Indian Antiquary Vol 24

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032516/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PIIILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.,
EDITED BY
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, C.I.E.,
MAJOR, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXIV. - 1895.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
.
PAGE 1
... 177 ... 30
...
...
J. E. ABBOTT :
Identification of Nagapura in the Konkan SARDARU BALHARI :
The Worship of Narsing in Kangra ... A. BARTH :
BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA ... 33, 65 G. K. BETHAM :SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS
THE MANJGUNI PURANA ... ... ... . 231 GEORGE BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. • THE ORIGIN OF THE KEAROSHTS ALPHABET, 285, 311 J. 21. CAMPBELL, C.I.E.:NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIET AND CUSTOM...17, 29, 57, 121, 183, 215, 221, 259, 292,
816, 347 T. DESIKACHARI :
INDO-DANISH COINS ... .. ... ... .. 2 Two Inedited Ceylon Coins ... ... ... ... 832 T. M. RANGACHARI :
Seo T. Desikachari. WILLIAM CROOKE, C.S.:
A VERSION OF THE GUGA LEGEND... ... ... 49 FOLKTALES IN HINDUSTAN :
No. 11. - The Tale of Panch phula Rani G. DALZIEL:A Variant of the Scape Goat ...
... ... 112 Kali in Garhwal as a Disease Demon .. .. 220 J. G. DELMERICK :
The Origin of Lal Beg ... ... Lal Beg and the Musalman Creed ... .. Prof. SANKAR DIKSHIT:The Age of the Satapatha Brahmana
... 245 J. M. DOUIE:
Terms for Marriage Relations as Terms of Abuse. 112 J. F. FLEET, Ph.D., C.I.E.:
A Kanada- English Dictionary ... ... ... 83 G. A. GRIEKSON, PH.D., C.I.E.:
The Tenth Congress of Orientalists, Geneva, 1894. 186 Professor Weber's Vedic Essays ... ... ... 177 Professor Cowell's Edition of the Buddha-Charita of Asvagbosa ... ... ..
* ... 179 Nadi Vijnana .. -
... ... 180 Dr. Bühler on the Origin of the Indian Brahma
Alphabet ... ... ... ... ... ... 246 ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAB
*** . .. 387 The Bower Manuscript
370
DENZIL IBBETSON., C.S.I., :Musalman Names of Hindus ... ... ... A Story about Valmiki... .. . ...
A Ceremonial Mutilation ... J. JOLLY: Apastambiyadharmasutram, Aphorisms on the
Saored Law of Hindas, by Apastamba, ed. by
Dr. G. Bühler, C.I.E. . ... ... ... ... 859 P. J. KABRAJI (née PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA:
Narsinh Mehetanun Mamerun ... ... 73, 100 H. KERN :Foreign Numerals in Traders' Slang in Southern
India ... .. ... . ... ... .. F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.:ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS ... ...
... ... 1, 181 The Date of the Buddhist Inscription from
Sravasti... . ... ... ... ... ... 176 J. L. KIPLING., C.I.E.
A Hindu House-warming ... ... F. KITTEL:
On some Sanskrit Verbs ... ... ... ... PROF. ERNST LEUMANN :The Kathakoca or Treasury of Stories, translated from Sanskrit Manuscripts by C. H. Tawney,
M.A., with Appendix cointaining Notes... ... 275 R. M.:
A Voluntary Poor Rate Board in India ... ... 246 E. H. MAN, C.I.E.: DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS MADE AND
USED BY THE NATIVES OF THE NICOBAR
ISLANDS... .. ... .. .. 41, 106, 182, 169 D. E. MCCRACKEN :
A Form of Swearing Brotherhood .. .. ... 177 E. H. PARKER :
THE LOLO WRITTEN CHARACTER ... ... ... P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M.A.:SOME EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE...249,
277, 305, 333 K, RAGHUNATHJI:
Hindu Aspect of Prayer ... ... ... ... 83 PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.:FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA :
No. 89. - Devoted Vatsala... ... No. 40.- Ebhya the Learned Fool (a Noodle
Story) .. .. . .. .. 856
. 298

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iv
CONTENTS.
PAGE TAW SEIN-KO:
Some Remarks on the Kalyani Inscriptions...301, 831 GURDYAL SINGH:Nomes for, and Offerings to, the Goddess of Small. pox
*** "" " " ... 140 F. A. STEEL :
Saukan Mora ... ... ... ... ... ... 220 MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE, C.I.E. :THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS, from the Papers of the late A. C. Burnell ...113, 141, 211,
242, 207 Source of Sanskrit Words in Burmese ...
PAGE G. THIBAUT :ON BOME RECENT ATTEMPTS TO DETERMINE THE
ANTIQUITY OF VEDIC CIVILIZATION ... ... 85 M. N. VEN KETSWAMI:FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA - FOLKLOR
No. 1. - The Thousand-eyed Mother ... Telugu Superstitions ... ... ... ... L. A. WADDELL:
The Saontal Migration... ... ... ... ... 81 THE LATE W. D. WHITNEY :ON JACOBI AND TILAK ON THE AGE OF THE VEDA. 361
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. The Saontal Migration, by L. A. Waddell ... ... 81 The Age of the Satapatha Brahmana, by Sankar On Some Sanskrit Verbs, by F. Kittel
Dikshit ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 245 Foreign Numerals in Traders' Slang in Southern Source of Sanskrit Words in Burmese, by R. C. India, by H. Kern ... ...
Temple .. ... ... .. ... ... .. 275 Identification of Nagapura in the Konkan, by J. E.
Some Remarks on the Kalyani Inscriptions, by Abbott ... ...
Taw Sein-ko .. .. ... ... ... 301, 331 The Tenth Congress of Orientalists, Geneva, 1894 by G. A. Grierson, C.I.E. ...
Two Inedited Ceylon Coins, by T. M. Rangachari The Date of the Buddhist Inscription from Sravasti, and T. Desikachari ... ... .. .. . 332 by F. Kielhorn ... ... .. . ***
... 136
... 176
NOTES AND QUERIES. Hindu Aspect of Prayer, by K. Raghunathji ... 83 | A Form of Swearing Brotherhood, by D. E. A Variant of the Scape Goat, by G. Dalziel ... ... 112 MoCracken
... ... ... 177 Terms for Marriage Relations as Terms of Abuse A Story about Valmiki, by Denzil Ibbetson ... 220 by J. M. Douie ... ... ... . ... ... 112 Saukan Mora, by F. A. Steel ...
teel ... ... ... ... 220 Names for, and Offerrings to, the Goddess of Small
Kali in Garhwal as a Disease Demon, by G. Dalziel. 220 pox, by Gurdyal Singh... ...
... ... 140 A Voluntary Poor Rate Board in India, by R. M. ... 245 The Worship of Narsingh in Kangra, by Sardar A Ceremonial Mutilation, by Denzil Ibbetson ... 303 Balhari ,
... ... ... 177 A Hindu House-warming, by J. L. Kipling ... ... 303 The Origin of Lal Beg, by J. G. Delmerick ... ... 177 Lal Beg and the Musalman Creed, by J. G. Del. Musalman Names of Hindus, by Denzil Ibbet
merick ... ... . .. ... .. .. 332 son ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 177 Telugu Superstitions, by M. N. Venketawami ... 359
BOOK-NOTICES. A Kanada-English Dictionary, by J. F. Fleet ... 83 from Sanskrit Manuscripts by C. H. Tawney, Professor Weber's Vedic Essays, by G. A. Grierson. 177
M. A., with Appendix containing Notes, by Pro
fessor Ernst Leumann ... ... ... ... ... 275 Professor Cowell's Edition of the Buddha-Charita of
Some New Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. ... ... 304 Asvaghosa, by G. A. Grierson
- ... 179
Oriental Music .. .. .. ... ... ... 304 Nadi Vijnana, by G. A. Grierson ... ... ... 180
Apaetambiyadharmasutram, Aphorisms on the Dr. Bühler on the Origin of the Indian Brahma Sacred Law of Hindus, by Apastamba, ed. by Dr. Alphabet, by G. A. Grierson ... .... ... .. 246
G. Bühler, C. I. E., by J. Jolly ... ... ..359 The Kathakoca or Treasury of Stories, translated The Bower Manuscript, by G. A. Grierson ... 370
...
...
...
... 289
ILLUSTRATIONS. The Lolo Written Character ... ... ... 172, 173 | Kharoshthi Alphabet ...
ERRATA. Pago 316, line 16 from top, delete "In this case the final a becomes a." line 15
for "marana (not marana) yun," read "marang yun."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXIV. — 1895.
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C. 1. E.; GÖTTINGEN,
(Continued from Vol. XXIII. page 184.) II. - IRREGULAR DATES.
1. - Dates with Current Tithis.
(a). - Dates with Uttarayana-samkrantis. 123. - 8. 1104. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 124, p. 94. Date of a grant of the Hoysala Viraballala: -
Saka-varshada Syirada nûra nAlkeneys Plava-samvatsarada Paushya-bahula-tadige 8u(su)kravárad uttarayaņa-sankrantiy-endu.
In S. 1104 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Plava, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 6 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 25th December, A. D. 1181, during the third tithi of the dark half, which commenced 0 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the same day, and ended 2 h. 8 m, after mean sunrise of the following day.
124. - $. 1182.- Jour. Roy. As. Soc., 0. S., Vol. V. p. 177; Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. IV. p. 105. Terwan copper-plate inscription of Kâmvadêvarêya of Kalyâņa : -
Sri-Saku 1182 varshe Raudra-samvatsarê | Pashya-vadi saptami(mi) Sa(na)ni-dind ... uttarayana-samkranti-parvani...
In S. 1182 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Raudra, the Uttara. yana-samkranti took place 16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 25th December, A. D. 1260, during the 7th tithi of the dark half, which commenced on the same day, 13 h. 19 m., and ended on the following day, 12 h. 28 m. after mean sunrise.
125.-8. 1448.- As. Res. Vol. III. p. 49. Kanchipura copper-plate inscription of K pishộaraya of Vijayanagara :
One thousand four hundred and forty-eight years of the Sacábda ... being elapsed; ... in the year Vyaya, in the month of Pushya, when the sun was entering Macára, in the dark fortnight, on the day of Bhrigy, and on that venerable tithi, the tenth of the moon; ... under the constellation of Visakha.'
1 of these dates the following have been already examined by Dr. Fleet: Nos, 127, 128, 150, 155, 157, 100, 165-168, 170, 172, 178-180, 184, 188, 193 and 194. Other irregular dates will be marked as such in my chronological list, below.
* Compare also Nos. 143 and 151, below.

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2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1895.
In S. 1448 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vyaya, the Makarasam kranti took place 12 h. 39 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 28th December, A. D. 1526, during the 10th tithi of the dark half, which commenced 2 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of the saine day; on the same day the moon entered Visakha 7 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise.
(b). A date with a Krishna-jayanti.
126.-S. 1452. Ante, Vol. IV. p. 329, and Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 95. Harihar inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara: --
(L. 3). Sri-jayabhyudaya-Salivahana-saka-varsha 1452 Vikru(kri)ti-samvatsarada Sravana-bahula 8yu(ya) Somavara Jayamti-punyakaladalli sri-Kru(kri)shnavatarasamayadalli.
In S. 1452 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrita, the 8th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Sravana commenced 12 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 15th August, A. D. 1530, and ended 10 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of the following day.
Other dates with current Tithis.
(c).. 127. S. 856. Ante, Vol. X. p. 104, and Vol. XVIII. p. 316. Mahâkûța pillar inscription of the Mahásámanta Bappuvarasa:
(L. 6). Sakanripa-kâl-âtita-sa[m] vatsara-sataṁgal-entu nu(nû)ra ayivatta âraneya Jayasa[m]vatsarada Kartta (rtti)ka-su(su)ddha-pañchamiyum Budhavarad-andu[m].
—
In S. 856 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya, the 5th tithi of the bright half of Kârttika commenced 2 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 15th October, A. D. 934, and ended 0 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the following day. [By the mean-sign system Jaya had ended on the 6th December, A. D. 933, in 'S. 856 current; and Karttika-sudi 5 of S. 856 current was Saturday, 26th October, A. D. 933.]
128. S. 1001. - Hultzsch, South Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 55; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 431. Date of the appointment of Vira-Chôdadêva as viceroy of Vêngi
(L. 76). Sak-Abdê sasi-khadvay-êmdu-ganitê Simh-âdhirûḍê(dhê) ravau
chamdrê vriddhimati trayôdaśa-tithau varê Guror-Vrischikê lagnê-tha Sravanê.
In S. 1001 current the Simha-sam kranti took place (and the solar Bhâdrapada commenced) 8 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th July, A. D. 1078; and the day of the date is Thursday, 23rd August, A. D. 1078, when the 13th tithi of the bright half (of the lunar Bhadrapada) commenced 0 h. 30 m. and ended 23 h. 51 m., and when the nakshatra was Sravana up to 7 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise.
129. S. 1084. Ante, Vol. XI. p. 12. Anamkonḍ inscription of Rudradê va of the Kakatya or Kakatiya dynasty:
Saka-varshamulu 1084 vunemți Chitrabhanu-samvatsara Mâgha-su 13 Vaḍḍavara
(L. 6). munâmḍu.
In S. 1084 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Chitrabhanu, the 13th tithi of the bright half of Magha commenced 2 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 19th January, A. D. 1163, and ended 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of the following day.
130. S. 1160. Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 112. Tiliwalli inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Singhana II. :
Saka 1160 (in figures, 1. 77), the Hêmalambi samvatsara; Thursday, the third day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna.'
By Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's exact calculations, according to the present Surya-siddhanta, the tithi commenced 1 h. 16 m. after sunrise of the Thursday, and ended 344 m. after sunrise of the following day.

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JANUARY, 1895.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
In S. 1160 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Hêmalamba, the third tithi of the bright half of Phâlguna commenced 5 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 18th February, A. D. 1238, and ended 3 h. after mean sunrise of the following day.
S. 1189.
Ante, Vol. XII. p. 101.
Date of an Old-Kanarese inscription at
131. Kadakol:
(L. 1). — Sri-Sa(sa) kavarusa(rsha) 1189 Prabhava-samvatsarada Mâgha-su(śu)dha(ddha) 5 Su(su)kravaradalu.
-
3
In 3. 1189 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Prabhava, the 5th tithi of the bright half of Mâgha commenced 2 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 20th January, A. D. 1268, and ended 4 h. 41 m. after mean suurise of the following day.
Mysore Inscr. No. 172, p. 325. Somnathpur inscription of the Hoysala
132. §. 1192. Narasimha III. :
The Saka year 1192, the year Sukla, the month Âshâḍha, the 12th day of the moon's increase, Wednesday.'
In S. 1102 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sukla, the 12th tithi of the bright half of Ashâḍha commenced 2 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 12th June, A. D. 1269, and ended about sunrise of the following day.
Ante, Vol. XII. p. 101. Date of an Old-Kanarese inscription at
133.8. 1201. Kadakol:
(L. 1). Srimatu-Sa(sa) kavarusa (rsha) 1201 Pramathi-samvatsarada Bhadrapada-su(su)ddha-chhat[t]i Somavarad-aindu.
-
In 8. 1201 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pramathin, the 6th tithi of the bright half of Bhadrapada commenced 4 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 14th August, A. D. 1279, and ended 3 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise of the following day.
134. S. 1277. Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 64. Mysore Inscr. No. 1, p. 3. Chitaldurg inscription of Bukkaraya-Vodeya of Hosapaṭṭana (and afterwards of Vijayanagara):
Sa(sa)ka-varusha 1277 Manumatha-samvachhchha (tsa)rada Jê(jyai)shta (shtha)-śudhdha(ddha) 7 so (i. e. Somavara).
In 8. 1277 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Manmatha, the 7th tithi of the bright half of Jyaishtha commenced 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 18th May, A. D. 1355, and ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of the following day.
135.-S. 1296. Hultzsch, South Ind. Inser. Vol. I. p. 104. Inscription on the south wall of a Mandapa at the base of the Tirumalai rock :
'On the day of (the nakshatra) Uttirattadi (i. e. Uttara-bhadrapada), which corresponds to Monday, the eighth lunar day of the former half of the month of Dhanus of the Ananda year, which was current after the 'Saka year 1296 (had passed).'
In S. 1296 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Ananda, the Dhanuḥsamkranti took place (and the solar Pausha commenced) 20 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th November, A. D. 1374; and the day of the date is Monday, 11th December, A. D. 1374 when the 8th tithi of the bright half (of the lunar Pausha) commenced 3 h. 41 m., and when the moon entered Uttara-bhadrapada 3 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
136. S. 1560.- Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 237; Mysore Inscr. No. 119, p. 218. Date in a stone inscription at Halebid :
"Salivahana-Saka 1560 (in figures, 1. 9), the Isvara samvatsara; Thursday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1895.
In S. 1560 current, wbich by the southern luni-solar system was isvara, the 5th tithi of the bright half of Phâlguna commenced 3 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 8th February, A. D. 1638, and ended 3 h. after mean sunrise of the following day.
137. - S. 1619. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Insor. Nos. 35 and 229; Mysore Inscr. No. 114, p. 211. Dévanhalli copper-plate and stone inscriptions of Gopala Ganda, lord of the Âvati nad.'
Salivahana-Saka 1619, the Isvara sahvatsara ; Saturday, the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of Migha.'
In S. 1619 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Isvara, the full-moon tithi of Magha commenced 6 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 15th January, A. D. J698, and ended 5 h. 57 m, after mean sunrise of the following day.
139.-. 1714. - Arch. Survey of South India, Vol. IV. p. 42. Date of a stone inscription at Tirupparaikunram :
On ... Wednesday, the fourth tithit of the month of Panguni in the year Paritapi, which was current after the 1714th elapsed year of the Salivahana Saka, and on the second days of the light fortnight in which the asterism of Bevati, the yôga named Sala, and the karana Palava-kurana were in conjunction.'
In S. 1714 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was ParidhAvin, the month Panguni (i. e. the solar Chaitra) commenced, by the Súrya-siddhanta, 14 h. 49 m., and by the Arya-siddhanta, 11 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise of the 10th March, A. D. 1793 ; accordingly, by the Arya-siddhanta, the fourth day of the solar month was Wednesday, 13th March, N. S., A. D. 1793. On this day the second tithi of the bright half of the lunar Chaitra of the lunisolar Saka year 1715 expired) and the karana Balava commenced 3 h. 20 m., the nakshatra was Revati from 8 b. 32 m., and the yôga Sukla up to 9 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.
2. - Dates with Wrong Saka Years, but Correct Jovian Years.7 139. – 3. 775. - Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 134. Kaņheri inscription of the Rashtrakuta Amôghavarsha I. :
(L. 1). - Sakansipa-kal-âtita-samvatsara-satêshu saptasu pañcha-saptatishv-amkatah (api sanvaltsarasah 775 tad-antarggata-Prajapati-sasva(inva)tsar-antahpâti-Asvina-vahula-dvitiya(yam Budh 2]dine.
By the southern luni-solar system Prajapati was $. 773 (not 775) expired, and by the mean-sign system Prajapati lasted from the 26th November, A. D. 850, to the 22nd November A. D. 851; and during this time (by both systems in S. 778 expired) the second tithi of the dark half of the amanta Aśvina ended 10 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 16th September, A. D. 851.
140. – S. 1063. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 126. Anjaneri inscription of the Yadav. Mahásá manta Sêuñadêva : -
(L. 1). - Saka-samvat 1063 Dundubhi-samvatsar-Arhtarggata-Jyêshtha-sudi parochadaśyam Some Anuradha-nakshatrê Siddha-yôge asyâm samvatsara-masa-paksha-divasaaparợ vayam titan.
In the year Dundubhi, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 1064 (not 1063) expired, the 15th tithi of the bright half of Jyaishtha ended 13 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 11th May, A. D. 1142; and on this day the nakshatra was Anuradha nd to 13 h. 47 m., and the yoga Siddha from 2 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise. • This should be day.'
This should be 'tithi.'
• This should be 'Bukla, Compare also Nos. 149, 162, 183, 187 and 196, below.

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JANUARY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
5
141.-8. 1128. - Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 348. Pagnâ inscription of the Dévagiri-Yadava Singhaņa II. : -
(L. 21). -Sri-Saké 1128 Prabhava-samvatsaré Srivaņa-mase paurņņamâsyam chandragrahana-samayê.
In the year Prabhava, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 1129 (not 1128) expired, the fun-moon tithi of Sråvaņa ended 11 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the 9th August, A. D. 1207, when there was a lunar eclipse, visible in India.
142. - 9. 1444. - Páli, Sler. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 27; Mysore Inscr. No. 135, p. 245. Simogga copper-plate inscription of Kșishṇaraya of Vijayanagara: -
Salivahana-Saka 1444 (in words; 1. 5 of the fourth side), the Svabhanu sarmvatsara ; Tuesday, in the month Pushya; at the time of the Makars-sam krama ... under the constellation Hasta.
In the year Subhang, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 1445 (not 1444) expired, the Makara-samkranti took place 18 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 28th December, A.D. 1523, while the moon was in Hasta; and on the following day, Tuesday, the 29th December, the 8th tithi of the dark half of Pausha ended 21 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise.
143. - $. 1845. - Mysore Inscr. No. 169, p. 318. Melkote copper-plate inscription of Krishparaja of Maisûr: -
In ... the Salivahana Saka, the year reckoned as bhúta, arnava, anga and Kshiti (1645) having passed, and the year Krodhi being current, in the month Pushya, the 12th day of the moon's decrease, Wednesday, under the constellation Anuradha, the Vriddhi yoga, the Balave karana, the uttarayana, the sun being in Makara, - on this auspicious day, in the morning.'
In the year Krodhin, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 1646 (not 1645) expired, the Uttarayana-sankranti took place 18 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 29th December, A. D. 1724; and the 12th tithi of the dark half of the amánta Pausha commenced (and the karana Balava ended) 3 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 30th December, A. D. 1724, when the nakshatra was Anuradha ap to 11 h. 10 m., and the yoga Vriddhi from 3 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
3. - Dates with Wrong Months. 144. - 8. 872.- Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 245. Date of a grant commemorated in an inscription at Narégal:
On the occasion of an eclipse of the sun on Thursday, the day of the new moon of the month Kårttika of the Sadharana sativatsara, being the year of the Saka 872.'
In 8. 872 expirod, which by the southern luni-solar system was sadharana, the 15th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Karttika ended 13 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 12th November, A. D. 950, when there was no eclipse. But there was a total solar eclipse, not visible in India, at sunrise of Thursday, 12th December, A.D. 950, which was the 15th of the dark half of the following month, the amanta Margasirsha. [By the mean-sign system Sadharana ended on the 30th September, A. D. 949.)
145. - 8. 1096. - Jour. Bo. Ar. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 275. Belgaum District copper-plate inscription of the Kalachari Sômēśvara :
(Plate iib, 1. 20). - Shannaraty-adhika-sahasratamê Sake Jaya-samvatsarê Karttika-sukladvådaśyam Brihaspativara-Révatinakshatra-Vyati patayôga-Va(ba)vakaraña-yaktâyârn.
Perhape Balava' may be an error for 'Kaalari,' the karana which followa immediately upon Bélava. • Compare also No. 156, below.

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1895.
In S. 1000 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya, the 12th tithi of the bright half of Karttika ended 12 h. 24 m., and the karana Bava about one hour after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 9th October, A. D. 1174, and on this day the nakshatra was Purva-bhadrapada, and the yoga Vyaghata. But the 12th tithi of the bright half of the following month, Margasirsha, ended 21 h. 6 m., and the karana Bava about 9 h. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 7th November, A.D. 1174 ; and on this day the nakshatra was Rêvati up to 13 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise, and the yôga Vyatipate about the whole day. The date No. 69, above, from an inscription of the same king, shews that the 15th of the dark half of Mârgaśirsha of 'S. 1096 expired corresponded to the 26th November, A. D. 1174. And it may be added that, calculated by Prof. Jacobi's Special Tables, Kârttika was not intercalary in S. 1096 expired.)
146. - S. 1853. - Hultzsch, South Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 80. Date of an inscription on the base of the Isvara temple at Tellûr near Vêlûr :
On the day of the naisshatra) Tiruvöņam (ie. Sravana), which corresponds to Monday, the fifth lunar day of the former half of the month of Karkataka of the Sadharana year (and) the Saka year 1353.'
In S. 1353 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sadharana, the sun was in the sign Karkata from 23 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of the 28th June to 10 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise of the 30th July, A. D. 1430. During this time there was only one 5th tithi of the bright half, and this tithi ended 17 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 25th July, when the moon was in Hasta (No. 13), not in Sravana (No. 22). - In S. 1353 current, the year of the date, the only fifth of the bright half on which the moon was in Sravana was Monday, the 20th November, A. D. 1430, which was the 5th of the bright half of the lunar Margaśirsha and the 22nd day of the solar Margasirsha. Now, as the solar Margasiraba of the north would in the south be called the month of Karttigai, I believe the word Karkataka of the date to have been erroneously put for Karttigai.
4. - Dates with Wrong Tithis. 147. - S. 902.- Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 210; ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 11. Saundatti inscription of the Western Châlukya Taila II.:
Sasa kansipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satamga[lo] 902neys Vikrams-sainvatsarada Paashya(sha)-suddha-daśami-Brihaspativarad-andin=uttarayana-ba(sa)mkramanadol.
In S. 902 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrama, the Uttarayaņa-samkranti took place 5 h, 54 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 23rd December, A. D. 980; and on the same day the 14th (not the 10th) tithi of the bright half of Pausha ended 11 h. 37 m. after mean sunrise. [By the mean-sign system Vikrama ended on the 27th May, A. D. 979, in 'S. 902 current.]
143. - S. 966. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 14. Hůli inscription of the Western Châlakya Suniêśvara I.:
Sakansipa-kal-atîta-samvatsara-satamgalu 966neya Tarana-samvatsarada Pusya(shya)-su(su)dhdha(ddha) 10 Adivarama-(u)ttarayana-samkrantiy-audu.
in S, 966 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Tarana, the Uttardyana-samkranti took place 19 h. 21 m, after mean sunrise of Sunday, 23rd December, A. D. 1044; and on the same day the first (not the 10th) tithilo of the bright half of Pausha ended 7 h. I m. after mean sunrise.
In the text of RamAnnjAcharya's daasa at Sravana-Belgola, printed ante, Vol. XIV. p. 234, the tithi of the date is the first (1); but according to the text (not the translation) published by the same editor in Inscription al Sranana. Belgola, p. 100, No. 136, the tithi is the tenth (10). Here my calculation shows this latter reading (10) to be correct. Compare also below, No. 196.

Page #11

JANUARY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
149.-8. 1317. - As, Res. Vol. IX. p. 420; Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 264. Chitradurg copper-plate inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :
Rishi-bhu-vahni-chandrê tu ganitê Dhat[ri]-vatsarei Magha-mise sukla-pakshê paurņamásyam mahatithau II
nakshatrė pitfi-daivatyê Bhanuværena samyutê 1 In the year Dhatri, which by the southern luni-solar system was S. 1318 (not 1317) expired, the full-moon tithi of Magha ended 3 h. 20 m. before mean sunrise of Sunday, 14th January, A. D. 1397; but the day of the date is evidently this Sunday, the first of the dark half, on which the moon was in the pitri-nakshatra, i. e. Magha, by the Brahma-siddhanta, from 2 h. 38 m., and, by the Garga-siddhanta, from 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.
5. - Dates with Wrong Weekdays. 150.- S. 978. - Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 273. Honwâd inscription of the Western Châlukya Sômêśvara I. :
(L. 33). - Sa(sa)ka-varsha 976neya Jaya-samvatsarada Vaisa (sa)khadeamavasye(sye) Somavárad-amdina sa(suryagrahaņa-nimitya(tta)dim.
In S. 976 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya, the 15th tithi of the dark half of the amántu Vaisaklia ended 6 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday (not Monday), 10th May, A. D. 1054, when there was a total solar eclipse, visible in India. [Compare above, No. 56.)
151. - 3. 984. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 16. Hulgur inscription of the Western Chalukya Sômeśvara I. : - Salsa)ka n ripa-kal akrinta-samvatsara-satamga[*
1 984neys Subhakrit-samvatsarain pravarttise tad-varsh-ábhyantarada Pushya-babula-saptame(mi) Adityavaramum-uttarayaņasamkrantiy-andu.
In 3. 984 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Subhakrit, the Uttarayaņa-samkranti took place 11 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday (not Sunday), 24th December, A. D. 1062, during the 7th tithi of the dark half of Pausha which commenced on the same day, 10 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.
[Ibid. p. 209, No. 15, a Chillûr-Badņi inscription of the same king is dated : -
Sa(sa)kansipa-kal-atîta-samvatsara-sa(sa) tamga[lo] 984neya [Su]bhakritu-samvatsarada Pausya(sha)-su(su)ddha-dasa(sa)mi Adityaváramruttarayaņa-samkranti-vyatipâtad-andu.].
152.- S. 993. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 55; Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 159; Mysore Inscr. No. 70, p. 144. Balagámve inscription of the Western Chalukya Sômêsvara II. : -
(L. 12). - Sa(sa)ka-varsha 993neya Virdhikrit-samvatsarada Pashya-su(su)ddha 1 Somavárad-amdin=uttarayana-samkranti-parbba(rvva)-nimittadim.11
In S. 993 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhakrit, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 19 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 24th December, A. D. 1071, during the first tithi of the bright half of Pausha which ended 8 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday (not Monday), 25th December, A. D. 1071.
153. - 5.997. - Arch. Survey of West. India, Vol. III. p. 106; ante, Vol. I. p. 14). Kadarôļi inscription of the Western Châlukya Somêsvara 11.:
(L. 19). – Sa(sa)ka-varsha 997neya Rakshasa-samvatsarada Pushyada paona(nni)me Adityavára uttarayana-sam(sam)kranti-vyatipatadeandu.
11 The same date in another Balagånave inscription of the same king, Pali, Skr, and Oud-Kan. Inacr. No. 160 ; and Mysore Inect. No. 78, p. 165.

Page #12

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1895.
In S. 997 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Rakshasa, the Uttardyana-samkranti took place 18 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 24th December, A.D. 1075, during the full-moon tithi of Pausha which ended 4 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of Friday (not Sunday), 25th December, A.D. 1075.
Ante, Vol. IV. p. 210, and Mysore Inscr. No. 69, p. 143, there is a Balagâmve inscription of the reign of the same king which is dated : On the occasion of the festival of the sun's commencing his progress to the north on Monday the first day of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the Rakshasa samvatsara which was the year of the "Saka 997.']
154. - S. 1080.- Ante, Vol. XI. p. 274. Date of a Kidamba stone inscription at Siddapur: -
(L. 28). - Saka-varsan 1080neya Bahudhanya-samvatsarada Asadad-amavasya Somavárad-amda dakshiņayans-semkranti-vyatfpåtada ponya-tithiyoļu.
In S. 1080 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bahudhanya, the Dakshiņayana-samkranti took place 12 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 26th June, A. D. 1:58, and the 15th tithi of the dark half of the amánta Ashâdha ended 20 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Friday (not Monday), 27th June, A. D. 1158.
155. – S. 1096. – Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 127. Hulgür stone inscription of the Kalachuri Sômêsvara :
(L. 18). - Saka-Varsha 1096neya Jaya-samvatsarada Jyêshthada amåvåsyê Adityavara saryyagrahaņa-vyatipatad-andu.
In 8. 1096 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya, the 15th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Jyaishtha ended 8 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday (not Sunday), 1st June, A. D. 1174, when there was a solar eclipse, visible in India.
156.-8. 1141. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 256. Date in & stone tablet at Nêsarige :
On a sacred lunar day which comprised the conjunction of a oyatipata with the sun's commencement of his progress to the north, on Thursday, the seventh day of the bright fortnight of Mûghala in the year of the Saka era 1141, being the Bahudhanya saivatsara.'
In S. 1141 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bahudh&nya, the Uttarayana-sankranti took place 19 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday (not Thursday), 25th December, A. D. 1218, during the 7th tithi of the bright half of Pausha which ended 20 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise of the same day.
157.- S. 1145.- Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 20; Arch. Survey of West. India, Vol. II. p. 233, and Vol. III. p. 117; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 440. Muņolli inscription of the Dévagiri-Yâdava Singhaņa II :
(L. 24). — Srimatu Sa(sa)ka-varsha 1145neya Chittrabhanu-sato vatsarada Kârttika-su(su)dhdha(ddha)-paņņami Somavara somagrahaņa-bya(vya)tipâtadalli.
In S. 1145 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Chitrabhanu, the fall-moon tithi of Karttika ended 0 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday (not Monday), 22nd October, A. D. 1222, when there was a lunar eclipse, visible in India. The yoga Vyatipâta had ended 1 h. 58 m. before mean sunrise of the same day.
158.-9. 1148. - Pali, Skr. and oid-Kan. Insor. No. 110. Date in a Chaudadâmpur inscription of the time of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Mahadeva (°):
Saka 1148 (in figures, 1. 26), the Parthiva samvatsara ; Monday, the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada ; at the time of an eclipse of the moon.'
11 This clearly is an error for
Pausha.'

Page #13

JANUARY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
In S. 1148 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Parthiva, the 15th tithi of the bright half of Bhidrapada ended 18 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday (not Monday), 19th Augast, A. D. 1225, when there was a lunar eclipse, visible in India.
159. - 8. 1483. - Páli, Skr. and Oud-Kan. Inser. No. 134; Mysore Inscr. No. 24, p. 41. Harihar inscription of Sadasivadêva of Vijayanagara :
*Salivahana-Saka 1483 (in figures, 1. 8), the Durmati samvatsara ; Monday, the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of Magha; at the time of an eclipse of the moon.'
In S. 1488 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Durmati, the fullmoon tithi of MÅgha ended 14 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday (not Monday), 20th January, A.D. 1562, when there was a lunar eclipso, visible in India.
6. Dates with Wrong Nakshatras. 160. - 3. 614. - Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 150; Mysore Inscr. No. 134, p. 241. Sorab copperplate inscription of the Western Chalukya Vinayaditya :
(L. 18). - [Chajturddasottara-shatch hatêshu Saka-varsheshy-atitêsha pravurddhamânavijaya-rajya-samvatsare [eka]daśê varttamâne ... dakshinayan-abhimukhê bhagavati bhaskarê Bohini(ni)-nakshatra Sansiboharaváre.
In 3. 614 expired the Dalshinayang-sankranti took place 0 h. 8 m. after' mean suprise of Saturday, 22ud June, A. D. 692; but at sunrise of this day the moon was in the nakshatra Aslesha (No. 9), or, by the Brahma-siddhậnta, ia Magha (No. 10), not in Rohiņi (No. 4).
161. - 3. 788. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 16. Kadab copper-plate inscription of the Rashtraküţa Govinda III:
(Plate iva, 1. 10).- Sakansipa-samvatsarêshu sara-sikhi-munishi vyatitëshu J[y]eshthamasa-sukla-paksha-dasamyam Pushya-nakshatra Chandravard.
In 8. 796 current the 10th tithi of the bright half of Jyaishtha ended 15 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 24th May, A.D. 812; but on this day the moon was in Hasta (No. 13) and Chitra (No. 14), not in Pushya (No. 8). [In 'S. 735 expired the tithi of the date ended on Friday, 13th May, A. D. 813, and the nakshatra then also was Hasta.]
162. -- 8. 822. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 221. Nandwadige inscription of the Rashtrakata Krishņa II.:
(L. 1).-Sakanripa-kal-ktita-samvatsarangal-enta nära irppatt-eradaneya Dundubhiya einba varisham pravarttise tad-varsh-abhyantara-Magha-sa(su)ddha-panchamiyum Brihaspe. tivarad-anda[m] Uttarashada(dha)-nakshatramum Biddhiy-emba (yogamu]m=åge.
In the year Dundubhi, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 824 (not 822) expired, and which by the mean-sign system also was current at the commencement of $. 824 expired, 13 the 5th tithi of the bright half of Magha ended 21 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 6th January, A. D. 903; but on this day the nakshatra was Uttara-bhadrapada (No. 26), not Uttarashadha (No. 21), and the yôga Siva (No. 20), not siddhi (No. 16).
7. - Seemingly Regular Dates from Spurious Inscriptions. 163. - 3. 986. -Ante, Vol. VIII. p. 95; Mysore Inscr. No. 158, p. 296. Bangalore copper-plate inscription of Vira Nôņamba, apparently a modern forgery :
(L. 12). - Saka-varusha 366 Tarana-samvachhare Phaglung-mase krishna-pakshe Bi(bri). havara amavasyayêm tithau.
In S. 866 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system would be Tarans, the new-moon tithi of the amanta Phálgana ended 18 h. 55 m, after mean sagrise of Thursday,
u Dandubhi lasted from the 21th April, A. D. 901, to the 20th April, A. D. 909.

Page #14

10
[JANUARY, 1895.
22nd February, A. D. 445. [By the mean-sign system Târana lasted from the 10th August, A. D. 448 (in S. 370 expired), to the 6th August, A. D. 449 (in S. 371 expired).]
164. - S. 411. Ante, Vol. VII. p. 212. British Museum forged copper-plate inscription of the Early Chalukya Pulikêśin I. :
(L. 28). Sakanrip-abdêshv-ôkâdas-ôttarêshu chatus-satêshu vyatiteshu Vibhava-samvatsarê pravarttamânè... Vaisakh-ôdita-pura-punya-divasê Baho(hau) vidhau(dhor=) mandalam slêshtê(?).
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
In S. 411 current, which by the southern luni-solar system would be Vibhava, there was a lunar eclipse, not visible in India, 2 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise of the 12th April, A. D. 488, the full-moon day of Vaisakha. [By the mean-sign system Vibhava lasted from the 6th February, A. D. 492 (in S. 413 expired), to the 1st February, A. D. 493 (in 'S. 414 expired).]
165.-S. 417. Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 117; and Vol. XVIII. pp. 92 and 286. Ilâô copperplate inscription of the Gurjara Dadda II. Praśântaraga:
Sakanripa-kal-âtita-samvachchha(tsa)ra-sata-chatushtayê saptadas-adhikê Yê
(L. 18). - (iye)shth-[*]m[*]vâsy [*]-su(su)ryagrahê.
In S. 417 current the new-moon tithi of the purnimanta Jyaishtha ended on the 21st April, A. D. 494, and that of the amanta Jyaishtha on the 20th May, A. D. 494; on neither day was there a solar eclipse. For S. 417 expired the corresponding days are the 10th May, A. D. 495, when there was a solar eclipse, 9 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise, and the 8th June, A. D. 495, when there also was a solar eclipse, 16 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise; both these eclipses were invisible.
8. Select Irregular Dates, not given above.
166. S. 169.
-
- Ante, Vol. VIII. p. 213, and Vol. XVII. p. 241. Tanjore copper-plate inscription of the Western Ganga king Arivarman (Harivarman):
(L. 10). abhyantare Vriddhi-yogê Vrishabha-lagnê.
-
Sa(sa)ka(ka)-kalê nav-ôttara-shashtir-êka-sata-gatêshu Prabhava-samvatsarSha(Phi)lgun-âmâvâsô(sya)-Bhrigu[varê*] Rêvati(t)-nakshatrê
By the southern luni-solar system Prabhava would be S. 189 expired. As shewn by Dr. Fleet, the new-moon tithi of Phalguna did not end on a Friday, either in 'S. 169 expired or in S. 169 current. In S. 169 expired with the purniminta scheme of the month, it commenced about 3 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 11th February, A. D. 248; but the nakshatra then was Satabhishaj (No. 24), not Rêvati (No. 27); and the yoga was Siddha (No. 21), not Vriddhi (No. 11). [By the mean-sign system Prabhava lasted from the 20th November, A. D. 253 (in S. 175 expired), to the 16th November, A. D. 254 (in S. 176 expired).]
-
167. S. 261. Ante, Vol. XV. p. 175, and Vol. XVII. p. 239. Mudyanûr copper-plate inscription of the Bana king Srivadhuvallabha-Malladê va-Nandivarman :
(L. 23). Ekashashty-uttara-dvaya-śatê 'Sak-abdaḥ pravarddhamân-âtmanal trayôvimsati varttamâna-Vilambi-sam vatsarê Kârttika (ka)-sukla-pakshel trayôdasyâm Sómavarė Asvinyam nakshatré.
In S. 281 current, which by the southern luni-solar system would be Vilamba, the 13th tithi of the bright half of Kârttika ended on Friday, 13th October, A. D. 338, when the nakshatras were Rêvati and Asvini. And in 'S. 261 expired the same tithi occupied about the whole of Wednesday, 31st October, A. D. 339, when the nakshatras were Asvini and Bharani. [By the mean-sign system Vilamba lasted from the 1st November A. D. 343 (in S. 265 expired), to the 27th October, A. D. 344 (in S. 266 expired).]
14 That the intended reading is Kärttika-suklapaksh, not Karttik-asuklapakshe, is shown by the nakshatra quoted
in the date.

Page #15

JANUARY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.. 11
168. - S. 261. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 311. Spurious date in the Kalbhavi Jain inscription:
(L. 14). - Saka-varsha 261neya Vibhava-samvatsarada Paushya(sha)-bahula-chaturddasi-Somavaram-uttarayana-samkrantiy-amdu.
By the southern luni-solar system S. 261 current would be Vilamba, and S. 261 expired Vikarin, -not Vibhava, which would be S. 230 expired. And by the mean-sign system the year Vibhava, nearest to S. 261, lasted from the 8th March, A. D. 314 (in 'S. 236 expired), to the 4th March, A. D. 315 (in S. 237 expired). This proves the wording of the date to be quite incorrect; and Dr. Fleet, loc cit. pp. 310, 311, has taken the trouble to shew that the date does not in any way work out satisfactorily for any one of the 'Saka years mentioned.
169. - S. (?) 388. - Ante, Vol. I. p. 363; Mysore Inscr. No. 151, p. 283; Coorg Inscr. No. 1, p. 3. Merkara copper-plate inscription of the Western Gaiga king Avinita-Kongani:
(L. 16). — Ashta asiti uttarasya trayô satasya samvatsarasya Magha-masam Somavara Svati-nakshatra suddha-panchami.
In 'S. 388 current the 5th tithi of the bright half of Mâgha ended on Friday, 7th January, A. D. 466, when the naloshatra was Uttara-bhadrapada (No. 26), not Svâti (No. 15). And in S. 388 expired the same tithi ended on Wednesday, 28th December, A. D. 466, when the nakshatra also was Uttara-bhadrapada.
170. - 9. 415. - Ante, Vol. XVII. p. 200, and Vol. XVIII. p. 92. Bagumrå copper-plate inscription of the Gurjara Dadda II. Prasintarága :
(L. 21). - Sakanripa-kal-atita-samva(chchha(tsa)]ra-sata-chatushtayé parchadas-adhiko Yetiyê)shth-[@]mavasya-su(sa)ryagrahe.
In 'S. 415 current the new-moon tithi of Jyaishịha ended, by the pirmimánta seheme, on the 12th May, A. D. 492; and, by the amánta scheme, on the 10th June, A. D. 492; and for S. 415 expired the corresponding days are the 1st May, A. D. 493, and the 31st May, A.D. 493. On none of these days was there a solar eclipse. There was an invisible solar eclipse on the 10th July, A. D. 492; and one, which was invisible in India, on the 29th June, A. D. 493.
171. – 3. 684. – Mysore Inscr. No. 152, p. 286. Hosûr copper-plate inscription of the Western Ganga king Prithuvi-Kongani:
Chaturasity-uttaréshu shatch hatêshu Saka-varsheghu samatitêshu .... Vaisakha-masê somagrahaņo Vibakha-nakshatré Sukravare.
In S. 684 expired the full-moon tithi of Vaisakha ended on Tuesday, 13th April, A. D. 762 ; and in 9. 684 surrent it ended 0 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 24th April, A.D. 761, on which day the moon was in the naloshatras Svâti and Vibakha. On neither day was there a lunar eclipse; nor was there one on a Friday in A. D. 760 or A. D. 763.
172. - 3.780. - Ante, Vol. XI. p. 159, Vol. XVI. p. 74. Wani copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakūta Govinda III. :
(L. 46). – Sakanripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satêahu saptasu tri(tri)msad-adhikeshu Vyaya-samvatsaré Vaisakha-sita-paurnamasi-somagrahang-mahậparvrani.
The year Vyaya, by the mean-Bign system, lasted from the 4th June, A. D. 806, to the 31st May, A. D. 807, and was therefore current at the commencement of $. 730 current ; and by the southern luni-solar system Vyaya would be S. 728 expired. The full-moon tithi of Vaisakha ended, in S. 728 expired, when Vaisakha was intercalary, on the 6th April and the 6th May, A. D. 806 ; in 'S. 729 expired (='S. 730 current), on the 25th April, A. D. 807; and in S. 730 expired, on the 14th April, A. D. 808. On none of these days was there a lunar eclipse. (In 4. D. 805 there was only one lunar eclipse, in September; and in A, D, 809 there was none from February to June.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1895.
173.- 9. 872.- Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 237. Date of a grant commemorated in an inscription at Narêgal :
On the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, when the sun was commencing his progress to the north, on Monday, the day of the full-moon of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the Saumya sarivatsara, being the year of the Saka 872.'
In S. 872 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumys, the fullmoon tithi of Pausha ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 7th January, A. D. 950; but there was then no lunar eclipse, and the Uttarayaņa-sankranti had taken place already 5 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 23rd December, A. D. 949, during the first tithi of the bright balf of Pausha. In S. 872 expired, the Uttarayang-samkranti took place on Monday, 23rd December, A. D. 950, during the 12th tithi of the bright half of Pansha. (By the meansign system Saumya had ended on the 4th October, A. D. 948, in S. 870 expired.]
174. - 3. 896. – Ante, Vol. XII. p. 271. Gunqûr stone-tablet of the Rashtrakūta Kakkaln (Kakka II.):
(L. 13). - Sa(ha)kha(ka)-varsham-entu nûra tombhatt-araneya Srimukha-samvatsarAshada(ha)-dakshinayana(na)-samkrantiyum-Adityavarad-andum.
In S. 896 current, wbich by the southern Iuni-solar system was Srimukhs, the Dakshinayana-samnkrânti took place 17 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 24th June, A. D. 973. In S. 896 expired it took place 23 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 24th June, A. D. 974. [By the mean-sign system 'Srimukha had ended on the 24th June, A. D. 972, in S. 894 expired.)
175.-8. 919.- From impressions supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Bhadana copper-plate inscription of the Silara Aparajita :
(L. 53). — Salsa)kansipa-kal-atîta-samvatsara15-sa(ka)tésha navasu ékõnavimšaty-uttarëshu pravarttamâna-Eemalamva(mbs)-samvatsarvântal Ashadha-va(be)hula-chatusyam(rtly&m=) anka(ka)tô-pí samvat17 919 Ashadha-vadi 4 ...
(L. 55). - samjâta-dakshiņayana-karkkata-sankranti-parvvaņi su(sa)bh-abhyudayakariņi.
In 8. 919 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Hémalamba, the Dakshipa yana-samnkranti took place 22 h. 13 m, after mean sunrise of the 24th June, A. D. 997, during the second tithi of the dark half which ended 3 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise of the 25th June. And the 4th tithi of the dark half commenced 0 b. 43 m. and ended 21 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise of the 26th June. (By the mean-siga system Hêmalambe ended on the 15th March, A. D. 996, in S. 919 current.]
176. - 8. 922.- Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 217. Sangamner copper-plate inscription of the Yadava Bhillama II. : -
(L. 1). - Sakansipa-kal-Atita-samvatsara-satêshu pavasu dyavimšaty-adbikeshy-ańkatôpi samvatsaraḥ 922 11
(L. 110). - Bachayrvvari-sathvatsariya-Bhadrapad-amavasyâyam .... surya-grahand.
In , 922 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Barvarin, the new moon tithi of the prirnimdnta Bhadrapada ended on the 2nd, and that of the amanta Bhadrapada on the 31st August, A. D. 1000. On neither day was there a solar eclipse. There was one in the amanta Ásvina, 10 h, 16 m. after mean sunrise of the 30th September, A. D. 1000, but it was not visible in India. [By the mean-sign system Sårvarin ended on the 3rd March, A. D. 999, before the commencement of S. 922 current.] * Read awateare. * Rend -sareratsar-dutargat..
11 Bead astuvat.

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JANUARY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
13
177. - S. 941. - Ante, Vol. V. p. 18; Mysore Inscr. No. 72, p. 150. Balagamve inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya Jayasimha III. : -
On the occasion of the festival of the sun's commencement of his progress to the north, on Sunday, the second day of the bright fortnight of the month Pushya of the Siddharthi saivatsara, which was the year of the 'Saka era 941.'
In $. 941 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddharthin, the Uttara yana-samkranti took place 8 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 24th December, A. D. 1019, during the 11th tithi of the dark half of Pausha; and the second tithi of the bright half of Pausha ended 6 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 1st December, A.D. 1019.
178. - 3. 944. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 274. Bêlûr inscription of the time of the Western Châlukya Jayasimha III.: - (L. 29). -. Sa (sa)kanripa-kal-Atita-samvatsara-satamga[i*
1 9 44neya Dumdubhisamvatsarad-uttarayana-samkrantiyum vyatipatamum=Adityavárad-a[m*]du.
In S. 944 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Dundubhi, the Uttarayana-samkranti took place, by the Sürya-siddhanta, 2 h. 44 m., and, by the Aryasiddhanta, 1 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 24th December, A. D. 1022 (while the yoga was Dhruva, No. 12, not Vyatipata, No. 17).
179.- S. 948. - Ante, Vol. V. p. 278, and Vol. XVI. p. 46. Bhindúp copper-plate inscription of the Silara Chittaraja :
(Plate iib, 1.2). - Sa (sa)kanripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sa (sa)têshu navasu(sv=)ashtachatvarimsad-adhikeshu Kshaya-samvatsar-antarggata-Karttika-su(sn)ddha-pamchadasyar(syam) yatrrimkatô=pi samvat 943 Kârttika-su(so)ddha 15 Bavau samjato(to) Adityagrahaņapary vaņi.
As a solar eclipse is coupled here with the 15th tithi of the bright half of the month, the wording of the date must be wrong; and the suggestions which have been made are, either that the solar eclipse may have been erroneously put down instead of a lunar eclipse, or that the bright half of the month may have been wrongly quoted instead of the dark half. But the date in no way works out satisfactorily. By the southern luni-solar system Kshaya was S. 948 expired. In that year the full-moon tithi of Karttika ended on Friday (not Sunday), 28th October, A. D. 1026, when there was & lunar eclipse, visible in India, 18 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise; the new-moon tithi of the purnimanta Karttika ended on Thursday, 13th October, A. D. 1026, when there was no solar eclipse ; and the same tithi of the amanta Karttika ended on Saturday, 12th November, A. D. 1026, when there was a solar eclipse, not visible in India, 1 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise. [In S. 948 current, there was a solar eclipse, which was visible in India, on the new-moon tithi of the amanta Karttika, corresponding to Tuesday, 23rd November, A. D. 1025 ; see above No. 98.]
180.- S. 982.- Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 164. Mantür inscription of the time of the Western Châlukya Jayasimha III.: -
(L. 5). - Sa(sa)ka-varsha 962neya Vikrava(ma)-samvatsarada srâheya-Märggasirasuddha 5 Adityavárad-amdu.
In S. 962 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrama, the 5th tithi of the bright half of Margasira ended 0 h.9 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 12th November, A. D. 1040.
181. - 9. 970. - Ante, Vol. IV. p. 180; Mysore Inscr. No. 53, p. 114. Balagâm ve inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya Sômêśvara I. : -
(L. 12). - Saka-varsha 970neya Sarvvadhari-samvatsarada Jyêshtua-śuddha-trayodasi Adityavárad-andu.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1895.
In S. 970 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sarvadharin, the 13th tithi of the bright half of Jyaishtha ended 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 28th May, A. D. 1048. The 13th tithi of the dark half of the same (amánta) month ended on Sunday, 12th June, A. D. 1048.
182. 9. 201. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 120. Bassein copper-plate inscription of the Yadava Seunachandra II. : --
(L. 24). - Sa(sa) kı-samvat ekanaraty-adhika-nava-sa(sa)têshu samvat 991 Saumyasauvatsariya-Srâvaņa-sudi chaturdasyath(syan) Guru-dind.
In 5, 991 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumye, the 14th tithi of the bright half of Sravana ended 14 h. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 4th August, A.D. 1069.
183.- . 1008.- From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Sitabaldi inscription of the Western Châlukya Vikramaditya VI. : -
(L. 1). – Sa(sa)kansipa-kal-atîta-samyvatsar-âmtarggata-daśasata ya[tra) ashtatyadhikê (altered to ashtâdhike) saku 1008 Prabhava-samvatsarê Vaisà(sa)kha-su(su)dha(ddha)-tsitiyaSu(su)kradine.
In the year Prabhave, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 1009 (not 1008) expired, the third tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha ended 16 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 8th April, A. D. 1087. In S. 1008 expired the same tithi ended on Sunday, 19th April, A, D, 1086; and in S. 1008 current on Monday, 31st March, A. D. 1085.
184.- S. 1058. Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 58, and Vol. XX. p. 191. Chittûr copper-plate inscription of the Eastern Chalukya Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva II. :
(L. 49). - Sik-abdânâm pramâņê rasa-viśikha-viyach-chandra-samkhyâm prayâtê .... -Ardra-rkshê parvva-ma(pa)kshê vileshuvati sutitha(thau).
In S. 1056 current the Mêsha-vishuvat-samkranti took place on the 24th March, A. D. 1133, the 2nd of the dark half of Chaitra, when the nakshatra was Svâti (No. 15), not Ardrå (No. 6); and the Tula-vishuvat-sankranti took place on the 27th September, A. D. 1133, the 12th of the dark half of Âśvina, when the nakshatra was Purva-phalguni (No. 11). And for S. 1056 expired the corresponding days are the 24th March, A. D. 1134, the 12th of the dark half of Chaitra, with the nakshatra Purva-bhadrapada (No. 25); and the 27th September, A. D. 1134, the 8th of the bright half of Asvina, with the nakshatra Uttarashadhi (No. 21). - Accord. ing to Mr. Dikshit, the nearest year which would satisfy the requirements of the date is S. 1054 expired; for in that year the Mêsha-vishuvat-samkranti took place 22 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd March, A. D. 1132, during the 6th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra, and the moon entered the nakshatra Årdre about 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th March, A.D. 1132.
185.- 9. 1080.- Mysore Insor. No. 174, p. 333. Sindigere inscription of the time of the Hoysala Vishịuvardhana :
The Saka year 1060, the year Pingale, the month Pushya, the 10th day of the moon's increase, Sunday, uttarayana-sankranti.'
In S. 1060 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Piñgala, the Uttaråvapa-samkranti took place 20 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 24th December, A. D. 1137, during the 11th tithi of the bright half, which ended 22 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of the same day.
186. - 3. 1066. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 96. Date in a Miraj inscription of the Silâhîra Vijayaditya :
"Saka 1066 (in figures, 1. 47), the Rudhirðdgari samvatsara; Vaddavara, the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight of Magha.'
15 The aksharas from dra to vi are engraved over a cancelled passage.

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JANUARY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
15
In S. 1066 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Rudhirðdgårin, the 14th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Magha ended 13 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 4th February, A.D. 1144; and in 'S. 1066 expired the same tithi ended 20 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 23rd January, A. D. 1145.
187. - 8. 1084. – Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XI. p. 273. Pattadakal inscription of the time of the Sinda Châvunda II., the subordinate of the Western Chalukya Taila III. :
On a holy lunar day which combined a vyatipáta with an eclipse of the moon, on Monday, the day of the fall-moon of the bright fortnight of the month Jyêshtha of the Subhanu sarivatsara, which was the year of the Saka one thousand and eighty-four.'
In the year Subhanu, which by the southern luni-solar system was S. 1085 (not 1084) expired, the full-moon tithi of Jyaishtha ended about 20 h. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 19th May, A. D. 1163, (with the yoga Siddha). In 'S. 1084 expired the same tithi ended on Wednesday, 30th May, A. D. 1162 (with the yôga Sakla); and in S. 1084 current on Thursday, 11th May, A.D. 1161 (with the yoga Siddha). On none of these days was there a lunar eclipse.
188. - S. 1091. -Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 156; Mysore Inscr. No. 13, p. 23. Davangere inscription of the Mahamandalesvara Vijayapând yadêya :
(L. 16).-'Srimat-Saka-varshadal 1091neya Virodhi-samvatsarada dvitîya-Sravanasuddha-paņņami-Somavárad-amdu.
In S. 1091 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Virodhin, Sravana was intercalary; but the full-moon tithi of the second Sråvaņa ended 11 h. 136 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 9th August, A. D. 1169.
189. - 5. 1105. - Ante, Vol. IV. p. 276. Bêhatti copper-plate inscription of the Kalachuri Singhanadêva:
(L. 59). - Sa(sa) kansipa-kal-atîtê cha pamchôttarasat-adhika-sahasratage(mé) sake Sobhakrit-samvatsarê Åsva(sva)yukt-âmâvâsyam Somaváre Vyatipata-yôgê.
In S. 1105 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sobhakrit (Sobhana), the new-moon tithi of the amánta Åsvina ended 8 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 18th October, A. D. 1183, when the yoga was Ayushmat (No. 3), not Vyatipata (No. 17). [The full-moon tithi of the same month ended on Monday, 3rd October, A. D. 1183, when the yoga was Vajra (No. 15).] In S. 1105 current, the same new-moon tithi ended on Wednesday, 29th September, A. D. 1182, when the yoga was Vaidhșiti (No. 27).
190. – S. 1109. — Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 20. Date in an Old-Kanarese inscription at Terda! :
(L. 79). - Sa(sa)ka-varsam(rsham) 1109neya Plavarnga-samvatsarada Chaitra-su 10 Bri(bsi)haspativarad-amdu.
In S. 1109 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Plavanga, the 10th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra ended 15 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 21st March, A. D. 1187. In S. 1109 current, the same tithi ended on Monday, 31st March, A. D. 1186.
191.- S. 1114. - From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Kolhapar inscription of the Silâhâra Bhoja II.:
(L. 13). - Sakanripa-kalad-arabhya varshesha chatarddasottara-satâdhika-sahasresha nivrittêshu varttamâna-ParidhAvi-samvatsar-mtarggata-Aśvija-suddha-pratipadi Sukravård.
In S. 114 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridhavin, the firs tithi of the bright half of Asvina ended 11 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 9th September, A.D. 1192. [For another, regular date in the same inscription see above, No. 70.]
» Read Srimach-Chha.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1895.
192.- S. 1157. - Graham's Kolhapour, p. 426, No. 12. From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Kolhapur inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Singhaņa II. : -
(L. 1). - Saka 1157 Manmatha-samvatsaré Sravaņa-bahula 30 Gurau.
In S. 1157 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Manmatha, the 15th tithi of the dark half of the amanta Sravana ended 9 h. 8 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 15th August, A. D. 1235. In S. 1167 current, which was the year Jaya, Sravana was intercalary, and the new-moon tithi of the first Sråvaņa ended 15 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise f Thursday, 27th July, A. D. 1234.
193.-. 1174. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 39; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 441. Munolli inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Krishna : -
(L. 20). - Sa(sa)ka-varsha 1174neya Viro[dhikritu)-samvatsarada Jêshța20 bahola va(a)mavåse suryyagrahaņa Su(su)krava[rad-a]mdu.
In S. 1174 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was virodhakrit, the new-moon title of the amanta Jyaishtha ended 15 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 20th June, A. D. 1251. In S. 1174 expired the same tithi ended 16 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 8th June, A. D. 1252. On neither day was there a solar eclipse.
194.-. 1175. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 44; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 442. Bêhatt copper-plate inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Krishna : -
(L. 51). - Pamchasaptatyadhika-satôttara-sahasrake 'Saka-varshê varttamanê svasti srimad. Yadavanarayana-blujava(ba)lapraudbapratapachakravartti-srf-Kanharadêva-varshêshu saptamê Pramadi-samvatsarê Chaitra-måsê krishiņa-pakshê amâvâsyåyår Somaváre.
In S. 1175 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pramadin, the newmoon tithi of the amánta Chaitra ended 19 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 30th March, A. D. 1253. In S. 1175 current the same tithi ended 11 h. 7 m, after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 10th April, A. D. 1252.
195. - S. 1180. - Hultzsch, South Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 108. Date of an inscription at the Ammaiappêsvara temple at Padavēdu : -
To-day, which is the day of the nakshatra) Bevatt and Monday, the seventh lunar day of the former half of the month of Karkataka, which was current after the Saka year one thousand one hundred and eighty (had passed).'
In S. 1180 expired the sun was in the sign Karkata from 11 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th Jane to 22 h. 21 m. after mean sunrise of the 28th July, A.D. 1258. During this time there was one 7th tithi of the bright half, which commenced 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 8th July, and ended 1 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise of the following day. But on Monday, the 8th July, the moon was in Hasta (No. 13) and Chitra (No. 14), not in Rêvati (No. 27).
196. - 8. 1261. - Ante, Vol. X. p. 63. Bådâmi inscription of the time of Harihara I. of Vijayanagara :
(L. 1). - Saka-varusha 1261neya Vikrama-samvatsarada Chaitra-en (én) 1 Gu (i.e. Guruvara).
In the year Vikrama, which by the southern luni-solar system was 8. 1263 (not 1261) expired, the first tithi of the bright half of Chaitra ended 4 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 29th February, A. D. 1340. In 8. 1261 expired the same tithi commenced 1 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 11th March, A.D. 1339, and ended 3 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise of the next day. - If the figure 1 for the tithi of the date were a mistake for 10, the 20 Read Jyéshtha.
21 The name of the Jovian year has here been omitted through an oversight.

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JANUARY, 1895.]
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
17
date would regularly correspond, for S. 1262 expired, to Thursday, 9th March, A.D. 1340, when the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise.
197. - 8. 1276. - Jorr. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 349; Mysore Inscr. No. 131, p. 235; ante, Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 92. Harihar copper-plate inscription of Bukkaraya of Vijayanagara :
(L. 19). -'Sri-jayabhyudaya-nripa-Saliva hana-saka 1276neya Vijaya-samvatsarada Maghasudha(ddha) 15 Chandravara somopardma(ga)-parvvaņi vu(u)shņakaladallu.
In 8. 1276 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vijaya, the full-moon tithi of Mâgha ended 5 h 53 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, 8th February, A. D. 1354. In 'S. 1276 expired the same tithi ended 22 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 28th Jandary, A. D. 1355. On neither day was there a lunar eclipse.
198.- B. 1977. - Ante, Vol. XX. p. 391. Copper-plate inscription of Gånadeva of Kondavido (a contemporary of Kapila, the Gajapati king of Orissa) :
(L. 29). - Sakê saila-turamgam-agni-sabi-sarkhyatê Yuv-abdê sabhê . . . Bhadrapade vidhor=graha-dind.
In 8. 1877 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Yuvan, the full-moon tithi of Bhadrapada ended on the 27th August, A. D. 1455. In 'S. 1377 current the same tithi ended on the 7th September, A. D. 1454. On neither day was there a hanar eclipse.
199.-8. 1478. -- From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Hultzsch. Chinglepat copper-plate inscription of Sadasiva of Vijayanagara :(L. 120). - Kramåd=vasn-hay-abdh-du-ganite Saka-vatsarei
Nala-samvatsarê mási Mârgasirsha iti śrutê
sorg-paragd=mâvâsya-tithå(than) Marttamda-vasardi In 8. 1478 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Nala (Anala), the new-moon tithi of the amanta Margaśirsha ended on, and occupied nearly the whole of, Tuesday, 1st December, A, D. 1556, when there was no eclipse. But there was a solar eclipse, visible in India, 6 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 2nd November, A.D. 1556, which was the newmoon day of the amanta Karttika (or púrnimánta Margasirsha).
200.- 8. 1497.-Haltzsch, South Ind. Insor, Vol. I. p. 74. Date of an inscription at Sattuvâchchêri near Vélar:
On Wednesday, the thirteenth lunar day of the dark half of the month of Makara, of the Yuva-samvatsara, which was current after the Saka year 1497 (had passed).'
In 8. 1497 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Yuvan, the sun was in Makara from 4 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise of the 29th December, A. D. 1575, to 15 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise of the 27th January, A.D. 1576. During this time there was one 13th titke of the dark half, which lasted from shortly after sunrise of Thursday, the 29th December, A. D. 1575, to about the end of the same day.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.L.E., LC,8. (Continued from Vol. XXIII. p. 384.)
8. Articles which acare Spirits AXONG the articles which, because they cared diseases, were believed to be spirit-scarers, four of chief importance, fire, water, iron and urine, require special consideration. The rest may be taken in alphabetical order.

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Fire: The article which, perhaps more than any other, shows its pow. over spirits, by driving out the demon of senselessness and fainting, and by euring severe pains and acute attacks and seizures, is fire, the actual cautery, or application of the burning brand, the red-hot iron, or the heated stone. Fire as a fiend-scarer seems to be the root of the worship of fire and of the worship of the sun, the fire of the world.
[JANUARY, 1895.
In almost all their ceremonies the Hindus give a leading place to fire either to the sacred fire or to lamps. Fires are lit at the time of birth to frighten spirits; at the threadgirding the sacred fire is kindled, and ought to be always kept alive; a fire is carried before the dead body, even when the body is to be buried; and the waving of lamps to scare spirits is a chief invocation in marriage ceremonies, in the worship of the gods, and in acts of welcome.
The Prabhûs of Bombay keep a lampburning near the face of a new-born child for a month, or at least for ten days. Similarly, among the high-class Bombay Hindus, until a child is six months old, daily in the evening a lighted lamp is waved round its face, in order that it may not be blighted by the evil eye. Among the Beni-Isra'ils of Poona, after child-birth, a dimly burning brass lamp is placed near the child's face.3 The Râmêsîs and the Telugu Nhavis of Poona carry fire in front of a dead body, though they bary and apparently make no use of the fire. The Poona Halâlkhôrs scoop a small hole in the grave in front of a dead body, and keep a lighted lamp in the hole. The Bhôis of Ahmadnagar, who bury their dead, carry a fire-pot in front of the body, and the Ahmadnagar Mhârs keep a lighted lamp burning night and day in a lying-in room for the first twelve days. The Kôlls of Ahmadnagar when they are much annoyed by rheumatic pains in the months of December and January, cure them by cautery and by burning turmeric. Among the Belgaum Kôrvis, an early tribe, when a woman is taken in adultery, she is put out of caste and not allowed back, till three millet stalks have been burnt over her head and her tongue has been branded with hot gold. The Pâtradavarus, or Dharwâr dancing girls, heat a needle and tonch a new-born babe on the head, shoulders, chest, palms and soles to keep off sickness,10 In Dharwâr the Gôndhalis, in worshipping Bhavânî, touch their bodies with lighted torches, and the Vaishnavas have their bodies branded with a red-hot copper, or with a gold seal bearing the discus or shell of Vishnu.11 In the month of Kârtik (November) high-class Hindus hang lamps in the open air. In Kânara (1700) the girl who walked in front of the hook-swinging car carried a pot of fire on her head.12 In South Kanara women walk barefoot on red-hot coals to be cured of barrenness caused by spirit possession.13 Among the Batadarus, or Bakadarus, of North Kânara, if a woman has a paramour her husband puts her away, the paramour builds her a hut, and she goes to it: he sets the hut on fire, and she flies: after this burning out is repeated in eight different villages, the woman is pure.14 In Kânara, when a Brahman has committed such a sin or caste-offence,as having connection with a forbidden caste,-to purify him burning straw is held, and sometimes fastened, on his body.15 The Karnatak Sûdras keep a lamp burning in the booth during marriage, and the Tirgul Brahmans of the Karnatak burn a lamp in the lying-in room for three months after a birth.17 The Orions of Chutia Nagpûr keep a fire burning for fifteen days after child-birth.18 The Oraons also burn marks on the fore-arm.19 Among the Khonds a hot sickle covered with a wet cloth is a favourite cure.20 In Southern India. every man who goes out at night carries a brand with him. Sometimes, even in broad day,
16
1 At all Hindu sinskårs or ceremonies a sacred fire is kindled. These sacred fires are known by different names. Thus the birth-fire is mangal, the lucky, and the death-fire is kravyád, the flesh-eater.
3 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 526.
* Information given by Mr. P. B. Joshi Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. pp. 424, 382.
Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 157.
Trans, By. Geog. Soc. Vol. I. p. 222.
30 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 190.
13 Hamilton's New Account, Vol. I. pp. 272 and 274.
14 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 107.
17 From MS. notes.
10 Op. cit. p. 251.
Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 438.
1 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 176.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 172.
11 Information from Mr. Tirmal Rao.
13 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 23.
15 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 306.
16 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 322 18 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 252. Macpherson's Khonds, p. 59.

