfined to nouns substantive (see $ 70). Only in the Urdu of Musalmans do we find the Persian order of words in a sentence, and there has been no other introduction of Persian construction, which is not actually borrowed as a construction with Persian words. Nor are Arabic words inflected except by purists, but they have to conform to the grammatical system of their host. So strong is the native instinct against the use of foreign constructions, that Hindu writers class a dialect as Urdu, not on the basis of its vocabulary, but on that of the order of words employed. 1 E.g., Skr., Pr., and OA. sahi, a king, not derived from the Musalman Persian dah, but preserving the i of the OPersian xdayabiya-. See Stein, Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins, Oriental and Babylonian Record, August, 1887.

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OCTOBER, 1931) HISTORICAL [ $ 77-79 9 Hence the spelling Hindostan,' not Hindustan,' is correct in India. 8 E.8., & well-known H. work, written in the last century, was called Kahant Theth Hindi-m2, or * Tales in pure Hindt.' This does not contain a single Persian word, and yet Hindu writers class it as Urdu on account of the order of the words. The author was a Musalman. 77. Other languages have also contributed to the IAV. vocabularies. The principal of these are Portuguese and English. As examples of Portuguese we may quote kamra (camera), a room; martol (martello), a hainmer; and nilam (leilao), an auction. English words are very numerous. Such are jaj, a judge; istant, an assistant ; digri, a decree; inc, an inch, and so on. Many words when borrowed are distorted into some Indian word of somewhat similar sound, and with more or less allied meaning. Thus a railway trolly' becomes thel'-gasi, or push '-cart, a 'signal' becomes 'sikandar,' and 'signal-man' sikandar-man,' or 'the pride of Alexander.' The free use of English words has greatly increased of late years among the educated. I have heard an Indian veterinary surgeon say kutte-ka saliva bahut antiseptic hai,' i.e.,' a dog's saliva is very antiseptic,' and the 1911 Census Report for the United Provinces (p. 284) quotes is position-ku incontrovertible proof de sakta he, aur mera opinion yeh hai ki defence-ka argument water-hold nahi kar sakta-hai, 'I can give incontrovertible proof of this position, and it is in my opinion that the argument of the defence cannot hold water. It will be observed that not only all the verbs, but also the grammar and word-order of this are purely Indian. Only the nouns are borrowed. The expression' to hold water 'has become 'to do water-hold,' and includes an Indian Tatpurusa compound not in the original. This kind of pidgin ' language is used not only to Englishmen, but also by educated natives when talking amongst themselves. 78. The two main additions to IAV. vocabulary are, however, Tss. and Persian (including Arabic) words. The Tss. owe their origin to educated Hindus, and the Persian words to educated Musalmans and to Hindus educated on Musalman lines (vide ante, $ 7). Their use therefore follows religion rather than language. We may, however, state that, so far as the literary forms of speech go, those of the East and South generally prefer Tss., while those of the West Midland and of the North-West prefer Persian (including Arabic). This is well shown by the following table which is based on Beames, Op. Gr., i, 40. Lahnda. Panjabi. Hindi. Eastern Hindi. High Hindi. Bihari. Bengali, Sindhi. Gujarati. Marathi. Oriya. Here the NWIAVs., Lahnda and Sindhi, spoken mainly by Musalmans, are strongly infected by Persian and Arabio. In the extreme East, where the literary classes are mainly Hindu, Tss. largely predominate in Bengali and Otiya. The other languages occupy intermediate positions, as shown. Hindi has to oocupy two places; for the literary Hindi of Agra, in the West, has much fewer Tas., and uses Persian words more freely, than the High Hindi of Benares in the East. Urdu, which is extremely Persianized, has to be left out of consideration, as it is the literary lingua franca of the whole of northern India, Assamese, owing to its isolated position, has fewer Tss. than Bengali, and occupies, in this respect, a quite independent position. It is therefore omitted from the table. 79. There remains the history of the Dardic or Modern Pisaca languages. Regarding these nothing certainly historical can be established, except that in the time of Asoka, a language possessing phonetic characteristics similar to those of Dardic was apoken in the same locality.1 The Shabazgashi and Mansehra inscriptions are decisive on this point. We have no certain data as to where the Paisaci Prakrit in the form described by Hemacandra was spoken, but if, as is possible, it was the language of the Pisacas of Central India (vide ante, 635), it cannot be expected to throw much direct light on the Paigaci Prakrit of the North-West, although it throws much more than is admitted by some scholars. In some respects Dardio agrees with the Eranian Calcah languages of the Pamirs,' and some general Persian Tatsamas. 45

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS $$ 80-82] [ Ostovin, 1931 Eranian peculiarities have been pointed out in SS 36, ante. Again we see points of agreement with the so-called Tukhari, one of the newly discovered Central Asian languages, and J. Bloch has traced points of phonetic connexion between them and the dialect of the Dutreuil de Rhins fragments. All indications, therefore, point to a relationship with the Aryan languages spoken beyond the Hindukus,-Eranian or semi-Eranian, or possibly even with the North Aryan' language of Professor Leumann. Reference has already been made to the possibility that Magadhi Prakrit had a common origin, not only with the ancestor of NWIAV., but also with the ancestor of Dardic (ante, SSSS 50, 51), and I do not allude to the subject again. 1 See Grierson, Linguistic Relationship of the Shahbazgarhi Inscriptions, JRAS., 1904, 726. 2 The Pe. Pr. of the Eastern Grammarians differs from He's Standard Pe. Pr. in important particulars, and has, like He's Culikapaisacika, a closer relationship with the North-West. Cf. Ps. L. 6; and Grierson, The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians and Paisac! Prakrit,' in the Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volumes, vol. III, Part ii, pp. 119 f. 3 E.g., Kh. ispa, Waxi spa, our. 4 Grierson, Etymologies Tokhariennes, JA, 1912, 339. 6 Le Dialecte des Fragments Dutreuil de Rhine, JA, 1912, 331. 80. In dealing with the IAVs. we shall naturally compare them in the following pages with the Secondary Prakrits from which they are derived, and not directly with Sanskrit. The relationship between Sanskrit and Prakrit will nowhere immediately concern us. That has been completely discussed in Pr. Gr., a work with which the reader will throughout be assumed to be familiar. But in regard to Dardic we have no Prakrit to which we can immediately refer it, or, at least, the materials available from Paisaci Prakrit are too scanty to do more than to suggest lines of inquiry, instead of giving certain proof. We shall there. fore, as a rule, be compelled to compare Dardic directly with the Primary Prakrit, of which Sanskrit is the only literary form that we possess, or with the language of the Avesta in regard to points of contact with Eranian. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. Connexion between NWIAV. and EIAV. See SS 52, Note 1. 81. As Hoernle has already shown the close connexion between Marathi and EIAV. and the point requires no proof, I do not refer to it here, and shall as a rule confine myself to NWIAV. and EIAV., only citing M. and Intermediate IAV. when necessary for illustration. As Ks., although a Dardic language, often shows clear relationship to NWIAV., I shall also Dccasionally quote it. Before entering into details, attention must be drawn to the remarks made in SS 60. Just as in the case of the Prakrits, so it will often be found that every IAV. is to a certain extent mixed in character, and has been contaminated, during its growth of something like three thousand years, with peculiarities borrowed from other languages, and sometimes from very distant languages. Hence, no doubt, exceptions can easily be found that affect the following statements, and these should therefore be taken as descriptions of general character, and not as universal rules. 82. Phonetics. In Kasmiri and Sindhi a final short i, e or u, are very slightly pronounced, so as to be hardly audible. The same is the case in Bihari. Thus, K. achi, 8. akh, an eye; S. anar, charcoal; B. akh, an eye; angor (for angar, with epenthesis), charcoal; dekhath", let him see. In other languages the final short vowel has usually altogether disappeared; but occasionally it is retained in full. The conclusion to be observed is that in the North-West and in Bihari the disappearance of the final vowel is progressing at a rate of development slower than that which has occurred elsewhere. 1 So also in Dravidian languages. 46

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OCTOBER, 1931) NWIAV. AND EIAV. [ $$ 83-89 83. As in B. angor above, this very short vowel is often elided, but epenthetically affects preceding vowels, especially in L. Thus, L. vahir, a heifer, for *vahar; rahur, a bull-calf, for *vahar", and many others. So in Bg. and O. there are words like Bg. begun, the eggplant, for "vayimgan" (Skr. vatimganah); pauka, a cloth, Skr. pataka, through *pataku. 1 This is also common in K., but the final short vowel is also preserved in writing. . 3 See Bg. Gr. Ch., 162, where S. K. Chatterji points out that, in Bengali, epenthesis did not develop till the early middle stage of the language. On this point, see $ 101, below. 8 Other examples in Bs. Cp. Gr., I, 133 ff., with a different explanation. 84. All over the North-West, it is well known that e is frequently confounded with i, and o with u. Thus S. ihaso, pronounced eharo, such ; mihit, pronounced mehete, a mosque ; gali, pronounced gale, a word ; ukhiri, a mortar, but Pr. *okkhalia. So, in B. we have both ukara and okara, him, and many similar forms. In A. 7 is always pronounced u; thus, oth, a lip, pronounced uth. Even an original u is written 7, as in opaja, begotten, pronounced upaza.1 Similar interchanges between e and i, and between 0 and 1 are occasionally found in H., but they are there rare, and can generally be explained by the fact that the Nagari and Persian alphabets have no characters for e or o. Thus mohi, me, with a short o, is generally written muhi (or even mwahi), for want of the proper character. In EH e and o are, on the other hand, very common. 85. The change of u to i is common in Sindbi and the EIAVs., but rare in the Midland. Thus, S. mukit (mukutam), a crown; kutim" (kutumbah), a family ; S. bari, Bg. O. A. bali, sand (Pr. valua); Ap. undaru or unduru, EIAV. indur, M. undir, but R. &daro, a rat. 86. All over the North-West, and also in Gujarati and Rajasthani, the diphthong ai (derived from ai, not the Skr. 21) shows a tendency to become a or e. This also occurs in special cases in Hindi, but in the above localities it is universal. Thus the H. mai, I, is represented by L. ma; H. baitha, seated, but G. R. betho; WR. ma, written mai, in; S. ber", the jujube, Pr. vairo. A similar change, but rarer, occurg in EIAV., as in B. me, I; ber, a jujube. Again au (for ai) in the same tracts becomes a or 7. Thus H. kaun, G. kan (LSI., IX. ii, 345, and Bhn., 299), who ?; H. kauri, G. kadi, S. kori, a shell ; L. kori, a kind of wart; Ch. the Bengali termination o, written a, as in bhala (pr. bhalo),1 good. In A. every au or au is pronounced o. Thus bau, a brother's wife < Ap. vahu, Skr. vadhuh, is pronounced bo, and ausadh, medicine, is pronounced oxodh. IS. K. Chatterji (Bg. Gr. Ch., 154) rightly maintains that this Bg. final 0, is not derived from Western Ap. au, but from a Mg. Ap. a(w)a, in which w has been euphonically inserted. Before, however, awa could become o, it must have passed through the intermediate stage of aua. 87. Although neither Lahnda nor Sindhi have the sounds, the neighbouring languages of the North-West, esp. the Eranian Pesto, and the Dardic Kasmiri frequently change c to ts, and j to z or dz. Thus Pasto taari, S. cari, a spy ; Pasto dzoli, S. jholi, a wallet ; Ks. tsalun, to flee, S. calan", to depart; Ks. zanun, S. janan", to know. A similar change occurs, as is well known, in M. In Assamese c, and in Eastern Bengali ch (so also dialectic Marathi) are pronounced 8, and in vulgar Bihari and Bengali j is regularly pronounced 2, and in Assamese as X (=zh). 88. Lahnda and Sindhi (like Kasmiri) have the palatal h. It also reappears in EIAV. Thus, A. gosain (gujain), a religious teacher; B. thani or thain, but H. thaw, a place. It is true that these words are also indifferently written gosai, thai, etc., and it is true that, so far as my experience goes, in the EIAVs., n is always preceded by i, and it may be said that we may write either in or i. In either case, however, the character is not sounded merely as i, but to my ear has a much stronger nasal sound, strongly palatalized, and very fairly represented by in. 89. Sindhi prefers the dental to the cerebral 1, and frequently derives it from 1 (S. Gr., xxix; Hl. Gd. Gr., $ 16). So also EIAV. Thus, H. sial or siar, S. siarus, B. siar, a jackal.

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$$ 90-95 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [OCTOBER, 1931 In Bihari, rustics are almost unable to distinguish between r and I, and in Sindhi the change is very common. In Hindi, the change of 1 to 7, sometimes occurs, but to nothing like the same extent as Sindhi and Bihari. 90. It is well known that in NWIAV. and in Dardio the cerebral and dental letters are frequently confounded. It was the same in Vracada Ap. (Mk., xviii, 5). In the Thali dialect of Lahnda, d regularly becomes d. This also is occasionally the case in EIAV. Thus (da ksinah) L. dakkhan or da khona, . dakhina, south; Bg. A. dain, O. dahan, right; Bg. dal., H. V dal., to rub small; Bg. dail or dail, split pease; Skr. darvika, Pr. davvia, Bg.davu, a ladle. In A. cerebrals and dentals are often confounded in pronunciation (A. Gr. 9). In Hindi d is sometimes cerebralized, but this is generally due to special causes, such as the proximity of another cerebral letter. So also Skr. dadimah, Bg. dalim, a pomegranate. In Bengali, cerebrals and dentals are usually distinguished but the cerebrals are not pure cerebrals, the contact of the tongue with the palate being more forward, and almost alveolar. 91. Kasmiri under the influence of a neighbouring palatal sound, frequently changes d to j, and d to z. With this cf. M. nijPage #367
DECEMBER, 1931) NWIAV. AND EIAV. ($8 96-97 96. In all OuIAV. there is a strong tendency to omit aspiration. In Dardic (with a few special exceptions) all sonant aspirates are disaspirated (cf. 352). So Derawal Lahnda gidda for ghidda, taken, as if from *grddhah in the sense of Orhitah ; (vyaghrah) S. vagh" or bag", a tiger. This change occurs sporadically in all TAV. Jh becomes jor in Assamese, as in Bg. jhi, A. ji (zi), a daughter. So H. ihal. pungency, but A. jal (tal); H. bujh-, extinguish, but Bg. M. G. R. buj.; Bg. M. G. sa jh or edi, evening. We thus see that the disaspiration of this sonant occurs only in OuIAV. and IIAV. Similarly for dh(rh). H. parh., Bg. par., read ; H. cash-, Bg. R. car., mount; H. korh, Bg. kur, M. G. kor, leprosy ; H. darhi, O. dadi, Bg. dari, a beard. Dh is often disas pirated in R., as bid-, bind : ado, half; lad-, get; dud, milk. So Ks. dod, Bg. dud, milk; M. G.gid, a vulture; S. dlho, smoke. For bh we have s. bilch, alms; bukha, hunger ; R. bhi or bi, also; Dorawal L. bai, a brother; H. jibh, but A. jiba, the tongue. Turning to the surd aspirates, lh is usually preserved, except in M., and occasionally in the other OuIAV. Thus, M. sik-, learn; bhuk, hunger, and others. So Bg. pukur, a pond; A. xukan, M. suka, S. suko, L. sukea dry. As for ch, in A. it always becomes c (pronounced s), as in mac (mas), a fish. So also 0. kacim, a tortoise ; R. cip, for chip., conceal. Elsewhere the aspiration is generally preserved. Th is disaspirated in Bg. pif, the back. T'h is disaspirated only in a few words, the most important of which is R. M. Bg. A. O. hait, others hath, a hand. Ph is also rarely disaspirated. We have Bg. A. O. (also H.) bhap (for baph, with trans. ferred aspiration), vapour ; A. pelite, Bg. phelite, to throw. From the above we see that disaspiration is confined to OuIAV. and IIAV. That of surd consonants is chiefly confined to the South and East, while that of sonants is also com. mon in the North-West.1 1 According to 8. K. Chatterji (Bg. Gr. Ch., 159), the disnspiration in Bg.is & modern development. This may be the case, although we know ancient Bg. only in its literary romains which would naturally be conservative in spelling. But the real point is that the disaspiration has occurred in the East, while it is much raror in Hindi. The seeds of the development are there in the one CAO, and not there in the other. 97. Sindhi, Lahnda and Dardio avoid doubling a consonant, and where Pr. has a double consonant they have a single one, without compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. This is also common in the other OuIAVs, and in IIAV. but does not ooour in MIAV. Thus, S. cak", 0. cak, a wheel. Elsewhere cakk, cak, etc. There are hundreds of other examples. To quote only a few.-H. mag., S. man-, ask; H. sulha, Ks. hokh , M. suka, Bg. O. fuka, dry; H. tilha, A. tikha, sharp; H. edc or acce, S. aac", A. adca, true; H. sijh-, 8. sijh, M. tij, G. Bg. O. A. sij., be stewed ; H. jujh., M. jhujh, be killed in battle; H. muthi, Kg. moth, 8. muth, A. muthi, a fist ; H. kan, L. Kx, ban, 8. kan", an ear; H. pan, L. pand, Kg. pan, S. pan", a leaf ; H. bhat, L. bhat, 8. bharu, Kg. bata, boiled rioe; H. nosi, . G. Bg. 0. rasi, a cord; H. sas, K. had, L. was, S. aas", O. sadu, a mother-in-law, and many others. See $5 175, 274, especially the latter, in which it is shown that in such cases not only is there no compensatory lengthening, but that the length of the vowel (whether long or short) is always that of the vowel in the original from which the modern word is derived. Thus, while Skr, cakra- becomes S. cake, with a short a, Skr. vyaghna. becomes S. vngh with a long a. As explained in $274, this has an important bearing on the question of the phonetics of the ancient Prakrit of the North-West. In that Prakrit, we must have had forms like cakaand vagha-, not (as in Midland India) cakli and raggha-.

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$$ 98-99 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS [ DECEMBER, 1931 98. Declension and Conjugation-Nouns, which in Skr. and Pr. form their feminines in a, in the NW. often form them in i ore. Thus, Skr. vartla, news, s. bate. So also in B., the fem. of the Ts, atyant, excessive, is atyanti, although in Skr. it is atyanta. This is the regular rule in B. (Mth.). In the NW., certain genitive postpositions are derived from the present participle of the verb substantive. Thus, K. hand", S. eando. So also WR, hando. In Bg. the same participle, haite, is employed to form the postposition of the ablative. It is not used elsewhere in this way. In Hindi, the only relics of synthetic declension are the oblique cases singular and plural and a rare locative in e, as in ghare ghare, in each house. In all OuIAVs. and in Ks. there is, on the contrary, alongside of the analytical, a respectable synthetic declension. We shall discuss only the singular number, as that is sufficient for our present purposes. In Kasmiri there is a dative ending in 8 (as in Marathi), an agent case, and an ablative, all formed synthe. tically. Thus, tsur, a thief : teuras, to a thief; tauran, by a thief; and tsuna, from a thief. For i-bases, it has gurt, a horse ; guris; gurt; and guri. The ablative is also used as a general oblique case. Sindhi has discarded part of this, but it still has the locative and the agent and the oblique case. Thus, jhang", a forest ; loc. jhange, ag. and obl. jhanga. Lahnda closely follows Sindhi, but the declension is obscured by epenthesis. Thus, jangul (for janga!), a forest; loc. jangil (for jangali) : ag. and obl. jangal (for jangala). The SIAV. Marathi has also a synthetic declension, forming its dative in 8, an agent case in e, and a locative in 1, in addition to the oblique case. Thus, ghar, a house, dat. gharas, ag. ghare, loc. gharf, obl. ghara. In EIAV., Bihari has a synthetic agent and locative, and the genitive is also becoming synthetic. Thus, from ghar, ag. ghart, loc. ghare, gen. ghar-ker (analytic) or gharak (synthetic). Bengali has a synthetic dat. ghare, gen. gharer, and a loc. ghare. There is also a synthetic instrumental, as in churite, by a knife (churi). Assamese and Oriya are very similar. We thus see that all the OuIAVs. have synthetic methods of declension that are quite wanting in the Midland. 99. In NWIAV. and Kasmiri pronominal suffixes are very common, but are unknown in the Midland proper. Thus, L. ghar-am, my house; ghar-us, his house ; S. piu-me, my father ; pir-se, his father. These have fallen into disuse with nouns substantive in the other OuIAVs., except in distant A., where they have been kept alive by the example of Tibeto. Burman pronominal prefixes (see $ 75 ante). Thus, A. bap, a father; bopai, my father ; bapek, his father. Rajasthani has perhaps preserved the pronominal suffix of the third person (k) as a pleonastio suffix, as in kataro or kataro-k, how pauoh ? (LSI., IX, ii, 36). The use of pronominal suffixes with verbs has been preserved throughout all the OuIAVs., and forms a prominent feature of conjugation, while it is entirely wanting in the Midland. It also exists in Rajasthani and Eastern Hindi. It is unnecessary to give examples of this here, as to do so would only be repeating the chapter on verbs later on in this book. Suffice it to say, that the conjugation of nearly all the tenses of the OuIAV. verb is synthetic, and is in most cases modern in origin, being formed by the accretion of pronominal suffixes. On the contrary, in the Inner languages the only synthetic tenses are the two or three which have survived from Pr., and these also are found in OuIAV. The modern origin of the OuIAV. synthetic conjugation is well shown by the languages of the North-West. Thus: He struck.' Analytic. Synthetic. Ks. lami mara ormarun. & marea maireus. hun mario maridi, 50

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DECEMBER, 1931) NWIAV. AND ETAV. # 100-101 B. BR. A. 0. R. wo maryo or maryas (LSI, IX, ii, 35). EH. mares. mar lak. marilek. marile. marila. But H. 18-ne mara. A form of the past participle, of which the characteristic letter is l occurs in Dardic, NWIAV., SIAV., and EIAV., but not in MIAV. Thus Drd. (My.) kuf-ag-il, S. maria-24, G. mar-lo, M.0. mar-ila, B. mir-al, Bg. A. maril, struck. There is no similar form in H. or EH.1 1 S. K. Chatterji (Bg. Gr. Ch., 165) argues that, in the past tenses of transitive verbe, NWIAV., SIAV., and MIAV. use & passive construction ("toy him it was struck'), while the EIAV. use an active construction ('he struck'), whilo everywhere intransitive verbe take the active construction only. He therefore dividee the IAVs. into two broad groupe-Eastern, or Active,' and Western, or Passive.' His premises are, however, not correct. In the EIAV. languages the passive construction is still employed in these tenses of transitive verbs, although the fact may be disguised by the personal terminations of the nominative and of the agent having become confused. When a Bengali says 'mdrilek,' he really says 'by him it was killed,' although he does not kno' it. This is shown by both Biharl and Assamese, in which the original distinction between the nominative personal terminations of intransitive verbs and the agentive personal terminations of transitive verbe is still retained. As the agentive terminations can only be used with passive forms, it will be seen that the distinction between active (intransitive) and passive (transitive) forms oxista in at least two EIAV, languages to the present day. 100. As regards Vocabulary one word may be mentioned which shows the relationship between EIAV. and NWIAV. in a striking manner. According to Hc. iv, 294, the Magadhi Pr. equivalent of the Skr. urajati, he goes, is van jadi. The Maharastri Pr. form is vaccas (225). Cf. M. (Kon.) vots-, go; but L. vanj. or van., go. 101. It will therefore have been seen that, in many grammatical features, NWIAV. is connected with SIAV. and EIAV., and agrees with them in presenting the same contrasts to MIAV. That the North-Western languages in many respects occupy an independent position cannot be denied, and I do not go so far as to assert that they actually form one linguistic group with the languages of the South and East. But, nevertheless the three sets of languages show signs of more close relationship to each other than that which any one of them bears to Hindi,- the typical MIAV. language. One point must be made clear. It may be argued, and in many cases it is an undoubted fact,--that the points of mutual agreement between the different Outer Languages are of modern growth. That is to say, it may be shown that, for instance, the Lpast participle of Sindhi has developed quite independ ently of the l-past participle of Bengali, and that therefore they are not of common origin. If this participle were only one isolated coincidence, the argument might be valid ; but here we have a large number of different cases, affecting phonetics, morphology, and vocabulary, in which these instances of agreement occur. It must be remembered that the argument here is cumulative,-not a sorites. Even if several of the cases cited by me were proved to be unfounded, the remainder would not be one whit affected, and, in order to prove such a cumulative argument to be untrue, it would be necessary to prove that a large majority of my reasons are false. If, for the sake of argument, we admit that every single case of agreement between the North-Western and the Southern and Eastern languages was in each case an instance of independent development, it would also have to be admitted by my critic that for so many coincidences of independent development there must have been a common cause. This I find in what may be called the hereditary tendencies of languages or of language-groupe. Assuming that several languages can be traced to a common stock, even though that stock contains no signs of what will be the ultimate forms developed in after years, still these languages will in the main develop on the same lines and have similar 51

Page #370
$f 102-105 ) ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS DECEMBER, 1931 resultant forms, while other related languages, not descended from that common stock, but from some other stock related to it but not containing the same seeds of tendency, will develop on different lines. For these reasons I maintain that while Hindi, the Inner IAV., has developed from one Indo-Aryan stock, the North-Western, Southern, and Eastern IAVs. are all descended from another stock, different from that which was the original of Hindi, and have inherited common tendencies different from those inherited by Hindi. CHAPTER III. Alphabets and Pronunciation. 102. A large number of secondary vowels have developed from various causes in IAV. and Drd. The following is a nearly complete list of the sounds in use Vowels *, a, a, a, a, a, e. ", u, u, *, , , e, e, e, ai, ai, 9, 0, 0, 0, o, au, au. 103. The sound of anusvara does not occur, except in Tss., but, in writing, the sign for anusvara is frequently used as an expeditious substitute for a nasal before a consonant of its own class (cf. He, i, 25). Thus H. ark is written for Anusvara is also generally used in printing for, and is often confused in writing with, anunasika. Thus H. tas, Te is often improperly written vie. In Tss., before sibilants, semi-vowels and h. anusvara is pronounced like a strong anunasika, but in EIAV, it has the sound of i. Thus, Bg. IT pr. bondo. In H., before a sibilant, it is pronounoed as n. Thus bans. Anunasika is very common. In transliteration it is represented by placed over the nasalized letter. Thus, H. de bds. In writing, Anunasika is often represented by two dots, like a double anusvara, instead of by . Thus, te, e, or vie. 104. Consonants : k, kh, X, 9, 7, gh, y, k, nih, e, ch, j, j, jh, n, fih, ts, tsh, 2, dz, 1, th, d, d, 1,'h, th, n, nh, c, j, I, th, 9, d, dh, d, n, nh, p, ph, f, b, b, bh, m, mh, y, r, th, 1, lh, ?, ?h, v(w), vh(wh), 8, 9, 8, 2, 8, 8, n. 105. Pronunciation of the Vowels. a is the shortest possible sound of a. It will be further discussed at the end of this sec. tion. The letter a is generally pronounced as in Sanskrit,-- like the a in America,'-but in Bengali, Assamese, and Oriya it has more nearly the sound of the o in hot,' and the same sound reappears in the Konkani dialect of Marathi and in Central and Western Pahari. In North-Eastern Bihari, i.e., in Maithili, it has a sound something between these two. A final a is seldom pronounced, except in Eastern Pahari, Oriya, Sindhi, and Kasmiri, in which the reverse is the case. In Bengali adjeotives and verbs a final a is sometimes exceptionally pronounced as 7 or a, and the same occurs in the case of Tatsama substantives, when spoken ore rotundo. Thus, to pronounced molo, or nola, but more usually nol. The letter a is pronounced as in Sanskrit, like the a in 'father, and = is the same sound shortened, something like the a of the German Mann.' It is most commonly heard in Bengali, Bihari, 52

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DECEMBER, 1931 ) ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION ( $ 106 Lil Central Pahari, and Dardic. In Bihari it is represented in writing by the character for a, without any diacritical mark to distinguish it. So also in Bengali, but here, in modern printed books, a diacritical mark is sometimes added. The letter a represents the sound of the a incall,' and is the long sound of o. It occurs chiefly in Bihari, Gujarati, the NorthWest IAVs., and in Dardic. It is generally the result of the contraction of a or a with u. The letter a (written e by some writers on Indian languages) Occurs chiefly in Gujarati, Western Rajasthani, Lahnda, and in dialects of Panjabi, and is sounded like a German a, or like a French e. Its sound is also heard in such words as 'there' when spoken in Scotland or North England. It may be either long (a) or short (a); but, except when necessary, this distinction will not be observed in the following pages. In origin, it is parallel to a, being generally the result of the contraction of a or a with i. In South Lahnda and Sindhi it tends to become e. The letter a represents a sound approaching that of the a in 'cat.' It is most commonly heard in Bengali, where it is represented in writing sometimes by e and sometimes by ya, most usually by the latter. Thus, the English word 'back' is written byak in the Bengali character, and byakhya, pronounced baekklae, is the sTs. form of the Sanskrit vyakhya. In Kasmiri, the letter a is pronounced a in monosyllables ending in an aspirated surd. The peculiar sound is either not indicated in writing or is represented by the letter e. Thus kraekh is the pronunciation of the word written krakh or krelch, and means ' noise.' The letter 4, as has been said, represents the shortest possible sound of a. In Sindhi and Kasmiri every final a has this sound, as in S. khata, a bedstead; Ks. gard, a house. These final vowels are so slightly sounded that to many Europeans they are quite inaudible, but they can easily be heard by a trained ear, and their presence or absence may make a difference in the meaning of a word. In Kasmiri, as also in the neighbouring Pasto, this vowel may also be medial, as in adorun, to be moist, and even occurs in monosyllables, as in toah, thou, gar, energy. When medial in Ks. this vowel is omitted in writing, so that in the case of monosyllables we get seemingly impossible combinations forming words with apparently no vowel at all. Thus, the above three words would in Nagari be written WE, , and.q. So also in Sarada. In the other IAVs. it is only medial, and is here called the neutral vowel,' on accou:t of its extremely obscure sound, like that in the ble of the word 'amiable,' or like that of the Hebrew showa mobile. It is nowhere represented in writing in the native characters, the full a being generally used instead. As it always occurs after an accented syllable there is generally no difficulty experienced in detecting it. In Urdu and Lahnda, which are under strong Masalman influence, this neutral vowel hardly exists. It disappears altogether, and the two consonants between which it ought to come are pronounced as one compound consonant, the fact being indicated in the Persian character by jazm,, and this remains even in poetry (see $125), in which the metre in these languages is based on Persian, not on Indo-Aryan prosody. Thus, Hindi marna, but Urdu and Lahnda marna, the act of beating. Sindhi, on the contrary, generally represents the neutral vowel by fully pronounced a, as in maran". This neutral vowel frequently performs the office of svarabhakti in sTss. and in borrowed words, as in H. par gat, U. pargaf, from prakata., H. mirad, U. mard, a man. In Old Sindhi, however, this office is taken by 1, as in 8. mard", OS. maridu, a man (S. Gr. 29). A similar change occurs in Bihari, as in laraka or larika, & boy. Examples of the use of the neutral vowel in other languages are P. ghallapa, to send, written ghallara ; G. utarto, descending, written utarato; M. karawat, a saw, written karawat ; H. uleja, reversed, written ulaja. The neutral vowel is very rare in Bengali, Assamese, and Oriya. In Bihari it is common, as in dekhali, I saw, written dekhali. So also in the other IAV8. 106. The vowels i and i ne pronounced as in Skr., or as in the English imp' and pique,' respectively. The vowel ' is the shortest possible sound of i, so as to be hardly 53

Page #372
99 107-110 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS DECEMBER, 1931 audible. It occurs in Bihari and in Kasmiri, and in the former language it is found only as a final letter. Thus, B. dekhalanhi, he saw ; Ks. gur, horses ; karithakh, thou madest them for them. To the unaocustomed hearer, this letter seems to give a sort of colour of the j. sound to the preceding consonant, and in Ks. this is so strong that the seems as if it were sounded very shortly both before and after it. Thus, guri sounds almost like guiri. In Sindhi it is generally said that a final i becomes, but this is hardly correct, as every final is pronounced. Thus, gale; a word, written gali; cholar, & girl, written cholari. In Old Sindhi. however, as stated above, performs the office of svarabhakti. 107. The vowels and i are pronounced as in Skr., or as in the English 'put' and rule,' respectively. The vowel " is the shortest possible sound of u, 80 as to be hardly audible. It occurs in Bihari, Sindhi, and Kasmiri, and in the two first is found only as a final letter. Thus, B. dekhath, let him see ; S. cho lar", a boy ;K;. guru, a horse ; kor" thakh. thou madest it for them. In K. few Europeans have ears sensitive enough to hear the sound of this letter, but a comparison with gur, will show that it is nevertheless important to be able to distinguish it. The same is the case in S. 108. The vowels , and occur principally in Kasmiri, but el is also occasionally heard in Western Pahari. The il has the sound of that letter in German, and represents the shortest possible utterance of the same sound. The latter occurs in Kasmiri only. As a final letter it is hardly audible, and is practically interchangeable with. It also occurs in the middle of a word. Thus, Ks. gafuj* (written gatoj) or gaji, a skilful woman. The sound of u is peculiar. It most nearly resembles & prolonged German u, but few Europeans have succeeded in pronouncing it correctly. It occurs only in Ks. and WPh. 109. The vowel e is sounded as in Skr. in which it is usually transliterated e. In this work it is necessary to distinguish between the long and short sounds of the vowel. The long e is sounded like the vowel sound in the English they,' 'tale,' and the short e that of the e in the English men. The as usual, is the shortest possible sound of e. It occurs both as medial and as final in Kasmiri, and as a final in Sindhi; thus, Ks. ban rawun, to cause to be ; bene, a sister; S. mehet, a mosque. In Ks. all these three vowels are often pronounced with a faint before them. Thus, w, ve, e. In 8..and e are written as i, thus mehet is written mihiti. The sound of e probably occurs in all LAVs., but, owing to there being no sign for it in any of the native alphabets, it is not always easy to be certain as to its existence. It certainly occurs in the Midland, Gujarati, Paharl, and in all the EIAVs. In Hindi it is usually written as i, as in betiya, written bitiya, a daughter. In Eastern Hindi and Bengali it is commonly written ya, as in Bg. bekti, written vyakli, a person, 1 See the note to $111. 110. There are two ai-diphthongs. The long at occurs only in Tss., and corresponds to the Skr. diphthong based on a + i, with the first member long. This diphthong had already disappeared in Prakrit, and does not exist in IAV. Tbhs. The short ai is common. It is a contraction of a + i or a + e, with the first member short. In ordinary writing and in many MSS. it is indifferently written and for (i.., ). It is sounded distinctly shorter than at There is, e.g., & marked difference between the ai of the Ts. bhairav, Bhairava, and the ai of the Hindi Tbh. baithna, to sit, or between the Ts, bair (Skr. vaina-), enmity, and the Hindi bair (Skr. barlara.), a jujube. In Bengali, Assamese, and Oriya ai and ai are both pronounced like the oi in oil.' In Rajasthani, Panjabi, and Lahnda, ai has often the sound of a, or, in Southern Labnda, even that of e. There seem to have been two ai in Sangkrit, one derived from a+s, and the other from 8+ i. So also for au. See Wk. 40, 41. So also in Prakrit, in some words ai, au, become e, 0, and in others ai, ai, respectively (Pr. Gr., pp. 55 ff.). Moreover, in writing, ai and ai were interchangeable (Pr. Gr., p. 55), just 54

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DECEMBER, 1931] ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION 1$$ 111-115 Ag in the IAV. Cl. Bs. Cp. Gr. I, 150 ft). HI. (Gd. Gr., p. 3) admits both ai aud ai in Tbhs., making at the normal form, which, in special cases, is liable to be shortened to ai; but, personally. I have never heard as in a Tuh. word. All these remarks apply, mutatis mutandis, to au and au. 111. The vowel o is pronounced as in Skr., in which it is usually transliterated o. As in the case of e and e, in the IAVs. this vowel has also a short sound, represented by o. The two sounds, short and long, are heard in the English 'promote,' the short sound being that heard in the first syllable. The vowel is the shortest possible sound of o and occurs, only as a medial letter, in Kasmiri. The letter o represents the sound of the o in hot.' This sound is very common in Bengali, Assamnese, Oriya, and Western Pahali, in which it is represented by the letter a. It is also heard in Kasmiri, where it is represented by wa following a consonant. Thus, Ks. dod, milk, written droad. The sound is also occasionally heard clsewhere. The letter represents the shortest possible sound of o. It only occurs in Kasmiri and is hardly audible to European ears. The vowel o is sounded like a prolonged German o. It occurs only in Kasmiri and related languages. Thus Ks. 288, pronounced osu, the face. Both e and o occurred in Pr., especially in Ap., Cf. Ho., iv, 410. 112. As in the case of ai and 4, there are also two au-diphthongs, au and au. The long au only occurs in Tss. and corresponds to the Skr. diphthong based on a+u, with the first member long. It does not appear in IAV. Tbhs. The short au is not uncommon, and is a contraction of a+u or a +o, with the first member short. In ordinary writing and in many MSS. it is indifferently written and or 9. It is pronounced clistinctly shorter than au. 1 Cf. the note under $110. 113. The following table shows the extremely irregular pronunciation of the vowels in Assamese : Letter Pronounced The sound is written o, sometimes a (unaccented) a or, when not accented, a i or Both i and i i Both u and u u or u That is to say : DO SZI oi, or rather, oi au sometimes a. au o It will be observed that Assamese does not possess the sounds i, e, or o. 114. Attempts have been made to represent some of these new vowels in the Nagari character. The vowel a, which has hitherto generally been written in Bihari, is repre. pented by , e.g., B. Att marita, I should have killed. Indian writers frequently represent a by a followed by visarga ; thus, B. :: ha ud, you are ; but Europeans represent it by the mark: superscribed, as in **. The short e, o, ai, and au are represented by ys; 7; u. . and respectively. Thus, B. *t ekara, this (obj. case); car betiya, a daughter; trokara, him; het ghor wa, horse ; 98.0 parh"lai, they read; at aur, and. The neutral vowel is sometimes represented by a dot placed after a consonant, in the same way that a stroke is placed after it to represent the letter a. Thus, M. 1:20 kartwat, a saw. Literature. On the general question of the pronunciation of IAV. vowels, see Bs. Cp. Gr. i, 66 ff., HI. Gd. Gr. 3 ff., and Hoernle and Grierson, Comparative Dictionary of the Bihari Language, Introd., 7 ff. For special cases in particular languages, vide their grammars. Some of the above will not be found in any grammar. 115. The pronunciation of anusvara has already been described (f 103). Anunasika indicates that the letter over which it is written is pronounced with a nasal tone as the o in 15