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JANUARY, 1895.)
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
19
Hindus light lamps to keep devils off.21 The ceremony of running through fire is mentioned in a Hindu account of Malabar,33 The principal object of Vedic worship is fire, or solar fire.23 Among the Hindus, in performing the áráddha ceremony, a lamp is kept lighted to drive away evil spirits : the lamp is called rakshoghna, the destroyer of demons.24 According to Ward, Hindus used to walk over fire in honour of Siva 26 In India violent sicknesses are cured by applying burning iron to the feet.26
Great fear of spirits seems to be the origin of the Persian worship of fire. Light and fire terrify all that is evil.27 So the Supreme addresses Zoroaster from the midst of a circle of fire 28 Fire and water are the two pure elements, because they make pure by driving away evil spirits.23 The second most joyful land is where fire is placed.30 The Persians worshipped the sun as the mightiest light, being thus the greatest terror to evil spirits.32 The Parsis light a fire for the dead.32 In January (sixteenth of Bahman) the old Persians lighted great fires.33
The Jews had a sacred fire or altar at Jerusalem.34 Lamps were kept burning in Egyptian and Roman tombs.35 In Central Ceylon visitors enter a house between lamps, lighted and set on each side of the threshold to keep evil spirits from coming in.36 The Nintiras of the Malay Peninsula put the mother near a fire to keep off spirits, 37 and other tribes pass the new-born child over fire.38
The Karens of Burma set a burning torch at each end of the back-bone, or other bone, kept as a memorial, and walk round the bone in procession.39 The Chinese let off crackers on the Chinese New-year's Day to frighten evil spirits, 50 and crackers are often fired from Chinese boats to dispel evil influences. At their weddings the Chinese hold lighted torches before the bride, even at noon-day. In August, on the full-moon day, the Japanese hold a feast of lanterns, when they light the graves of the dead.43 In Central Asia to spit on fire is a sin. To blow out a light is a breach of manners among the Kirghis of Central Asia.“ In Turkistân, for eight days after a birth, a lamp is kept barning near the child to keep off the evil eye. The Tartars pass the staffs of the dead between two fires.46
In Melanesia no one goes out at night for fear of spirits without a light, which ghosts fear.47 In Polynesia the only fire that is allowed at night is a light in the lying-in room.48 When they have no liquor to offer the gods, the Samoan Islanders raise a bright fire at the evening meal, and call on the family gods to help, and on the gods of the sea to pass over the land, and take its diseases away with them. The Philippine islanders bury the dead in the fields, and, for many days, keep fires burning in the dead man's house, that he may not come to take those that are left alive.50 Actnal cantery is a common cure among the savage tribes of Polynesia : it is specially used to cure rheumatism. The Australians burn the skin with a lighted stick in grief for a chief or relation.51 Some wild Australian tribes believe in spirits or ghosts, and consider that fire keeps away spirits.62 The Australians burn large fires at the grave, sometimes for a month : the original reason is probably to scare the
21 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 195. 23 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 228. 25 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 20. 31 Bleek's Khordah Avesta, p. 28. 29 Bleek's Khordah Avesta, p. 59. 31 Dábistan, Vol. I. p. 335. 34 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 225. 36 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 466. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 430. ** Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 251. 11 Carori in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 352. ** Vambery's Central Asian Sketches, p. 292. +6 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 434.
Early History of Man, p. 282. # Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 184,
22 Wilson's Mackenzie Coll. p. 361. 24 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 191. * Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. VII. p. 636. * Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 224. ** Op. cit. p. 26.
31 Op. cit. p. 44. 33 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 112. 36 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 297. 37 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 381. % Fytche's Burmah, Vol. I. p. 333. 41 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 272. + St. John's Wild Coast of Nipon, p. 220. 15 Schuyler's Turkestan, Vol. I. p. 140. 47 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 284. 4 Pritchard's Polynesian Remains, p. 124, 51 Earl's Papuans, p. 72.
62 Op. cit. p. 217,

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[JANUARY, 1895.
spirit: the belief now is that it is out of kindness to the dead, who feels cold.63 The Austra. lians, who believe that the evil spirit Cienga prowls about at night, will not leave their fires.
In Madagascar, at the beginning of the new year, small bundles of dry grass are stened to the ends of bamboos, and then lighted and carried about the town.56 In Madagascar, on first leaving the house, the child is carried over a fire at the door.66 Fire doctors are famous in North Africa. The doctor generally keeps with him a little charcoal fire, bellows and irons. When a patient, thinking himself bewitched, comes to the doctor, he makes the patient lie down, and draws aside the clothes from his back, and heating his rod of iron red-hot he draws it with a hissing sound across the back and loins of the sick person in the name of God.57 In Morocco fire is applied to the temples, the neck and the part behind the ears to cure eye-disease. Ia Basutoland fires are burnt round the crops to keep off spirits, and if a child walks on a grave the mother lights a fire at its feet. When the Hottentot is away hunting, the wife kindles a fire. She watches it and does nothing else. If the fire goes out the husband has no luck.co The Abyssinian Christians, according to Barbosa (1500-1514), had a baptism of fire, marking themselves on the temples and forehead with fire.61
The South American Indians carry brands at night to keep off demons.62 In Mexico, on the fifth of the unlucky days that come every fourth year, people made their children pass through fire. The King of Mexico was enthroned before the divine hearth. Among the Greenlanders an old woman followed the corpse with a firebrand, saying, “there is nothing more to be got here."65
Greek children were carried round fire. The Romans had a strong faith in the spiritscaring power of fire. Nothing is so good in a pestilence as to kindle fires :67 fire is the best cure for convulsions. In eclipses they threw fire-brands into the air to frighten the spirit which was cating the sun or the moon. They made their flocks and herds pass through fire, and the people leaped over fire.70 Roman mourners stepped across a fire. The unfading Vestal lamp was to keep off spirits.71 So when a candle went out, the smell of its snuff caused untimely travail.72 The torch was the symbol both of marriage and of death.73 Fire was placed at the door and touched by the newly married pair.74
At Constantinople lamps continually burn round the sacred tomb of Eyüb.76 In Sardinis in early spring the children leap through fires.76 Formerly in Skandinavia sacred fire was kept burning night and day.77 In Skandinavia, till a child is baptized the lamp must never go out, leet the trolls should steal the child. A live coal is thrown after a woman who is going to be churched, to prevent her being bewitched, and a live coal is also thrown after a witch when she leaves a house, that her familiar may not stay behind.78 In Sweden it is believed that no one should take a child in his hands without first touching fire. The Russian bishop waves candles over his congregations in the form of a cross.80 The main duty of the Russian reader, the lowest rank of Russian clergy, is to hold a candle.1 In consecrating a Russian church each of the priests, dencons, and readers, and every member of the congregation holds a candle.82 In
55 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 289.
6+ Op. cit., loc. cit. 5 Sibree's Marlagáscar, p. 316.
66 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 431. 3T Rohlf's Morocco, p. 82.
58 Op. cit. p. 88. Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 434. 6° Hahn's Touni Goan, p. 77. 1 Stanley's Ed. p. 20. 63 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 195. 63 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 376. 64 Jones' Crowns, p. 534.
65 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 27. « Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 439.
67 Pliny's Natural History, Vol. XXXVI. p. 27. 68 Op. cit., loc. cit.
69 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 383. 70 Ovid's Fasti, Vol. IV. p. 728.
11 Eur. Rat. Vol. I. p. 25. T2 Pliny's Natural History, Vol. VII. p. 7.
13 Smith's Dict. of Ant., . V., Fax. ** Riley's Ovid's Fasti, Vol. IV. p. 792, +.
5 Jones' Crownu, p. 424. 76 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 60. 77 Mallet's Northern Antiquities,' p. 113. T8 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 195.
79 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 22. 40 Mrs. Romanoft's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 425. * Op. cit. p. 54.
82 Op. cit. p. 90.

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JANUARY, 1895.]
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
21
Russia, on the 29th of August (1700), horses were passed through fire.83 In Roman Catholic churches, at the time of baptism, a lighted candle is put into the child's hand. Candles are lighted in the sick room, when the Roman Catholic priest gives the sick person the Sacrament.85 In Germany a light is burnt in the lying-in room till the child is baptized.86 The Pope every year, when he blesses the world from the balcony of St. Peter's at Rome, holds a lighted taper, and when a Cardinal curses the heretics, a bell tolls, and the Pope throws the taper among the people.87 In Iceland fire is carried five times round the land to keep off evil spirits.88
In Ireland, till 1700, people and cattle were passed through the Sun, or Beltine, Fires on Mayday und on Midsummer's Eve. Higging80 says that children were passed through fire (1827), and when a cattle-disease broke out, a new fire was made and the cattle were passed through it. Fire was worshipped in Ireland and Scotland in 1596 ; and in the eighteenth century, after baptism, the child was passed thrice across a fire. On the leaching Beltine, or Sun, daye, that is on Mayday and on Midsummer's day, fires were lighted and fire was carried round on poles to drive off disease and mischief. In West Scotland a great fire was lighted over a suicide's body. In Scotland (1790) farm servants used to go round the fields with torches to secure good crops.96 A fairy, or changling, child was burnt on the embers and the real child was restored.97 Witches feared fire, and were burned to death to destroy the familiar as well as the witch. Wax-tapers were essential in conjurations or exorcisms. The candles in Roman Catholic churches are consecrated, sprinkled with holy water, and incensed;and that the object of lighting church candles is to drive away evil spirits appears from the following lines from Naogeorgas' Popish Kingdom, f. 47:
“.... a wondrous force and might Doth in these candles lie, which, if at any time they light, No thander in the skies be heard nor any devils spide, Nor fearful sprites that walke by night,
Nor hurts of frost nor haile."200 In England, candlesticks were held before Richard 1.1 Martin in his History of the Western Islands, p. 116, says :-" In this island of Lewis there was an ancient custom to make a fiery circle about the houses, corn, and cattle, belonging to each particular family. A man carried fire in his right hand and went round. Fire was also carried around women before they are churched and about children until they be christianed. They told me this fire round was an effectual means to preserve both the mother and the infant from the power of evil spirits who are ready at such times to do mischief, and who sometimes carry away the infants and return them meagre skeletons." In 1845, in Inverness, a girl was hung over a fire to cure her of the sin of witchcraft. According to an old English belief, if a piece of the Candlemas (February 2nd) candle is kept till Christmas, the devil can do no harm in the house. On the twelfth day after Christmas (in Herefordshire, 1791), English farmers used to go and light bonfires near wheat fields. In Warwickshire (1790), candles were carried round a field to prevent the growth of tares, darnel, and other noisome weeds. In the last century fires were lighted in England to keep wheat crops from disease.7 On Firebrand Sunday, in England, peasants used to go to their fields with lighted torches of straw to drive bad air from $5 Early History of Man, p. 295.
* Goldon Manual, p. 721. 85 Op. cit. p. 721.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 195. $7 Madras Almanac (1840), p. 629.
· Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 195. * Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 115. * Higgins' Celtic Druids, p. 181. 1 Early History of Man, p. 256.
Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 114. 93 Op. cit., Loc. cit.
* Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 181. » Mitchell's Highland superstitions, p. 34,
Op. cit. p. 183. 97 Scott's Border Minatrale, p. 467.
* Op. cit. p. 41. » Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. L p. 45.
1 Op. cit. Vol. I. P. 46. 1 Jones' Crowns, p. 195.
- Brand'. Popular Antiquitie, Vol. II. P. 486. • Op.cit. Vol. IIL p. 14.
Chambers' Book of Days, p. 214 Op. cit. p. 65. • Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. L. P. 398.
Laulio's Early Racks of Scotland, VoL L p. 1

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the earth. On St. Blaze's Day, in England, people used to burn great fires on hills. In England, on Midsummer Eve people passed throngh fire to be free from agues.10 Even now, in the north of England, fire is not allowed to go out on Holloweven, Midsummer Eve, Christmas Eve and New'Year's Eve 11 This custom used to be observed for the prosperity of state and people, and to dispel every kind of evil.2 Candles are burnt in Roman Catholic churches with the object of scaring spirits.13
(To be continued.)
IN DO-DANISH COINS.
T. M. RANGA CHARI AND T, DESIKA CHARI. No authentic information exists regarding the history of the Danish Mint at Tranquebar, but as far as can be gathered, the Danes in India struck there no fewer than three hundred varieties of coins in lead, copper, silver and gold. It does not appear that there was any mint in the other Danish Settlements in India, viz., at Porto Novo, Serampore, or Balasore.
Out of the three hundred varieties above mentioned only about eighty can now be obtained in India. Many of these were published by us in 1888,1 and the rest have been recently dealt with by Dr. E.Hultzsch, Government Epigraphist, Bangalore. One remarkable piece, however, has hitherto remained unpublished, and that is the lead Cas of Frederiok III. (A. D. 1618-70):
Obv. - The crowned monogram of the king - F. 3. Rev. - The Royal escutcheon of Denmark.
By far the oldest and the most difficult to obtain of the Tranquebar issues are those in lead; and when met with, they are so much oxidised, that it is scarcely possible to decipher the legend on them. Lend was coined into money only in the first three reigns, and the coinage commenced with Christian IV. in the year 1640; but the earliest lead coin bearing date, so far as we know, was of the year 1644. None of these lead issues bear on them the value of the coin, in this particular differing from the later copper coinage. The coins of Christian IV., indeed, have on them the legend Cas, but even then, the exact value is omitted. Unlike the copper issues also, the lead ones were of numerous varieties, not less than a dozen different kinds of coins being stated to have been struck in the reign of Frederick III. alone. Some of them afford a clue to the place of mintage, Tranquebar, by the presence on them of the letters D. B. or T. B., standing for Dansborg (the Fort at Tranquebar), or Tranquebar; and in the reign of Christian V. it appears to have been usual to insert on the coins the initials of the mint officer : thus, W. H. (van) K. [alnien).
It would be both a useful and an interesting enquiry to ascertain bow it was that a metal so easily liable to decay as lead, came to be chosen as a mediam of currency during the infancy of the Indo-Danish Settlement. That in early days there was a scarcity of this metal is evident from the records of the travellers who then visited India. The author of the Periplus mentions tin and lead among the imports of Baragazni (Bharôch) on the Western Coast, and of Nelkunda (conjectured by Col. Yule to have been between Kanetti and Kolum in Travancore). Sir Walter Elliott also refers to a passage in Pliny, where it is stated that "India has neither brass nor lead, receiving them in exchange for precious stones and pearls." The only ancient Hindu kingdom that is known to have possessed a lead currency was that of the Andhras, and Sir W. Elliott has suggested that the scarcity of lead in those days might afford some explanation for this peculiarity in the Andhra coinage. • Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I p. 100.
Op.cit. Vol. I. p. 52. Op. cit. Vol L p. 999. 11 Henderson's Folk Lors, p. 72. 13 Op. cit. p. 801. 18 Tylor's Primitire Culture, VoL IL. P. 196. 1 "Indo-Danish Coins": Madras Journal of Literature and Science for the session 1888-89. * Ante, Vol. XXII. Pp. 116-122
The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraen Sea, by J. W. MoCrindle, M.A. (Trübner and Co. 1879) D. 182. • Ibid. p. 136. Numismata Orientalia-Coins of Southern Indir, p. 22
Op. cit., loc. cit.

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JANUARY, 1895.]
INDO-DANISH COINS.
23
Coming to later times, we meet with a lead currency only with the advent of the several European powers in the East. The Indo-Portuguese are known to have coined lead money; and the English East India Company, in imitation of the Portuguese, obtained of Charles II. a charter authorizing them to coin, among others, budgrooks' (Port, bazarucco),? Ir ad coins, which appear to have been issued by the English East India Company in the reign of Charles II. and in those of the first three Georges, for currency in the Settlement at Bombay.9 Whether the scarcity of lead, felt in the early centuries of the Christian era, continued up to so late a period as the 16th and 17th centuries, is not known; but it is not improbable that lead was still popular as a medium of currency, and it was perhaps to suit this taste of their customers that the earliest European Power in India, the Portuguese, struck lead coins. The English and the Indo-Danish Companies appear to have copied the Indo-Portuguese in this respect.
It is not known why this currency was sabsequently abandoned, but it is remarkable that all the European powers began to give it up just about the same time.
Copper coins appear to have been issued from the Indo-Danish Mint for the first time in the reign of Frederick III., the earliest copper coin bearing date being of the year 1667 A. D.
The late Lieut.-General Pearse sent us a drawing of a large tutenag coin vhich he believed to have been issued in the reign of Christian IV. (1588-1648) :Obv. - The crowned cipher of the king (4.
T. R. Rev.-C. A. S.
1644. But we have not hitherto met with this, or any other tutenag coins from the Danish Mint.
As in the lead, so in the copper, coinage of Tranquebar, the exact value was not designated on the coins in the reigns of Frederick Ill. and Christian V., and the first attempt made at giving this was in the reign of Frederick IV. (1699-1730), who issued 10, 4 and 2 KAS pieces. This system continued till 1845, the date of the final cessation of the Danish Power in India.
None of the published lists, however, refer to, nor have we been able to obtain, X. KAS pieces of the reigns of Frederick V. (1746-1766), or of Christian VI. (1730-1746). But during the long reign of Christian VII. two types of X. KAS were issued. The earlier variety had on its obverse the double linked monogram of the king and on its reverse the monogram of the Dansk Asiatisk Compagni Da with the date and value. The later variety had on its obverse the single crowned monogram G and on the reverse the value and the date.
Likewise there were two varieties of IV. KAS, both bearing on their obverse the monogram . On the reverse of the earlier variety were figured the monogram of the Company and the date and the value, but on that of the later variety the date and value alone appeared without the monogram. When this change took place, and whether it pointed to a total release of all their claims by the Danish Company in the East Indian Danish Settlements in favor of the Crown, are matters as to which it is not possible to obtain any exact information.
From 1808 to 1814, the Fort and Town of Tranquebar were, owing to hostilities between the mother countries, taken possession of and retained by the Madras Army. During this period no coins at all were issued, the Danes having naturally saspended operations. Tranquebar was restored to the Danish Power in 1814.
Silver coins began to be struck in the reign of Christian V. (1670-1699), and the earliest known coins are the five and two fanos of 1683. The silver currency thus started in fanos,
7 History of the Coinage of the East India Company (Government Press, Madras), by Edgar Thurston, Esq., pp. 16 and 17.
• Ibid. pp. 19, 25, 26 and 38.

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conformably to the then popular monetary system of India, was superseded in 1755, by the introduction of the one and two royaliner. The change was, however, only nominal, the value of the royalin continuing to be nearly equal to one-eighth of a rupee. In 1816 a retorn was made to the old nomenclature fanos, which continued till 1818, from which year, the Danish Mint ceased to coin silver.
So far as we know, there were no Indo-Danish gold fanams, and the only gold coin that appears to have been struck was the pagoda of Christian VII. :
Obv.-The crowned monogram of the king (i on a granulated surface. Rev. - An Indian idol.
From the description given of it in the accompanying list of the Copenhagen Collection, it appears that the pagoda of Christian VII. must have resembled in appearance and size the earlier variety of the Star Pagoda (Pulivaráhan) of the English East India Company.
Another gold coin is mentioned in the Copenhagen Royal Coin Cabinet Catalogue :Obv.-The crowned monogram of the king .
Rev. the Persian initial, of Haidar, so familiar to collectors of Mysore coins of the Muhammadan Usurpation period.
This coin is of very great interest, as tending to shew that the Danish power in the East did hoinage to the Mysore Usurper, consistently with the unambitious policy of peace adopted by them in their dealings with the dominant Indian Powers.
We now append a list of the Indo-Danish coins in the Royal Coin Cabinet, Denmark, probably the largest known collection of these coins. The list was furnished in March 1884, by Mr. C.F. Herbert, Inspector of the Royal Coin Cabinet at Copenhagen, to the late Lieut.-General Pearse, who kindly placed at our disposal his notes on Indo. Danish coins, including the list. Both have been of material help in the preparation of this paper.
Coins of the Danish Colony in East India (Tranquebar). (B. signifies the work Beskrivelse over danske Mynter og Medailler i den Kgl Samling. Kjöbenhavn, 1791, in folio, in which many of the coins are engraved.)
Christian IV., 1588-1648.
Lead, 1. Obv. - The king's crowned cipher, C.
Rev.-T.R. CAS, 1644 (Tranquebar cash). Obv.- As No. 1.
Rev. -Cas. 3. Obv.- As No. 1. Rev. – THS (B. Tab. XXV. No. 32).
Frederick III., 1648-1670.
Copper. 1. Obv. - The king's crowned cipher: beneath CAS, 1667.
Rev. - The Norse Lion. 2. Similar, but without yoar and of smaller size (B. Tab. XXI. 13).
Lead. All with the same obverse: crowned F. 3. 3. Rev. - A lion and nine hearts (arms of Cimbria). 4. Rev. - A swan and S. (arms of Stormorn). 5. Rev. - A Lamb of God (arms of Gothia).

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JANUARY, 1895.]
INDO.DANISH COINS.
25
6. Rev. - A nettle arms of Holstein). 7. Rev. - A crowned stock-fish and A (arms of Iceland). 8. Rev. — A rose. 9. Rev. — A cross: + 10. Rev. — A cross and the letters I. C.: uc 11. Rev. – D. B. (perhaps Dansborg) and an indistinct indication of the year.
Christian V., 1870-1699.
Copper. 1. Obv. - The king's cipher set two-fold under a crown, between 8 - 9 (1689).
Rev. - Crowned D. 0. C. between W.-H. and beneath v. K. (B. Tab. XXV. No. 18). 16. Similar, from the year 1691. 2. Obv. - The king's crowned double cipher..
Rev. - Crowned 1 D.... C. 6 (B. Tab. XXI. No. 19). 3, 4. Similar, from the years 1694 and 1697 (B. Tab. Xxxv. 11, No. 15 and XLI. No. 3).
• Lead. 5. Obv. — Crowned 16 6 87.
Rev. – Crowned 'w.k. Obv. — Crowned 8 9.
Rev. — Crowned W. D.O.C. H. K. 7. Obv. - Crowned 6.
Rev. - Crowned D.O.C. 8. Obv. - 6. Rev. m.
Frederick IV., 1699-1730.
Silver. 1. Double Fano.
Obv. - Crowned 17 # 31.
Rev. - The Norse Lion. This coin was struck before the king's death - 1730 was known in India.
10 2. Fano (Rupee).
Obv. - Crowned 17 # 30. Rev. - The Norse Lion (B. Tab. XXIX. No. 7).
Copper. The king's crowned double cipher.
DOC Rev. - Crowned 10
Kass. 4. Obv. - As No. 3.
Re DOC Obo. - As No. 3.
12
3. Obv. – Tho kingdoo
Rev. - 4 Kas.
Rev.
DOC
2 Kas.

Page #30

26
6. (Kas).
Obv.
Rev.
7. (Kas).
Obv.
Rev.
-
1. Double Fano.
4.
3. 4 Kas.
Obv.- Crowned 1731.
Rev.
Rev. The Norse Lion (B. Tab. XIII. No. 3).
2. Fano, of similar type and same year.
Obv. Crowned.
-
2 Kas.
As No. 3.
Crowned DOC.
-
Crowned F.
Crowned DOC. (B. Tab. XXIX. No. 17-19).
-
(B. Tab. XIV. No. 11).
5. (Kas). Similar type but DC (B. Tab. XIV. No. 12). 6. (Kas).
Obv.
9. (Kas).
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Crowned
Crowned 17 31.
Rev.
The Norse Lion.
7. (Kas). Similar from the year 1732.
8. (Kas).
Obv.-6.
Rev. - DC.
-
16. 4 Kas.
Obv.
Christian VI., 1780-1746.
Silver.
Similar type but
-
Obv.-6.
Rev. Tranquebar).
(Dansk Asiatisk Compagnie). (B. Tab. XIV. No. 10.)
Dr
Crowned F
Crowned 17
Copper.
1. 2 Royaliner (= Fanos).
Obv. - Crowned.
Rev.
The value and beneath, the crowned Danish escutcheon between 17-55 (B. Tab. XIX. No. 23).
2-7. Similar, 1756, 1762, 1764 (B. Tab. XIX. No. 24).
1765-1766 and sine anno.
Copper.
Frederick V., 1746-1766. Silver.
[JANUARY, 1895.
Rev.
C
61 (B. Tab. XIX. No. 18).
17. 4 Kas. Similar from the year 1763 (B. Tab. XIX. No. 18).

Page #31

JANUARY, 1895.)
INDO-DANISH COINS.
27
18. Kas.
Obv. - As No. 16. Rev. — Crowned 17 RX 61.
Christian VII., 1766-1808.
Gold. 1. Pagoda.
Obv. - Crowned i.
Rev. - Indian idol (weight 1 ducat). 2. Pagoda.
Obv. – Crowned a Rev.-7, the Persian I (Haidar "Ali). This coin is not known in the Danish Collections. The description is taken from
Neueste Münzkunde Abbildung und Beschreibung der jetat courrirenden Gold und silbermünzen. Ister Band (Liepzig 1853) Taf. LIX, No. 1.
Silver. 3. 2 Royaliner. • Obv. - Crowned C.
Rev. The value over the Danish escutcheon between 17 - 67. -28. Similar from 1768, 1770, '71, 72, 73, 74, 75 (B. Tab. XIII, 5), 1776, '79, '80, '81,
'83, '84, '86 (variant 17–38), '87, '88, '89, '92, '94, '95, '96, '97, '99 and 1807. 29. Royalin. Similar type as No. 3 from the year 1767. 30-55. Similar from 1768, '69, '70 (B. Tab. XIII. 3), 1771, 73, 74, 75, 76, '79, '80, '81, '83, '84, 86, 17–36, '87, '88, '89, '91, '92, '93, '94, '95, '96, '97, '99 and 1807.
Copper. 56. 10 Kas. Obv. - Crowned SE
DX Rev. - 10 KAS
A° 1768. 57, 58. Similar from 1770 and 1777 (B. Tab. XIIL 9). 59. 10 Kis. Obu. - As No. 56.
X Rev. – Kas
1786 60, 61. Similar from 1788-1790. 62. 4 Kas.
Obo. - Crowned G.
Rev. — Crowned 17 DE 67. 63-65. Similar from 1768, 1770 (B. Tab. XII. No. 11) and 1777. 66. 4 Kes. Obo.- Crowned 6.
IV Rev. — KAS
1782 67-75. Similar from 1786, var. R. 1787, 1788, '89 '90, '97, 99, 1800, 1807.

Page #32

28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1895.
76.2 Kas.
Obv. - Crowned C. Rev. - Crowned 1
80 (B. Tab. XIII. 15). 77. Similar with 17 RX 70. 78, 79 Kas.
Obv. — Crowned @ Rev. — Crowned 17 RE 77; and similar from 1780 (B. Tab. XIII. 16).
#
Prederick VI., 1808-1889.
Silver. 1. 2 Fano. Obv. - Crowned R.
2 Rev. - FANO
1816 2. Similar from 1818. 3, 4. Fano. Similar type as No. 1, but the value iso from 1816 and 1818.
Copper. 5. 10 Kas.
Obv. - As No. 1.
Rev. – KAS
1816 6-8. Similar from 1822, 1838 and 1839. 9. 4 Kas. Obr. - As No. 1.
IV. Rev. - Kas
1815 10-24. Similar from 1816, '17, '20, '22, 23, 24, 25, '30, 31, 32, 33 34, "37, '38, and '39. 25. Kas.
Obv. - As No. 1.
Rev. KAS 1819
Christian VIII., 1889-1848.
Copper. 1. 10 Kas. Obv. - Crowned R.
X Rev. - KAS
1842 2. 4 Kas. Obo. - As No. 1.
.IV. Rev. - KAS
1840 3. Similar from 1841, '2, '43, '44 and 45.

Page #33

FEBRUARY, 1895.)
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
29
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., LC.8.
(Continued from p. 192.)
(b) Water. N EXT to fire in power of driving away spirits comes water. Water drives off the spirit of
I thirst; it refreshes the fainting; it restores life to those in a swoon. On this power over diseases, - that is over evil spirits, the claim of water as the great purifler seems to rest. The endless bathing of the high class Hindu has its root in the necessity for scaring ovil spirits, not in the desire for personal cleanliness. The throwing of water at great ceremonies, and the washing of the feet before entering a house, seem to be done with the object of driving off spirits.14 The worship of sacred rivers and pools has the same object.is Among the Thana Vâdvals, when a child is supposed to be affected by the evil eye, water and salt are waved round its face and thrown away. Among the Khonds, if a woman is possessed by the spirit of barrenness, she goes to where two streams meet, and is sprinkled with water.17 So water is poured into the mouth of the dying Khond - originally it would seem to keep the spirit from coming back, now apparently to keep evil spirits from entering the dead body. A part of the belief that spirits fear water is that spirits cannot pass through water. This seems to be the original reason for the Brahman practice of sprinkling water round their dishes before eating; of the Marâțhå practice of throwing the stone of life backwards into a pool of water, and of the more general practice of carrying the ashes into a river, or into the sea. So gods, whose festival is over, are borne into deep water and left there. S. Findus troubled with a disease make tiny ships, fill them with offerings, and set them to sen that the disease spirit may start in the boat, and may not return.18 The belief in holy water is wide-apread in India. The Jews have holy water in their temples, and among many classes water, which has been touched by the religious teacher, or in which the sálagrár stone has been dipped, is believed to have special purifying powers. In Western India, no orthodox Brahmaq begins his meal, until he had thrice sipped water in which a sálagrám stone has been wasbed. The Kânara Buruds are visited by their Lingayat priest on the Sravan (July-August) new moon. In each house the priest's feet are waslied, and the water is drunk by the household, each of wbom receives a gift of cow-dang ashes. Among the Kånara Satarkars, on the fourth day after a birth and on the third day after a death, the family is cleansed by water brought from the family priest.20 The Kithkars, an early tribe in Kanara,
14 Examples of throwing or scattering water at great ceremonies are given in the text below. Three may. however, be recorded here from early tribes. At marriages the fathers among the Kurs of West Bengal wash the foet of the young couple (Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 23-4). The Gonds sprinkle water before the bride and bridegroom, and the bride and bridegroom blow water on each other (Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. I. p. 5). In Bombay in launching boat when the main are over the Ratnagiri bontmen about. Allah and desh bandfuls of water over each other (MS. motae).
15 Ia many places of Hindu pilgrimage the holiest spot in pool called Rama's Pool, Western India has three famous Råme's Pools at Nisik, at Sopirs near Bassein, and at Gokar in North Klan. The pool is always, wherever found, wered to Rima, and there he bathed, But the basis of the macrodness of the pool is not the fact that it has been honoured by Bams bathing in it, but that its water had power to purify even Rams, who was haunted by the most dreaded of spirito dend Brahman, the giant Rivage, whom he had slain. The tradition. that Rams bathed to free himself from this haunting spirit does not remain at Naik or at Sopina It is fresh in Gökarp. Whouver bathes in the Gokarn pool will be freed from the sin, even of Brahman murder. This instance shows the origin of the worship of wells common over the world, nowhere more common than in India. It also shows that sin is possession by an evil spirit, and that pilgrim can be cleansed from six by water, because water drives out evil spirite. 16 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
1 Macpherson's Khonds, p. 71. 16 Tylor's Primitius Culture, VoL II. p. 127.
29 This tirtha water, is supposed to remove discs and prolong life. The Rahokrit text which the Brims repeat, while sipping the water, is significant of this belied. It is : " bilamrutyaharanam, r ydhindehands Vichyupddddakam thrth jathan Ihraydinyahan," - that in "I drink this Vishpo's feet water, whiol shooks timely death and remove dien."
* Bombay Gresatteer, Vol. IV. pp. 21, M2

Page #34

30
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1895.
are purified after a birth or a death by drinking water, which has been touched by a Havik Brahman.21 In Dharwar the Swamis give their followers holy water before meals, and when an infant is bathed, the mother waves drops of water round its face, and says:-“May you live long.' 22 A Kurubar, or Dharwar, shepherd in search of merit washes his teacher's toes and with the water bathes his own eyes. The teacher says :-"You are sure to go to Siva's heaven; all evil is scared out of you.'23 In 1790, Moore2 notices that the Musalman Nawab of Savanûr in the Bombay Karnatak never drank any water, except what came from the Ganges. The water was drunk by the Nawab, not from any motive of piety, but because of its medicinal properties. The Sholậpur Pañchals sprinkle the child with water as soon as it is born.35 Among the Gujarat Vânis, when the bridegroom on horseback reaches the bride's marriage porch, her mother comes out, waves a pot full of water round the boy's head, and spills it over the horse's legs.26 At the birth of a Dekhan Râmôsi child, women-Deighbours of any caste come and pour many pots of water in front of the door 27 When the Bângdis, or shepherd blanket-weavers of Ahmadnagar, go to visit one of their gods they throw a handful of water at his feet, bow and withdraw. In Southern India holy water is sprinkled on the moorners' heads, and mourners are made to drink holy water on the tenth day after a death.2 Brâhmans, at their morning bath, cast water on the ground to destroy the demons who war with the gods.30 Brahmans also offer tarpan, -that is, they pour out water, - for their ancestors and for heavenly spirits.31 When the Khonds wish to consult a priest they dash water on him, - that is, they scare the evil spirits from his neighbourhood. The priest sneezes, and the good spirit comes into him and the Khonds listen.32 The Pâreis hold that water purifies women at child-birth, heals sickness, and scares spirits.53 They believe that rain frightens sickness and death, 34 and they use holy water, over which prayers have been said.35 The Pârsis have páryáb, or holy water, which, with prayers, removes all impurities.36 The bath in the early morning is binding on the Jew, because when he is asleep evil spirits have rested on him.37 When a Jew became anclean, by touching a dead body, he and his house were sprinkled with the water of separation. This was made with the ashes of a red heifer, cedar and scarlet 38
The Buddhists of Ceylon sprinkle holy water on the worshipper,39 This holy water is prepared by foar prieste, who sit before dawn in the river Ganorua. On the first sign of dawn (light or fire which chases spirits) with a golden sword (spirits fear gold) they draw a circle (spirits fear a circle) in the water and fill the pitcher from the inside of the circle.60 The Burmese believe that spirits cannot cross ranning water, and stretch threads over brooks to help them to cross. 41 The Burmese, while using the first bucket of bathing water, say Pali prayers with the object of guarding against sickness. At his crowning the Barman king was sprinkled with holy water." The Malays wash new-born infants. The Chinese Mandarin washes his hands before making offerings to the gods." In China, at the end of a feast, waiters go round with basins of hot water, and the guests wash their hands and faces. Among the Musalmans of Tarkistán, before prayers, the bands and face aro washed, especially the seven openings, e. g., the eyes, ears, nostrils and morth.
In Melanesia, charmed bones and leaves are steeped in water to drive out the evil spirit.7 Polynesian priests consider sea-water pure owing to its containing salt, and from 31 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 37. Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 50.
» Op.cit. Vol. XXII. p. 18%. Moore's Narrativo, p. 348. Bombay Gasetteor, Vol. XXIV. p. 125. From MS, notes. # Bombay Geretter, Vol. IVIL p. 415.
* Op. cit. Vol XVII. p. 83. Dubois, Vol. II. p. 216.
» Colebrooke's Miscellancowe Bways, Vol. I. p. 14. # Ward's View of the Hindu, Vol. IL p. 63.
Speroor's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 245. » Bleek's Kherdal Aventa, p. 82.
* Vendidad Pargard, Vol. XXI. * Bloel'. Vispered, p. 10.
* Dalistán, Vol. I. p. 345. Mill's British Jeroe is Spencar's Princ. of Sociology, App. p. 6. Numbera, XIX. # Leslie's Barly Raws of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 119.
** Op. cit. Vol. IL Pp. 506, 507. • Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. L p. 442
4 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. Lp. K. • Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 480. Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 130. "Gray's China, Vol: 1 p. 89. · Schaylor's Thurbilan, Vol. I p. 121
17 Jowr. Anthrop. Iunt. Vol. I. p. 284

Page #35

FEBRUARY, 1895.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
it prepare a holy water to lighten pain and remove disease.48 The Papuans of New Guinea, when they mean to be peaceful, sprinkle water over their heads. The New Zealanders wash new-born infants.50 At Guinea (in 1562), 51 a captain of negroes came up to a British ship in a canoe, hollowed like a trough to feed hogs in. He stopped at some distance, and put water on his cheek, and would not come near till the English Captain did the same.
Holy water is used in Madagascar, 52 and while building a royal house the chief post is sprinkled with holy water by the king,53 The Buras of East Africa, to clear the road, squirt water from their mouths over any one about to start on a journey. Among the Zulus, wheu an epidemic breaks out, a doctor passes through the town with a bunch of boughs followed by a man with a large bowl of water, and sprinkles the water on the door of every house.55 Nile water cures children of rickets.56 Among the Nubians of Africa the best medicine is water, in which leaves of papu with texts from the Korân have been washed."7 The Bongos of the White Nile sprinkle the sick with boiling water.59 Among the Matambe negroes the widow is ducked in a pond to scare the husband's spirit and remove the risk in a second marriage.59 The Mongols, the Africans and the people of Guinea use holy water.00
In the elaborate Mexican baptism the early object to drive out evil spirits is hidden by much that is more modern: still, that the object is to drive evil out of every limb is shewn by the detail of touching the babe on the breast and crown, while the nurse says: "Whoever thou art in this child, begone, leave it, put thyself apart." The Peruvians have a yearly sprinkling with water on the first day of the September moon,82
The Greeks used holy water mixed with salt. The perirantocrion, or holy-water vessel, was generally placed at the entrance to the Greek temple.63 The Romans used to poar out libations of water at the end of every feast.64 In some of the higher masonry degrees the candidate is purified by water, nominally to cleanse him from the taint of the lower condition.65 In consecrating the throne, or altar-table, in a Russian church the wood is washed with holy water and wet with wine and then dried.60 In the Russian church at baptism the priest blows on the brows, lips and breast of the child, and says three times : -- "May every evil and unclean spirit that has concealed itself and taken its abode in his breast, depart."67 The Russian priest consecrates water for baptism by passing his hand three times over it, making a sign of the cross, blowing on it, and signing the surface with a feather dipped in holy oil.09 In Russia water is made holy by dipping the cross into it. The drops that fall from the wetted cross are sprinkled on the bell. The Russian Bishop, after he puts on his robe, has water poured over his hands.70 In giving the Sacrament, the Roman Catholic priest washes his hands." At the Roman Catholic lay baptism, when a priest cannot be found and the child is dying, the child may be baptized with common water.72 Holy water is sprinkled on the Roman Catholic bride and bridegroom.73 In the Roman Catholic ritual the sick man drinks water in which the priest has washed his hands.74 In Brandenburg, peasants pour water at the door after the coffin to prevent the ghost from walking.75 It is a common belief in Europe that spirits cannot cross running water.76 In the South of Scotland, about the beginning of this century, all but the profane, before going to bed, set a tub or pail of water for the good spirit
48 Fornander's Polynesian Races, Vol. I. p. 116. 50 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 431.
52 Sibree's Madag scar, p. 219.
New's East Africa, p. 479.
56 Parson's Travels, p. 812.
58 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 309.
Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 431-433.
6 Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 16.
Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. II. p. 20. 66 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the es Op. cit. p. 70.
72 Op. cit. p. 17.
75 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 217.
69 Op. cit. p. 277.
73 Op. cit. p. 703.
81
49 Earl's Papuans, p. 13.
51 Voyages, Vol. VII. p. 297.
58 Op. cit. p. 287.
55 Gardiner's Zulus, p. 95.
57 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 325.
45 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 23.
61 Bancroft, Vol. III. pp. 372-376,
63 Fornander's Polynesian Races, Vol. I. p. 117.
65 Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 3.
Greeco-Russian Church, p. 91.
70 Op. cit. p. 424.
67 Op. cit. p. 68.
71 Golden Manual, p. 250.
74 Op. cit. p. 721.
76 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 77.

Page #36

32
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1895.
to bathe in (originally to keep off evil spirits).7For the same reason the hands and feet of the dead were washed.78 The Irish made sheep swim on the first Sunday in August.79 Wellworship was common in Scotland till comparatively recent times. The epileptic were carried round the well three times, and pieces of rags from the sick were brought to the well.80 When their oxen, sheep, or horses were sick, the people of Orkney sprinkled them with water, called by them forespoken water. They also sprinkled their boats with forespoken water, when they did not prosper or succeed in their fishing.81 In England, in 1620, water from a smith's forge was believed to cure splenetic affections, passion and madness.83 Christian baptism in some parts of Europe is believed to drive out an evil spirit. So in Germany the peasants are in great fear that spirits will get into the child between birth and baptism,83 and so the Roman Catholic priest in baptizing the child orders Satan to begone, Holy water is used both by the Greek and the Roman Churches to drive out demons. The following spell, enumerating the names of spirit-scaring articles, is from Herrick's Hesperides, p. 304:
"Holy water come and bring,
Cast in salt for seasoning, Set the brush for sprinkling, Sacred spittle bring ye hither, Meale and it now mir together, And a little oil to either. Give the tapers here their light, Ring the saint's bells to affright
Far from hence the devil sprite."85 In early England holy water was given to mend sick patients, and was (A. D. 600) sprinkled over pagan fanes to make them Christian.97 In England, if a child cries when he is being baptized, people say it is the voice of the evil spirit being scared out of the child. In the north of England it is believed that a sickly child's health is improved by baptism, and in Northumberland old people say of sickly infants :-"A child never thrives till he is christened."99 In Wales, water was taken to fill the font from holy wells, and a well in Innes Maree, in West Scotland, cured lanatics.91 Southring water was a great cure in England (1560) for people taken with the faery.92 A care for rheumatism in the north of England is to tie the sick iD a. blanket and set the sufferer in a running stream. Throwing the patient into the sea was a great cure for madness in the Scotch Highlands. In the English form of baptism in use till 1550 the following words occur-"I command the anclean spirit to come out and depart." In Lancashire, in England, it is unlocky to let a cat die in the house : a dying cat is drowned.90 In Yorkshire, hot water is poured over the door steps as the bride and bridegroom drive away. In Cornwall, the disordered in mind are sented on the brink of & pool filled with water from St. Nun's Well: sudden blow on the breast then knocks the patients into the water where they are left till their fury fades. They are next taken to church, and masses are said over them.98 Water stops all spells i so if you can put a brook between you and a fiend you are safe.so So "the running stream dissolved the spell."100
(To be continued.)
1 Soott's Border Minutele, p. 458, Op. cit. p. 368. Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 87.
9 Leslie's Early Races of Scotlanul, pp. 160, 161. Sootoh wells were tapestried with rags; apparently the ides was that the disease-spirit came in the TAR, and was either driven put or imprisoned by the guardian water spirit.
# Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 894. #2 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 461. 18 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 116.
Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 441. * Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. pp. 58, 59. * Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 140, 17 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 224 # Henderson's Folk-Lora, p. 16, Op. oit. p. 16 # Mitohell's Highland Superstitions, p. 24.
* Op. cit. p. 8. Henderson's Folk-Lors, p. 141. * Op. cit. p. 161.
* Mitohell's Highland Superstitions, p. 19. * Spencer's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 360. * Dyer'. Folk-Lore, p. 111. Op. cit. p. 201.
Op. cit. p. 142. * Note 20 to Layi of the Last Minutral.
1Soott's Lays of the Last Minuts, Vol. IIL. P. 18.

Page #37

FEBRUARY, 1895.) BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA.
33
BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA.
BY A. BARTH OF THE INSTITUT DE FRANCE. (Translated from the French by Dr. James Morison.)
(Continued from Vol. XXIII. p. 374.) Bor the chief publication of these last years, on the Atharva-Veda is its proper ritual work, the Kaubika-sutra, edited by Prof. Bloomfield. Long waited for with impatience, and appreciated at its full value before it appeared, thanks to what Profs. Weber and Bloomfield had extracted or permitted others to extract from it, it has not belied the expeutations which were formed of it. The editor has surrounded himself with all the manuscript sources known, and has used them all to good advantage. He has published all that remains, all at least that is yet legible in the valuable comment of Darila, first made known by Prof. Weber, and has given copious extracts from the gloss of Keśava, another commentator. In a learned preface, he has carefully distinguished the different layers of his text, and has laid bare the old foundation of curious practices, which is as it were the kernel. The history of the Atharva-Veda, after these investigations, appears with an outline, which, if not quite new, is drawn with more firmness than in the past. It is a modern Veda, in the sense that it is only at a comparatively late time that it was put to use as another Veda, that it was furnished with all that a Veda should have; but as to its substance, it is an ancient, a very ancient text, which for other rites than the great sacrifices was not less celebrated nor held less sacred. As to the aid which Prof. Bloomfield's publication gives to the interpretation of these old texts, it would be hard to exaggerate its value. To make this clear to our minds we need only compare a translation in which this help could be employed, with another where it was wanting; for instance, the seventh book of M. Henry with his thirteenth. In this respect it is hardly likely that we need look for so much from the Commentary of Sîyana, which Mr. Shankar Pandit is preparing to publish. To the Atharva-Voda there have gradually been attached those Upanishads, which we may call floating, those which are not bound up with a body of Vedic writings still preserved, and whose number has gone on increasing. Among those which belong to this class and which must be accepted as ancient, is the Katha Upanishad, a curious Hindu speculation on the problem of life and death, which Prof. Whitney has translated afresh. Colonel Jacob, who has devoted himself enthusiastically to the study of this class of philosophic literature, has published a general concordance, in which every word and every phrase, however unimportant, is registered, with a complete enumeration of all the passages. This storehouse, which embraces texts of all ages, and omits none of any value, includes also the Bhagavadgitd, which Col. Jacob was well advised to admit. The number of texts extracted is 67, or by another mode of reckoning only 56, and must have involved an immense amount of labour, since the author has not only collected from the printed material, but has corrected it by the manuscripts, and has very often been obliged to make a critical text anew, the first editions, notably those in the Bibliotheca Indica, being often very faulty. This Kosa of Col, Jacob will henceforward be indispensable as a working tool to all students of Hindu philosophy. We also owe to Col. Jacob excellent editions of the Mahanardyaņa Upanishad, and eleven other Upanishads of the Atharva Veda, with
1 Maarioo Bloomfield, The Kausika-8dtra of the Atharva-Voda, with Eætracta from the Commentaries of Darila and Kelava; forming the XIVth volume of the Journ. Americ. Oriont. Soc. New Haven, 1890.
This process of attaobment has been carried on atill further, to those Upanishads whio are actually part of other Vedas, and wbiola are handed down besides in an Atharva recension.
W. D. Whitney, Translation of the Katha Upanishad in the Transaction of the Amerio. Philological Association.
* Colonel G. A. Jacob, Upanishadvakyakban. A Concordance to the Principal Upanishads and Bhagavadgita, Bombay, 1891, pp. 1,083, large ootavo.
Here I may mention the new editions of the chief Upanishada with rich apparatus of commentary, which form part of the AnandAbrams Berice, in course of publication at Poons. They are both correct and moderate, in price, and there have appeared up till now, the Ila, Kona, Kathaka Prafne, Mundaka, Mandukya (with the Karikas of Gandapáda), Aitarnya, Tafttirlya, Chandogyn, Brihaddramwaka and Sustafvatara Upanishade.

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commentaries, specially that of Narayana, when it was available, introductions and notes, where the editor shews both critical power and knowledge. To mention only one example, he has given a new and valid reason for believing that Sankara did not write a commentary on the Svetáśvatara Upanishad, or that the commentary on that Upanishad which goes under his name, is not by him, a fact which, for me at least, has always seemed evident. These texts belong to the period of the full developement of the sectarian forms of Hindu religion, which does not imply that they are modern, but distinguishes them sharply from their ancient prototypes. When we reach them we have left the Veda far behind, and have perhaps e ven passed beyond the period in which the various systems of Hindu philosophy took the shape which they have retained down to our own days.
When did the Hindus succeed in unravelling the confused speculations of the ancient Upanishads, and the often contradictory prescriptions of their books on ritual - prescriptions which further are often inadequate for want of being put in a general way; when did they reduce them to & body of doctrine clearly defined and methodically arranged ? Up till now this question has not been answered even approximately. We do not know, further, when this task of working out the philosophies reached a definite point, nor in what order it took place for the various darsanas, or systems. Apart from the sátras of the Nyâya and the Vaigeshika, for which, as far as I know, this honour has never been claimed, the priority in point of time has been asserted in turns for the Mimâmsa, the Vedanta, the Sankhya and the Yoga, with arguments which are equally subjective, equally specious and equally weak according to the point of view in which we stand. Perhaps the latter question is one, which it would be better not to ask. It is clear that the philosophical doctrines have taken a long time to reach completion and refinement, and that the result was accomplished at the same period in the different schools. It seems that this was the same with the texts. They all argue against one another; they all shew signs of archaism, side by side with marks of later age and as indications of successive strats which had not entirely disappeared when they were finally recast. In the Sankhyasútras, for example, this fact is manifest. Lastly, it has not yet been shewn that influences coming from without had not, for some of them at least, aided in this latter result, and on this side, perhaps future researches will give us some points of chronology to start from. Of all these systems the Vedanta rests most directly on the Upanishads. Even in its form it comes before us as a discussion, a mimdinsa (its other name is uttará mim ashs) of Vedic passages, with the intention of eliciting from them one doctrine. The fundamental sútras attributed to Bådarayana, whom tradition identifies with the legendary Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas, and the author of the Mahabhárata and the Puranas, have appeared in a new edition (that in the Bibliotheca Indica has not been procarabie for a long while) with the commentary of Sankara, and is in course of publication in Poona in the Anandasrama Series.7 Professor Thibaut, Principal of the Benares College, has published the first volume of an English translation, which is no mere useless repetition of the work done already by Prof. Deussen, of which I had occasion to speak in the preceding Report. Without being so scrupulously literal as Prof. Deussen's version, it keeps very closely to the text, and though like Prof. Deussen, the translator follows the interpretation of Sankara (which is translated as well as the original sutra) he has been careful, in a long and very noteworthy introduction, to shew impartiality to explanations which do not agree with Sankara's. It is well known that Sankara's doctrine, which finally obtained supremacy in the
The Mahanarayana Upanishad of the Atharva Veda, with the Dipikd of Narayana, Bombay, 1888 - Eleven Atharvana Upanishads, with Dipikas. Edited with Notes, Bombay, 1891. These eleven Upanishads are, the Krishna, Kalagnirudra, Vasudora, Gopichandana, Ndrlyara Atmabodha, Garuda, Maha, Varadatápanfya, Asrama, and Skanda.
+ The Brahmasútras with the Bhashya of Srimat Sankarúcharya and its Commentary by Srimat Arandajfiana. Edited by Pandit Narayana Sastri Ekasambekar.
& George Thibaut, The Vedanta Satras with the commentary of Sankaracharya, translated. Part 1. Oxford 1900, forming the XXXIV th. volume of the Sacred Boola of the East. The translation goes as far as the end of II. 2, about the half of the whole work.
• Tome XIX. p. 152.

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school, maintains the view of a thorough-going idealism, of an impersonal absolute being, and of no reality besides that,10 By means of painstaking analyses, Prof. Thibaut shews that it is not wholly either that of the Upanishads, nor that of the sútras, but that it is the most logical resultant of both, that on this ground it has obtained supremacy in the schools, but that the other interpretation, that which upholds a modified idealism and which is summed up in the commentary of Ramanuja, the so-called Sribhúshya, rests on a tradition which is not less ancient or venerable; that is goes back to the old vritti, now lost, of Bodhảyana, and that in many places it seems to give more faithfully the meaning of the sutras; that the two doctrines, defended in either of the commentaries, are found in their germs and in conflict even in the sútras themselves; that if the one has got the upper hand among the Pandits, the other has always found vent in religioas belief, which cannot quite dispense with personality in man, por the personality of the absolute. As to the text of the Sribhashya, which is being published simaltaneously in two places in India, it makes very slow progress; in the Fandit it has got as far as II. 1;11 and in the Bibliotheca Indica, in which only three parts have appeared, it is only at I. 2.13 Of another commentary on the same sútras, the Anubhashya of Vallabhacharya, which also began in the Bibliotheca Indica, I have received no instalments since my last Report. Râminaja dates from the eleventh or twelfth century. As to the date of Sankara, which has always been in dispute, see a remarkable article by Mr. Pathak, who proves nearly conclusively that the great Vedantin lived at the end of the eighth century (Journ. Roy. As. Soc. Bombay, XVIII. 1891, p. 88).
To make ap for this, Mr. Johnson has completed his edition in the Pandit (with an English translation) of the summary of Vedantic doctrine, also by Ramândja, the Vedanta Tattvasára; and, in the same Magazine, Mr. Arthur Venis has finished his edition and translation of the Vedantasiddhanta-muktávali.13 This latter treatise, whose author, Prakasananda, Mr. Venis assigns with great probability to the end of the sixteenth century, is like the former, a defence of the fandamental teaching of the Vedanta, but even more condensed and essentially polemical in tone. Against the Tattvasára of Ramanuja he vindicates the absolute idealism of Sankara. Writings like these should never be pube lished, except, as bere, accompanied by a translation, and a translation, I will add, cannot properly be made except in India, and with the advice and help of a Sastrin who is a professed student of the system. A knowledge of Sanskrit, and even of Hindu philosophy such as can be acquired here, are not enough: one must have lived from infancy in that atmosphere to be able to breath it freely. If any one doubts this, the experiment is easy to make. Let him translate two or three pages at the beginning of Prakaśananda's treatise, and then compare the results; it is astonishing to find the number of things which one thinks one has understood and which have nevertheless escaped attention or been wrongly anderstood. Up to a certain point a commentary can take the place of tradition. One may succeed in grasping the full meaning, but at the expense of what an amount of labour. A special aptitude is needed to read through, with such assistance only, books like
*The legendary biography of Sankar, the Bankaradigvijaya of Madhavn, which must not be confused with the spurions work of Anandagiri, having the name title and pablished in the Bibliotheca Indian, has been edited at Poons, in the Anand Mrama Series by Pandit Babaji Narayan Padab; Bv Bankaradigvijaya4 by Brial Vidydranya, with the Commentary of Dhanepatidri and Estrade from the commentary of Achchutardpa Modala Poona, 1861. This poem sfects the style of Mahiye. In the colopbon the author is oled Madhen, gives himsol the title of Narakalidasa (1,9), and invokes, his gor Vidyarthe, who is identified with the mpreme soul. La the first voceo of the poem it is mid to be an abridgment of Prohmat.karabaya, which, woording to one of the commentaton, must have been the work of Anandagiri, the pupil of pupil of Sankara. The title and commentary identify thin Midhats with Vidyknya Madhavehkey, the well-baow contator of the fourteenth century. Bat this ideatification is very certain, and for the time being the dite of this the si mast rain undetermined.
n ibhdistys, with the Staprabofild of Sudarten, dited by Roma in detrin. Papdit, nem VIL-IV. (1886-18bs).
B Pandit Ramanatha Tarkarat, Bibh dahya, Parta L-IL. Calcutta, 1888-180L » Pudit, IX.-XIL. (1887-1800); and XL, XII. (188b-1800).

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Khandanakhandakhádya, the great polemical and essentially sceptical treatise by Sriharsha, which is just finished in the Pandit, or even shorter works such as the Naishkarmyasiddhi of Sureśvara, who is supposed to be a pupil of Sankara, and who plays an important part in the traditions of the followers of the master, the Dasanâmins. The latter treatise, which as is indicated by its title, “the triumph of renouncement of action," that is, ritual acts, defends the position that knowledge alone can lead to final salvation, has been edited by Col. Jacob, with the comment of Joanottama and critical notes in which the quotations are carefully verified.15 The editor has discovered a singular inadvertence on the part of a follower of Sankars, who waged such constant war with the Mimamsa school, viz., the attribution of the Vedántasutras to Jaimini. The fact that the two Mimdúsús, the purvá and the utteri, are often considered as forming one whole, is far from justifying or even explaining this slipAn edition of the same treatise with the same commentary is also on the point of being completed in the Benares Sanskrit Series.16 The Advait abrahmasiddhi of the Kåśmiri, Sadananda Yati, wbo belongs to the same school of the Vedanta, is in course of publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, but has not got beyond three parts.17 Bat the translation of a more popular exposition of the Vedanta, by another, or it may be the same, Sadananda, the Vedantasiira, which was published by Col. Jacob for the first time in 1881, has reached its third edition. 18 His unintermitted researches have enabled the translator to identify all but two or three of the quotations scattered through the treatise. Even when these manuals are independent works, like the Vedantasára, they have the general characteristics of the commentaries, bristling like them with technical terms and are distinguished only by a uniform conciseness, while in the commentaries curtaess alternates with extreme prolixity. The Paichapadikúvidaraña is a commentary at the third remove," the explanation of the Panchapádíki," of a section of the Bhámati of Váchaspatimiéra, which is itself a glors on the commentary of Sankara on the Vedántasutras. The date of the author, Prakasatman, or Prakasanabhava, is uncertain, but be is prior to Madhavacharya (fourteenth century). His treatise, which enjoys a great reputation among the Vedantins, has just been brought out in a new collection appearing in Benares under the direction of Mr. Arthur Venis, the Vizianagram Sanskpit Series, and is the second publication in point of time, although it is numbered five in the series. The first number (No. 1.) is another Vedantic treatise of much more modern date, the Siddhantalesesanugraha oi Appayadikshita, a prolific writer and ardent Saiya, wbicb, bowever, did not prevent him from writing, besides other Vedantic treatises, this defence of the adraita doctrine, so little favoured by his co-religionists.20 He was born in the neighborhood of Conjevaram, where his descendants are still living, and composed during the last thirty years of the sixteenth and the first thirty years of the seventeenth century, 104 works on nearly all branches of knowledge, poeties, rhetoric, the doctrines of 'Saivism, Mimarsi and Vedanta, as to several of which the late Dr. Burnell wrongly challenged his anthorship as incompatible with his Saiva belief. Handbooks of his, such as the Kuvalayánanda, the Vrittipárttika, the Siddhantalesa, are still celebrated; but they seem to have been more quoted than read. Thus, the end of his short treatise on rhetoric, the Vritti
# With the commentary of Sankara Mitra, by the late Mohan Lal Acharys, Pardit, VL-XIIL (1884 1891).
The Naishbarmyasiddhi of Surcharicharya with the Chandrit of Jhinottame. Edited with Notes and Index, Bombay, 1891.
1. Pandit Rama Sastri Minsvall, Naishkarmyasiddhi, . Treatin on Pedanta by Surebardcharya, with the Commentary called Chandrika by Jianottama Misra, edited and anotated, Parte L-IL. Benares. 1890, 1891. In Col Jacob's edition there is to be found list of the other known works of Suresvars. His glow on the Taitliriya Upanishad have been published in the Inandharma Sanskrit Series of Poons.
11 Pandit Viman Bastri Upadhy sya, Adeaitabrahmasiddhi, by Kamraka Sadananda Yati, edited with Critical Notes, Parts L-IIL Calcutta, 1888-1889.
16 Colonel Jacob, 4 Manual of Hindu Panthen, the Vedantasia, translated soith copiowe Annotations, London, 1891, forming part of Trübner's Oriontal Series.
19 Bima istrin Bhagavatacharys, The Pafchapddikdpiparea of Prakasaiman with Retrade from the Tativa dipana and Bharapraktik, Benares, 1892, forming Number V. of the Visianagram Sanskrit Series.
Mahimahopadhyay Gangadhan Blatrin Mkasvain, The Siddhantalets of Appayad kahita with Retrecta from the Sri Krishnalash kara of Achyutakrishnanandatfrtha, Benares, 1800, No. L. of the Visina gram Sanskrit Berios.

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várttika, has been lost.21 He was, it is said, the first of the eight pandits who were the diggajas, " the elephants of the cardinal points," of the court of Vijayanagara, and seems to have been one of the most perfect specimens of those prodigies of the learning of the decadence, who went on ceaselessly re-casting the work of their predecessors, without adding an atom of their own. The literary profession has become hereditary in the family, and to the data given about him in the Sanskrit preface to the Siddhantalesa we may add that his grand-nephew Nilakanthadikshita, speaks of his great-uncle at the end of his Anyápadesa ataka (Kávyamálá, 1890).
The works just mentioned belong strictly to the Vedanta. The Jivanmuktiviseka82 of Vidyaranya, i.e., of Madhavacharya, in which the great commentator lays down the theory of " deliverance during this life," is more eclectic. Final deliverance takes places only after death ; but like all the Hindu systems, the Vedanta admits that the wise man may attain to a state which is equivalent to it during life. But it shews only by what means the wise man may arrive at it, and does not describe it. To gain materials for such a description, Madhava has had recourse to works which, strictly speaking, do not belong to the Vedanta, not only to the Bhagavadgitá and the Bhagavata Purána, but to the Yogavasishtha, and has borrowed from the Yoga his hypnotic practices and his theory of ecstasy. In spite of these borrowings and the directions how one must attain to this state, the treatise deals rather with the
temukshu than the mukta, with the aspirant rather than with him who has already entered into this condition. What Prof. Lanman and M. Oltramare24 bave written is rather on Hindu philosophy in general, than specially on the Vedanta, the first on the beginnings of Hindu pantheism, and the second on Hindoo pessimism, Professor Weber has given an analysis of two short compositions, the Ashļávakragitá and tbe Bhedábhedaváda of Vamsidasa, of which the former is the more ancient, but which seem both to belong to the Vedanta of tbe Purúnas.3 Professor Windisch, again, has collected from the literature and the traditions of the people the opinions held by the Hindus as to the seat of the soul, 26 which they placed, like many other peoples, not in the head but the breast, and has written a capital essay on a problem of physiology which has been much debated in the schools, and has left permanent traces; "the purusha, which is seated in the heart” of the Upanishads has never disappeared from philosophy.
The Mimárnka was to the ritual portion of the Veda what the Vedanta was to its speculative side ; it reduced it to a system intended to supply & solution of all dubious cases, by applying a kind of casuistry. To do this it had to work ont into a system several doctrines whích bad only at first a very remote connexion with the ritual; the theory of knowledge and dialectic, questions of authority, and castomary and social law, the reward of actions and the end of man, up to questions of pure metaphysics which the general tendency of the system is rather to exclude. The issue of the fundamental text, the Satras of Jaimini in the Bibliotheca Indica, has made no advance since my last Report.37 The text and index are complete, but the title of the second part, and a few words, at least by way of introduction on the method of forming the text and the manuscripts used by the editor, Pandit Maheschandra Nyâyaratna, are still wanting. These sutras are supplemented by the four books of the Sankarsha or Sankarshana Kánda, which Sabara Sva min does not appear to have commented, and which is begun in the Pandit with a commentary called Bhá!! adipika.
1 All that remains, the two first chapters, has been edited in the Pandit, XII. (1890), and in the Kapyamsis (1893).
31 Vlauders Sastrikarman, Srimad Vidyaranyak rito Jivanmuklivivekah, Poona, 1889, in the AnandAbrams Sanskrit Series.
Charles Rockwell Lanman, The Beginning of Hindu Pantheism : an Addrew delivered at the trendy-recond Annual Meeting of the American Philological Association, Cambridge, Man. U. 8. A. 1890. » Paul Oltramare, Le Pessimisme hindow, Genève, 1892 (from the Etrennes chrétiennes).
Albrecht Weber, Veber rivei Vedanta-tezte. Bitrungsberichte of the Academy of » E. Windisch, Ueber den Sitz der denkenden Seele, besonders bei den Indern and Griechen und eine Etymologie von Gr, sparider. Berichte of the Royal Saxon Academy, Leipzig, 1891.
Pandita Mahakachandra Nysyaratna, The Mimishoid Dariana, with the Commentary of Bayara darin, Part I.-IIX. Caloutta, 1870-1887.

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The Tantravárttika of the celebrated Kumirila Bhatta (a commentary on the commentary of Sabara Svimin on the sitras, nominally at least, but more original and important than one night suspect from its subordinate position), edited in the Benares Sanskrit Series, has advanced by five new parts, 28 and goes as far as III. 4 (the sútras are in twelve books). The Sústrad pika, an exposition of the system based on the Tantravarttika, by Pârtbasarathi Miśra of Mithila, has meanwhile been finished in the Pandit. Lastly, & short treatise by Váchaspati Migra, who wrote on nearly all the darsanas (at the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century), the Tattvabindu based also on the teaching of Kumarila, has been edited in the same magazine.30
For the dualistic doctrine of the Sankhya we meet the name of one scholar only, but he has presented us with three works of very great merit. Professor Garbe, wbo bas put to wonderfully good use the short visit he paid to India for the purpose of studying the traditional literature of this schocl thoroughly, has given in the Bibliotheca Indica an excellent edition of the Sárikhyasútra. uşitti of Aniruddha, the oldest commentator of the rútras who has reached us, though he is no older than the fifteenth century,31 He has subjoined extracts from the Sámik hyavrittisára of Vedantin Mahadeva, which he supposes to have been written about 1600, A. D., but which must be later by several decades, since we possess another work of this same Mahadeva dated 1693.93 Till now we had only the meagre extracts given from these commentaries by Ballantyne in the reprint of his work on the Sankhya (London, Trübner, 1885). Professor Garbe has also translated into German the commentary of Vijñanabhikshu (well known from the edition of Dr. F. E. Hall), the Sarikh yapravachanabháshy a * which belongs to the sixteenth century, and with all its great merits often errs by trying to reconcile the Sankhys with the Vedanta. This translation is in every point of view remarkable; it is made from a better text than Hall's, and all the technical terminology of the Sankhya has been subjected to laborious and careful examination, from which it has issued in great measure in a new light. Not less remarkable, and perhaps more interesting for the majority of readers, is Prof. Garbe's third pablication, the German translation of the Sankhyatattva-kaumudi of that same Vâchaspati Misra, whom we have seen above expounding the doctrines of the Vedanta and the Mimi nga. Professor Garbe's translation, as before, is distinguished by the scrupulons care he has employed to grasp and render the whole bearing and the precise meaning of the technical terms, and in this respect it. would seem his work has reached finality. As to Váchaspati's work, Prof. Garbe pronounces it to be the best in the whole range of Sankhya literature, a judgment in which I concor with confidence, if I may be permitted, perhaps, to make an exception in favour of the text on which this Kaumudi is a commentary, the ancient Sáskhyakáriká of Isvarakrisbņa (translated, we are told, into Chinese in the sixth century), which, by reason of its sobriety and vigour, its clear and direct style (not without an elegance of its own), seems to me to be the gem not only of the Sankhya, but of all the scholastic, philosophy of India. In the introduction, a model of lucidity and solid learning, Prof. Garbe takes up the question of the origin and age of the Sankhya. He considers it to be the oldest of the darsanas, formed first of all as a reaction
» Panjit Dhundbirkja Panta, and afterwards Pandit Gangadhara Bistrin Manavalli, The Tantraedrtlika, Clous on subara 8rimin'. Commentary on the immed, by Bhatta Kumirils, Parts L-X. Benares, 1882-1800. By Ráma Mifra Sistrin, VI-XIV, 1886-1892
By Gangadhara Mifra, XIV. 1892. #1 Richard Garbe, The Strikhya Satra Vritti, or Aniruddha's Commentary and the original parts of Vedantin Mahdera's Commentary to the Sarithya sdtras, edited with Indices, Caleutta, 1988.
Cr, Arthur Venis, BiddMntamuktdeal, p. vi. of the reprint; and Pandit, XIL p. 400. » Richard Garbe, 81th.khyapravachanabhashya, Vijnabhikshu's Commentar su der Banknyasi irae. sweden Banskrit bersetzt und mit Anmerkungen verschen, Leipzig, 1889, forming part of Vol. IX. of the Abhandlungen fir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, published by the German Oriental Society.
MR. Garbe, Der Mondachein der Samkhye Wahrheit, Vachaspatimiras Sdn khya tettvakaumud in deutscher Uebersetzung, nebot einer Sinleitung füber das Alter und die Herkunft der Bdshikhya Philosophie, Munich, 1892, from the Abhandlungen of the Academy of Munieh.
Notwithstanding the supposed antiquity of the Bankhys system, Prof. Garbe does not olaim great antignity for the Bankhya atras, which on the contrary he reckons very modern, more recent not only than the Birkhya. karikl, but even than the Kaumud of Vachaspati. Like him, I doubt the high antiquity of those stras (of. Revue

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against the idealism of the Upanishads, and that Buddhism took its rise from it. He has carefully examined the resemblances, which have been before pointed out, between Buddhism and the doctrine of the Sankhya, and has indicated fresh ones. On both points his arguments have completely failed to convince me, and I still remain in the position of doubt which I formerly gave utterance to, and which Prof. Garbe has tried to remove. I do not see why the Sankhya should have been reduced to a system earlier than the doctrines which it combatted, and, on the other hand, granting that these systems grew up side by side, the original affinities of Buddhism are nearer to the Vedanta than to the Sankhya. The coincidences in detail and terminology, which are beyond denial, may, in this respect, be deceptive. Among all the ancient systems, the Sankhya alone elaborated a complete theory of finite things, and Buddhism must have borrowed this theory from it, as did all the Brahmanical systems, when they wished to speak of the material world, or the notions, which according to them, were a part of that world. But I doubt if it took from this quarter the absolute negation in which it logically ended, though it did not always and uniformly profess it. On this point, again, there is between Prof. Garbe and myself a little misunderstanding. By characterizing the Sankhya as "a logical system, hardly admitting development or profound modifications, .. above all with very little sentiment” (Les Religions de l'Inde, p. 70 of the French edition), I did not mean to imply that it not give sufficient importance to the theory of sensibility and of the external world (exactly the contrary is the truth, as Prof. Garbe very justly remarks), but only that it was not conducive to the enthusiasms and unrest of a mysticism without an object. And by Buddhist pessimism, which I cannot find in the Sânkhya, I meant its metaphysical pessimism. The Sankhya philosophy is pessimistio, to be sure, since life, for it, is a seduction and a slavery. But, though it wishes to escape from suffering, it does not wish to escape from all existence, nor from the continuance of the principle of personality, in which, on the contrary, it has the firmest faith, whilo the Vedanta and Buddhism both must needs end by denying itIn a word, now us then, I see in Buddhism more a Vedanta whioh despairs of the absolute than a Sankhya which has ended in scepticism. - I have just said that the Sankhya "hardly admits development or profound modifications." It, nevertheless, has undergone one modification, in the Yoga it has become theistic and devout. This latter system is, to pat it shortly, a kind of supplement to the Sankhya, which can be added to it or taken from it at will, and accepting the whole bulk of the ancient doctrine, 90 that the same name serves for both (Sárikhyapravachana being the title common to the Sárikhya and Yoga sútras), but bringing in a belief in a God, the Supreme Lord, and moreover a complete and often very grotesque discipline of the ascetic and spiritual life. It is from this side, without doubt, that the Yoga sátras have attracted the attention of the leaders of modern Hindu theosophy, since they recommend them as reading suitable for adepts, and have had an English translation made for their use.36 Besides this translation, which I have not seen, there is to be mentioned on the Yoga bat one essay by Pandit Bashyacharya on the age of Patañjali, the author of the Yogasutras. The essay is & curious mixture of exact information and of assertions heaped up in an uncritical fashion. The Paodit's results are that Patañjali, the grammarian and author of the Mahabháshya, is also the author of the Yogaautras; that he lived after Pâņini and before the last Buddha, about the tenth centary before our era ; that he was only the last editor of the Sútras, which are infinitely older, and that the allusions to Buddhism,
Critique, 19th April 1886, p. 803), but can scarcely go so far. In the twelfth century it was universally admitted that
darsana must rest on a altra, and I can hardly conceive how at that time snob an impoetore could havo been introduced into the schools and gained general acoeptance.
* The Yoga shtra of Patanjali, translated by Prof. Manlal Nabhubhai Dwivedi ; published at the expense of the Theosophical Society of Bombay. Among the publications of the Society I may mention further the translations of the Bhagavadgita, the Prabodhachandrodaya, the Bastakhyakarid, tbe Atmabodha of Sankara, reprints of the Upinishada translated in the Bibliotheca Indica, etc. From the point of view of literary Arebæology there is nothing to be said against this. But as reading for practionl life and for odification, it must produce e curious effect on come mind..

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which have been pointed out in his works, have reference to the Buddhism of the predecessors of Sakyamuni.37
In the domain of the Nyaya, whose aim is the theory of knowledge and logic, the publication in the Bibliotheca Indica of the bulky and not very old treatise of Gangesa Upådhyâya, the Tattvachintamani, has progressed by eight parts38 since the last report, while that of the more ancient commentary of Uddyotakara, the Nyáyavárttika, began in the same series has not advanced a step.30
To make up for this, a happy discovery of Prof. Peterson has restored to as two monuments of the Buddhist Nyâya, perhaps works of those Buddhist dialecticians against whom Kumârila, Sankara and Sureśvara argued ; and by a curious chance, it is from the recesses of an ancient Jaina library that these venerable relics are restored to us : - an anonymous treatise, the Nyáyabindu and the fiká, or gloss on this treatise by a certain Acharya Dharmottara.40 The work had before been pointed out by Wassiljew ag existing in & Tibetan translation in the Tanjur, and in his preface Prof. Peterson at first thought of identifying this Dharmottara with the founder of the Buddhist school which is called after him Dharmottariya. I see with pleasure that he has now given this up, 1 for the school is mentioned even in the ancient inscriptions of Karli and of Junnar, while this Dharmottara was preceded by Vinitadeva and Dharmakirti, who belong to the seventh century, and also commented on the Nykyabindu.
The Vaibeshika is closely related to the Nyây&. Their tradition is partly common, most of the teachers of the one having been also teachers of the other. In their aim, too, they are also both independent of the Veda. They only appeal to the sacred text for form's sake, the one for its logic, the other for its categories and for its theory of substance and qualities. Thus they have both been cultivated by Buddhists and Jainas. The latter have claimed Kanada, the founder of the Vaišeshika, as one of themselves. The new edition of the Sútras undertaken in the Benares Sanskrit Series, and mentioned in the preceding Report, is still at its first part only.s2 But I have to mention another, the work of a reformer. The Mahamahopadhyâya Chandrakanta Tarkalankára is a professor in the Sanskrit College of Calcutta. He has written much and in more than one department, poetics, drama, smriti and grammar; but his favourite study is philosophy. He has formed the conviction that since the time of Udayana, i, e., at least since the twelfth century, the Sutras of Kaņâda have been wrongly understood on several important points, and to set forth his discoveries, he has incorporated them, according to Hindu usage, in a commentary. He has made an edition of the Sútras accompanied by a new Bhashya. At first sight these new views do not seem very important. The endeavours to shew, for example, that for Kanada non-existence is not a category in the same sense as the others; that the categories can be reduced to three, sabstance, quality and action, which imply the others; that time and space are not modes of substance; that the quality of form cannot be denied to air; that gold and silver do not belong to the element fire, but to earth; that the soul, in no case, can be perceived by the senses, etc. All this seems very Hindu and somewhat strange. Looking at
37 Pandit N. BhAshyacharya, The Age of Patañjali, Madres, 1889, from the September number of the Theosophist, the organ of the Theosophical Society of Madras.
5Pandit KamAkhyánátha Tarkavågisa, The Tattvachintamani by Gangesa Upadhyaya, with Extracts from the Commentarice of Muthurunatha Tarkuvägiša and of Jayadevu Misra, Vole. I and II., parts I. VII. Calcutta, 1884-1891.
» Pandit Vindhyesvari Prasada Dube, Nyayavirti kam edited Part I. Calcutta, 1887. 4. Peter Peterson, The Nylyabinduţiká of Dharmottarůcharya, to which is added the Nyayabindu, Calcutta, 1889. 41 Journ. Roy. As. Soc. Bombay, XVII. 1889, p. 47 sqq.
*2 Pandit Vindhyesvari Prasada Dube, The Aphorisms of the Vaiseshika Philosophy of Kanada, with the Com mentary of Prasasta pada and the Gloss of Udayandcharya, Part I. Benares, 1886.
43 Mah&mahopadbyiya Chandrakant TarkAlankar, The Vaiseshika Durianam, with Commentaries, Calcutta, 1887; of, TTübner's Record, Oct. 1890.

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CATALOGUE OF NICOBARESE OBJECTS.
41
them closer we see that these propositions are intended to make Kanada's physics more competible with our own; that we have, as it were, a very delicate unobtrusive thread of Western thought introducing itself into Hindu tradition. We recall what Alberûni tells us of the Hindus of his own time; teach them a new doctrine, at once they will turn it into slokas, so that next day you will not be able to recognize your own thoughts. And we are led to think that this must have been the case from the earliest times when the Hindus found themselves in contact with knowledge which was in advance of their own, and that more than one borrowing may thus lie hid, and concealed from our eyes, in this traditionary lore of theirs which looks so original. We are indebted to the same author for two editions of another work of one of the great teachers of the Nyâya and Vaiseshika, the Kusum anjali of Udayana," a treatise on the existence of God, well known by the fine translation made thirty years ago by Prof. Cowell.
(To be continued.)
DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS MADE AND USED BY THE
NATIVES OF THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
BY E. H. MAN, C.I.E. Notes referring to the Catalogue.
Ares
FOPUM
sq. miles.
Population
(about).
C. N., or Car Nic., denotes Car Nicobar, the northernmost island of the Nicobars
4.9 ... ... ... ... ...
3,500
*** *** Chowra Island ... ... ... ... ... ...
2:8
700 Teressa and Bompoka Islands
37.8
650 Central Group, consisting of Camorta, Nancowry, Trinkat, and Katchal Islands ... ...
145.3
1,070 Southern Group, consisting of Great Nicobar, Little Nicobar, and adjacent islets
391-7
290 Shom Pell, an inland tribe of Great Nicobar ...
700 Uninhabited islands ... ... ... ...
8.3 ...
TOTAL... ... 634.9 6,910 The following are the meanings of the diacritically marked letters employed in transliterating Nicobarese words: ... idea, cut.
pot. cur (untrilled r).
awful. father.
könig (Germ.) fathom.
influence.
pool. pair.
über (Germ.)
bite. police.
house. indolent.
baus (Germ.) pole.
... boil.
bed.
lid.
+ The first of these editions was issued in Calcutta in 1889. It is entirely in Sanskrit, without an English title, and contains the Commentary of Haridus (published in Cowell's edition also) with gloss by the editor. The other is published in the Bibliotheca Indica; Mahamahopädbydya Chandrakanta Tark Alankarn, Nydya Kuamdijak prakaninam, Parts I.-III. Calcutta. There are four other parts which I have not yet received. It contains the Commentary of Ruohidatta and the gloss of Vardhands, and give the complete toxt, while the Art only gives the kirikus.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1895.
Nasal Vowels and Diphthongs, etc. ...un (French).
:
... vin (French).
sim (Portugaese). on (French).
... gagner (French). (m) denotes implements, etc., made by men. (fdenotes implements, etc., made by women.
Except where otherwise stated, the names of the objects in this Catalogue are those omployed in the Central Group of islands.
CATALOGUE
1. Huts and Village poles. 1 (on). Ni (Car Nic. Pati). Hut raised on posts 5 to 7 feet above the ground. Huts vary
in size and description, as follows:-(1) Ni-holpul, of circular bee-hive shape, with plank or spathe walling and windows, made in the Central, and, less commonly, in the Southern, Group. In certain villages all other designs are tabued. (9) PAti-chanwi, a modification of No. (1), made at all the Northern Islands. At Chowra, and at certain villages elsewhere, no other description of hut may be erected. (3) Pati-tamdro, oval-shaped hut with dome roof, made almost exclusively at Car Nicobar. (4) Ni-ta-optòpshe, oblong, with roof somewhat resembling the tilt of waggon, made with slight variations of form in certain villages throughout the islands. (5) Ni-hillē, ordinary oblong hut with pent roof of the Malay pattern, in common use in the Central Group, and erected when time, labor, and means are limited. In the Northern Islands, i. e., Car Nicobar, Chowra, Teressa and Bompoka, the thatch consists of a thick layer of lalang grass (Inperata) neatly laid on, which lasts for many years. In the Central and Southern Islands, leaves of the Nipa fruticans are generally used, less frequently cane, or Pandanus leaves, or Areca spathes. At Car Nicobar cocoanut fronds are largely
used in place of thatch for covering the roof of small or temporary huts. 1 a. (mn). Kanaiya. Village poles - usunlly one or more for each dwelling-but in the village.
- 60 ft. to 80 ft., or more, high, and ornamented with tafts of young cocoanat-leaves at intervals of every 8 or 10 feet of their length. They are planted along the foreshore in front of certain villages in the Central Group, the object being to scare away evil spirits. They are renewed at a certain season once a year, each community having a prescribed "moon," or month, in which to do this. At Car Nicobar a small variety, called maya, is erected at the change of the monsoon, i. e., after the termination of the rains, when fever is prevalent. Six months later, when the rains commence, a lofty variety, called kentūla, is substituted. One, or more, of a larger and loftier variety of kanaiya, called Kanaiya-ta-karu, is erected at several of the villages of the Central Group in turn. The occasion is called Et-kait-fi, when dancing and singing take place as well as feasting. This festival occurs during the rains and at intervals of five or more years, according to the wealth of the particular village in pigs. This species of kanaiya is ornamented with a flag at the top in addition to the cocoanat-leaf tufts at intervals throughout its length. They require derricks and a large number of men in order to hoist them into position along the foreshore in front of the village (vide No. 76). No significance is attached to them. They are merely intended to afford evidence of the skill of their makers.

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CATALOGUE OF NICOBARESE OBJECTS.
48
2. Canoes and their fittings. 2 (m). Düe (Oar Nic. Ap). Outrigger-canoe, of various sizes from about 8 feet to about 50
feet long, made in the Central and Southern Groops and of the smaller sizes only - at Car Nicobar. In the Central Group the trunk of the Calophyllum spectabile is usually preferred. All but the very small canoes are usually provided with one or more wooden masts (kanama), cotton sails (hontöha), - on certain festive occasions, an ornamental prow (karūha) painted vermilion, and colored calico pennons attached to the mast-head (kõi-kanama), and out-rigger
peg-fastenings (honāms-rüe). 2 a. (). Ti-nõanga (Car Nic. Chakanga). Ornamental grating, placed as a seat for one
or two children in the bows of a large canoe. It also serves to keep the karūhs
(vide under No. 2) in position. 26.(m). Kansi-ridla. Ornament of bamboo, or wood, fixed upright, like a flag, in the pro
jecting stern of a canoe on festive occasions. 3 (m). Powah-enkdins (a), Powah-enkána (6), (Car Nic. Paiyah). Paddles : (lit., male
(a), and female (6). The former are made only in the Central and Southern Groups. and are distinguished by the lozenge-shaped ornament at the point of the blade,
The wood used is usually that of the Garcinia speciosa. A (m). Lo-lama-honńh. Farling leaf-sail, made of the leaves of the Nipa fruticans:
now-a-days rarely used, and only in the Central and Southern Islands. It is preferred to a cloth sail (hontāba) only when necessity arises for sailing close to the wind. On the death of its owner it is lashed to his grave head-post (vide bontain-koi
pentila, No. 163). 5 m). Kontaho-dni-oyku. Cocontat-leaf sail. An improvined sail made by trimming
single cocoanat frond, which is then fixed upright in the canoes. Is used only in the
Central Group, and only for short trips when other sails are not available. 6 (m). Shin-ngan (Car Nic. Menam-&p). A long thin pole for propelling a canoe in
shallow water, (m). Shin-põya (Car Nic. Het). Anchor ; usually consists of a lump of iron or stone,
which, by its mere weight, serves the intended porpose. (m). Wang (Car Nic. Wang). Morable partitions placed near the centre of large canoes,
and lashed to the thwarts or ganwale, when conveying cocoanats, garden produce, etc., to a distant village, the object being to keep the deepest portion of the canoe
free for baling purposes. Two, or sometimes one, suffices for each loaded canoe. 9 (m). Hināat (Car Nic. Handka). Wooden scoop for baling a canoe. 10 m 81). Tane-dak-düe. A half-cocoanut-shell, used for baling a canoe, Similar shell-caps
are tused for other purposes. (1) For lighting a fire or for drinking, when they are called taiyak or onfa (vide No. 38). (2) For filling any utensil with water, when they are styled henfusta. (3) With a hole through the bottom, for serving as . funnel, when they are named hendiwa (vide No. 36).
3. Spears and Harpoons. 11 (m). Shane Hong-hoang (Car Nic. We-te-hong-ngapak). Pig spear. The shafts of
this and the other shanon spears are made of strong, heavy wood. Shanon by
itself denotes any spear having a bladed head. 12 (m). Shanon Hoplõap (Car Nic. Wa-wain). Pig spear: also sometimes used for
spearing sharks and crocodiles. A similar weapon is used by the Malays in the Straits Settlomonts.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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13 (m). Shanen Kopaton (Car Nic. We-tabaku). And 14 (m). Shanen Yanoma (Car Nic. We-tabaku). With these weapons the Nicobarese arm themselves when visiting distant villages, in case of any serious dispute or attack taking place. They differ only in the size of the bladed head, the former being the larger of the two. They are sometimes used for spearing sharks.
15 (m). Shanen Harata. Pig spear with detachable head. The blade resembles that of the shanen monghoang (vide No. 11), and the arrangement for attaching it to the shaft is identical with that of the hinwenh (vide No. 22). The cord attachments and lashings of this, as well as of all the iron-headed spears and harpoons, are made with the bark fibre of the Gnetum gnemon (Nic. Het-toit, vide No. 145), of which great use is made.
16 (m). Chenòk-kolpal. A light single-pronged and barbed spear, used occasionally for collecting béche-de-mer along the shore for sale to Malay and Chinese traders. Sometimes used by, or on behalf of, mourners for spearing fish (vide No. 24), also for spearing any object in play.
17 (m). Miàn-momanya (lit., two-pronged spear) [C. N. Pak-ma]. Used for picking up béche-de-mer along the coast for sale to Malay traders and for spearing fish. The shafts of this and of the other miàń spears are made of light imported bamboos, the local variety of bamboo not being so well adapted for the purpose. Miàn denotes any spear having two or more barbed prongs.
18 (m). Min-lõe, lit., three-pronged spear. 19 (m). Míàn-foan, lit., four-(in a row) pronged spear. 20 (m). Miàn-kanòp, lit., four-(in a circle) pronged spear. And 21 (m). Mian-tanai, lit., five-pronged spear. Used for spearing fish by day and by torchlight at night. Sometimes also used for spearing flying-foxes, when hanging asleep from a branch: for this purpose a long bamboo pole is substituted for the ordinary shaft, so as to be able to reach the bat by a mere thrust.
22 (m). Hinwenh or Hinlak (Car. Nic. Lak). And 23 (m). Kan-shōka. Two descriptions of harpoons for spearing turtles, ray-fish, sharks, and dugongs. The latter weapon, being provided with a long line, which is held in the hand, is first thrown; after which, in order to render the capture more certain, the former is brought into use. The shaft of the hinwenh is of bamboo, but that of the kanshōka is of hard wood.
24 (m). Palahoma. Spear which alone can be used by, or on behalf of, mourners during the moarning period, and not before the Entoin memorial-feast, which occurs 3 or 5 "moons" after the death. The shaft consists of a short piece of strong, thin, flexible wood, and the iron-head is a single prong. Fish speared with any of the miàn (vide No. 17) spears cannot usually be eaten by mourners, as they possess more than one prong. At certain villages, however, two-pronged spears are conceded for this purpose. The palahoma is also used in play for spearing a cocoannt, which is rolled along the beach for the purpose.
25 (m). Hokpak (Car Nic. Pak). Wooden-pronged spear, for spearing garfish by torch
light. The lashings are of cane, and the shaft of bamboo.
26 (m). Shinpung or Opwah. Wooden-pronged spear, resembling the Hokpak (vide No. 25), but smaller: used for spearing sardines. The lashings are of the same fibre as that employed for the various iron-headed spears and harpoons.
27 (m). Hinyuan. Wooden spear with barb-like notched head, as used by the Shom Pen
Tribe both in hunting and, as a weapon, in their raids on the coast inhabitants. Similar spears are made by the latter for use in repelling hostile parties of
Shom Pen. The wood used is that of the Areca catechu.

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45
FEBRUARY, 1895.] CATALOGUE OF NICOBARESE OBJECTS.
4. Fighting sticks and hats.
28 (m). Paiyuah (C. Nic. Harah-paiyuh). Fighting-stick, generally about 12 feet long. Used somewhat like a quarter-staff at all the islands, -except Car Nicobar - where a light sapling is employed-both in settling disputes between villages or individuals, and in sham fights at memorial-feasts, in order to gratify the departed spirits: hence the necesssity for the padded hats (vide No. 29). When fighting in anger, these sticks, which are made of the Garcinia speciosa, are often previously smeared with pig's blood and sand, and the knots in the wood are not removed.
29 (m). Kemili. Padded fighting-hat, worn in the Central and Southern Groups when using the paiyuah (vide No. 28). The lining, or padding, usually consists of the ochreai. e, the fibrous stem sheath of the cocoanut tree.
29a. (m). Kemili Ok-ho. Padded fighting-hat, made of the bark-cloth prepared from the Ficus brevicuspis (vide No. 140), sometimes made and used in the Southern Group.
30 (m). Kahawat. Fighting-hat made of the husk of a cocoanut, after removing the shell and its contents, used at Teressa, Bompoka, and Chowra, when fighting with the paiyuah (vide No. 28).
5. Bows and Arrows.
31 (m). Fòin (Car Nic. Lendrain), a. And 31a. (m). Anh-chaka-fòin (C. N. Choklendrain). 6. Cross-bow (a), and bolt (6), used at Car Nicobar, Chowra, Teressa, and Bompoka, for shooting birds, chiefly pigeons, when perched on trees, where they are sometimes shot at a considerable height. The string of the bow is made of the fibre of the Gnetum gnemon (vide No. 145).
32 (m). Bel (a), Anh-chaka-bel (b). Toy bow (a), and arrow (b), as sometimes used by children in the Central Islands for shooting at birds, fish, and inanimate objects.
6. Articles of cocoanut shell, spathe and leaf.
33 (f). Hishōya (Car Nic. Hanòk-mat). Cocoanut-shell water-vessels, prepared by women (vide No. 122): made and used for fetching and storing water, chiefly for cooking and washing purposes. They are usually kept, suspended in pairs, on a stick, placed horizontally a few feet above the hut floor. In the Central Group the exterior surface of these utensils is polished with oil, or pig's fat, and blackened by means of smoke or soot. A cane-plaited loop connects each pair of shells. The hole for filling and emptying these vessels is formed by piercing and enlarging the soft uppermost "eye" of the nut. A strong man often carries 20 pairs of these shells, filled with water, on a pole over his shoulder, 10 pairs in front and 10 pairs behind.
34 (). Hōh (Car Nic. Kual-kua). Large cocoanut-shell receptacle for holding tari (toddy). Similar objects are used by the women when collecting small shell-fish, which are A large cocoanutplaced in them: those so used are styled hōh-ta-momuang. shell is likewise used at all the islands, except the Southern Group for tapping társ from the cocoanut-tree spadix; it is then termed henwain-chaka-shiat.
35 (m). Hendiwa-toak (Car Nic. Hön-kaöt). Toddy (tár) jug, consisting of a cocoanutshell with a thin bamboo spout: used for pouring filtered tari (vide No. 45) into drinking cups.
36 (m). Hendiwa-dak (Car Nic. Endrüara). Funnel and filter, used when pouring water from a pitcher, etc., into a Hishoya (vide No. 33). The filtering medium consists merely of a piece of the ochrea (fibrous stem-sheath) of the cocoanut-leaf, and is renewed when foul.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(FEBRUARY, 1895.
37 ). Hendiwe-ngaich (Car Nic. Nah-tawu). A similar object to No. 36, but smaller :
used for filling a bottle, etc., with strained oil. 38 . In or Taiyak (Car Nic. Ohak-ndm). Half a coconut-shell, used (1) as
drinking-cap: (9) as a basin to hold hot water when washing an infant, and then styled at Car Nicobar chuk-onohãn: (3) in kindling a fire, or for making a bright flame when dancing at night: (1) in lifting e pot off a fire by holding a half-shell in each hand, the rims pressed against the pot: and (6) as a mortar for pounding
chillies (vide 115 and 10). 39 (in & ). Eenhet-kha or Hangat-kolai (o. Nic. Tandk-Lari). Wooden or perforated
cocoanut-shell ladle with wooden handle for nerving out boiled meat, fish, rice, vegetables, eto., from the cooking-pot. The object of perforating the ladle is to strain
off the gravy. 39 a. (m8f). Wah. Small coqoanut-shell, ased at Teressa and Chowra for holding shell-lime
for betel-chewing. 40 (m). Kanohüat-ok or Kanohüst-anba. Scratch-back or soratch-body. Consists usually
of a circular piece of cocoannt-sbell with serrated edges, and pierced through the centre with a stick to serve & handle : used for relieving itch or irritation of the skin. Psoriasis and Ptyriasis are diseases common amongst Nicobarene
of the Central Group. 41 m Kanohūst-ngoat. A piece of cocoanut-shell with serrated edges, in imitation of & Capsa rugosa or Arca shell, which are generally used for the purpose noted below
(vide No. 184). These are employed for the purpose of rasping the kernel of a ripe cocoannt, in order to form fine paste for the use of those who have few or no teeth, or preparatory to making oil. Cocoanat-paste is, however, made more rapidly by means of the kensāch (vide No. 89), but it is not then so fine as when made by the above method. Chuk-paletowa. Ordinary hat-light, consisting of a small clam-shell filled with cocoanut-oil, the wick being a thin twist of cotton cloth. On festive occasions this primitive lamp is placed in a cocoanat-shell receptacle, attached to a large cano ring, from which it is suspended after the manner of a European hanging-lamp, whence the idea appears to have been borrowed. Chak-katok (Car Nic, Ohuk-talõhe). Parrot-stand, the bird being attached to the stand by means of a cocoanat-shell ring, which is pieroed with a hole of sufficient dimensions to suit the size of the captive's leg. A half cocoannt-shell is fixed on
the spike for holding food or water in the centre of the bar. 44 (mn). Benhõta (Car Nic. Taas-ta-küchy). Slow-match, usually made by slitting the
small spathe of the coocanut-tree into narrow shreds and binding them with fibre of the Gnetum gnemon (vide No. 146): used for lighting cigarettes or kindling a fire,
when travelling or in a canoe. 45 (m). Benhet-toak (O. Nic. Nam-kaöt). Téri strainer, consisting of a piece of the ochres
(fibrous stem-sheath) of cocoanat-leaf, which is held over a tdph-jag (vide No. 36),
when filling it front a tárf-pot (vide No. 84), or other utensil. 46 (). Henhet-ngaioh (Car Nio. Chanoit-twt). Similar object to No. 45, and used for
straining coconut oil from impurities Een hal-towila or Hea-towile. Cycue-pasto-trainer, made of the ochroe (fibrous stem-shouth) of the cocoanatloaf. Pounded kernel of the Cycas-trait

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FEBRUARY, 1896.]
CATALOGUE OF NICOBARESE. OBJECTS.
47
(towila), mixed with water, is placed in this strainer, and all so perfinons moisture extracted by wringing and pressing on the ontana-momūs (vide No. 116). All that passes throngh is thrown away, and the rest is boiled and eaten with coconut
paste. 48 (S). Hinong-lama-oal a. (lit., inner skirt): Hinong-lam-hoam b. or Hinong-hen-osl.
lama-ok (lit., intermediate skirt): Hinong-lame-ok c. (lit., outer skirt). Skirts made of split cocoanut-leaf, and worn only by women, at Chowra, Teressa, and Bompoka. a. is worn next to the skin both night and day : at night 6. and c. are removed,
and re-placed by & cotton skirt. As there is usually sufficient calico among the natives of Teressa and Bompoka, the women there are frequently able to dispense with the use of 6. and c., which they don only when working in their gardens, or
when fetching fire-wood, water, eto. a. is generally about 5 inches deep, and is made of plain split leaf. 6. is usually about a foot deep, and consists of fine split leaf-work, and c. the outermost skirt is likewise about 13 inches deep, and consists of partially
split leaf, the unsplit portion being so arranged as to present two parallel bands a few inches apart; which, by way of ornament, are whitened with shelllime and run horizontally throughout its length of about three feet, more
or less, according to the size or requirements of the wearer. The upper edge of these leaf-skirts consists of a stoat cord to which the ends of the leaves are neatly attached, while the lower fringe of the leaves is evenly clipped. For fastening them round the waist, short pieces of cord are provided at the upper ends, and these are tied between the hip and the middle-front of the body. They are sometimes made to overlap at the ends by several inches, in which case
two additional pieces of twine are provided for fastening purposes. 48 4. (). Opohiap. (Oar Nio. Kinfan). Skirt about 6 feet long, worn folded by females :
generally of blue calico. It is usually fastened at the waist and extends to a little below the knoes. At Car Nicobar, when strangers arrive, tbe cloth is unfolded to its full width and worn fastened above the breasts; but at the Central and Southern Groups, at such times a second cloth is instead thrown over the shoulders, so long as strangers are present. This covers the shoulders and bronst, and is styled
hendõnga-shi-tosh. 48 6. (m). Neng. (Chowra, Kinwan; Car Nic. Kissat). Loin-cloth, worn by males :
generally of red calico. The full size is about 6 feet long and 4 to 6 inches wide. This, in the Central and Southern Groupe, is folded to a width of about 14 inches. In donning this scant attire, one end is held at the pabes, and the remainder drawn back between the thighs and over the genitals so as to conceal them under the perineum, The band is then bronght round from behind across the hip to the front, where it is fastened to the end at the pabes; the remaining portion is taken round the other hip to the o cocoy, where second knot secures it in position, and leaves about 18 inches dangling liko tail behind. Now-a-days at the Central Group, the above description of nong is usually worn only by old men, the young and middle-aged having adopted one which is about 18 feet long and folded to width of 2 inches. With the extra length, the wearer is enabled to pass the band
second time round the body across the abdomen after making the fastening at the ou cocoya; finally, instead of tail-like appendage at the book, loop is formed from the os coooy» to the left hip, from which the remaining langth of the band (about 18 inchos) is allowed to hang. At Car Nioober and Chowra the loin-oloth is

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49 (m). Pal-ta-chuma (Car Nic. Ta-nyukla). Cocoanut-leaf torch, used when spearing
fish at night.
50
48
52
51 ().
53
(m f).
(m &f. 54 (f).
56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1895.
about 6 feet long and folded to a width of only ths of an inch: one end, to a length of about 18 inches, is then stitched and forms the tail-end of the garment, which is worn much after the fashion above described, the only distinction being that the genitals are less tightly enveloped. The tail is generally tucked under the band at the left hip, so as not to dangle behind.
7. Articles of other palms.
Shindung-kōi (Car Nic. Endru). Screen, made of the leaves of the Nipa fruticans, and used in the Southern Group for covering the head and back when exposed to rain.
(m $.
Loah-hilüa (a) (Car Nie. Chamòm). Homyuam (5) or Danap-oal-hilüa. Hichih (c) (Car Nic. Tranōp).
(a) is the spathe of one of the three Areca palms (viz., the Orania
or Bentinckia — Nicobarica), common in the islands. The spathes of the other two varieties found in the islands are smaller, and less useful.
(b) consists of one of the spathes of the hilüa, trimmed at its two ends and flattened,
so as to serve as a sleeping mat. The inner and lighter-colored side is placed uppermost on the floor for this purpose. A small uneven number (3, 5, 7 or 9) of these spathes are wrapped round a corpse prior to burial.
(c) consists of two homyuam, stitched together at one side to serve as a screen when exposed to rain.
Hannöi (Car Nic. Hanui). Fan, made of Areca-spathe and used for kindling or fanning a fire when cooking, and for fanning the face in oppressive weather, or in order to drive away mosquitoes, etc.
Tan-shüla or Tafol (Car Nic. Ta-silla). Box, made of Areca-spathe in common use throughout the islands for holding cloth, clothes, etc.
Kenōang. Areca-spathe receptacle, made and used in the Central and Southern Groups for holding betel-nuts, shell-lime, and chavica leaves for chewing.
55 (f). Chuk-tanala or Chuk-hendo. Areca-spathe basket, or Pandanus-leaf receptacle, for
containing betel-nut, sbell-lime, and chavica leaves: used chiefly at Teressa Island.
At Car Nicobar Burmese lacquered boxes- Nic. Tanap (vide No. 156)—are mostly
used.
57
( Tanechya. Areca-spathe receptacle made for the use of hatching fowls. In &f). place of grass, a certain kind of leaf is placed inside. At Car Nicobar a Chowramade pot, or a tan-shüla (vide No. 53), is used for this purpose.
(m Tima. Areca-spathe bucket, used when bathing.
&√).
58 (m Daiyuak or Pakôl. Feeding dish, made of a spathe of the Pinanga Manii (Nic. &. okshuak). A similar object is made by the Shom Peň of the bark of a certain
tree.
58 a. (m Daiyuak-tewila. Areca-spathe receptacle in which uncooked Cycas-paste is &f). kept.
58 b. (m
Daiyuak-homlem.
Areca-spathe receptacle in which cooked Cycas-paste is
f). kept.

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Ś
Ś
39 (). Chuk ok-hiya. Areca-spathe receptacle for collecting the refuse of betel-hnsks,
after extracting the kernels for chewing. A superior variety made of wicker-work and provided with an outer tray for the husked nut is sometimes used, the large inner receptacle being for the hasks only.
8. Articles of pandanus leaf. 60 (m Shanōang (Car Nic. Tachokla). Ornamental head-band made of Pandanus-leaf, worn 8 9. on the head by both sexes, usually on festive occasions. At Car Nicobar it is always,
and at Chowra and Tereses sometimes, made of the spathe of the Areca catechu. 60 a. (m Kupòt-sinpai. Pandanus-leaf head-ornament, made by Car Nicobar women and
8 f). occasionally worn by both sexes. 61 6. Kendp-kõi-hanshöl. Dome-shaped cover made of Pandanus-Jenves and placed
over the kenya-kõi-hanshöi (vide No. 111) when boiling Pandanus, Cycas-paste,
or vegetables. At Car Nicobar a wicker-work cover is used for the purpose. S). Enrang. Pandanus-leaf receptacle, used at Car Nicobar for holding chewing
materials, when making distant trips in a canoe, or on feast days. 68 6). Hannah-lAh. Foot-brush, used in the Central and Southern Islands for wiping
the feet on entering a hat: consists of Pandanus-drape from which the pulp has been extracted. One or two are usually kept at the entrance of every hat for the use of visitors and others. At the Northern Islands the hut-broom (vide No. 96) is
employed for wiping the feet. 64 (). Kontain (Car Nic. Kensach). Tire-sticks, used at all the islands, but ehiefly
at the Central and Southern Groups, for producing fire. Both the upper and the lower (styled male and female respectively) are sticks cut from the Melochis velutina (vide No. 144). The working-end of the upper stick is rounded, and a splinter inserted in the fine hollow space in the centre, which would otherwise wear away before the necessary amount of friction had been produced. Instead of this, the end of the stick is sometimes slightly cross-split, which causes increase of friction when in use. The lower stick is notched near one end and a small hollow formed in its contre, into which the prepared end of the upper stick is placed and twirled with both hands, during which the lower stick is held firmly down by one or both feet. A blade, or peg, is also sometimes stuck into the side of the lower stick to keep it in position during the operation. On the part to which friotion is applied fine ash is sprinkled and, beneath this, dry cocoanut-husk fibre, or paper, is placed as tinder.
(To be continued.)
A VERSION OF THE GUGA LEGENDI
BY W. CROOKE, C.S. During the reign of Prithivi Raja, Chauhận of Dehli, there ruled in Marad688, now Bagara, of the Hissar District, a Rájs named Nar Siñh, or Már Sinh, to whom was born a son named Jawar. When the boy grew up he was married to the Rani Bachhal, danghter of Kanwar PAI, who ruled at Sirad Patan, now & mass of ruins near the town of Rehør, in Pargana Afzülgarh of the Bijnor District. The marriage was performed with great magnificence, and much money was spent by the father of the bride in the dowry and in entertaining the marriage guests. The bride accompanied her husband to his house, and they lived together for some years, but the Almighty did not bless them with offspring. In despair the prinee Jêwar went into the thresta and began to practise austerities. Meanwhile the Rani Bachhal occupied herself in fasting and deeds of charity at home. After some time the great saint Gura Gorakhnath with fourteen
I Told by BHOLA Bhagat of RhArA, Bijnor Distriot, and literally translated. * Blgard in the Bagar or prairie of the Eastern PanjAb and Northern Rajpatani.

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hundred disciples, in a course of pilgrimage to various sbrines and holy places; came to Bågara. When she heard of his arrival, the Rant Bachhal presented herself before him, and begged him to take up his residence in her city, where she promised to attend upon him. The Gard replied that he was a saint and could not make a long stay there. The Rånt when she heard this fell at his feet and wept, and Kant Pawa, who was the senior of his disciples, begged him to stay there and practise yoga.
Gorakhnath agreed and halted with his disciples in a garden near the city. The Râni Bachhal placed her treasury at his disposal and every day presented him with a golden dish filled with the choicest food. When a year had passed in this way and the Rani ceased her daily visit, Guru Gorakhnath made preparations for his departure. Kini Pawa went to the Rânt and told her that Gorakhnath would start very early next morning, and he advised her to be in attendance. Her sister Achhal overheard this conversation, and in the night she went to the Rent Bachhal and asked her to lend her gome choice clothes and jewellery, as she wished to receive some guests. The Rani Bachhal answered: -"My clothes and jewels are pure because I wear them when I do worship. You can have any other clothes and jewels but these." Achhal refused to accept any other clothes and jewels, and promised to return them before her sister would want them for worship. So Bacbhal lent them and the gold dish to her. Next morning Achhal, wearing the clothes of Bachhal and covering her face, appeared before Gurú Gorakhnath who, when he saw her, said:
“My daughter! Why dost thou cover thy face P"
She answered: - "Since the saints have come here I daily prepare food for them with my own hands. My eyes have in this work become affected by the smoke and I am compelled to wear a veil."
Gorakhnath took the dish from her hands and ate the contents. Then he took out from his bag two grains of barley and handing them over to Achhal said :
" Wash them and then eat them at once."
She did as he directed and returned home. She returned the dish and the dresses to Rini Bâchhal.
Meanwhile Guru Gorakhnath blew his horn and marched with the body of his disciples. Bat the disciple, Kini Pawâ, knew that the Rani Bachhal had been deceived by her sister; so he began to cry and roll on the ground, pretending that he was attacked by a violent colic. As Kanf Pawê was very dear to Gorakhnath, the saint stopped and began to smear his body with consecrated ashes as a remedy. In the meantime Bant Bachhal arrived and, after saluting Gorakhnath, began to pray to him. She then laid the dish before him. Gorakhnath cried :
"Tarn out the impostor and beat her soundly. She has just received from me two graing of barley and she has come again."
The disciples began to beat the Râni Bachhal; but Kant Pawî said:
• You have devoured the whole of her treasure and are now beating her. What justice is this?"
Gorakhnath, then enquired from the chief disciple what the truth of the matter was, and he told him the whole case. Gorakhnath asked what he was to do. Kan Pawl answered: -
"O Maharaj! On this matter being known, the saints will be held in contempt. Yon mast bless the Rani Bachhal also."
Thon Gorakhnath spread a sheet and lay down apon it. On this he ascended to the throne of Bhagwan, and when he saluted Bbag win the god asked:
“O saint, what has caused you to come here P" Gorakhnath replied :-"Give a son to Ranf Baobhal of Bagara." • Por intenon al meh charme in barremmo meo my Introduction to Popular Religion and Pollor, p. 16. • Videy.ch. p110.
• With the part of the legend compare the story of Jacob mad on

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Bhagwan answered: "To have a son is not written in the fate of the Rani." Gorakhnáth replied: "Had a son been written in her fato, I would not have come to you."
Hearing this Bhagwan rubbed some of the dirt out of his head and gave it to Gorakhnüth, and the saint brought it back to the Bant and gave it to her. The Rant mixed it in water and shared it equally between a gray mare, a Brahmani, & sweeper's wife, and herself. All of those had been hitherto barren, but immediately they all conceived.
Now those who were her enemies went to Amar Sinh and poisoned his heart against the Rånt Bachhal and said :
"O RAja! Your daughter-in-law has become in child by one of the saints. So if you wish to save her honour you must send her at once to the house of her mother."
The Raja believed their words and sent the Rønt Bâchhal to the house of Kumar Pal, who was usually called Kanwar PAI.
When the embryo was seven months old it spake from the womb of its mother and said: "Take me from the house of my grandfather and remove me to the house of my father, for if I am born here I shall be called Nanwar."
The Râni Bachbal was in child and she had no means of conveyance. So she had much hesitation in complying with the orders of the coming child,
Bat the embryo spake again and said: -"Mother! Hesitate not, but go to the crippled carpentor and he will make a cart for you."
The Rani went to the carpenter and asked him to do this for her. He answered : -"I am a cripple. How can I do this for you P"
Bat the embryo spake and ordered him to arise from the sent, from which he had not moved for many years. He arose at once and made the cart as Rant Bachhal desired.
Even in the womb the obild began to work wonders and tying up his mother's father, hand and foot, they started for Bagaså. On the way he forced Rajá Vasuki, the lord of the snakes, to do him homage and acknowledge his power by doing the worship known as kandúrí.. He made his mother's father also co88 his power and do the same worship to him. And when he reached his home, his father's father was forced to do homage.
Finally, at the due time, he was born under the title of Zahir Pir,20 At the same time to the Brâhmant woman, who had eaten the dirt of Bhagwân, was born Nara Sinha Pange; to the sweeper's wife Patiya Chamar; and to the gray mare was born Bachhrd, or the Colt. All three began to grow by leaps and bounds. Zahir Diwan began to hunt in the jungle. One day in the course of his hunting he happened to go to Bandi, and halted in the garden of Baja Sanjai. The Raja's daughter, the Rani Surail, happened to be in the garden with her companions. ZAhir Diwan entered into conversation with her and began to play at dice with her.11 At first the Rani won all the goods, and finally even the person, of Zahir Diwan. He asked her leave to go and bathe, as he was her slaye. While he was bathing, he remembered the name of Gorakhnath, and then the seat on which the saint rested was moved. Some one came and put some dice in the waist-cloth of Zahir Diwan unawares. When Zahir Diwan was putting on the cloth he felt the dice. In great delight he went back to the Rani and asked her to play a second game with him. She agreed and this time Zahir Diwan, won back all his goods and the Rani as well. On this he commenced to start for his home, but the Rani Surail begged him to take her with him.
• The woetio shows his superiority over, and even contempt for, the greater gode. * In the original santhal, grandmother's house, to which women who stray from virtue are rent. • Apparently boonuse he would be born in his ndnthal.
• Here wind sigos of Muhammadan influence. Kander is special Worship of Bibi Fatime, in which males are not allowed to take share.
The Saint Apparent. 11 This is a stook incident in the folktales: Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, p. 291.

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He answered: -“If I take thee unmarried both thou and I will come to shame." “But," she said, " If the signs of betrotbal be sent, I trust thou wilt not refuse them."
He promised that he would accept them. So Zahir Diwan returned home, but he did not forget the Râni Surail.
To the Râni Achhal, who had received the two grains of barley from Guru Gôrakhnath, two sons were born at the same time - Surjan and Arjun. They were of the same age as Zahir Diwan. Now when the Raja of Bundi sent his Brahman and barber to perform the betrothal rite between his daughter and Zahir Diwûn the brothers forbade the rite, as there was an old grudge between their family and that of the Raja of Bûndi. But before they left the Rani Sarail had strictly warned the Brahman and barber that they should on no pretence betroth her to any but Zahir Diwan. So they went to the Raja Amar Sinh, who treated them with great kindness and asked the cause of their coming. They said that they had come to betroth his grandson to the daughter of the Raja of Bandi. On hearing this Amar Sinh pat his hands to his ears12 and said: -
"I regret that I cannot betroth my grandson to the Bandi Rans, because I have an hereditary enmity with her father."
The Brâhman and the barber left the place at once and on the way they met Zahir Diwan. When they told him the result of their mission he said:
"I am the grandson of Amar Sinh it is true; but what have I to do with that old dotard ? Give the signs of betrothal to me."
The Brâhman hesitated, but the barber spake out:-"O Kanwar Sahib! betrothal is not performed in this fashion."
At this Zahir Diwan smote the barber on the back with his whip and he rolled on the ground.
The Brahman then said : -"Maharaj! The barber was not altogether wrong. At the least some of your kinsfolk are needed for the betrothal."
Then Zahir Diwan invoked the saint Gorakhnath, and, as he prayed, the seat of the Gura was shaken, and he at once started with a troop of his followers and reached the place.
But the Brâhmaņ spake :- " Sâdhus are not recognised as due witnesses of the rite of betrothal."
So Zahir Diwan invoked the aid of Mahadeva and Indra and they at once appeared, and there, even in the jungle, the rite of betrothal was duly accomplished. Gôrakhnath gave to the Brahman and the barber his consecrated ashes, and Zahir Diwan informed them that his marriage procession would start on the ninth of the dark fortnight of Bhadon. The Brahmaṇ and the barber then started and the gods returned to their heaven.
When the Brahman and the barber reached Bůndi they opened the parcel of consecrated ashes which Gorakhnath had given them, and found that the ashes had been turned into gems. When the Raja of Bûndi heard that the betrothal had been performed he was wroth and beat the Brahman and the barber almost to death. Hearing their cries, the Rani Sarail came into the Court, and seizing her father by the hand said : -
“Father, it is a deadly sin to kill a Brahman. Do not kill him. What has been done cannot be undone even by Parameswar himself."
The Râja came to his senses and the Rani Surail took the Brâhman into her private apartments and loaded him with presents. Next day the Brahman and the berber explained to the Raja all that had happened in the jungle, and informed him that the marriage procession would arrive on the ninth night of the dark fortnight of Bhadon. The Râja hearing this was filled with anxiety, reflecting what arrangements he could make in the rainy season. But his ministers comforted him by saying that where wealth abounded all was possible.
11 A sign of dissent or disagreement.

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Meanwhile Zahir Diwan took all the articles he had received at the time of betrothal and gave them to his mother, the Râni Bachhal, and informed her of the date of the wedding. The Rani in her tarn went to her father-in-law, the Raja Amar Sinh, and informed him of all she had heard from her son, and laid the presents of betrothal before him.
He answered: "I cannot perform this marriage at this time. I will not go to the house and therefore I rejected the betrothal."
Hearing this the Ranf Bâchhal wept and returned to her own apartments. She then called Nara Sinha Pånre and sent him to tell her father to attend the wedding. He went to Sirsa Patan and placed the invitation, which consisted of a letter, gold coins, a cocoanut, red powder, holy rice and sweetmeats before the Raja Kanwar Pal, and to him the Pångê said :
"The marriage of your grandson will take place on such and such a day. Your daughter has sent me to inform you that her father-in-law has refused to take any part in the ceremony. Everything then depends on your generosity. So you must go and get the marriage of your grandson duly performed."
Kanwar Pal replied: "I will send all that is needful, but I will not take part in the procession."
Then Nara Sinha Pånre returned to the Rani Bảchhal and said: - "No one agrees to take part in the marriage. Your father has also refused to join the procession, Now except yourself there is none to help your son."
The Rini Bachhal then began to weep and said : -“Alas for my dear husband! Had he been here he would have arranged everything, and I should have been spared the trouble which has now fallen upon me."
Then Zahir Diwan answered and spoke : - “Mother! Why dost thon weep P If the Guru Gorakhnath is still alive I shall bring my bride not alone without disgrace, but with all due honour."
He then went ont of the city and was absorbed in reflection on his Gurû, and on this the seat of the Guru Gorakhnath was shaken.
And he said to his disciple Kini Pawi: "Let us go and complete the arrriage of thy brother Zahir Diwan."
Then Guru Gôrakhnath came with fourteen hundred disciples to Bagara. Zahir Diwan went out to receive them and told Gorakhnath all that had occurred.
Guru Gorakhnath said :-"Be not troubled in your mind. I will make all the arrange
ments."
Then he took a pinch of ashes from his bag and rubbed it, and lo! all the articles and supplies required for the marriage - food and clothes and jewelry and equipage such as the eye of man had never seen, -- were prepared. Also Gôrakhnath invited the Raja Indra, who came with all his sons. With him came Parvati and Raja Vasuki.
When the procession was arranged Görakhnath said to the Rini Bachhal: -"My daughter! It is now thy part to decorate thy son with clothes and jewels, as it is time for us to start for the house of his father-in-law."
Then for the bathing of the bridegroom there came a golden pitcher from Indrasan, the home of the fairies. The youth was bathed and dressed with all magnificence. And the Raja Vasuki with his own hands invested him with the marriage robes, and the wedding crown was placed upon his head. Then came all the fairies of the court of Raja Indrals and danced before him. The heavenly musicians began to play, and when Raja Amar Sikh saw these divine arrangements he was smitten with shame, and he, too, came and joined in the marriage, and Raja Kanwar Pil also arrived with all his equipage. So the marriage procession started and in a few days reached Bundi.
13 Bee Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, p. 38.

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Now near the city of Bûndi there was a lake, which was swollen by the rains of Autumn, and they were considering how the procession was to cross it, when Hanuman arrived and said that he would lie down over it and all could cross on him.
Bat Raja Vasuki said :-"Why should you take all this trouble I will prepare bridge at once."
So saying he called all his mighty snakes and, twining them together, made a bridge across the water. The people of Bundi came out to see the procession, and those who were envious of Zahir Diwan said that none bat Sadhus were in his party. When he heard this the Raja of Bûndi was wroth and he paid no respect to the procession. Then Zahir Diwan ordered the Raja Vásuki to surround the city and lo! an army of snakes appeared and surrounded the walls and every house in the city of Bûndi. They were ordered to hurt no one, but the people of the city were sore afraid. They all raised cries of terror. Then the Raja of Bûndi with all his ministers and priests went to Zahir Diwan and fell at his feet. On this Zahir Diwan made a sign to Raja Vasuki to recall his snakes and they forthwith disappeared. On this the fears of the people ceased.
The wedding guests were invited to the marriage feast. With the guests came Sukra and Sanischara,l* and the Raja took them to his palace and ordered food to be served. The servers of the dishes could not satisfy their hunger with the cooked provisions, all of which they consumed. Then they said :-"Take as to the store-rooms," and there they devonred all the supplies collected for the wedding. Nay they even ate the earth of the place two fingers deep. Even then they cried for more and the Raja of Bundi was smitten with shame because he could provide no more.
Then he came and fell before Zahir Diwan and said : -"Pardon me, my Lord! I can no longer vie with thee."
So Gorakhnath gave the Raja & pinch of his ashes and told him to place it in his store-rooms and lo! they were again filled with all manner of commodities. So the wedding guests were fed and none lacked aught.
The wedding party stayed there many days and the Raja of Bûndi gave Zahir Diwan as dowry many valuables and costly jewels. So they returned home and came to Bagara.
One day, after the marriage was over, Zahir Diwan went into the jungle to hunt and for the same purpose Sarjan and Arjan also came there. Zahir Diwan and the two brothers shot at the same deer. The animal fell on the grond.
Zahir Diwan took possession of the game, but the brothers said: "It is we who have shot the deer."
But Zahir Diwan would not give them even a share of the deer.
Then they said :-"We will take half of the kingdom because your mother and ours are sisters, and your wife we shall also seize, because it was to us that her father sent the signs of betrothal. You are a mere usurper."
When he heard these threats Zahir Diwan grew wroth, and it came into his mind to get rid of the brothers once for all. But they fled from before him and went and laid a complaint against him before the king of Dehli. When he heard their charge Prithivi Baja attacked Zabir Diwan with a mighty army. The cattle of Zahir Diwan were returning from the jungle and Pșithivi Raja ordered his men to seize them. They did so and the cowberds came to Zahir Diwan and told him what had happened.
When she heard of these events the Rani Bâchhal hastened to Zibir Diwan and entreated him not to face the enemy. But he was filled with wrath. At once he bathed and saddled his horse and put on his arms and armour.
24 Venus and Saturn.

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Then he rose up and he said to his horse: - "Thou gray one! This is not the day to turn thy back on the foe."
The Rani Bachhal rashed on the battlements and cried :-"My Zahir is going alone to face the enemy!"
Then many a brave warrior hastened to help him, but he turned them all back save Nara Sinha Pinrê and Patiya Chamár. When he saw them behind him, Zahir Diwan said : -
** Even you I cannot take with me till I test your prowess. I will fix my spear in the ground and he that can take it out may follow me."
Both of them succeeded in taking out the spear and they followed their master. As a lion in a pack of jackals, so they fell upon the foe. Nara Siúba Pånţé and Patiya Clamar killed many of the enemy, but at last they fell. Then Zahir Diwan commenced to cut down the enemy and at last they took to flight, Zahir Diwan transfixed Surjan with an arrow and he died, on which Arjun began to cry like a child. Him, too, Zahir Diwan killed. Then he pursued Prithivi Raja and seized him by the scalp-lock. He turned him saddle round and tied him on his horse with his face towards the tail, and so he dismissed him with contempt. Then he cut off the heads of the twin brethren and tied them in his Landkerchief and took their gem necklaces. Thus he returned in triumph.
When he arrived, the Rani Bachhal his mother appeared with a golden dish, on which was a lamp with four wicks and moving it over his head15 asked the result of the fight.
Zahir Diwan angwered :—"The twin brethren have won and I am worsted." Again the Rinî said :- “Tell me the plain truth." He replied: "No battle was fought and still the quarrel was decided.”
On this he took out the necklaces of gems and shewed them to her. Her heart began to beat. Next he opened the handkerchief and shewed her the severed heads. She threw the golden dish on the ground, and he said:
“Mother, now recognise which is the head of Sarjan and which that of Arjun."
She recognised the heads and said : -"Dost thou shew thy pride by killing thy brethren? Dost thou not feel ashamed and disgraced ?"
When he heard these words, Zahir Diwân turned his back upon his mother and went into the jungle.
Then came the month of Sawan, when newly married brides put on gorgeous apparel and swing beneath the trees. But the Rani Surail, wife of Zahir Diwan, did naught but weep and lament, being separated from her beloved. Then Zahir Diwan said to his horse NilA :
" Let us go and see thy brother's wife, who is weeping for thy brother." He came to the gate at night and called to the guards : -"Open." The guard replied: "Who art thou - a thief or a demon ?" He answered: -"Open the door. I am the house-master.” The guard replied: "I will not open the door at night." “One day," answered Zahir Diwan, I will cat thy flesh from off thy bones." And so he returned to the forest.
At this time the Rani Surail saw in a dream that her husband had arrived, and that her watchman would not open the door. In the morning she told him her dream and the watchman wept:
How could I know that he would come? A man came at night and I dared not open the door. Alas for me!"
On this the Râni wept and next night she sat close to the door, and at the same hour her husband came as before and called to the guard.
16 For the wave rite, see op. cit. p. 199.

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The Râni cried :-"Who art thon that comest in the dead of night " Zahir Diwan answered: -"I am the honge-master." She said :-"If you are the house-master come in by making your horse jump over the roof."
Hearing these words he spurred his horse and jumped over the roof, and alighted in the courtyard. The maid-servant tied up the horse and gave food to her master. The Radi Sorail fell at his feet and wept, and brought water to bathe him. Then they began to play at dice. When the night was far spent Zabir went away promising to return soon.
In this way for some time he used to visit his Rani by night.56 The Râpi used to sleep by day, and at night she decorated herself to receive him. Then the news spread in the city that some one used to visit the Rani Sarail by night. So the Rani Bâchhal went to the Rani Surail, and found her daughter-in-law in child.
She said :-" Why hast thon committed so great a wrong to my son ?" She answered: -"I have done no wrong. My husband is alive." Bat the Kant Bichhal would not believe her. Then the Rani Surnil said :“Why do yon not believe me? Your son is alive and he visits me every night." The Rani Bachhal prayed: - "Let me see him once." . She answered: "Come here at night and you shall see him."
So the Rani Bichhal came by night to the house of the Rani Surail and saw her son; but when his eye fell upon his mother be veiled his face and mounting his horse departed.17 His mother and wife followed him crying
"Why art thou leaving us !"
But he turned a deaf ear to their voice. The Râni Sarail, however, soon overtook him and seized the rein of his horse. Zahir Diwan then thought of his Guru Goraknath and descended below the earth. The wretched women returned home and lamented him bitterly.
Now the place where Zahir Diwan descended below the earth is at a distance of nine kos from Nor and twenty-seven kos from Hissar. And many pilgrims visit the place where his tomb is erected. It is known as Zahir Diwan ko nana ka ujard khera - The deserted mound of the grandfather of Zahir Diwan. There multitudes of men. assemble in the month of Bhadon. Besides this, in many villages, are platforms raised in his honour.
Note. This is a very complete and interesting legend of the life of ZAhir Diwan and shews all through a good deal of fine, natural, chivalrous feeling. The high position women take in it is noticeable. It runs on different lines from that given by Major Temple in Legends of the Panjáb, Vol. I. p. 121, ff. I have given a short account of Gugâ and quoted some of the literature on the subject in my Introduction to Popular Religion and Follelore, p. 133 sq. [In Vol. III. p. 261 ff. of the Legends I give a long version of the Gûga story, which runs much on the lines of Mr. Crooke's valuable version. I also recognize many bits of stories in the above legend, which are often fastened on to other heroes. E. g., Vásuki is connected with Gházi Salâr in the Legends, Vol. I. p. 117 ff., and the doings of the serpents at Búndi may be compared with their doings at Safidoo in connection with the modern version of the story of Parikshit and Janamêjaya (Legends, Vol. I. p. 418 ff.) The conversation of Gugl with Sarail is comparable with that between Raja Rasálů and various women he is mixed up with (Legends, Vol. I. p. 50 Ef., 209 f., etc., vide index). In the Legends, Vol. I. p. 166 ff., I give another version of the story of Gúga and the Brahmaņi. - ED.)
16 On thin custom of a husband visiting the bride by stealth, seo-Labbock, Origin of Civilisation (p. 81 sq.)
17 Apparently some breach of primitive marriage taboo, as in the case of Urvast: see Lang, Custom and Myth, Pp. 64 899.

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NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 32.)
(c) Metals.
HE class of articles, which, next to fire and water, have special power over spirits, are metals.
power over spirits, gold, are
noticed, but the most important is iron. 100a In all cases of seizures and swooning iron is of great value, either applied hot, or as a lancet to let blood. This seems to be the base of the almost universal belief that iron has great power over spirits. So the Vaishnavas stamp their bodies with red-hot iron seals, and when the body of a pregnant woman is carried out of a Hindu house, a nail or a horse-shoe is driven into the threshold to bar the spirit from coming back. Among the Prabhûs of Bombay, after the birth of a child, an iron bar is thrust across the door of the lyingin room, and a pen-knife is placed under the mother's bed to ward off evil spirits. 100 The first thing a Bombay Prabhû looks at after waking is a gold ring. The Kunbis of Kôlâbâ put an iron hook, or poker, under the cot of a lying-in woman to keep off evil spirits. The belief that spirits are afraid of iron is so strong among the Kôlis, Vâdvals and other lower classes of Thânâ, that whenever they go at night to their fields or gardens they keep with them a stick with loose iron rings to frighten evil spirits. Among the Vâdvals, or gardeners of Thânâ, an iron bar is laid across the threshold of the lying-in room, in order that the evil spirits may not come inside. When a Hindu child is taken to visit a relation, copper or silver coin is put into its hand at the time of leave-taking. During a thunder-storm Kônkanf Marathas throw their axes and sickles out of doors to scare the lightning. Among the Bombay Pârsis, women in child-bed are made to lie on an iron bed-stead for forty days, and the dead are carried on an iron bier. The Pârst women in their monthly sickness are fed from an iron dish. In Gujarat Mâtiâ Kunbi women, for a fortnight after a birth, never go out without carrying a knife or a sickle. The Bhâts of Gujarat set a dagger near the new-born child on the fifth evening when the chhati spirit is believed to come. A dagger and a sword are laid in the Bhâtiâ woman's lyingin room. Among Gujarat Srâvaks the bridegroom carries, for fourteen days before the wedding, a sword. In Kathiawâr gold and curds are put into the dying Râjpût's mouth.10 In Gujarat the Musalmân bridegroom carries a poignard and the Musalmân bride a knife. The Dekhan Ramosis, after a birth, set up in the lying-in room a needle or an arrow in a millet stalk, and at their weddings the bridegroom holds a dagger in one hand and a friend holds a sword over his head.12 The Kunbis of Poons on the Dasahra day worship iron tools, 13 and they use hot iron as a cure in certain complaints. 14 The Pardesi Bhâdbhujâs of Poona tie a piece of iron, about the size of a shilling, to the boy's and the girl's wrists at the time of marriage,15 The Telugu Nhâvis of Poona lay the new-born child by its mother, and at the head of the bed set a dagger, a lemon, and a cane.16 Among the Nasik Mâlis if a woman dies in child-bed, as the body leaves the house, a horse-shoe is driven into the threshold, and while carrying the bier rald grain is strewn on the ground that the spirit may not come back.17 In the possession of the Maharaja of Kolhapur is a gold mohar, and when a woman is in labour, water is poured over the mohar and given her to drink.18 The Kolhapur Lingayats, on the way to the burial-ground, at intervals
57
1004 The Parsis in some cases purified a man from a lead ladle (Vendidad, Vol. IV. pp. 40-42). Burton (1621, Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 435) says gold is an antidote to spirits, and gold rings are worn to keep spirits away. Of the use of copper coins and of bells examples are given below.
1006 Mr. K. Raghunath's Pátáné Prabhas, p. 45. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
1 From MS. Notes. Op. cit., loc. cit.. Information from the peon Babaji. 1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. Vendidad Fargard, Vol. XVI.; Bleek's Khordah Avesta, p. 121.
10 Information from Colonel Barton.
13 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 419.
14 Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 247. 16 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 381.
17 From MS. Notes.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XI. p. 55. Information from Mr. Govindrao Pandit. XIII. p. 270.
Information from Mr. Bhimbhai.
11 Information from Mr. Fazal, 13 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 294. 15 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 321.
18 Information from Mr. Barve,

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scatter betel leaves and copper coins.19 Among the Dharwâr Lingayats, before the body is buried, twenty-one small pieces of copper with some religious words written on them are laid on the body.20 That the origin of iron as a spirit scarer lies in its value in cases of actual cautery finds support in the practice prevalent among the Dharwar Masálars of branding new-born children with a red-hot needle in the form of a cross.21 Among the Madhav Brahmans of Dharwây, when a woman suffers much during child-birth, old gold coins are washed, and the water is given her to drink.22 The Bijapur Radis lay copper coins on the spot where the funeral pyre is built.3 The Beni-Isra'ils of Western India lay * knife nnder a babe's pillow to keep off spirits.24 The Gonds have a god called Chuda Pen in the form of an iron bracelet.25 At Gond marriages copper coins are waved round the bridegroom's head and coirs are worshipped by the Gaiti Gonds.26 The Oråous lay a coin in the mouth of the dead, 27 originally to keep the spirit from leaving the body.29 The Greeks and Romans continued the practise, explaining it by saying the coin was to pay Charon.29 In Bengal, when the father sees the new-born child for the first time he puts money in its hands.30 The arrow bends and other iron weapons, found in rude stone tombs in the Nilgiris, seem placed there with the object of keeping off evil spirits, not for the use of the dead.31
The Caunii, an ancient nation of Lesser Asia, at certain seasons met in armour and beat the air with lances and went to the boundary to drive away foreign spirits,32 When an Arab scesa whirlwind he says "Halil, helil, ya mash um," - that is, “Iron), iron, oh thou vile one!"32
Among the Burmans, if a woman gives birth to a atill-born child, a piece of iron is placed in the cloth in which the body is wrapped, and at the burial a member of the family says: - "Never return to thy mother's womb till this metal becomes soft as down."34 The ascetics or hermits in Burma carry an iron staff hung with rings.35 The Bnrmans put pellets of gold under the skin to be wound-proof,30 The Sinn king's sword is dipped into holy water, and the water is drunk by the king at the time of coronntion.37 The Chinese authorities objected to the Shanghai-Woosung Railway because it would disturb the spirits of the earth and the air, and so lower the valne of property. When a Chinese child is sick, it is carried along the street by the mother, who drops coins at every ten paces, or, if the child is very bad, its body is rubbed with the coins and they are thrown into the street 39 In China, when a person is sick of a devil-sent epidemie, a sword, if possible a sword which has ent off a criminal's head, is hung over his bed, 40 and coins, generally pierced coins, are worn as charms. A sword is a sacred emblem in Japan kept in the temple of Atsnta.
Iu North-West Afrien Musalman women, when pregnant, often sit on an old iron gun to be relieved of dangers of child-birth.43
A queen in South Africa, says Dr. Livingstone, had a number of iron ringa on her ankles with little bits of slicet iron fixed to them. In North Africa, the fire doctor generally keeps
19 From MS. Noter.
Bombay Cateteer, Vol. XXII. p. 115. 21 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 211. 22 Op.cit. Vol. XXII. p. 74. 23 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 155.
* Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 526. 25 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. III.
26 Op. cit. p. 18. 27 Op. cit., 22.
2 Dalton's Descriptire Ethnology of Bengal, p. 261. ~ The great god of the Central Province Gaiti Gonds is a pice in a hollow piece of bamboo. A space, a foot square, is cleared at the foot of soine holy tree, the pice is bronght in its bamboo care, taken out and laid on the ground. Heaps of rice, a heap for each deity tley Wurship are arrunged round the pice: chickens and goats (formerly cows were offered) are fed on the rice, killed, and their blood sprinkled between the pico and the rice. On the blood liquor is poured. The pice in then put in the case (Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 22).
90 Ward'. Viere of the Hivulus. Vol. III. p. 156. 1 Jour. Ethno, Soc. Vol. I. p. 161. 82 Herod. I. in Hume, Vol. II. p. 399.
38 From MS. Notes." Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 3. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 169.
36 Yule's Cathay, Vol. I. p. 94. [And of silver.- ED.) 37 Jones' Crouens, p. 436. [This belongs apparently to the section on Water.- ED.) 38 Captain H, O. Selby, R. E.
Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 80. *• Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 31. 41 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 89.
** Reed's Japan, Vol. II. p. 269. 13 Hay's Western Barbary, p. 117.
# Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 273.