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f116] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS (DECEMBDA, 1931 the French word 'bon. The word anunasika properly refers to the nasalization, the usual name for the sign in writing is ardhacandra, in allusion to its shape, which resembles that of a half-moon. Anusvara and anunsika were distinguished in Skr., but the latter was comparatively rare and ite use differed in different schools (Wk., 256). It was very common in Pr. especially in Ap. (cf. Ap. Mat., passim). 116. The following general rules apply to the pronunciation of IAV. consonants. The gutturals call for few remarks. In English the letter k is always slightly aspirated. Care should be taken not to add this aspiration to the IAV. k. In Assamese and Northern Panjabi, kh is sometimes pronounced as a rough guttural spirant, like the ch is 'loch,' or in the German ach. This is represented by x. Similarly, in the North-West, we sometimes find 9 pronounced like the Arabic yain. It is then represented by y. The aspirate ih is dealt with below (122). K occurs only in Tss., and its pronunciation varies according to locality, see 290, 4. Regarding 7, see $ 123. The palatals c, ch, j, and jh are more dental than in English: i.e., the place of contact between the tongue and the palate is more forward and nearer the teeth. The lips also should be flattened, -not protruded as in English,--and, if this is done, and the corners of the mouth slightly drawn back, the tongue will fall naturally into its proper position. It is owing to this forward position of the contact,-near the teeth.-that Marathi has developed a set of dento-palatals, viz., ts, tsh, dz, and dzh. The same sounds oocar in Pesto, and in Dardic there is a similar set, 18, tsh, and (Dardic having no sonant aspirates), which are also modifications of true palatals. In Marathi the true palatal gounds oocur only before palatal vowels and in borrowed words, including Tes. In Kasmiri, which is the only Dardic language regarding whose phonetics we can be certain, the two sets of sounds co-exist, and appear to have no definite rule for their use. Some words have one, and others the other. The same letters are employed for both sets, though some writers put a dot under the dento-palatals. Thus stands for ca or 18a, but for 180 only; v for cha or tsha, but for tsha only ; * for jo orza, but for za only. According to Ks. grammarians every c, ch, or j contains the sound of the letter y, and this letter may optionally be added, so that the true palatals are often written cya, chya and jya, to distinguish them from ta, Ish, and z. This may perhaps explain the puzzling passages in the Pr. Grammars regarding the pronunciation of the palatals, see Hl. Gd. Gr., 8; Pr. Gr., p. 216. It seems as if Vararuci, xi, 5, meant that in Miharastri Prakrit the palatals were not pronounced clearly, but like 18a, tsha, dza, as in modern Marathi, whereas in Magadhi Prakrit they were pronounced clearly, i.e., as puro palatals. Markandeya indicates this by prefixing ay to the palatals in Mg. Pr. and in Vracada Ap., just as in Kasmiri ay is suffixed to the same letters. It may be added that in Marathi no distinction is made in writing between the true palatals and the dento-palatals. In Bengali dialects ch, and in Assamese c and ch, are pronounced as a dental 8, as in Bg. muchalman, a Musalman, see 6 33. Cf. the Marathi change of ch to s or , SS 332. Regarding the pronunciation of j, see above, and also $ 279. In Bengali and Bihari it is often vulgarly pronounced 2, and in Assamese it has the sound of or of a French j. The compound jn, only occurring in Tss., is usually pronounced gy, with or without nasalization of the preceding syllable; but in Gujarati it is sounded gny, and in the standard dialect of Marathi as dny. The nasal na is everywhere sounded like ny, except that in Dardio the palatal tone of the n is clearly audible. In Ks. there is a distinct difference between the sound of ny and that of i. It is confimed almost entirely to EIAV., NWIAV.. and Dardio. Its aspirate is very rare, and I have only noted it in one word, viz., the rare Bihari manh, an alternative spelling for majh, middle. Soe & 275. Regarding cerebral and cerebral j, see SS 117. Regarding ), see SS 123. 1 The true pronunciation of the IAV. palatals was first pointed by Cummings and Bailey in NP. Gr., 16 2 See Grierson, JRAS., 1913, 391 ft. 56

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INDEX. .. 94 . .. 85 ** .. 178 Sc. stands for the Supplement, The Scattergoods and The East India Company, (continued from vol. LIX), pp. 75--114. L.A.V. stands for the Supplement On The Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, pp. 1-56. Abdul Majid, Asaf Khan, gov. of Chitor.. 3, 5, 21 | Amarasimha II, and the Mughals 22; and the Abdu'r-Rahman Beg, aftabchi, and Jauhar, Bhats . .. . .. 60 aftdbchi and historian .. .. .. .. 28 Amarkantake, mt. .. .. .. .. 195 Abenner, k. .. Ambaji, and Chitor .. 22, 23 Abhiras, dialect of the .. .. I.A.V. 22, 36, 37 Ambaffa Sutta, and caste.. .. aboriginals, in the caste system .. .. .. 87 Ambayna (from Ambun), Barbosa's reference to 85 Abd'l-Fasl, on Hindu artiste .. .. .. 99 Amboyna, and Ambayna.. .. Aba'l-Hasan SbAh of Goloondah So. 97, 99, 100 amitam A pardntdndm, meaning of .. .. 111 Acts of St. Thomas .. 55, 105, 106, 108, 231 Amity .. .. .. .. Sc. 108, 110 Addison, Gulston . .. .. .. Sc. 78 Amoghavarga III (Raptrakuta) . .. 62, 63 adhala (half dam) IA Thalf dam) .. .. .. 223 Amouco and Jancada Adi-Buddha. See Buddha, the .. 116 'Amr, on St. Thomas Am. on st .. .. 106 Administration Report of the Department of anala (Skt., fire), and Sth. Dravidian kanal 9-14 Archaeology, Travancore, for 1929 A.D. .. 160 anatomy in Tibet .. .. .. .. .. 185 agala. See eagle-wood. Anavalds (Martina Brahmans) .. .. .. 244 agriculturo, in the Nicobars 82, and human Andaman ials. . .. sacrifice .. .. .. .. .. 237, 238 Andaman islanders, 81-85; and time .. .. 230 Ahirs, the .. .. .. .. .. 188, 189 Anderson, Capt. A. R. 8., report on the Nicobar Ain-i-Akbart, and the Panjab rivors 26; and isls. by .. . 83, 84, 133, 135--137, 215 the maund .. .. .. 164 Andranopolis (Cranganore) . . 55, 234 Aislabie, Gon. W., . .. Sc. 80, 107-109 Angada, originator of Gurmukhi alphabet I.A.V. 11 Aiyangar, S. K., Aigadesa .. .. .. .. .. 139 Jaina inscriptions 40 Angas, land of the .. .. .. 139 Pai-a Saddha Mahannavo (Prakrita Sabha animals, etc., and place-names .. .. 196, 197 Maharnava) .. .. anjali mudrd attitude, in Bhuvanesvar stone Ajanta (book-notice) . .. relief .. .. 89, 90 Ajanta frescoes .. .. .. .. .. 99 Anna (sixteenth of a rupee) .. .. .. 229 Ajit, 8. of Jasavantasimha of Jocthpur .. .. 21 Anne .. .. .. So. 89 Akbar, and Chitor, 2, 5, 21, 22; 28, 29; 59; & Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for patron of art 99; and weights, etc... 221-224 the year 1928 (book-notice) .. .. .. 120 4khamiydi (Assamese language) ..L.A.V. 22 arroba, (Port. weight) .. .. .. .. 182 Akhund Mulla Shah (Shah Muhammad) 97, 98 Anqua and Linqua, (Chinese firm at Cantou) Aladra (Ellora ?) .. .. .. .. .. .. 174 So. 77, 108, 110, 111 Alakanda, coral from .. .. .. .. 123 Antarvedi (Central Gangetic Do&b), language 'Alau'd-din Khalji, Chitor besieged by.. .. 2 .. . .. L.A.V. 10 Al-Biruni, on Gujarat territory .. I.A.V. 13, 14 Antiquities of Sind, with Historical Outline, by Albuquerque, Gov. Gen. of Malacca, Portuguese H. Cousens, M.R.A.C. (book-notice) .. .. 18 coinage of .. .. .. .. 75, 76 anundrika, sign and sound of I.A.V. 52, 55, 56 alcatif (Ar. qah, a carpet), use of the word by Anupa desa, suggested situation of along the Barbosa .. .. .. .. .. .. 85 Narmada banka) .. .. .. 111, 112 alcatifas (alcatif).. ... .. anuafubh, verse, metro, in the Kaufalya Artha. alfandica (custom house in an oriental port), Aristna .. .. .. .. .. 171, 172 very early use of the word .. anundra, sound and sign of .. I.A.V. 52, 56 Alfred the Great, his em bagay to India 54, 231-233 Apabhramba, and literary Apabhramsa, varie. ALI, A. Yusuf, ties of .. .. .. .. I.A.V. 36--30, 43 Historical Facts for the Arabian Musical Aparanta, location of .. .. .. .. 111 Influence . .. .. .. .. .. 180 Appa Rao, Raja .. .. .. sc. 93, 94, 98 Al Khirr, possible connection with Kidderpore. . 210 Ara inscrip. .. .. .. .. 80 Allami (Sadullah Khan), and Chitor .. .. 21 Arabella .. .. .. Sc. 83-85, 87, 89, 112 alphabets and pronunciation . I.A.V. 52-56 Arabian musical influence on Europe .. .. 180 alphandica. See alfandica. Arabic, influence on the I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 44, 45 Amarasinha I, of Mowar, and the Mughals 21, 59 Arabs, traders of Malabar . .. .. 181 140

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250 INDEX .. 171 Arachosia (White India) 233 . I.A.V. 29, 31 Avanti, Malwa .. .. . . . . 111, 112 Arakan Yoma mts. .. 81 Averilla (ship) .. .. Sc. 81 aranya-cara (forest-dwellers, the 'wild tribes') 110 Avikum &rs (Avim araka).. .. .. 115 Aravamutham, T. G., Avim draka story, a Buddhist parallel to the 113-115 Some Indian Portraits in Stone and Metal .. 219 Awadhi dialect .. .. I.A.V. 17 Portrait Sculpture in South India .. .. 219 A:'am, prince .. .. .. .. Se. 99 Arbre Sol, legend of the .. .. .. 57 Arcot, in Tanjore, Waspaf's mention of .. 85 Ardha-Migadhi, Prakrit, .. I.A.V. 33, 35, 36 areca (betel nut), derivation of .. .. .. 85 Arikalamma, g. .. .. .. .. .. 236 arithmetic, Tibetan and Burmese systems of 227, 228 Arjuna's penance, at Mahabalipur .. 101---104 arka, the Sun plant (Calotropis gigantea) . 64 arrack, from Coa .. .. .. Sc. 104-106, 114 arrabel (Port. pound) .. .. .. 181, 182 bdbd (& term of endearment and of reverence), Artha-dustru of Kautalya, date of the compila. Jahangir's use of the word .. .. .. 85 tion of .. 109-112, 121-123 BAbur, and weights, etc. .. .. .. 222-224 was it in prose or in baby, suggested influence on the term BAba 85, 86 verse ? . . Bacanore, & port of Canara, Rashidu'd-din's Artillery under Akbar and Babur .. .. 224 early mention of .. . .. 86 Aryan languages at present spokon in British badgeer (a wind catch, Pors. bdd-gir), Barbosa's India. I.A.V. 6, ancient . I.A.V. 7, 29 early mention of .. .. .. ., 86 Aryans and caste 49-52, 67, 92--95, 242; two Badru'd-din Aulia .. .. .. .. 155 invasions by .. .. .. I.A.V. 2932 baftas (a kind of calico) .. .. .. Sc. 81, 82 Aryo-Indian and Indo-Aryan .. .. I.A.V. 7 | Beghelf dialect .. .. .. .. 1.A.V. 17 Asaf Khan (Ja'far Bog), and Chitor .. . 21 Bigla (Bangabhand), or Bengali .. I.A.V. 22 Apaf Khan (Abdul Majid), and Chitor .. 3, 6, 21 | Bagris (VAgurikas) .. .. .. .. 119 A kund (4&kun), the 'Kafir 'language of Trumpp Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, and Chitor .. 1, 2, 22 I.A.V. 8, 25; of Kafiri L.A.V. 30 Bahadur Shah I (Shah Alam I) .. Sc. 97 Asmaka 11, ? Travancore . .. 112 bahar (Sang. bhdra, a load), a weight 86; (* candy,' Aboka and Buddhism 140 ; his capitals 141, 143; mant) .. . .. 161, 181, 182 Rummindei pillar inscription of 188-170, Behau'd-din Zakariya, shrine in Multan .26 204--207; first-litorary use of Secondary Prs. bahlolt (? weight). .. .. .. 221--223 krits in the inscriptions of I.A.V. 32, 33, 35, 46 Bahmanabad. See Brahmanabad. A koka Maurya, reference to, in inscription 122, 123 Bairam Khan, Khon-Khan An. and Sidi 'Ali ..27n. Aspiration and disaspiration .. ..J.A.y.49 Beisw Ari, dialect .. .. .. 1.A.V. 17 Agsafoetida (hiny)... .. . . 8c. 109 B Alagrama, vil. in Pundra co. .. .. 14--16 Assamese language . I.A.V. 8, 21, 22, 65 BALAji Avaji, inventor of the modt character I.A.V. 19 Assegay (ansegai), a throwing spoer .. .. 88 Balabanda Ramdyana of Tulasidasa, an early astabhoga, suggested meaning of .. 201207 copy of .. .. astabhoga-tejanoramya, suggested meaning of, balance, ordeel by.. .. .. .. .. 179 204207 Bane, on Bhdes .. .. . . .. 41, 42 Astori, Sina dialect .. .. .. L.A.V. 26 Bandar 'Abbas . Sc. 102 atap, adap, (palm fronds for thatching) .. 85 Bandar Lahori, port in Sind .. athabhagiye, in the Rummindei pillar inscrip bandicoot (from Telugu pandi-kokku), a large rat 86 tion of Asoka .. .. 168--170, 204207 Bangaloro copper-plate inscrip... 204, 206, 207 Atharva Veda and magic .. .. .. .. 94 Banid and Banyan .. .. .. .. 87 atikomala, plant (navamallikd) .. .. .. 84 banjarne and brinjarry .. .. .. .. 129 attlasses (Ar. atlas, satin) .. ..Sc. 82, 83 Banakher plate inacrip. of Harga .. .. 245 Atyanta Kama Pallavegvara, title of Siva ..104 banyan (a trader), Mas'udi's mention of the Auga Pera. Soe Pera, Khwaja Ach. word .. .. .. .. .. .. Augustus, emp., and Vikram Aditya .. . 67 banyan day (meatlose day), very early use of Aurangzeb and Chitor 21, 22, 60 ; and Roi Pir 98 ; the term . ... and Sarmad 124, 125; and the Dutch, banyan-fight (fight without blows), Thevenot's etc. .. .. .. ..Sc. 94, 95, 99, 100 wo of the term .. .. 87 Austric group of languages . .. .. 9 Banyan Tree' (the Indian Fig) .. .. 87 avadaha, a grass (Andropogon muricatus) .. 04 Baoria (Badhak), the B&gris .. .. .. 110 Avalokitesvara .. .. .. .. .. 169 Barbara (ses of), pearl trade of.. .. 121, 123 .. 87