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with him & small charcoal fire, a pair of bellows and some iron rods. When a patient thinks himself bewitched, the doctor makes him lie down, pulls aside the clothes from his back, and, making his rod of iron red-hot, draws it with a hissing sound across the back and loins of the sick person in the name of God.46 Actual cautery with a red hot iron is a favourite remedy with the Moors.46 In Madagascar the chief post of the house has a silver chain fastened to it.7
So great is the power of iron over spirits, that the guardian spirit in fire must not be touched with a sword or iron. So the Tartars would not (1246) touch fire with a knife. Pythagoras (B. C. 600) said that fire should not be stirred with a sword. The same belief occors in North-East Asia and North America. In Russia to break faggots with a poker might cause an ancestor to fall into hell, - that is, might drive away the guardian ancestral spirit from his hearth-home.49 A similar reason may explain why the Romans would not cut certain plants with a knife, and why religious monuments were long made of undressed stone. The Romans believed that if an iron spike was driven in the ground, where a person was attacked by the falling sickness, he would never be again seized.50 The Romans kept a javelin in a lying-in room to give the mother easy delivery, and drove large coffin nails in the side-posts of doors to drive off spirits.62 Any one finding n cast horse-sboe in the road, and laying it up, will be cured of the yox, or hiccup, by thinking of the place where the shoe was put.53 In the Roman tombs opened at Mayence, in women's coffins, bracelets, rings, needles and censors for burning incense were found.
The Danish women, before putting a child in a cradle, to prevent evil spirits from hurting the child, fasten garlic, salt and steel to the cradle.65 In Sweden a knife, or other steel implement, is laid in the cradle of an unbaptized child to keep off spirits. Batbers throw steel into the water, and say :-"Neck, Neck, stoel in strand, thy father was a steel-thief, thy mother a needle-thief, so far shalt thou be hence as this cry is heard.”66 The young German warriors (A. D. 100) wore an iron chain,67 and the British mothers gave their children their first fond off the father's sword.58 The Germans used to lay three knives for the Three Mothers, 60 probably at first to drive them away, though they afterwards seem to have laid offerings on the blades.
In 1691, in the Scotch Highlands, cold iron was put in a lying-in woman's bed to keep off the fairies, the reason being that, as iron mines lay near to hell, iron had an unpleasant savour to those fascinating creatures.60 In Suffolk (1780) it was believed that an old horse-shoe buried under the threshold of a witch kept her in at night. 61 That no elf or nightmare should ride on a woman in child-bed, and that an infant may not be carried away by an owl, a knife should be kept on the couch.62 In early England the fiend-sick patient had to drink out of a church bell.63 Middle-Age Europe believed that spirits could be hurt by swords and lances. The belief that a horse-shoe keeps off spirits, is
45 Rohlf's Morocco, p. 82. Cf. ante, p. 20. 6 Op. cit. p. 81. " Sibree's Madagascar, p. 287.
* Early History of Man, p. 277. Comparo (Macgregor's Sikhs, Vol. I. p. 91) when the Sikh leader Guru Govind (1580) was forced to eat boef he first turned over the flesh with a knife. The sense seems to be that the iron drove out the divine cow-spirit. What Gorind ate was therefore no longer cow's flesh. + Op. cit. p. 277.
60 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chap. 6. 61 Op. cit. Book xxviii. Chap. 4.
52 Op. cit. Book xxxiv. Chap. 13. * Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chap. 20. In some Roman British tombs large nails have been found (Wright's Celt, Romin and Saxon, pp. 302, 306, 306, 310). Parhaps the object, as among the Cheremiss Indians, was to secure the body in the coffin (Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 29). 04 Bombay Gaxette, 5th February, 1884.
66 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 73. 66 Henderson's Foll-Lore (2nd Edition), p. 281. 07 Taoitus' Germania, Chap. p. 31. 58 Tacitus' Oxford Trans. Vol. II. p. 356.
6 Wright's Celt, Roman and Saxon, pp. 288-287. * Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 184.
Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 455. • Brand'. Popular Antiquities, Vol. IĻI. p. 250. * Tylor's Primitire Culture, Vol. II. p. 140.
Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy. p. 788.

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common in England and Scotland.65 A horse-shoe keeps off spirits and witches, according to the couplet :-"Straw laid across her path, the witch retards. The horse-shoe nailed, each household guards."66 In England (about 1612) it was considered lucky for a man to find a piece of iron.67 In North-West Scotland, gold and silver cured the effects of the evil eye. In England, it is bad luck to make a present of a knife, and in North England, unless a nominal price is given, no one should take a present of a knife, for a "knife severs love." Pins are used in England in many cares. To cure warts prick them with a pin and drive the pin into an ash tree. In England, a child afflicted with an eruption is cured by being rubbed with a balf sovereign, 71 and in Dumfrieshire the Locherby penny cnres cow-madness.73 In Northumberland pins are thrown into the wishing well at Wooler.73 On New Year's Eve you should have money in your pocket, 74 and it is unlucky to have no money in your pocket when you first hear the cuckoo.76
The belief that spirits fear iron and a ring is perhaps the origin of the sacredness of the key. In England a key was used in divination. A key is heated and laid on the back to cure lumbago, and is put down the back of the neck to stop bleeding at the nose. With the house-key and a frying pan fiends are scared and bees tempted to aligbt.77 After a death the hive is tapped thrice with a door key.78 In some parts of Scotland, when a bride and bridegroom enter their home, each carries a key - the husband a door key and the woman a banch of keys.79
In Wiltshire (1874) a labourer's wife asked a clergyman for a sacrament shilling to tie round her child's neck to cure fits. A "heart-grown," - that is, a fairy-witched, child in England is laid naked on the blacksmith's apvil. The blacksmith lifts his hammer as if to strike hot iron, but brings it down gently. Three taps of the bammer cure the child.81
Urine, -The next most important power over spirits is urine. Urino is & widely used medicine.93 From the ammonia it contains, urine is useful in two ways: in recovering from swooning, fainting, nervous and other seizures, and in staunching bleeding. Both of these properties shew power over spirits. In restoring consciousness the power over the oppressing evil spirit is evident, and in staunching blood urine drives away a spirit, in accordance with the early belief that wounds bleed because they are sucked by spirits.83 The use of cow's urine, as a purifier, is common among all higher class Hindus. It is the regular means of getting rid of the ceremonial imparity which a birth or a death in a family causes, 84 and it ought to be taken on certain festivals and highdays. The importance of cow's and bull's urime, as a purifier anong the Hindus and still more among the Persians, seems to shew that cow
* In London, in 1996, mont West End houses had a horse-shoo nailed in the threshold, because it laid ovil spirits. The practice was universal in Wales in 1812 (Leslie's Early Race of Scotland, p. 423). Horne-shoes were formerly (1600) out in the doors of British Christians, and they were fized in boats and ships to guard them against storms (op. cit. p. 424). Nelson had a horse-shoe nailed to the Victory'mast (Dyer's Folk. Lore, p. 113). The ends of the horse shoe ought to be turned up. Compare Reginald Scott on the cure by sympathy, -that is, treating the weapon, not the wound. If they stroke the sword up, the party feels no pain: if they draw the fingers down, the pain is intolerable. See Note 2, Reginald, in Scott', Lay. * Dyer's Folk-Lors, p. 112.
67 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 251. Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 87. “ Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 118. • Op. cit. p. 139. 11 Op. cit. p. 167.
19 Op. cit. pp. 163, 164.
15 Op. cit. p. 230. T# Op. cit. p. 72.
75 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 57. T6 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 238. 17 Dyer's Folk. Lors, p. 124, * Op. cit. p. 128.
* Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 36. # Dyer's Folk Lore, p. 116.
n Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 187. * In the Kônkan, near Bombay, no medioine is so largely used in child. diseases as is the urine of the cow (Information from Mr. P. B. Joahi). According to Pandit Narsinha (Nighanturoj, pp. 174, 175) pine kinds of urine Aro considered medicinal by Hindu physicians -the urine of a man, a cow, she buffaloe, a horse, an A8, she-goat, an ewe, an elephant and a camel. Human urine destroys worms and removes phlegm, wind, insanity and poison (Information from Mr. Nerdyan V. Parandhart). That urine stops bleeding, explains the Marathi test of disobliging man: "To kdplya karangli var munir nihi"; He will not even make water on out finger. For the many healing properties of urine in Roman Folk Medicine compare Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chap. 6.
* Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 126.
# The idea of the ceremonial impurity which attaches to birth, monthly sickness, and death, seems to BAYO its root in the fact that those are the three times in life when the chances of spirit-possession are greatest. The point is natioed under "spirit times."

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and bull worship are greatly due to the healing value of their urine. Human urine is also believed to have a great power over spirits.
Among Ratnagiri Marathas human urine is used to cure cough and snake bite.86 Among lower class Muhammadans, Hindus and Portuguese in Gujarât and Bombay, people, when they have had a bad fall, or when they are severely beaten, drink their own urine. They say that it has the same intoxicating and reviving power as brandy.86 In Sind and other parts of India, to bathe it with urine is a common care for a bleeding wound. In the East Dekhan, the exorcist keeps urine in a bottle and threatens to make the spirit drink it, if he does not tell who he is. The filthy food which spirits eat shews that it is not its nastiness which makes the spirit fear urine. A Hindu in a haunted place will make water in a circle and sit secure in the middle : or, if he must move on, he will make water on his left foot, and the spirits will fly.87
Among the Persians and the Pârsis the use of urine is still commoner, because their fear of spirits is grenter. After the thread-prayer the Pårs every morning should drink and wash his hands in cow's urine. It is a sin to wash the hands in water till they have been washed in urine.89 That the urine of an ox or of a ball is equally cleansing as the urine of a cow,89 supports the view that the cow was worshipped, rather because of the value of its urine, than because of the value of its milk. So also the fifth most acceptable place in the (Parsi) universe is where cattle and beasts of burden leave their prine.90 Among Parsis defiled garments are washed in cow's urine.91 Corpse-bearers should wash their bodies and hair with urine.92 Any one who touches a dead body should wash his hands in cow's urine, and the spirit of corruption will be driven out.03 In some cases it is enough to sprinkle the clothes with urine, but a woman who gives birth to a dead child must drink cow's urine and ashes, and wash her body with urine. Besides, in their religious services, urine is commonly used and highly valued as a medicine by Pårsîs.
· Urine was greatly valued as a medicine by the Romans. Pliny notices asp's urine as a cure for the drowsiness which follows an asp sting. He mentions the urine of camels, apes, wild boars, asses, and horses as curing many diseases.96 The examples are valuable as shewing one of the grounds on which these animals were worshipped. A boy's urine cured fever, 97 a man's urine cured gout, and whoever dropped his urine on his foot in the early morning, was safe from any charm.99 The use of urine is seldom recorded in books of travels or of customs. This is probably from an idea that the habit has no special meaning or interest, rather than that it has not been noticed 100 Even where no reference has been made to the use of urine, cases are recorded of the tails of cattle being used to sprinkle holy water. This suggests that the yak or Tibet ox tails, which were so commonly borne close to Hindu kings and which appear in old Buddhist and other sculptures and paintings, were valued as spiritsoarers rather than as fly-whisks.
15 Information from the peon BAbajt.
$8 Information from Mr. Fazal Lutfulla. 87 Compare Pliny (Natural History, Book xxviii. Chap. VI). He who every morning droppeth his own urine on his feet shall be secure from every charm and poison.
# Bleek's Khordah Avesta, p. 166. So Vendidid Fargard, Vol. XIX. pp. 70-75; Bleek's Khordal Avesta, Vol. I. p. 140. • Bleek's Khordah Avesta, Vol. I. p. 21.
91 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 58. " Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 70. 93 Bleek's Avesta, Vendidád, p. 84,
# Bleek's Khordah Avesta, pp. 46, 48, 64. * Pliny's Natural History, Book xxix, Chap. 4.
Op. cit. Book xxviii. Chaps. 8, 11, 12, 17, 19. 97 Op. cit. Book xxviii. Chap. 11.
* Op. cit. Bock xxviii. Chap. 6. + Pliny's Natural History, Book II viii. Chap. 6. This seems to explain why the fascinus was hung round children's necks and under warrior's triumphal oars (op. cit. Book xxviii. Chap. 4). The Hindus have the same belief that spirits fear the private parts of a man.
100 Tylor's (Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 483) reference to the Hottentots smearing mother and child with urine in their unclean way seems a case in point. It is doabtful whether he intentionally left out other references, w he mentions the Pårai practice in detail (op. cit. Vol. II. p. 438).
1 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 533.

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Bombay Hindus use cow's urine as a medicine as well as a purifier. In the Konkan, cow's urine is considered a specific for worms, from which young children are apt to suffer. The Brahmaņs and Prabhús of Bombay, on the eleventh day after a death, become purified by drinking cow's urine. The Brahmaus in Bombay, after a child is born, keep cow's urine, with nim leaves floating in it, at the entrance of the lying-in room, and no one is allowed to enter the room without firat sprinkling the urine on his feet with the nmn leaves. Among the Prabhús of Bombay, on the tenth day after child-birth, cow's arine is sprinkled all over the house; and, to free them from all impurity, each member of the household thrice drinks about a teaspoonful of the panchaguivya, - that is, claritied batter, curds, milk, honey and cow's urine.2 In Poona, drops of urine and Ganges water are poored into the dying Raul's mouth.3 The Dhôrs of Ahmadnagar spill a pot of cow's urine on the grave, and the Namdev Shimpis of Ahmadnagar, on return from a funeral, dip a nim twig in cow's urine and sprinkle their heads with it. Among the Dharwâr Lingayats the holiest of the holy water which is drunk by laymen is that in which the stone ling of the high priest has been bathed.7 The Gösavis of Belgaum, after a death, are purified by drinking the five products of the cow. On one fast nothing but cow's urine is drunk by Hindus. Fryerlo (1673) notices how the Banias of Surat "take delight in the stale urine of a cow, besprinkling themselves with it, as a Christian with holy water, or a Musalman with rose water: nay, more, they even use it as a potion or filter, and after it bid the devil do his worst." The Nairs of Malabar consider urine to be a parifier, and have water, cow's milk and cow's urine poured over them on the fifth, tenth and fifteenth days after a death.11 Oderic (1320) says : -" In Malabar the people take two basins, one of gold, the other of silver, and when the ox is brought from the stalls they put these under him and catch urine in one and dang in the other. With the urino they wash their face and with the dang they daub themselves on the middle of the forehead, on the balls of the cheeks, and on the middle of the chest."12 According to the Dabistan13 hnman urine was drunk by some yôyis.
The Burman priests use as medicine the urine of a cow or a black bullock, on which the juice of the lemon or other sour fruit has been poured. In China cow and horse urine are considered an excellent lotion for skin disease, and also for destroying white ants 15 In the Philippine Islands the first excrements of a new-born babe are a cure for snake and dog bites.16
The Dinkas of the White Nile make their hair a foxy red by continual washing with cow's urine.17 The Shillooks of the White Nile, if fairly off, cover their body with a rusty coating of cowdung ashes : with them dry ashes and cow's urine are inilispensable articles of toilet. According to a widespread Afrienn practice, milk vessels are wnshed with cow's urine instead of with salt.18 The Dinkas of the White Nile burn cow-dung and smear themselves with the ashes; they also use cow's urine in washing dishes. 10 Hottentot sorcerers or rain bringers procure rain by scattering their nrine over a fire.20 At a Moor wedding in West Africa a present of urine from the bride's person is sent as a special compliment, and is dashed in the receiver's face.21 Child's urine painted on the affected spot is considered a cure for sores in Central Africa.23
The Indians of Peru, in South Američa, wash their hair in urine, and the Spanish American women do the same.23
K. Raghunath's Patine Prabhus, p. 48.
* Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 361. • Op.cit. Vol. XVII. p. 109.
6 Melia azadirachta. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 127.
• Op.cit. Vol. XXII. p. 199. • Op.cit. Vol. XXI. p. 184.
• Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 983. 10 Voyages, p. 92.
11 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 409. 19 Yule's Cathay, Vol. II. p. 73.
18 Dábistan, Vol. II. p. 120. 14 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 141. 16 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 123. 16 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 174.
11 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 150. 15 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 88.
19 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 163. * Hahn's Touni Goam, p. 83. 11 Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 136. * Stanley, Vol. II. p. 369. 9 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 206.

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The Highlanders in the seventeenth century used to sprinkle their cattle with urine on the first Monday in every quarter.24 In Scotland, in Perthshire, urine is used as a cure for waspstings.25 In the South of Ireland, especially in the outlying parts, among the lower orders, the drinking of human urine is a not uncommon cure for diseases.26 In England, in the seventeenth century, urine was considered to be a book of fate.27 In the Highlands of Scotland water and oil of human dung were believed to be very effective against madness,28 and the urine of the bear mixed in vinegar was said to cure epilepsy.30
The less important articles which are believed to have power over spirits, because they have been found to cure diseases, may be shortly noted in alphabetic order :
Ashes, called by Hindas raksha or protection and vibhuti or prosperity, are much aged by them as purifiers, that is, as spirit-drivers. Though ashes are sometimes taken internally as a medicine, the reason why they are considered specially potent against spirits seems to be their power of staunching blood and of healing sores. The following illustrate the common Hindu use of ashes to keep off spirits. The Lingayat rubs his brow with cow-dang ashes, and ascetics cover their whole bodies with ashes. The Vaidus of Poona get purified by rabbing their bodies with ashes, 30 and a Dekhan mediam surrounds a possessed man with a circle of ashes. In Dharwår, as a cure for head-acbe, ashes are thrown on the head or applied to any other part of the body that pains.31 In Belgaum, among the Bhâţs, a person excommunicated from the caste is re-admitted on swallowing ashes given him by the caste teacher.32 In Bijapur, ashes from the censer of Maruti, or other guardian deity, is one of the chief means of scaring spirits. When an Ambig, or fisherman of Bijapur, is possessed, he is set before a god, and his brow is rabbed with ashes,33 The Kôngaris of Kanara get from the washerman, on the third day after a death, wood-ashes and water, and the Dhörs get cow-dang ashes once a year from the head of the Lingayat monastery of Chitradrûga in Mysore.34 Among the Halvåkki Vakkals of Kânara, on the third day after a birth, the people and their house are purified by the washerman sprinkling on them, and in the house, water mixed with ashes and potash.35 High-class Hindu females in Western India, during the Divali holidays, draw lines of rángóli (husk-ashes) in front of their houses. Among the Hindus, bhas ma snána, or ash bathing, is considered as good and purifying as bathing in water.38 The Hindu religious book, Brahmottarkhand, states that a great ascetic applied ashes to the body of a king named Bhadrâyu, and from that time the king because famous for strength, glory, courage, and power of memory.37 The Beni-Isra'ils of Bombay, at a birth, to keep off evil spirits, draw lines of ashes outside of the mother's room. A Parsi woman after child-birth drinks ashes mixed with cow's urine 3e The Pårsis strew their fields with the ashes of the sacred fire.39
The Jews in grief covered themselves with ashes and sackcloth. In Central Asia ashes are used to staunch bleeding in cases of circumcision."
The Papuans, when they see a stranger, throw ashes, lime, and sand over their own bodies. In consequence of their belief that spirits enter by the hair, the people of the Arru Islands, west of Guinea, wash their hair with ashes and lime43
According to Pliny, horse-dung ashes, used with egg-shells, are good for stannching blood. The Romans believed that the ashes of a calf purified.45 They considered ashes sovran
:
24 Brand's Populer Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 13. 26 Information from Mr. J. Davidson, Iudian Civil Service. 28 Information from Dr. H. Greany.
37 Broome's Vulgar Errors, Vol. I. p. 3. Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 31. Op. cit. p. 31. 30 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 478. 31 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 51.
» Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 179. Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 114. * Op. cit. Vol. XV. pp. 373, 374.
* Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 211. 3 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
7 Information from Mr. B. B. Vakh&rkar, B.A. * Bleek's Khordah Auesta, Vol. I. pp. 46, 48. Dabiston, Vol. I. p. 831. • Dubois, Vol. II. p. 268. #1 Schuyler's Turkestan, Vol. I. p. 142.
43 Karl's Papuans, p. 38.
Op. cit. p. 97. ** Pliny's Natural History, Book III. Chap. 18.
45 Ovid's Fasti, Book IV. chap. 798.-Compate Moses giving the children of Israel the ashes of the golden call to drink ; also the ashes of the red heifer (Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 400).

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for staunching blood. The ashes of a sacred pregnant cow were preserved in the temple of Vesta at Rome, with bean stalks, as a means of expiation."
In a Russian story, cow-ashes mixed with excrement, bring good luck.7 In Russia wine and water are used in extreme unction, and incense ashes are laid with the dead." In Poland, when the white folk" tormenta sick man, a bed of pense-balm is made, a sbeet spread over it, and the patient is laid thereon. A person walks round him carrying on liis back & sieve full of ashes, and letting the ashes run out till the floor all round the bed is covered with them. The first thing next morning is to count all the lines in the ashes, and some one goes silently, greeting no one on the way, and reports the number to the wise woman, who prescribes accordingly. Spirits are believed to leave their tracks in the ashes, which are thus strewn. In France, in some religious houses, the dying breathed his last lying on ashes.60 In Roman Catholic Europe, people are marked with a cross of ashes. With asbes of palm-leaves the Roman Catholic priest signs the forebeads of his people in the form of a croBs.52 Ash-Wednesday, which is the first day of Lent, is called so from the ancient ceremony of blessing ashes on that day. 3 Ashes of box-tree leaf were used in the same way as palm ashes, and on Palm Sunday were given by the priests as an exorcism against agae and worms. In England, it was believed that any person who is to die within the year will have his footprints Iarked in ashes on St. Mark's Eve, April 25th. In England, people used to examine ashes to see the foot-prints of a future husband or wife, and ring-worm was cured by dropping ashes on the affected place.67
Beating. - Spirits foar beating. So St. Francis flogged himself to keep off the devil, 58 and Merlin ordered a weekly whipping to disenchant Dalcinea. At Tårápur, in the Konkan. in 1673, M, Dellon saw, in the cloister of the Charch of Misericordia, penitents with covered faces and bare shoalders wounding themselves with whips containing bits of iron. The practice of self-flogging for the removal of sins seems to have been introdaced into the Kônkan by the Jesuits. In 1551 a Jesait named Gaspar established a society of penitents, who, when the preacber aroused a feeling of sorrow and shame, lashed themselves with thongs, and cut themselves with iron blades till the blood flowed.
Among the Dekhan Mhârs, when a man is possessed by & spirit, and the spirit does not tell his name, the possessed man is slapped with a sboe, his fingers are pinched, and he is caned, In Sholapur, among the Lingayats, the woman who names the child has her hack beaten with gentle blows, and, among the Maógs of Sholapar, at their wedding, the bride and bridegroom beat each other on the back with a twisted waistcloth. Among the Dharwar Madbava Brabmags, when the father's sister names the child, the women of the house give her some blows on the back. In Dharwar some Brahmans, who live by begging, refuse to take alms, and threaten to curse the giver, unless he beats them. Gemelli Careri (1695) mentions that when the lower classes in Goa marry, the couple lie on a hard bed, and the kindred come and thrash them, shewing them so much of this bratal kindness that they are for a long time anfit for work.67 At the yearly festival of the goddess Dayamava in the Southern Maratha Country, one of the performers, the priest of the Pdtråj, has a long whip, which be cracks, and to which divine honours are paid. In Dharwap the pious worshippers of the goddess Dayamaya wave a lighted lamp round the goddess and beat their cheeks in token of atonement for sins.
« Gubernati's Zool. Kyth. Vol. L p. 276. 47 Op. cit., loc. cit. " Sebuyler's Turkestan, Vol. I. p. 153. 4 Grimm's Teuto. Myth. Vol. III. pp. 1165, 1163.
Dubois, VOL II. p. 263. * Chambers's Book of Days, p. 240.
Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. L p. 94. Op.cit., loc. cil * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 126.
# Chambers's Book of Days, p. 550. w Brani's Popular Antiquities, Vol. 1. p. 3. Dyer's Foll-Lore, p. 170. Moore's Fragments, p. 58. QurtRou. October 1888, p. 423.
- Portugal e os Estrangeiros, Vol. I p. 271. Bombay Guretteer, Vol. XIIL. P. 306.
Op. cit. VoL XVIII, pp. 141, 142. « Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 89. # Op. cit. Vol. IX. p. 174 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 75. - Information from Bay Bahadur Tirmalriv Venkatesh. e Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 208. • Sir W. Elliot in Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 9.
Bombay Garatter, VoL XXII. Appendix A.

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The Kirghiz of Central Asia beat a woman in child-bed, because they believe her to be possessed.70 Beating with a leather lash is a common Japanese application as a remedy for rheumatism, and to promote circulation. The Arawahs, when a man dies, cut thorny twigs and beat the body to try and bring him back.73 Carerit notices & disease in the Philippine Islands, which can be cured only by beating the patient black and blue. The South Africans have a ceremony, called sechu, in which the men beat the boys with wands, drawing blood, to harden them.74 When the king of Tahiti, on his crowning day, is bathing, the priest strikes him on the back with a sacred branch: this purifies the king from blood and other guiltiness.75
In the mysteries of Adonis, in the funeral ceremony mourners pass along the streets, scourging themselves and uttering frantic cries.76 In chivalry the knigbt struck the candidate on the neck with a sword, kissed his cheeks and forehead, and with his open palm gave him a gentle slap.77 Among the Romans, during the La percalia, matrons were lashed by the priests with leather thongs, and they became pregnant. **
When St. Teresa of Spain (1540) began to suffer from trances and fits she was said to be possessed by a devil, and Francesco Borgia, Jesuit Provincial General for Spain, advised her to scoarge herself with a whip of nettles 7" In Germany, if your milk is bewitched, whip it in a pot, or stir it with a riekle: every lash or ent makes the witch wince.80 The Duke of Carinthis, in Austria, gets a slight slap on the face from a peasant when he succeeds. In the thirteenth century the Italian sect, called the Flagellante, held that scourging was equally important as Baptism and the Sacrament. Among Roman Catholics the communicant is patted on the cheeks, and the Roman Catholic priest in the Bacrifice of the Mask on several occasions strikes his breast. Beating with nettles was, in England, considered good for consumption."
Similarly with men, dower and fruit trees and animals were whipped, if believed to be worried by spirits. The Hindus have a belief that the kadamb tree when beaten by pregnant woman with her left foot bears plenty of flowers. According to the Spanish proverb “a woman, a spaniel, and a walnut tree, the more you beat them the better they be." In Hull and York dogs are whipped once a year. 57
(To be continued.)
BULLETIN OF THE BELIGIONS OF INDIA.
BY A. BARTH OF THE INSTITUT DE VRANCE. (Translated from the French by Dr. James Morison.)
(Concluded from p. 41.) I SHALL finish this review of works on the ancient philosophy of India, by mentioning a short Jains work, the Shaddaranasamuchchsya, “the Epitome of the Six Systems," of Haribhadra, of which we have a good edition from Prof.P. L. Pallé, of Padua. Haribhadrs, who according to tradition, died in 529 A.D., but by more exact testimony lived in the ninth century, and who had several homonyms, was a Brahman converted to Jainism He is famous still as the author of 1,400 prabandhas (chapters of works), and seems to have been one of the
Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. L p. 246. 11 Silver's Japan, 12. 19 Spencer'. Principles of Beciology Vol. I. p. 168. Careri in Churchiu, Vol. IV. p. 430. * Dr. Lavingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 146. Jones' Orowns, p. 458. To Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 8.
11 Op. cit. p. 56.
* From M8. Notes. ** Quart. Rou. October 1883, p. 406.
Grimm's Tente. Myth. Vol. III. p. 1078. * Jones' Crotons, p. 899.
* Goldon Manual, p. 690. Op. cit. Pp. 280-271. * Dyer's Foll-Lore, p. 82.
* Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi, Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 80.
Op. cit. p. 104 19 In the Gior della Sociale Asiatics Hakana, L. (1887).

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first to introduce the Sanskrit language into the scholastic literature of the Svetîmbara Jains.40 By the "Six Systems" the Brahmans understand those we have just passed under review, the two Mimamsas, the Sankhya and the Yoga, the Nyâya and the Vai eshika. Haribhadra, on the other hand, if indeed the treatise be by him," expounds under this title very cortly (in 87 blokas), but quite impartially, the essential principles of the Baddhists, the Jainas, the followers of the Nyaya, the Sankhya, the Vaiseshika, and the Mimamsa. He thus selected his own school and those with whom the Jainas have bad the closest affinities, and puts them in between the schools of their greatest enemies, the Buddhists and the ritualists of the school of Jaimini. These last he couples with the Lokayatikas, the atheistic materialists, not simply from sectarian fanaticism and on his own judgment, but following an opinion that was then prevalent even among the Brahmans.
The bridge between speculation on the one hand, and ritual and custom on the other, is not so long in India as it is with us. Both disciplines make the claim to be founded on the Veda, with nearly the same justice in either case. On the Srauta Sátras, the texts which den! with the great solemn sacrifices, notices have been given above, under the Vedas to which they are connected. I have only now to mention, under this head, two works which have as their aim to comparative stndy of single points of this ritual according to the texts as a whole. Professor Hillebrandt, who takes up a clue, which he has followed before, has looked out for the traces, which the ancient festirals at the solstices have left in certain grent ceremonies of Brahmanism, the Sattras. These festivals must have been common to the Indo-European peoples, and this primitive community of origin may yet be discovered in several characteristic points where Germanic and Slavonie usages appear to coincide with Brahmanic prescriptions, As & general proposition Prof. Hillebrandt's argument is quite worthy of acceptance. It may very well be that the Brahmans have embodied ancient popular solemnities of this kind with their cyclic ceremonies, whatever doubt we may have as to the more theoretic than real existence of these long ceremonies. But, in detail, we think he has gone too far, and that we will do well to bear in mind the strictures passed in the Revue de l'histoire des Religions t3 by M. Sabbathier on some points of his theory. Apart from this theory, Prof. Hillebrandt's essay abounds in details of every kind on the constitution of the ancient ritual of the Brahman. Fuller still, and completer, but giving less room for hypothesis, is the monograph of Prof. Weber on the VAjapeya, a ceremony which included games, chariot races, and the drinking of surá, a highly intoxicating beverage, which even the highly developed ritual ordinauces were obliged to retain on this occasion, in spite of its prejudice in favour of temperance. Here, agnin, we have to do with a popular custom admitted into and modified by the sacerdotal Sástra, and Prof. Weber bas aulinirably shewn, how, from being a festival originally accompanying the election of a chief, it has finally become simply one of the forms of the soma sacrifice.
Under the rubric of domestic ritual and customary law, I must mention, first of all, the new edition of the DharmasQtrs of Åpastamba15 by Prof. Bühler, and that of the Gribya Satra of Hira yakoki, 46 by his pupil Prof. Kirste, These two works are a part of the stras of two very
10 On Haribhadra see Zeitschrift der den schen morgenländischen Gesellachaft, XLVI. (1892). p. 582.
41 The Shardariananas imchchaya of Haribhadra Súri, mentioned in the vijayana of the Vaideshikadardna (Benares Sai skpit Series, p. 13), seems to be a different work.
# Alfred Hillebrandt, Die Sonu mendfeste in All-Indien. Eine Untersuchu.g, Erlangen, 1889. 43 Tome XXIII. p. 221. ++ Albrecht Weber, Ueber den Vijapeya, from the Sitrungaberichte of the Berlin Academy, July 1892. Professor
axh to honour me by dedicating this essay to me, for which I beg to tender him this public expression of my warmest thanks.
45 G. Bubler, Aphorisms on the Sacred Law of the Hindur by A pastamba, alited with Eetracts from the Com. mentary, Second edition, revised, Part I. containity the Tazt, with critical Notes. an Indee of the Stras and the Various Readings of the Hiranyakati-Dharmastra, Bombay, 1892, forming No. XLIV. of the Bombay Sanskrit Series. The first edition appeared 1868-1871.
4* J. Kirate, The Grihyastra of Hiranya kesin, with Extracts from the Commentary of Mitridatta, Vienna, 1889, published by the Academy of Sciences of Vienna. Compare, by the same editor, Ein Gra..tha-Manuaript des Hiranya ketigrihyasatra in the Sitzungsberichte of the Academy of Vienne, 1691..

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nearly allied schools connected with the Black Yajus of the Taittiriyas. Large parts of their sátras are common. By noting the variants, for example, Prof. Bühler has been able to make his edition of the dharmasritra of the one school at the same time serve as an edition of that of the other school. In his preface the reader will find new information as to important readings in the text of  pastamba and the commentaries. To these texts may be added the Karmapradipa, the first chapter of which Dr. Schrader has published and translated. 47 This is a Griya ritual in general, but following more particularly the sutra of Gobhila (Samaveda), though it has also been assigned to the Rik and more especially to the White Yajus. It has even been attributed to Katyayana, the author of the Srautasiltrus of that Veda. Dr. Knager had before supplied some useful information on this treatise, and it seems to be older than the supplement to the sútras of Gobhila mentioned above.
Professor Oldenberg hes published a second volume of his translation into English of the Grihyasútras, containing Gobhila, Hiranya kesin, and A pastamba. The collection now embraces all the texts that have been published, and the translator bas been in a position to add his general introduction. Up to the end of his task the translator has managed to combine exactness, completeness, and, what is more, originality in a theme that has been so often treated before. In the introdaction, for instance, the reader will hardly find a single instance of mere repetition of old facte, and yet no essential point has been omitted, and though in his results the author arrives at the same conclusions as his predecessors he has done so by his own methods. For example, by examining the metre, he has been enabled to fix precisely in a novel and ingenious manner the place of these sritras in Vedic literature. The practices which they prescribe are, in grent part, clearly of very great antiquity, since we meet with them in many instances and with striking resemblances in their details among other Indo-European peoples. Several of them are mentioned even in the Brahmanas. But, before these stras, there were no hand-books for this part of the ritual, as there were for the more complicated ritual of the great sacrifices. Till then these nsages had been handed down by tradition, not by formal instruction. In other terms, the Griyasútras are smartas not árurtas, and deal with custom and not with doctrine. A very complete synoptical table of the subjects treated of in these texts is added to the volume, which ends with the translation of the Yajnaparibhdshisútras of Åpastam ba made by Prof. M. Müller and mentioned before. Drs. Caland and Winternitz deal with special points of this ritual, the former with the worship of the dead, and the other with the marriage ceremonies,50 and they have studied them from the comparative point of view, by bringing them into connexion with analogous customs which have been observed among other peoples. Professor Kirste has also made a comparative study of one of these points, by putting the ceremony of shaving the head of children among the Hindus alongside of a very similar practice still observed by the South Slavonic nationalities. The resemblance may be close, but I doubt if the explanation of the asage proposed by Prof. Kirste is convincing.
+ Friedrich Schrader, Der Karmapradipo, I. Prapathaka mit Auszügen aus dem Kommentare des Asůrka, her. ausgegeben tud überautzt. Halle, 1889.
43 Hermann Oldenberg, The Grihya-sútras, Rules of Velic Domestic Ceremonies, translated, Purt II. Gobhila, Hiranyake ire, Apastomba. Yajiaparibhaahd-sitrus, translatoul by F. Max Miller, Oxford, 1892, forming Vol. XXX. of the Sacrel Books of the East.
w. (aland, Uber Totenverehrung bei einigen der Indo-germanischen Völker, Amsterdam, 1888, in the Proceed. ing of the Academy of Amsterdam. Cf. M. Winternits, Notes on Sraddhas and Ancestral Worship among the IndoEiropea ratione, In Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde die Morgenlander, IV. (1890) p. 199. The dissertntion of Prof. Kaegi, Thin Norwahl bei den Oxtariern, Kulturhistoriche Auslekten, from the Philologische Abhanullweger für Heinrich Schweiser. Sidlor, 1892, boars also in great part on the comparative study of funeral ages.
0 M. Winternita. Dar altidiscbe Hochzeitsrituell nach dem Apontambiya-Grily aitra, und einigen anderen verioandten Werken. Mit Vergleichung der Hochzeitsgebräuche bei den abrigen Indogermanischen Völkern, Vienna, 1892, in the Denkschriften of the Academy of Vienna. Compare by the fame autbor, A Comparative Study of indo European Customs, with special reference to the Marriage Customs in the Transactions of the International Folk.lore Congress, 1891, London, 1892.
51 J. Kirste, Indogermanische Gebrünche beim Haarschneiden in the Analecta Graecensia, Festa'rift zum 12. Philologentage in Wien 1898.

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He connects it with the ancient worsbip of trees and plants, which recording to him are represented in this case by the hair, and refers us to the prophetic ship Argo and the oaks of Dodona. The late Mr. Wilken, 62 who gave very ingenious explanations of most of these ancient usages, and who also wrote a dissertation on the practice of offering up the hair, more correctly looked on it as possibly a symbolic sacrifice, a kind of ransom for the individual whose hair was cut off. On another practice of the domestic ritual, "the Serpent-offering," Dr. Winternitz does not go beyond India, but compares the past with the present and shews how the same customs or others very similar have been preserved down to our own days. Lastly, a native medical man in the British service, Mr. Gupta, has made a study of ancient Hindu law, from the social and sanitary point of view. A very different branch of learning, which we should certainly not have to mention in this connexion in the case of any other country, the ars amatoria, is in India one of the recognized parts of the Smriti. Like the rest it again goes back to a sutra very closely allied both in form and matter with the dharma and grikya sitros, with which it has several chapters in common, sometimes nearly identical in terms, vis., those which deal with the conditions and forms of marriage. So far, it is a sústra quite as much as the others, proclaiming, as they do, the dharma. Otherwise the book is inconceivably filthy, bnt replete with curious details for the history of manners and customs. It has been edited with the commentary of Yasodhara, by the late Pandit Durgaprasada, for private circulation only, although apart from this purely formal announcement, it does not contain a word of English,65 It has been also translated into French (a previous English translation is anonymous) from some source, probably a modern version got in India, but certainly not from the Sansksit text, which it does not follow, even in its arrangement.58 It can be of no value as an archæological document, and as the author has seen fit to add all sorts of dirt gathered from Western literature, it must be classed simply among books of pornography.
From these ancient sitras and other similar writings the entire legal literature has taken its rise.- in the first place the dharmasástras properly so called, then the commentaries on these, and the more systematic trentises which explnin some particular department or which extend over the whole field of law, and compare the authorities, and discuss the pros and cons in single cases, and settle the differences of opinion according to the rules of the dialectic of the Mimarisa. Our thanks are due to M. Strehly for giving as a new translation in French of the Code of Manu, 57 that of Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, the only good one, which dates from 1833, being long out of print and approenrable. The bibliography, which M. Strehly hns given, is insufficient it should either have been left out altogether or treated more fully, and there are a few slight oversights in the preface which might be removed, but the translation itself, in which the author has used the help of the best authorities, is executed with care, and is trustworthy. The notes, which are drawn up with much judgment, give all information necessary for a reader who may be unfamiliar with things Indian. The collection of extracts from the principal commentaries on Manu, which Prof. Jolly had began in the Bibliotheca Indica, had to be stopped after the third part, 68 these texts having meanwhile been published in extenso, but not
This untiring and careful worker, whose works on the populations of the Indian Arohipelago, bave been mentioned more than once in these Reports, died Ang. 27th, 1891, at the age of forty-four.
M. Winternit: Der Sarpabali, in altindischer Schlangencult in the Mitteilungen of the Anthropological Society of Vienna, Vol. XVIII. (1838).
" B. P. Gupta, Surgeon. Major, Sanitary and Social Rules in the Sastras in the Calcutta Review, July 1889.
Sri Vatryayana-praņitam Kimasútram, Yalodhara-virachitayd Jayumangaldkhyayd kryá samstam, Bombay, 1891.
56 Théologie hindoue. Le Kanadoutra, règles de l'amour de Vatryâyana (moralo dos brahmance) traduit par E. Lamairesc, Paris, 1891. I do not know the translation of the Prom Sagar by the same author, and cannot tell which of the numerous versions of this recast of the tenth book of the Bhagavata Purina it reproduces,
BT G. Strehly, Minana dharmosostra. Les lois de Manou, traduites du sanskrit, Paris, 1893, forming Vol. II. of the Bibliothèque d'études des Annales du Musée Guimet.
# Julius Jolly, Manufkasangr ha, being a series of copiou extracts from six unpublished Commentaries of the Code of Marx, Caloutta, 1885-90.

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with all the correctness desirable, in the large edition of Manu by the late Visvanatha Narayana Mandlik. The extracts extend to the end of Book III. We have also from the same scholar a translation of the codes of Narada and of Brihaspati.59 The translation of Narada is made from the fuller text edited by Prof. Jolly in the Bibliotheca Indica, and for this reason, and because of the numerous improvements in detail, it is much superior to his earlier version of 1876. The translation includes also the fragments quoted from Narada, but not found in the printed texts; these Prof. Jolly has collected carefully from the whole of the legal literature. The code of Brihaspati, which seemed to have perished, bas heen completely restored by the help of considerable fragments which have survived in quotation. Professor Jolly has also done the same for another lost law-book, that of Harita, the section of which devoted to civil procedure he has endeavoured to reconstruct. To the same class of works belongs the Smriti of Parâsara, which is in course of publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, along with the commentary of Madhavacharya.62 Through this commentary, this Smriti has points of contact with the following compilations, which form a part of the same collection, the Chaturvargachintamani of Hemadri62 and the Madanapúrijáta of Visveśvara (XIV. Cent.),63 with the difference, which is more apparent than real, that these latter do not adhere to any one particular text. Lastly, useful investigations on various points of the theory and history of Indian law will be found in a series of articles published by Prof. Jolly, in the Zeitschrift of the German Oriental Society: on the “ price of blood," on polyandry, and on the mode of procedure before Hindu tribunals, on the law manuscripts of the India Office, with reference to Prof. Eggeling's Catalogue,65 on infant mar. riages and the controversy which that grave question gives rise to in India.66
The whole of this literature, both legal and customary, might have been lost, but we shonld Atill have been able to recover the substance of it, --- in confusion it is true and with peculiar additions, - in the enormous compilation which finally gave shelter to all the reminiscences of the old epic legends of India. I have before mentioned the investigations of Prof. Weber with regard to the difficult question of the relation of the Veda to these legends. As to the long poem in which these traditions are summed up, the Mahabharata, it is well-known that it is being translated into English, thanks to the perseverance of Prat&pa Chandra Ray.67 The translation, which is now at its 78th part, contains four-fifths of the whole and has reached verse 12553 of the XIIth book, in the Calcutta edition. I shall not dwell again on the great sacrifices which the generous Hindu continues to make in order to bring his huge patriotic enterprise to completion. I shall only add that, thanks to the experience he has gained, the work of translation has continued to increase in exactness, and that no effort has been spared to remove from it the shortcomings observable at the commencement, and I shall express once again the hope that France will not be the last to respond to the appeals of the author, and take part in his unselfish undertaking.68 I know only portions of a series of studies published in the Muséon, 69 by Abbé Roussel on the theology
So J. Jolly, The Minor Law-Books, translated. Part I. Nárada. Bhasputi, Oxford, 1889, Vol. XXXIII. of the Sacred Books of the East.
6 J. Jolly, Der Vyavaharadhyaya au Haritas Dharmasastra, nach Citaten fusammengestellt, in the Abhandlungen of the Bavarian Academy.
61 Pandit Chandrakanta TarkAlankara, Pardáara Smriti, Vols. I. II. & III., Parts i.-iii. Calcutta, 1883-1891.
62 Pandita Bharatachandra Siromani, Yajñeávara Smritiratna, and KAmAkhy Antha Tarkaratna, Chaturvargachintamani by Hemddri. Vols. I.; II. i. : II. ii. ; III. i. ; III. ii.. Parte i.-iv. 1873. Others have appeared, but I have not seen them.
6s Pandit Madhusudana Smritiratna, The Madana Pirijátı, edited. Parts i.-viii. Calcutta, 1887-1890.
64 J. Jolly, Beiträge zu indischen Rechtsgeschichte 1. Zeitschrift der deutscher morgerländischen Gesellschoft, XLIV. (1890) p. 839. 65 J. Jolly, ibid. XLVI. (1892) p. 269.
66 J. Jolly, ibid. p. 413. 67 Pratapa Chandra Ray, The Mahabharata of Krishna-Dvaipayana Vydsa, translated into English prose. Published and distributed chiefly gratis, Parts I.-LXXVIII. Calcutta, 1883-1892.
The subscription for the Mahabharata, Sanskrit text (complete), is eight rupees, not including postage; for the English translation it is £6, or in special cases £3-10s. including postage; from Pratap Chandra Ray, 1, Raja Gooroo Dass' Street, Caloutta (British India).
« Le Muston. Revue internationale, Louvain, 1882, ff.

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of the Mahabharata.70 They are judicious and shew attentive reading. But, as was to be expected, what is presented is only the general system of Hindu thought, and as the author enters into details and analyses large portions of the poem, it is hard to see where he means to stop. It would have been a more usefal, if a much more delicate, task to look in the poem for traces of some doctrine, if not special to the work, at least more characteristic of it, by disregarding what is common to it and other works. Professor Holtzmann has again dealt with the views expressed before by him on the origin and varied history of the Mahabharata, and has extended and defined them more exactly.71 He has turned his essay into a volume, and his views have not gained in weight thereby. The book abounds in facts and observations which are sound and interesting, for the author has a wide acquaintance with literature and knows the Mahabharata thoroughly. But his theory, which is in itself erroneous7 has become quite inadmissible in its new and more definite shape. It is well-known that in Prof. Holtzmann's eyes, the original poem was composed in the third century before our era at the court of Asoka ; that its spirit was warlike and chivalrous, and Buddhistic to boot; that its heroes were the chiefs of the conquered side, Karna, Duryodhana, and his brothers; that the Brahmans, when they took possession of it, turned it, without complete success, into a glorification of the victorious side, the Pandavas, and a condemnation of Buddhism, cunningly disguised by them in the garb of a religious belief which was closely related to Buddhism, and which was held in equal detestation by them, viz., Saivism ; that later on, in a series of fresh alterations, they tried to remove all traces of that hostility to Saivism, with which in the meanwhile they had become reconciled; lastly that by successive additions, they had turned the poem into an encyclopedia of their eclectic doctrines. All of this theory is little in harmony with the ascertained features of the religious, literary and linguistic history of India. By trying to fix precisely the periods of these various remodellings which, according to him, did not reach completion till the thirteenth or fourteenth century, Prof. Holtzmann has ended by ruining his own theory. It has been pointed out, first by Prof. Jacobia and then by Profs. Bühler and Kirste,74 that at the middle of the fifth century the poem contained 100,000 verses; that even at this period and certainly in the seventh century, it was considered as a work of authoritative teaching, a smriti, and that it had the character and validity of a dharmasastra, which, according to the theory of Prof. Holtzmann, it had acquired only from the tenth to the twelfth century onwards; that, starting from the seventh century, we have a whole series of evidence which does not allow us to assume the extensive alterations demanded by this theory; that, lastly, in the first half of tbe eleventh century Alberůni and Kshemendra knew the poem in nearly the form in which we have it. For the rest, there are in Prof. Holtzmann's book many observations on special points, which make the absence of an index a matter of regret. As to his theory of the formation of the Mahabhárata, it is overthrown utterly.
What Prof. Holtzmann has done for the Mahabharata, Prof. Jacobi has done, but with a quite contrary aim, for the other great Indian epic, the Ramayana; the former has tried to make out the Mahabharata to be later than it really is, the latter has tried to shew that the Ramayana is older than was supposed,76 He rejects the first and last books, curtailments on
70 Les die de l'Inde brahmanique d' après l' Adi Purvan. Brudes de religion hindoue. L'homme d'après l' Adi-Parvan; from the Muséon, 1892.
11 Adolf Holtzmann, Zur Geschichte und Kritik des Mahabharata, Kiel, 1892. T2 CF, Revue Critique, January 1st, 1883.
18 In the Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1st August 1892. 74 George Bühler and J. Kirste, Indian Studies No. II. Contributions to the History of the Mahabharata, in the Sitrungsberichte of the Academy of Vienna, 1892. Compare further an article of M. Sylvain Lévi, in the Revue Critique, 10th April 1893. Prof. Bühler's essay forms, as it were, & second part of a previous work of the same scholar, in which he proves, by the testimony of the inscriptions, that the so-called classical poetry with all its refinements, is very much older in India than recept theories are inclined to admit, Die indischen Inschriften und das Alter der indischen Kunstpoesie, in the Sitzungaberichte of the Academy of Vienna, 1890.
76 Hermann Jacobi, Das Ramayana. Geschichte und Inhalt, nebet Concordank der gedruckten Recensionen, Bonn, 1893. Cf. an article by M. V. Henry in the Redtle Critique, 1st May 1893.

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which most critics have long been at one. In the body of the work he makes other excisions for which he gives his justifications, and in many cases with absolute conviction to the mind of the reader. By this means he obtains a poem of moderate dimensions, in which Rama is not yet identified with the supreme being, in which neither Yavanas nor Sakas make their appearance, in which the Zodiac is not mentioned, where, on the contrary, everything squares76 with what we can learn of pre-buddhistic India, and of the religious, political and social condition of the Gangetic peoples, the Kosalas and Videhas, of the fifth and seventh centuries before our era, the period at which the original poem must have been composed at the court of the descendants of Iksh vâku at Ayodhya. The whole discussion is carried out, both in its main outlines and in its details, in an orderly manner, without confusion or undue haste, and in a clear, precise and well written style; the chief thesis is accompanied by a mass of subordinate investigations which are attractive and correct, and are never merely digressions. I should like to be able to reproduce all of these here.77 But I am not convinced of the truth of his main position. In the previous Report,78 I indicated briefly that I could not agree with the conclusions of Prof. Jacobi in the form in which they were first laid before us, for, like Prof. Holtzmann's book, this work is the expansion of an earlier essay. I must, therefore, state, so far as the space at my command will permit me, why I cannot accept them in their new form.
On p. 62 Prof. Jacobi asks who the “investigator " is who has suggested the unfortunate hypothesis that the Sanskpit epic might be a reproduction of a Praksit original, and calls on him to furnish the proof. I am afraid I am the guilty person.7" As to "proof,” strictly speaking I confess I have none, for I always try at least to be careful in the application of that expression. But there are some probabilities in its favoar which seem to me to admit of discussion. I believe that the Hindu epic is ancient, as ancient in its origin as the earliest traditions of the nation; that for a long time it was national and popular in the real sense of the word ; that to be so it must have been understood by the people and recited in their own language; that lastly it was put into Sanskrit only at the period where we see the traces of a secular Sanskrit literature make their appearance, about the beginning of our era, a hundred years one way or the other being of no importance. By going back seven centuries Prof. Jacobi escapes the objection that Sauskřit was not employed then, just as he escapes all the direct arguments which have destroyed Prof. Holtzmann's theory. Bat, after the poem was once composed, how are we to think it was handed about ? Wandering singers," rhapsodes " we may call them, the kus la vas, must have carried it from tribe to tribe, from one small town to another, at assemblies of the people and festivities of the rájas. But to whom could they have recited a poem like this in Sanskrit, when for centuries Prakpit only was spoken, when Prakṣit was the language of the courts and of government, when the inscriptions shew us the officials trying to imitate as well as they could the forms of the sacred language, which no doubt existed and was regarded with great veneration, but was confined in use to special purposes, and was likely cultivated only in the schools of the Brahmans? Professor Jacobi himself admits that the poem was for a long while handed down orally, and would those who thus transmitted it, who added to it and altered it ceaselessly in order to keep it to a certain degree in touch with the ideas of the day, have neglected to follow the current of things in one point only and that the essential one of language, at the risk of failing to be understood? We do not see what could have led to this invasion of the profane literature by the Sanskrit. Reasons of a religious nature, perhaps, too, of a political nature, may have had their share in this. But the fact remains, though not proved in all details, yet to my mind execedingly probable. The inscriptions on the monuments shew it to us in its gradual advance, as the investigations of M. Senart and Prof. Böhler have established so clearly; and the late M. Gustave Garrez
16 Bven the mention of two eclipses which Prof. Jacobi has calculated, but he does lay much stress on them.
1 I shall mention only us specimen of these, what he myson . 60 on Bivim and Vaishnavism, and the altertions with sectarian tendency of which the Brakmans have been so often falsely accused, as well as his refuta tion, on p. 84, of the theory of primitive Buddhistic Rings Tome XIX p. 16.
* Bee Revia Critique, 5th April 1886.

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proved long ago in the case of the lyric poetry. The literature of the fables and the Praksid of the dramas teach us the same lesson, that all the popular literature of India, with the exception of course of the sacred and scholastic literature of the Brahmans, began with the Prakrit and ended with the Saiisksit. In the first centuries of our era, the Buddhists themselves had to follow the general current and use Sanskrit for everything, even for their canonical books. The epic poetry alone would, on this supposition, have continued in vogue without sharing in the movement. I cannot believe this, and the whole argumentation of Prof. Jacobi, however well connected and sound as it may be in many points, is not sufficient to convince me. I would, by no means, deny the antiquity of the orignial poem, nor the marks of archaism which it exhibits, and I accept with confidence the greater part of the interpolations which he proves to exist in it. What I cannot accept is the uninterrupted oral and popalar transmission of the Sanskțit poem with its learned language and form from the seventh century before our era, when from the fourth century Sansk șit was as little spoken in the valley of the Ganges as it is now. I must add that this theory of the Sanskrit origin of the Rámdyana by no means takes up the whole of Prof. Jacobi's book. It contains further a careful comparison, I should rather say a statistical table, of the various recensions of the poem, and a very complete analysis of the contents. The whole is connected together by capital indexes, which render the book an indis pensible help for investigation of the whole subject.
I shall close this review of the works which bear on the ancient Brahmanic systern by mentioning a native publication intended to be a summary of the whole; the Aryadharmaprakasika, "the Explanation of Law," by Mandikal Ramakstrin, Principal of the Royal College of Mysore. So The work keeps in view the needs of scholastic instruction in the territories of the Maharaja of Mysore, and is a kind of explanatory, historical, and in the main practical, Catechism of Brahmanism. In 162 pages the author expounds in succession the four chief aims of life, the dharma, artha, kama and moksha; the duties of active life, both those which are common and those which belong to the various classes, men, women, castes and stages of life; the retired and meditative life, which gives occasion to pass in review the different philosophical and religions systems, including those of the Buddhists and Jainas, according to the sub-divisions made by the Brahmanic school when these latter sects are dealt with; the theory of the creation and destruction of the universe; the rules of religious piety and the means by which men may attain to the yoga, or communion with God, according to the different schools of the Vedanta and finally the doctrine of the final reward of works. All this is put before us mostly in the very terms of the most authoritative books, the sutras of the Vedánta and the Mimánsá, Manu, the Dhagavatgita, the Bhagavata-Purána, etc. The author does little else than arrange the quotations from these works in dae order, and explain and connect them. The selection of course is his own, and in this it is curious to notice his carefulness. As much as possible he has taken pains to give only what is good in itself, and wherever he has been obliged, in order not to break with the orthodox tradition, to give admittance to statements which are hard to defend, he is skilled in excasing and softening them down. For example, when, in the course of bis exposition, he has to face the question of the caste system, he accepts it without hesitation and quotes the prescriptions of Mana; but he is careful, in his commentary, to set it forth as an institution highly aseful and salutary for the individual and the community, and champions it as no writer would have done from the orthodox standpoint in Sansksit for the last fifty years. The book, which does honour to the directors of public instruction in Mysore, and whose author bas probably no great command over English, since he corresponds in Sanskrit, is then, in its way, a sign of the times. It shews how deeply the ideas of humanity, of justice, of reason, of a high standard of morality, which, in spite of many fine maxims in the
- Aryadharma praktika, dryamatatativasjño nuandndm wpayogaya frfman Mahiramaharaja-Kamardjendr nujñaya frutiamsityadyarthan sathgrihya Mahsurapurasthita-86raduildsapathasiddhyakshema Mandikal-Ráme sestrind virachita, Mysore, 1890.

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native literature, are here the fruit of Western civilization, have made their way into the most orthodox circles. There is going on in India side by side with, and bearing on, this ancient Brahmanical tradition a two fold kind of activity. On the one hand criticism and archæology are ceaselessly and remorselessly exploring it; on the other hand more and more orthodox scholars are endeavouring to revive it, and this task is one of reforia and purification. Amid the crowd of innovations which are invading India, many things which were believed to be dead for ever have been again called into life. The different branches of the Brahmasamaj combine the old eclectic theology with Positivism or Anglican piety. Others, again, are striving to revive Buddhism and they will doubtless succeed to a certain extent. Theosophists, occultists, and spiritists abound, all appealing to ancient tradition and all with an eye on practical life. It would be strange if only the genuine inheritors of that tradition should remain inactive amidst all the clamour around them, and should not hope to re-vivify that tradition, too, in an effectual way, with due regard of course to the needs of the age. And indeed they do not. To the samájas of their neighbours they set ap in opposition other sa májas of their own, Like them they have their own means of spreading their beliefs. I have spoken before of the Ushá and its editor Satyavrata Samaíramin. The prevailing note of his articles is that of the preacher and spiritual guide. The worthy translator of the Mahálkúrata, Pratápa Chandra Rây, is ambitious, not only to accomplish a literary task, but still more one of regeneration and social reform. In the past the defenders of orthodoxy fought by preference with the traditional weapons of Hinda polemics. They have had to exchange these for others which are more powerful. The Calcutta Reviero, the Asiatic Quarterly and other periodicals number more than one of these ortbodox Hindas among their writers, and quite recently their doctrines have gained a new organ, the Hindu Magazine.81 The sect, if we may give it this name, is by its descent an aristocracy, and has the distinguishing marks of one, reserve and dignity. We rarely meet in its publications with the truisms or empty pretence, which sometimes disfigure those of its rivals.
NARSINH MEHETANUN MAMERUN. A POEM BY PREMANAND, TRANSLATED FROM THE GUJARATI WITH NOTEB,
BY MRS. P. J. KABRAJI (Née PUTLIBAI D. A. WADIA).
Introduction. The poem forming the subject of this paper was composed by the Gujarati poet Prêmanand in St. 1739. It is a beautiful descriptive poem and illustrates an incident in the life of Narsińh Mahots, also a celebrated poet, and likewise an exponent of the Vaishnava theory. This incident was the occasion of the simant (or celebration of the 7th month in pregnancy) of his daughtor Kurvarbat. The extravagance of high-caste Hindus on weddings and kindred occasions is proverbial, and it is generally known that if a girl's father is too poor to provide all the customary gifts be owes to his relatives and custe-people on auch occasions, he either goes into debt or very nearly dies of mortification. Narsinh was called upon to provide all the usual gifts due from him to the parents of his daughter's husband and his sisters and brothers at the ceremony, and as he was only a poor ascetic and lived by begging, his enemies and opponents, as well as the prejudiced populace, were curious to see how he would face that demand. But it is related that, being a devoted servant of Vishnu and under bis special protection, Narsinh had no fears himsell. He trusted to the god to provide all the necessary articles, as be had received a promise from him to help him in his emergency, and he enjoined his daughter to make a list of all the things, just as her parents-in-law might dictate. Now the elder relatives of bridegrooms are amongst these people held to be covetous and exacting, always ready to fleece the “poor luckless father
- Edited by Amrita Lal Roy, Calcutta. The first number appeared in September, 1891.

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of daughters," and Kuivarbái's husband's grandmother, in order to bring ridicule on Narsinh and his order, made such an exborbitant demand on his resources that no man, however rich, could comply with it. But Narsinh called on Vishğu to make good his promise and help him in this emergency, and it is said that Vishņu promptly rushed to his assistance in the guise of a merchant with bundles of rich clothes and so on, and distributed them amongst all the relatives, domestic servants, etc., of Narsinl's daughter. This greatly surprised the Nagars and other non-believers, and they were thenceforth convinced of the truth of Narsióh's teaching, Since then the Mamērun of Narsinh mehta has become a household word in Gujarat, poor parents of daughters comforting themselves by recounting the trials and threatened bumiliation of that famous devotee, and his subsequent success through the intercession of Vishņu.
A short sketch of Narsiüh's life will be useful. Narsińh was born of poor, but respectable, parents at Junagadh in St. 1471. His father's name was Krishna Damodar, and his grandfather was Vishnudas. They were Nagar Brahmans and worshipped Siv& while his mother had faith in Vishnu, and Narsiñh imbibed the first truths of that doctrine at her knee. There are two different classes of Brahmaņs, beggurs and gentlemen, and Narsinh belonged to this latter class. There is no record of Gujarat having produced any poet before Narsish, nor was there any exponent there of the Vaishnava theory preceding
him.
Narsinh was sent to school when a mere lad, but he made a bad scholar, and idled away his time in the company of sádhus and wannyásís outside the gates of Girnar. He was left an orphan while yet a child, and was dependant on his paternal uncle, till he reached man's estate and was married. But even after marriage he did not exert himself to earn his living, and would go about "dancing and playing on musical instruments like a woman," as the Någars put it, and spend weeks together with the sådhus without thinking of returning home. At this his wife's parents became uneasy about the fate of their daughter, and complained so bitterly that his uncle thought fit to rebuke Narsiúh one day for his desultory habits; and his sister-in-law" (wife of his cousin), a somewhat sharp-tongued young woman, made some very cutting remarks on the subject, which touched Narsióh to the quick and drove him in distress to his sádhu friends, who persuaded him to renounce all home-ties and join their order. So Narsiüh turned his back upon Junagadh altogether and went and lived as a devotee at a temple on the seashore, and absorbed himself in the service of Siva. It is believed that gratified by his fasts and prayers, the god became visible to him and bore him with him to Vaikunth (Paradise), “where the god Krishna dances eternally with the gópís." Siva recommended Narsinh to the favour of Kțishna, and Krishņa bade him sing of his sportive circle and "made bis language pare," and "increased his talent for devotional poetry infinitely."
Thenceforward Narsish devoted himself to the service of Vishạn, or Krishna, and composed good many poetical works on the Vaishnava calt. His poetry is full of love and romance, and Krishqa's birth in this world, his residence with the gopikás in Vundrawaņ, and his amorous sports with them provided an endless theme for the exercise of his talent. Narsinh made a lakh and a quarter of couplets, but some writers ascribe 25,000 of them to his son's widow, Surtona, a lady of talent and virtue.
All his life long Narsióh was subjected to ridicule and persecution by the Nagar Brahmars, and once he was called upon to prove the truth of his doctrine by openly discussing it with the Nagars. The poet did so, and was successful, and it is believed that, to accentuate his utterances, the god Vishğu himself appeared amidst the assemblage and threw a garland round his neck, in acknowledgment of his services !
Narainh died in St. 1587 in the sixty-sixth year of his life. His followers have raised an idol to his memory at Junagadh, which is still worshipped by the Vaishnavas. Ap idol has also been set up to the memory of his daughter Kuivarbål at Dwarka, and is worshipped to this day.

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Narsinh has always been a most popular poet. His verses, which are compositions set to different tunes in music, are univerisally sung throughout Gujarat. In fact they are the love-songs of the people, men and women giving vent to their own emotions in the words of this poet. His style, it may be observed, is simple yet effective, with here and there good word-pictures but hardly any metaphor. He inculcates a sound morality and faith in the deity. But his chief charm lies in the simplicity of his composition. His name is a household word in Gujarat to this day, and the following poem of Prêmânand on the subject of his daughter's mámérún, or maternity gifts, has never lost its interest for the people.
Translation. Canto I.
Prelude. May I always invoke with ease the aid of Sri Guru Gaộpati and Sarda, For it is the desire of my heart to sing of the mámérů js of Narsinh Mêhêtâ. I hope to compose a poem on the maternity gifts provided by the Mêbêtå. Narsinh Mêhêtî was a pious Brahman and lived in Junagadh. 5 His brother's wife spoke a (harsh) word to him which angered him.
(So) he renounced all home-ties and went to the woods to worship as an ascetic. In that wilderness he saw a temple and the adorable symbol of Siva. Narsinh worshipped it with earnestness in his heart.
The Mêhêtâ made seven fasts and then Sri Mabadêvab was propitiated. 10 The symbol shone like Kamala and instantly the god became visible,
With his wife Umiya, white as camphor, held on his left side, Jánbvi 7 adorning his matted locks and his brow glistening like the moon, The necklace of heads (thrown round his neck), serpents10 adorning him and tiger skins11
lendirg beauty to the wholo). Amidst a peal of horns and conch-shells and dánkia and dámrals (and such other musical
instruments), the great god barst upon the sight of Narsinh Mêbêtâ, 15 Narsinh approached and fell at his feet; When placing his hand on his head, said the husband of Umiya: "Ask, ask a boon, I am
pleased with thee." The Mêhêtâ said :-"But one prayer I ask of you, Mahadevji, "Now that I have cast my eyes on you, let me behold Vishņu."
“Well done, well done, Sadhu,"14 said Siva, “thy faith is sincere." 20 (So) he took him with him to the eternal Vraj, 15 where Hari16 is engaged in his dance.
Refrain How will ye poets describe the beauty of the dancing circle ? By the grace of 'Sri Hari, Narsinh has gained the object of his life.
1 The God of Wisdom and remover of obstacles; hence he is invoked and propitiated at the commencement of every literary undertaking.
The Goddess of Knowledge, also called Sarasvatt.
The word mdmsrin, or môáalar, implies all such gifts as come from the mother's side; hence all that father gives to his daughter, or a brother to his sister, or a maternal grandfather to his grandchildren, is called mamdrin. The young wife, when about to become a mother, expects her parents to give gifts of money or clothes to all her husband's relatives, and throughout this poem the word mdmran implies those gifts. See the Introduction,
A name of Siva. • The Goddess of Wealth - Lakshmi.
Another name for the river Gang (Ghanges). 5, 10, 11 Siva is represented wearing serpents round his head, and a necklace of skulls round his neck; his matted hair is gathered up into a coil over his head, on which is symbol of the river Janhvt, which he caught Mit fell from heaven. His garment is the skin of a tiger, or deer, or elephant.
13. 15 Certain musical instruments carried by Biva. 1 A pious man, a devotee. The paradise of Vishna. Another name for Vishnu, signifying god.'