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INDEX 251 barbiers (a kind of paralyais) .. .. .. 87 bisbare. See bayparree. Barbosa, Duarte, and the word casta 49; on Bide, riv., and the Machwedi 8. 26; "the river weights, etc. .. .. .. .. .. 182 of Sultanpur" .. .. .. .. 27, 29 bargeer (Pers. bar-gir, rider of a baggage-horse) 88 bibliography of St. Thomas in India .. .. 108 Barhebraous, and St. Thomas .. ..63, 64, 231 Bihari language, dialects of I.A.V. 8, 20, 42, 43, Barlaam and Josaphat, tomb at Ahmadabad .. 68 46, 47 Barrington .. .. .. .. Sc. 88, 110, 113 Bilhari inscrip. .. . . . . . . 62 Basgall (Kati) language .. .. I.A.V. 8, 25, 28 Bilaspur, in C.P., origin of the name .. .. 35 bastardo, of Albuquerque .. .. .. 76 bish (Skr. visa, poison) .. .. .. .. 128 batol (batelo), boat used in W. India .. .. 88 black partridge, interpretation of the call of the 128 balta (of Barani), and batel .. .. .. 88ho silver (Burmese baw, pucp) .. .. .. 76 Bauka, Jodhpur inscrip. of .. 240, 241, 243 Boddam, Capt. Chas. (Bodham). . . . Sc. 78, 113 Beyana, indigo market 163, 164 ; or Agra Bodhi-Tamo (St. Thomas) .. .. .. 56 .. .. .. .. 221, 222 Bohea tee .. .. .. . .. .. Sc. 110 bayparree (H. baipari, & petty trader), early bolango (conhalingua) .. .. .. .. 146 use of the term by Barbosa .. .. .. 88 bolea (Port. a purse) . .. Sc. 77 Beale, Capt. Jos... .. Sc. 92 Bombay (Bumbay), early use of the name .. 128 beatas and bottoela .. .. .. .. 128 Bompoka, a Nicobar island 81-84, 134 ; other Bea voir, Mr. Os. .. .. .. .. Sc. 84, 89 names of .. .. .. .. 216, 217 Beckford, Capt. Thos. .. .. .. se. 84 Book of the Bee (Mar Solomon), and St. Thomas. 232 beef eating, punishment for .. .. .. 163 books, value of 32 ; superstitions regarding .. 184 belondri (a kind of indigo), suggestod derivation Boone, Chas. .. Sc. 80, 86, 88, 90, 113, 114 from Pers. balandtarin .. .. .. .. 177 Boone, Rich. . . . . . Sc. 78 Bolur inscription of Harihara II .. .. 169 Boras, the, and Rei Pir .. .. .. .. 126 Bouchier, Rich. bendara (Malay bendahara, treasurer), Bowrey's . . Sc. 87, 89, 113 bound hedge (protective plantation), further use of the terin .. .. .. .. .. 88 suggested meanings .. .. Bengali language .. .. .. 1.A.V. 8, 21, 22, 42, 45 .. 129 Bowroy, Thos. .. .. .. .. Sc. 88 Bennett, Capt. Abr. .. .. Se. 86-88, 112 Brahmagiri (Siddapura) Edict of Asoka, lanBennett, Alex., E. I. C... Sc. 80, 87, 89, 91, 109 ex., E. I. C... Sc. 60, 87, 89, 91, 109 guage of the .. .. .. .. I.A.V. 33 Benyon (Benion), Ber... .. Sc. 87, 89, 108 Brahmana, the 50-52 ; and magic 92-94; Berlue, Mr. .. .. .. .. So. 99 sin of killing, etc. .. .. .. 152--154 Borriman, Capt. J. .. .. .. Sc. 108 brahmana (a magic spell), and BrahmADA .. 92 betel .. .. .. .. So. 104-106 Brahman Abad, site of .. .. .. .. 19 betteela bostolla (a kind of muslin), very early Brahmadas, speech of the .. .. I.A.V. 32 use of the word .. .. 128 BrahmspaS. NAMA. of Guarat Brahmapas, Nagara, of Gujarat .. I.A.V. 37 Betums (House of Thomas) .. . Brahmaps, foreigners become 241-244. Bhadra, w. of Harichandra 240, 241, 243, 245, 246 I.A.V. 12, 13 Bhagirathe's penance (Arjuna's penance), Mahd- Brahmans (Christian), of Malabar 106, 107n.; balipur .. .. .. .. .. .. 101 Mast Ana, 244 ; Maithil . 1.A.V. 20, 21 Bhama Bah, minister, of Udayapur .. .. 59 Brahma-randhra .. .. .. .. .. 193 Bhanugupta .. .. .. .. 112 Brampore .. .. .. So. 107, 108 Bharah, the river of. See Jhelum. breda de mer (an edible seaweed) .. Sc. 76, 77 Bharhut carvings .. .. Bremner, Miss M. J. Djawa .. .. .. 219 Bhisa, & noto on the ten plays of .. 41-45 brinjarry .. .. . ... .. 129 bhdad, mennings of the word .. LA.V. 38, 39 Brokpa, sind dialect .. .. ..I.A.V. 26, 27 bhathiydrin (wife of an innkeeper), and metra Brown, J. .. .. .. .. Sc. 79, 80, 88, 91 doo .. .. 212 Buchanan, F., Journal of (book-notice) .. 138 Bhatkal, weights used in .. .. 181, 182 Buddha, in Modern Tibet 156 ; in the Ajanta Bhate, the, and Amarasinha II .. 60 frescoes 158 ; and Mara 159; images of 116; Bhera, and the ancient Bharsh .. 29, 30 legends of (and Josaphat) 68; in Gandhara Bhikshatana. See Sive and Udyana .. .. .. .. 140 Bhimasimha of Mewar, and the Marath&s 22,69 Buddha, the Manusha Buddha of Mehdy&nism 116 Bhim Singh (Raja Bhimasimha), general ..60 Buddhas, Dhyani.. .. .. .. .. 116 Bhoja (Mahipala) 61; the Gwalior pradaati of.. 246 Buddha Udin (Badru'd-din Aulia), offering to 165 Bhojpuris, the .. . I.A.V. 21 Buddhism and rebirth 30; spread of, in Asia Bhrgu (and caste) .. .. 81 219, 220 ; (Saktic) of Tibet 31, 34, 116, 117 Bhuvanesvar, fragment of a Kalioga railing budgerow, Barani's use of the word .. .. 129 stone relief from .. .. .. 89, 90 Budhagupta .. .. .. .. 112 . 106 Brahma

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252 INDEX Bugden, Edm. Sc. 78 Bukka Raya of Vijayanagara, Mudiyan ur grant of .. .. .. .. .. .. 169 cdo Ana CASIO .. . .. . 40 in bulse. See bolsa. buncus (old name for cheroot).. .. 129 Bungy (a low caste), suggested derivations of the name .. .. 130 Burma, on cortain specimens of former currency .. 70-77 Burniston, Doug... . :: Sc. 108, 113 Burniston, Eliz. .. .. se. 109 Burniston, Mary .. .. Sc. 84, 85 Burusaski, language of Hunza and Nagar I.A.V. 24 bus (P. H. bas, enough), possible espliest use of the word by a European writor .. .. 130 Bussorah Merchant (Elisabeth).. Sc. 77, 78, 88 butter, in Tibet .. .. .. .. 226, 227 by lee (cart driver), early example of use of the word in this sense .. .. .. .. 130 137 carnam, curnum .. .. Car Nicobar isl. 81, 82, 84, 133; other names of .. .. 218, 217, 218 Caryl (Carrell), Eliz. .. .. .. .. Sc.89, 90 cassos (COBBOS). See kehdissa. casta and caste .. .. Castanheda, F. L. de, and the word casta 49 caste, and plece names 208; and wino drinking 241 ; and mixed marriages .. .. .. 242 caste system in India, possible origin of the 49-52, 67-70, 91-95 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boeton, Part VI, Mughal Paint. ings, by A. K. Coomaraswamy (book-notico) 98 catamaran (a raft of logs), early use of word .. 130 catechu (cutch), astringent extract from a species of Acacia .. .. .. Sc. 111 catholico (gold dollar) .. .. . 76 cattee (katt), a weight .. .. . Sc. 110 cattle and pig, connection between 235238 caure (H. kaupt), cowry . . . 147 caves, limestone, in Nicobar inl. census report, 1901, Andaman and Nicobar Islands .. .. .. 81-84, 132, 133 cephalie index, and caste .. 68, 69, 91 ceremonial dancing in Tibet .. .. .. 156 ceremonies, purificatory .. .. .. 154 Chaghtais (marauding band in Sind) .. .. 8 Chakravarti, Chintaharan, Nydyadarianu .. 198 chand (chick pea) .. .. Sc. 75 chandana (rod sandors, the wood of the Ptero. carpus sandalinus) .. .. .. Sc. 77 Chandella dynasty of Kalafijara, inscrips. of.. 17 Chandels, the, as builders .. .. .. 129 Chandragupta Maurya, epigraphic reforonce to.. .. .. .. .. .. 122, 123 chang (beer) .. .. .. 34 changan (customs) .. .. .. Sc. 100 Charpentier, Jarl, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. II, Part I, Kharopthi Inscriptions, with the exception of those of Asoka .. .. 77 Chashtana, Saka satrap.. .. .. 112 Chaufegasht dialect .. .. L.A.V. 17, 19 chaubinbaut. See chalon. chauth, paid by Muhammad Shah .. .. 60 chay root (H. chirval), from Divi .. Sc. 94, 98 Cheda. See Kedah. cheet (chit) .. .. .. .. .. 130 chekings. See sequins. Chenab, river .. .. .. 26, 29, 30n. Chenna (Chinna) Muttu .. .. .. So. 87, 80 Chennamangalam, Hebrew inscription from .. 234 Chetti, (Madras Merchants). Nains .. .. Sc. 88, 88, 112 Chennendi .. .. . 8o. 89 Mutaball .. ..Sc. 87, 89, 112 Tiruppachur .. . Sc. 87, 89 Venkata .. ..So. 87, 89, 112 Kalavay .. .. .. Sc. 87, 89 .. cadjan, very early use of the word 130 Caesalpinia, and Tantarohois . .. Sc. 102 cairns .. .. .. .. .. .. 157 cairas (cash) .. cajeput (a fragrant ossential oil) Calacto, Senr. .. .. .. .. Sc. 92 Calamina, earliest use of the name 53, and Mylapore 54-56 ; other places identified with .. .. .. .. .. .. 232 Calamus Draco (A red coloured resin) .. So. 77 Caland, W., on Hindu civilization 62, 63 calendars, Tibetan and Burmese .. 230 calin, calai, Malay tin money .. .. 73, 75 callousnors, examples of .. .. .. 32 Oalyan (Callian Bondi, of Tavernier), Kalyan Bhiwandi, N. of Kalyan Cambay, noto on a suggested derivation of the name .. .. .. .. .. 130 cambolys (H. kamball), head, small blankets of best quality .. .. .. .. Se. 82, 83 Camorta, & Nicobar island 81-84, 132, 135 ; other names of .. .. .. 216 Campbell, Lieut. (And Nicobar censun) Canakya, and the Artha- od stra .. 109 Canakya-ritrdni .. .. .. .. 174 CandAlas, the . .. canary (white wino from the Canaries) Sc. 82 candana. Soe chandana. Candragupta II .. . . . . . 112 candy (hahar) .. .. 161, 182, 183, Sc. 113 canes (rattans) .. .. S. 105, 106 Cape (wine from the Cape) .. .. Sc. 81, 82 130 der 110

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INDEX 253 .. 185 coin .. 131 obowa (H. rauniri), fly-flap .. .. .. 131 | Cogee Petrus (Khawaja Potrus) .. Sc. 86, 88 chup (chop.' stamp) .. sc. 100 coinage, Portuguese, of Albuquerque .. 73, 70 chi-ku (ceremony) coining, in the Arthusastra .. .. .. 12: China, the St. Thomas legend in .. 56 coins, punch-markod 123; & Travancore collec. China root (Smilax pecudo-China). See phisiok tion 160 ; Tibetan 228, 220. See also ourron. root. . cy, former, in Burma. Chinese of Chincheo (Fukhion), and the To. Collett, Capt. Jon. .. .. Sc. 109, 110, 11:3 chari colour and caste .. .. .. 49-52, 67, 91, 93 Ohinnamalai (the Littlo Mount); and Cala Comcopha Connicoply. See Kama Kuppa. mina .. .. .. .. 53--56, 332 commerce in the Nicobar Islands .. .. 81 Chinnapatnam (Chenapatnam) .. .. Bc. 91, 92 Commercial Policy of the Moguls, by D. l'ant chinthe (the lion weight) . . . . . 75 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 100 chintz (chints) .. .. Sc. 82, 94, 107, 108 Commeroon (Gombroon) .. .. .. Se. 97, 102 Chiplear. See Chippoler. conbalingun (the common pumpkin), Bowrey's Chippalor, N. N. E. of Nellore .. So. 93, 96, 97, 101 reference to the .. .. 146 chit, chitty, early use of words .. .. .. 180 congee (starch used by Indians), ourly English Chitor and ita siegen (contd. from vol. LIX, referonce to .. . p. 239) .. .. .. 1-5, 21---23 conjugation and declension .. .. LA.V. 50 Chitor and the Mughals ..., . .. 60 conker (H. karikar) .. .. .. .. 211 choky, meaning a chair, we of the word in conshin. See chandana. Tabagat---Akbart .. consonante, pronunciation of .. .. I.A.V. 56 Cholaperumal,' k., con vortod by St. Thomas.. 106 Coomaraswamy, A. K. Catalogue of the Indian chop. See chhap. Collections in The Muscum of Fine Arts, Bos. ohouso (a herald, etc.), early 0 of the word .. 131 ton, Pt. VI, Mughal Painting .. .. 98 chowky (a sentinel) . . .. .. 131 coral (best quality) . Sc. 82, 83, 108, 109 chownam (chunam) .. .. .. .. 131 Corbett (possibly Henry Corbet) . Be. 87, 89 Chowra, a Nicobar ial. 81, 82, 84, 132, 133, 136, Corbett, Dr. . . . . . . Sc. 113 216, 217, 218 corge (score) .. .. Sc. 107, 108, 113 chowry (a fly.flapper), Peter Mundy's use of the Coromandel, and Calamina . . . 63, 64, 66 word .. .. 131 Oorpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. II, Pt. I, Christ and Kropa'.. .. .. .. 57, 58 KhArostht Inscriptions, with the exception of Christians (China), of Tenduc 56; "of 8t. those of Asoka. Edited by Sten Konow Thomas," of Malabar .. .. .. 106, 108 (book notice) .. .. .. .. 77 chuchepoa and chusy .. .. .. So. 111 cortex (cort Port), Peruvian bark .. Sc. 101 chuoker (missile weapon).. .. .. 131 cotch. See Catechu. chalom (ltayulon), Shan silver money 70, 76, 77 cott. See khat. Chumolhari, mt. .. .. .. .. .. 115 Cotton clotho made on the East Coast .. So. 14 chumam (prepared lime) .. Cousena, Mr. H., M.R.A.S. Churruck Poojah (carak pujd), Barbosa's de The Antiquities of Sind, with Historical Out scription of the .. .. .. . .. 146 line chusy (possibly chushepoa, a variety of gold) cow, sanctity of the .. .. 153, 166, 167 Bo. 110, 111 | cowrice, from Maldives, trade in Sc. 104, 106 Cilaci, sind dialoot .. .. .. I.A.V. 26 cowry, early English references to the .. .. 147 cinchona (Peruvian bark) .. .. &c. 101 oowry (kaur), as money .. .. .. 71, 72 circumambulation, sunwise, a mark of respect in Cracroft (Caecroft), Capt. John .. .. se. 77 Tibet .. .. .. .. .. .. 117 Cradock, Capt. Chris. .. Sc. 88, 109, 110, 113 Citaldrug inscrip. (of 1328) 160, 206 ; (of 1366) 170 Cranganore (Andranopo Ms), and St. Thomas 55, Citral, Catrart (Khower) .. . I.A.V. 26 105, 106, 234 civilisation, in India, and caste . . . . . . . 49 Crooke, Geo. .. .. .. . 80, 83, 84 Clauson, G. L. M., Crotchey, Kurachee (Karachi), reference to, in Oullines of Tibeto-Burmon Linguistic Morpho. the Munt of Sidi Ali .. .. .. .. 147 logy .. .. 100 Oubeer burr, banyan tree on an island in cleanlines among the Tibetana .. .. .. 124 the Narmada .. .. . " Clifton, Capt. Phil. . Bc. 107 cucuya, cucuyada (ory of warning) Thevouot's cobra de capello (hooded soake), Barbosa's men. note on the use of the term .. .. .. 147 tion of the .. .. .. 146 ouddy; early use of the word .. .. .. 148 cobra, manilla, Barbosa's reference to the 146 cunchunee (H. lanchan), & dancing girl, early Cochin cheets .. . Sc. 107 1988 of the term .. .. .. .. 148 cook coin. See Tenagserim cock coin. + curee, in Tibet .. .. .. .. .. Codex Fuldensis and St. Thomas ..53, 56, 231 curfew, the, in Tibet . .. .. .. 186

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251 INDEX . 54 .. 19 Curgen ven, John.. . Sc. 79 de Marignolli, John, and Mylapore 54, 55 Curgen ven, Peter .. So. 79 de Maundeville, Sir John, and Mylapore curnum (village accountant), early use of the de Miraculis .. . .. 54 term . .. .. .. .. .. 148 demitys. See dimnity. currency in Tibet .. .. .. .. 009 929 227, 228 dernon haunts dernon haunts .. .. . .. .. .. .. 116 currency, former, in urma, on certain speol. . Deniker, on the nasal index in caete .. mens in .. .. . . 70-77 | Depar Ghangro, in Sind, suggested identifica ruscuss, curs (khas Khas), Mundy's reference to 148 tion of .. .. custome, Tibeto-Burman, religious 117--118; Derildjeh (Dible of Vambery) .. .. .. 7 social .. .. .. .. 186 de Roepstorff, Mr., and the Nicobareee.. .. 82 cuttanece (kind of cloth) .. Sc. 82, 83, 88 deroy, daray. See doai. de Soa, Padre Paulo .. .. Sc. 87, 88, 112, 114 deda-bhdeda (real Apa bhramana) I.A.V. 36, 37, 39, 40 Devapala of Bengal, inscrip. of . .. .. 245 devil dance, the .. .. .. .. .. 156 dewallee (divdll), Barbosa's description of the.. 148 Dewal. Thathah .. .. . 19, 20 Dewara, wandering mendicants of the Central Provincono .. . . .. 36 Dair Thuras (Thomas' monastery) .. 54, 38 Dowhuret, R. P. Dalai Lamas, incarnations of Srong-tsang-gam Palakt--Sherwant, Dfudn of .. .. .. 20 po .. .. .. .. 31, 32 Dewy. See Divi. din (paisd), and the Mogul official maund 163, Dhami panth, a work on the .. .. .. 160 164 ; varying weight of .. .. 221-223 | Dharmaditya, Maharajadhiraja, copper-plate damar (resin used as pitch) .. Sc. 106, 106 grant of .. .. .. 17, 18 DAmoderapur copper-plate grant .. . 17 dhoty, distinguished from dod .. .. 149 dancing, ceremonial .. dhurna (dharna), reference to the practice by . Dandakaranya, suggeeted meaning of .. .. 195 Vartheman dandandyaka, early occurrence of the term .. 206 Dhyani Buddhas. Sec Buddha, Dhyant. Dandin, and the Karyaltyd Artha dotra 171, 174 Dikshiter, Ramachandra, darbha or kuda, a grass, (Poa cynosuroides) . 66 Studies in Tamsl Literature and History .. 140 Dardie languages (Modern Pisaca) 1.A.V. 6, 8, dimity Sc. 84, 85 17, 22-26, 28, 43, history of 1.A.V. 45, 46; dingd (Burmese coin), and takd .. 48, 49, 51 dinheiro, coin of Albuquerque .. Dards (the Derdai of Megasthenes, or Daradao) dirham (a weight, also a coin).. .. 201 L.A.V. 26 Diu and 'Diva'.. .. 234, 248 Dartmouth .. Diul and Divu' .. . .. 234, 248 Darul aman (Land of pence), Kedah.. .. 72 Diali Sind. See Bandar Lahorf. Das, Shyam Sundar, Divi Island, a description of .. ..Se. 93-102 Hindi Bhdsha aur Sahitya Divi-Divi, species of Caesalpinig i. Sc. 102 Dakkundra-carita of Dapdin . .. .. 171 DivodAss of Arachosis .. .. .. 1.A.V. 31 Dasyu (illiterate, aborigine) .. .. 52, 92, 93 Divu, of Theophilus the Indian, identification Datta, Bhupendranath, of .. .. . . . . 234, 248 Das Indische Kasten-system, Anthropos, vol. 1 diwali festival .. .. .. .. 187-189 xxii. (1927), extracts from . .. 68, n. 69 Dixon, Thos. . .. Sc. 78, 86, 87, 91, 112 De, Dr. B. K., Djdwd, Parts 1-3, Jan-May 1930 (book. Kfcakavadha of Nltivarman .. .. 199 notice) .. .. . . . . . 219 Deen, Wm. .. .. .. .. 8e. 83, 88 doni, dwye, derivation of the exclamation .. 149 Debal. Soe Dewal-Thathah.. do Couto, on Sadasiva Raya .. .. 23-26 declension and conjugation .. .. 1.A.V. 50 Doctrine of the Apostle, and St. Thomas 106, 107 DehgAnf (Laghm Ani or Pazai), dialect .. 1.A.V. 26 Dolben .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 78, 87 deities, in Tibeto-Burman folklore .. 33, 34 doney, dhony (Tony] (a small native veeeel of de la Force, Capt. Chas... .. .. Sc. 78 8. India) very early use of the term .. .. 149 de la Force, Eliz. .. .. .. .. Sc. 78 doombur (Pers. dumba, fat-tailed sheep), early Delhi, Sidi 'Ali at.. .. mention of the word .. .. .. .. 149 deloll (dallal), a broker, early use of the word . 148 dorees (otriped cloth) .. ... Sc. 83 de Margerie, M. Emmanuel, dove, the, as a symbol .. .. . . 87 L'Oeuvre de Sven Hedin et l'Orographie du D'Oyly, Mr. (afterwards Sir Hadley) and the Tibet .. .. .. .. .. .. 091 Nicobars . .. . . 84, 136 .. 77 .. 75

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INDEX 255 dragon's blood. See Calamus Draco. | farman (Perb. an order) .. .. .. Sc. 99 dramns (probably small phials of spirite). Sc. 82 Farmer, Henry George, Dravidian languages, influence of, on I.A.Vs. Historical Facts for The Arabian Musical In L.A.V. 8, 42-44 i fluence .. Dravidians and cate .. 180 .. . .. .. 80, 92-98 Farrukhsiyar, Muchalk... .. .. . Se97 Dravidic Miscellany dic Miscellany .. .. .. .. 8 14 farsala (a Malabar weight) .. duba (dubber) .. .. . .. .. 149 Fathers (early), and St. Thomas in 8. India dubber (dabod), early English use of the word . 149 105, 106, 108 Dubois, Abbe, on caste .. . . .. . 92 faujddr (military governor) .. .. Sc. 100 Drugeuds, or Second Gauda' .. .. .. .. 17 fauna, of Divi Sc. 93 ; of Junkceylon 8c. 103, 106 duit ayam (Malay duck doit) .. .. .. 75 Favacho, Manuel (merchant of Macao).. Sc. 77 Duke of Cambridge .. .. So. 79 Feake, Sam., E.I.C. .. Se. 85-88, 91, 114 du Prie (Free), Pierre .. ..Sc. 107, 108, 113 fedea fuddoen (coin), Barbosa's reference to .. 176 Durga and Tard .. fedeo and fedea, fuddees . . . . . . 176 ddrud, grass, dab (Cynodon Dactylon of N. India) 65 Federici, Ceeare dei, on Sadasiva 24 ; on Tirumala 26 Dutch, the, and Divi Sc. 93, & Shah Alam So. 04, 99 figurines, some Indian terracotta .. 141-145 Dvaroka in Gujarat, foundation of .. I.A.V. 12 fire, eggs hatched by .. .. .. Sc. 75 dysentery .. .. .. .. .. So. 90, 101 Firinghoo, very early use of the word .. .. 175 flage, prayer flege .. .. .. .. .. 187 Fleetwood, Edw... .. .. . Sc. 78 Fleetwood, Mary .. .. .. So. 78, 87, 89 Fleetwood, Thos. (sen.), and Abu'l-Hasan Shah Sc. 96, 100 Florence, (S.) red wine from Florence, probably of an inferior quality, (G) probably of a good quality .. .. .. ..Sc. 81, 82, 96, 101 cagle-wood .. .. Sc. 76, 77, 80 fluxee (dysentery) .. .. .. .. Sc. 96 E. 1. C., connection of the Scattergoods with the folkloro, Tibeto-Burman, scrape of 30-34, 8c. 78-114 115-118, 153-187, 183-186,224230 Edense, as the burial place of St. Thomas $4, 233 folk-song, Chhatisgarhi .. .. .. 36-38 egge, to hatch with fire .. .. .. Sc. 75 fooda, in Tibet .. .. .. .. .. 226 Klakamaraka, hero . .. 113, 114 foreigners, and caste status .. . 243, 244 olephants, trade in .. .. ..Sc. 104, 106 Elizabeth (formerly Bussorah Merchant). Sc. 77 Fort William College, influence of .. .. 9, 10 Ellore, suggested reference to, in Mas'adi . 174 foufel, fofel (Ar.) betel-nut, and the Bane page Elphinstone, R. I. M. S... phala .. .. .. .. .. .. 88 Emmanuel, k. of Portugal .. .. .. 76 Foulkes, Mr. Robt. 8o. 80, 86, 88, 91 English, the, and Divi Se. 97, and Mosulipatam Pour Brothers .. .. Sc. 86, 88, 114 So. 101 | Francie, Philip, and Warren Hastinge.. .. 119 English words in I.A.Vs. .. .. 1.A.V. 48 Frangay (Piringhee) " .. .. .. 176 Eren .. .. .. ... .. 1.A.V. 29 Fraser, Wm. E.I.C. .. .. .. So. 101 Eranian (halcah languages of the Pamirs I.A.V. Frederick, Thos... .. Sc. 77, 86, 87, 112-114 45. 46 French, tho, and Junkoeylon .. .. Se. 102 Predia, Godinho do, on the Chinese of Chinohoo. 68 fruito, in Junkceylon ..... Sc. 103, 106 Europe, Arabian musical influence on .. .. 180 funeral urna, ancient, in 8. India, a note on signs expiation of sin, Hindu ideas on the 181-184, inscribed on pottery found in .. .. .. 137 168--167 furniture and place namos .. .. .. 208 .. .. 83 Packerla Cawn. See Fakhru'llah Khan. Fakhru'n dh Khan, Diw&n, and the E. I. C. 8. 101 Gabarwars, the Fakur (of Rashidu'd-din), and Bacanore .. 86 Galathea, Danish corvette Falake-s-Shirodni, dilwn of, edited by Hadi gambar (animal-shaped tin currency) .. Hasan (book.notice) .. .. .. .. 20 l Gandh Ara, in the Artha (detta .. ..

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258 INDEX 80 17 .. 169 180. Inscriptione cond. NAgusandra grant .. .. 160 Neulpur, of Subhakaradeva 244, 245 Pahlavi Crona .. . 199, 233, 234 Panjtar .. .. Porum Amilla tank . Puttanapura .. Quilon copper-plate .. .. 234 Ratnapur, of Prithideva of Rudradaman 122 Rummindei pillar .. 168-170, 204207 Sadahalli grant of Devaraya .. .. .. 160 of SamacAradeva .. .. 17 Sampige ... .. .. .. .. 204 from Seringapatam (two) 206 ShAhbasgarhi .. .. ..I.A.V. 46 Silimpur stone .. .. .. 14-18 Singapura .. . .. .. 170 Sue Vihar copper-plate Tamil .. .. Takht-i-Bahi .. . Taxila copper-plato .. .. 78, 79 > gold , . silver scroll Tidgundi copper-plate Tippera >> .. 244, 245 Wardak vase .. Werdhe grant .. .. 62n. 63 Zeda .. . 79, 80 interest, rates of .. ..Sc. 108, 106 intermarriage (between different caste) 93, 94 Insaram .. .. .. .. Se. 97, 98 Iothabis, is 8. Thome in Civitate 33--58, 231-234 'iqd'at, (hocket) .. .. .. .. .. 180 IsAnavarman, Maukhari k., Haraha inscrip. of. 17 ::::::::::::::: 169 33 :::::::::::: 122 Barbosa 182; of King Alfred 231-233 : Lesser 58 : (South) and St. Thomas 103-109 : pearl trade of 121; funeral urns of 137: ("White") Arachosia 233, 234 ; (British) langungee now spoken in, population of in 1921) 1.A.V. 6, 7, ancient Aryan languages and invasions of 1.A.V. .. .. .. .. .. 2932 Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. See Modern Indo Aryan Vernaculars. Indo-Chinese languages .. .. .. I.A.V. 44 Indra III (Ravtrakuta) .. .. .. .. . .. .. 8, 7, 30 Indus valley, civilization and configuration of 18-19; languages spoken in L.A.V. 6, 18 Ingeram Island. See Inzaram. In Oloria Martyrum .. .. .. .. 234 ingudt, fruit (probably of the Balonitea Roxbur. ghii) .. .. .. .. .. .. Inscriptions Ara .. .. . 80 of Asoka 168-170, 204207 L.A.V. 32, 33, 33, 48 Bangalore copper-plate 204, 206, 207 Banakhorl of Harga .. 245 Belur, of Harihars II ... Bilhari . .. .. Brahmagiri (Siddapura) of Chandella dyn. .. referring to Chandragupta Citaldrug (of 1328) .. - (of 1388) .. Damodarapur copper-plate of Devapala of Bengal of Dharmaditys.. . 17 Ghatiyala .. 240 241, 243, 245 of Gopacandrs .. 17 at Govindanahalli Gwalior prasasti Hardha of InAvarmen Harihara (of 1538) 170; (of 1562) Hamsan (of 1615 and of 1561).. Hebbale of Narasimha Nayaks .. 130, 206 Hebrew .. . 99, 234 at komma .. Hulikere Jains .. .. 40 Jodhpur, of Bauka 241, 243 Kaldarns 79 Kannada.. .. 204 Karakala-madahali Katak copper-plate Kharopthf 77 Kurram Casket .. *Mahabalipuram 104 Miniky Ala at Madamandra Mogobr .. Mathura .. - Low Capital .. Malukoto oopper-plate.. .. 206 Mudiyxor of Bukarely .. 189 906 .. 170 .248 ::::: 170 .. 169 ::: 169 189 16 80 :::::::::::::: Ja'far Beg (Agaf EhAn) .. .. .. .. 21 Jagatsimha I of Mew&r .. .. .. 21, 60 Jagatsimha II of Mewar.. .. .. 60 Jaggayapets stone relief .. .. .. Jahangir and Chitor 21, 69; and the term baba 85 ; and art 99; and the maundi. .. Jaina Inscriptions, collected and compiled by Puran Chand Naher (book-notice) .. Jaisalmer, Jaina inscrip. from .. .. Jalali, Shaikh (Jalal'ad-din) .. .. .. 1 Jalalu'd-din, Saiyid, shrine of .. ... .. 7n. jalataya, gro (Andropogon muricata) .. 64 jdmaudr, used of shawl pieces .. .. Sc. 83 janapada, meaning of .. .. .. 109, 110 Jancada (a Nair guide), referred to by Barbosa 177 Jangala, desert tracts near Malwa . 111, 112 .. 79

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INDEX .. 22 jangar (a raft), oarly English use of the word .. 178 Kama Kuppa (Kanakkapillai).. .. Sc. 89 Jara (Chowra isl.) . 216 Kamandaki, and the Artha-fdalra of Canakya jati, and casto .. .. .. .. 173, 174 Jatki language .. .. .. LA.V. 17, 18 kam-khoib (Pers., brocado) .. .. Se. 93 Jats, the .. .. .. .. .. 7, 244 kanal (Drav, fire), and anala . . 9-14 Jauhar (aftabchi and historian of Humayun), Kanauj 27n. ; (Kanyakuhja) .. . I.A.V. 10 and Abdu'r-Rahman Beg, aftabchi) .. 28 Kandaparaser,' k., converted by St. Thomas. 106 jauhar, at Chitor .. .. .. . Kanets, of w. Sapadalakpa, and the Gujars Jayasitha of Mewar, and Aurangzeb .. 1.A.F. 15, 16 Jesus, and Sahabani .. .. 57 Kanhada-deva-prabandha, poem by Padmanabha Jethu Baba, cattle guardian .. .. .. 187 of Jhalor (1455-6) . . . I.A.V. 12 Jhelum, riv. .. .. .. .. 29, 30 Kanishka, and sawandi 19; era of 78; and the jizya tax . . . . . 21, 22, 60 spread of Buddhism 140 ; and the Raja of Jodhpur inscrip. of Bauka : 240, 241, 243 Garhwal .. .. .. .. I.A.V. lv John and Elizabeth Sc. 80, 81, 83-87, 89, 112, 113 Kannada inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 204 Jones. Ed... Sc. 77, 78, 86, 88.91, 112, 113 Kanva, hormit . . . 64, 65 Jones, Capt. J. .. . . Sc. 79 kapal ( square-rigged vessel). uso of word by Jordanus, Friar and unbaptized Christians of Varthema . . . . . . . .. 178 Lesser India .. .. .. .. .. 38 Karachuli-tilaka, title of Vidyadharamalla .. 61 Josaphat and Barlaam .. .. .. .. .. 68 Karakala mada holli inscrip. .. .. .169 57, 58 Joseph, R. of Braudyn, legend of .. Karashi, Karaushi (Karachi) .. .. .. 147 Journal of Francis Buchanan kept during the Karna of Mewar.. .. survey of Bhagalpur in 1810-1811, edited by C. E. A. W. Oldham (hook-notice) .. .. 138 Karumanal and Calamina 53, 56 Judas Thomas (St. Thomas) .. .. 105, 107 Karwitch. Soo Kanauj. Jugi (Yogi) sect and Brahmans Kashmir, ond Rei Pir .. . .. .. 95 jumdud (a dagger), its derivation .. .. 178 Kasmirasabdampta, Kasmiri grammar by Isvara junckanes. See changam. Kaula .. .. .. .. .. 1.A.V. 27 junk, use of word by Varthema .. .. .. 178 Kasmiri (Kadiru language of Kashmir val. Junkceylon, description and products of Sc. 102--106 ley) .. . . L.A.V. 8, 27, 28, 42, 46, 47, 50 juribasso (a language-mastor), carly use of word 178 Kastawari, KAsmiri dialect .. .. 1.A.V. 27 Kasyapa .. . .. .. .. 1.A.V. 15 Katak copper-plate grant of Mahasivagupta I, And the villago Tarkkarika .. .. .. 16 Katchall, a Nicobar isl. 81-83; (de Achens) 216, 217 Kati language (Basgali) .. .. .. L.A.V. 25 Kausika Sutra (on magic) .. .. .. 94 Kautalya's Artha-ddstra, date of the compila. tion of .. .. 109-112, 121-123 Kautaliya Artha-odstra, was it in prose or Kacchi, dialect .. .. .. L.A.V. 18, 19 in verse ? .. .. .. .. 171-174 Kachins, the, and animal sacrifices ..... 155 Kayastha, earliest epigraphic mention of 18 Kafir group of languages .. I.A.V. 25 k'ayubat, silver .. .. .. .. .. 76 Kafirs (Basgal) .. .. .. I.A.V. 25 K azihatta, original name of Cossim bazar .. 147 Kafiri (or Askund) language .. I.A.V. 30 Kedah, tin money of 71 ; other names of the city 72 Kahrur, and Khusruabad .. 26n. Kailasa mt., represented at Mahabalipur .. 101 Kedyerry (khicari), use of the word by Sultan Kaithi script Firuz . .. . . .. .. 210 .. .. .. .. LA.V. 13 Kakkuka, two Ghatiyala inscrips, of 240, 241, Kekaya, habitat of Paisaci Prakrit LA.V. 17,20 243, 245 Kent .. .. .. .. Sc. 79, 90, 111 Kalachuris, and Kuntala .. . 02 kentsini (kanchani) .. .. .. .. 148 kalang (tin).. .. .. 75 kepeng (coin) Kalaca, language of the Kalasa Kafirs L.A.V. 26, 28 Kerala Socicly Papers (hook-notice) .. .. 199 Kaldarra inscrip... . .. . 79 kesara, also called hakula or vakula, tree (Mimu. Kale Thaungthut, vil. in Upper Burma, inhabit. pops Elengi) .. .. .. .. .. 47 ed by sorcerers .. .. .. .. 32 Kevafina-gita . .. .. .. .. .. 35 Kalidasa, on Bhasa .. 11. 42, 199 Kowat women, why are they black ? (a Chhattis. Kalinga railing, a stone relief from 89, 90 garhi folk song).. .. .. .. 3538 Kalri chanol, in Indus delta .. 6 Koyara varya. YuvarAjadeva I, Chedi k. 61-63