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Text.
उपवास सात मेहेताए करीमा तव रीज्या श्रीमहादेव.
10 कमळनी पेरे लींग प्रकाशं प्रभु प्रकत थया ततखेव. नरसींह मेहेतानुं मामेरुं.
करपुर गैर सरस सोभा धर्थी उमियां डावे पास.
बीराजे झठामा जान्हवी ने नीलवट चंद्र प्रकाश. कडवू १ लु.
छरेडमाळा सर्पभुषण राजे वाघांबर चर्म. राग आसावरी."
वाजे डांक डमरु शंख शिगी मेहते दीठा परीब्रह्म.
15 तव नरसइओ जइ पाये लाग्यो, त्यारे मस्तक मुक्यो श्री गुरु गणपती सारदा हुं समरूं सुखे सर्वदा;
हाथ. मनमुदा कई मामेरुं मेहेता तणुं रे.
मांग्य मांग्य हुं कृपाळ हूं एम बोल्या उमिया नाथ. ढाळ.
मेहेतो कहे महादेवजी एक मांगुं छु स्वामीन. मामेर मेहेता तणु, परबंध करवा आस.
तमत' दरशन पामीयो हवे विष्णन दरशन.
धन्य धन्य साधु सिव कहे तने भक्तिनी छ भास. नरसींह मेहेतो भकत ब्राहमण जुनागढमा वास. 5 तेनी भाभीए एक वचन का मेहेताने लागी दाहाज..
| 20 भखंड ब्रजमां गया तेडी ज्यां हरी रमेछे रास. परित्याग कीधी घरतणो मेहेती बन गया तपकाज.
वलण. ते वन वीशे एक देहेडुं दीदूं अपुज्य सीवर्नु लिंग. रास मंडळतणी रचना लीला शी वखाणी कधी. नरसीए तेनी पुजा करी अंतरमाही उमंग.
नरसइओ कृतार्थ थयो ने कृपा श्रीहरीनी हवी. Canto II.
Prelude. The dancing circle shines with marvellous beauty, to see which is to forget all earthly
sorrows. The gôpikule sings, the musical instruments peal forth, Siva has poured the greatest
blessing (on the Meheta). 25 The great king 'Siva-Mahiriij held the Meheta by the hand.
(And) seeing Sadasiva (do this) the Lord of Vaikunth came forward. Both the gods greeted each other in delight and the gôpis placed their heads at 'Siva's
feet (in adoration). And Narsióh went forth and bowed his head before the Lord, when said the King of
Vaikunth:"Tell us, Sadasiva. who this is, to whom you show this place?" 30 Mahadeva replied:-He is your worshipper and his name is the Vipral Narsinh.
Then placing his hand on his head, quoth Srf Göpa! 20 :"Think on me when in distress and I will hasten to thy aid. Do thon worship me and sing my praises and thou wilt swim safely through the sea of life.
Do thou sing of this my sportive circle, 21 full of love, as thou hast seen it here." 35 Then he showed him the dance of the sporting circle.
And spoke to Narsiiih, spoke the Lord of the Triple City2 :“Never fear the verdict of the populace in thy heart, but worship me at the risk of thy head,
11 It may be noted throughout this composition that the first two lines of each Canto usually come as a prelude in * different metre from the body of the Canto, which is headed & Shay. At the end there is a refrain in a different metre again, in which the sense of the last preceding lines of the 10 is repeated in early the same words. Similarly the succeeding Canto begins by repeating the last words of the refrain. To explain the composition, the first four lines are transliterated as follows, the Italics shewing the rhymes :
Sri Gara Ganapati Shrada Hui eamruu sukhe sarvada Manmuda kahun måmerún Méhétå taņuò rê.
Dhal. MAmordi Meheta tanun parabandha haravaasa.
Narasinha Méhêto bhakata Brahamaņa Junagadha mai vdea. » The milkmaids with whom Krishņa used to sport in his youth.
" Brahman * An epithet of Krishna, meaning the Protector of Cows.
n The Ras Mandal, or sportive circle, was formed of 1,600 gôpikda (milkmaida), who danced round and round, Krishps and his wife, RAdha, who were in the centre; hence dancing forms part of this god's worship.
NA fabuloas sērial city said to bave been burnt in a war amongst the gods.

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NARSINH MEHETANUN MAMERUN.
Sing of the pleasures of Ridhi-Krishpa, as you have seen them here." Saying this vanished the god Bhola Shankar, * And in a moment Narsinh found himself in Junagadh. Thenceforward the speech of Narsinh became parer, and his talent for devotional poetry
increased immeasurably. He became absorbed in the praises of Radha-Křishṇa and counted the world as but a straw." Then, with music playing and songs singing, he entered the city,
And went and fell at the feet of his brother's wife. 45 "You have been as a priestess to me, (for) you spoke to me a harsh word, And by your righteousness I met both the gods.
___Refrain. By your righteousness, mother mine, the great Sri Parivrajh (Brahma) appeared to me." (And now) the Meheta's wife being a pions woman, he resumed the estate of a man of the world. कडवू २ जु.
आ दीठी तेवी लीला गाजे केवळ रस सणगार.
35 पछी रास मंडळ तणी रचना देखाडी तेणीवार. राग धनाश्री.
नरसह मेहतो प्रत्ये बोल्या स्वामी श्री त्रीपुरार.
रखे लोक भय मनमांही आणतो मस्तक साटे भक्ति. भरभुत लीलारस विराजी,दरशन कीधेभव दुःख भागेजी. राधा कृमनो धीहार गाजे जुए तेवी मुक्ति. गोपीका गाय वानीच वाजेजी, महासुखदी, सीवमा- अंतरध्यान थया एम कहीने भोळाशंकर देव. हाराजजी.
40 पळ मावमा नरसहने मुम्यो जुनेगढ तस्खेव. डाळ.
था नरसहभानी नीर्मळ वाणी कवि भक्ति शक्ति
अपार. 25 महाराज सित्र महाराजजीए मह्यो मेहेतानो हाथ.
राधा कृमनो रंग लाग्यो. गणेणाबत संसार. ते सदासिवने देखीने सामा भाव्या वैकुंठनाथ
पछी ताल वातां गीत गातां पधार्या पुरमांय. स्यां हरीहर हरखोने मघा नमी गोपी सिवने पाय.
नरसिंह मेहेतो जइने नम्या भाभी केडे पाय. नरसइभी जानम्यो नाथने तव बोळ्या वैकुंठराय.
45 समने गोराणी में प्रमाणी. हुंने कह्यु कठण वचन. कहो सदासि आ कोण छे तमे देखायो आ ठाम.
हरीहरबंने मुजने मळ्या भाभी तमारुं पुन्य. 30 महादेव कहे ए भकत तमारो विप्र नरसइभी माम. स्वारे मस्तक उपर हाथ मुकी कहे श्री गोपाळ.
उठळो. दुःख वेळा मने संभारजे, हुं धार आवीश ततकाळ, पुन्य तमामात मारी मने मळ्या श्री परिब्रह्म रे. करजे तुं कीर्तन भक्ति मारी हुं तरीच भवसंसार. छ साधवी स्त्री मेहेता तणी पछे मांडधो गृहस्थाधर्मरे.
Canto III. The Mêhêtå resumed the duties of a man of the world, with a chaste and noble wife, 50 And began to worship Damodar,26 with the tilakron his brow and astring of beads and the
symbol (of that god) in his hand: With sádhiis and vairágís he would play upon the conch-shell admirably. His yard was (soon) overgrown with tulusis plants and praises of Krishna were sung in
his house) day and night. Neither the duties of the agricultarist, nor any other trade or profession had he. Tłe
Mêbêta was to all appearance a servant of Harl.
» Also an epithet of Krishọa, meaning the Provider of All Good.
This phrase is rather ambiguous in the text. The metre of this Canto differs from the above as it will appear from the following lines :
___Prelude. Adabhota 17.Arasa viráfijt darasana kidhe bhava dukha bhogije.
Gopikch gdya vajiotra wijéji mahisukha didhua SivamAbArajajt. And thus the ditferont Cantos are composed in different metres, according to the requirements of eacbdg Gano). Narsiph is known to have introduced many new rage into the Rigvidya (music) of his country.
* Another Dame of Krishna, meaning "girdled." * The symbol or sign painted on the brow of each follower of Krishna.
Theaweet basil plant, specially used in the rites of Krishpa-worship.

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The Vaispavag2 would eat just what they were given (in alms), and pass their days in
singing praises. 55 The Creator of the Universe supplied them with food, (for the rest) the Mēbêtâ had great
faith in his heart. Gôpå! gave him two children, one daughter and but one son. He called the son 'Simaldas30 and got him married into a great family. The daughter's name was Kuivarbâi, whose wedding he celebrated in good style.
(One by one) both his wife and his son died, and tbe Mêbêtâ's household ties were broken. 60 The chaste Suršêná, 31 his daughter-in-law, became a widow and led a solitary life. The deaths of his wife and son moved even strangers to tears; but the Mêbêtå felt not a
tithe of sorrow. "So much the better" (quoth he), "there is an end to all bother: we shall worship Sri
Gopal with all the more ease." When Kunvarbâi came of age, she was duly summoned to the house of her parents-in-law.33 Her husband's father was Srirang Mêhêtå by name. They inherited a great name, and
commanded much respect (in the community). 65 The family were full of pride and considered themselves great on account of their wealth.
The sisters-in-law would speak unkindly to Kunverbái, for they reckoned her poor. They would say ironically):"You are welcome, daughter of the Vaisnava. You have hallowed our house by your presence in it)."
The mother-in-law in her arrogance would ridicule (poor Kuóvarbat). 70 (But) Kunvarbâi would not atter a word in reply.
Her husband was a mere puny lad, and had no appreciation of good. (Though) Kunvarbâi got into a state of pregnancy, he would not affectionately inquire
(after her health). (Bat) the increasing beauty of the daughter-in-law filled the minds of the household with
love and delight. They would say :-" The Mêhêtâ is but a servant of Hari and from spch what prospect of
obtaining maternity gifts ? 75 The occasion is passing away, so let us prepare some gifts for her ourselves. The position of the pauper's daughter is pitiable, so let us put the bracelet84 round her wrist
with due ceremonies." So they did not send word to her father (about her condition), nor spoke of it to any one,
and the fifth month passed away in vain. A few days were wanting to the seventh month, when Kunvarbai began to be anxious: the
poor young wife looked like one in debt; she went to her mother-in-law And said, bowing low her head :-"Lady, pray, do not be angry with me, (if I ask you to)
send our old priest Khôkhalo to Junagadh, 80 With a letter of good tidings; "then said the mother-in-law in her pride :-- " Why, daughter-in-law, why art thou turned mad? Thy parental home is lost to thee
since thy mother's death. What should we expect from him who chants ditties with musical instruments in his hands ? Who earns his living by dancing and sporting, and in whose house poverty 36 walks to
and fro ?
* Meaning the Mêheti and his followers. The word is always Vaikneva in the text. » I.., "Servant of Samal," a name of Krishna
See the Introduction. 51 The Hindu wife, though she marries in her infanoy, lives under her parents' roof in her girlhood.
38 It is considered unlucky to allow such an occasion to pass away without the due rites. The fifth and seventh month are periods at which a charmed thread is put round the woman's wrist, and prepents of clothes and ornamento are made to her both by her own parents and her husband's.
34 The bracelet is a thread prepared by the Brahmans with some rites, and is expected to ward off evil and ensure safe delivery.
I. e., the spirit of poverty personified.

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MARCH, 1895.)
NARSINH MEHETANUN MAMERUN.
What is the good of inviting & relative, whose coming can serve no purpose ? 85 The name of Hari is dear to the Mêhêtå and all the town will assemble to see him, Only because you love to meet the old man, we shall have to incur ridicule from the
community. Rather than that your father-in-law should be dishonoured, we shall do without the
vévdi'36 visit." Kunvarbâi's eyes were filled with tears at this and she said again to her mother-in-law :
"Mistress, do not put me off by such words; the poorest relative is a relative after all. 90 It he only comes here to go back (without bringing any gifts) I shall be glad of the
opportunity of meeting my father." These words moved the mother-in-law to pity and she went and spoke to her husband :“Her bimant37 is expected in a few days, and Kuivarbál is obstinate about meeting her
father). So you had better write a letter of good tidings and let the father and daughter meet.3.
Let us write a letter of good tidings to our révai and say come here at any cost.'" 95 Srirang Môhêta was supremely kind-hearted, and he forth with wrote ont a letter :
“ In the name of Svasti to Sri Junagadh, which is the sanctuary of the Hari Vaišnavas, Thou ornament of the Någar community, thou prince of Sadhus, high and generous, Thou chief of worshippers, Master of the Vaišnavas, may Kêsavao be ever gracions
anto thee! Deserving all opithets, abode of mercy, Mêbêta, 4. Sripato Narsahin by name, 100 Here we all are in health and happiness. Pray be kind enough to write us a letter.
We have some good news to communicate (to you), fortune has favoured as beyond measure Kuivar-vahu has her símant near; such is the graciousness of Bhagavant to ns. Sanday, the 7th sudhi Magh, is the auspicious day we have chosen,
Pray, do not fail to come on that day, and bring your relatives and friends with you. 105 Have no fears in your heart, your visit will be worth millions to us. When a loved relative comes to our door we should spend all the gold of Mount Mérů in
his honour. We shall be sincerely grieved if you do not come, Méhêtaji." This letter was given in the (Rishi) Rusi's hand and the priest Khokhald went forth.
(But) Kudvarbat called him (back), sate him in a secluded place and fell at his feet. 110 " Remain there as a guest for a couple of days and tell Mêbêtaji,” she said, “tell him in
& convincing way to bring some good things for the occasion, And to come here, only if he has the means (to pay all dues). Tell him that if he does something to keep op our prestige, the reproach of my husband's
relatives will be lifted from me. But if this occasion is allowed to pass off quietly (without the necessary distribution of
gifts) the reproach will stick to me all my life. My husband's sister will Aling words like arrows at me, and his brother will stand in the
place of an enemy.
* The fathers of the bride and the bridegroom are known as each other's ududi, & relationship for which no term occurs in the English language.
The seventh month in pregnancy. It is considered religious duty to gratify the wishes of a pregnant woman.
This is the formala with which all Gujarati letters are commenced :-Sarasvati, whose other name is Sarada, he Goddess of Knowledge, is first invoked; then comes the name of the place from which the letter is written; thea the name and epithets of the addresapo; after that, the news that the addresser and his family are doing well, the wish that he should bear from the addressee; and lastly the purport of the letter. Letters bearing such a good tidings" as those in the text are sprinkled with (nol) and are called T . (kakstart).
* An epithet of Krishna, monning of the heir," as he was born from a hair of Vishau. « A Brahman is generally addressed by this title.
43 Devoted worshipper ; ascetic. The termination vaks to a woman's name signifies daughter-in-law. Búf significa daughter. 44 Mount Merd is asually fabled to be a mountain of gold.

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115 Tell him that I hope he will not draw forth the ridicule of the Nagar caste (since) the Lord
of Vaikuinth is our patron." (So saying) she sent away the priest Kbókha!8, who duly reached Junagadh.
Refrain. When the Rust entered Junagadh, the Mebêtâ fell at his feet: And after due praise and worship they came to the object of the visit, कडवू ३ जुं.
दरीद्र घरमा फेरा फरेते मोसालुंक्यांथी करे.
जे सगाथी अर्थ नव सरे शें थाय तेने नोत. राग वेराडी."
85 मेहेताने व्हावं हरीनुं नाम जोवा मळशे उना नाम. मेहेते मांड्यो गृहस्थाधर्म पतिव्रता घेर नारी पर्म.
तमने डोसोम यानुं हेत अमोनातमा थइए फर्जत. 50 दामोदरनी सेवा करे माळा नीलकने मुद्रा धरे.
तमारो ससरो लाजे बाइवण आवे सरसे वेवाइ. साधु वेरागी वेशणव जन संखताळ वाजे बह धन्ब.
कुंवरबाइ तब आंसं भरी सासुप्रखे बोले फरी. चोकमाहीतुलसीनां वन. अहरनीश थाय कीरतन.
बाइजी एम बोलतां शुं फगो दुर्बळ तोय पोतानो
सगो. नहीं खेती उद्यम वेपार हरि भकत मेहेतो तदाकार. . जे अवि ते वैशगव जमे गल गाइने दहाडा निरगमे.
90 अहीं आवी पाछा जाशे फरी ए मीसे मळी गुं 55 वीश्वंभर पुरूं पाडे अंन विश्वास घणो मेहेताने मन.
बापदीकरी. वे संतान आप्यां गोपाळ एक पुत्रीने एकज बाळ.
सामने मन करुना थइ पोताना स्वामीने पुज्पुं जह. शामळवाश कुंवरनुं नाम ते परणाम्यो मोटे ठाम.
रह्या शीमंतना थोडा वहाडा कुंवरवहु लेछे आडा. कुंवरबाइनाम दीकरी परणाच्या रुडो विवाह करी.
लखी मोकलो कंकोतरी मळवा वयोने बापदीकरी. पाम्या मरण पत्नीने पुत्र मेहेतार्नु भाग्युं घरसुत्र ।
वेवाइने लक्ये एक पत्र जेमतेम करतां आवजो अक. 60 पतिव्रता वहु विधवा थर सरशेना पछे एकळी रही.
95 श्रीरंग मेहेतो,परमदयाल कागळ एक लखयो तत्काळ. स्त्री पुत्र मरते रोया लोक मेहेताने तल मावन चोक.
स्वस्ती श्री जुनागढ गाम जे हरी वैशणवनी विश्राम. भलु थयुं भागी जंजाल, मुखे भजीशुं श्रीगोपाळ.
नागरी नात तगा सणगार साधु शीरोमण परम उदार. कुंवरबार पल मोटी थइ आणुं भाइयं ने सासरे गह
भक्त नायक वैशणवना धणी सदा कृपा होय केसब ससरो श्रीरंग मेहेता नाम मोटुं घर कहावे यह दाम.
सणी 65 छ सासरीभांने घj अभिमान धन- ते अती करेरे
सरवोपमा जोग करुणाधाम मेहेता श्रीपात नरसही
नाम. नणंद जेठाणी वांकुंभणे कंवरबाइने दुबली गणे.
| 100 महीं सहने छे कुछळ खेम, लखजो पन तमो भाषी केहेशे आवो वैश्णवनी दीकरी सासरीभां सब पावन |
प्रेम..
एक वधामपी तमा समाचार भमारा भाग्बतमो ना करी. चेस्टा करेसासु गर्वे भरी कुंवरबाइनव बोले फरी. ।
कुवरदहुने भाब्युशीमंत अम उपर तठा भगवंत. छे लघु वेश नानोभरथार ते नव पीछे विवेक विचार
माघसुधी संतमी रवीवार महरत अमे ली, नीरधार. 70 कुंवरबाइने आयु शीमंत सावर वातन पुछे कंड. तमे ते दीने नीचभावजोसगां मित्र साये लावनो.
रूप देखो अती वहवर तj मासरी मन हरखे घY | 105 नव आषजी मनमां माचंकतम भाबे पाम्बाकहे मेडेतो हरीनो छ दास मोसांळांनी भी करवी
लखटंक. आस.
उजलो सगो भावबारणेसोनानो मेरु कीजे वारने.. बहनो भारीभो बिते खरोकांइक मोसाडं घरथी करो
जा महेताजी नहीं भाको तमे खरेखरा दुभाई अमे. तुबंळनी दीकरी संकडी आवारकरी बांधो राखडी.
भावु पत्र कपीना करमांब, पंच्या खोखलो कों 750 कहान् पीवर न कोणे कधं पंचमाशी वो एके गा.
कुंवरबाइए वेब्या रुपीराव ऐकांते बेसाठी मामी श्रीमंत ना रखा थोडा वन कुंचरवाइने यह चीता मन. पाव. मोशीपाळी दीशे दामनी बडवर भावी वासु भणी.|110 स्वांबे बहाडा परुणा रेहेलो मेहेताजीने समजावी बोली अबला नामी सीशबाइजी रखे करतां मनरीच.
आपनो गोरपडयो"खोखलोजुनागढ मुधी मोकळो। कांद मोसालं सारं लावजो संपन्न होवतो वहां 8) मोकको लखावी कंकोतरी तब सासु बोली गर्वमरी. __ भावनो.
कां वहुवर नघेलुंलाग्दु मा मुहत्वारे महीबर भाग्ङ्घ. कांइनाम थाव यो प्रथितले सासरीभानु मे टळे. ताल वगाडी चे कीरतन करे नाची कुपीने उबर भरे। सो अवसरमा सुनो जशे, सो भवन मे मुजन यथे. " Again this is a different metre.
-"जेना" understood after दरीद्ध, ** Correctly it ought to be a for the role wat in intrusitiva # These words are proverbial
गुमान
पार.

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MARCA, 1995.]
CORRESPONDENCE.
बोल बाण नणदी मारशे, शत्रुन काम दीयर सारशे.
वलण 115 रखे नागरी नास्ये कौटक थाय, तमारे माये छ वाकुंठराय.
जनागढमां रुषीजी आष्या मेहेतो लाग्या पायरे. पंड्या खोखली कीधोविदायसद पौत्यो जुनागढ माय.। स्तवन स्तुती पुजा करी पछे मांडी वात सुखदायरे.
(To be continued.)
CORRESPONDENCE. THE SAONTAL MIGRATION.
| Bühler adduces the verbal themes brud or In my article under the above heading, at p. 295
vrud, used majjane, and as their corresponding of the Indian Antiquary, for Sãết Sikar' read
verb, (e.g.), in Markthi, bud (budanêm). Sanskrit •Sanet Sikhar.'
bhrid, bul and mund, to sink, to dive, are
correeponding verbal themes also. I am glad to find that Mr. Grierson, in his note to that article, while expressing no disagreement
In the so-called Dravidian languages the corre. on any essential point, has cleared up one or two
sponding verbs are brungu, bungu (Telugu), doubtful points, and enables me to rectify another.
murku, murgu (Tulu), mulku, muluku, mul
unku, mulugu, mulungu (Kannada), mulugu Some ambiguity has arisen through the use of the
(Tamil), mukku, munu Malayaļa), muņugu terms North-' and South.' Bihar in different Benses. I used these terms as equivalent to the
(Kannada, Telugu), munugu (Telugu). Upper and Lower Sections of the Bihar Province,
In these Dravidian words the syllables ku, nku, bordering respectively the Upper' Province of the gu, ngu, and nu are formative additions, the North-West and the Lower' Province of Bengal;
root appearing as mil, mulu, mur, mun, mun, and not as corresponding to the divisions of Cis
mun, and muk. The original form of the root Gangetic and Trans-Gangetic Bihar.
is mul. The letter 1 in Dravidian is often changed
into r and 1, (l), and through 1 into por n. In "There are dozens of villages named 'Pipri' in
mukku and munnu it has taken the shape of the Section of Trans-Gangetic Bihar alluded to,
the formatives. In brungu there is seen the as a reference even to the village Postal Directories
peculiarity of Telugu of occasionally placing a will shew, but the semi-aboriginal Pipri-gash
following r under the consonant of the first near Chunar tigured by Mr. Nesfield (loc. cit.) is
syllable, as in its braduku, to live, which is the pot impossibly the Pipri of the Saontal tradition;
same as barduku, balduku in Kannada. The and the carrying of the Abîr frontier upwards to
root of brungu, therefore, is bur, and finally the Gandak agrere all the better with a tribal
bu). The form bungu has arisen from the progress from the North or North-East to account
omission of r, as, for instance, Telugu uses for the Turanian'element in their speech.
baduku (batuku) for its braduku, and Kannada The location of Hardigarh in Baliye fits in
uses badaku for its barduku. admirably with the Hurredgarhi,' which inter
The almost general use of the initial letter m in vened between Pipri and Chhải.
Dravidian for the verbs under consideration Affords As, however, the subject is so important ethno- no valid reason for doubting their close relation to graphically it is to be hoped that some persons those adduced from Sanskrit and Marathi, as it now in the localities under reference may test is well known that b, v, bh and m are cognate this new view of the Saontal migration; as, when letters in Sanskrit as well as in Dravidian. Sanskrit I traversed most of the ground, this locale for mund (the ~ of which is euphonie) and Telugu the problem had not presented itself to me. brunga render this evident in the present case.
My identifications of Hardfhgarh, Chhai and But how are the r in brud and vrud and the Champol and Kórhiya, are not, I believe, likely ri in bhrid to be accounted for, if the final themes, to be upect. In any case the general outline, as the writer believes and the Marathi bad conwhicis I have sketched, must, until disproved, firms, are bud, vad and bhad P It is not impoesible stand as the most reasonable attempt yet made that we have here a peculiarity similar to that of at recovering the geographical basis for the tra- Telugu, according to which it has the liberty of ditional migration of the Saontal tribe.
adding r to the initial consonant in cases L. A. WADDELL. wherein ther can acarcely be explained. There is,
| however, another way of accounting for the r and ON SOME SANSKRIT VERBS.
Fi, which will be shewn later on. It his very interesting paper, “The Roots of But first it is necessary to render clear that the Dhitapitha not found in Literature," Dr. the final letter of the verbe can represent

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCE, 1895.
Dravidian ), to which the writer points : e. g., the i. e., the la or connected with ra orr. It is,
Telugu põgadu, to praise, and suļi, to wander therefore, not impossible that r and ri are about, in Kannada are põgal and suli, and in somehow representatives of r. Tamil pugal and culi, and the Kannada bisudu,
There is another verbal theme with final d in to fling away, appears also as bisu). Further,
Sanskrit that is used magne, viz., hud, to sink, to I takes the place of 1 in Telugu kali, sour gruel,
be submerged. This strongly reminds one of the which is kali in Kannada: this may serve to
true Dravidian hal, pal, (Telugu) padu, to sink explain the occurrence of 1 in Sanskrit bul.
in or into. (The 1 in Marathi bolanem, adduced by Dr. Bühler, is the which is often found instead of
Sanskrit themes vrud and bhrud, used samori. 1 in Dravidian words.)
tau, to cover up or over, strongly remind one of Having briefly shewn the intimate connection
the true Dravidian hal, pa, padu, to wrap up, to of the Sunskṣit, Marathi and Dravidian verbe, the
cover over, to bury; - and Sanskrit themes writer adds that in his opinion the six verbs
vrud, bhrud, hud and hupd, used samihalau,
sanghata, sangé to heap, to accumulate, to join, of brud, vrud, bhfid, bul, bud and mund bave been borrowed from the true Dravidian root mul.
the true Dravidian haļu, paņu, to put together, Sanskpit and its Vernaculars, having no letter |
to join. represented it by d and 1 (1).
The writer thinks that all these Sanskrit verbs With regard to the introduction of r into brud are but modifications of the Dravidian ones. and vrud and fi into bhfia, it may now be stated
F. KITTEL that letter 1 is generally called rala in Kannada, Tübingen, 12th December 1894.
MISCELLANEA. FOREIGN NUMERALS IN TRADERS' SLANG liar tendency of that language has become changed IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
into sanga, but we have no right to derive taya PANDIT S.M. NATESA SASTRI in his interesting from such a prehistoric sia, because sanoa is found paper on Traders Slang in Southern India (ante, in the Javanese of ten centuries ago, which is the Vol. XXIII. pp. 49-32) is of opinion that his second oldest known. group of numerals is a purely arbitrary one, with
As regards the fractions, it seems elear that no meanings for most of the words employed.
tangan is the same word as the Batak tengaan (in But any one acquainted with the languages of the
the Toba dialect pronounced tongaan), Javan. Indian Archipelago will not fail to perceive that both the round figures and the symbols for frac
těngahan, half. tions, which he gives, are almost wholly taken | Sendalai (= +) is very interesting, because from home Indonesian idiom, say Batak, though dalai is comparable with the Batak, Malay and they are certainly not from Malay or Achinese Javan. tali, which is the term for half a suku.
To prove the above assertion, it is only necessary Suku means (e. g., of a Spanish dollar). to compare the Pandit's slang words with the It follows therefore that sa-tali is a one-eighth." numerals in Batak and Javanese:
In the S. Indian word sen appears to be synony.
mous with sa, and it may be noted that the Dairi 8. Indian Slang. Batak. Javanese.
dialect of Batak regularly uses si instead of sa. 1. S
882. tô (do) dua to (do)
The word for to sa-visam, is a compound of 3. tiru tēlu tēlu
Tamil visam, one-sixteenth, and Indonesian sa, 4. påt
épat pat (older påt) ope. 7. pichchu pita pitu
The terms for 5 and 6, leulachchu and kiráti. 8. vali uvalu volu (older vrala)
I am unable to trace back to their sources. They 9. tåya siya sanga
remind one of culsey (see Yule-Burnell, Glossary) 10. puli pula puluh
and Arab. kirrdt, carat, from kepércov, but these It would be difficult to decide whether the slang terms could hardly have had the value allotted to terms have been taken from some Batak dialect kulachchu and kird in the slang. At any or from Javanese, were it not that the word láya rate, these two words are not taken from any for 9 decidedly points to an origin in the former Indonesian language. idiom, which has siya. Originally the Javanese
H. KEBE. form must have been siа, too, which by * pecu- Leiden, lat May 1894.

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MARCE, 1895.]
BOOK-NOTICE.
8S
IDENTIFICATION OF NAGAPURA
IN THE KONKAN. The copper-plate grant of the Silhára king, Anantadeva, contains, among other names, those of the following sea ports in the Kônkan :--Sri Sthanaka, Nagapura Surpäraka and Chemuli. In regard to the identification of Någapura the late Hon'ble K. T. Telang (ante, Vol. IX. page 44) remarks: - "About N&gapur, I can only suggest it as probable, that it may be identical . with a village near Alibag - between Alibag and Révadands-named Nâgânv, which is substituted by syncope for Någagånv, or Någagrama, the same as Någapur. Or, may not Någapur have something to do with Någothạên? In any case the modern Nagpur of the Bhonsles is not to be thought of. I have not found the Nagapur of our plate referred to anywhere else."
That his conjecture regarding the identification of Nagapur with the modern Nagany is the oorrect one, I think there can be no doubt. Amongst the mahatmyas of the Sahyadri Khanda, of the Skandapurana, there is one on Nagapura,
called also Någapuri (see page 505, Bombay edition). That this Någapura is to be identified with the modern Någånv appears probable froiu the description given in the Skandapurund. According to this account it is situated west of the Sahyddri mountains, ver. 8; in the country called the Konkan, ver. 9; near the sea and the river Aghabi, ver. 4. This description answers to the modern Negev, situated south-east of Alibag, in the Kolab& District (see Bombay Gazetteer on Kolaba, page 351). It is between the sea and a creek, which I understand from local inquiry, is called among other names, Aksi, from a village of that name on its bank, between Någany and Alibeg. It is probable that Aksi is but a corruption of Aghasi. The ruins of temples, inscribed stones and in the neighbourhood point to the fact that, in ancient times, it must have been a port of some importance. The above considerations make it very probable that the Nâgapura of the copperplate is the same as the Någapurs of the Skanda. pardna and the modern Nagánv.
J. E. ABBOTT.
NOTES AND QUERIES. HINDU ASPECT OF PRAYER.
the evening. To the South dwell the prêts Vedas and Sutras declare that a Hindu should (ghosts) and rolkshasas (demons), therefore they turn his face in the morning either towards East do not look there, but face it while dining and or North, when performing religious ceremonies, offering cakes to the manes of the dead. worship, or repeating prayers; and to the West in
K. RAGHUNATHJI in P. N. and Q. 1883
BOOK-NOTICE.
A KANNADA-ENGLISH DICTIONARY, by the RevD.F. whose work we are now noticing, would seemn.
KITTEL, B. G. E. M. Mangalore; the Basel Mission ingly give it a literary history from only about Book and Tract Depository; 1894. Large 8vo.,
A. D. 900; from which point of view he divides Pp. 1., 1752.
its life into three periods, - (a) the ancient or The Kanarese language, -the original true ver- classical period, from, he says, at least the tenth nacular, and still mostly the actual vernacular, of to the middle of the thirteenth century A. D., the territory in which lie the districts of Belgaum, when it was elaborated to a high degree of polisl, Bijapur, and Dharwar, and parts of Sholapur and refinement, and clearness of expression, by the North Kanara, of the Bombay Presidency, the Jains; (b) the mediæval period, onwards to about Kolh&pur and other Native States of the so-called the end of the fifteenth century, when the use of Southern Marath& Country, the Bellary District of it was continued, in a somewhat less precise and the Madras Presidency, Mysore, and the southern unambiguous manner, by the Lingayat and other portions of the Nizâm's dominions, - has hardly Saiva writers; and (c) the modern period, from received from European scholars the recognition then to the present day. during which the verand attention which it deserves. It is the most nacular dialect, as now written and spoken, has mellifluous of all the Indian vernaculars, and the been developed, by liscarding the more high-soundrichest in capability and force of expression. It ing antique terminations, and, especially in the probably surpasses all the others in bulk and conversational branch, by adopting freely from value of original composition. And it has an Sańskpit, Hinduståni, and Markthi. And no antiquity to which, apparently, none of them can | doubt it is true that the literary life of the langmake any pretensions in forms approximating to wage did begin in earnest at about the point of those whioh they now have. Mr. Kittel, indeed, time selected by Mr. Kittel; the high state of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCW, 1895.
cultivation to which the language then attained words beginning with a ich stand immediately being due to the fact that the Jains of Southern after the last word beginning with angh, -- just Indi made it so largely the vehicle for their where, when the anusvira is used, one expects to writings, and to the great encouragement find them; whereas, in Mr. Kittel's book, they that was given to the Jains by the powerful are separated by all the words beginning with ach Rashtrakata king Amöghavarsha I., who reigned and aj: but, though not practically so convenient, from A. D. 814-15 to about 878. But epigraphic Mr. Kittel's method is, of course, critically the records give unquestionable and instructive more correct, if we bear in mind that the anusara samples of appreciably earlier date. The charter simply stands for, and is to be pronounced as, the of Amoghavarsha's predecessor Govinda III.(ante, nasal of the class to which the following consonant Vol. XI. p. 125) is dated A. D. 804. The Agar belongs. And in too many cases we have to inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya hunt backwards and forwards for meanings which king Kirtivarman II. (ante, Vol. XI. p. 68, and might apparently have been given at the very place see Vol. XX. p. 305, note 5) belongs to about where we should expect to find them: thus, for A. D. 750. These two records, with the Kotor the meaning of anngal or argile, we are referred inscription of a Chalukya prince called Parahita (page 20) to aris (as), and we have to turn back to rája ante, Yol. XX. p. 69), which may be placed page 17 to find the simple words 'the sole of the between A D. 750 and 814, quite as well as in a foot;' and, for the meaning of komar (page 487) slightly later period, - presenting forms which, in the sense of a prince,' we have tirst to look though more antique in some features, essentially back to kuvara on page 450, and even then, after ditfer little, if at all, from the forms of the ancient guessing that we inust take the small-type kuvara, dialect as we know it from books, indicate consi. and not either of the two words of exactly derable literary activity even at that early time. the same appearance which are given in large And the Badami inscription of the Western type, we must further turn up kumdra on page Chalukya king Mangalesa (ante, Vol. X. p. 52) 4+3. Also, there are words in the more ancient suffices, short as it is, to carry back the existence published inscriptions which the book does not of the same dialect to the period A. D. 597-98 to ! even include, - much less offer to explain. On 608.
the other hand, the book shews a great advance Till recently, the only Kanarese-English Dictio.
on any of its predecessors, in reproducing the nary of any general practical use to European
ancient letters and I, on the proper use of which,
as distinguished from r, l, and students has been the work which was originally
broad differences compiled by the Revd. W. Reeve and was published
in meaning so often depend. And every page in 1832, and which in 1858 was enlarged, and at the
of it, and of its preface, bears witness to the Hiline time was reduced to a more portable and other
constant care, earnestness, and thoroughness with wise convenient size, by Mr. Daniel Sanderson,
which Mr. Kittel devoted himself to the task that a Wesleyan Missionary. "That book was itself a
lay before him. It would have been difficult to
find anyone more competent to undertake that sufficiently valuable and monumental one; and there are some indications that it is not entirely
task. He may be justly proud of the manner in superseded by even the present work: certainly
which he has accomplished it. And, among the there are at least many words of which the mean
results, no small and unimportant feature is the ings are to be found more easily in it. But the
fact that the book is to be purchased at so very preparation of Mr. Kittel's Dictionary has
reasonable a price that the possession of it is evidently been thoroughly in accordance with all
within the power of even students whose means the traditions of the important work which the Are limited Basel Mission has been doing during so many We now have available, for the study of years in the Kanarese country; and the issue Kanarese in its ancient and mediaval forms, a of it marks a still more noticeable epoch in dictionary of the most exhaustive and nseful the study of the language. Objection may, kind. We still require a complete and critical indeed, be taken to some of the details of Mr. grammar, in English, for the same periods, and Kittel's method. For instance, words which dealing also with the exceptional forms which contain an anusura in the first syllable -(the sometimes are met with in epigraphic records. annetara is used as being the more convenient It is to be hoped that Mr. Kittel inay find himself and babitual method of denoting a nasal able now to take such a grammar in hand, and combined with a following consonant) - do supply the want that has so long been felt in this not follow each other in the immediate sequence direction. of the antsvdra combined with the consonant, as
J. F. FLEET. They do in Mr. Reeve's book; thus, in his book, 8th December 1894.

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APRIL, 1895.)
THE ANTIQUITY OF VEDIC CIVILIZATION
85
ON SOME RECENT ATTEMPTS TO DETERMINE THE ANTIQUITY
OF VEDIC CIVILIZATION.
BY G. THIBAUT. THE aim of the book by Prof. Bal Gangadhar Tilak and of the two papers by Prof.
Jacobi, the titles of which are given in note 1, is essentially one and the same, viz., to prove from astronomical data contained in the different Vedas, Samhitas as well as Brahmanas, that Vedic civilization reaches back to a time much more ancient than has hitherto been generally assumed. The two writers differ in so far as Prof. Jacobi, while maintaining that certain Vedic passages embody observations going back to remote antiquity, does not feel himself warranted in claiming that antiquity for the entire literary compositions in which those passages occur; while the latter view is advocated by Prof. Tilak. He, in fact, contends for the high antiquity of the Vedas we possess; Prof. Jacobi rather for the high antiquity of Vedic civilization, reminiscences of whose earlier stage may be met with in books themselves belonging to a later period. This difference, however, will not occupy us here; the important point being to decide in either case whether the passages in question can be properly explained only on the hypothesis of their embodying observations made by the Vedic Aryans at the early period assumed by both writers alike. Both writers further agree to a considerable extent in the actual results arrived at, among which the most important is that some of the astronomical observations recorded in the Veda must have been made in the period from about 4500-2500 B. C. (Jacobi), or 4000-2500 B. C. (Tilak). And both base their conclusions, to a large extent, on the same Vedic passages, interpreted by them in the same, or a very similar, way: they agree, in fact, in method. Professor Tilak, indeed, goes considerably beyond Prof. Jacobi's conclusions, in maintaining that certain Vedic texts lead us back to even 6000 B.C. And otherwise the publications of the two writers are of an altogether different type, Prof. Jacobi's papers confining themselves to a concise statement of certain important conclusions to be drawn from a few Vedic passages, while Prof. Tilak ranges over the wide field of Vedic literature, undertakes to strengthen his conclusions by an abundant wealth of parallel and analogous instances, and largely indulges in mythological and etymological speculation.
In what follows it is not my intention to enter on a criticism of all the numerous issues raised by Prof. Tilak. It is only the validity of the more important conclusions, in which he and Prof. Jacobi agree, that I wish to subject to an examination.
I cannot undertake to follow, step by step, either Prof. Tilak's or Prof. Jacobi's argumentation, but shall select topics and passages handled by them in such an order as may appear most convenient. I thus begin with the discussion of those Vedic texts, which, according to both writers, can be properly understood only if interpreted as implying that, at the time when they were formulated, the winter solstice coincided with full moon in the asterism Phalguni. The passages here to be considered first are one from the Taittiriya Savikitá and one from the Tándya Brühmana, both of which contain various statements as to the day on which the introductory ceremony of consecration (dilsh) for the so-called gavám-ayana sacrifice is to begin. As these passages are important, and at the same time not very long, I give them translated in extenso :
Taitt. Sanh. VII. 4, 8.- “Those who wish to consecrate themselves for a year (i. e., for the gavá m-ayana which lasts a year) should consecrate themselves on the (day called) ekáshtaka. For the ekáshfaká is the wife of the year; in her he (i. e., the year) dwells that night. Manifestly beginning the year they (thus) consecrate themselves. With a yiew to the injured (part) of the year consecrate themselves those who consecrate themselves on the ekáshtakd ; there are the two seasons whose name is 'end. With a view to the reversed
IBAL Gangadhar Tilak, The Orion or Researches into the Antiquity of the Vedas, Bombay, 1893. H. Jacobi, On the Date of the Rig.- Veda (ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 154 ff.) The same, Beiträge Zur Kenntnis der vedischen Chronologie (Nachr, der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften eu Göttingen, 1894).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1895.
(vyasta) (part) of the year indeed consecrate themselves those who consecrate themselves on the ekáshtaka; there are the two seasons whose name is 'end.'
"They should consecrate themselves on the Phalguni-fullmoon. The mouth of the year indeed is the Phalguni-fullmoon; beginning the year from the month they consecrate themselves. In this there is one fault, vis., that the vishuvat-day (the central day of the sacrifice) falls within the cloudy time. They should consecrate themselves on the Chitra-fullmoon. The mouth indeed of the year is the Chitra-fullmoon; beginning the year from the mouth they consecrate themselves. In this there is not any fault.
"Four days before the fullmoon they should consecrate themselves; for them the buying of the soma falls on the ekáshṭaká; thereby they do not render the ekáshṭakú void. For them the pressing of the soma falls in the former (bright) half of the month. Their months are accomplished with a view to the former half. They rise (from the finished sacrifice) in the former half; when they rise herbs and plants rise after them; after them rises the fair fame. These sacrificers have prospered'; after that all prosper."
Tándya Brahmana, V. 9. "They should consecrate themselves on the ekáshṭaká. For the ekáshtaka is the wife of the year; in her he dwells that night. Manifestly beginning the year they consecrate themselves. In this there is that fault that non-rejoicing they step down into the water. With a view to the cleft (vichchhinna) (part) of the year they consecrate themselves who consecrate themselves on the ekáshṭaka; there are the two seasons whose name is end. With a view to the injured (part) of the year they consecrate themselves who consecrate themselves with a view to the seasons called 'end.' Therefore the consecration is not to be performed on the ekáshṭaka.
"They should consecrate themselves in Phâlguna. The mouth of the year indeed is the Phalguni (fullmoon); beginning the year from the month they consecrate themselves. In this there is the fault that the vishuvat-day falls within the cloudy time. They should consecrate themselves on the Chitra-fullmoon. The eye indeed of the year is the Chitra-fullmoon; on the side of the face is the eye; from the face (i. e., beginning) commencing the year they consecrate themselves. In this there is no fault. They should consecrate themselves four days before fullmoon. For them the buying of the soma falls on, the vishuvat, etc., etc." (without any. essential divergence from the concluding portion of the Taittiriya passage).
As the gavám-ayana is a festival celebration extending over a whole year, it is antecedently probable that it, or its introductory ceremony, should begin on some day which marked the beginning of the year, and that, therefore, the four different terms referred to in the passages above translated should represent either different beginnings of the year which were in use at one and the same time, or else, possibly, beginnings acknowledged at different periods. The latter view is the one adopted by Prof. Tilak and Prof. Jacobi. Professor Tilak assumes, with the Mimannsakas, whose discussions he quotes, that the last term mentioned, viz., 'four days before the full moon,' refers to the full moon of the month Magha, and that the Taitt, Samh. and Tá. Brá. thus finally decide in favour of a beginning of the sacrificial year nearly coinciding with the civil beginning of the year. Now, it is probable, Prof. Tilak reasons, that the civil year began on the day of the winter solstice, and we therefore may conclude that the two Vedic books, which decide in favour of the gavám-ayana beginning on or about the fullmoon of Magha, were composed in the period when the summer solstice was in the asterism Maghas. This, he says, agrees with the position which the Véda assigns to Krittikâs as the first of the Nakshatras; which position has always been explained as pointing back to the time when the vernal equinox was in Krittikâs. Now.Krittikâs marked the vernal equinox, and Maghâs the summer solstice, at about 2350 B. C., and this, therefore, is the time at which we must suppose the Taittiriya Samhita and similar works to have been composed. If, then, we further find that the Taittiriya Samhitú mentions two other terms for the beginning of the year-sacrifice, viz., the full moon in Phalguni and Chitrâ, we must conclude from analogy that those two terms also

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once marked the winter solstice ; and the rules prescribing them thus lead us back to about 4000 and 6000 B. C. respectively. Those rules were remembered at the time when the Taittiriya Sanhita was composed, but, as no longer agreeing with the actual state of things, were mentioned only to be set aside in favour of the rule then in accordance with reality, vis., the one which makes the winter solstice coincide with full moon in Maghâs.3
Professor Jacobi agrees with Prof. Tilak as to the significance of the rule which fixes the beginning of the year-sacrifice on the full moon in Phalgani. That rule, he says, must have come down from the time when the winter solstice actually coincided with the full moon in Phalgani, i. e., about 4500 B, C., in agreement with other Vedie passages which make the summer solstice fall in Phalguns. He does not, like Prof. Tilak and the Mímánsakas, refer the term last mentioned ('four days before full moon') to the full moon of Magha, but takes it as a mere modification, of minor importance of the third term mentioned, i. e., the full moon of Chaitra. And this third term itself he refuses to trace back, with Tilak, to the period 6000 before Christ, but prefers to take the clause stating it as a later addition, made to the text of the Brahmana at the time when Chaitra had began to be viewed as the first month of the year, on account of its occurring about the time of the vernal equinox, i. e., during the centuries immediately preceding the Cbristian era.
We certainly have no right to declare the conclusions arrived at by Profs. Jacobi and Tilak alike to be altogether impossible. Vedic civilization and literature may be considerably older than has bitherto been supposed, and reminiscences of ancient observations may have been preserved in books themselves belonging to a much later period. At the same time, of course, we must, before accepting these conclusions, carefully enquire whether the passages, on which they are founded, really admit of the interpretations thus pat on them, and of no others. It certainly is not antecedently probable that the Brahmana texts exhibited by us should, within their short compass, contain records of observations separated from each other by several thousands of years. Are we really obliged, we must ask ourselves, to ascend with Jacobi and Tilak to 4000 B. C., and to follow the latter scholar even into the dim distance of 6000 B. C., or else to precipitate ourselves, with Jacobi, in the opposite direction as far down as 200 B. C.? Or is there, perhaps, after all, some means of reconciling the different statements as to the beginning of the gavam-ayana in such a way as to make them fit in with one and the same period, and that a period not too widely remote from the time to which works such as the Taittiriya Smhita and the Tándya Brahmaga have hitherto been ascribed ? - I shall endeavour, in what follows, to shew that this can be accomplished, and that the conclusions arrived at by Profs. Jacobi and Tilak cannot be upheld,
It will be advisable to consider, first, & passage, not discussed by Tilak. Grom the Kaushitaki Brahmans, which also treats of the proper terms from the beginning of the gavám. ayana. That passage occurs in the 19th book (2; 3) and translated runs as follows:
“They are to consecrate themselves one day before the new moon of Taisha, or of Mágha : thus they say. Both these (alternatives) are discussed ; that of Taisha, however, is more agreed to, as it were. They (thus) obtain the additional thirteenth month. So great indeed is the year as that thirteenth month; then the whole year is obtained. He (the sun) indeed rests on the new moon day of Mágba, being about to turn towards the north. Thus they rest who are about to perform the rites of the práyaniya atirdtra (the first day on which soma is pressed). Thus they reach him for the first time. They begin him, etc., ete. He goes for six months
? The first mentioned term, tis, the chishtabi, which furnishes no special date, need not for the moment be taken into account.
* These passages will be referred to further on.
• Attention wae Brat directed to this passage by Prof. A. Weber in the sound of his stays ont be Nakshatras (pp. 344 m). That these ensays have since their appearance formed the basis of all further research in matters connected with the Nakshatre, is generally known ; considering the time when they were published, the fullness and accuracy of the quotations made in them from Vedic literature are truly admirablo.

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towards the north; they follow him with the ascending celebrations of six days each. He having gone six months towards the north stands still, being about to turn towards the south. Thus they stop, being about to perform the rites of the vaishuvatiya day. Thus they reach him for the second time. He goes six months towards the south. They follow him with the returning celebrations of six days each. Having gone six months towards the south he stands still being about to turn towards the north. Thus they stop, being about to perform the rites of the Mahávratiya day. Thus they reach him for the third time. Because they reach him three times, the year is arranged threefold; for obtaining the year (they do thus). About this there is sang a sacrificial stanza Arranging the days and nights like a wise spider; six months always towards the south and six towards the north wanders the sun.' For he goes six months towards the north, six towards the south.
“They are not to consecrate themselves at that time. The grass has not yet come out, the days are short; shivering they come out of the avabritha-beth. Therefore, they are not to consecrate themselves then. They are to consecrate themselves one day after the new moon of Chaitra. The corn has come out then; the days are long; without shivering they come out of the avabsitha-bath. Therefore this is the established role."
This passage, we see, mentions three different terms for the beginning of the gavámayana, viz., the day following the new moon of Taisha, the day following the new moon of Mâgha; the day following the new moon of Chaitra. The two former terms are, however as will appear later on - variations of one term only, and we therefore may confine ourselves to the consideration of that term which the Brahmana declares to be preferable, i. e., the beginning of the dikshá on the day following on the new moon of Taisha. We also, following the explanation given in Vinayaka's Commentary on the Kaushitaki Brahmana, understand by the new moons of Taisha, Magha and Chaitra the new moons preceding the full moons in Tishya (=Pashya), Maghâs and Chitra. This does not even compel us to assume, with Vinayaka, that the Brdhmana reckons its months from fall moon to full moon, so that the months would begin with the dark half (although to this also there would be no particolar objection). In the strict terminology of later times indeed the amavasya of Taisha could be the amavasya preceding the full moon in Tishya, only if the month Taisha were reckoned from full moon in Mrigasiras to full moon in Tishya; while if it were reckoned from new moon to new moon the amavasya of Taisha would mean the last tithi of the dark half following on full moon in Tishya and preceding full moon in Maghâs. But there is no reason compelling us to assume such strictness of terminology for the time of the Brahmana, especially when we consider that new moon is, strictly speaking, not a lunar day, but only the moment when the dark half comes to an end and the light half begins; so that the beginning of the first day of the light half has as mach right to be called 'amádasya' as the end of the last day of the dark half. The text thus teaches that the diksha has to begin one day after the new moon which precedes full moon in Tishya; in consequence of which the wpavasatha celebration, which immediately precedes the first day on which Soms is pressed, falls on the new month of Magha (i. e., the new moon preceding full moon in Maghas). This is accurate; for from the day after the T'aisha new moon up to the Magha new moon there elapse twenty-nine days, seventeen of which are required for the dikská and twelve for the so-called w pasad. The result of this arrangement is that the real celebration, as distinguished from all introductory ceremonies, begins together with the resting of the sun' before he starts on his progress towards the north, The text thus clearly indicates that what is to be aimed at is the coincidence of the beginning of the year-sacrifice with the winter solstice.
Equally clear is the motive which determined the second alternative allowed - or as it rather appears, preferred by the Brakmaņa. The ganám-ayana is to begin one day after the new moon of Chaitra, ie, three months later than on the first alternative, because then the season is more advanced and agreeable, the days are longer, and the water more pleasant to bathe in

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The impression which the coupling of the two alternative beginnings thus leaves on our mind is that the original intention and practice of the Kaushitakins was to begin their yearsacrifice on the day of the winter solstice, thus following the sun in its upward course with the first six sacrificial months, and again in its downward course with the latter six months. But gradually the sacrifice, as it happens in such cases, became more and more formal; the old beginning was no longer insisted upon, and a new one, more convenient in several respects, was substituted. But there is nothing to indicate that the two beginnings allowed are connected with beginnings of the civil year recognised at different periods. Some sacrificers preferred the solstitial beginining, some the vernal one; that is all. It may be added (which point has likewise been referred to by Prof. Weber already) that the corresponding Srauta-Sátra, the one by Saikhâyana, mentions only the solstitial term which thus seems to have finally prevail. ed in the practice of the Kaushitakins.
The passage quoted from the Kaushitaki-Brahmana, however, has a further importance, in so far as containing a definite statement concerning the relation of the lunar calendar of the time to the solar year. It says that the winter-solstice coincides with the new moon of Magha, i.e., as we have explained above, with the new moon preceding full moon in Maghâs. We here are on well-known ground; for that the winter-solstice takes place at the beginning of the white half of Magha (or the end of the amavasya of Pausha) is the well known doctrine, so often discussed, of the Jyotisha Védánga. . From this there immediately follows that the winter-solstice itself is in Sravishthâs, etc., etc.: in fact the whole system of the Jyotisha Védánga. And we thus must finally conclude that the Kaushitaki-Brahmana itself - onless it be assumed to record observations made at an earlier time - belongs to the period when the winter-solstice was supposed to be in Sravishthis.
Flaving thus seen that the data which the Kaushitaki-Brahmana supplies concerning the beginning of the gavam-ayana do in no way lead us back into very ancient time, we now return to s consideration of the Taittiriya and Tandys texts. The question bere naturally presents itself whether those texts cannot be interpreted in a somewhat analogous way, so as to enable us to connect them with one and the same period, not very distant from the period of the Kaushitaki-Bráhmana. Cannot, we ask, the alternative dates given by the Taittir.ya and Tándya be accounted for by the assumption that at one and the same time the gavín-ayana was optionally began at different periods of the year, for reasons safficiently valid to explain such difference ?
We here begin by enquiring what may be the meaning of the assertion that the full moon in Phaigunt is the mouth, i o., beginning of the year. This statement, or the closely related one that the (month) Phålguna is the mouth of the year' occurs in numerous other places of the Brákmaņas, also in the Tándya Brákmaņa, and must therefore be held to represent an opinion generally prevailing in what we may call the Brákmaña-period. Where then has this beginning of the year to be placed ? Either, we feel naturally inclined to reply, at one of the solstices or at one of the equinoxes. Now that the solstices were, in India, looked upon as marking the beginning of the year we know positively from the Jyotisha Voddaga and similar works (not to speak of the whole later literature), and also from the Kaushitaki passage discussed above; for that the year-sacrifice is made to begin with the winter solstice implies the view that the winter solstice is viewed as the beginning of the natural or civil year. Moreover the Vedas contain namerons references to the northern and southern progress of the sun, and it, therefore, is antecedently probable that the solstices should have formed starting points for the civil year. lo so far Tilak's and Jacobi's view of the Phalgunl-fullmoon once having marked for the Indians the winter solstice is not unlikely. On the other hand it is not antecedently probable that the passages about the gapán-ayana in the two Brahmanas should contain an agglomerate of rules that had originated at periods widely remote from each other, and we, moreover, have

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the direct statement of the Kaushitakins that the winter solstice happens on new moon preceding full moon in Maghûs; we, therefore, may at any rate, attempt to account on other grounds for the statement that Phalguni-fullmoon is the beginning of the year. Now, it is, of course, at once clear that, in the Brahmana period, full moon in Phalguni could not have coincided with the vernal equinox. We, moreover, must, apart from this particular case, disabuse our minds of the notion of the equinoxes vernal or autumnal - having been of any importance for the Hindus previous to the time when the influence of Greek astronomy began to make itself felt. It is, in the first place, a fact that the equinoxes naturally do not attract attention in the same way as the solstices do. At the equinoxes the motion of the eun. towards the north or the south undergoes no noticeable change; the fact that the sun then rises true east is not easily remarked, nor the fact that day and night are of just the same length. The solstices on the other hand attract attention because they are the periods of greatest deviation from the normal state; the sun then stands highest or lowest; the days are longest or shortest; the shadows are shortest or longest; the sun turns towards the south or the north. I need not further dwell on these obvious distinctions; but I must refer to a further and more important point, viz., that, in India, the vernal equinox at any rate does not in any way mark an important point in the revolution of the seasons (about which farther on). It is in agreement with all this that the equinoxes or anything connected with them are nowhere in Vedic literature referred to, either directly or indirectly. What may be the meaning of the fact that the oldest list of the Nakshatras begin with Krittikâs we shall consider later on. If, therefore, some reference to the beginning of the year made in Vedic literature should not immediately and obviously connect itself with the solstices, we have no valid reason to think in the next place of the equinoxes, but must look out for some other likely point from which the year might have commenced.
Now, what here immediately offers itself to our attention is the old subdivision of the year into three seasons, which is in several places directly acknowledged, and moreover pre-supposed by the so-called cháturmásya-sacrifices. Professor Jacobi's second paper is specially devoted to a refutation of the view, admitted by him as not unlikely à priori, that the beginning of the oldest Indian years coincided with the beginnings of those four-monthly periods rather than with the equinoxes. I do not, however, agree with his conclusions on this point. He starts with the observation that when attempting to assign the beginnings of the four-months periods to the proper places in the solar year we must take for our point of departure the beginning of the rainy season, which alone is sharply marked, while it would be difficult to say exactly when either the cold or warm season begins. And as the rains commence about the summer solstice, the beginning of the cold season must be placed, he says, about a month after the autumnal equinox, and that of the warm season about two months after the winter solstice. Now, these remarks are doubtless true in so far as they point to the rainy season as the best defined period in the Indian year. They, however, err, I am inclined to think, in the actual allotment of the months to the three seasons. A division which, on the basis of three different seasons, distinguishes three four-monthly periods can never be quite accurate, because the rainy season occupies less than four months, strictly speaking not
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The Indian year broadly divides itself into three seasons, the warm season, the rainy season and the cold season, just as the European year naturally divides itself into summer and winter. And as the wish of making finer distinctions leads to the insertion into the European year of two transitional seasons-spring between winter and summer, and autumn between summer and winter -; thus in India two further seasons were in course of time added to the three primitive ones; spring between the cold season and the warm season, and autumn between the rainy season and the cold season. Between the warm season and the rains there is no transitional season, and hence the five-season system is, next to the three-season system, the only natural one. The system so extensively used, which distinguishes six seasons, is an artificial one, manifestly due to the wish of establishing a regular and easy correspondence between the seasons and the twelve months of the year; two months going to each season. The insertion of a cool season' (Hira) between winter and spring is not based on conspicuous natural relations, and it moreover is an unjustified proceeding to allot to the rainy season less than three months. The consequence is that in whatever way we distribute the months among the different seasons, the distribution will always, at some point or other, be in conflict with the actual phenomena of the year.

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much more than three months. If, therefore, the principle of four-monthly divisions is to be adhered to as it actually was a compromise has to be arrived at, in so far as either some weeks previous to the beginning of the rains, or some weeks after the cessation of the rains, have to be comprised within the rainy season. Now, nobody acquainted with the seasons of Northern India will in this case hesitate to make his choice. If four months must go to the rainy season they can only be June to September, or, perhaps better, end of first week, or first third, of June to end of first week, or first third, of October; not July to October, nor even the period from summer-solstice to twentieth October. The reason of this is that with the beginning of October the rains are as a rule completely over; while on the other hand showers of rain, more or less heavy in different districts, often fall even in the earlier part of June - let us say from a fort. night before the summer solstice. The four-monthly rainy season therefore begins about the seventh or tenth of June and terminates about the seventh or tenth of October. The consequences to be drawn from this, with regard to the two other four-monthly periods, also agree perfectly well with the real state of things. In the earlier part of February the increase of warrath is already very perceptible; the true cold season is over. And early in October, when the rains have stopped and the atmosphere is no longer saturated with vapour, a refreshing coolness sets in, specially remarkable in the mornings and evenings, which quite justifies us in viewing that time as the beginning of the cool season.
What then, we have next to ask, "have the Brihmaņas to say on that point? Of the sacrifices called cháturmásya, which mark the beginning of the seasons - they are called ritu mukháni in the Satapatha - the first one, called vaisvudova, has to be performed either on the Phålguni Paurņamisi or on the Chaitri; the second one, the so-called varunapraghasás, on the Ashadhi or on the Sråvaņi; the third one, called síkanédhás, on the Karttiki or the Agrahayaņi. The texts always mention the vaisvadeva first, which means that in the Brahmana period the prevailing opinion was that the year begins with the warm season. Now, what the position of the Phalguni-fullmoon in the solar year is, we learn from the Kaushitaki-Brahmane, which tells us that the winter solstice coincides with new moon preceding the Maghi full moon. Full moon in Phalguni thus takes place one and a half month after the winter solstice, i. e., about the end of the first week in February, and this, as we have seen, is a period which may not unsuitably be looked upon as the beginning of the warm season. We now fully understand why the Phalguni-fullmoon is called the month of the year; it marks the beginning of that four-monthly division of the year, which is generally considered tbe first one. And we further observe the full agreement between the statements about the Phalgung-fullmoon, and what the texts say in so many places about spring being the first season, the mouth of the seasons, a. 8. O. For spring constitutes the former half of the four-monthly warm season. The beginning of the spring of the Brahmanas is thus in no way connected with the vernal equinox, but rather takes place one and half month before it.?
If, with these conclusions in view, we now return to the rules given by the Taittiriya Sanhita and the Tandya Brahmana about the beginning of the gavim-ayana, we shall find
• la what follows I use the names of the months throughout as denoting subdivisions of the tropical year; June being the month at the end of whose second third the summer-solstice takes place, oto. The damos therefore will apply, without change, to any period.
TSpring begins at the same point in the calendar established by Julius Caesar; and also in the calendar of the Chinese.of. Ideler, Chronologie, II. p. 143 (Veris initium-7. Februar); and Ideler, Zeitrechnung der Chineser, PP. 15, 136 ff.
In the Jyotisha Veda nga (v. 6) the year is said to begin with the winter soletioe, the month Magha and "tapas' - which latter term, whether taken as donoting & season or a month, can only mean that the first season of the year is the cool,' sensod Sifira; for tapar and tapasya are, in the old scheme of six two monthly seasons, the names of the two ti sira-months. Spring then bogins not about the 7th, but about the 21st of February. The Jyotisha Vidinga thus sets aside the old belief about the Phalgana full moon marking the beginning of spring, being apps. rently guided by the desire of making the winter solstice - the beginning of the year and yuga-formally coincide with the beginning of sonson. That in reality the winter solstice has no right to be viewed as the beginning of a season, and certainly not of one whose first month is called 'tapas' will, of course, bo evident to any one familiar with the seasonal changes of Northern India.