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260 INDEX Khapdagiri rock-cut relief .. .. .. 89 kunkur (karikar, limestone nodules), use of the Kharaposta, yaksa deity of N. W. India .. 150 word in the Afn-i-Akbart .. . . . . 211 Kharaosta YuvarAja (name on the Mathura Kuntala, Raptrakuta kingdom .. .. . 62 Lion column), meaning of .. .. .. 150 Kurang (Kurungavi) .. .. .. 113, 114 Kharorthf script .. .. .. .. .. 150 Kurram Casket inscrip... .. .. . 80 Kharofra, and Kashgar, and Khotan and Tur. Kurungavi, princess .. .. .. 113, 114 Kurus and Pancalas I.A.V. 31, 32 kostan .. .. .. .. .. 150, 151 kurwaka, a bush (probably the Baleria ciliata). 48 Khas tribe, of E. SapAdalakoa . L.A.V. 15, 16 kuda, grass 64; or darbha .. .. Khabas, Khasas, etc., of the Mahdbharata 1. A. V. 65 Kyffin, Wm. 18,16 .. .. .. Sc. 107 khaskha. (popular namo for Andropogon muri. catus) .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 khassa (fine muslin) .. .. .. Sc. 81 khaf (bedatead) .. .. Sc. 75 Khawaja Petrus (Cogee Petrus), evidently & second of the name .. .. .. Sc. 88 KhowAr, language of the Kho tribe I.A.V. 26, 26, 28, 29 Lackways. See Pulo Lankava. Khurram, prince, and the Rajputs .. 21, 59, 60 Laghm Anf (D6hgani or Pabei) dialect .. LA.V. 25 Khushab riv., and the Jhelum . .. .. 30 | Lahnda, language, habitat of, dialects of KhusroAbad, mentioned by Ibn Batata, pori L.A.V. 11, 12, 17-19, 27, 30, 46, 47, 49 bly Kahrar .. .. .. .. .. 26 Lahore, Sidi 'Ali at .. .. .. 26, 27, 29 Kfcakavadha of Nilivarman, with comment LAhori Bandar (Bandar Lahorl) .. .. 5 ary, by Dr. S. K. De (book-notice) .. .. 199 Lal Dod, the wise sayings of .. .. 191-193 Kidderpore, suggested origins of the name .. Lalla Vakyani (the wise sayings of Lal Dod) kilitdar (kal'adar) 191-103 killing, a Brahmana .. .. .. Lama dance, the .. .. .. .. .. 156 , Badra .. LAMA (and Dalai Lamas), magical powers of 31, 32 , & cow .. Lambadis, and human sacrifice .. .. .. 237 kincaub, kincaw. See kam-khtodb. Lande (Panjabi) characters . I.A.V. 11, 14 Kinchinjanga, mt... .. languages of modern British India . I.A.V. 6 Kirtilatd, a newly found work by Vidyapati . 160 languages, modern Indo-Aryan, Supple. kismiss (kishmisk, raisina) .. Sc. 86, 88, 114 ment.. Pp. 1-56; general views of I.A.V. 1-28 Kistna (=Krpa), riv. .. .. .. Sc. 93, 98 Lanka, suggested new identification of .. 196 kitchery (khicard) .. .. .. .. 210 LAri, dialect .. .. .. .. LA.V. 18 kitmutgar (khidmatgdr), very early use of the larin, coin ("hook money') 77; early reference to 211 word .. .. .. . .. 2101 Lava, k., founder of Sr&vasti .. .. .. 14 kittjonn (Cadjan) .. Law of Manu, and sin .. .. .. .. 181 KhAyi-Thoma (Thomas of Cana) learning, superstitions regarding .. .. 184 Kohistan, & second district of the name I.A.V. 27 Le Blano, Vincent (physician), on Peguan Kohist An, Indus Kohistan .. .. 1.A.V. 27 tokens .. .. Kohistani dialects .. .. .A.V. 27 | Legg, John, E. I. Co. . .. Sc. 87, 89-91 koilte-kie (Cajeput) .. .. .. 130 Lella (for Deloll) .. kopra, in Camorta .. . 132, 138 leptorrhyny, and the higher castee .. 67, 68, 70 Kondul, a Nicobar isl.... .. .. .. 81-84 Laser India Konali (Awadhi) dialect .. .. .. I.A.V. 17 | Lowie, Rovd. Geo... So. 86-87, 89, 112, 113 Krope, and Christ.. .. Katriyas, and caste, eto. 60--52, 93-95, 240 Life of Hermit Yondn, by Zadoe .. .. 107 244 ; (of N. W. and W. Hindustan) migrations Linqua and Anqua, Chinese merchante So. 77, of 139 .. .. .. .. .. I.A.V. 12 108, 110, 11 Kshabaratas, satrape of Maharap tra .. .. 112 liquor drinking, punishment for, etc. 162, 183, 241 kubja, plant (Trapa bispinosa) .. .. 48 Little Mount (Chinnamalai), Madras 53--58, 282, 233 kuddy (ouddy) Little Nicobar isl. .. .. .. 81-84, 217 Kuhar (Kah&r) .. .. 211 Livonay, Mr. .. . ... .. So. 87, 118 Kuh-i-KhwAja rock island Look, John .. .. . Sc. 87, 88, 112 kulam, suggested connection with caste L'Osuure de Sven Hedin et rorographie du Tibor kulydudpa, (meaning of) .. .. .. 11 par M. Emmanuel de Margerie (book-notice). 00 .. 130 .. 107 * 68 .. . 67, 68 Low18, Mr. .. .. .. .. .. So. 99

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INDEX 261 Lokanatha, Tippera coppor.plato grant of .. 244 Maiy, dialeot, a corrupted form of Sina I.A.V. 27 lotus, the, in literature .. .. .. .. 47 majlals (magyisis), Burmese gold and silver to. Lotus Mahal, Vijayanagara 24, and the Ratna kons, a form of currency .. .. 76, 77 cuya .. .. .. .. .. .. 25 Malabar, and St. Thomas .. 56, 57, 106-108 love bird, Jahangir's description of the .. 211 Malagasy practice of human sacrifice .. .. 237 Loyal Subject .. .. . .. Sc. 100 malague (silver dollar) ... .. .. .. 75 Lumbini, vil., in Rummindei pillar inscrip. .. 168 Malay tin currency (olden) lungt (lungey '), loin-cloth .. .. .. .. 71 Maldive isls., and Christianity 107, 108; and lungooty (langor, loin-cloth), Albirunits allu Divu and Diu sion to the .. .. .. .. 234, 248 mallim (mu'allim), ship-master . .. 212 malliveece (maulawi) .. .. 212 malmal (muslin) .. .. .. Sc. 83 MAlw, empire of 112 ; Hana territory 121-123 M&mallai, and Vippu worship .. .. .. 101 Man, Mr. E. H. on the Nicobar Isls. 82-84, 134--137, 215, 218 Man. See maund. Minakji, Rustam, (broker of Surat) So. 109, 110 Manasitha (Akbar's general and governor) 59, 60 md (8kt., 'moneure'), and man .. .. .. 161 manban (man, maund) .. 222 Machwadt (Mackward), riv., possibly the Bias 8, 26 Maficapurl frieze .. . .. 90 Madanidaka, attributed to Rahim, newly found manddra, tree (Erythrina iridica) .. 66 text of .. . .. 160 Mandor, and the Pratih Aras .. 240 Madapollam, 4 health resort . .. 8o. 96, 102 Mandara (Madura) . . .. .. 212 madder ( ruinas, Pers. rinda).. Sc. 109, 110 mango, the 47, 48 Madera (Maderas), Lowis .. .. Sc. 113 Mani (Counder of Manichaeism).. .. .. 108 madhu-pdyinda (wine-drinkora) .. 241, 243 mdni (& weight) .. .. .. .. .. 222 Madhyadein oo. 15, 16, name applied to Magad- Manigrammakars, and Manichwans ha 18n.; two places of the name 17; ancient, Manikavasagar (Tamil Saiva devotee), and Mani 108n. and the Hindi language. . i I.A.V. 8, 9 Mapikyala inscrip. .. . . . . 205 Madras rupee. See rupee, Madras. Maakasandra, inscrip. at .. .. .. 206 Madras (Madeus), vory early use of the name.. 211 mann (Arab), and the man ... 161, 202 Madura, Mas'adi's use of the namo . .. 212 Mannucci, Nicolas . .. Sc. 92 Magadha (Madhya dosa) .. .. .. .. 16n. Mansehra inscrip and Dardie . .. 1.A.V. 45 Magadhi Prakrit, 1.A.V. 20, 30, 31, 36, 36, 46, 51 Mansura, c. .. . 19, 20 Magadhi Apabhramsa .. .. .. I.A.V. 37f. mantras, efficacy of .. magio, and the origin of caete .. .. 92-95 Manu, on onate .. .. .. 50, 94, 242, 151 magical powers of a Lams of a Dalai Lama 31, 32 mao (Port.), and man .. . . .. 161 Mahabalipur, Vippu's Paradevata ParamActhya Mara, and Buddha .. .. 159 sculptured at .. .. .. .. 101-104 Marathas, and the Rajpata . .. 22, 60 Mahabharata, and caste 93 ; .. .. I.A.V. 31 Marathi, language, dialects of I.A.V. 8, 19, 42, 46 Mahdjani (mercantile Marwari charaoter) I.A.V. 13 Marco Polo, and Mylapore .. So. 231, 234 mahd-pratihdra and pratikdra .. .. .. 239 Markandeya, and literary Apabhrapsa.. I.A.V. 38 Maharastra, Kshaharata Satrape of .. .. 112 Marlborough . .. 8o. 79, 80, 90-92 Maharastri, Prakrit .. .. I.A.V. 33-36, 37 marriage, between plants and trees 47; interMahAivagupta I Kotak sopper-plato grant of 16 caste .. .. .. 93-95, 240--242, 246 Mahalom Nagaram city of great rest'), Kodah 71 Martin, Capt. Matt. .. .. 8o. 80, 89-92 Mahendrapala, Pratihara Mary .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 90 MahfQga, fort, near Mensura .. .. .. 19 Mary Galley .. .. .. .. &c. 82 Mahipale, Pratihars .. .. .. 61, 62 MaryMar (marakkar), probable earliest Euro Mahluph, as the burial place of St. Thomas 84, porn of the term .. .. .. .. 212 231, 232 Massols (bont), early le of the term . 213 Mahmod, Gulla of N Bind .. .. . 7 Montana Brahmaps. See By Ahmape, Mastina. Mahmad Sultan Mirsa (BhAh Mirza) . 27, 29 Martor, Streynaham, in Divi .. . 8o. 98 Mailapore (Mylapore) 107 ; meaning of Masulipatam (Motohlepotan), description of Bc. Mairmaid (Mormaid !) .. .. .. Sc. 79 1 93-97. and the New E. I. O. .. 100-102 Maithili dialect . . .. . L.A.V. 20 Mathur, the Kushans seulptures of .. 141, 144 Maitreya (the coming Buddha) ..38, 183, 184 | Mathura inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 205 Taman . . . . 61

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262 INDEX .. .. 203 . .. . 181, 182 Mathura Lion Capital .. . .. .. 79 Moguls, commercial policy of the .. .. 160 matrance (mchtardnt, female sweeper), confus- monasteries, of St. Thomas, 54, 58, 107, 231, 232, 234 od with Bhathiydrin 212 ! Mone, the, and the Nicobar Islanders .. .. 81 Matthews, Sir Gleo. . Sc. 84, 88 Mookerji, Radhakumud, Mau-i-Mubarak, and Meu .. .. .. 71 Harsha (Calcutta University Readership Lee. maund (Eng.), meaning a kind of baskot, some tures, 1925) .. .. .. . .. 247 time used as a measuro .. .. .. 101 moolvee (maulawi), early use of the word .. 212 Maunds, Indian, totes on 161-164; 181-183; moonshee (munshi), very early use of tho word. 212 201-203; 221-224 moores (blue clothe) .. .. .. Sc. 81. 82 Agra ... .. 221-223 Moore. See Muhammadans. Akberi .. 163, 164, 224 Moreland, W. H. Arab Bengal, standard fixed in 1833 .. 162 The Commercial Policy of The Moguls .. 100 Bombay.. .. 102 Relations of Golconda in the Barly Seven Delhi .. 201, 203, 291 teenth Century ... ... . .. 180 Goa .. .. Moscovy. See Russie. Gujarati .. .. 164, 222, 223 Moslem (=Muslim) .. . .. .. 100 of Hind .. mosquito, use of word by Barbose .. .. 219 (?) Holland Mount Aba, a Rajpat centre ... A. V. 12, 13, 16 Jahangiri 1 mountain spirits . .. . .. .. 115 Madre .. . mountains, in the Nicobar isle. .. .. .. 217 Malabar .. .. 181, 182 modhrando (name applied to the Porcie) 1.A.V. 31 Mogul myndia (lotus stalk fibres). ... .. .. 84 of N. India Mu'azzam, Prince (Shah Alam) . Sc. 99 official .. Mudiyanur grant of Bukka Raya of Vijayanagara 189 Shahjahoni... 164 Mughal paintings in the Boston Museum .. 88 Southern .. .. . 162, 203 | Mughals, the, and Rajputs of Chitor 1-0, 21-26 Surat .. .. Muhammadans 94 ; (Moors) .. Sc. 93, 94, 98, 99 various .. .. 183 Muhammad Shah, and the Marathas .. .. 80 Mazdai, land of, and the St. Thomae legend 58, 56 Muir, J., on caste.. .. .. .. 51, 52 McGovern, Dr., in Lhasa .. .. .. 32 Malagandhakuti Vihira at Sarnath, opening measures of length, Tibetan .. .. .. 229 ceremony of the . . . .. 207 medical art, some observations on, in the mulam (muallim, master of a ship), early Eng description of Divf Island .. .. Sc. 96, 97 lish vee of the terms medicine, and religion 93 ; in Tibet .. .. 185 Mulla Shah, and Rai Pir .. . .. ... Meilapur (Mylapore) .. .. 109 mullmuils. See moimal. Melukote copper-plate inscrip. . ..206 Maltan, Sidi 'All at . .. .. .. 26 mendicants, religious, food allowances of Munda languages I.A.V. 6, modern, Austro meborrhyny, and the higher castes Asiatic) 1.A.V. 24; infrience on L.A.Ve. Metchlepotan. See Mesulipatem. meteorology, Nicobar L.A.V. 42-44 .. .. Mewer, history of .. munipddapa, tree, same as the tapanatara, q.v. Mihiragula .. .. 121 Munija, k. copper-plate grant of, from Tidgundi 17 .. Milon, Meilan and Mylapore Murala (Narmada) .. .. .. .. 63 Windon, k. .. 76 murens (oobra de capallo) .. .. .. 146 Minter, Capt. L. .. 80, 90 mirad, plant (Sansevieria zeylanica) .. .. 46 miracle, example of a .. 31, 96 Muaddam (Durdtri-musaddam), and Muenendon 213 Mirpur-Khas, site of stupa at Musalman (Pers. plural of Muslim), corront Mir Rukan, sldpa at .. meaning of the term .. .. .. 100 Mirza Muhammad SA Tarkhan, gov. of Tatta 67 Mussell man (for Musalman) .. .. .. 158 Mirza Shah (Mahmod Sulfan Mirza), gov. of Mumeelmen ... .. .. .. .. .. 100 Labore .. .. .. .. 27, 29 Museen don, C., (derivation of the name) Mirza Shah Husain (Arghaun), k. of Sind .. ..6-7 misgdi (mithgal), weight .. 201, 223, 224 museoola. See masoola. mimoy ( condiment), recipe for .. 8.75 Musulmon .. Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, on The, (Sup musta, grass (Oyperus rotundus) .. .. .. 48 plement) .. .. .. 1.A.V. 1-56 mutlub (matlab).. mddi (modified Nagen i character) .. I.A.V. 19 | Muziris (Cranganore) .. .. .. 219 .. 19

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INDEX 263 Mylapore and Civitas Iothabis, 53, 231-234; Noden, Phil., tavern keeper .. So. 07, 102 and Mahluph 5438 ; Tomb of St. Thomas at Noden, Mrs. .. . . 8c. 97, 102 108-109; (Mailapore) .. 197 nokar (H. naukar), early use of the word .. 213 Norris, Sir Wm., em barey of Se. 94-96, 99-101 Novart, Austrian frignto . . . . . 217, 218 numerals, Urdu, as used in Port Blair .. 38 nuncatice (cakee) .. .. .. .. .. 213 Nunos, Antonio, manual of currency by, ote. 181, 182 Nuzvidu zamindars and Divi .. .. Sc. 98 Nydyadarkana, by MahAmahopadhyaya Phapi. hapada Tarkavegita (book-notice) .. .. 198 Nagar, the language of .. mo language of .. .. .. L.A.V. 24 ! Nagara Apabhraman, & literary Apabhramte 1.A.V. 2. 37 Nagara Brahmapes .. .. .. 1.A.V. 37 Nagari script . I.A.V. 10, 11, 13, 14 Ngasandra grant.. ... .. .. .. 169 Nahar, Puran Chand, Jaina Inscriptions, collected and compiled by 40 Nahusa .. .. .. .. .. 51 Naites (Navait) .. .. Occupation, as the origin of caste 50, 51, 94, 242 Nambadri BrAhmaps, 30, 38; (Namputiri) Ortho- offerings (in Tibet) .. doxy of .. .. .. Ojha, Gaurishankar HirAnand Mahamahope in ordeal by balance .. .. .. .. 179 1 dhyaya, Rai Bahadur. Nanak Shah, disciple of Boi Pir .. .. 126 - Rajpuedne bd Itinde .. .. .. .. 59 Nancowry, a Nicobar isl. 81-84, 134, 138; (Cam Oldham, C. E. A. W. . orts) .. .. .. .. .. 216, 217 In Memoriam Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bt. i-iv Narimati, dialect (Gawarbati) .. .. LA.V. 26 The Antiquities of Sind .. . .. 18 Narmada, riv. 61, 62; (the Mural).. .. 63 Rajpuedne kd Itinas (The History of Rajpa. Narsimha Mohta, Gujarati poet ..L.A.V. 14 tana) Fasc. III. .. .. .. .. 59 nasal index and caste .. .. .. 67-70 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Naaarpur (in Sind), the ancient Nagpur .. 6 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Part VI, Nagrpur (Napirpur of Dies) .. .. 6, n. Mughal Painting .. .. .. .. 98 Natha, (Jugi) sect .. .. .. .. 244 rOeuvre de Sven Hedin et rorographie du Tibet 99 nats 118, 116; offerings to.. .. 185 Warren Hastings and Philip Francia .. 119 Nature Study in the Sanskrit Dram &aluntold Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology .. 4648, 6666 Journal of Francis Buchanan (1810-11) .. 138 ndodhyakpa, meaning of Hondbook to The Sculptures in the Peshawar Navait (Naitoa), oerly English reference to the 213 Museum .. .. .. .. .. 139 naamalliked, plent .. .. . .. Tenth and Eleventh Reports on the Search for navanna, festival .. .. .. .. .. 236 Hindi Manuscripts for the years 1917-18 Naw&bs of Masulipatam .. .. .. Sc. W, 98 and 1920-22 .. .. .. .. 169 noolgye (H. ngdo), early European reference to Relations of Golconda in The Early Seventeenth Century .. .. .. .. .. 180 Nepal, language and people of I.A.V. 14, 16 Kerala Society Papere .. .. .. Nestorianism, in Persin .. .. .. .. 233 South Indian Portraits in Stone and Metal .. 319 Nestorians of the Malabar Coast .. . 107 Portrait Sculpture in South India .. .. 219 Noalpur grant of Subhakaredove of Oricos 244 245 1 Omarahe. Soo umand. Nicobar Islanders and their country, remarks Orlons, and their feetivala 189, 190, 238 ; and on the .. .. 81-84, 132--137, 216-218 place names .. .. Nicobar Islanders, and time .. .. .. 230 ordeal, tho, in Chinese folklore 118; in TraveNicular (Great Nicobar) .. .. .. 216 core 160 ; by balance .. .. .. .. 179 NIAb, riv., the Indus .. .. .. .. 30 organ (musical instrument), mention of, by Nine Islande (Southern Nicobars) .. .. 216 Radhoni, manglan ... .. .. .. 214 Nirten (in Sind), site of 10,50 organ (mitrailleuse) .. .. .. .. 214 M odre of Kamandaki .. .. 174 Orina, arly stone sculpture of .. .. .. 90 Ntiverman, and Klcakavadha .. .. .. 200 Oriya (Odri, Utkah), language I.A.V. 8, 19, 21, 22 Ninam, I. B. H., the, and the preservation of 1 Ormond .. .. .. . .. So. 113 Ajanta .. .. Ostuarios, in the .. Tidla. .. . & " .. 183

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284 INDEX outery (auction) .. .. .. Sc. 79 Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistio Morpho. logy, by Stuart N. Wolfenden (book-notice).. 100 paunchway (pansdhf), Barant's use of the term 214 Payno (Pain), Thos. .. .. .. So. 79 Payoppl, riv. (Tapti) .. .. .. .. 62 Peachy (probably J. Peachy) .. ..Sc. 80, 81 Peacock, Capt. Ers. .. .. Sc. 108, 109 pearl fisheries (in the Artha-fdstra) .. 121-123 Poddamma, village deity .. .. . 236 Peddapallo (Pottipole), in the Guntur district Sc. 94-98 Poden Llamo (goddees) Se. 107 .. . 102 D D 236 pddaja (8adra) .. .. .. .. 239 paddy (rice in the husk) -.Sc. 75, 76 Padihars .. .. . .. 239-246 Padmapapi (Avalokitesvara) .. . 159 Padmottara-Purdna, and Siva pdhdn (priest) .. .. .. Pahari, lang. (meaning of the term), and Rajas. thini * L.A.V. 7, 14, 15 Pahlavi Cross inscrip., St. Thomas' mount 199, 233, 234 Pai-a Saddha Mahonnavo (Prakrita Sabha Mohdr. pava) by H. T. Shoth (book-notice) .. .. 140 paind (ddm, common oopper coin) .. .. 223 Paisdof Prakrit, form of Prakrit spoken by the Pico . . .. L.A.V. 17, 22, 45, 46 Palakolla, Dutch rottlement at .. Sc. 99 palomporre (pallumporee), bod spreada So. 81, 107, 108 Pallalamma, goddess .. .. .. 236, 238 pam. Soo paio. palloagavys (meaning of), a means of purifica. tion .. .. .. .. 154, 166, 167 PAsscalas and Kurus . . L.A.V. 31, 32 panompta, modern substitute for pancagarya.. 166 Panchapaodave Ratha, Mahabalipur 101, 103, 104 Palioholf (panchakula), and PratihAra 239, 240, 246 pangar, panguia, pengon (kind of boat) .. 214 Panjab rivers, 7, courses of the .. .. 26 Panjabi, dialect .. .. .. I.A.V. 11, 17, 18 Panjtar insorip. .. .. .. .. .. 80 Pant, D, The Commercial Policy of the Moguls .. 100 pdnedah and ydedah .. .. .. .. 222 pao, (Port.), Chinese shoe-shaped ingot of gold Bo. 77 PArkham yalpa, the .. .. .. .. 141 Pamia, early English reference to the .. .. 214 Parthian era .. .. .. .. 18 Palai, speech of the Dehgans of Lagman I.A 8, 26, 26 Pasrio of St. Thomas .. .. ..34, 66, 67 Pasto, an Eranian language ..L.A.V. 27, 30, 42 papaila (patola), clinker built bont .. .. 88 Pataliputra, the wooden walls of .. .. 120 Patanjali .. .. .. .. .. L.A.V. 32 Patara (Patriot Vamhery) .. " . .. 7 pole pafavardhana (wed us surname) .. .. 245 patollo (flat-bottomed boat) .. .. .. 88 patola (silk cloth), Barani's use of the term .. 214 Pierson, Capt. Ed. .. .. Sc. 107 pengoas (kind of boat) .. .. .. .. 214 Peninsula of India, meaning the Malay Penin. sula .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 103, 105 Penukonda, and Sadasiva Raya. .. .. 23 pepper-ports of Malabar .. .. .. .. 181 Pera (Perez), Khwaja Acha, Armenian mer. chant .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 89, 90 pergunnah (pargana), use of the term by the his. torian Shams-i-viraj Afif .. .. .. 214 Persian influence on the I.A.Vs. L.A.V. 44, 45 persons, and place names .. .. .. 208 Peshawar Museum, hand-book to the sculptures in the . .. .. . . . . 139 Pettipolo. See Peddapollo. phadiyds, and fodea, fuddeea (coin) .. .. 175 phallie emblom, and the god-head .. . 34 Phippe, Wm., (Phipe) .. Sc. 01, 108, 110. 111 phirmand. See farman. phisick root (medicinal root). See Smilar pecudo-China. phonetics, and I., A. Vs. .. .. L.A.V. 46, 47 phoudar. Soe faujdar. pia's (probably Port. paio, 4 sort of thick sausage). .. .. .. .. Sc. 107 pig, the. and festivals 235-237; and cattle.. 238 pilgrimago, in Tibet 117, 118 : places of .. 166 pillar dollar (Spanish silver coins) .. Sc. 110 pinda bharjara (date fruit, Phania dactylifera). 64 pieteo, Malay, visit Funkceylon ..Bo. 103, 106 Piskor, modern (Dardic languages) L.A.V. 6 22, 45 Places, the, and the Khabne LA.V. 16, 18: 22, 23, 46 pitie (coin) .. .. 72 pitriterpana, gingelly (Sormum indicum) .. 84 Pitt, John, Consul, of the Now E. I. C. Sc. 95, 100, 101 Pits, Thos., E.L.C. .. .. 8c. 100, 101 place name. .. .. ..194-197, 208, 209 plants and troos, marriage between .. ... 47 platyrrhny, and the lower chates . 67, 68 Policundore. Soe Pulo Condore. Pollioull. Soo Palakollu. polling the hair, purificatory rite .. 164, 166 polyandry, in Tibet .. .. .. .. 186 Pondicherry, funeral arna from near .. .187 Poney, Capt. .. .. .. Se. 113, 114 population of the Nicobars .. .. 82, 83

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INDEX 265 Port Blair, Ponal Settlement, corruptions of Puttanapura inscrip. .. .. .. .. 169 Urdu words and of place names used in..3840 Portrait Soulpture in South India, by T. G. Ara vamutham (book-notice) .. .. .. 219 ports (pepper-porte, etc.), of Malabar, weights, etc., of .. .. .. .. 181-183 Portuguese, tho, and Malabar 181; in Junk Quilon copper plate inscrip. .. .. .. 234 ceylon .. .. .. .. Sc. 103, 106 Suinqua (1 Hinqua) .. ... .. So. 111 Portuguese sausages .. .. .. Sc. 107 So. 107 quintals (weights) .. .. .. .. 182 Portuguese words in L.A.V. .. .. L.A.V. 45 PorumAmilla tank inscrip. and the name Madhyadele . .. .. .. 17 Prag Hapaka-GandhArs countries . .. 121 Prakrite L.A.V. 321. -Definition of term .. L.A.V. 32 | race and casto .. .. .. .. .. 87 -Primary .. .. L.A.V. 32-40 rack. See arrack. Secondary.. .. .. I.A.V. 32-41 ragbushes .. . . .. .. .. 157 Tertiary .. . . L.A.V. 32-40 Rahanand, s. of Rai. Pir .. . of Rom. Pr.. .. .. .. .. 127 -Magadhi .. .. .. . I.A.V. 30 Raja, C. Kunhan, Kicakavadha of Nitivarman.. 200 -Ardha-MAgadhf .. .. I.A.V. 33, 36, 86 Rajasekhars, on BhAsa 41-43; and the Prati Saurason .. .. .. 1.A.V. 3033, 37 haras .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Pratihara (Padihdra), meaning of the RAjasitha of MowAp, and the Mughals.. 21, 22, 60 term . . . . Rajasthani dialects . . .. ..I.A.V. 7, 12, 14, 16 pratiharana, suggested derivation of Pratih Ara, Rajgors (Rajagurus), and widow remarriage .. 244 from .. .. .. .. .. .. Rajputdone by Itince (the History of Rajpat An A), 246 PratibArme, in various caston .. .. .243 Faso. III, by Mahamahopadhyaya Rai Bah. Prat Apasitha of Mewar.. .. 21, 89 dur Gaurishankar HirAnand OjhA (book-notice) 69 Prdyadoida, or Hindu ideas on the expiation of Rajpute of Chitor, and the Mughala 1-5, 21-25; sin .. .. .. 151-164, 166167 and the Marathas 60; and the term protindra prayer-walle .. .. .. .. 183 239; and widow remarriage 244 ; onate status prayer-wheels .. .. .. 187, 188 of . . . . . . . . L.A.V. 12, 16 Prim Sagar, of Lalla LAI .. . L.A.V. Rakitangadi (Talikota), battle of .. 23, 24 Presun, dialoot (Veron, Waal-veri) .. J.A.V. 26 Rama legend .. .. . L.A.V. 31 Prdeuns, habitat and language of the .. I.A.V. 28 Rama R&ya, and Sadasiva Raya .. 23-26 prigonies (Parganas) .. .. .. .. 214 | Rama Tarkavagan, and literary Apabhramis prisoners, food allowances of, in the reign of L.A.V. 36 Virus Tuchlug .. .. .. .. .. 202 Rampurva pillars . . . . . . . 101, 145 Prithidova, Ratnapur inscrip. of .. .. 18n. Ramadan, Mrs. Mary .. .. .. So. 90 pronunciation, and alphabots . L.A.V. 8256 Rangpurt dialect .. .. .. .. LA.V. 21 PadattAlvar And Mamallai .. .. .. 101 ratha at Mahabalipuram ... .. 101 Palindai (Palindas), habitat of the .. .. 110 Ratna-buda palace, and the Lotus Mahal . 26 Pulla Panjong. See Pulo Panjang. Rataspur inscrip. of Prithfdeva .. 180. Pulo Oondore, So. 102, New E. L. Co.'s Sotilo. rattans (cance) .. .. .. So. 105, 106 ment at .. .. .. .. .. So. 106 rath, the .. .. .. .. .. Pulo Lankava (Lankawi), ial., 8. E. of Junk . Raworth, John, free merchant.. Se. 90, 110, 111 ceylon .. .. .. .. .. 8c. 106 Ravi, riv., 26 " the river of Lahoro" .. .. 29 Pulo Milo, a Nicobar isl... .. .. 81-88 re-birth, Hindu belief in .. .. .. 30, 167 Pulo Panjang isl. .. .. .. .. 8c. 106 reckoning, among the Nicobar islanders 81 ; Pulum &yi II, Andhra k... .. .. .. 112 Tibetan methods of .. .. .. 227-230 Pundra, northern Bengal 14, 16; Pundravar. Recovery .. .. .. .. .. 8o. 91, 92 .. 17, 18 Red Idol, the (in Tibet). .. .. .. .. 167 Punian, a RipA dialect .. .. .. I.A.V. 26 Regulating Act of 1773 .. .. .. .. 119 Punt, Capt. Thos. .. .. .. Sc. 88 Reid, Capt. Alex. .. .. .. SO: 80, 81, 83, 84 Parue, the, conquered by Sudas. . . . L.A.V. 31 Ralta (literary Urdd, mase.) .. .. LA.V. 9, 10 Pura-okta, and onete .. .. .. .. 60 RAlht (literary Urda, fem.) .. ..L.A.V. 9, 10 Pashyamitre .. .. .. .. .. 122 Relations of Goloondah in The Early Seventeenit puppabhoda, plant (navamallila) .. .. 64 Century, edited by W. H. Moreland (book, puntaba (meaning of) .. notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 180 putoalove, a kind of piece-goode, but unidenti- relationship, and place name .. .. ..202 fied. .. .. .. .. .. 8o. 82, 831 religion, medicine and magie .. .. 03.08. .. 222

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266 INDEX .. 17 religious custome, Tibetan 117 Saivism in Mamallai . .. . . . . 101-103 respoudontia (a loan upon cargo) Sc. 78,83,112-114 Sajjananitha, Maharana of Mewar . 23, 59 Revue de Folklore Francais, organe de la Societe Saka eras .. .. .. .. .. .. 78 du Folklore Francois, Nos. 1 & 2. Jan Feb. sakara, tree (probably mangifera indica) .. 47 1930, by L. Staudo (book-noti ee) .. .. 99 Sokati (village) .. .. .. . 15, 16 Sakti cult, in Tibet .. Ry Vedla, and magic 93 ; and the LA.Vs. L.A.V. .. .. Sakuntala, nature-study in the 46-48, 67-66 29, 31-33 Sakya Muni (Buddba) .. Sc. 82 .. rhenish (Rhine wine from Dordrecht). .. .. 155 Salim (Jahangir) .. Richards, F.J.. .. .. saluting, in Tibet .. .. .. .. .. 186 Studies in Tamil Literature and History .. 140 Sam Ac Aradova, Maharajadhiraja, copper-plate Rink, Dr., on geology of the Nicobars .. 217, 218 grant of .. .. .. ritl (a weight) .. .. .. .. .. 201 Sambhal, in Moradabad district rosaries, Tibetan .. .. .. .. .. 117 Sambilong (Southern Nicobars).. ... 216 royal families, derivation of their names 239, 240 samt, troe (Acacia Suma) .. ... 47 Rsi parcami (women's festival) . .. 165 Sampige inscrip. .. .. .. .. 204 Rei Pir, Pandit Padshah, a great herrit of Kash- sampon wood. See sappan-wood. mir, life of .. .. .. 95-98, 123-127 Samskrla (meaning of) .. I.A.V. 32 Rudradaman I, Saka 112 ; inscrip.by .. .. 122 Samudragupta .. .. .. 112 Rudrasena .. .. .. .. .. 112 Sanders, Capt. W. .. .. .. Sc. 113 ruinass (Pers., runde), madder. Sc. 109, 110 Saaga, Rank of Mew &r .. .. .. .. 1 Ruknu'd-din, shrine in Malten .. .. .. 26 Sankara, and caste .. .. 94 Rumi Khan, gen., and Chitor .. .. .. 1, 2 sannoes. See adna. Rummindoi pillar inscrip. (the word afhabhagiye Sanskrit, influence of, on Bengali I.A.V. 21, 22 ; in the) .. .. .. 168-170, 204--207 in N. India, L.A.V. 35, 39; and tho L.A.Vs. rupee, and the tola 162; Madras rupee 8o. 78, L.A.V. 41-46; (classical) .. I.A.V. 32, 39 79, 85, 88; Bombay rupee So. 109, 113; Bant Als, Dravidian, cephalic and nasals indices Surat rupeo .. .. So. 109, 112, 113 Among tho .. .. .. .. . .. 68 Russell, John (Pros of Bengal) Be. 80, 85, 86, and (cotton cloth) . . Sc. 81-83 88, 91, 109, 110, 114 Sapadalakga, and the Gaejars, etc. I.A.V. 13, 15, 16 Russia (Moscovy), and Aurangzeb .. Sc. 99 sappan wood (red wood) .. ..Sc. 86, 88 Rustam, and Gondopharos (Gondophamce) .. 120 saplaparna, tree (Alstonia scholaris) .. .. 43 sarassos, long cotton scarves .. .. Sc. 82 Sarmad, safi ascetio, and Aurangzob .. 124, 125 8 Astri, Hirananda, Hindi Bhdshd aur Sahitya .. .. .. 198 sdtgin (large goblets) .. .. .. 202 Satrape, the Western :.. . . .. 112 Saunders, Capt. Thos. .. ..Se. 80, 80, 88, 114 Sauradni, or Western speech .. I.A.V. 30--37 Sabmans of S. Arabia, mission of Theophilus Saurasenf, Prakrit ... . 1.A.V. 30-35 the Indian to .. . - * Apabhramsa .. .. .. I.A.V. 37 sabat (meaning of) .. .. .. 3, 4 sausage, Portugueso, recipe for . Sc. 107 Sadahalli grant of Devaraya of Vijayanagars .. 169 Savares, the 110 ; and place name .. 195, 196 Sadasiva Raya, emperor, the prison of ..23-26 savarna (Brahman) .. .. .. .. 243 Sadkere, Sadkoroh, (1 Shorkog, or Satghara) Sawandi, and Depar Ghangro.. . .. 19 Sidt 'Alf at .. .. .. .. .. 26 scapegoat, the, in Tibet . . . . . . 117 Sahabani (Jesus), logond of . .. .67 soape (perhape root vegetables) . Se. 92, 98 sahodaka-setu (lakee) .. .. .. .. 122 Scattergood, Anne . . . . . . Sc. 90 Saif Khan, gov. of Kashmir, and Rsi Pfr ., Scattergood, Arabella .. . Sc. 80, 90, 109 St. Andrew Sc. 78, 79, 83, 86, 87, 102, 109, 112, 113sonttergood, Caroline .. .. .. Sc. 89, 90 St. Bartholomow, legend of .. 66, 232, 233 Scattergood, Eliz. .. .. Sc. 89, 90 St. Isidore of Seville, and St. Thomas .. .. 231 Scattergood, John, sen., and Aba'l-Hasan Shah St. Thomas in Southern India .. .. 106-109 of Goloonda .. .. .. Sc. 97 St. Thomas in Iothabia, Calamine, Kantorya or Sonttorgoods, the, and the East India Com Mylapore .. .. .. .. 231-234 . pany .. .. .. .. So. 75114 St. Thomae, the burial place of 53--58 Soeptre .. .. . . .. .. Sc. 81 86. Thomas' Mount, near Mylapore .. 231-233 Seborer, Antonio, on Golconda currency, etc. 8. Thome, is it in Oivitate lothabis ? .. 63-58 181, 182 saivalo, plant (Vallimeria spiralis) .. .. 47 seript, Kharopthi, the name of the .. .. 151) . 248 sabay (meaning of)