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them perfectly perspicuous and coherent. I do not now discuss in detail the beginning on the ekáshtaká, and remark only that, if the ckáskṭakú is as the commentators say the eighth day after full moon in Magha, the beginning of the sacrifice on that day is rightly objected to as falling within the season which is the 'end' of the year; for it falls within the last month before Phalguni-fullmoon, which marks the beginning of the new year. The Tandya further rightly objects to it that the water is then unpleasantly cold for bathing. That, as Prof. Jacobi remarks, this objection could not be raised by those who take the Phalguni-fallmoon for their beginning, because within the 24 days between the ekáshtaki and Phalguni-fullmoon the water does not become sensibly warmer, I cannot admit. Just at that season the difference would be a very perceptible one; and the whole question loses in importance, owing to the fact that after all the Phalguni-fallmoon is immediately afterwards itself rejected in favour of the Chaitri-fullmoon. The texts next both mention the Phalguni-fullmoon as the proper day for beginning the sacrifice, because it is the 'mouth' of the year. This is in order as we have explained above. Equally justified is the rejection of this alternative for the reason that it involves the falling of the vishuvat-day within the cloudy season. For from those who begin the diksha on about the 7th of February, the oishuvat falls end of August, within the rainy season. Equally intelligible is then the third alternative, which decides for Chaitri-fullmoon. For those who begin the diksha on that term, celebrate the vishuvat-day at the end of September, when the rains are over. Nor is there any objection to the Taittiriya Samhita speaking of the Chaitri-fullmoon as an alternative beginning of the year. For, as we have seen, the Phalguni-fullmoon stands just on the confines of the cold season and spring, and it, therefore, is quite intelligible that some should prefer as the beginning of the year the first fullmoon which falls within spring, and cannot be claimed by the cold season also, i. e., the Chaitri-fullmoon. And again, we clearly see why the Tandya, in order to escape the somewhat awkard admission that two consecutive full moons are both called the mouth of the year, prefers to call the earlier full moon the mouth, and the later one the eye of the year. To the fourth alternative, according to which the diksha begins four days before full moon,' we shall return further on.
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The same reasons, which induce the Brahmanas to mention the Phalguni and the Chaitrî as optional beginnings of the gavam-ayana, account for the differences in the terms assigned for the chaturmasya sacrifices. The Brahmanas and some sutras prescribe the Phalguni, Ashadhi and Kartikî full moons, i. e., they adhere to the strict beginnings of the three fundamental seasons; other sûtras admit as alternatives the Chaitri, Sravani and Agrahayani full moons, i. e., they allow the sacrifices to take place, not exactly at the beginning of each season, but in its earlier part when it has well established itself. And here we must not forget to take into account a further circumstance, which most likely has had its share in leading to the establishment of alternative beginnings. As the lunar months lag behind the seasons, the Phalgunf-fullmoon, which in one year may coincide with, let us say, the 7th of February, will fall in the next year about twelve days earlier, and again twelve days earlier in the third year; so that by that time it will be twenty-four days less remote from the winter solstice than at first. Any further displacement will, of course, be stopped by the insertion of an intercalary month at, let us say, with the Jyotisha Védánga, the middle of the third year, which will restore the disturbed harmony between lunar and solar time. But it is clear that those who wished their vaisvadé va sacrifice in the third year to coincide with the actual beginning of spring would give the preference to chaitri paurņamosi over phalguni; and that there was some excuse for doing so in the second year already, considering that even in the normal year the Phalguni-fullmoon lay right on the confines of the cold season. Displacements of the kind described may also account for the fact that according to some authorities the vaiśvadéca sacrifice might be offered as late as Vaisakhîfullmoon.
In order to complete the discussion of the passages from the Taittiriya Samhita and the Tándya Brahmana, it remains to enquire into the meaning of the first and the last terms mentioned, viz.,

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the ekásht aká and the fourth day before full moon.' The ekáshyaká the commentators declare to be the eighth day of the dark half of Mâgha, s. e., the eighth day after full moon in Maghâs, the months being counted as beginning with the light half. Professor Jacobi thinks that this term was advocated by those who wished to perform all introductory rites before the Phålgunifullmoon day, so that the real sacrifice could begin on the latter, the true beginning of the new year. But, as he himself points out, the introductory rites require twenty-four days, while the time from the eighth of the dark half of Mâgha up to Phalguni-fullmoon comprises twenty-two days only. Moreover, the designation of the ekáshľaká as the wife of the year' in different places and the fact of certain special rites being connected with it, seem to indicate that the ekashtaká had quite an independent importance of its own: was, in fact, specially connected with the beginning of the new, or end of the old, year. If the year is viewed as beginning with Phalguni-fullmoon, the light half of Phalguna, although really preceding the new year, might yet be viewed to belong to the new year, just because it is the light waxing half of the month, and in that case the ekáshtaká, as marking the last quarter of the last waning half of the old year might not inappropriately be viewed as representing the end of the old year. It might, in fact, be viewed so also, if the months are reckoned from full moon to full moon, in which case the whole of Phâlguna, i. e., the month preceding Phalguni-fullmoon, would belong to the old year. Another possibility may also be mentioned. If, as said just now, the months are connted from full moon to full moon, the dark half of Mâgha is not that half which follows Mâghi-fullmoon, but rather that which follows Paushi-fullmoon, and in that case the eighth day of the dark halt of Migha would precede the solstice coinciding - as in the Kaushitaki Bráhmana and the Jyotisha Vediaga - with the new moon preceding Maghi-fullmoon. The ekishtaka would then be the last quarter preceding the winter solstice, and as such represent the end of that form of the year, which is reckoned from winter solstice to winter solstice. In that case the beginning of the gavám-nyana with the ekáshtaká, according to the Taittiriya Sanhita and the Tándya, would be analogous to the beginning on the amavasya of Taisha or Magha, i. e., in both cases wo should have to do with a beginning connected in some way with the winter solstice. — As to this latter explanation I, however, must remark that it is contradicted by those Sútra texts, which define the ekáshļaká, not merely as the eighth of the dark half of Mágha, but more definitely as the eighth day after Maghi-fullmoon.
Howsoever this may be, in either case the objections raised in the Taitt. Smil. and the Tándya against the ekáshtaka-term are quite intelligible. The ekâshţaki falls within the last season of the year, whether that last season be the one preceding the Phalguni-fullmoon, or the one preceding the winter solstice; hence the 'antanámúnúv șita' of the texts. In each case we have to do with the cold season, which is ártia, distressed or injured. And if the rather indefinite terms "vyasta' and 'vichchkina' should, as the commentators say, refer to the turn of the year connected with the winter solstice, this also wonld agree with the above explanations, because the ekáshļaká falls within Magha, which is the month of the winter solstice.
The last term mentioned in the Tuitt, and Tándya has, as Prof. Tilak points out, become the subject of a Mimárisá discussion, since the texts do not indicate directly which full moon is the one, four days before which the diksha has to begin. The point is of no great importance for us here, as in the case of either possible decision the term does not greatly differ from one of the three others. If we, with the Mímám sakas, decide for the Maghi-fullmoon, we have a beginning of the year in the same month as the ekushtaká (or at any rate separated from the latter by twelve days only); if, on the other hand, wo decide for Chaitri-fullmoon, the term nearly coincides with the third term. I, however, must say that the Mimaris& view appears to me in this case quite untenable. For the soundness of Mimárisá decisions in general I have the greatest respect, and it, moreover, is highly probable that in many cases the Mimánzei verdict must not be judged on its own merits only, but also as representing an old tradition; the minsaka knew beforehand what the outcome of his argumentation was to be. But,

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in the present case, the context of the two passages really admits of no other interpretation than that in favour of Chaitra-fullmoon. The text first states the ekáshtaka and Phâlgunt alternatives and rejects them both on account of certain shortcomings; then states the Chitra-alternative and adds expressly 'in tbis there is no fault. When, therefore, it after that goes on let them consecrate themselves four days before the full moon' that full moon can only be the Chaitri-fullmoou just accepted, which term is now, for certain liturgical reasons, slightly modified. The tkushtaká, mentioned afterwards, is then not the ekáshtakd of Magha mentioned first, but one of the eláshtakás following on Chaitri-fullmoon. None of the Mináisa reasons for the Maghi-alternative is more than ingenious. That the Sútra-writer Langåksbin (quoted by Prof. Tilak) accepts that alternative, only shews that, in making up his mind in this doubtful case, he was guided by considerations, similar to those which determined the decision of Jaimini. That, bowever, Jamini's Púrvapaksha was actually the siddhanta of other authorities, appears from a passage in Apastamba's Srauta Sútra, where the terms for the beginning of the gavám-ayana are discussed. We there read 'they are to consecrate themselves four days before full-moon; before the full moon of Magba, so Asmarathya thinks; before the full moon of Chaitra, so Alekhana thinks.'
Having thus shown that the Taittiriya and Tandya passages about the beginning terms of the gavam-ayena can be explained quite satisfactorily and coherently, if viewed as referring to the time when the winter solstice had the position assigned to it in the Kaushitaki Brahmana and the Jyotisha Vedanga, we now turn to the other principal arguments by which Profs. Tilak and Jacobi undertake to support their views of a Vedic winter solstice coinciding with Phalguni-fullmoon. We first consider the fact - referred to by Jacobi and discussed at length by Tilak-that the month commonly known as MArgabirsba, one of the autumn months, is also called Ågrabayana, which word can only mean beginning the year. Now this, it is argued, confirms the hypothesis of a Vedic summer solstice in Uttara Phalgunî; for when the solstice had that position, the vernal equinox was in Mrigasiras, and hence the moon was full in that nakshatra at the time of the autumnal equinox, in the month Margaśirsha. Hence those, Prof. Jacobi says, who began their year with the autumnal equinox, could apply to Mârgaśirsha the term Agrahayana,'
beginning the year. Professor Tilak proceeds somewhat differently. He does not explain • Agrahảyana' as meaning the month beginning the year ; but rather as the month in which the moon is full in the nakshatra Agrahảyana,' i. e., the nakshatra Mrigaśiras, which was called beginning the year,' at the time when it marked the vernal equinox. So far as Profs. Jacobi and Tilak differ in their explanations, I agree with the former. What - apart from the view I shall set forth immediately as to the true cause of the name Âgrahảyada being applied to Margasîrsha - is decisive in this case is, firstly that Margasirsha is actually referred to as the first of the months; and secondly that Agrahîyani is explained by all the Hindú authorities as meaning the first night of the year.! Against their authority Tilak's learned grammatical discussion is of no avail. Moreover, Agrahayana,' as a name of the nakshatra Mrigasiras, is nowhere in Savskrit literature actually met with. But that, in order to account for words, such as ágrahoyana and agrahayani, as denoting the Mårgasîrsha month and its full moon night we need not accept either Prof. Jacobi's or Tilak's explanation, can be easily seen. The beginning of the year with Margasîrsha belongs to those who, wishing to have a sarad-year-as Prof. Jacobi calls it, looked on Chaitrifullmoon as beginning the warm season; those in fact who celebrated their third cháturmúsya on Mârgasirsha (see above). That a beginning of the year at the time when the rainy season is over was in certain circles a popular one, appears from the fact that a year commencing with Kårttika was generally used by astronomers in later times. This Kârttika year might possibly have originated in an early period already, marking the commencement of the sarad-year for those who began their warm season with Phålguni ; there, however, are, as far as known to me, no really old traces of it, and it, therefore, is more likely that it was introduced

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when, with the general reform of astronomy, the equinoxes came to be taken into consideration, and Kârttika was found to coincide with the autumnal equinox. Professor Jacobi's remark, that there is no likelihood of the year ever having began with the last season, is not, I think, of much force. The general later use of the Karttika year shews that a beginning of the year with the time when the rains are over was popular within wide circles ; and to those who divided their year into three four monthly seasons only, and at the same time preferred Chaitri as the commencement of the warm time, there was no choice but to begin their postpluvial season with Margasirsha. In general it may be said that the time after the rains, when the sky clears itself from clouds, the atmosphere from vapour, and an invigorating coolness begins to prevail, is a by no means inappropriate beginning for the Indian year. - Compare also what Prof. Weber says (p. 333) as to the Northern Buddhists generally beginning their year with the winter-season.
I next turn to the other arguments adduced by Prof. Jacobi to strengthen or introduce those conclusions of his which we have so far considered. His first paper begins with an attempt to shew that we meet in the Veda with traces of Phalguni once baving been recognised as marking the summer solstice (with which would agree the conclusion discussed above of the winter solstice coinciding with Phalgani-fullmoon). He at first adduces the passage Rigtéda Samh. VIL 103, 9, in order to prove in general that the Sasikitás already mention a beginning of the year with the rainy season, the commencement of which coincides with the summer solstice. That the year later, as Prof. Jacobi points out, called varsha or abda - should have sometimes been viewed as beginning with the rainy season is à priori by no means unlikely: there is, in fact, no reason why any of the three great seasons should not, from certain points of view, have been looked upon as the first, and the beginning of the rains is certainly the most striking of the seasonal phenomena of the Indian year, That the passage Bi. Sasih. VII. 103, 9, however, cannot be used for proving that the twelfth month of the year occurs about the time of the beginning of the rains has been already remarked - and in my opinion with fall justice - by Prof. A. Weber (Vedische Beiträge, 1894, page 38), and Prof. E. Windish (Z. D. M. G. Vol. 48, page 356); for 'dvádaíasya' in that verse certainly means the year (sampat sara) - mentioned immediately afterwards - which consists of twelve months.
Professor Jocobi next explains the well known passage in the Surya-shkta (R. 8. X. 85, 13) as directly teaching that the summer solstice once took place in Phalgani. Against this conclusion also Prof. A. Weber has already entered a protest (Ved. Beit. p. 33): not, however, on the grounds on which I disagree with Prof. Jacobi. 1, for my part, have no doubt that aghasu hanyante gádo'rjunyoh pary uhyale' means the cows are killed (when the moon is) in Maghas; the marriage procession goes round (when the moon is) in Phalgani,' i. e., the preparatory ceremonies take place in the last month of the old year, in Mågha, about the time of the winter solstice; the wedding itself takes place when the moon is fall in Phalgani, i, e., at the beginning of the new year (the Phålgani-fullmoon, as explained above, marking the beginning of spring). Wherever, in the Brahmanas and Sátras, something is simply said to take place in a certain nakshatra, the time meant is when the moon is either fall in, or else simply in conjunction with, that nakshatra.
Professor Jacobi next refers to the different dates given in the Gríkya-sútras for the beginning of the study of the Vála. This is generally connected with the beginning of the rainy season. Now, one Grihya-sitra specifies, as the appropriate date, the foll-moon of Srâvaņa, and another - with which moreover & statement in the Ramayana agrees - the fall-moon of Bhadrapada. These two determinations Prof. Jacobi supposes to have been made at the times when the summer solstice, which marks the beginning of the rainy season, coincided with full moon in Sravana and Bhadrapada, respectively, i. e., about 2,000 and 4,000 B. C. Tbe latter determination would thus belong to the same period when the summer solstice was
• An interpretation virtually identical with the one given above has already been proposed by Prof. Mas Müller, Preface to Vol IV. of the Rigueta Santhit4, p. lxvü.

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observed to take place in Phalgani. But these conclusions, if not supported by ample collateral evidence, are altogether precarious. With regard to the rule that study is to begin at Sravana full moon, I remark that that full moon marks the beginning of the rainy season for those who reckoned their first four monthly period from Chaitri-fullmoon. And that the members of certain schools began their studies another month later, may have been due to local causes connected with the climate of the place, or other circumstances which we cannot now ascertain. I certainly can see no sufficient reason for seeing in this isolated rule of some Grihya-sútras a reminiscence of a period as remote as 4000 B, C., and would rather have recourse to any explanation than this.
When remarking, above, that in Vedic literature the equinoxes are never mentioned and that hence in our chronological speculations we are not warranted in referring to them as probable starting points of the Vedic year, I said that I should revert later on to the fact of Ksittikas heading the oldest lists of the nakshatras. This fact has, it is well known, been generally understood to imply a recognition of the vernal equinox once having lain in Kpittikas. I, however, must state that for my part I have never been able to see anything like a valid reason for this conclusion. What has led to its universal adoption is, of course, the involuntary comparison of the older lists beginning with Kțittikâs with the later ones beginning with Asvini. That Asvini was made to head the series is doubtless due to the fact that, at the time when the system of Indian astronomy was cast into its modern shape, the beginning of Asvini coincided with the vernal equinox. But the importance then attached to a beginning with the vernal equinox was entirely due to foreign, Greek, influence, and the inference that, because the new list takes its departure from the equinox, the old one did so likewise is, if in a certain sense natural, yet without any sound foundation. Longitudes - or what may be considered as the equivalent of longitudes – were, as far as our information goes, measured in the pre-Hellenic period of Indian astronomy from the points of the solstices only; whether from the winter solstice, as in the Jyotisha Védángu, or from the summer-golstice, as in the Súryaprajñapti of the Jainas. And further, we have seen above that, in the period of the Bráhmanas at any rate, the equinoxes appear not to have been considered at all in connection with the seasons; the spring of the Brahmanas begins midway between the winter solstice and the vernal equinox.
Professor Tilak indeed, in his second chapter, argues that there are distinct traces of the oldest Indian year having been one beginning with the vernal equinox. His first argument is that the term ishrvat' means originally the day when night and day are equal'; that hence the central vishuvat-day of the year-sacrifices, such as the gavám-ayana, must have been one of the equinoxes, and hence the sacrifice must have begun at the other equinox: whence we may conclude that that equinox was viewed as the beginning of the year. But there is no authority for Tilak's interpretation of the word vishudat, which rather seems to mean that which belongs to both sides equally,' that which occupies the middle; ' so that the vishuvat-day is simply the central day of the sacrifice, wherever that day may fall. The Brahmaņas seem not to leave any doubt that this central day was originally meant to coincide with the summer solstice ; while subsequently, when the beginning of the sacrifice bad been moved forward to the beginning of spring, it, of course, coincided with about - the beginning of October. Later on only, in the technical language of astronomy, the term came to denote the equinoctial day.
Nor can I follow Prof. Tilak in his attempt to establish for the terms uttarúyana' and . dakshindyana' new meanings, according to which they would denote, not the periods during which the sun moves towards the north and towards the south, i. e., the periods intervening between the solstices (in which sense the two terms have hitherto been understood exclusively), but the terms during which the sun is towards the north or south' respectively, i. e., the terms intervening between the equinoxes when the sun is either to the north or to the south of the equator. These latter meanings might perhaps be assigned to the two words on etymological grounds, but in the whole of existing Sanskrit literature, from the eldest books downwards,

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uttard yana and dakahind yana actually denote nothing but the periods during which the sun proceeds either northwards or southwards. The passages quoted by Prof. Tilak from the Upanishads couple the uttarayana with the light half of the month, the dakshinayana with its dark half, for the obvious reason that, as in the light half the light of the moon increases until it reaches a maximum, and decreases in the dark half until a minimum is arrived at, so in the uttarayana the sun daily rises higher, gains in heat and might, and finally attains his highest place and heat, while in the dakshinayana the opposite process is passed through. The identification of the uttarayana and dakshindyana with the devayána and pitriyana of the Samhitás has nothing to rest on. Nor can the passage of the Sata patha Bráhmana, which allots to the gods the seasons Spring, Summer and Rains, and to the fathers the three remaining seasons, and after that says that the sun is among the gods when he turns to the north, and among the fathers when he turns to the south, be used to prove the identity of the tittaráyana with the period from vernal equinox to autumnal equinox; and of the dakshiņáyana with the remaining part of the year. For in the first place the spring of the Prihmanas begins, as we have seen, not with the vernal eqninox, but at the point lying midway between winter solstice and equinox. And in the second place an explanation, which might possibly be applied to the term uttarayana, viz, that it denotes the time when the sun is moving in the northern region, not towards the north, really becomes altogether impossible when we have to do with expressions, like 'udag á varttale,' which clearly refer to the sun as 'turning' or 'returning northwards. The sun .turns' or returns' only at the solstice, not at the equinoxes. The two clauses of the Satapatha passage do not fully agree, because they really refer to two different ways of subdividing the year. The ayanas are reckoned from the solstices; the seasons from the point lying midway between winter solstice and vernal equinox. If, therefore, the intention was to assign to the gods as well as to the fathers three entire seasons — without cutting op two seasons into halves - the allotment of a small part of the dakshinayana to the gods and a small part of the uttarayana to the fathers could not be avoided.
As thus there is no trace of a year reckoned from the equinox in the Brahmana period, there hardly seems a good reason for connecting the position of Krittikås at the head of the old lists of the nalcshatras with the verval equinox. According to the system of the Bráhmanas - which, as we have seen, is reflected in the Jyotisha Védanga - the vernal equinox falls at 10° of Bharani, i. e., close to Kțittikas, and the latter constellation might, therefore, even then have been viewed as roughly marking the equinox. But, as the latter point or day is manifestly of no importance in the order of the year recognised in the Bráhmanas, I, for my part, am unwilling to accept this interpretation of the position of Ksittikas. It, is, of course, not impossible that the old lists of the nakshatras may really come down from the time when Krittikas marked the place of the vernal equinox, not only approximately, but accurately, i, e., about 2300 B.C. Only we must clearly realize that, in that case, astronomical views must be supposed to have prevailed at that time, which greatly differed from those of the Brahmana-period; i, e., that people then must have looked on the vernal equinox as really marking the beginning of the year. That this was so is not impossible ; but it has to be kept in view that it is an hypothesis not directly countenanced by anything in Vedic literature. And, as may be repeated here, the fact, that the leading asterism of later times, viz., Asvini, owed its position to its connexion with the equinox, proves, in no way, that the ancient position of Krittikas was due to an analogons cause.
We thus arrive at the final conclusion that none of the astronomical data which so far have been traced in Vedic literature in any way compel, or even. warrant us, to go back higher than the time when, as the Jyotisha Vedanga explicitly states, the wintersolstice took place in Sravishthas. To the decision of the question at what exact period that coincidence occurred I have not for the present anything to add. The difficulties besetting this problem have, on different occasions, been fully and convincingly stated by the late Prof. Whitney, who arrived at the conclusion that, if all sources of possible error are taken into joint

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consideration, 'a thousand years would not be too long a period to cover all the uncertainties involved." He, with full justice I think, lays special stress on the fact that there is absolutely no proof of the old boundary lines of the nakshatras having been the same as those acknowledged in later Hindu nstronomy, and of the insignificant star, Piscium, baving from the beginning marked the eastern limit of Revati;10 and that hence in all our backward calculations we have no reliable point to start from. Where on the ecliptic is the beginning of Sravishyhás, iu which, according to the Védánga, the sun is when turning towards the north P The constellation Śravishthâs has a considerable northern latitude, and the sun, therefore, can never actually be in the consellation, nor can the heliacal rising of the constellation indicate the place of the sun in the ecliptic to those who do not possess a very advanced astronomical and mathematical knowledge. The Jyotisha Védánga (v. 6) says that the yuga begins when sun and moon ascend the sky together with Sravishțhás; which certainly seems to mean that the sun at the beginning of the yuga rises together with the constellation Gravishtbils : analogously Garga - as quoted by Somákara - teaches that the utlaráyana begins when sun and moon rise together with Srarishthås. At the same time those two anthorities clearly mean to say that, at the beginning of the yuga, the sun is at the beginning of that subdivision of his path, which is called Sravishthâs after the constellation That when the sun is at the first point of that subdivision it does not rise together with the constellation - owing to the northern latitude of the latter - they are evidently quite un. aware of. Whore, under these circumstances, is the fixed point which we require to star from in our calculations P Professor B. G. Tilak (in his third chapter) contends that it is more natural to suppose that in the earliest days of civilization tbe motions of the sun and the moon were determined with reference to known fixed stars, rather than to artificial subdivisions of the zodiac. This is no doubt true; bat in Indian literature there appears to be from the very beginning a most confusing mixing up of constellations and divisions of ecliptic Artificial systems, like that represented by the Jyotisha Védánga, appear to have been estab Jished very early: I have no doubt that at the time, when the aathor of the 19th book of the Kaushitaki Brahmana could say that the sun always turns towards the north on the new moon of Màgha, there already existed a fully worked out calendaric scheme, most probably very similar to that of the Védánga. It appears probable that such a scheme, was known at the time already when the months first received their names from the nakshatras in which the moon was fall. We must here clearly distinguish between minuteness and accuracy of astronomical observation on the one hand, and of arithmetical calculation on the other hand. The former cannot be presupposed for an early period - they, in fact, never existed in India ; but there stands nothing in the way of our admitting that the Hindus at a very early period already were capable of devising a, purely theoretical, subdivision of the sun's and moon's path into twenty-seven equal parts, and accurately calculating the places occupied in those parts by the two heavenly bodies in all seasons and months of the year. There is no valid reason, in fact, to deny that what is actually done in the Jyotisha Védánga and the Sürya Prajnapti of the Jainas could be done at a much earlier period already. Each artificial scheme of that type, of course, requires, at least, one observation which provides a starting point for all calculations ; such as the place of the winter solstice in the Vedanga and of the summer solstice in the Súrya Prajiiapti. Bat what that original observation really was in each case is a matter of doubt. The system of the Jyotisha Vélanga, e. g., is probably based on some observation however imperfectly made, of the place of the winter solstice; but it is, at any rate, not impossible that something else was originally observed, e. g., the place of the summer Bolstice and that the corresponding winter solstice was thence calculated according to the general principles of the system.
• Whitney, the Lunar Zodiac, p. 384. 16 Compare on this point the introduction to my and Pa.. Sudhakara Drivedi'. Kdition of the Panchasiddhantikt, !
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I wish to add a few words regarding a question repeatedly touched upon in Prof. Tilak's book, and naturally presenting itself in the course of all enquiries into ancient Hindu astronomy and chronology, viz., the question of what acouracy of observation the early Hindus may be supposed to have been capable. That observation was at no period a strong point of Hindu astronomers is at present disputed by nobody; we need only remember that even after the Hindus had reached a comparatively high stage of theoretical astronomical knowledge and probably cultivated systematic observation to some degree, they yet appreciated its importance so imperfectly as to leave no direct record of what they did : astronomers tacitly corrected the astronomical elements they had received from their predecessors, but did not state what the observations were that appeared to call for those corrections. And how imperfect the observations were by which they attempted to define the longitudes of the junction-stars of the nakshatras, elearly appears from the results, as stated in the Siddhantas. As regards the older period, anterior to that of the Siddhantas, it is very difficult to admit anything like even approximative correctness of observation. We may here limit our reflections to the only class of observation wbicla, as far as we can jadge, was then actually practised to some extent, i. e., that of the places of the solstices. If we wish to ascertain the place in the ecliptic at which the sun is at the winter solstice, or, to put the problem in a less abstract way, the star or constellation in or near which the sun is at that time, we, of course, mast first ascertain on what day the winter solstice takes place. Now, this may be done either by observing on what day the sun rises and sets furthest to the soath ; or else by observing on what day the shadow cast by some pole or geomon at noon is longest. Both these observations, however, have their difficulties, and anything like an even approximately accurate result can be arrived at only by the observations being repeated for a number of years. This, of course, if done with method and perseverance, will gradually lead to an approximately correct evaluation of the length of the year: which in this way will be found to consist of about 365 days. Observations continued for a number of years - Biot considers that a period of twenty years would have amply sufficed for the purpose - will shew that 365 days are not sufficient to bring back the phenomena of the shortest shadow as noon and the greatest southern amplitude of the sun, and will teach that another quarter of a day has to be added to the length of the year.
What here immediately concerns us is the recognition of the fact that anything, like a fairly accurate fixation of the sun's place among the stars at the winter solstice, cannot be imagined to have been accomplished by people who had no approximately correct notion of the length of the year; the knowledge of the one cannot be separated from that of the other. Now, what length was attributed to the year in the Vedic period we do not directly know; for the ever-recurring statement as to the year having 360 days can hardly represent the entire knowledge of the Hindus of that time, and, moreover, there are positive indications of some system of intercalation (the 13th month, etc.), which no doubt improved matters to some extent But in the next following period - represented by the Jyotisha Védánga, Garga, etc., we have most definite and circumstantial information as to the recognition of a solar year of 366 days, i.e, of a year three quarters of a day in fault. No clause, providing for a periodical correction of this fault, has been traced either in the Jyotisha Vegánga or any cognate work; the need of such a correction was evidently not perceived, or certainly not regarded, for centuries. Now, it would hardly recommend itself to ascribe to the Hindus of the Vedic period a more accurato knowledge of the length of the year than to their successors, and we, therefore, must assume, however unwillingly, that they also, at the best, valued the solar year at 366 days. But with what accuracy, we must usk, can solstices be observed by men who were so egregiously mistaken about the length of the year ? At the end of one yuga of five years already, an observer, following the principles of the Vedanga, wonld have looked out for the sun's place at the winter-solstice about four days too late, and would consequently - if we suppose bima to have been capable of determining the sun's place at any given time with full accuracy have located the solstice about four degrees east of its real place. How any civilized nation, interested in the maintenance of an orderly calendar, could, for any longth of time, put up

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the scheme based on the hypothesis of the quinquennial yuga is altogether incomprehensible. Probably there took place from time to time violent reforms of the calendar, imperiously necessitated by glaring discrepancies between the results of the received theory and the actual state of things. But that in the pre-Hellenic period there was anything like a methodical correction of received chronometrical and astronomical theories, such as results frors continued methodical observation, we have no right to assume. When Variha Mihira, in the sixth centary of the Christian era, undertook to give a survey of the different Hinda systems of astronomy, he appears to have had before kimself works of two different descriptions only such as were manifestly based on Greek science, and such as were in all essential features not superior to the Jyotisha Védánga. And when we note that he manifestly was acquainted only with two positions of the summer solstice, - viz., the one belonging to his own period and the old traditional one recorded in the Védánga, and that hence evidently there existed no record of an analogous observation from the whole period 'intervening between those two observations (a period of, let us say, 1700 years), we shall feel neither inclined to form a high opinion of the skill of the people who made the earlier observation, nor to believe that that observation was preceded by a series of older analogous observations, and that records of these are embodied in ancient Hindu literature.
Postscript. This paper was nearly finished when I became acquainted with Prof. Bühler's Note on Prof. Jacobi's Age of the Veda and on Prof. Tilak's Orion,' published in the Indian Antiquary, September 1894, and, also, through Major R. C. Temple's courtesy, with the Inte Prof. Whitney's paper On Jacobi and Tilak on the age of the Veda,' printed in the Proceedings of the Anerican Oriental Society for March 1894. The latter paper, with whose conclusions I agree, does not call for any remark on my part. To much of what Prof. Bühler remarks my own paper contains a reply. I do not in general wish to contest what Prof. Bühler says about the probability of Vedic culture and literature reaching back to a more remote past than has hitherto been generally assumed. But I must adhere to my contention that with the possible exception of Ksittikas heading the old list of the nakshatras - no astronomical datum has, so far, been pointed out in Vedic literature which leads back further than the period when the winter-solstice' was in Sravishthag.
NARSINH MEHETANUN MAMERUN. A POEM BY PREMANAND, TRANSLATED FROM THE GUJARATI WITH Note3,
BY MRS. P. J. KABRAJI (Née PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA). (Continued from p. 81.)
Canto IV. The priest Khôkhalô placed the letter in Mêhêtaji's hand, 120 Who, on reading the good tidings called upon the Lord of Vaikunth:" Maternity gifts are expected from me for my daughter and I have not so much as a false
coin in my house. 49Trikamji, may you remain in readiness, for much gold will be required (on this occasion)." Feeding the priest and giving him alms, the MêhêtA fell at his feet,
And said :-"We shall come with the gifts," and dismissed him. 125 Then Narsinh Mêhêtâ sent for his Vériigiso friends and relatives and said to them) :
“We have to carry gifts (for her relatives), as Kuivarbîi expects her simant." (So they prepared) a broken carriage, with the yokes all bent and the spokes and tyres all
broken. The poles and spokes belonged to one person; of another they borrowed a pair of bullocks. And so the Mêhêtaji went forth, after invoking the aid of Jagdisaji.61 * An epithet of Krishna. 39 Ascetics. 61 The Lord of the Univerae, being a title of Krishņa.

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130 Three female friends were with them, and they made some ten or twenty Verágis in all.
In a little closed box of copper they carried the image of Balmukandjî,52
And each one wore the image of Dâmôdar, hanging from a string at his neck.
A bag was slung at the back of the cart, in which they carried the musical instruments, And (also) a load of gopichandan, 53 and tulasi-leaves and sacred fuel.
135 Tilak and tulasi-leaves and strings of beads comprised all they had in the shape of gifts. (But) Narsinh had little fear, (for ) he knew that Gopaljiss was responsible for the consequences!
But how can such feeble bullocks pull (such a load) ?
So the Vaisnavas pushed with all their might over the steep roads, loudly crying "Jai, Jai,56 Lord of Vaikuúth:"
Till one of the bullocks sank down from exhaustion, while the other pulled with all his
might :
140 At which the Vêrâgis would wring the tail of the prostrate animal and do other such
curious things.
(Though) all the joints of the carriage were loose and crooked, and the carriage leaned to one side,
And the poles and axles creaked sonorously,
The Vaisnavas would now jump down and now mount again with the name of RamKrishna56 on their lips.
101
Towards noon the Mêhêtaji reached his destination, and all the town turned out to see (him). 145 What do the people of Vishyapûr know of the splendour of the Vaisnavas ?
(Some remarked) “ Kuivarvahu's wishes are fully gratified; the gifts are in cash.57
Refrain.
The Mêhtaji has brought the gifts in cash. Look what the Vaisnavas have with them. Let them distribute just one necklace of beads to each, and the whole community will be
decorated!"
कडवु ४ थुं. राग धनाश्री
खोखले पंड्ये पत्रज आप्युं मेहेताजीने हाथजी. 120 वधामणी कागळमां वांची समर्या वडकुंडनाथजी. मारु पुत्रनुं करतुं परमां नथी खोटो दामजी. त्रीकमजी तेवडमां रेहेजो द्रव्य तणुं छ कामजी. भोजण करावी दक्षणा आपी मेहेतो लाग्या पायजी. मोसालुं लइ अमे आवशुं पंड्यों कीधा विदायजी. 125 नरसइ मेहते घेर तेडाव्या सगा वेरागी संतजी.
मोसालं लइ आपणे जवुं छे कुंवरबाइने शिमंतजी. जुनी वेलने झुसरी वांकी सांगी सोटा भागीजी. कोना तणावाने कोणी पींजणीओ बळ आण्या बे मांगी जी.
मेहेताजी मामेरे चाल्या समर्या श्री जगदीशजी.
58
130 ॠण सखीओ संगाये चाली वेरागी दस बीसजी. संपुट बांबानी दाबडीभी तेमां बाळमुकंदजी.
कंडे हार करीने राख्या दामोदर नंदनंदजी. वेल्यनी पुंढे कोथळी बांध्यो, मांहीभर्या वाजींत्र जी. गांसडी एक गोपीचंदननी तुळशी काइट पवित्रजी. 135 मौसाळांनी सामगरीमां तीलकने तुलसी माळजी. नरसइभाने नीरभय छे जे, भोगवशे गोपाळजी. बहीण बळदो शुं हींडे डेले वइस्नव साथजी. सोर पांडेने ढाळ चढावे जे जे वडकुंदनाथजीएक बळद गळी ओ यह बेठी आखली ताली जायजी. 140 पड्याने पुछ गरही उठाडे कउतक कोटी थायजी. साले साल जुंजवां दीसे रथ तणा बहु वक्रजी. सांगीनो शब्दज उठे चुचवेछे बहु चक्रजी.
चडे बेसे ने वळी उतरे रामकृष्णनुं नामजी. मध्यांने मेहेताजी आध्या जोवा मळ्युं उना गामजी. 145 शुं जाणे वइशणवनो महीमा विष्यपुरना लोकजी. कोड पौष्या कुंवरबहुना मामेरुं छे रोकजी.
वलण.
रोक मामे मेहेता लाग्या जओ वद्दद्दनवनी बसातजीरे. अकेकी माळा आप तो पेहरशे नागरी नातरे.
82 The name by which Krishna was known as a child on earth. 68 A kind of yellow clay for marking the forehead.
54 See note 19.
56 Rama was an incarnation of Krishna.
55 Lit., victory.
87 This was spoken in irony, as they did not see any signs of its being in kind. The same Râg as the second canto.

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Canto V. When Srirang Mêhetâ heard of the arrival) he came forth in baste: and both the réveis
met with affection. 150 Also the son-in-law and his brother came out to meet him, and all the household came out
to see him, But they all langhed at the equipage of the Mêhêt and greeted him but coldly. They gave him a house to put up in, where fleas and mosquitoes bad made their dwelling: A quaint old place with an uneven floor, the tiles of the roof being conspicuous by their
absence, The thatch all rotten, and the beams all broken, and the walls bent double. 155 Such a house the Mêhêtà had to live in amongst numberless fleas and bugs. After the rêvai had left his guest in this place and departed, the Nagars laughed and
said ironically): " Here is Kunvavaha's Vaišnava father, let us look on his face and be purged of our sins.' And 80 (also) with laughter and merriment the fair ones from each house went forth to see
the Mehdta. They would make a false show of respect towards the Méhét; they would bow their beads
and say: "It is well that you are come." 160 And would then whisper amongst themselves : - "To have seen the Mêhêta is to have
seen Hart himself. Look what beautiful companions he has brought with him; surely the great god is
gracions to him." “Kunvaryaha's days of grief are over now," they would say, and turn their faces (in scorn). “Look at the bullocks of the Mebêtaji, and what a noise the gnats make (about them)! Here is a bag hanging behind the cart and pairs of cymbals are slung together.
And here is a bundle of tular and some sacred fuel : what more is wanted ? 165 He will place these in a basket and stand blowing into his conch-shell:
While the Voragis will chant the praises of Harl, which will finish the ceremonial." Thus the Nagar women ridiculed the Mêbêtâ. On Kusvarbål being informed that her father had arrived with the gifts,
She ran forward to meet him, when her sister-in-law laughed disparagingly and said :170 "Is this called a father's love for his daughter? Why is he come to subject her to ridicule ? He brings disgrace on the names of seven generations of (his) ancestors (by his
conduct). I wonder why he wants those Vérigla in bis train! And are you (Kuvvarbát) going by yourself to meet him? Better to be fatherless than
have such a father!" Hearing these barsh words Kuóvarbil turned back and replied:
- What an amount of arrogance is this, sister-in-law, to speak behind one's back! 175 Of course, that daughter is very lucky who has a rich father:
But will another's father be of use to me, even if he be a millionaire ? If my own poor father comes to greet me with one piece of cloth (only), it is worth all the
gold of Mêrd to me. You may speak wbatever your heart desires, bat I pray that this father may be spared to me."
Saying these words of reproach to her sister-in-law, the daughter went to her father. 180 Seeing his daughter from a distance, the Mêbêtâ called upon Hari in his heart..
The eyes of both were filled with tears, as both met with due respect. Then the father placed his hand on her head and bidding her sit by him asked her .
question or two. “Kanvarbai, tell me how you have been faring; do your husband's) relatives regard you
with affection?

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Now that the happy occasion is come, Sri Hari will provide the gifts." 185 Kunvarbai said with emotion : -"You have not brought any gifts with you ? How shall we keep up our prestige before the Nagar community P Why have you come
without any resources ? The poor man is considered worthless in this world; those who have no money are
regarded with contempt. A poor man counts for nothing; people do not even let him stand at their doors.
Even the cleverness of the poor man is mistaken for eccentricity. 190 What is worse than to be called a pauper in this world?
Neither do you work for your living, father, nor lay by anything from what you get (as alms). Think, father, how you will meet the demand that will be made on your resources on
this occasion. You have neither broaght a pinch of kurkube with you, nor a môd, 60 nor strings, 61
Nor any earthen pots, 62 nor clothes.63 How empty-handed you have come ! 195 How shall my honour be preserved, father P Why did I not die when my mother died ?
What is the world to the motherless ? What is life without a mother? The child who lores its mother algo forfeits all claims of relationship on its father. The father's love after the mother's death is as (cold and ineffectual as) the rays of the
setting sun. As the calf struggles for existence after the cow is dead, or as the fish gasps when out of
water, 200 Or as the doe feels when separated from the herd, so feels the daughter when left alone
without her mother. As food is unpalatable without salt, or dinner is disagreeable to him who has no appetite, Or as the eye is without the pupil, such is the father's heart (towards his child) in the
absence of its mother, Why did you come, if only to excite ridicale, with fifty Vêrîgis in your wake P
Do conch-shells and strings of beads and bells form the maternity gifts ? 205 If you have nothing, father, better turn back, and so saying the daughter wept bitterly. - The Mêhêtî placed his hand on her head and said: “The Lord of Vaikunth will provide
us with the maternity gifts. Go and make a list of all the persons to whom these presents from us are due. Write the names of all your husband's relatives, and do not forget a single article."
Hearing these words of the Mêhêtají, Kunvarbai went to her mother-in-law (and said): - 210 “My father has sent me to you, to (ask you to write on paper whatever is required." But the mother-in-law turned her face in resentment and cried :- "Fruitless labuar !64
What is the good of writing ? What more can he do than place the tuļasî-leaf in a basket and stand blowing into his conch-shell ?"
Refrain. He will (only) stand blowing his shell; (it is) useless expecting a môsálun from Narsinh." Hearing this discourse between mother and daughter-in-law, the grandmother-in-laws put in sneeringly :
। 150 मध्यो जमाइ जमाइनो भ्रात मळयो सउकोना परनो कडवू ५ मुं.
HY
कपटे भेठी पाछां खशे जोर जोर सामग्रीने हसे. TIT TATT.
उतरवा घर आप्युं एक झाझाचांचड मच्छर बसेका सुणी श्रीरंग मेहेतोआष्वाधार भावे भेटया बे वेवाइ. खाडा टेकरा वसमो ठाम उपर नळीभानु नहीं नाम. * This was spoken in irony, as they did not see any signs of its being in kind, 0, 61, 62, 63 Materials required at the ceremonial.
# The meaning of the text is not quite clear. • The paternal grandmother of Kuóvarbit's husband. The same Big as the first canto.
ग वसेक in poetically used for वसे.

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कोयुं छाजने जुनी वळी भीस्था दरवीशे बेवड ढळी. नागरी नात्ये रेहेशे केम लाज विना द्रव्य आग्या शे 155 झाझा मांकण झाझा जुआ त्यां मेहेताना उतारा हवा.
काज. वेवाइ गया उतारो करी बोले हसणी नारय नागरी. निरमाल्य निरधननो भवतार निरधननु जीव्युं धीकार. कुंवरवहुनो वैशनव बाप दरसन करीने खोइए पाप. निरधणने कोइ नव गणे नव राखे उभी आंगणे. मेहेताने जीवा हरखे भरी घेरेघेरथी चाली सुंदरी. चतुरपणुं निर्धनतुं जेह घेला माही गणाय तेह.
मनविना मेहेताने नमे सारं थयु के आव्या तमे. 190 लोक बोलावे दुर्बळ कही एथी पीता कांड मानु नहीं. 16) माहोमाहे कहे सुंदरी मेहेती दीठे दीठा हरी.
पीताजी कंइ उधम न करो धननो नव राखी संघरो.. जुभो साथ केवो फुटडो एने परमेश्वर तुटडी.
आ अवसर सचवाशे केन, पिताजी तमे विचाग एम. कुंवरवहन भाग्यु दुख एम कहीने मरडे मुख.
नधी लाव्या कुंकुनी पडीनथी लाव्या मोड नाडांउडी. जभी बळद मेहेताजी तणावगाइओ शब्द करेंछे घणा. नथी मारली चोलीने घाट एम शुं आया बारवाट. आ गांथडी वळगाडी लटके तालना जोडा बांध्या 195 केम करील ज्या रहेशे तात, हुं शे न मुद्द मरते मात. पटके.
माय विना सुनो संसार, माय विना तशा अवतार. तुळशी काष्ट तणो ए भारोहवे मामरानो शो उधारो जे बाळकनी माता गइमरी बापनी सगाइसाये उसरी. 165 छाधमां मुळशी दळ मकशे उभो रहीने शंख फुकशे. जे आचमना रवीनुं तेज मा विना एबुं बापन हेत.
वेरागी हरीना गुण गाशे एटले मांसालुं पुरूं थाशे. सुरभी मरतां जबुं बछ, जळविना जे तलपे मच्छ. एम नागरी कउतक करे टोळ करीने पाछी फरे. 200 टोळा बछोइ जेवी मृगली मा बिना ठीकरी एकली. कुवरबाइए जाणी वात मोसाळु लइ आव्या तात. लवण विना जे फकं अन् भाव विना भी जण. उतावली मळवाने धसी बोली नणदी ममें हसी.
कीकी विना जे लोचन मा विना एवं बापर्नु मन. 170 आज पीता पुत्रीने हेत शाने करवा भाग्यो फजेत.
शीद करवा आव्या उपहात साधे वेरागी पचास, लनाथु सात पेहे डीनुं नाम साये वेरागीन शुं काम. शंख ताळ ने माळा चंग ए ते मोसाकुं करवाना ढंग. शुं मळवा चाल्यां एकलां बाप एथीनबापां भला. 205 न होय तो पिता जाओ पाछा फरी एवं कहीने रोग कठण बोल एवोसांभळी कुंवरबाइबोली पाछी वळी दीकरी.
नणदी शुं मत्सर भावडो पुंउलथी बाइ शं बडबडो. मेहेते मस्तक मुक्यो हाथ, करशे मोशाळं वैकंठनाथ. 175 सुखी पीता हशे जे तणो ते पुत्रीने लाभज घणो.
पेहरामणी करवी होय जेटली आशामी लखी लावी कोनो पीता लखेसरी कहाव ते तो मारे से खप आये.
तेदली. रांक पीता आध्यो मुज घेर एक कापडं सोनानो मेर.
लखजी सासरीयां समस्त वीसारशोना एके वस्त. तमे मन माने ते काहो ए पीता मारे जीवतो रहो.
वचन मेहताजीना सुणी, कुंवरबाइ आव्यां सासुभणी. मर्म वचन नणदीने कही पछी पिना पासे पुत्री गई. 210 मारे पिताए मोकली हुय लखो कागळमा जोइए शुंय. 120दुर यकी विठी विकरी मेहेताए समर्या श्रीहरी.
मुख मरडीने बोली सासु शो कागळ चीतरवो फांस. अन्यो अन्य नयणां भरी भेटयां बेउए आदर करी.
छावमा तुळसीदळ मुकशे उभो रहीने शंख फुकशे. मस्तक उपर मुकी हाथ, पासे बेसाडी पुछी बात. कुंवरबाइ कहो कुशळ खेम सासरी कांड आणेछे।
वलण. प्रेम, रुडो दीवस आयो दीकरी तो मोसाळ करशे हरी. फुकशे शंख उभो रही, नरसैयो मोसाळु झुं करे, 185 कुंवरबाइ बोली वीनंती मोसाकुं कांडलाच्या नथी. संवाद वहुवरनी सांभळी, पछी बडसासु एम भोचरे,
Canto VI.
215 The grandmother-in-law, being a great personage, uttered these weighty words:
"My eldest daughter-in-law, yon shew your ignorance, the Mêhêtê is a Vaišnava. And what does he lack who has friendship with Sama! Poe Ask for whatever presents you like, according to the customs of the Ndgars."
And giving paper to Kuivaryahu, she said : - " Put down, daughter, what I dictate. 220 Why should not our desires be indulged, even when the good vévai is at our door ?
Write- five seers of kuilereso will be required, and seven hundred cocoanuts:0 And twenty man of well-shaped betelnuts,71 for there will be a large assemblage: Twenty-five suits of clothes (for men), each suit consisting of five pieces, and eighty
webs of tás,72 daughter-in-law.
# See note 28.
"A rod powdor used for marking the forehead on suspicious occasions. T., 71 Cocoanata, betel nuts, pân-leaves, etc., are distributed to the greate 13 A kind of cloth intervoven with silk and gold, or silver, threade.

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Write, daughter, fifteen score of plaids, and fifty patois :73 225 Some sixty silk-bordered cloths for men, and a hundred plain ones; and put down forty
chirs,74 daughter, And the Brahmans will want cotton dhôtis, so put their number at thirty score : And write of gold embroidered silk sádis twelve score, daughter. Put down the number of plain sadis, at three hundred, and write of common printed súdio
four handred, daughter. Then put down the number of sádis for home-wear at ten to twenty score : and write for
sixteen score of gháts, daughter.75 230 Mention just a hundred pieces of printed cotton stuff, and nine score of nát8,76 daughter.
And write for some fifty webs of masr 477 and gajianf7e and darili.70 And mention a thousand or twelve hundred bodices : many people have expectations,
daughter. And say about sixteen hundred plaids, etc.; and as for the pán-leaves and the oil
required, why should we put their figure 280 I have made but a rough estimate, for I know your father to be poor, daughter-in-law. 235 He may adorn you with all the sixteen ornaments, al if he likes to gratify your wishes,
daughter. And the son-in-law has a right to golden anklets, which if you provide, you will not be
doing us a favour, daughter. (And he has also a right to) one thousand gold coins, which I hesitate to mention: For I am but an old woman and simply do my duty in dictating this list : I am not
avaricions, you know, daughter-in-law. If you supplement this list further you are welcome to do so, for you will only add to
the honour of your house, daughter." 240 At this the sister-in-law tarned her face sneeringly and muttered :-"Our purpose is
surely gained ! Why not write for a couple of large black stones P The Mêhêtê will be better able to
provide them !" Says the old woman :--"Why do ye make such a noise ? Surely, there is no harm in writing!"
Refrain. “Why should we not write what we like?” says the hard-hearted grandmother-in-law. But Kunvarbåt feels anxious and cries within herself :- "What shall we do, Gôpå! P"
(To be continued.)
जेने स्नेह सामळिया साथ, तेने शानी खोट वरजी,
पेरामणी मनगमती मांगो करो नागरी गोठ बहुजी. ITT FÀct.
कुवरबाइने कागळ आप्योलखो लखावं जेम वहजी.
| 220 रुडो वेवार ज्यारे आंगणे आवे तो कोड न पोचे केम 215 Tera H TC ATTE, stezi TH T,
qoft. वडीवहुवर तमे कंडमव जाणो, छे.महेतो वैशषव जप लखो पांचसेर तो कंकु जोइए श्रीफळ लखो सेसात Tesff.83
ft. A kind of silk side (the oddi is a long strip of cloth arranged in graceful folds round their persons by Hindu women).
74 Another kind of very valuable silk adde. T8 A kind of silk addi mach prized for its gloss and durability.
Pieces of coarse cloth. TT, 5, 70 Very superior kinds of silk, used for making bodices, caps, oto. # Meaning that they should be provided in proportion.
#1 Sixteen different kinds of adornments go to complete a Hindu wife's toilette, such as kunkun, flowers, gold and silver ornaments for the nose, ears, hands and feet, eto., eto.
» The word a daughter-in-law with the respectful ending of ooours at the end of each line in this canto. The old woman uses it sneeringly towards the girl.
कडवू ६ बु.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1895.
वीसमण वांकडीआ फोफळ मळशे मोटी नात वहुजी. सोळसे, लखो सेलांशीळ तेल पाणनो शो आंक बहुजी. पांच वस्त्रना पचवीस वागा.चारचीकडीतास पहजी, ए आसरा पडतुंमेलखाब्यु बाप समारो रांक बहुजी.
लखो पछेडी पंदर कोडी पटोळी पचास बहुजी. | 235 तमने सोळ सणगार घडावे, बाप लडावे लाड बहुजी. 225 साठक मुकतांने सायेक सणियां चीर लखो चालीस घटेजमाइने सोना सांकळां तेमांभमने शीपाड बहुजी. बहुजी.
सहम मोहोर सोनानी रोकडी केसां पामे भीम बहुजी. धोतीयां तो श्राह्मणने जोहएते लखो कोडी वीस बहुजी परडां अमे माटे धर्मे लखामुन मळे झाझो लोभ बहुजी. जरकशीनी साडी रेसमी लखो कोडी बार बहुजी. | ए लख्याथी अदकुंकरो तो तमारां घरनी लाज बहुजी. सादी साडीओ लखो पणसे छायल लखो सेचार.240 सब मुख मुरडीनणीबोली शिथियां सर्वकाज वहजी. वहुजी.
भारे मोटाबे पाहाण लखावो जे मेताथी अपाय बहुजा. घरसाडी लग्यो दशविस कोडी सोळ कोडी लखो सी कहे शो शोर करोछो लखतां तारूं छु जाय घाट वहुजी.
बहुजी. 230 छींट मीरवी तुकडी सोएक नव कोडी लखो नाट
बलण. वहुजी. मसरू गजीभाणी दरीभाइ लखो थान पचासवहनी. j जाय लखतां आपणुं वडसासु वीकराकरे. हजार बारसी लखी कापडां लोक करे बहु भास
कुंवरबाइ चितामां पडी गुंथाशे गोपाळरे. बहुजी.
(To be continued.)
DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS MADE AND USED BY THE
NATIVES OF THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
BY E. H. MAN, C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 49.)
B. Articles of Bamboo and Cano. 65 (.). Kontöt (Car Nic. Hurat). Bamboo fre-sticks, generally used at the Northern
Islauda. A small piece of bamboo is split in half longitudinally; one half is placed on the ground, convex-side uppermost, with some dry cocoannt-fibre in the hollow space benenth to serve as tinder; the other half is then applied edgewise and Crosswise like a saw, but as rapidly as possible. In a short time the notch produced by the operation is so deep as to allow of the powdery ashes falling through on to the tinder below when, by instantly blowing on the latter for a few seconds, it gradually ignites. No practice or skill is needed to succeed at the first attempt
with this implement. 66 (w). Kenchwanla. Bamboo, or light wooden, stilts, used on the west coast of Camorta
Island in crossing a muddy foreshore at low water. 67 (in). Orang. Bamboo receptacle for holding tobacco or cigarettes. Used at Car
Nicobar. (11). Kenlunga-karau or Kenhoia-karau. Bamboo receptacle for holding spare iron
barbed-prongs to replace those in their mien spears (vide Nos. 17 to 2]), which they
may happen to break. 69 (m). Nang-shun (C.N. Chuk-nama). Bamboo receptacle, containing shell-lime for
the use of betel-chewers. These articles are disually sold in pairs (tak-shun), or in sets of four (amok-shun). Shell-lime is made at Car Nicobar, Katchal, and portions of Camortu, Nancowry, and Southern Group. Its manufacture is tabued in
the remaining localities. 70 (m Hannös-hebe or Pannöa-heõe (C. N. Fana-kuata-möiya). Short bamboo blow$. f). pipes to serve the purpose of bellows. The mouth is applied to the larger orifice,
50 tbat, by blowing into the tube, a strong current of air is produced through the
small hole in the node at the other end. 71 (m). Hendeh. Bamboo utensil, used in tapping tarn from the cocoanut spadia. Is
usually employed in the Southern Group (vide No. 34).

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DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS.
107
72
75
76
(m). Kenhòm. Bamboo intensil, taken up the cocoanut-tree to receive the contents
of the honden (vide No. 71), or henwain (vide No. 34). (m). Shanonha-toak. Bamboo siphon and strainer. At the upper end of a single joint
of bamboo & snall vent-hole is made in the centre of the node, and the node at the other end is removed; the mouth thus formed being then covered with a small piece of cocoanut ochrea (vide Nos. 36, 37, 45 and 46). In filling a drinking-cup from a bowl of tári, as drawn from the tree, this bamboo object is placed in the bowl and, after a few seconds, the thumb is pressed on the small vent-hole at the apper end :. the bamboo thus loaded is transferred to the cup, where its contents, daly filtered, are discharged by removing the thumb from the vent-hole. Another method of filling this utensil, when the bowl is nearly empty, is to apply the mouth to the vent-hole and draw in the breath and, then, when filled as far as possible, the thumb is applied to the vent-hole, as above described. Sometimes the upper node is also removed, in which case the cap is filled by pouring unstrained tårí through
the shanonha. (). Tanop-toak (C. N. Kiran-nga-häo). Bamboo drinking-vessel provided with a tube
for sucking társ, in constant use among the middle-aged and old men of Chowra, Teressa, and Car Nicobar, especially of the first named. It is not ased in the Central and Southern Groups, where tári is drunk with the enta (vide No. 38), or a glass, or by pouring direct from the shanonha (vide No. 73) into the mouth through the
small vent-hole in that utensil. (mn). Landh-hiya (C. N. SAnòng-sa). Betel-nut crusher, the barrel of which is of
bamboo; used by those who have few or no teeth. Similar objects, made of brass,
are sometimes obtained from ship traders. (m). Henhel (C. N. Fa-nā). Bamboo flageolet, similar to those in nse among the
Burmese, generally about 18 inches long. A flat circular piece of beeswax about the size of a four-anna piece, but thicker, is inserted in the tube, and is fixed in the
middle of the oblong incision, marked A in the sketch, where it serves as the block of the instrument. Over the upper half of this incision a piece of leaf (generally of the Amomum Fenzlit), or paper, is loosely wrapped. These measures serve to regulate the tone of the instrument, which is provided with 7 finger holes and one thumb hole. the latter being on the reverse side, and at a level corresponding with the space between the top and second finger holes. The scale is arbitrary, and between the Burmese and the European. In construction it resembles the metal flue pipe of an organ. Some four or five tunes only are known, and these are borrowed from the Malays. The tone is liquid and clear. The henhel is not made at Car Nicobar, where only a few, obtained from Chowra, are owned by those who have learnt to play on it. In the long-established villages in the Central Group, where there are cemeteries, this instrument can be played only at the special feast known as Et-kait-ni, when it accompanies & danang (vide No. 77). It can be played at any time at any village where there is no cemetery. provided no mourners are present : at these villages only can it be played as an accompaniment to dancing and singing. A few persons are able to play this instrument through one or other of the nostrils and more especially is this
done on the occasion of the Bt-kait-ni festival, when the performer usually perches himself on one of the derricks, 20 to 40 feet high (styled honbónahe), which are construotod for the purpose of raising the lofty pole to a Vertioad postion.

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[APRIL, 1895.
77 (m). Danang. Bamboo lyre, the string of which is generally made of a variety of cane, locally known as palai. In order to improve the tone of the instrument, holes are made through the under portion of the bamboo cylinder. Used at the Et-kait-ni memorial-feast and can be played only at a distance from a cemetery, and when no sick persons or mourners are present.
77a. (m). Dranang. Car Nicobar lyre. These are smaller than the last-named, and are generally made of wood.
78 (m). Iche (C. N. Hara-nang). Ear-stick ornament, usually made of a variety of cane called palai, very commonly worn by both sexes at most of the islands, after the manner of the Burmese. These objects are sometimes hollowed and filled with dammar on account of its agreeable odour, or with tobacco. The silver facet consists generally of a four-anna piece, the surface of which has been rubbed smooth on a stone. This is styled oalmat-iche, i. e., the "eye of the iche." The Car Nicobar ear-stick is usually small and neatly-made. When not in use, a plug of cloth, rolledleaf, etc., is often inserted in the perforated ear-lobe.
78 a. (m). Iche S hom-pen. A large variety of ear-stick, made of bamboo or light wood and
about 5 inches in circumference, worn by the Shom-pen.
79 (m). Toapa or Niama (C. N. Toapa). Cane tongs, used for lifting a piece of burning wood or hot iron off a fire.
80 (f). Haat. Open basket, made and used at Car Nicobar, for holding chewing and smoking materials.
81 (f). Hokchòk. Cane basket made in the Southern Group for containing betel, lime,
and chavica leaves. As the workmanship excels anything of the kind attempted in the Central Group, the natives of the latter purchase them for use on their feast days, in preference to their own spathe boxes (vide No. 54).
82
83 (f). Chukai (C. N. Paiyah). Cane basket, used in the Central and Southern Groups for
carrying food, etc., when on a journey, or in a canoe. The larger variety is made in the Southern Group, where the natives are more skilful at cane-work.
84
(m). Wan. Hanging baskets of cane, used in the Southern Group for holding pots plates, etc., and being gradually adopted in the Central Group.
(m Hentain (C. N. Kowoka). Cane basket, made and used by women for bringing &f). produce from their gardens to the village. A stick is passed through the cane or cord loop, when carrying the basket over the shoulder (vide No. 163).
85 (m Kan-shōla (C. N. Til-kön-haiyam). Basket, made sometimes of cane, but generally f). of the bark of a certain small tree, called Afu (? Maranta dichotoma); used for carrying fowls.
8888888
86 (m. Henlòn-mòng. (Teressa, Hangia). Basket for holding small fish speared along f). the foreshore, or in shallow water.
87 (m).
Hille-ok-not. Tray-shaped cane basket, made and used in the Southern Group, for conveying a pig from one village to another. In the Central Group a cocoanut frond, and at Car Nicobar an Areca spathe, is used for the purpose.
(f). Kenshiwa-shun (C. N. Kenchang-nama). Fine cane-basket, used as a sieve when preparing shell-lime.
88 a. (f). Kenshiwa-shun Shom-pen. A somewhat similar basket, made by the Shom-pen
for sale to the coast natives.
Prickly stem-sheath of long ground rattan (Calamus sp.), used chiefly by women for rasping the kernel of the cocoanut, and Cycas Rumphii.
89 (m). Kenshoch (C. N. Kunhial kok).

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DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS.
109
:
90 (m). Tinlāata. Knotted cane-strip, employed in the Central and Southern Groups for the
purpose of intimating to friends at other villages when a memorial-feast is to be held. Also when proceeding on a distant journey, in order to intimate the pro- . bable date of return, a tinlõata is left with friends. As each knot denotes a day, one is in every case unravelled each succeeding morning. As the knots are arranged in pairs, a tinlāata with seven double knots and one single one would indicate 15 days. Owing to the comparative proximity of all the villages at Car Nicobar to each other, and the facilities for intercommunication, information in such
matters is there conveyed by word of mouth. 91 (m). Lenkòk-ngoat (C. N. Linkal-kok). Cane (or bamboo) tally-strips, usud in denoting
how many scores of cocoanuts have been promised, or have been already supplied to ship-traders, in exchange for goods advanced by the latter. As the Nicobarese system
of numeration is the vigesimal, each nick denotes "ten pairs" of nuts. 92 (m). Chuk panūe. Cane-basket, used for holding the ball of twine, when hook-fishing;
or the harpoon-line, when spearing large fish. (m). Nõama (C. N. Sanòng). Cane fish-trap : placed on the fore-shore with its mouth
towards the shore. Stones are placed on the under-lip, and along the sides, in order both to fix it in position and to conceal the cane-work; thereby averting suspicion as to its object. Except at Car Nicobar, - where it is used during the dry season and at neap tides, it is employed during the rains only and at spring tides. The practice is to trail throngh the water a basket in which a quantity of scrapings of the large seeds of the Barringtonia Asiatica have been placed. This has the effect of blinding the fish which happen to be near the spot, and they are consequently more easily
driven towards the trap, which has been set for them. 93 a. (m). Nõama-chafðin. This somewhat resembles the last, but is smaller and is used for
catching sardines by hand in shallow water. 94 (m). Kenbon (with float, Paha). Fish-trap, made of split-cane, or of the bark of a tree
called Afu (? Maranta dichotoma). The month is first made, then the top, sides, and bottom in succession. For bait, unripe cocoanut-frait is smeared on the inner side of the lip, and the trap, weighted with stones, is placed on the foreshore. The float, at high-water, indicates the position of the trap, and enables the owner to lift it suddenly before the fish, which may be inside, can escape. For this purpose, and if the water be sufficiently calm, he remains above in his canoe watching, in order that, before all the bait has been consumed, he may lift the trap out of the water at a time when there will be the best possible catch. Custom permits of the use of this trap during the rainy season only, and exclusively at certain villages in
and near Nancowry Harbour. 95 (m). Enyūn (C. N. Ta-rüe (large) and Tamatu (small) ). Cane fish-trap, placed where
there is sufficient water at low-tide to cover it. It is usually examined every alternate day. In order to avert suspicion, stones are placed round the trap, except near the mouth which faces the shore, thereby concealing as much of the cane-work as possible. If, when required to be lifted, it should happen to be high-water, & hen-hõat (vide No. 133) is employed for the purpose. In the case of the large trap, custom requires that it be used only during the rains; the smaller variety can be employed all the year round. When used with the kanshang (vide No. 98), the
enyün is styled hoya. 96 (f). Hannah-oal-ni (C. N. Fanöh-el-pati). Broom for sweeping the hut-floor. Made
of young cane-leaves fixed on to a håndle, which is often provided with a hook at the upper end for convenience of hanging to the cane frame-work of the hut.

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97
38
10. Traps and Cages. (on). Honbõu (Ter. & Chow. Henyü; C. N. 87 or Chanol). Net-trap, ased only at
Teressa, Bompoka, Chowra, and Car Nicobar, and during the rainy season only. When required for use, the curved sticks are turned so that they cross each other at right angles, the netting thereby forming a platform below them. The bait is set in the loop of twine, to which the weight is attached. The trap is suspended a little below the surface of the water by means of a cord beld by the fisherman, who, leaning over the side of his canoe, watches for the approach of fish. When he detects one nibbling at the bait he promptly draws up the trap, if possible before the fish can escape. The principle somewhat resembles that of the kenhoń (vide No. 94), which is used at none of the islands where the henhễu is employed. This is the only object containing net-work made and used by the
Nicobarese. (m Kan-shang (C. N. Tananga). Fish-weir, by means of which more fish are said to & f). be taken than by any other method of fishing in use among the Nicobarese. It is em
ployed only during the dry season and at spring-tides. It is made at dead low-water by means of cocoanut-leaves, which are laid lengthwise in a large semi-circular form
on the fore-shore, the two ends, A and B (see sketch), being towards the shore. The lower halves of the leaves are weighted with stones so that, on the tide rising, the upper halves float points upwards, forming a seeming continuous fence from A to B. At quarter-flood, the fishermen, with women and children, arrive, armed with light pronged-spears, and stand
outside the enclosed area, where they Shore
stab all the fish, which, imagining themselves hemmed in, swim along the inner
side of the fence searching for a way of escape. After remaining for an hour or so, - by which time, the tide having risen to too great a height, the fish can escape over the leaves, the party leave and return at half-ebb, when & similar scene occurs. The fish, baffled by the appear. ance of the impenetrable fringe of leaves, the shouts of the crowd outside, and the constant thrusts of their spears by which many are transfixed, generally seek to escape at the points A and B, where several members of the party are posted ready to spear them in shallow water. Noama and enyün traps (vide Nos. 93, 95) are generally set in the enclosed area, and at the point one of the latter is placed, by means of which many of the frightened fish are caught. These kan-sháng are made off suitable points on the coast, most frequented by fish, and their size
depends on the strength of the party. (m). Hennyát (C. N. Nāng-ah). Pig-cage, in which young wild pigs, which have been
caught alive, are kept and fed, also such of the young domestic pigs as are,
neglected or ill-treated by the gows. (m). Konohüta or Chuk-nõt (C. N. Kenlonga). Large bamboo or wooden pig-cage,
with partitions to contain a namber of fat pigs selected for slaughter on a memorial feast day. They are placed in it for a few hours only, while the other preparations
for the feast are being made. (m). Ong-yianga-kamõe (C. N. Nâng-eh). Fowl-cage. The outer compartments are
Uncovered for use by day, and the inner ones are covered in for the fowls by night
99
100
101

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102
103
104
Kentaha-lama-ok Kentaha-lama-oal
Hanshöi-lama-ok Hanshöi-lama-oal
Itasha-lama-ok
Itasha-lama-oal
105
106
as a protection from pythons, which, without such precautions, would commit frequent depredations,
107
(m). Kandap-shichūs. Bird-trap: generally set for mainds. In setting it, the peg at the end of the stick is fixed in the hole provided for the purpose. On the bird alighting on the stick, it gives way and the lid falls. The captive is then transferred to the adjoining compartment, where it serves to decoy others to the trap, as soon as it is re-set.
108
11. Cooking Utensils and Articles connected with them.
(m). Teag or Deak. Cooking-utensil, made of the bark of a certain tree not yet identified used only by the Shom Peň. These primitive utensils necessarily serve their purpose for a brief period only. The large specimens require several layers of bark, and the sides are forced out by sticks placed crosswise inside the vessel. (f). Hanshöi (Chowra, Kariang; C. N. Taniyaya). Generic name for the various cooking-pots, which are made entirely at Chowra and by the women only.
The pots are of various sizes, as follows: -
Across mouth.
109
...
...
Henpakngaich-lama-ok Henpakngaich-lama-oal
Panòkenlait-lama-ok
Panòkenlait-lama-oal Tafal ...
...
DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS.
...
...
...
...
...
27-28 inches 23-24
18-19
16-18 15-16 13-15
13-14 11-13 11-12 9-11
3-4
99
29
39
111
39
29
But few are made, as they can be used only on memorial-feast days, and then only by certain old persons.
In common use for boiling pork, Pandanus, and Cycas.
For boiling fowls and rice.
For boiling water and eggs.
Ornamental black stripes on the pots are produced by applying the inner portion of a strip of unripe cocoannt-husk over the surface of the pot at the end of the baking process, and while the pot is quite hot.
(f). Kochi-Tatät. A pot made at Chowra after the pattern of one imported from India. Tatät is the native name for Chowra.
(f). Kamintap. A set of 4 or 5 of the smallest of the pots (vis., those known as tafal, vide No. 104), being the way in which these are usually sold.
(f). Entana. A shallow round clay plate, on which the potter forms the pot. A circular piece of plantain-leaf is placed on the plate in order to prevent the clay from adhering to the latter during the operation.
(f). Osiswa. A ring, about 8 inches in diameter, made of coconut-leaf, which is placed under the entâna (vide No. 107) during the operation of moulding a pot. (f). Hiwat. A clay wheel-shaped object, which is placed on the bottom of the pot, when the latter is reversed for the operation of baking, the object being to keep the

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111
barning faggots, that are placed erect round the pot, from touching it. The interior portion of the pot, which is raised a few inches off the groand by means of
potsherds, is heated by burning cocoanut-shells and husks below it. (). Danun-kariang (lit., medicine-pot). A small flat piece of bamboo used in trimming
the sides and the bottom of a newly-monlded pot, and in giving the finishing
touches to it before setting it on one side to dry. (S). Kenyüa kõi-hanshöi. Flat leaf-cover, made of the leaves of the Macaranga tanarius;
placed over the mouth of a pot when steaming Pandanus and Cycas paste, or vegetables. Above this cover is placed the kenòp-kõi-hanshöi (vide No. 61).
At Car Nicobar loose leaves are employed. (m). Hetpat. Small wooden grating, placed inside a pot when steaming Pandanus or
Cycas paste, and vegetables, in order to keep them a few inches above the water, · which is boiling beneath. These have to be made of various sizes, in order to suit
the pots for which they are intended. At Car Nicobar a rough grating of loose sticks is made to serve the like purpose. It forms a primitive reproduction of the principle in Warren's Cooking-pot.
(To be continued.)
112
NOTES AND QUERIES. A VARIANT OF THE SCAPE-GOAT.
TERMS FOR MARRIAGE RELATIONS AS
TERMS OF ABUSE. On Trisal, one of the highest peaks of the
It is noticeable that such terms for marriage Himalayas, resides Durga, under the name of
relations as susar, "father-in-law;" sála, Nanda Devi, and to propitiate her once in every
"brother-in-law," bahnot,“ sister's husband;" three years the villagers north of the River Pindar
and jarodi, "son-in-law;" are also terms of (British Garhwal) assemble at her temple of
abuse. Susar is, I believe, very commonly used in Bhidäni, a small uninteresting place situated in a
this way. The following proverb from the Nardak, hollow in the hills. Here also is a small lake, or
or uplands between Thânêsar and Kaithal (Karnal rather pond, the water of which is used in the
district) affords an instance - sacrifices, and has the usual property of cleansing the bathers in it from all sin for the time being. Baha hal, khoyd aql aur bal. The pilgrims having assembled, prayers are of Hal bahake, láyd mai, agli pichhut sdr fered up by the chief pujdrí (priest) and 64 goats
dhait. sacrificed, the heads and the four legs, or rather Mai deké, idya ghds; ab kyun kare, susre, feet (as they are cut off from the knee), being set
jiwane ki ds? aside for the goddess, and rest taken by the Ek din mdr lyd, pandrah din khd liyd; villagers.
Na karén khéti, na bharán dhand. When the full ceremonies there have been com- “You who plough have lost your intellect and pleted, a goat is selected and blessed by the
strength. After you plough you have to use the officiating priest, and then taken higher up the
sóhdgd, and so you lose everything (go entirely hill to a level field, a short distance below the to the bad). You use the shdgd and employ Trisal mountain. A knife is then tied round its your bullocks to bring grass; and then, you loto throat, and it is driven away towards Trisal,
fellow, what hope have you of living? We kill watched by the eagle eyes of the assembled people one day and eat for fifteen : don't cultivate, and until it is lost sight of, to see if it goes straight you will pay no revenue." to the mountain, becanse if it wanders from side to side the goddess is displeased, and the offering
The last two lines of course describe the is not accepted. In such a case should any severe
"gentlemanly" life of Nardak thieves. The use illness afflict any of the villages, or an unusually
of these words, as terms of abuse, fits in with bigh death-rate occur amongst the flocks and
the notions as to marriage relationship proherds, it is due to the displeasure of Nanda Dért.
pounded by MacLennan. G. DALZIEL in P. N. and 0.1883.
J. M. Douis in P.N. and Q. 1883. 1 (The Shagd soswors somewhat to our harrow. -Ep.)

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from Vol. XXIII. page 193.) BURNELL M88. No. 14 - (continued).
ATTÁVAR DAIYONGULU - (continued). " TE came to the Tulu country, descending from the ghấts. We saw the army of Bil
VV Sultan and Virappa Naikar, and we defeated it, and then I and my elder brother, together with our people rested at Bâretimâr in Yênûr. I went to sleep, with my head on my elder brother's leg, and when he saw that I slept, he escaped from me, and went away. I came here searching for him," said the younger brother.
Mudadêya heard the story and said to him :-"You had better sit here, while I go in search for your elder brother."
He passed by Sômêsvar and went to Kanne Siri Katte at Uddar, and when he arrived the elder brother was at Kapne Siri Katte. Mudadêya went and visited him, and the elder brother said to him :-“What have you come for, Mudadêya P'
"I was in the habit of going from Kotara-gåna to visit the god at somêsvar. While I was there to-day, I saw your younger brother, who, after visiting the god, sat on a rock at Uddar. I asked him whence he came and whither he was going, and he answered me that he had slept with his head on his elder brother's leg at Bâretimar in Yêndr, and while he was in a deep sleep his brother had put down his head and gone away. When he got up and looked about, his brother was not there, and so he went in search of his elder brother. I told him he had better remain where he was, and that I would go in search of his elder brother." Thus said Mudadeya.
Then the elder brother said: “It is in your power to make me and my brother sit on the same throne. Go you to my brother and call him here."
Thus did the elder brother ask Madacêya to act, and, having heard the request, Mudadâys started from Kanne Siri Katte and went to the younger brother, and told him that his elder brother was at Kanne Siri Katta, and had requested him to go there. Then the younger brother and all his people started from Uddax, and reached Kanne Siri Katte.
When he saw his brother, he grew angry.
As you left me alone at BAretimar in Yênür, I will not see your face," said the younger brother, and pat his arrow to his bow.
Then Madadeya came up to them and said: "If you quarrel with each other, I shall return to my own country.
The elder brother heard this and said : -"Do not go to your country.”
Then Madadeya made the elder and the younger brother hold each other's hands, sitting at Kanne Siri Katte.
Then the elder brother said: - "Sach another mediator will not again be found among the Bhatas. We want a mathan in this country with your assistance."
Mudaddys entered into treaty with the people of soven villages and made them build a hut for the elder brother. A matham for the younger brother was also built. A flag was raised near the elder brother's hnt, and a stand for lamps was raised near the younger brother's matham. Two cars for the two kings (brothers] were made, and in the following year a flag was raised, and a feast was held.
News of this feast reached one Padums Sattyal of the bidu at Jappu, and he went to uddar from the bidu at Jappu. When he reached, the feast for the king was being performed. [The king] aw Padams Settiyal arrive.

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"It is well that you have come, Paduma Sêttiyal," said he.
The Sêttiyal gave him areca-nut and flowers, and a ball of flowers. "[The king) followed Padama Sêttiyâl: - indeed both the Bhûtas went with him, and spread disease at the bidu at Jappu. When the matter was looked up in the prasna-book, it was known that the Bhůtas had followed him. For this reason an assembly of the people was called by the Sêttiyal at the Attavar du. Having assembled they all went to Mudadêya's sunam at Attávar, and caused a man to be possessed by Mudadêya.
Then Paduma Sêttiyal said : -“I went to the feast at Uddar this year, where the Bhata gave me flowers, and when I returned the two Bhůtas followed me, and spread disease. When this was looked up in the prasna-book, it came to our knowledge that it was the Dêva's (Bhůta's) doing. So a matham is to be built in this village, to which your consent is required."
Then said Mudadeya: - "For those two kings I am an intercessor. This is a settlement made between me and them in days gone by at Kanne Siri Kartê. As they followed you, a matham is to be built."
Thus said Mudadêya. So Padama Setti together with the villagers built a matham, and then the Bhůtas entered the mathem, and a feast is held there even to this day.
BURNELL M88. No. 15.
THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA. Original in the Kanarese character. Translation according to Barnell's MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 168 to 230 of Burnell's MSS.
Translation. There was a country where Billa vars were born. In the kingdom where the Billavars were born, there was a powerful city. There was also a Brahms (Bhate), who had been born. according to all the Nástras. There was an Ani Ganga, a Mâni Gangå, a Water Gaoga, a Milk Ganga, a Card Gaóga, a Salt Gangi, a blood Gangi, a hot Kabehf in the north, and a cold Káñchi in Pârâlam.
When this BrahmA was being born, the inhabitants of the palaces of seven Kanchkadangas seemed to be thrown down, and night gave way to daylight. Brahma bad on a wreath of silver flowers in a bunch on the left and a wreath of gold flowers in a bunch on the right. Kammulsjje Brahms had silver threads on the left shoulder, and golden threads on the right. There were a silver ambrella with seven tops on his left, and a golden ambrella with nine tops on his right. There was a garland as long as a man, and a fan as long as a peacock's feather.
Kammulajje Brahmâ's birth was according to all the Sústras. He had twelve attendants without legs, and twelve who had only tranks without heads. Twelve girls there were to wave the lamps of coral and to sprinkle pearls on his head, and twelve servants to fan him with whisks of flowers. The first sets of twelve and the second sets of twelve - altogether fortycight attended on Kammulajje Brahma.
He who was born according to all the Sástras, had five nerves in his leg, a Mullakavêr god on his knees, & serpent on his middle, five serpents on his head, a diamond within his heart, fine diamonds of ten or sixteen sorts on his head, a figure of Bhima and Arjana on his back, a Saoks pklas on the left, and another Saúka påla on the right, and a manikam and stars on his head.
Next must be told the story of the heroes, the servants of this Brahma, who were born according to all the 8ástras. And their names were these :- Woddu Paddale, Mara Kadamba, 1 This is a version of the long story given in Vol. XXIII. p. 85 ff.
1 One of the serpente.

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Mara Murva, Adhikari of Kokkadanda, Kori Murva, ascetics clothed in red, Kesana Purusa, Maha Purusa, Alinga Jatti, Ulinga Bermu, Narasinga, Baidya of Handoi, Mara Barna at Savandie, Tanda Giddi, Paiyya Baidya at Palli Deverd Pergado, and Devanagart Balla.
The birth and the death of the Edambar Baidyas could not be described even in seven days and eight nights. They had seven armies and seven battles to fight. Koți Nigroni was the richest of all at Kodi, and Buddyanda is the richest of all at the bidu.
The birth and the death of the Ed ambůr Baidyas is to be told to-day. It happened in the Eastern Country. They were born in the country of Parimal, and their birth place was Pañjana Bidu. They were educated at sixty-six schools.
"We have seen sixteen dynastier, but have given the description of three only. There was a female called Mabu Bannal in the Eastern Country, for our mother Deyi was there called Mabu Bannal. She was called Uppi Bannal in the Western Country. Our mother was Deyl ; our father Kantanna; our uncle Sayina. Our house was the Káñchikadanga Palace, called Gojjo Nandanonda A ramane, on the high road. We are able to fight seven battles," said the heroes.
Six years and six months was the age of the Edambúr Baidyas.
“We have had no meals, nothing to eat or drink. But the piercing of a dagger, equal to Rama's kengudé, satisfies our hunger. For us a feast is to be performed with cocoanut leaves only, and our birth place is Edambůr," said they.
Beideruli was born in a different way. There was an Ani Gangâ, a strong wind, a strong rain, and very small drops of water, like kurkuma. Drops of water fell on the ground and the ditches were filled up. Then the god Nârâyaņa created a lotus, in which he created kusumas also, and in the middle of these he created a drake and a duok.
The duck said to the drake: "He crented as, but where is a tank for us to drink water out of? Where is a garden to eat fruit in P And now, too, we are on the earth below !”
Folding their wings together, they went to get a gift from the god in heaven. On the way they passed by & yard called Ajire Angana, and by a small yard called Mujire Mandal. They passed by a place where some people were talking together, and afterwards they went near the feet of the Sun and the Moon. When they reached the god Nárâyana, he was sleeping on jaji and mallika, and kadika flowers, with a golden umbrella and peacocks' feathers over him. At such a time the birds approached him,
“Why do you come P" asked the god.
" You created us, and we want our food and drink, a tree to sit on, another to sleep on at night, and a garden to eat fruit in. Where are they asked the birds.
“ Being in his youth, Balu Senva with a long pole -- as long as a man and with a small quantity of money, has gone to the Ganges in the north. To reach that is six years' journey and to return back six years' journey. You had better go there. You will have a tree to sleep on at night, a stone to sit upon, and a tank to drink water from," said the god.
While these birds were on the way, they saw a thousand birds copulating. Then the duck said: - "Let us do as they do." "We are brother and sister," said the drake.
He became very sorrowful, and said: “An elephant worth a thousand pagodas may be managed easily in the world. But a female is of the race of devils. She would take hold even a pindume of Yama to have connection."
• Turmerio flour.
. - A hot irc a ball.

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On which they became very sorrowful, and the duck turned back and fell at the feet of the god Narayana, and asked of him a gift of sons.
Then he said to her: "Where is your male bird P" She said: - "He is outside the palace." She begged the god to create love between them,
So the god called to the drake and said to him :-"You had better copulate together, and then she will become pregnant."
So they copulated and the egg grew larger and larger in her belly. Six and threetogether nine months passed and the duck asked the drake for something.
He said to her:-" Where is the thing which you desire ?"
"In the Ganges in the north there is a flower as broad as an umbrella. I want you to go and bring the (holy) water in it," said she.
He appointed a body guard for her and went to the Ganges in the north, and put his beak into the flower. Immediately the mouth of the flower shut, for the sun was setting. The duck was thinking at that time :
« Why has the drake not returned back yet? If my husband returns and comes back soon, I will offer my first egg at the feet of the god Sûrya Narayana. I will offer the next egg to išvari," said she.
It was morning, after the 31st ghatige of the night, that the drake drew back his beak, brought the water out of that flower and asked the duck if she wanted any.
"I have made a promise. Will you fulfil it " asked she.
He said he would and told her to drink the water. She drank, and as soon as she had done so, she sighed so as to be heard in the four worlds, and cried so as to be heard in three worlds.
In six divisions of a flower and in three petals she laid the first egg, which was like a precious stone, and the second, which was like a golden palli,
The first egg fell into the Seventh Ocean, and being just like a diamond was found by & poor Brahmana, when he went to bathe in the Ocean on account of an eclipse of the new moon. The drake and the duck took both the eggs to fulfil their promise, and flying to the heaven of light on high offered the first egg at the god's feet. It was trodden upon by an elephant, and placed in a road, over which an army and many other persons were passing, but it was not broken !
"You had better take this back and be happy, and hatch it," ordered the god.
The second egg was offered to the god Isvara, who ordered them immediately to take it back and hatch it, and be glad.
From the first egg & boy Yekara Sater was produced at a palace called Kanchikadanga, and from the second egg a girl Ginde Gisi Rama Deyar was produced. Yekara Sater grew to be a boy from his babyhood, and Giņde Giļi Rama Deyar to be a girl from her baby hood. Yekara Sater grew to be a man from his boyhood, and Giņde Giļi Rama Deyar a woman from her girlhood. Yekara Sater fell in love with the woman, and Giņde Giļi Rama Deyar in love with the man. Yekara Sater went to speak to Giņde Giļi Râma Deyar about marriage. She had been a beautiful child and was now a charming girl.
"It would be better if Deyar were taken to the palace Kanchikadanga," said Yekara Sater.
"This Tuesday one speaks of the marriage, and on the next Taesday the jewel dálibándi is to be presented according to the custom of the Arasu Ballakala. The bird is to be brought on
The name of a caste,

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Sunday, and the marriage is to be performed according to the custom of Arasu Ballaküla on Monday," said he.
Deyar was taken at a proper time to the palace at KAñchtkadanga, and when she arrived Yekara Sater was being shaved. In the middle of his forehead a figure of the moon was made. The ceremony of marriage was performed on Deyar, who entered the palace with her right foot first, when rice was sprinkled over her and flowers were thrown upon her. Then Deyar stood up, waved the lamps of coral and sprinkled pearls on her husband ; and then both of them saluted all present. A year and six months passed after the marriage.
“When giris that are married reaoh the age of ten or eleven years in the world they usually attain puberty, and sit alone for four days. But this has not happened to Giņde Gili Rama Deyar, although ten or sixteen years have passed over her," said some of the people in the morning.
"If I reach puberty and have to sit alone, I will offer a golden child, a cradle made of silver and a handful of money to Mahankall Abbe at Mala; the more certainly if I become pregnant and bring forth a child," said she. • The hair on her head faded and the nipples of her breasts turned black, and six and three - together nine - months passed over her womb.
Through which way shall I come, O my mother P" said her son Kumaraye, calling to his mother from her womb.
"If you come in the proper way, my son, I shall see your beauty, but if you come in any other way my son, how can I see your beauty p" replied his mother.
"Am I a wicked sinner that I should kill my mother ? Am I an enemy that I should kill any person ?" said he.
"If you come out, breaking through my head, you will become a Brahmarakshasa (Bhůta). If you come out, bursting through my back, you will become a serpent in Naraka. If you come out, bursting through my belly, you will become a Galiga in PAtalam," said his mother.
“My mother, I will come out, bursting through your right breast," said her son,
Then the tenth month approached and the blood flowed out. He was born at sunrise on Tuesday. As soon as her son was born he sat down, while the mother gave him the breast. He absorbed all her blood, even from the ends of her bones. When his mother came to understand that it was impossible to satisfy the son with the milk of her breast, she fed him first with a full cow's milk, and then with a second cow's milk.
The parents called ten or sixteen female servants and said: "O you maids, take care of our child! We go to MakAll Abbe at MAla and make her our offerings."
When they went out, the boy coaxed the maids and said : -"I will go to play and return back immediately."
In a certain place the Asuras were playing at ball in their play-room. They were many, but the boy was alone,
" If you stand on one side, we will stand on the other side," said the Aguras. Though the Asuras tried all they could, they were defeated; the boy alone was successful. The Asuras played on and being tired, threw the ball into a well called Basa BbAmi.
"If you are a boy, bɔru acsording to all the Sastras, you can get that ball out," said they.
They let down a silken ladder, and the boy began to descend. When he went down to take out the ball, they took away the ladder, and placed a large stone on the mouth of the well, on which they put earth, and planted a pipal tree also.
• Pouring water on the brido's and bridegroom's banda.

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When his parents returned from making their offerings to Makaļi Abbe at Mala, they heard people speaking together: -"Who it is we do not know; but a man has been thrown into a well, which has been covered with a flat stone, on which a pipal tree has been planted."
"No one would go to such a place, except my son to play with the Asuras," said Gindi Giļi Rama Deyar to the people and went to the well.
"If my son was born to only one father and mother, the stone above will break in pieces ; the soil put on it will be scattered; the tree planted on it will bend and fall to the ground, and then my son will come and take milk from my right breast," said Deyar.
Her son grew inside up to the stone above. Then the stone broke in pieces; the soil was scattered away; the tree fell to the ground, and from out the well he opened his mouth to Buckle his mother's breast.
“My mother, I put my mouth to your breast, as you are my mother. You must see me.. With single mind and wisdom you have fed me up to this time, and treated me well. Therefore, you must see me at my full height," said he, and stood, stretching from the earth to the
sky.
His mother fell senseless to the ground. Then he resumed his proper figure as a man and roused his mother: - "Mother, mother! I am your sou, Brahma; and another son Parimale Ballal is to be born to you. He will be the very king of justice. If any body should abuse him he will leave him crying. He will be a peaceful and charitable man. He will never give a harsh answer to any one," said the boy to his mother.
In the Seventh Ocean the duck's second egg fell. There was an eclipse at a certain new moon, and while the poor Brahmaņas were going to bathe in the Ocean, Acha Machamma the wife of a Brahmana, said :-"I am a barren woman. What is the use of bathing in the Ocean, or of not bathing P"
But she went nevertheless and bathed, and while she was bathing, the second egg came floating on the water like a lime. Acha Machamama took it up and brought it to her house, and put it in a heap of rice. One Tuesday at midnight a female child cried aloud.
“What is the matter P A child is crying P" said her husband.
Then he went inside and saw that there was a child like an inhabitant of the Mabáléka Padinabha, her husband, put four leaves of a kasanam tree in the four corners of his house.
The neighbours said :-"This woman was not pregnant; what is this wonder P She had no sign of pregnancy !
She reared the child, and had her educated. On the eighth day the child looked like a child of a month, and in a month like one of a year and half. In this way this girl grew up. Among the Brahmaņas, one said he wanted to be married to her, and another said she must be married to him. In these disputes eleven years passed over the girl. She attained puberty Then her eyes were bound up with a cloth and she was left in a forest by her parents.
They were very sorrowful and said :-"We bred the child and educated her up to this day. Now she is mature, and neither marriage nor any other ceremony can be performed."
Thus they were very gorrowful and left her in the forest. In the meantime the dust of a rahu tree fell on her body from above.
“Who is it that draws toddy from the rahu tree P If you untie the cloth from my eyes you are my brother and I am your sister," said the girl.
"How can I untie the cloth from your eyes? You are a Brahmaņa woman; but I am a Billavar by caste :" said sayina Baidya of Asalajya Bail. "I shall go to my master and inform him of this matter at the temple of Blur Abbe, and then untie the cloth over your eyes."

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He went off to ask about this, and came to the chávadi of Eļļür Abbe and said :"A Brâhman woman, whose eyes are bound up with a cloth, and who has been left in the ind-tree garden, called Sankamalla at Rayanad, has asked me to unbind her eyes. I told her that I would get my master's consent and go back to her," said he.
"You had better go back and take the cloth off the eyes of the woman, whose eyes were bound up, or her diamond-like eyes will be closed and she will fall. If she has eyes, she can see many countries. Therefore you had better bring her here and take care of her at Erajha," said Eļļür Abbe. "After a year and six months has passed, people will come to speak about marrying her, when you should get her married. It will be a deed of merit for you."
Sâyina went and brought the Brâhman woman to the chávadi of Ellûr Abbe, who saw her, gave her the name of Deyl Baidysti, ordered her to go to Erajha, and told her not to be ashamed and confused. A year and six months had not passed after she had gone to Erajha, when Kantanna Baidya came to speak about marrying her, and a promise of marriage for Deyi Baidyati was given, to be performed on a Monday. The next week betel-leaves and nats were received and given back, and on the ensuing week, on a Sunday, the bride was taken to the bridegroom, and the marriage, that is, pouring water on each other's hands, was performed on a Monday morning, and rice was aprinkled on the bridegroom. In this way was the ceremony of marriage performed, and a year and six months passed.
On a lucky day of the month of Sôna, the water of pregnancy came in the womb of Deyt, and her womb grew larger. Iu the beginning of the ninth month of her pregnancy she was called to the bid of Parimalo Balla), to give him medicine. There was a large boil on his side. Birmana Baidya had applied to it a medicine with pieces of earthen rings and bottles, by which the disease was increased double.
“Who else can give medicine?" asked Parimaļë Ballk!. "The day of death has approached me. Who can now protect me P"
" There is a woman, the wife of Kantanna and the sister of Sayina," said his servants.
" Tell me what her daily charges will be. Write a letter to Erajha. Then she will receive the letter, read it and give me an answer," said the Ballå!.
So a servant was sent to Deyi Baidyati, She looked at the letter, and said :
“I do not know what is the end of a creeper which grows upwards. I do not know a root which creeps downwards. I do not know a branch of a tree, growing on the sides. But, though I can give a medicine which I know, I cannot see my feet," said she. “You, the bearer of the letter, had better take rice for your hire in Erajha."
She brought a sér of rice, & cocoanut, and two cucumbers, and gave them to the bearer.
"If you want to cook and take your food here, there is a hut for travellers built by my brother. If you want to prepare your meal here, I can get pots made of bell-metal. If you are going away immediately, O my master, you may go. If you have any business, you may go soon," said she.
Then the bearer of the letter went away from Erajha, and reached her master's bidu. As soon as she reached the bidu, the Bulld! asked her :- "O my servant, did you go there as a man or as'a woman P"
“My master, I came as a man. Deyi said that she did not know the ends of creepers growing upwards, nor a root growing downwards, nor even a branch of a tree growing on the sides, and that, moreover, she cannot see her feet," said the bearer.
The Ballal called his servants immediately and ordered them to take down the palangain. "Let a white umbrella and a large panlanquin go to Erajha!"
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When the panlanquin arrived at Erajha, Dey had untied the hair on the head of Kantanna Baidya, and had his head on her lap, and was killing the lice on his head. When she stood ap, she saw a palanquin coming near the paddy fields at Hantalajys, and called her husband and told him to get up at once.
«Get up soon, and tie up your hair immediately. O servants, put the palanquin in the but, which is on the north side. O my husband, give the servants, who brought the palanquin rice, vegetables and vessels, such as pots of bell-metal," said she.
Then Degi called out: - "Berodi ! Berodi!" When he came, she ordered him to bring twelve handfuls of roots. And she called out: - "Sappodi! Sappodi!" ánd: - “Yellodi! Yellodi!" and ordered them to bring medicine. She prepared a medicine of tender leaves, and tied it ap in a bundle, and put some presents in the palanquin. She placed a ladder against the upper story, took a dried cocoanut, and cut off its outer shell and scooped out inside too. She brought and put into the palanquin cacambers; coloured like a squirrel, and a vegetable called kafichalam of the colour of oil. She called to her husband and asked him whether the bearers of the palanquin had prepared their meal and eaten. He inquired and told Deyi that they had taken their meals, and were now washing the vessels of bell-metal. Having heard this, she tied up some betel-leaves, areca-puts with lime, and another kind preserved in water, and the very best of tobacco. The lime was as bright as the splendour of Rama. All these things wore put on a plate of silver.
“Is it done well, men ? Is it all right?" asked Deyi Baidyati. "Let the umbrella go first. Behind it the palanquin. Yoa, my husband, follow them. I will follow you."
Sayina Baidya, her uncle, followed behind her. In this manner they travelled to the bidu. When the umbrella and palanquin reached the bidu, they were put down. Saying and Kantanna went first and saluted the Balla].
"O Kántanna, where is Deyip" asked the Balla!. In the meanwhile she kept quiet, being ashamed and confused.
"Do not be ashamed and confused, mother Deyi! Let her hold my legs and apply a medicine! Let her sit on my bed !" said the Ballal, and wept bitterly. "I was brought forth and bred by my mother Gindi Giļi Rama Deiyar, but to-day I am to be born again from your womb."
“Who is there in the house P Please bring some leaves and prepare a decoction to wash his legs!" said Deyi, and made (them) prepare a decoction, washed his legs and took ont thorns. She rubbed the wound with leaves and uttered mantras. Then the wound swelled and began to descend. It came descending to his middle first, and then from the middle to his knee, and then from his knee to his foot. At last it fell down on the ground from his foot. Then the Balla! wished to take his food and was better. The wound was closed, while Deyi applied medicine.
"O my mother Deyi, I will give you great gifts, namely, leave to put on the left side the end of the cloth tied round the middle, one pair of ear-rings and also mullukoppu ear-rings. a jewel for your nose; for your hands rings fastened with gold, and balls of gold joined by cord; a dwaria for both hands and a bájiband for hands also; and a cloth of barapatte."
All these were presented; and he said to her :-"I shall present to the children born of you the paddy field in two pieces, known as Kambula at Hanidotti Bail, and, if there is anything else you want, I will give that also. O Deyi! do you hear me! you have come to my palace, therefore you must take your food of pearl-like rice."
Then were curries prepared with cards of five hundred Borts, with tamarind of three hundred sorts, with cocoanuts of a thousand sorts. Pickles of limes known as pottikánche, narniga, and so on, together with tender bamboos, and kavade berries. Yelluri and mapala were prepared, and moreover cakes of five or six kinds, and a cake of oil-colour, too.

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"Now, Deyi, you had better take your food with ghi and wash your hands with milk!" said the Ballal, and ordered his servants to give Kântanna and Sâyina water, and to make Deyi sit in the middle! And then Deyi and the others took their food with ghi and washed their hands with milk, and chewed betelnut; and then the Ballal told her to go back to Erajha. The right of sallanéga, which the Billavars cannot have, and a koranaseji, like a mallika Bower and a jewel with the figure of a parrot, were presented to her by the Balla!.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 65.)
Bells. Spirits fear bells, because spirits fear music, and because they fear metal. In Hindu temples bells are generally tied in front of the shrine, and the worshipper rings them before he goes inside. That among Hindus the original object of ringing a bell before their gods was to drive away spirits, is shewn by the prayer repeated by Western India Brahmans in ringing a bell during the worship of their household gods:- "Q! bell, raise a mighty sound near the shrine that the demons may be dispelled and the gods welcomed."88 The members of one Lingayat priesthood bind a ring of bells on the leg; and at a Poona Lingayat's funeral a jangam walks in front of the procession, ringing a bell and blowing a conch shell.88 Among the wild Vaidus of Poona, on the eleventh day after a death, a jangam comes and blows a conch and rings a bell in the house of mourning, aud the mourning ends, that is, the dead is driven off. In the Dekhan on the Pôlá-day, necklaces of bells are tied round bullocks' necks. Among the Dekhan Râmôgis, men wear a girdle of silver bells round their loins. Some low class begging devotees in Poona wear a girdle of bells." Bells are the emblems of Kedarling and Jotiba, two favourite Southern Maratha gods. Belgaum Lingayats have a story that the wedding of Nandi, or Basavésvar, could not go on till the heaven became a bell and the earth a bar of metal to strike the bell at the lucky moment. They have a class of converted Mhârs, called Chêlvâdis, who head Lingayat processions carrying a bell and bar. A bell is rung at a Mhâr's marriage in Belgaum." After a death the Gôls, or Gopals, of Belgaum remain impure for five days, when a janyam or Lingayat priest, comes and purifies them by ringing a bell and blowing a shell.94 Budbudkis, a class of Dharwâr beggars, wear clothes, to whose skirts bells and shells are tied. The Madhava Brålman women of Dhârwâr wear small gold bells hung from their hair close above the ear.96 The Pâtradavarus, or high-class prostitutes of Dharwar, wear bells, or géjjis, on their legs. The Lavânâ women of Dharwâr wear a bell-shaped tube at the end of their small braids of hair.98 In Bijapur, the Lingayat beadle sits in front of the dead and rings a bell. A division of jangam beggars in Bijapur sit on trees and ring bells all day long. Another begs from door to door, ringing a bell. The Gonds have a bell god, Ghagarâ Pen, a string of tinkling bells. The Mânâ Ojhyâls, a class of Gond bell and ring makers, are held in special sanctity.100 The Gond priest, at the great worship of Phârsi Pen, wears bells on his fore and third fingers.100 Two bells, one of bell-metal and one of copper, were found in a cairn at Haidarabad in the Dekhan. Certain Vaishnava beggars of South India wear bells,❜ and in Chittagong an image of Buddha has a stand of bells before it. When a Wadar or Telugu
• I. e., putting the end of the cloth on the left side. Which they may not have, i. e., a jewel for the ears. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. The Sanskrit text is:-Agamanarthamtu devânim, gamandrtham tu rakshasam, kuru ghanté mahd nadam, devat archana sannidhau. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 167. 1
Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 477. Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 167. 97 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 119.
"Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 478.
Op. cit, Vol. XVIII p. 190.
Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 200.
Op. cit. Vol. XXIL pp. 121, 122. "Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central 100 Op. cit. Ap. I. p. iii.
a Dubois, Vol. I. p. 149.
121
Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 413. 93 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 193. Op, cit. Vol. XXII. p. 66.
100 Op. cit. p. 6.
Provinces, p. 47.
1 Jour, Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 170. Balfour's Hindus, Vol. V. p. 531.

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earth-digger, says his prayers he rings a bell at intervals, and blows * conoh. The Vadagales, & sect of Sri Vaishộavas in Mysore, ring a bell at their prayers. In Sonth India, during the temple service, the ministrant holds a bell in his left hand, and keeps ringing it.
Colonel Leslie suggests that bells obtained their original fame as anti-demoniacal in the forest-covered countries of Asia. The Troglodyte, when they travelled by night, fastened bells round the necks of their cattle to drive away wild beasts, and, for the same reason, the practice is common in many countries of Asia. A bell is still rang at Adam's Peak in Ceylon as a security against spirits. The Socotrans (1330) used to strike a piece of timber in lieu of a bell. The kings of Persia had robes with bell skirts, and Arab courtezans wear bells round their ankles, neck and elbows. The Shâmâus, or Tátâr priests, are covered with tags of bells and bits of iron 10 The Jewish high priest's robe was adorned with a row of golden bells and pomegranates.11
The Burmese love of bells is remarkable.13 Most of the monasteries have a multitude of bells on all sides. The largest bells are struck with deer's horn and wood.13 The object of ringing bells is to draw the attention of good spirits. There are wooden bells in Burmese monasteries.15 The Chinese consecrate bells to make them lucky or sacred; they smear them with the blood of some animal, generally a goat.18 A sick cow in China has a bell tied to her horn.17 In China, Buddhist priests ring a bell over a corpse: - Doolittle says to secure the repose of the dead.19 Several reasons are given by the Chinese for binding bells on to cattle, horses and camels.19 The Japanese temple-women- that is, the virgin priestesses who dancehave each of them a bunch of bells. The Japanese goddess Uzumê has bells hung from a bamboo cane.20
Little iron bells are worn as ornaments by the people of Ugara in East Africa 21 Exorcists and diviners in West Africa, inland from Benguella, were, according to Cameron, followed by men carrying bells, which they struck with iron.23 West African dancers wear bells.23 Great iron bells precede the Monbutta chief Munza. 24 Bells are worn at the garters by Moorish dancers.25 Close to the tomb of Galitzin, the prince-priest of the Allegliany Mountain, is a large bell.26
Bells have been found at Nineveh. They were known to the Greeks, but apparently were not used by the Christians till A. D. 410.27 In 1772 the Greek Church in Skandaroon had no bell. Instead of a bell they beat on a large iron bar.28 The Romans rung & bell in the rites for driving off the unfriendly dead.2 The Russians are very fond of bells. Bells are consecrated by them.30 In Russia, the bishops have little bells fastened to their robes and mantles. All post-houses have bells.31 The Russian church bells ring when the bishop comes.32 Bells are of great importance in the Roman Catholic ceremonies. When the Spanish Saint Teresa (1567) started to found a convent at Medina-del-Campo in Spain, she took a picture or two, some candles, a bell, and the Sacrament.33 When Isabella of Spain (1474) was proclaimed queen, the standards were unfurled, bells pealed, and cannons boomed.34 The • Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 313.
• Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 332. . Dubois, Vol. II, p. 353.
7 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, pp. 503, 504. • Yule's Cathay, Vol. I. p. 169.
Maurico's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 903. 10 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 155.
11 Mackey's Freemasonry, p. 135. 12 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 242.
11 Op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 155, 196, 197. 16 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 245.
16 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 821. 16 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 161.
11 Op.cit. Vol. II. p. 180. 10 Notes and Queries, April 1884.
19 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 180. Reed's Japan, Vol. II, p. 174.
11 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 227. 11 Op.cit. Vol. II, p. 218.
78 Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 42. * Schweinfarth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 96. » Chambers's Book of Days, p. 632. » Harper's Monthly Magarine, August 1883, p. 337. 91 Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. VI. p. 25, note. # Parson's Travels, p. 9.
Ovid's Pasti, Vol. V. p. 441. * Mra, Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the GrancoRussian Church, p. 273.
31 Op. cit. p. 280. » Op. cit. p. 416. * Quart. Rev. October 1888, p. 415.
* Jones' Crowns, p. 416.

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-
Roman Catholics rid the air of spirits by ringing their hallowed bells.86 In Germany bell. ringing is said to be hated by dwarfs and giants and by the devil: the devil tries to drag the bells from the churches. In the Middle Ages bells were rung to keep off lightning and the devil.36
In Ireland and Scotland St. Patrick (450) and St. Columba (550) are said to have used bells to drive out demons, 37 and a bell was said to be buried in St. Patrick's tomb when he died.38 In early Christian times in Ireland (500-800) bells were used in cursing 30 In Middle-Age Europe the curious said that the ringing of bells exceedingly disturbed spirits. In the Middle Ages (1000-1500) church bells were rang to scare storms, which were evil spirits.61 Bells used to be blessed and consecrated in the Middle Ages, and were then able to frighten demons and defeat the spirits of the storms. In early England, a fiend-sick person was made to drink out of a church bell." Burton (1621) notices that, in Roman Catholic churches, bells were consecrated and baptized to drive away devils, bugbears, and noisome smells. In 1798 near Strafillan, in Tyndrom, Scotland, mad people were ducked in a pool and then laid in the churchyard with St. Fillan's bell on their heads. St. Fillan's bell was kept loose in the churchyard. It was used in the ceremonies to cure lunatics.46 In England, bells used to be rung at Halloween. Large bells in England (A. D. 670) were at first consecrated and named after a saint. Bells were rang in storms (as storms are caused by spirits), and also when the Host was raised.8 Bells in England could drive off storms, lightning and hail. Their sound exceedingly disturbed evil spirits. In England, bells broke asunder lightning and thunder, they dispersed the fierce winds and assuaged men's cruel rage.50 Bacon (1635) mentions that bells ring in the cities to charm thunder and scatter pestilent airs.61 Wynkin de Worde says bells are rung during storms to soare the fiends and make them cease moving the storm.52 In England, bells sometimes ring when people leave the church.63 Bells are also rang at marriages. Bells used to be baptized, named, sprinkled with holy water, clothed in a fine garment and blessed. A christened bell had power to decay storms, divert thunderbolts, and drive away evil spirits.54 A soul-bell was tolled for the dying, according to Grose and Douce, to drive off the evil spirit, who hovered about to seize the soul.6 Formerly the funeral peal was & merry peal, as if, Scythian-like, the friends rejoiced at the escape of the dead from a world of troubles.56 In Orkney, an old iron bell was found among the remains of burials. The bell was in a rough stone chest mud was close to some skeletons, which have been decided to belong to the ninth century.57 Bells have also been found buried, with other remains in North Ronaldsay and in Kingoldrum in Forfarshire.58 St. Finan's bell near Ardnamurehan, West Scotland, is probably 800 years old. It is still carried in front of the dead at funerals.59 Canterbury pilgrims decked their horses with small belis as charms and guards,60 On Christmas Eve at Harbury, in North England, the devil's knell is rung. The bells of Rylstone played their Sabbath music "God us aid."62 In Roman Catholic countries, bells are rung when people come to communicate. In the Mass service a bell is rung three tinies by the acolyte before the Holy or Sanctus. . A bell is also rung before raising the Host, 66 and thrice at the elevation of the Host.66 In England, bells are fastened to babies'
16 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 857. * Grimm's Tauto. Myth. Vol. III. p. 1022. IT Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 66. » Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times, Vol. I. p. 200.
• Op. cit. Vol. L p. 205. 4. Leakcie's Eur. Rat. Vol, I. p. 504. 1 Henderson's Folk-Lora, p. 14. Notes on the Golden Legend. * Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 140.
Barton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 788. ** Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times, Vol. I. p. 192. 46 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 79.
•7 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 894 ** Chambers's Book of Days, p. 801.
49 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 217. ** Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 263.
61 Op. cit. p. 264.
63 Op. cit. p. 264. • Op. cit. p. 265. 64 Op. cit. p. 266. 5 Op. cit. p. 287.
* Op. cit. p. 267. Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian 7'mes, Vol. I. p. 178.
* Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 175. • Op. cit, Vol. I. p. 198.
.. Chambers's Book of Days, Vol. I. p. 339.: 61 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 66.
42 Wordsworth's White Doe, Canto Seventh. 63 Golden Manual, p. 272. 4 Op. cit. p. 352.
Op. cit. p. 368. Op. cit. p. 260.
* Op. cit. p. 261.

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corals. In aome parts of England, when banns are published, bells are rung. The belief that bells are a charm, is shewn in Il Penseroso (pp. 83, 84):
The bellman's drowsy charm
To bless the doors from nightly harm. The coronation of English kings is announced by the firing of guns and the ringing of bells. Notes and Queries (April 19th, 1884, p. 308) contain the following Latin inscription copied from a bell :-" The living I call, the dead I bewail, the thunder I break. The true God I praise, the people I call, the priests I gather, the dead I bewail, the plague I scare, the feast I adorn." The bells in Longfellow's Golden Legend ring :-" I praise the true God; I call the people; I assemble the clergy." The devils tried to seize the bells, but could do nothing as the bells had been washed in holy water. In Wales (1815), a bell called Bangu, said to have belonged to St. David, cured sickness. At Oxford, when a person of academic rank is buried, a bellman walks in front of the coffin, ringing a bell.70
Blood. - Blood is a tonio in cases of weakness, and blood-lotting cures Alts and nervous attacks. According to Pliny, 71 a draught of human blood cares epilepsy and other diseases; and, according to Barton (1621), bleeding is a cure for sadness.72
In cases of piies the Ratnagiri Marathas give warmed goat's blood, and in cases of typhos or red discolouration of the skin, the patient is cured by killing a cock, and smearing the red blotches with its blood. Ratnagiri Mara ţhâs use the blood of the ghorpar, or big lizard, as a cure in snake-bite.73 Among certain low class Hindus in Poona, blood is poured down the nose of a patient suffering from a spirit-seizare,74 Bleeding cares sickness by letting out the devil. So Fryer (p. 141) says "By bleeding a vein I let out the devil which was crept into my palanquin bearer's fancies." The Bombay Pattanê Prabhus, before a marriage, let drops of goat's blood fall on the heads of the family goddesses.76 In Poona the blood of sheep and goats is sprinkled over the village idols.76 In Dharwâr, every third or fourth year, buffalo is killed in honour of the goddess Dayamava, and its blood sprinkled along the village boundary.77 On the Dasara day Kalâdg! Rajput householders slanghter & goat, and sprinkle its blood on the door-posts of their houses.78 Similarly at the Dasara festival Rome Dekhan Kunbis used to sprinkle their houses with sheep's blood.7 Most Bijapur Hindus, before using the threshing-floor, kill a goat and sprinkle its blood on the floor. Even Brâh mans and Lingayats sometimes have their threshing floors blood-cleansed by a Maratha or Rajpnt neighbour or servant. The great Bijapur gun is said to have been baptised in human blood by its maker, a Růmi, or Greek. In 1829, in the Southern Markthå Country, in the village of Sêrin, some fifty or sixty buffaloes and a hundred sheep used to be killed, and after some privileged persons had taken their heads, the villagers scrambled for the rest - watchmen, shepherds, outcastes and all low and high classes, even Brahmans rolling in the mass of blood.90 In East Berar, on the Dasara day, the blood of a buffalo is smeared on the brow of the village beadman.81
The Küs of the North-East frontier drink the blood of the sacrificial bull. Among the Malers of West Bengal, in January every year, demoniacs are bound until a buffalo is slaughtered, and are then given some of its blood to drink.8 So, when an epidemic comes, the Malers set up a pair of posts and & cross beam, and from the cross beam hang vessels
07 Dyer's Folk. Lore, pp. 190, 191.
Notes and Querirs, 19th April 1884, p. 308. 11 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii, Chap. 4. 13 Information from the peon Båbaji. TO Mr. K. Raghunath's Patrine Prabhua. " Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. Appendia A. " Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 224. * Balfour's Encyclopedia, Vol. V. p. 28.
Op. cit. p. 270.
* Jones' Crowns, p. 347. 70 Op. cit. p. 812. 12 Burton's Anatomy of Melanchow. P. 47. 14 Information from Mr. Shastri. * Op. cit. * Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 167.
Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 99. » Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bongal, p. 118

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holding blood and spirits. The Bengal Kurmis, or Kunbis, mark the brow of the bride and bridegroom with red lead and sometimes with blood.85
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
The object of the round red brow-mark worn by unwidowed women and other Hindus, which was probably originally of blood, seems to be to keep off spirits. It is also with the view of scaring evil spirits that, on investment, the brow of the Rajput chief is marked with blood taken from a man's thumb, the ceremony being a relic of human sacrifice. In Bengal the worshippers of Durgâ, when a buffalo is offered, daub their bodies with earth soaked in the blood, and dance, singing indecent songs. Blood is drunk by Hindu Sâktâs.87 The Indian overlord used to drink the blood of a defeated warrior, that the fierce spirit of the slain might be housed in him. Bhima, one of the five Pandavas, when he killed his consin Dussasan, drank his blood; even Sitâ, the gentle wife of Râma, when she killed the thousand-headed Ravana, drank the blood of her victim.88 Among the Beni-Israil, at marriages, the bridegroom and bride walk along a path sprinkled with blood from the marriage porch to the house-door.
Among the Jews, when a murdered body was found, a heifer was brought from the nearest city, and the elders came and washed their hands over it in some waste land, and its head was cut off. On the tenth day of the Jewish seventh month, the Jews sprinkled the Holy of Holies with bullocks' blood. Blood is life. So the Jewish commandment runs:-"The flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye not eat." So, in Egypt, to keep off the spirit of death, the Israelites, smeared the side-posts and the upper door-posts with blood. This show of blood prevented the destroyer coming into the house to smite the inmates. The horns of the Jewish altar were smeared with bullocks' blood. Moses sprinkled hal: the blood on the altar.
When a sick child is brought to a Chinese priest, he bleeds the child, mixes the blood with water, and dipping into the mixture a seal engraved with the name of an idol, marks the child's wrists, neck, back, and forehead. In China, rags dipped in a criminal's blood and tied to a sick-bed cure the patient. In China, when a person is sick or possessed by an evil spirit, a goat's blood is smeared on his forehead."
125
The Australians, when they kill an animal, rub some of the blood on the idol's mouth." The Gallas of East Africa, when they cut a cow's throat, suck the gushing blood.100 Warm blood is a favourite dranght with almost all Africans. The Bedouins of Nubia are very fond of the warm blood of a sheep. Human blood is sprinkled on the tombs of the ancestors of the kings of Dahomey, when their help is wanted in war. The Hovas of Madagascar anoint the head-stones of tombs with blood. Among the South Australians, when a boy is ten years old, several men cut themselves and smear the boy with their blood. The AmericanIndian Kiowas of New Mexico drink warm buffalo blood.
Pliny notices that blood on door-posts keeps off enchantments. Early men delight in drinking blood; so the Australians, Fijians, Vateans, Haidalis and Vampyres are bloodsuckers. Greek ghosts drink the blood of the sacrifice, and the Mexicans' whole ritual consisted of offerings of blood. In Greece, the priest of Cybele entered a room, whose roof was full of holes, a ball was killed on the roof and the priest was drenched with a shower of blood.10 In North Europe, till A. D. 900, the blood of the sacrifice was mixed with ale, and
4 Op. cit. p. 272.
ss Op. cit. p. 319. se Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 117. Dábistán, Vol. II. p. 155. Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 146. Deuteronomy, xxi. Balfour's Encyclopædia, Vol. V. p. 12. Exodus, xii. 7. 93 Op. cit. xii. 23. Op. cit. xxiv. 6. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 165. 1 Op. cit. p. 397.
1 Genesis, ix. 4. 24 Op. cit. xxix. 12.
Gray's China, Vol. 1. p. 102. "Hahn's Tauni Goam, p. MI.
Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 31. Africa, p. 189. Dahomey, Vol. II. p. 167.
Sibree's Madagascar, p. 227.
100 New's East 3 Burton's
2 Burckhardt's Nubia, p. 149. Wallace's Australasia, p. 101. Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chap. 7. Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 290.
Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 313.
Spencer's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 290. 10 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 958.

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drank. 11 The Norsemen sprinkled their sacred vessels and all people present with the victim's blood.13 As lato as the eleventh century the Swedes used to bring a horse, cut it in pieces, and redden the sacred tree with its blood.13 In Iceland, worshippers were sprinkled with blood. At the great nine-year festival at Upsala, in Sweden, the worshippers, the sacred groves, the gods, altars, benches and walls of the temples inside and outside were sprinkled with the blood of the human victim.16
In Austria, the blood of a criminal is a common cure for the falling sickness. Colonel J. H. White, Mint Master, Bombay, remembers (1884) that about the year 1825, when he was living on the Rhine, he one day went with a comrade to see a guillotine execution at Mayence, and, koowing the officer in command, got a place close to the platform. As the criminal's head rolled off, a man dashed from the crowd, jumped on the platform, and eagerly drank the blood as it gashed out. In Germany it is believed that, if a were-wolf, or man-wolf, is made to bleed, the spell is broken.16
The iron clasps of the wizard's book would not yield to up-Christianed bands, till he smeared the cover with the Borderer's cardled gore.17 The reason the clasp of Scott's book opened after smearing it with blood was that the guardian fiend was driven off. The book could not be opened without danger on account of the malignant fiends which were thereby invoked.18 Draw blood from a witch, and her enchantment fails. A patient's blood throws back the spell on the witch.20 A spell is broken if you draw blood from the person who made the spell,21 "Blood and fire" (the two great spirit-scarers) is the motto on the Salvationist banner : the banner of the religious ideas of the English and American lower orders - salvation, that is, spirit-scaring, being the object. In Scotland, the epileptic is made to drink his own blood.23
Bread. - Hinda women, to ward off the effect of the Evil Eye, wave bread and water round the faces of their children. When a Marathả chief returns bome, a female servant comes forward with's pot of water and some bread. She waves them three times round the face of the chief, and then throws them away. One of the devaks, or wedding guardians, of the Dek ban Mhårs is a piece of bread tied to a post in the marriage porch.2 Among the Khandesh Mbârs, on the bridegroom approaching the bride's house, a piece of bread is waved round his head and thrown away. The Jews placed show-bread on the table outside of the veil, close to the candlestick with seven lights.27 In Germany, bread and salt protect against magic, and so witches abstain from bread and salt. The Roman Catholic Bishop, after Confirmation, wipes tis hands with bread crumbs. Bread and wine are still the Sacrament in all Christian churches. In North England the bread and wine of the Sacrament are believed to cure bodily sickness. This is because sickness is still believed to be due to spirit-possession of the body, as sin is due to spirit-possession of the mind. In Scotland a cake was broken over the bride's head. 31 In England, in 1657, it was believed that a crust of bread carried in the pocket at night kept off spirits.39 In South Scotland, when the bride retarns to her house from the church, a cake of short bread is thrown over her head and scrambled for. Formerly cakes used to be thrown to be scrambled for on Palm Sunday, 4 and Good Friday cross buns were held sovran against diarrhoan.36
1 Grimm's Tondo, Myth, Vol. I. p. 55. 1 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 100. 11 Scott's Lay, Vol. III. p. 9. 19 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 15. 1 Hendersop's Folk-Lore, p. 181.
Mitchell'i Highland Superstitions, p. 25. Prom MB, potee.
Grimm'. Touto. Myth. Vol. III. p. 1103. # Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 145.
Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 310. # Chamber's Book of Days, Vol. I. p. 396.
13 Op. cit. VoL I p. 55. Op. cit. Vol. I p. 48. * Op. cit. p. 113.
* Henderson's Polk-Lore, p. 189. - Note 2 C. to The Lay of the Last Kindral.
Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 30. * From MS. Notes. * Information from Mr. Govind Pandit. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIL p. 117. Exodus, XXV. 30, 31. * Golden Manual, p. 690. 31 Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 95.
Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 36. * Op. cit. p. 418.

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
--
Breath.
The guardian's breath scares flends. In the Kônkan, when a child is bewitched, the exorcist rubs ashes on the child's forehead and blows into his ears.36 Among the Roman Catholic Christians of Thânâ, when a child is brought to the priest to be baptized, in order to drive the devil, or Inbred Sin, out of the child, and make him give place to the Holy Spirit, the priest thrice breathes upon the face of the child, saying "Exi ab eo, Go out of him."37 Kanphunkné, or ear-blowing, is a great ceremony among the Mhârs of Thânâ. The persons, whose children are to be initiated, invite caste fellows to the ceremony, and taking with them their children and camphor, incense, red powder, sugar and flowers, they go to their guru's or teacher's, house. The ceremony takes place at about eight at night. The teacher, sitting cross-legged on a wooden stool, worships his sacred book, and the whole company praise the gods with songs and music. The parents bring their children to the guru, and he, taking each child on his lap, breathes into both ears, and matters some mystic words into the right ear.38 The Kôrvi fortune-teller of Belgaum, when she is going to charm a female patient, covers the patient's head with her robe, and breathes on her eyes and into her ears.39 Among the Roman Catholic Christians of Kânara, at the time of Baptism, the priest breathes three times into the child's mouth to drive out the evil spirit and make room for the Holy Ghost.40 In 1624 the Lâmas of Tibet cured the sick by blowing on them.41 On the Thursday before Good Friday, the Bishop and twelve priests breathe over sacred oil. The Russian priest blows on the child's face before Baptism.13
Brooms. The béréśmá, or Pârsî besom, has special power over spirits. In the Kônkan, on the first of Kartik (October-November), called Baliraj, or the day of Bali, the ruler of the under-world, spirits are swept out of a Hindu house, and the sweepings are thrown into the sea. In Thânâ some old Hindu women, to cure a child affected by the Evil Eye, wave salt and water round its face, and strike the ground with a broom three times.45 Similarly among the Beni-Isra'ils of Bombay, when the midwife drives off the blast of the Evil Eye, she holds in her left hand a shoe, a winnowing fan, and a broom.48 To scare a demon out of a person, the Shânârs of Tinnevelly apply a slipper, or a broom, to the shoulders of the possessed.47 In Calabar, in West Africa, once in every three years, spirits are swept out of the village.48 On the other hand, the negroes of the Congo River, about 600 miles south of Calabar, after a death, do not sweep the house for a whole year, lest they should sweep out the ghost." For the same reason, the people of Tongking do not sweep their houses during the days when the spirits come to pay their yearly visit.50 So, too, the Romans used brooms, called ex verra, to sweep the house after a death,51 and at the Palilia (April 21) the stables were swept with a laurel broom. This, and the spirit's fear of a cane or rod, seem to be the reasons why in the Middle Ages European witches rode on broomsticks. The spirits of the air were afraid. and carried the witches wherever they wished to go. In England, spirits were believed to fear brooms. So we find in Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 254:-"Pales were filled, and hearths were swept against fairy elves and sprites."
127
Canes. In fits, in swoons, and in seizures, beating with a cane restores the patient to consciousness; that is, beating puts to flight the spirit which has caused the disease or sickness. The cane is in Sanskrit called yogidanda, the ascetic's rod, and a decoction of its root was believed to remove bile caused by evil spirits.52 In the East Dekhan, the medium draws a circle round the possessed person with a cane, and when the medium threatens the spirit he holds a cane in his hand. The Ratnagiri Marâthâs say that when a person is struck with an
87 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 210. 40 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 388.
36 From MS. notes. 39 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 171. 42 Chambers's Book of Days, Vol. I. p. 412.
43 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 68.
Bleek's Khordah Avesta, Vol. I. p. 64.
46 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 526.
48 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 176. 50 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 455.
38 Op. cit. Vol. XIII. p. 194.
41 Kerr's Voyages, Vol. VII. p. 15.
45 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
47 Caldwell in Balfour's Encyclopædia, article, Funeralia, Hindus. 49 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 455. 51 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities. 62 Narsinha's Nighantaraj, p. 65.

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incantation, he should at once seize a cane, as the "blow or muth" (that is the spirit in the incantation) fears cane. In the Konkan, a cane is laid under the pillow of a person who is troubled by an evil spirit,63 and in some Hindu shrines a ratan is placed beside the god.54 If a person is brought to the god possessed with a bhút, he is beaten with a cane, and the spirit leaves him.55 Vêtål, the lord of spirits, the early Siva, who is much worshipped in the Dekhan and Kônkan, is shewn with a racket-shaped cane as a sceptre. Sometimes he is represented solely by a cane, and it seems to be from the vet, or cane, that Votal takes his name. Among the Dekhan Chitpâ vans, a cane is laid under the young mother's pillo-7.56 In the Kônkan, when a medium is called to see a person who is possessed, he gives the possessed a few cuts with a cane. At the Bijapur Lingayat initiation, near the guru are placed a brass platter, a conchshell and a cane. Among the Bengal Oraons if a girl becomes possessed while she is dancing, the by-standers slap her:57 to keep off spirits. Some of the Oraons wear a cane girdlo.58 Among certain Hindus the belief prevails that, to induce a familiar spirit to dwell in him, the medium must go naked into water up to the middle, repeat a charm which has power to bring the spirit, and at each repetition beat himself with a cane, the object of the caning being to keep the house of his body empty and ready for the proper inmate.59 The Parsis use a cane, or reed of nine knots, to drive off evil.60 In Central Asia, all Musalmans take with them to the mosque long heavy ceremonial canes,61 In Barma, possessed women are thrashed with a stick.c2 In the time of mourning the Motas wear armlets and waist-belts of a particular kind of cane 63 The women of the Arru Islands, west of New Guinea, wear bands of plaited cane under the knee and above the elbow, and through them pass the leaves of a plant. The Caroline tribes make their coffins of cane.64 The Mexican merchants worshipped their staff,65 and the Roman herald's staff, topped with snakes, seems to have been used to keep off spirits. Among the early Christians spirits were driven out by blows.66 In Scotland, in the seventeenth century, the queen of the fairies, had a white rod,67 witches were whipped, 68 and if a spirit or phantom was struck at, it would melt into air. The sense of the old Hindu gentleman's stout walking stick, of the falldress eighteenth century physician's cane, of the Indian ceremonial chób or mace, of the Bishop's crozier, of Aaron's rod, of Prospero's wand, of the field marshall's baton, of the royal sceptre, seem to lie in the sweet inflaenoes of the rod that keep far off the anhoused spirit, who seeks a lodging in the body-shrine of the honoured human being.
Circles. — As spirits fear ciroles and cannot cross them, devils can be kept in rings.se In the East Dekhan, the medium begins by drawing a circle with a cane round the patient, apparently to prevent the spirit from escaping. Sometimes the medium also makes a circle of ashes round the patient. The walking round an honoured guest, a god, or a corpse, which is one of the commonest Hindu observances, seercs to mean the keeping evil spirits from the person, god, or corpse. All higher class Hindus, especially Brahmans, sprinkle water in a circle round their dining plates. Among the Kunbis of Gujarat, after a birth, about ten inches of the navel cord are left, and the end is tied to a red thread and put round the child's throat. Fevers are kept off in Gujarât, as well as in the Kônkan, by tying a thread round the waist or arm, so that the evil spirit cannot pass. So threads are wound round the bride and bridegroom at the wedding of many Hindus and Parsis, and so, too, the making of seven circles is one of the chief parts of a Hindu wedding. Among the Gujarat Dhêdas, a person suffering from an evil spirit has a thread tied round his arm. The Bhâtiâs fasten a bracelet round a woman's arm in her first pregnancy. So also do Gujarat Kunbis. Wedding wreaths of red thread are
68 Information from Mr. Ovalekar. ** Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 1 18. * Op. cit. p. 249. 4 Bleek's Khordah Avesta, p. 159. 63 Tylor's Primitive Culture, VOL. II. p. 186. # Earl's Papuans, p. 98.
Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 416. "Soott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 110.
64 Ditto.
Ditto. 07 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 256. 69 Compare Balfour's Hindua, Vol. V. p. 587. 61 Schuyler's Turkistan, Vol. I. p. 157.
5 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 480. 6a First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, p. 94. 40 Tylor's Primitire Culture, Vol. II. p. 139. 68 Eur. Rat. Vol. I. p. 142. 69 Burton's Anat. of Mel. p. 128.

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thrown round the necks of the Kunbi bride and bridegroom. The Râjputs of Kathiawâr make three circles at different parts of the wedding service.70 The Nagar Châmbhârs lay before Satvai, turmeric, sandal paste, flowers, a coil of thread, and wheat cakes.71 Among the Dhruva Prabhûs of Poona, the priest passes a thread five or six times round the husband and wife. Among the Telugu Nhâvis, or barbers, of Poona, a thread is wound fourteen times round the bride and bridegroom, cut into two, and one part of it tied round the wrist of the bride and the other round the wrist of the bridegroom.72 in Bijapur, among many classes, the practice at a wedding is to have a surgi, or square, with a water-pot at each corner and a thread passed several times round the necks of the water-pots. Among the Mâdhava Brahmans of Dharwar, a thread is passed five times round a group of married women, who oil and turmeric themselves before the wedding.73 In Belgaum the full-moon of Śrâvan (July-August) is called the thread-hank full-moon. Kunbis make hanks of thread, colour them yellow, and throw them round the necks of the men and women of the family. Among the Kulachârî Hatgars, a class of Belgaum hand-loom weavers, after the birth of a male child, a party of elderly married women come and gird the child's waist with a thread called kadadôrá.75 Among the Kânara Shênvis, a Brahman priest winds a thread in a double circle-of-eight pattern round the bride and bridegroom.70 Among the Roman Catholics of Kânara, the dead have their hands tied together across the chest, and a crucifix is laid on them.77
To keep off spirits, the Orions of Chuția Nagpur, wear a girdle of cords of tusser silk or of canes.78 In Bengal, the Hindu wife worships her husband, walking round him seven times.79 When the Hindus dedicate a temple, they walk thrice round it.80 Hindu satis tied threads round their wrists (to keep off spirits).81 In India, if a Brâhman sees a temple, a cow, or a holy man, he ought to walk round them.82
The Supreme Ruler addressed Zoroaster from the midst of a vast and pure circle of fire.83 The Pârsis wear a girdle of thread, called kasti, round their waists. The Egyptian god Oneph was shewn holding a zone and a sceptre.84 The Jews compassed the altar.85 Mecca pilgrims go seven times round the Ka'ba, or sacred black stone.88
In Burma, when cholera breaks out, the Burmese get the priests to bless holy water and yellow threads, which they either wear as bracelets or hang round the eaves of their houses.97 The Burman king at his crowning goes round the city, beginning from the east.99 The object of the Nagas in wearing a ring of hart's horn round the point of the penis is probably to scare spirits.99 The Chinese villagers paint a circle on farm walls to keep off wolves, panthers, and foxes,90
129
The Dinkas of the White Nile, as a sign of grief, wear a necklace of cord. In East Africa, the wizard is tied to a stake, and a circle of fire is lighted round him, and he is roasted.92 The Hottentots wear many rings of leather round the ankle, circles of simple cords above or below the knee, and bracelets of beads.93
The Romans wore crowns at their feasts (to keep off spirits); their dead were wreathed, nd their victors, crowned with laurel and bay. The Romans had great faith in the virtue of the ring. When the table was spread, a ring was laid on the Roman table.94 To nove a ring from the left hand to the right cured cough. A morsel of goat's brain passed
Ti Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 157. 73 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 80.
76 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 158.
70 Information from Colonel Barton.
3 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 382.
75 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 137.
78 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 249.
80 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 7. 81 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 99.
83 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 225.
$5 Psalm, xxvi. 6.
87 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 108.
89 Fytche's Burmah, Vol. I. pp. 350, 351.
1 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 154. 85 Burchel's Afrien, Vol. I. p. 396.
74 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 115. 77 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 393.
79 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 75. 82 Dabistan, Vol. II. p. 84.
84 Kennedy's Hindu Mythology, p. 33.
86 Burckhardt's Arabia, Vol. I. p. 172.
88 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 171.
30 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 111.
2 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 116.
Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chaps. 2 and 6.

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through a gold ring, and dropped into a new-born infant's mouth, saved it from falling sickness.95 The Romans also believed in the value of circles. The hair of a young child tied round the leg cured gout;98 to take a knife or dagger, and with its point to cut two or three imaginary circles round a child and then walk two or three times round the child, was a preventive against sorcery. 97 Roman slaves wore iron rings.98 Procession round the altar was part of the Greek ceremonies. People walked thrice round the altar singing a sacred hymn.99
In Skandinavia, girdles were believed to renew the wearer's strength. So Thor's girdle was strength-renewing.100 The Skandinavian judges used to sit in a circle, called the Domhringre, made with hazel twigs or stones fastened together with ropes. The Skandinavians made a circle of luge stones, and in the middle set a seat for the king when the king was crowned. The Doge of Venice was invested with a ring emblematic of the ring with which he was yearly married to the Adriatic. In the Russian baptism, the child is carried three times round the font. Pope Boniface VIII. was said to have drawn a circle round him and called up a spirit, and among the Scotch Highlanders, till 1700, it was usual to make a circle with an oak sapling to keep off spirits.
In Scotland, till the end of the eighteenth century, people used to walk three times round the dead. They walked round the church at marriages, churchings, and borials; and walked round fields with torches : all apparently to keep off spirits.7 They walked round the standing, or Druid, stones three times, and were careful to walk with the sun, that is, to keep the right side to the stone. An epileptic person walked three times round a holy well. In all labour, in their lodges, such as passing round the ballot box, freemasons move with the sun. Similarly, at St. Malonah, in Lewis, in the Western Islands of Scotland, mad people are made to make seven circuits.10 Moving round the church appears to have been held lucky, or rather peace-giving, in the Hebrides. Thus, St. Coivin is said to have invited all unhappy couples to meet at his cell on a given night, when, having blind-folded each person, he started them on a race thrice sun-wise round the church. At the end of the third round the saint would cry "Cabhag," that is, seize quickly, and each swain must catch what lass he could, and be true to her for one whole year, at the end of which, if still dissatisfied, he might return to the saintly cell and try a new assortment in the next matrimonial game practised as before 11 Belts, being circles, scare spirits. So Thorne Reid,
fairy, gave his friend Bessie Dunlop a lace to tie round women in child-birth, to give them easy delivery.13 In East Scotland, in 1803, in the waxing March moon, wosting and hectic women and children were passed through wreaths of oak and ivy 14 In Scotland (1860), people tied threads round women and cows to prevent miscarriage.15 In Scotland it is still believed that any piece of a wedding cake, that has to be dreamed on, should first be passed through a gold ring.
Rings were used in the coronations of English kings.16 King Edward blessed cramp rings.17 Rings were hallowed in England on Good Friday by the Kings of England.18 These rings cured cramp and falling sickness.10 Conquerors and sorcerers defended themselves against charms by drawing circles.20 In England, in the sixteenth century, rings were believed to cure cramp.21 In the eighteenth century, in Orkney, people drew magic circles, and placed knives in their
» Op.cit. Bcok xxviii. Chap. 19.
96 Op. cit. Book xxviii, Chap. 4. 17 Op. cit. Book xxxiv. Chap. 15.
5 Browne, Bohn'. Ed. Vol. I. p. 387. 91 Mackenzie's Freemasosiry, p. 57.
140 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 94. 1 Op.cit. p. 291.
2 Jones' Crowny, p. 372.
* Op. cit. p. 411. • Mrs. Romancff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 74. 6 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 499.
Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 172. 1 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 133. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 107.Mackey's Freemasonry, p. 32. 19 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 20. 11 19. The Hebrides, p. 25.
12 Ayrshire, Scotland, c. 1576 A.D. 1. Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 150.
14 Soott's Border Minstrelay, p. 466. 15 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 54.
16 Jones' Crowns, p. 51 17 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 163. 18 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 150. 10 Op.cit. Vol. I. 1. 150. 29 Op. cit. Yol. III. p. 57.
21 Chambers's Book of Days, Vol. I. p. 418.