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INDEX 267 .. 248 seulpture sloka, suggested meaning of the word 171-173 Amaravati .. 141 Smilax pecudo-China .. ... .. Sc. 83 sAscht .. .. 141, 142, 144 *Snowmen of Tibet .. .. .. .. 184 Bharhut .. .. 89, 90, 141, 142 Sodhara, Sudhars (Chonab) . . .. 30 Yaksha .. .. .. 142, 144 sohorai festival, and the Ordons 189, 190, 230 Schwan, site of .. .. 7. 19, 20 soils, and place names ames .. . . . . . . . . 208 Senbel. See Sambhal. soldo, coin of Albuquerque .. .. . 75 sequins (chekinga) Sc. 85 Soloman, Mar, and St. Thomas ... 54, 231, 239 ser, & weight (rial).. .. 201, 221, 223 Solomon, Mt., of Car Nicobar 132, 133, 135, 136, 215 Serendivu, and Divu .. Somaskandha .. .. .. .. .. 104 Seringapatam, two inscrips. from .. .. 206 somatology as an origin of costo . .. 122 50, 51 setu (artificial lakes) .. actre-patha, setu-bandha, meaning of .. .. 122 Sombrero, another name for Chowra is! Shahbazgaphi inscrip. and Dardic . I.A.V. 45 (Nicobars) .. .. .. .. .. 216 Shah Alam (Bahadur Shah) .. Sc. 97, 99, 100 Some Indian Portraits in Stone and Metal, by T. Shah Jahan, and Chitor 21, 60; and the maund 164 G. Aravamutham (book-notice) .. .. 219 Shah Mirza (Mahmud Sulfan Mirza), gov. of Somers .. .. Sc. 107, 108, 110, 113 Lahore .. .. .. .. .. 27n. 29 Sons (Burmese, workers of evil) .. Shah Muhammad (tutor of Dara Shikoh), and soop. See mp. Bei Pir .. .. .. .. .. .. 97 Sopur, in Kashmir, birthplace of Rei Pir . 95 shalloes (ootton cloth) .. .. .. So. 113 soy, a Chinese sauce .. .. .. Sc. 75 ShAn silver shell token (money) .. 70, 76, 77 Sova hispida, the beans of which are used to shaules jamawars (apparently striped shawls) make soy .. .. .. .. Sc. 75 8o. 82, 83 spice-trade, Arab, of Malabar .. . 181, 183 shasses (Ar. ahdah), turban-saah .. Sc. 82, 83 spirite, mountain spirits .. .. .. .. 115 shell-money (Shan silver shell money) 70, 76, 77 sponges, from the Nicobar isls. .. .. .. 134 Sher ShAh, and Chitor 2 ; and coinage.... 221 Sravasta, Solar k. .. .. Sheth, Pandit Harigovindas, Pai'a Saddha Ma. Sravastf, cap. of k. Lava hanavo (Prdkrita Sabhd Mahdrnava) .. .. 140 Sravastf, founded by the Solar k. Sravasta 14, 17, 18 Shiraz (Shirose), wine of .. .. Sc. 00 Sravasti-Siyamba, vil. .. .. .. .. 18n. Sho Allum (Shah 'Alam).. . Se. 94, 97, 99 Aravasti-Takkarika 17, in Gauda of Bengal .. 18 "shoe' of gold (pao) .. .. .. Sc. 77 Sribhagya of Ramanuja .. .. .. .. 198 shoo of gold' (gold ingota) . .. Sc. 111 Sri Nigamanta Mahadesika, and Vaishnavism 102, 104 Shom Pen (tribe, of Great Nicobar) 81-83 ; Starkes, John .. .. .. Sc. 80, 81, 91 and the census .. .. .. .. .. 133 Staude, L. Sidt 'Ali Sholebt in India 1664--1556 A.D. 5-8, Revue de Folklore Francais. organe de la Societe 28-30 du Folklore Francais, Nos. 1 and 2, Jan.. . sieges of Chitor .. .. .. 1-0, 21-26 Feb. 1930 .. .. .. .. .. 99 Sikandar Kh An Shr, and Humayun 27; and Akbar 29 | Sten Konow, Prof., Sikandar Lodi, and weights, measures, etc... 221 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. II, Silimpur stone inscrip. from Bogra district 14-18 Part I, Kharoptri Inscriptions, with the ex. sin, Hindu ideas on the expiatiou of 151-154 ception of those of Asoka .. .. .. 77 165-167 Sten Konow, Prof., on the Viddhaddlabhanjikd .. 61 Sin tribe, the .. .. .. .. L.A.V. 26 Stibe (Hil), Capt. B. .. So, 79, 80, 88, 91 sina language I.A.V. 26-28; dialects of L.A.V. 27 stick-lac (Hind. Idih) .. .. Sc. 76, 105, 106 Sindhf, language, dialects of I.A.Vs. 8, 17-19. stone relief from a Kalinga railing .. 89, 90 42, 45-49 Storia de Mogor and Chitor .. .. .. 2n. Singapura inscrip. .. .. .. .. 170 Studica in Tamil Literature and History, by V. R. singhard. See kubja. Ramachandra Dikshitar (book-notice) .. 140 Siraiki dialoct .. .. .. .. I.A.V. 18 atdpas, at Mirpur-has, etc. 19; at Hadda .. 120 Sisodias, the, under Pratapsimha I .. subhakaradova, Noulpur grant of .. 244, 245 - oliddhyakpa (supdt. of crown lands) .. 110, 111, 122 Success .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 89 Htala, & grass (Andropogon muricatus).. . 64 Sudas, and Divodasa .. .. ..I.A.V. 31 stva (Virabhadra) 48: in Mahabalipur sculp. Budheran-jo-dhado, stupa at .. .. .. 19 ture .. .. .. .. .. 101-104 Sadra (pddaja), as a pratihdra .. Siyamba, Siyam bapura, vil., suggested to be Sadras, origin of 50-52, 93-95, 241-243; the same as Silimpur .. .. .. .. 16 and widow remarriage .. .. .. .. 244 Skandagupta, and the Hunas .. 112, 121, 122 Sue Vihar copper-plate inscrip... .. . 80 slavee (of Muhammad Tughluq), food allowancos | suffixes, Dravidian .. .. .. 8, 9 . .. .. .. 201-202 ! Saltanpur .. .. .. .. 59 .. 239 of

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268 INDEX . .. .. 227 oup (winnowing basket) .. Sc. 75 Tavernier, on Malay tin currency 70--72,76 supernatural powers, in Tibeto-Burmese folklore 31 Taxila copper plate inscrip. .. .. superstitions, primitive, and the origin of caste > gold plate inscrip. .. .. .. 80 95; Tibeto-Burmese .. .. .. 183, 184 silver scroll inscrip. .. .. .. 80 Sur, Atul K., tea, in Tibet Harsha .. .. .. .. .. .. 247 Tegnapatam (site of Fort St. David). Sc. 98 Sur dynasty, and Humayun .. .. 27 Tomple, Sur&ptra, conquest of, by Candragupta II .. 112 Sir Richard Carnac, Bt., obituary notice of pp. i-iv Surman Embassy to Delhi .. .. Sc. 97 Temple, Sir Richard Sutlej, riv., other names of the .. ..7, 26 Mussulmen .. .. .. .. 100 Swapnavdavadatta.. .. .. .. 414-44 Mussell Man .. .. .. .. .. 158 Srong-Taang-gampo, Emp., and the Dalai Journal of Francis Buchanan .. .. 138 LAMAS .. .. .. .. .. .. 31 temple guardians . .. .. .. .. 118 sydmaka, a millet grain (Panicum frumentaceum) 66 Tenessorim, cock coin or token 70, 74; medals Syamasundara Dasa, and the search for Hindi, 70-72, 76 MSS. .. .. .. .. .. .. 169 | Tenageerim currency .. .. .. .. 74 Syriac Breviary, the, and St. Thomas .. .. 56 Tenduo, lendo, i.o., India (9) China Christians Syrian Christians of Malabar .. .. 107, 108 Tenth and Eleventh Reports on the Search for * Hindi manuscripts in the years 1917-1919 and 1920-1922, by Rai Bahadur Hiralal .. 169 Teresa, a Nicobar isl. 81-84, 134, 136, other names of .. .. .. 216--217 terracotta figurines from Nilgiri graves .. . 141, 145 Taxila .. 142, 144, 145 Shah-ji-ki. Dheri .. .. 142 Tabaqal-s-Akbari, on Chitor .. .. .. 2 (fragmentary) .. 145 taboos (food), Hindu, 153, 154; in Tibet .. 226 Besarh .. 142-145 tejassvdmya, suggested meaning of .. 204-207 Bhita 141, 143 fakd, ancient Indian coin .. .. .. 77 Herappa .. 143 Takht-i-Bahi inscrip. . . . 79 Mohenjo-daro .. 143 Takkari, the Dogri character .. 1.A.V. 11, 15 Bunga 142, 143 Takpasila University .. .. L.A.V. 23 Gupta .. .. .. .. 142, 142 Talikota (Rakpasatangadi) .. .. 23--25 "Indo-Sumerian " .. .. .. 143, 144 tamarind tree .. .. .. 64 Bannu (fragmentary) .. .. .. .. 144 tamarind seeds, as tokens .. 76, 77 Tevenapatam. See Tegnapatam. Tamil inscrips. .. .. . ..199 Tharell, Sindhi dialect .. .. .. I.A.V. 18 Tamil literature and history, studies in . 140 Thathah (Tatte), site of .. .. .. 19, 20 Tamo (St. Thomas) .. .. .. .. 56 The Christians of St. Thomas, a MalayAlam work 106n. tarikd and takd .. .. .. .. 77 | Theodore, pilgrim, and the tomb of St. Thomas tantarobois, a fruit not identified, &c. 97, 102. See 56, 231, 234 Casalpinia. Theophilus the Indian, his mission to the tanthong (Shan silver majizl) .. .. .. 77 Sabxans .. .. .. .. 107, 234 tapasataru, tree (Balanites Roxburghit) .. 47 his island home, Dibous, or Divu 1 .. .. 248 Tapti, riv. .. .. .. .. .. . 62 Thomas .. .. .. .. Sc. 87, 89, 113 Tara, cult of .. .. .. .. .. 34 Thomas of Cana .. .. .. .. .. 107 Tara (name of a species of Caesalpinia) .. Sc. 102 Tibeto-Burman dialecte .. .. .. 1.A.V. 6 Tarargalota, the Tarangavati of Padalipta Tibeto-Burman linguistic morphology, a work on 100 I.A.V. 36 Tibeto-Burman folklore, scrape of 30-34, Tarangavatt of Padalipta I.A.V. 36 116-118, 156-167, 183-186, 224230. Tarikh-i-Alft, on Chitor .. .. .. 2 tickal, and the ancient Indian faka 77; (Siam. Tarkavagisa, MahamahopAdhyaya Phapibhu. 1 080) 70; (Shan) .. .. .. .. .. 77 pana, Nydyadarsana .. .. .. .. 198 Tidgundi, copper-plate grant from . .. 17 Tarkk Ari, village, where was it .. 14-18 til, gingelly (Sesamum indicum) .. .. 64 Tatar Khan Lodi, general of Bahadur Shah .. 1 Tillanchong (Taliehan) isl. .. . 216218 Tartars (Chinese ?), pilgrims to Mylapore .. 66 tin (English), sent to the East 71 ; from Junk. Tatta, Sidi 'Ali at the siege of 6, 7; (Thathah) ceylon .. .. ... Sc. 103, 104, 106 site of .. .. .. 19, 20 tin currency, olden, in Malay .. .. .. 71

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INDEX 289 56 Rajputana tintidikd, tintidi, tamarind tree (Tamarindu | Ujjain, and Yuvar&jadova I, 68 ; and the Sakas 112 indica) .. .. .. .. .. .. 64 umard (Mughal nobles) .. ... .. Sc.99 Tippers copper-plate grant of Lokanatha . 244 UpanAgara, a subordinate literary Apabhramsa Tirahi, language of Tirah.. . L.A.V. 8, 25 L.A.V. 36-38 Tirumala, and Sadasiva Raya 23 ; horse-trade of 25 uglys (weight) .. .. .. .. 201 Tirumangni Alvar, and Vignu (Talagayana) . 101 Urdu, corruptions of, in the Penal Settlement of To (mythioal boast, Burma) on coins 72, 73, and Port Blair .. .. .. .. 38-40 the cock .. .. .. .. .. .. 74 Urdu, language .. .. ..I.A.V. 9, 10, 44, 45 Tochari, Chorii (of Pliny), and the Chinese of Useful Tables (Prinsep's) .. 162, 183, 222 Fukhion .. .. wira, root (of Andropogon muricatus) .. . 64 Tod, Col. Jes., and Rajput And .. .. 59, 60 Todar Mal, and the Urdu script .. .. I.A.V. 10 Todas, killing of female children among the .. 237 tokens (traders' tokens), and the "Tenageerim" currency 74 ; of gold and silver .. .. 78 tola, varying value of the 161; and the rupee 162, 222 Toramana, the Huna .. .. .. .. 221 Torma (figures, forms) .. .. .. TorwAll, Torwalak, language of Wostern Kohis. .. .. I.A.V. 28 Vagurika (modern B&gri) tribe .. .. .. 110 totemism, and the origin of coste .. 60, 92 Vaishnaviam, at MahAbalipur. .. 101, 103 tradition (Indian), of St. Thomas 106, 108, 109 Vaidyas, the .. 80-82, 94, 96, 241, 242 Trans-Himalaya, region to the north of the Vallalasena, k., and the Yogis .. .. .. 244 Tsang-po valley, Sven Hedin's work in .. 99 parpa, and caste .. .. .. .. 40, 61 Travancore, inscrips. ato. of .. .. .. 160 varpa-prandpa, suggested meaning of .. 111 travel, foreign .. .. .. .. .. 184 Vasiptha, and Visvamitra .. .. 1.A.V. 31 Trenchfield, Elihu Sc. 88, 90, 109, 110, 113, 114 Vaatavya, Srivastavya, a title and Sravasti .. 18 Trenchfeld, Eliz. .. .. .. .. 8o. 83, 84 Vatay Ayana .. .. .. .. .. 108 Trenchfeld, R. .. .. .. .. So. 79 Vedanta system . .. Trikalinga .. .. .. . 63 Vernaculars, Modern Indo-Aryan L.A.V. 1-56 Trinab, riv. .. .. 26 Vernaculars, Inter. .. .. .. I.A.V. 7 Trinkat, a Nicobar isl. 81-84 ; (Sequmo) .. 216 M. .. .. .. I.A.V. 7, 51 Tripurl, soat of Keyura varga Yuvarajadeva I 61-63 N. W. and E. connexion between troon (and plants), marriage between 47; and L.A.V. 8, 31, 46-51 place names . . . . 196, 197 Outer .. .. ..L.A.V. 8, 40 Tukhari language .. .. LA.V. 46 8. and E. .. .. .. I.A.V. 61 Tulasf Dass, and old Awadhi .. .. LA.V. 17 Veron, language (Proeun, Waal-veri) ..L.A.V. 8, 25 Tuina, St. Thomas .. .. 56 Verne, anubh, in the Kaupaliya Artha-Idaira turbitts (turbans) So. 95, 100 171, 172 tutnag (spelter) . .. .. .. 73 pelasa, cano (Calamus Rotang) .. .. .48 Twin Fish, tho, as a symbol .. - .. 67 Vicolt, dialect .. .. .. ..I.A.V. 18 Victor, bishop of Capua, and the burial places of the Apostles .. .. .. 231 Victoria, q., and Peden Llamo .. .. .. 34 Viddhakllabhanjikd, the staging of .. 61-63 Vidyadharamalla, hero of the Viddhabdlabhanji. led .. . 61-63 Vidy&pati, a newly found work by .. Vijayanagara, and Badativa Raya .. Vikrama era .. .. .. ubalika (tax-free) . .. .. .. 168 Vikram Aditya, and Augustus .. Ucch Vikram Ajit, Rape of Mewap .. Vocf, language (Lahnda) .. .. A.V. 17, 18 Virabhadra Udayagiri rock-out reliefs 89, 90 bine bale ("hero-stones ") .. .. Udayapur, history of .. .. .. 59, 60vipa (lotus stalk fibres) .. .. .. .. 84 Udayasitbha II, Maharapk of Mower .. 1, 2, 21 Viqpu, the Supernatural Self .. .. . 31 Udi Singh (Udayasimha II) .. .. ... Vignu's Paradevata Paramarthya sculptured the Ugra (Sans. ugra, of mixed race) .. 93-94 MahAbalipur .. .. .. .. 101--104 .. .. 78

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270 INDEX Vippugupta, and the Artha-ddatra of Kautalya. 174 | Wilson, Lieut.-Com. .. .. .. .. 84 Visvamitra, and Vasioth& .. . .. 1.A.V..3 .. 1.A.V. 31 wine-drinking, and oaste-rules .. .. 241 Vizagapatam, siege of .. . Sc. 98, 97, 101 Winter of Couch, Sir Ed., E. I. C. Sc. 95, 100 Von Hochstetter, Dr., on the geology of the Wolfenden, Stuart, N., Nicobar isls. .. .. .. .. .. 218 Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Morphovovels, of the I.A.Vs. .. .. I.A.V. 52-56 logy .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 Vracada (or Vracata), & subordinate literary wron, hunting the .. .. .. .. 236 Apabhramsa .. .. .. S.A.V. 36, 37 Wright, Mr. Thos. .. .. .. Sc. 84, 85 vydvasthapana, meaning of the word .. .. 246 Wycho, Born, E. I. C. ' .. .. .. Sc. 107 158 Wai Kafirs .. I.A.V. 25 Yajnavalkya-smrti 121 Wai-ala, language of the Wai Kafirs 1.A.V. 8, 25 Yasovarman, conquest of Gauda by .. 18 Wales, Sam. E.I.C.... .. Sc. 101 | udadah (and panzdah) . . . . . . 222 Wali, of Aurangabad, and Hindostani .. I.A.V. 9 Yazdani, G., and the Ajanta frescoes .. Walker, Ben. .. .. .. .. So. 78 Yonan, Mar, of St. Thomas' monastery .. Walker, Francis . . . . . Sc. 78 Yudhimthira .. .. .. .. .. waqi'a-navis (nows-writer) ... sc. 98, 100 Yuvar&jadova I, Chedi k., and the Viddha. Wardak vase inscrip. .. salabhanjika .. Wardha grant .. . .. . 62n., 63 | Yuvardjadeva II, Chodi k., and the Viddhaddla. Warren Hastings and Philip Prancis, by Sophia bhanjikd .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Weitzman, M.A. (book-notice) .. .. 119 Wasi-veri, dialect (Presun, Veron) .. I.A.V. 26 weights of gems, etc., table of .. .. .. 160 Weitzman, Sophia Warren Hastings and Philip Francis .. 119 Weld, Capt. W. . Sc. 87, 88, 112 Wendey, Rovd. Jas. Sc. 84, 85, 89 Wealy, Capt. .. .. .. .. Sc. 114 wezd (8lct. vidyd), moaning of, in Burmese .. 32 werds (Burmese), benefactors of mankind Zadot, and St. Thomas' Indian monastery 68, whorls, left-hand, on conch shell .. 184 107, 232, 234 widow marriage .. .. .. 241, 244, 246 Zobu'n-nisa, d. of Aurangzeb, and Sarmad .. 124 Wigmore, Mrs. Anna .. .. .. 8o. 83, 84, Zada inscrip. .. wild tribes (aranya-cara) of the Artha-destra . 110 siwazo (the swift of the ediblo birds' nosts), on Willis, Dr. (unidentifiod).. .. ..Sc. 97, 102 coin " Wilson. Capt., and the Nicaber copsus .. 137. 216 | Zuv. saint, and R. Die saint, and Rei Pir .. .. .. .. 126 79, 80