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house walla to guard against witches 22 In cases of fits it was common to make the patient wear a ring as a cure. So the Devonshire saying was: — "Get seven sixpences each from # maiden in a separate parish and make a ring, and you will cure the patient of fits.”23 In Somersetshire, if a ring finger is stroked over a wound, the wound will heal.24 In Queen Elizabeth's time, rings were given away in great numbers at weddings.25 The wedding ring is worn on the fourth finger, because an artery was believed to pass from that finger direct to the heart.26 It is unlucky to take off a wedding ring.27 If a wedding ring wears out, the woman or her husband will die. If a woman breaks her wedding ring, her husband will die.274 In the Roman Catholic marriage service, a gold ring is blessed, signed with the cross, sprinkled with holy water, and put on the bride's left hand, on the thumb, and on the second, third and fourth fingers, and then allowed to remain on the fourth finger.28 In North England, to care epilepsy, a half crown is taken out of the charch bag and made into a ring.13 Galvanic, or copper, rings cure rheomatism. A Sacrament shilling out of church plate cures epilepay.30 In England, a wedding ring heals warts.81 In 1854, in North Devonshire, a young woman sabject to fits went to church with thirty young men. At the end of the service she sat in the porch, and each of the young men dropped a penny in her lap. The last took the pennies and gave her half a crown. She held the half-crown in her band, and walked thrice round the Communion table. She made the half crown into a ring, and wore it to recover ber health.33 In Hereforshire, a ring made from a Sacrament shilling cures fits.3
Knots are circles, and so, like circles, spirits are afraid of knots. So the Vadval and Koli exorcists of Thank lay a spirit by tying several knots on a black silk or cotton thread. In the Kônkan, fevers, especially intermittent fevers, are stopped by the exorcist tying a kpotted armlet round the arm of the patient. In the Kônkan, it is a common Hindu belief that spirits are afraid of the Brahman's sacred thread, because it has several knots, called Brahma-granthis, or God's knots. In the Kônkan, on the bright fifteenth of Srávan (July-August), a knotted silk or cotton thread called raksha or rakhí, that is, guardian, is tied by Hinda men round the right wrist and by women roand the neck. This thread is believed to guard the wearer against sickness or misfortune. In Gujarat, if a man takes seven cotton threads, goes to a place where an owl is hooting, strips naked, ties a knot at each hoot and fastens the thread round the right arm of a fever patient, the fever flees. In the Munj or Thread Ceremony, the munj-grass thread that is put round the Brabmaş boy has a knot for every year of his age.37 The Hindu sannyúsi's staff should bave seven knots.38 The object of tying or knotting the robes of the bride and bridegroom at almost all Hindu weddings seems to be to keep spirits away. The Parsis set special valne on a stick with nine knots.to The object of wearing the Parsi thread is more clearly told than the object of wearing the Brahman thread. The thread, which is of white wool, is worn by men, women and children after seven. It is bound on several times a day, and always with the prayer - "May the devil and all bis angels be brokon." Like the Para kasti, with its four knots, the sacred thread of the Jews is knotted. Parul corpse-bearers tie a cord round their wrists. In Burma, to prevent spirite escaping, a knotted, cbarmed thread is thrown round the neck of the bewitched person, and to keep of diseases the Burmans insert little knots under the skin. A Roman knot with no ends stopped bleeding. Witches in the Isle of Man tied strings into knots and
** Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 82. * Dyer's Foll-Lore, p. 194. # Op. cit. p. 195.
• Op.cit. p. 192. · Henderson's Poll-Lors, p. 146. * Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 728. # Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi, * Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. ** Dubois, VoL II p. 231. 61 Khord Avesta in Bloek's Avesta, Vol. IV. p. 4. *s Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 8L 4 Prom MB. Lotos ++ Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 51.
Henderson'n Polt-Lore, p. 146. * Op. cit. p. 194.
* Op. cit. p. 198. ► Golden Manual, p. 700. * Chambers's Book of Days, Vol. I. p.782. * Dyer's Poll-Lore, pp. 145, 146. Op. cit. p. 146.
Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. » Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. » Op. cit., loc. cit. 10 'endidad Pargard, Vol. IX. p. 84. *Dubistan, Vol. L p. 314. 45 Tylor'. Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 186. 67 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Ohap. &

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sold them. In England there was a belief that on St. Agnes' Eve, if the left garter was knotted round the right stocking, the wearer would dream of her future husband.
Arches are half circles, and, like full circles, soare fiends. So the Konkant Kunbis of Poona make an arch of mango leaves over the door of the wedding porch, 50 and among the Lakhâris, or Marwari, lac-bracelet makers in Ahmadnagar, a tinsel arch is made before the bride's house.51 So in times of cholera a töran or arch is set up outside a Gujarat village to stay the entrance of Mother Cholera.53 Charms are hung on arches in front of the palace at Dahomey. And at Dahomey they have also tall gallows of thin poles with a fringe of palm-leaf to keep off spirits.54 These African gallows, like the cholera or small-boxstopping tôrans of Gujarat villages, and the Bengal Malers posts and cross beams, seem to be the rude originals of the richly carved gateways of Sañcht and other topos. which, like them, are crowned with charms, the Buddhist emblem of luck or evil-scaring. In Devonshire, black bead, or pinsoles, is cured by thrice creeping on hands and knees ander or through a bramble. The bramble ought to form a natural arch, and the roots and rooted branch tips should be in different properties.56
(To be continued.)
DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS MADE AND USED BY THE
NATIVES OF THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
BY E, H, MAN, C.I.E.
(Continued from p. 112.)
12. Articles for preparing and taking Food. 113 (m). Shinlo. Wooden scoop for serving boiled rice to guests and others. 114 (m). Tanonga (C. N. Sanòng-terils). Wooden pestle, used in preparing the Cycas
paste in a wooden trough (vide No. 117). 115 (m). Danüa-han. Pestle of smaller size : used for pounding chillies in a cocoanat
shell mortar (vide No. 38). (m). Entana-momūa. Grating, used when preparing Cycas-paste (vide No. 47). 117 (m). Holshoal (C. N. Takachawõh). Wooden trough, used for feeding pigs and dogs.
Similar troughs of smaller size are nised in preparing Cycas and cocoannt paste, boiled rice, etc., for their own consumption. Sometimes a large clam, i. e., Tridacna
shell, is used as a trough for feeding their animals. 118 (m). Shala or Shala-larām. Plain wooden board, used in preparing Pandanus-paste. 119 (m), Shanos (C. N. Lansicbya). Spit, on which fowls, birds, and fish are broiled over
a fire; the other end is stuck into the ground beside the fire or held in the hand. The shanös used for fish is kept apart, and not used for other descriptions of meat. This implement is likewise employed for taking meat, vegetables, etc., out of a pot
when cooking. It is generally made of the wood of the Areca catechu. 120 (m). Chanop-not. Pointed stick, for taking boiling pork ont of a pot. 121 (on). Kanlôk-nõt. Pointed stick, used for killing a domestic pig. It is thrust into his
body immediately below the breast bone, and upwards towards his heart, thereby cansing denth in a few seconds, and with the expenditure of only a few drops of blood. Sometimes an iron spike, bayonet, or even a ram-rod (obtained from shiptraders) has been used for this purpose. In like manner, a fowl is frequently killed
** Braai'. Popidar Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 5. 80 Bomb ry Gareteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 302.
. From MS. Notes. 66 Fergasson's Tree and Serpent. Forship.
19 Chambers's Book of Days, Vol. I. p. 140. 51 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 115. 53 Barton's Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 218. 4 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 245. 66 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 172.

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122
by piercing the cavity behind the skull (Medulla oblongata) with a stout feather
plucked from its own wing.] (m), Shanòn-hishoya or Tendūha (C. N. Ken viap-tih). Curved iron implement with
sharp edge at the upper end and fixed in a bamboo handle : used for scooping ont the kernel from ripe cocoanuts, when required for making hishoya (vide No. 33).
13. Household Articles. 123 (m). Hifain or Hifaish (C. N. Sanap). Hoe, used in digging np yams, etc., and in
planting seedlings. Similar, but separate, hoes are used for digging a grave, and
for the disinterments which occar at the concluding memorial-feast. 124 (m). Kenwah-enchon or Wane-enchon (C. N. Kondrah-chồn), Rake, for scraping
away rubbish from the vicinity of a hat. 125 (m). Kanwòl-enchon (C. N. Hanák-chon). Wooden scraper, used for making a
channel for rain-water in the sand under the eaves of a hot. 126 (m). Kaniala (C. N. Tanoma). Wooden pillow. Various descriptions are made and
used. At Car Nicobar, the floor-beams are sometimes so made as to be a few inches above the rest of the floor. They thereby serve for providing a substitute for
pillows for several persons. 127 (). Entöma kõi. Cloth-pad in the form of a pillow, used in the Central and
Southern Groups for flattening the occiput in infants. No pressure is used, the babe being merely kept flat on its back, generally in its mother's lap, for as long as possible, with its head resting on the pad. By the time the child is about 18 months old the desired flatness of the occiput has generally been attained. The natives of Car Nicobar, Chowran Teressa, and Bompoka have apparently never
adopted the practice. 128 (m). Kenrāta. A description of calendar, generally in the form of a wooden sword-blade,
used at Car Nicobar. Along the narrow space each incision denotes a "moon" (lunar month), and along the broad space the intermediate incisions indicate a day. The number of diagonal cuts in one or other direction denote respectively the number of days in each stage of the waxing and waning moon. After one side of this blade-like object has been thus marked, the other side is similarly treated. The object of this calendar is to record the time occupied by some event, such as that of an infant in learning to walk. Parents are thereby enabled to compare the
relative precocity of their respective offspring. 129 (m). Sanat-tabaka. Cigarette-holder, used by Car Nicobarese women for the firet two
months after child birth, their hands being held to be unclean during that period.
The cigarettes are made and placed in the holder by some friend. 130 (). Lam-tabaka. Cigarette, made and used at Car Nicobar. 131 (m). Hen-hen (C. N. Enkot). Long pole provided with an iron blade at the upper end
and used for severing bunches of Pandanus fruit, betel-nats, and Chavica leaves,
which are otherwise out of reach. 132 (m). Henhāat-hishõya (C. N. Kenwòk). Hooked pole, used for lowering and raising a
pair of hishōya (vide No. 33), when drawing water at a well. 133 (m). Henhõat-engūn. Similar implement for lifting an enyūn (vide No. 95), in order
to take out any fish which have been entrapped in it. At Car Nicobar & Boat is provided for raising the engūn.

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235.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140
14. Articles of Shells and Fibres. Ck-kanlai (C. N. Ko-niat). Capsu rugosa, Arca, or Anatinide shells, used for scraping the kernel of the ripe cocoanut in order to form paste. When so employed it is styled kanchūat-ngoat, lit., scratch-cocoanat (vide No. 41). Ok-kaniahan (C. N. Kannih). Cardium and similar shells, used in the same way and for the same purpose as the ok-kanlai (vide No. 134). Ok heõu. Shell of the genus Mytilus. Is used for removing the pellicle of Pandanus drupes, by scraping with the sharp edge of the shell, and prior to using the Cyrena shell (vide No. 137). Ok-hangai (C. N. Konfūat or Tenkön). Cyrena shell, used for removing the pulp from partially boiled Pandanus drupes when preparing the paste : also at Chowra, when pot-moulding, in order to remove particles of stone, etc., from the clay surfaces of the utensil in process of manufacture. Small specimens are sometimes used by old persons as spoons, when eating the soft fruit of the unripe cocoanut. For this purpose, however, it is more usual to improvise a spoon by cutting off with a dáo a small portion of the outer husk of the nut. Ok-pūka. Cypraea shell, used at Chowra for smoothing the surfaces of a newly-moulded pot, prior to baking. Ok-dēgà (C. N. Ok-mopiat). Dried ray-fish hide, used as a grater in preparing an ointment called Kala-fēna (composed of the powder of a certain jungle-seed mixed with cocoanut-oil), which is applied to the temples as a cure for head-ache. Also employed, like emery-cloth, or sand-paper, for smoothing surfaces of wood
and cocoanut-shells. (1) Ok-ho. Bark-cloth, prepared from the bark of the Ficus brevicwspis, chiefly by
the women of the coast and inland tribes of Great Nicobar. It is worn, in the form of skirts, by the coast-women of Great Nicobar when mourning. Many of the Shom Pen women wear it continually, when unable to procure calico from their coast neighbours. The process of manufacture is simply soaking a piece of the bark of the requisite dimensions in a fresh-water stream till the pulpy substance can be readily extracted by pounding the material between large smooth stones. When only the fibrous substance remains the piece is spread,
or suspended, in the sun to dry. . Ii. Fibre obtained from the bark of the Anodendrum paniculatum. It was
formerly used for providing thread for sewing, bat cotton thread, parchased from ship-traders, is now in common use. It is sometimes used for cleaning Pandanus paste, when hennoat fibre is not at hand (vide No. 144). The Andamanese regard this as the most valuable fibre obtainable on their islands; their bow-strings, arrow
fastenings, fine-nets, etc., are made of it. (). Ii-dai-shuru. Fibre of the pineapple-leaf. It has at times been used for sewing
purposes, and also for cleaning Pandanns-paste (vide No. 144). (f). Paiyua. Fibre of the Gnetum edule. Althongh known to the Nicobarese, their
wants being better supplied by other plants or means, they have apparently never had recourse to this fibre, which is extensively used by Andamanese in the manufacture of their hand-fishing-nets, sleeping-mats, and occasionally for arrow
fastenings. (f). Hennoat (C. N. Hanau). Fibre obtained from the Melochia velutina (Nic.
Henpoan). One of these fibres serves the useful purpose of removing the fine filaments from a loaf of freshly prepared Pandanus-pa ste. This work is performed
141
142
143
144

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by women, who, in its preparation, pass the fibre continually through the mass of doughy substance, very much after the manner that a grocer cuts through a cheese with a piece of wire. The operation is continued until no more fllaments are extracted by the fibre, which, when employed in this way, is called Kanewat. Since the abandonment of the harbour at Nancowry as a Government Penal Settlement, the natives have discovered that the fibre of the aloes planted by the English surpasses that of the Melochia velutina for this purpose. A stout strip of the fibrous-bark, tied into a loop and placed over the ankles, is used when ascending cocoanut-trees. It is called Yiap when so used. The Andamanese make use of
this fibre in the construction of their turtle-lines, nets, etc. (m), et-toit . N. Tako-waha). Fibre of the Cretvom gnemon. This is the most
valued and useful fibre of the Nicobarese: their cross-bow strings, spear-fastenings, harpoon- and fishing-lines are made of it.
145
15. Articles connected with Superstitions. 146 (m). Füm (C. N. Anüma). Plantain-leaf necklaces. These are made by slitting young
plantain-leaves. The numerous narrow shreds thus formed are suspended round the neck by members of both sexes at memorial-feasts. These temporary necklaces, when freshly made, are attractive. They are also placed round the necks of the kareau (vide No. 152), where they remain till they wither or are renewed at some subsequent feast. The object of these necklaces is to please the spirits of
those they are commemorating, as well as the iwi-ka, the friendly spirits. 147 (m). Shim. A peculiar description of cage made of young cocoaput-leaves: used for
entrapping evil spirits at a time when there is any unusual sickness in a village, Certain leaves, which are placed inside the shim, are supposed to possess the virtue of attracting the spirits. With the object of ridding the village and island of the presence of the evil spirits, a singular raft, called hennai (vide No. 148), is constructed and provided with sails, consisting of trimmed cocoanut-fronds. When the hennai is ready the Shamans (Menlūana), after great exertions, succeed in capturing the malign spirits and imprisoning them in the shim or shims, which are then placed on the henmai. This is then launched and towed out to sea by men in canoes. A similar object, called en-toh, is made and used for the same purpose at Car Nicobar. It sometimes happens that a henmai drifts to some other village, in which case it has been usual for the men there to shew their resentment by turning out with their fighting-sticks (vide No. 28), and attacking the men of
the village whence the henmai was despatched. 147 a. (m). Henmai (C. N. En-toh). Picturesque raft, constructed of light spars and provided
with small masts and cocoanut-leaf sails. One or more of these is made and launched on various occasions for the conveyance to sea of evil spirits ; viz., (1) on the completion of a new hut, in order to ensure that no wandering spirits that may be larking about may enter in and take possession prior to its intended occupants ; (2) at the entoin memorial-feast, provided the wind be favourable, i. e., off the land : and (3) when much sickness is prevalent, or any misfortune has occurred, such as a fatal accident. For the mode of capturing evil spirits for shipment to sea by:
means of the henmai see No. 146. 148 (m). Kiraba. Cocoanat-leaf tray, on which food for the use of the evicted spirits is placed
in the henmai, before this raft is towed out to sea. 149 (m). Halala-kamapah or balala-kemili. A hat, which differs only from No. 29
in being ornamented with cloth in folds: placed on a disinterred male skull on the night of the final memorial-feast (Central Group).

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151
152
(m). Hoto-kamapah. A hat placed on a disinterred female skull on the night of the
final memorial-feast. The greater portiou of the rim consists of cigarettes, neatly
arranged round the crown. (m). Da-yung. A narrow board (sometimes cat from a canoe belonging to the deceased).
placed beneath the corpse before wrapping the winding sheets, the object being to
stiffen the corpse for conveyance to the place of interment. (m). Kareau. Carved wooden human figure, generally about life-size, kept in a hat to
frighten away the iwi, i. e., the evil spirits. When newly-made, and on the occasion of any sickness in the hut, it is regarded as a hentā-kõi (vide No. 153). Thore representing a woman are assumed to be equally feared by the bad spirits, as they are credited with the faculty of giving notice to the other kare&us whenever the spirits intend mischief (Central Group). At certain villages on Teressa and Bompoka, the kareau is hollowed out in the trunk, and contains the bones of some famous Menlūang, i. e., "medicine-man" or exorcist, many years deceased, wbile his skull and jaw.bone are fixed in a socket provided for the purpose between the shoulders of the figure, which is usually, if not invariably, represented sitting crosslegged. On the skull is generally to be seen an old silk-hat or other foreign headgear. These kareau are so highly esteemed that no reasonable offer would serve to Becure & specimen. In the Southern Group and at Chowra, tbere are but few kareau, and those small and inferior and copied from the type in the Central
Group. At Car Nicobar, none are to be seen. (m). Pomak-onh. A large neatly-constructed bundle of trimmed firewood in the form
of a cylinder, commonly seen ander hats in the Central Group for the purpose of being offered by its owner on the grave of any relative who may die. It is never kindled, but is merely regarded as an offering, which has cost the donor some time and labor to prepare,
153
18. Domestic Objecta. 154(m&f). Minol-onh (Car Nic, Ngôh). A roll of ordinary firewood, consisting merely of
faggots tied together and forming a cylindrical bundle, A pumber of these are kept
dry under the hat for use when required, 155. Inūgin. Tool used in scooping a log in order to form a canoe, The iron head is
obtained from ship-traders. The chief pecoliarity in this object is that, by altering its position in respect to the handle, it can be used for scooping any portion of the
interior of a canoe-shell. A small specimen is styled Leplanh. 155 (a). European axes (Enlõin), and adzes (Danan), are imported and extensively used, 156. Tanap. Burmese lacquered betel-boxes, imported and to be seen at most villages especially at Car Nicobar.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA, THE TENTH CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS, prove of interest and value to the readers of the GENEVA, 1891.
Indian Antiquary:I REPRESENTED the Bengal Government, the
Notes. Bengal Asiatic Society, and the Calcutta University, at the Tenth International Congress of It will be seen from the extracts from the diary Orientalists held at Geneva, in September 1894, that the thorny question of transliteration was and the following notes and extracts from the attacked by a strong committee of the sevans diary kept during the meeting may, therefore, present, and at last & pohome (admittedly a com

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promise) has been adopted for general use great objects of these Congresses, the bringing over the civilized world. It may be hoped that together into personal intercourse of scholars uniformity will, in future, exist in the transcription who, but for them, could never meet, and who of Oriental languages by scholars of all nations. have hitherto communicated with each other only Although not a member myself of the committee, by correspondence, or, perhaps, by somewhat I was in constant friendly communication with heated polemics. Putting the public sectional its members, and was examined as a witness, or, papers to one side, many disputed points were perhaps more accurately, was allowed to plead discussed in friendly conversations, and many the cause of India before it. I am glad to be scholars found that, after all, they did not differ able to state, as the direct result of my efforts, 80 widely from their confréres as they had imthat a scheme has been adopted which can be agined. accepted without difficulty not only by Indian
Extracts from the Diary. scholars, but also for the purposes of ordinary common life. The system originally proposed
1. I arrived in Geneva on Sunday, the 2nd of and half adopted, though admirably scientific, September. On Monday, evening, the 3rd, there and preferable from a scholar's point of view, had was an informal róunion at the Hotel National, no chance of being accepted for general use in where all the members, who had by that time India. Now, however, the needs of Hindustani, arrived, renewed old acquaintances and made Hindi, and other modern Indian languages have new ones. been considered, and very few and unimportant
2. The formal opening of the Congress took changes in the Jonesian system at present in use
- place in the Aula of the fine University buildings will be required.
at 10 a. m., on Tuesday, the 4th September. The Another subject of considerable interest to the proceedings oommenced with a short speeoh from Indian public was discussed by the Congress. I Colonel Frey, President of the Swiss Confedoraallude to the present uncared for condition of tion, and er-Honorary President of the Congress the Asoka inscriptions, and to the efforts which in which he welcomed the foreign members in the Trustees of the Indian Museum are making the name of Switzerland. He was followed by for their preservation. In connexion with this, a Mr. Richard, President of the Council of the Reresolution was passed by the Congress thanking publio and Canton of Geneva, and Honorary the Trustees for their action, and urging the im- President of the Congress, who welcomed us in portance of the matter upon the attention of the the name of the former body. M. Naville, the Government of India. As Philological Secretary learned Egyptologist, the President of the Conand Delegate of the Asiatic Society of Bengal gress, then gave his presidential address. He and as a Trustee of the Indian Museum, I was gave a rapid summary of the history of Oriental enabled to give the Congress accurate information studies in Geneva, and maintained that one of concerning the subject. The resolution was the the great features of modern discoveries was the result of important speeches by three of the great- close connexion which existed between the anest authorities on Indian epigraphy now living- cient civilizations of the world. He made special Dr. G. Bühler of Vienna, M. E. Senart of Paris reference to the intimate relations which have (both of whom have made a special study of the lately been found to have existed between the Abôka inscriptions), and Dr. Burgess.
civilizations of Greece, Egypt and Nineveh. He In the matter of social arrangements, nothing thanked the Federal and Cantonal authorities for more cordial can be conceived than the welcome the support which they had lent to the Congress, accorded to those assembled, not only by the the sovereigns and members of sovereign families President of the Congress, but by the Canton who had accepted the titles of Patrons and Honoand by the town of Geneva, as well as by the rary Vice-Presidents, and finally the savans, who private inhabitants of the neighbourhood. Almost had responded in such large numbers to the invi. every day while the Congress lasted there tation of the Committee of Organization. M. was an excursion, a garden party, or a dinner, Maspero in the name of the Government of and, although the hospitality was shewn on the France, Lord Reay in the name of his fellow. widest soale, each guest somehow felt that he was countrymen, Professor Windisch in that of the receiving the personal attentions of his bost in a German scholars, Count de Gubernatis in the manner ma flattering as it was gracious. It must name of Italy, and Ahmed Zeky in the name of not, however, be imagined that the Congress was the Khedive, wished success to the Congress, and a mere round of festivities. A great deal of im- thanked Geneva for its hospitality. A number of portant and solid work was got through. But presentations of Oriental works were then made this hospitality happily forwarded another of the to the Congress by authors, by learned societies,

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and by Governments. A committee to settle & were in an unknown character and had not yet uniform system of transliteration to be adopt. been deciphered. Rubbings of these inscriptions ed by all Oriental Societies and by Oriental scho- were exhibited at a meeting of the Asiatic Society lars of all countries was then appointed. The of Bengal some months ago. members were Messrs. Socin, Barbier de Mey
(c) Mr. Cecil Bendall shewed rubbings of a short nard, de Gæje, Plankett, Lyon, Bühler, Senart,
inscription in the Indian Museum. The inscripWindisch, and de Saussure. The proceedings
tion is interesting, as being written in the someterminated at midday with the appointment of
what rare "wedge-headed " characters hitherto the Consultative Committee.
only found in Nepal, and was a unique example 3. The members of the Congress divided them. of an epigraph couched in literary Pali. It form. Belves in the afternoon into the following ed a portion of the collection made by Mr. Broadsections:
ley in Bihar. I. - India -
(d) Professor H. Oldenberg read a paper on President, Lord Reay; Vice-Presidents, the Vedio religion, in which he endeavoured to Messrs. Weber of Berlin, and Bühler of distinguish the mythical, the popular, the IndoVienna.
European, the Indo-Iranian, and the Indian I bis. - Aryan Linguistics
elements of the Vedas. He maintained that President, Signor Ascoli; Vice-Presidente, Varuna (the god of the ocean), was primitively a Messrs. Bréal and Schmidt.
lunar deity. This paper provoked some lively II. -Semitic Languages (non-Musalman) -
criticism on the part of Dr. Pischel, the leader of President, M. Kautzsch; Vice-Presidents,
the Euhemeristic School of Vedic scholars. Messrs. J. Oppert, Tiele, and Almkvist. (c) Professor von Schroeder read an import. III. - Musalman Languages -
ant paper on the Kathaka recension of the Yajur
Veda, its manuscripts, its system of accentuation, President, M. Schefer; Vice-Presidents,
and its relationship with the works of the Indian Messrs. de Goje, Goldziher, and Sachau.
Grammarians and Lexicographers. A manuscript IV. - Egypt and African Languages -
of the work recently found by Dr. Stein in Kasmir President, M. Maspero; Vice-Presidents,
has revealed many peculiarities, and has enabled Messrs. Lepage, Renouf, and Lieblein.
Dr. von Schroeder to recogize several allusions to V. - The Far East -
the work in the sútras of Pånini. President, M. Schlegel ; Vice-Presidents, 1 (f) Professor Leumann gave an interesting acMessrs. Cordier and Valenziani.
count of the Jaina Avasyaka, more especially VI. - Greece and the East -
of the two first parts of that work, - the Samdytka, President, M. Merriam ; Vice-Presidents,
a kind of prose creed, and the Chaturvinsatistava. Messrs. Perrot and Bikélas.
He presented a facsimile of a manuscript of this This was a new section, opened for the
work, which he intends to publish by subscription.
Professor Weber drew attention to the great reasons given in M. Naville's presiden
antiquity and importance of the Samáyika. The tial address.
members present congratulated Prof. Leumann VII.--Oriental Geography and Ethnography -
and wished him every success in his enterprise. President, Professor A. Vambéry; VicePresidents, Prince Roland Bonaparte,
(g) A short paper was read by Dr. Pfungst on and M. de Claparède.
“Esoteric Buddhism,” which he described as This also was a new section.
based on ideas held by a number of incompetent
persons. Messrs. Kuhn, Weber, Leumann and 4. Section I. (India). --This section held seven
Bühler, etc., cordially agreed with Dr. Pfungst sittings, and among the subjects of interest may
and the so-called system was denounced on all be mentioned the following:
sides as ein vollständiger schwindel. Dr. Pfungst (a) Professor Weber spoke in moving terms proposed that the section should pass a formal on the late regretted death of Prof. Whit- resolution to that effect, but this did not meet ney, the great American Sanskritist. On the with the approval of the savans present, as the motion of Lord Reay, the President of the section, general opinion was that the subject was beneath a message of condolence was sent to the widow the cognizance of scholars. The remarks of Prof. of the deceased scholar.
Weber on the political importance of the move(6) M. Senart laid before the members present ment were specially noteworthy, as shewing the some photographs of inscriptions lately discover- close interest taken in Indian affairs by German ed by Major Deane in Afghan territory. They scholars.

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(1) Mr. Bhownaggree, the Delegate of the Although in Sansksit, the whole was written in Maharaja of Bhavnagar, presented three commu. Chinese characters, and besides its intrinsic value, nications - one by Mr. J. N. Unvala on Zoroastri. it gives us information of the greatest practical anism, one by Mr. J. J. Kania, on The Philoso importance as to the system adopted by the phical Schools of India, and one by Shekh Chinese in transliterating Indian words into their Muhammad Isfahani on Sufism. He presented to character. The lecturer illustrated this by apply. the Congress a handsome volume of Sanskrit and ing the results obtained by him to some doubtful Prakrit inscriptions existing in the Bhav- names of peoples mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang.
· State published at the expense of the 5. Section I bis. (Aryan Linguistics). - Few Mahârâja, and concluded by reading & work by papers in this section were of interest to Indian Mr. S. D. Bharucha on The Persian Desatir.
students. (1) Dr. Bühler made an important communication Most interest was excited by Prof. J. Schmidt's regarding the well-known Asoka inscriptions
paper on the vocalic T, l, m, to, the existence of India. The historical and linguistio value of
of which in the original Indo-Germanic language these ancient monumente cannot be overstated. hae han asserted hv
has been asserted by the new school of com. Nevertheless, they are lying exposed to the parative philologists, headed by Prof. Brugweather, and within recent years have suffered
mann. Professor Schmidt, representing the considerable injuries both from that source and
older and more conservative school, strongly from iconoclasts or relic hunting tourists. They
combated the existence of these vowels. His are also inconveniently situated, some in the.
arguments are too technical to reproduce here, extreme North-West, others in Orissa, others in
but they were listened to with great attention, Maisur, others in Gujarât, others in Central India,
and the reading of his paper and the ensuing and others again in Nepal. Even when approach
discussion took up the whole of one sitting, the ed, some of them are so placed that they cannot
latter being continued on the following day. be read without using scaffolding. I was enabled to report to the Congress that, to remedy this
Professor Leumann read a short paper on the state of affairs, the Trustees of the Indian Museum
exchanges of forms such as khid and khdd in the had offered, if funds were made available, to take
same root in the Vedic language, in connexion facsimile casts of all these inscriptions, and to
with the presence or absence of a prefix, and with form an Asöka gallery in their building, where
accentuation. these casts could be collected and made accessible Professor Wackernagel read a paper on the to students. Messrs. Bühler, Weber, Burgess, place of Sanskrit in modern philology. He Senart, Bhownaggree, and Lord Reay, all spoke combated the opinions of those who would dimi. warmly in support of this proposal, and the follow- nish the linguistic importance of that language. ing resolution, which was subsequently adopted He pointed out the special importance of the by the Congress as a whole, was passed by accla- knowledge which we possess of the different mation -
periods in the history of the language, from the "Que l'administration du Musée Indien de Vedic times down to the Sanskrit of the RenaisCalcutta sera remerciée, au nom du Congrès, des
sance. Moreover, some peculiarities of Sanskrit efforts qu'elle fait pour la préparation de moulages
syntax could be used to explain certain obscure des inscriptions d'Asoka ; et que le Gouvernement
| phenomena in allied languages. He finally de. de l'Inde et les Gouvernments qui en dépendent
fended the accuracy of the Hinda grammarians seront priés, au nom du Congrès, d'adopter les against the assaults which have been made mesures de préservation et de reproduction de ces against them of late years. monuments, proposées par la dite administration.” At the first meeting of this section Signor
Count de Gubernatis presented some Ascoli lamented the deaths of Profs. Whitney interesting notes on the influence of the Indian and Schweizer-Sidler, and in this he was followed tradition on the representation of Hell in the by M. Bréal and Prof. Weber. poetry of Dante, and on the frescos in the Campo 6. Section II. (Semitic, non-Musalman Santo at Pisa.
languages). -As might be expected, nothing of (k) Professor Sylvain Lévi, one of the most interest to Indian scholars took place in this rising of the younger school of Sanskrit scholars section. Considerable interest was excited by the in Paris, and who is one of the few who knows at presentation by Doctor Bullinger of a copy of the once Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese, gave a most new edition of the Hebrew Bible, just cominteresting account of a Sanskrit poem by Harsha pleted by Dr. Ginsburg. Mrs. Lewis gave an Charita of Kaśmir, discovered by him in a account of two Palestinian Syriac Lectionaries Chinese version of the Buddhist Tripitaka. and of a Syriac manuscript of the gospels, disco.

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vered by her at Mount Sinai; this also excited much interest. Professor Haupt made #learned communication on the situation of the Paradise of the Bible, and was not able to locate it in any de. finite place. Dr. Cust contributed an interesting printed essay on the ancient religions of the world before the Christian era, and M. Halévy maintained the importance of Assyriological research in connection with sound Biblical criticism.
7. Section III. (Musalınan languages). - The proceedings commenced with a special mention of the loss of Prof. Robertson Smith, made by Prof. Goldziher, and the same scholar at a subsequent meeting read an important paper entitled “Observations on the primitive history of poetry among the Arabs." It is thus summarised in the Procès Verbal :-"Poetry began with magic incantations. The Arabic poet is first of all an enchanter. His name, shdir, the knower, is identical with the Hebrew yidóni. The principal duty of the poet was to injure the enemies of the tribe by magic formulas. We find the most ancient example of this function of a poet in the Old Testament, in the history of Balaam. Professor Goldziher endeavoured to reconstitute these formulas, as they were amongst the ancient Arabs, and shewed that their form was that of the saga, in which metre was a later development. In the course of centuries these magic formulas gave rise to satirical poetry, the primitive recitation of which was accompanied by various external gestures. The old terpinology of Arabic poetry has preserved many traces of this origin. For instance, the term kafija, of which the original meaning is "formula overwhelming the head of the adversary."
Professor D. Margolioath described the correspondence of Ibn-al-athir al-Jazari, preserved at the Bodleian Library. These letters are dated from 621 to 627 A. H.
M. Grünert gave an account of Dr. Glaser's recent discoveries in Arabia, and a valuable paper was read by Dr. Horn on his discoveries in Persian and Turkish in the Vatican library. Dr. Seybold read a paper on the Arab dialect spoken at Grenada, pointing out how much still remained
to be done for the accurate study of the Moorish régime in Spain.
8. Section IV. (Egypt and African languages). - The chief papers were froin Prof. Piehl on Egyptian Lexicography, and from Drs. Heas and Krall on a Demotic work discovered in the Rainer Collection. Much interest was like. wise excited by the report from M. de Morgan of his discoveries in Egypt.
9. Section V. (The Far East) - A huge rubbing of an inscription in six languages found at Kiu-Yong-Koan, to the north of Peking, was exhibited by M. Chavannes. Dr. J. P. N. Land gave a paper on the music of Java, which seems to shew a curious analogy to the elements from which counterpoint was developed in the West, though the tonal basis is quite different. Dr. Waddell's paper on a Mystery-play of the Tibetan Lamas was read for him, and an important communication was made by Prof. Radlov on his discoveries and readings of inscriptions from Central Asia, near Lake Baikal. This paper was the great event of this section of the Congress. Professor Schlegel read a paper, to which ladies were specially in. vited, on the social position of Chinese women.
10. Section VI. (Greece and the East), and Section VII. (Oriental Geography and Ethno. logy). These sections were not largely attended, nor were the papers read of interest, except to specialists in the subjects dealt with. In neither of them had any of the papers reference to India.
11. The Congress was formally closed at 9 a.m. on Wednesday, the 12th September. At the final general meeting several resolutions were adopted, after having passed through the ordeal of the Consultative Committee. Amongst them may be mentioned the resolution regarding the Agôka Inscriptions, and one embodying the results of the labours of the Transliteration Committee. It is hoped that a scheme of translitera-, tion has at length been adopted, which can be accepted in all countries, and by scholars of all nationalities.
G. A. GRIERSON.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NAMES FOR, AND OFFERINGS TO, THE point out that cold water and cold food are GODDESS OF SMALL-POX.
offered to Sitlå (or Thandi), as the Goddess of Small-pox is popularly known by the name of Small-pox, at her shrines, but I am not sure that Sitla meaning "cool," from sit, and as Thandi this would explain her name. Why should cool meaning also "cool." Why should the attribute offerings be given her 21 of coolness be applied to a fever? I may also GUBDYAL SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883.
1 (This may be merely another of the innumerable offerings are used to induce the demon of heat to instances of sympathetic magio. Cool names and cool become cool. -- ED.

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THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A, C, BURNELL.
(Continued from page 121.)
BURNELL MSS. No. 15 – continued.
THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA- continued. THE Balla! niade one Sinnappa Naikar sit at the gate to see whether Deyi went happily
1 or in sorrow, when she went to Erajha. She passed by Sinnappa Naikar. She passed by Budi Pamma, and when she passed by Muguli Sanlaya, she began to sigh. Sayina Baidya went running to the bidu of Parimâle Ballal, who said : -" There is an ancient bidu built by me, where she may bring forth her child and get well."
"I will not bring forth my child at the bidu built by you," said she.
The Ballal got her a hut and a yard belonging to one Birmana, a tenant of some dry land. He took off his waist-belt of silver, and placed it for her to hold on to.
“By holding this, with one single pain, will you bring forth two children from your womb, and be well. I shall come to give names to your children," said he.
. Thus did she bring forth, and the first satakam was passed, and the second also. And at the time of passing the fifth satakam, the holy water of the God was brought to her, and she bathed on the fortieth day.
After some days and months were passed, Deyi went to a temple to obtain merit, and offered at the feet of the god an Areca flower and a handful of money.
"Deyî, do you receive sandal and flowers from the god, and bear children," said the priest.
When Deyi returned back, the Balla sent a man to her : " Come to my house! Yon have already bathed on the fortieth day; therefore you should take your food in my house," said the Balla!
" The food which I take at home is yours; and the food which I take in this hut is your also," said she.
When the Balla! came to her house to give her children names, a stool with three legs was placed for him to sit on.
“Do you, Deyi, call your children, as I want to see them," said the Ballà. Then she went inside and brought out Koti, who was born first.
" O Deyi, you had better give this child the name Koti, that he may endure for ever, like the corner-stone of the temple at Koteávar; and to the second child the name Channayya, that he may endure like the corner-stone at the corner of the temple at Chattiśvar," said the Ballal. "Keep these children in a cradle and swing it."
Then she went ont with some dirty clothes of her children, and cried aloud : - "Rama ! alas for the sin of Brahmahatti ! Alo! Alo!”
She went to the tank called Padirad Koval and put her children's clothes into the water. She was washing the clothes, bending down, and beating them on a stone, when a leaf of a red cocoannt tree fell on her, which Murka Baidya at Murkotti saw.
Deyi said :- "I cannot live! I cannot live"!
Then Marka Baidya of Murkotti went running to Parimale Balla), who came himself ranning, and made her stand ap. The Balla! asked her what was the matter. -
"I cannot live! I cannot live !" said she, and was taken home, leaning on the othershonlders.

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Deyî was carried to one Birmana Baidya. When they made Deyi sit down, she saw the people around her and said :-"O men! I am called by the God; so bring my children!"
She looked well at her children and wept bitterly. "Why do you weep so bitterly ?" asked Parimaļe BallA!.
· Ballal! Ballal! Pour into my mouth water from a pot with tulasi leaves in it. I leave my body here and enter Kailasa," said she. “Hold up the tulasi plant and pour water into my mouth. I will leave my body here and enter Vaikuntha."
Saying this again and again, she left her body and went away to Kailasa. She went to Kailasa first, and then to Vaikuntha. Wood for barning was placed at the burial ground, roango tree before and a jack tree behind, being cat down. Sixty bundles of sandal-wood were put upon Deyi, and she was burnt with oil and ghi. Then her caste people were called and told to appoint a day for her funeral ceremony. The day was appointed. On the third day after her burning, the ashes were gathered, and on the fourteenth day the funeral cerewony was performed.
"Now, take the children to my bidu," said the Balla! (to his servants).
He reared the children, supplying them with food, a mora of rice, and a piece of thick rachade cloth, and of mandiri. He presented them also with a white silk cloth from Bôlûr, & black silk cloth from Kalûr, and a girdle, too. He presented them with coats also. After they began to take their meals at the bidu of the Balla! they waxed fat.
"It is not enongh for us to drink only water, we shonld live in the world like ornamente of gold," said Kôți and Channayya. “It is not enough that we walk round the four sides of a kambula, we must live together with our caste-people. We must go to the wars. We have inquired at Adumanja Kotya about some playmates, and we want to persuade the Ballal to help us in this matter."
Accordingly they indaced him to help them. "A letter is to be sent by a man to our uncle Sayina Baidya at Erajha," said they.
A letter was written to him telling him to start at once, without taking a meal or looking to his dress. The letter was carried to Erajha, where it was read, and when it was read, there wwe found to be written in it, that Sayins should go to the bidu in a ghalige. Sayina went to the bidu in a ghalige, and saluted the Ballal. He sent for the children and said:
"Send these boys to play as happily as they have been reared carefully ap to this time."
So Sayina took them to Erajha. When he left the bidu, it was known to Byar Abbe of the Chavadi, and as the children were leaving the bidu Eilar Abbe saw them. She took off her padumáreke girdle of silver and presented it to them. She brought a hat of parrot-colour for Koţi Baidys, and a hat of the colour of the puda bird for Channayya. She had them dressed in these, and presented them by her own hand with a dagger called Rama Kengude.
“Your food is like that of the Baidya, of Edambar !" said Eppar Abbe, as she blessed them.
“O Sayina ! take the children home! Such children as these have never yet been born, nor will be born hereafter."
He took them to Erajha, and made them sit on a swinging cot hung from a rafter. “We will go to play, uncle," said the children.
“Ah, my children ! Other children of your age cannot even crawl on the ground upon their bellies. The oil and the ghi on your heads are not dry yet, and the smell of birth is still upon yon," said their uncle to them.
"Our mother died at our birth, and so you make reflections on us and are too plain. Send wa to play, or we go, uncle," said they.

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And they became quite angry, and went through the gate, and entered the house by a small door. They stood there, touching the walls, and holding the roof of the house, and weeping bitterly. Their uncle's wife, sayina Baidyati, asked them :-“What is it, children? why do you cry?"
"If we had our mother and father, they would have allowed us to go and play, and come Fack," said they.
So their aunt called her husband, and told him to let the children play, and to let them go. "Let them go and play, and come back," said she.
Then Uncle Sayina called them, seated them on the swinging cot hung from a rafter, and gave them permission to go and play and come back. In this way he told then to go and play.
* You have told us to go and play, but you have not told us how," said they.
"O my children, you know how to play, but you do not know the toys," said their uncle “Go to the bank of a river, and get round and heavy stones. Go to the bushes and get some palle berries; a basket full of them. Go to the thorny shrubs, and get some kaninja berries. Go to the prickly shrubs for kadenjekai berries. Go to the reeds, and get some bundles of thin canes. Go to the bell-metal smith, and get some small bells of bell-metal. Go to the blacksmith, and get a shield for your dagger, called Rama Kengade."
They got all the toys in three days, which ordinarily required about twelve days to make.
"Toys are ready for the play, uncle ! We go to the play, uncle! We go to the play. Listen, Uncle Sayina!" said they.
They pat on their dresses themselves. "Children, go and play happily," said Sayina Baidya. Then they went and asked some boys if they might join in their play.
"We do not tell heroes, who wish to come, to go away. And we do not call to any heroes who are going away! If you like, you may come and play!" said the boys.
Channayya Baidya and the boys played together, and he was beaten by the boys.
“O boys, please lend me a palle berry and one leaninja!” said Channayya. “No debt is allowed in the play-room. No chunam is to be given even to a brother. There is no defilement in the refuse rice! No interest for two tára," said the boys.
"Köţi, my brother! do you get me a palle berry and a kaniñja."
“Brother, will you play with a single palle and a kadenja ?" said the brother, and gave him a single palle and a kadenja berry,
In the second game Channayya defeated all the boys. "Channayya, lend us a palle and a kadenja !" said the boys.
Then Channayya Baidya said :-*.There is no debt in the play-room,' you said to me. That is the beam you have put up and this is the rope we have placed on it," said he.
Channayya tied them all together and left the play-room. “The heroes, who came to-day, must come to play to-morrow also," said the boys.
Channayya threw stones, round as a ball, at them. A cry was raised, and an outcry of women, too. The boys' mother at Buddyanda's house sent a man across to them saying: - "Give my boys a palle berry and a gajjiga."
"We will not give them even a pie found on the road ; but if they come to Erajhs we will present them with many muras," said Köți and Channayya.
She would not listen to this, and made a maid-servant take the berries by violence, beating the brys.

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"O maid, though we are young to-day, we shall grow old to-morrow," said they. "O maid, do not raise up envy and quarrels among Billavar boys! You had better keep the berries carefully in a heap. Though we are young to-day, we shall grow old to-morrow. There is a proverb: The body is hurt by a Kannadi snake's touch, and poison is increased by a Nagara snake's bite.'"
They went to Erajba, and then they went and sat there.
"What is it, children? and how is it that dust is on your caps," asked their uncle. "It is the dust that we had at first.10 It is not gone yet," said the elder brother.
"O uncle, Buddyanda's wife took away our berries by force and beat us," said Channayya. "You did not listen to my advice," said their uncle.
"As she took the berries away by force, they belong to her now; but, Uncle Sâyina, where is that which the Ballal presented to our mother ?" asked Kôti and Channayya.
"There are two divisions of a kambula at Hanidotti Bail," said Sâyina. "Now you young children! go to the bidu," said he. "The Balla has got his face shaved and looks well; but there is hair on our faces. We will not go as we are to see such a handsome face," said they.
"Children, take pañcholi betel-leaves from a vine on an Areca tree and mundelli from a vine on a Mango tree, dress yourselves with kayeri karpoli cloths, put those betel-leaves into a thick cloth and go to the bdu," said their uncle.
"You had better go there, yourself, uncle, and visit the king," said they. He went to the bidu and saluted the Ballàl, standing on lower ground.
"Come, Sâyina, and sit down," said the Ballal.
"The children are not shaved yet. They say that they will not see your handsome face, while theirs are unshaven," said Sâyina.
"Where are the heroes whom I bred ?"
"Do yon, Sâyina, get the boys shaved immediately," said the Ballal. "Do you get them shaved and get some one to shave their faces well."
"Who is to be barber, and where is he to shave them ?" asked Sâyina.
"There is one Siddu Bandari, an aunt's son, at the town of Karmin Sale in the upper countries on the Ghats, and there is another Pernu Bandari, a grandmother's son. These are barbers. Do you write them a letter, Sâyina! and make them come here. Then I will supply them with what they require," said the Ballal.
Soon after that Sâyina returned to Erajha.
"I want to call all my caste-people, and make them gather at my Erajba," said he.
All of them assembled at Erajha one day and wrote a letter. The letter was sent to th Ghats by one Bagga.
Bagga asked them :- "On what day is the barber to come ?" "To-day is Monday. Next Monday he is to come," said they.
When Bagga went to the Ghâts, Parimâle Ballal sent to Sayina rice, gh, and all the other rticles necessary for the shaving ceremony. Some days after, i. e., on the next Monday, Siddu Bandari, the aunt's son, came there and saluted all his and other caste-pecple, who were collected there.
"Who is that there? Son Bagga! Fan the barber with a fan, and give him a green cocoanut leaf to sit on," said Sârina.
10 I. e., when we came into the world from our mother's womb.

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When the barber sat down, it was time to shave, and the children were seated for having rice sprinkled over them. Then the rice was sprinkled over them, and the children got up. Parna Bandari sat down to shave Koti, and Siddu Bandari to shave Channayya. Milk was applied to their right sides and water was applied to their left sides.
" Where is a looking glass?" asked Koti.
A figure of the moon was formed in the middle of the head, and then their faces were shaved. Then they had to bathe in cold water to expiate the sin of touching a barber. They bathed, and dressed themselves. They sat on a beautiful plank. Sandal and turmeric powder and rose water were rubbed on them. They were adorned with gold, jewels, and flowers and silk cloths, and lace. That day all their caste-people came and said: "O children! there are proverbs - It is not an earthen pot. No meals with flesh.' •No relation with a Brâhman.'”
Then the children were sprinkled and got up. They bowed down to their caste-people, who prepared to take their dinner there. They took their food and chewed betel-nut.
“We beg leave of the Balla! to go," said the heroes to their caste-people.
They put on shoes and took umbrellas, and while they were running along the roots of trees touched by their feet were ground into powder, as if by stones, and birds' wings were broken. The heroes went to the Balla!'s bidu, and saluted the Balla!, standing on lower ground.
"Heroes! come and sit down," said the Balla!.
“The business for which we came comes first; sitting comes next," said the heroes. They said, “Rama! Rama !" and "Brahmati!” and presented him with what they brought.
"Master! where is what you presented to Deyi for our sake ?" asked they.
There is a field for you, named Kalaya Kari, in which plantain trees are planted, and another, named Punkare, in which flowers are planted, and which is cultivated by one Buddyanda. They are in large knmbula field at Hanidotti Bail, for tho cultivation of which you had better arrange with Buddyanda," said the Balla!.
We will go there. Give us permission, sir," said the beroes. "Heroes! chew betel nut and go home happily," said the Balla!.
“We will not chew betel-nut before we have plonghed fonr torns at least in the middle of the field, and before we have sown. Moreover, we will not take our food until then," said they.
" Then take away the things which you have brought me," said he.
"We do not take back what we have given ! We will have connection only with a pare wo an! We will not make friendship with bad company! We do not put our hands into a chump of thistles! We do not chew again betel-nut that has been spat out. We do not uscend the chi udi, if once we have come down. We do not see again the Master's face, when once we have seen it. We shew our belly when we come, and shew our back on our return. The remainder is at the beginning of seven battles. We shall see it that day. At that time you will know us," said Kõți and Channayya.
They left there what they brought him. They went to the shop of Rama Kamma. They paid him two pice and brought a cocoanut to take to Buddyanda. Buddyauda saw them while they were still at a distance. As soon as he saw them, he concealed himself behind some torn pieces of matting. Koți and Channayya ascended the chávadi at once, and called out :"Buddyanda! Buddyanda!"
“No males are here! No males are here" answered Buddyanda's wife. "O children! the Balla! has gone to Parimâle. He went as an arbitrator to settle an oath between an uncle and a nephew, and between a grand father and a grandson in the Upper Country."

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Then they put the cocoanut on a bed as a present.
"Let it go. Though Buddyanda is not here, let us see the five corners of this palace," said they. When they looked into the five corners of the palace they found Buddyanda sitting covered over with some torn pieces of matting, hiding himself behind a hollow post.
"Buddyanda's wife! What is that in the torn pieces of matting ?” asked they. "O children! They are seeds of the months Suggi and Enel," said she. " Which are of Enel!" asked Koti.
“Which are of Suggi," asked Channayya. “Let us see whether they are of Suggi or of Enel."
He tried with his dagger if it was soft. "I see both of Enel and Suggi. Kõți! let us go," said Channayya. Then the heroes went away.
“Who are they that put a cocoanut on my heart ?" asked Buddyanda, and threw away the cocoanut.
"Buddyanda, do not do so," said his wife. "It may be useful to you to eat with small numbers and with some tender boiled padipe leaves. There are no cocoanuts on the tree and no tenants of the apper fields."
Then they took the cocoanut, broke it, and went away, eating the cocoanut.
Then the heroes went on to Erajha, calling the following persons - a servant named Kanada Kattire, a Muggêra called Iral Kurave, and Bail Bakuda, and ordered them to cat the glass and the sides of the banks of their lambula, to heap some soil to be burnt, and to ecutter some leaves (over the field).
“ We know of a good week and day on which to begin the coltivation. Now we want to plough with four yokes and to sow in a corner," they said to each other. "We left three months in the middle, and began to cultivate the kambulu in the month of Sona. In the month of Sôna we made the servants chop leaves in pieces. We made them plongh five times, and harrow nine times. We made them plough in such a way, that there is no difference between the soil and the water. Buddyanda made his servants plough his field nine times and harrow five times; and not even a blade of grass beut!"
When they were passing by Hanidotti Bail, Bnddyanda came up to them.
“Where are you going, Buddyanda ? My brother wants to know," said Kôti. “I am going to the hut of the astrologer Bira Ballya at Matti to ascertain the day for sowing the kanbula," said Buddyanda.
"Plense, wait a while. I will go to Erajha and bring a coceanu," said Channayya.
He went to Erajha. He put a dder to the upper story, took a cocoanut stored there. - took away the outer shell and folded it in his thick chuti. Ho gave the cocoanut to Buddyanda.
"Buddyanda! when you ask about a day for your kambula, you should ask about a day for the Billavar boys' field," said Channayya.
Buddyanda, soon after the heroes left, broke the cocoanut into pieces and went off, eating tl em to the house of Bira Ballya at Matt. When he got there and called to him, Balladi, Bira Ballya's wife, answered the call. Where is Baly ya gone, BallAldi P" asked he.
"Hiving told the people of Uppo. Parmat and the lowcountries of the good and the bad, he has come back and taken a bath in both cold and wa mwater. He has drank ricowater and now sleeps quietly," answered she.

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“O woman! call him," said Buddyanda.
She took water in a beautiful pot and awakened the Ballal, her husband. He rose and stood up at once.
" Wife, why did you awake me?" asked he, and came out. "Master ! Buddyanda ! why did you make my wife call me ?” asked he.
“Bira Malya (Ballya) of Matti ! you must refer to the praśna-book and tell me a day for sowing my kambula," he said.
The astrologer brought a bench for Baddyanda to sit on. He brought sixty handfuls of játakams, and thirty handfuls of granthams. He brought balls of gold and silver wires.
And then Bira Malya of Matti said: "I want to tell you a sure hour, which I shall find with the help of a true star, Therefore you must give me a handful of money."
As soon as he gave it, Balyaya ssid :-"Buddyanda! on Tuesday, early in the morning, let the ballocks and men go down to the kambula. Shall I finish this, Badd yanda ?”
“Do you, Balyaya, seek a day for the Billavars too," said Buddyanda.
"For one keambula only the same day and hour is fixed. There is no separate week or day," said Bira Balyaya of Matti.
"I go, Balyâya," said Baddyanda; and went to his village. "Have you ascertained a day for the kambula po asked Channayya.
"Taesday is fixed for my kambula and the Tuesday following for yours," said Buddyanda.
"Brother Köţi! two weeks and two days cannot be fixed for kambula. Let us begin this week," said Channayya. "We should call for bullocks and labourers. Let us go."
While Channayya was going in the upper country of Parimal, calling his tenants, Buddyanda was going about in the lower country calling his tenants. There were a few tonants who had four oven in that village, but there were many tenants who had two oxen only.
“If you have separate kambulas, to whom we are to send oxen P" said the villagers to Buddyanda.
" Leave the Billavars' kambula, you people, and send the oxen to my kambula!" said Baddyanda.
Bat Chaonayys said :-“ Badd yanda has only one leambula, and we also have only one kambula, but there are two weeks fixed; therefore, you people, may send him the oxen first."
Baddyanda and Channayya met together. .
"Take care! Channayya ! Take care ! Do not you plough the kambula on the same day in that village," said Buddyanda.
"What is this foolishness of Budd yanda, who is like a pig? I shall make some one trample on you," said Channayya.
Four yoke of oxon went to the kambula of the heroes, but to Buddyanda's kambula went only one yoke of oxen. The water and mud of the heroes' kambula were mixed together, while, in Badd yanda's leambula, the water became in one corner clear, while the other corner pas being ploughed. Then a yoke of oxen, and a man, named Yelltura Kurends were sent by the heroes to Buddyanda. Though they were called by Koţi and Channayyı, they gent them to Buddyanda's kambula. Badd yanda beat them badly, untied the oven and drove them away from the kambula.
"They are bogged oxen and the man is . odoly. If you are envious of me, let us tary together. Do not want for oxen and man?" said Baddy ands.

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Buddyanda ploughed and sowed his kambula and returned to his lídu. The heroes having ploughed and sown their kambula went back to Erajha. The charitable heroes gave to each of those, who had plonghed with buffaloes, three sérs of rice and a leaf full of boiled rice. They gave to cach, who had ploughed, over two sérs of rice, and a leaf full of boiled rice. They presented all the villagers with oil to rub on themselves. They passed through the bidu of Buddyanda, and Buddyanda sent the villagers, who had plonghed for him, to the door of the heroes.
"It is your turn to-morrow to go to the kambula at Hanidotti. Our paddy field reqnires much water. The soil of it will crack, even in the moonlight. Then the dry grass can neither be cut with a sickle, nor be plucked by the hand. Therefore, brother, shall you go or I?" asked the younger brotlier.
“Yon, Cbannayya, are cruel! Anger and strife may happen between you and the foolish Buddyanda. Our caste occupation is to extract tári. Do you, Channayya, attend to that business," said Koti.
Channayya went to a forest called Sanka Mato to draw toddy from the trees. "Then I shall go to Hanidotti," said Koti.
Koti Baidya took a thick coloured cloth and sufficient seeds, and he took also a barrow, which had been worn by being used on a field producing sixty musas of rice. Then Buddyanda let in the water and filled the heroes' fields.
"Aho, Buddyanda! there is no water that I can see in your kambula for even a goose to sit in on the mud heaps, and for a frog to sit in in the holes. But our kambula is like the sea of Rama Samudram," said Köţi Baidya. “Although there are a thousand men and women to take their food at Erajha, we have also to take our food at our Erajha. Therefore, Buddyanda how much can I endure? If it had been my brother that was here, the result of the plonghing would have reached to one and a half, while it will now be only one," said Kõţi.
"You praise your brother. Has he conquered the land, hunting a large tiger? Has he been presented with a sér of gold rings for having killed a tiger? Has he been covered with peacock's feathers ? Has he fought a battle, riding on a noseless horse ? Has he put the sky above the earth ?" said Buddyanda.
While Koti and Bnddyanda were thos disputing, Channayya heard them with his ears and said :-" What is this, Köți? Buddyanda's voice is heard for a long distance, but yours only for a short distance."
"Brother ! look at Buddyanda's kambula, and brother, look at ours !" said Koti.
Channayya Baidya never stopped running till he reached Erajhn, got his dagger of steel, rubbed it over with a powder of white stones, made it sharp and came back. When he came back, Buddyanda was sitting on a verandah by cocoaunt tree at Ajamanja Kotya. Channayya bowed down to him and said :
"I saluted a kayéri troo, growing on a hill! What do you see, brother Koti? Let one of my salutations be for the god Narayana on high. Let the other one be for Bhûmî Dêri. And let the last one be for the seventy-seven karórs of gods! Now what do you see, Keti ? Tie the bow with a string."
They cut one of the banks of Buddyanda's kambula and let the water off. Then Buddyanda took a harrow and came to drive them off.
Then said Channayya :-" What do you see, brother P"
They took a log out of the water and beat him, until his joints were broken. They took a green leaf of a cocoanut and beat him, till his bones were broken. They took a bundle of small turi-mu!!r thistles and beat him, till his face was wounded. They took an arrow, and plunged it into his breast. They took his body, holding his hands and legs and put it north

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and south, on a broad bank in his kambula. They tore his thick cloth, and tied his toes with it. They took three harrow-loads of soil and said: -
“ The three harrow-loads of soil are three hundred cakes for your supper. Three harrowloads of soil out of our kambula put on your heart are for sandal to rub on you."
Afterwards they dressed up at Padumakatte a harrow and made it like Buddvanda, Then they went to Buddyanda's bidu, and called : "Woman ! Woman."
His wife heard the second call, and answered the third call, 4. Who is it that called," asked she. ". No one, but we heroes !” said they.
“Why do you children come here, who have not come up to this time? Yon, who have never spoken to me? You, who were against my husband, as if he were a Naga or a Kandodi? Who induced you to be friendly ? O Râma! Ráma! Brahmâtí !” said she.
«0 woman! wise people of Upper Parmal and Brahmanas of the lower country reconciled as. With one flower and nut we have healed the ill-will between us. We have become friends."
" If you are heroes who are not envious, you will pass by the bidu," said she.
"Woman! Buddyanda was tired by the morning sun, and the moisture in his throat was dried up. Therefore he wants you to take him milk in a small tumbler, water in a jug, and betel-nut on a plate," said they.
" I shall take them, children ! You, who have never yet come, have come here! The day has come near for me to leave off wearing my nose jewel, and my kariya mani necklace. For your meal at the master's house there are boiled rice in an earthen jar, cards in a basket, pickles in a wooden vessel, five hundred sorts of curries prepared with curds and three hundred kinds of curries with tamarind, aud a thousand curries with cocoanut," said she.
“Rama! Rama! Brahmiti! Woman, hear as ! We came here, having finished our meal of boiled rice-water. We take our meals twice a day, but not thrice," said they.
“So let it be, children! If you will not take your dinner, there is betel-nut of your master's to chew !" said she. "Where is that girl ? O Jaina girl, give the heroes betel-nut into their hand.”
"Girl, have you experienced wisdom in the heart, pain of the back, and knowledge of the world ?" asked Channayya. When she bronght betel-nut, the younger took it in his hand.
" Woman! we have taken betel-nat," said they, and called ont again :-"O woman, where are those muras of pallé berries, the small mura of kadenja berries, and the bundle of canes, which were taken from us by force in our childhood ?" asked they.
She began to think, and said : -- "They are upstairs by my bath-room, children! take them !"
The younger brother Channayya took his Rama Kengude dagger, struck the muras with it and took them away. Then they passed by the border of the yard, and by a small opening closed with two sticks across it.
“Woman! we have taken your betel-nnt. We have put in this stick fastened here," said they.
Then the woman said :-" Is there any remainder, heroes ? or is it finished ?"
“If Baddyanda is finished, you will barn yourselves, but if he remains, we shall give him blows," said Kôți and Channayya.
The children went onwards and sat by the way at Uddanda Buttu. Buddyanda's wifo took milk in a small tumbler and made a maid take a jug of water, and on the road to Handyottu Bảil she saw blood flowing into a small drain.

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"Oh my maid! this must be the water that my husband spat out when chewing betelnut," said she.
"This is not water spat out after chewing betel-nut, but blood," said the maids.
When they had passed on a little, they saw a harrow dressed up. As soon as Buddyanda's wife saw the harrow dressed up, she began to cry out and beat her head. The inhabitants of Upper Parimal and Brahmanas of the lower country came running when they heard her crying out.
"You men who have come running, what do you see of my beauty ?" said Buddyanda's wife. "You men hold the dead body by its hands and legs, and put it south and north on a bank of the kambula."
They took it, holding the legs and hands, and put it on the bank of the kambula.
"Let a nose-jewel and a neck-jewel, too, be on the heroes' breasts," said she.
"You break them on your husband's bosom when you are married, but why do you break them for our sake ?" asked the heroes.
They saw the beauty of Buddyanda's wife, as they went to Erajha. When they reached Erajha, they sat on the swinging cot, and Sâyina, their uncle, came to them.
"What is that stain, children, on your faces ?" asked he.
"It is the stain that we had, when we were brought out from our mother's womb," said
Kôți.
"Baddyanda came forward and we killed him," said Channayya.
"When I reared you with a handful of rice during my life time, I hoped you would burn me into five sers of ashes, when I died," said their uncle.
"Where is a present for us, uncle ?" asked they.
"O children! go to the Edambûr Châvadi, and get a present in addition to the former one, such as sallabéjá and sattánéjá," said Sâyina.
They went to the Ballâl and said to him:-"On the north part of your house there is a paddy field producing three hundred muras of rice, and sowing three sers (of paddy). Please, give us that field."
"The produce of that field is for Government taxes. Do not ask for it! Ask for another, children!" said the Ballal.
"There is a paddy field to the south of the bidu producing five hundred muṛas of rice, and sowing five sérs of paddy. Please, give us that one," said they.
"The produce of that is be used for the servants of my house. Therefore, heroes, ask for another present," said he.
"In the south of the house there is a jack tree. One of its branches produces soft jack fruits and another branch produces hard fruits. Please, give us that tree."
"Those are the fruits that the children of the house eat publicly. Ask for something else, heroes!" said he.
"There are a harrow and a pickaxe, called Râma Lachana. Give us them," said they.
"I have dry grounds, sowing sixty muras of paddy, banks which burst, and walls which fall down. Therefore, I want that harrow and pickaxe," said he.
"On a round verandah, called Padma Kattê, at your palace, there is a red cocoanut. One bunch produces an earthen jar full of tűri, and the other shoot produces a thousand cocoanuts. Give us that!"
11 Always described as "Basurûr Pannu Kotture" in the text.

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“That tree is for the cocoanuts and oil used for the people of the house. Therefore, I cannot give you it," said he.
"Let it be, if you cannot give us that tree. There are five large she-buffaloes. Please, give us them at least," asked the heroes.
"heroes, there are four mothers in my palace. You have asked to-day for the she-buffaloes, and you will ask for the mothers, too, to-morrow," said the Balla!.
"We will never set our feet in the land, where sons are married to their mothers! We will not drink water there," said they, and went to a distauce of four feet.
At this time a letter from Sayina about the murder of Buddyanda was brought in through the small door. The Balla! read the letter, and sent a man for the heroes.
A thousand of such as Buddyanda can be found hereafter, but heroes like these cannot be found again. I will give them my palace. I will give them my land. Let the heroes come back!” said he, and gave them a letter.
They saw the letter, made answer and said : -“We went back from you and will never return again."
Then they went on to the hut of Hinkiri Banar, and said: "Where are the one-pointed iron nails and the two-pointed iron instrument? They were given to you to repair? Where are the handle of heruva, and the plough of.banga?"
“What is it, that the heroes say P" said Hinkiri of his wife. “They are not even so wise as to cease taking their meals at Parima!. I will pierce their breasts with the handle of heruva, the plough of banga, the one pointed nail and the two-pointed tapering instrument."
"Brother, does the plough come on the heart, when it passes over the fields ? He is a wise man. I shall ask him again and return. Brother, do you go on," said Channayya.
Channayya made him go three times round his but, and pierced his breast with the dagger, and the men and women made an outcry. The neighbours came ranning up, and asked :“What is the outcry about?"
“The blacksmith tried an impossible work, when a spark of fire flew out and the hut was burnt," said the younger brother.
They went on further, and then to one Baju, the washerman. They called out to the washerman and said :-“We have given you dirty clothes; have you washed and returned them?”
"No," said Baļu the washerman.
They speared Baļu the washerman, and went on farther, and came to one Sanku, the oil. maker.
" Where is Sanku the oil-maker? We have given him a kalase of oil-seeds. Where is one-fourth of the mund of oil P" asked they.
"I do not know, beroes ! you have given and I have taken it,” said he. They speared Sanku the oil-maker, and went on to one Abbu, the potter.
"We have given you a kalase of paddy, where are small and large earthen vessels ? " asked they.
He shewed them a broken pot and told them to take it away. They stabbed Abbu the potter with their dagger.
"So have we killed Abbu. Now let us go to the toll gate!” said they.
Dêrê, the toll-taker, saw them from a distance, and came down from his verandah and ran a way, but they waited for Dêrê, till his return. They saw him coming from a distance,

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and started onwards, and said :-“Who is that going along ? Is he a Sambhôg ? A son of a Jaina Sêtti P Is he a Baraga, the son of a Bant?"
"No matter who you are, you must pay the daily toll at Banga's verandah," said Dere.
“Why do you ask toll, Dêrê P Have we loads on our heads, Dêrê? Have we loads on our backs, Dêrê ? Do men or women follow us, Dêrê ?” asked they.
“The toll is for your dagger of steel, which you have on," said Dere.
“No one has ever taken toll from us in the whole world up to this day, not even from the creation of the sun and the moon," said they.
"Brother! Dêrê has good sense. I will ask him the remaining questions and follow you," said Channayya.
Then he stabbed Dêrê in the breast. Dêrê vomited blood and white rice. Then Channayya put three coins on his breast and said : -"Take toll from every body going along the road."
They went to a shed for water, and asked the Brâhmaņa: - "Holy one, bave you pure
water ?"
"I have water, but I have only three cops in my house. One is used for giving water in the hot season to kings and great people, and a second one is for Brahmaņas. But, children ! there is a small spout of bell-metal. Shall I pour water out of it ?” said he.
"We do not drink water from a spont, in which people of twelve religions and one hundred castes have drunk," said they.
Koți held out his dagger's point, on which the Brahmaņa poured water, and drank water through the handle.
"Oh ! Brother, you have drunk water and rested. How can I drink water?" asked Channayya.
The Brahmaņa gazed at Channayya's face, and when he saw the red eyes, the brown hair on his face, the mustaches bent like a horn, and his breast, the Brahmana was attacked by a devil that can never be routod. His hands were drawn back of themselves as if he were pouring out water, and then the water went suddenly up to his head and he became senseless. Then Kôți asked of the people: "Is this water put here by yourselves or by the permission of the king P"
The younger brother knew what to do. He stood up at once and began dragging away the Brâhmana.
Then Kôti said: - "Do not go, brother ! Do not go. If you think two ways of the Brahmana, you will become a sinner that has killed a red cow at Kasi. If you do not heed my advice and go any further, you will become as a sinner that has killed me. If you disregard this advice, you will have committed seventy-seven karors of sins." Channayya was not the brother to disregard Koți's advice.
“O Brother! I will give you an oracle. If it is useless, treat it as useless; and if it is good, treat it as good," said the Brahmana.
He brought sixty handfuls of játakams and thirty handfuls of granthams. He brought golden balls and wires of silver, and put them on a plank of white kadroli, and he also shed tears.
"Do not try on any injustice : tell the truth now, putting down a handful of the balls," said Channayya.
"At Nelli and at Savalandadka enemies with swords are waiting both on the trees and on the ground. A little further on a berry with a white stone will fall on Channayya's hat, and if you go on further, you will see a woman named Kantakke, who is selling Areca-nut," said the astrologer. "O Chan ayya and Kôți, let me fold up the wires."

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"Do you, Brahmana, perform púja to your tables, and we now pay your charges," said the brothers, and gave him nine pagodas. " Do you, Brahmana, think to yourself that these nine pagodas are equal to nine lakhs of rupees !"
Then they proceeded further and saw Kantakke selling Areca-nuts.
"O mother Kantakke! put the basket of nuts aside!" said they.
"Do you remember the Edambûr Baidyas, who give rice at interest, and money at interest ?" said they.
They went on. At Savalandâdka a berry with a white stone fell into Channayya's hat, and so he made five hundred berries fall down with the point of his dagger, and with the handle of it three hundred more. They appeared like diamond flies at Nelli and Savalandâdka,12 When the people at Nelli and Savalandâdka asked about this wonder and enchantment, they saw the brave heroes. Some of them ran away as soon as they saw them, and ran up hills, and he who could not run bit the grass.
"Is not he, who lias flown away, a bird? Let him be an army! Now let us go on further," said they.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 132.)
Clothes. Cloth and clothes, the guardians against cold, ward off spirit-attacks. So, according to the Rás Málá, a dark cloth is an amulet against the evil eye,57 A Hindu mother with a young child, passing a haunted place, draws her robe over the child. At the time of teaching the Chitpâvan boy the sacred Gayatri, or Sun-hymn, his hands are tied in a cloth and covered by his father's hand, and both, the father and the boy are covered with a cloth.58 Similarly, in one part of the wedding service, the Chitpâvan bride has her head covered with a piece of broad cloth.50 Gujarat Sravaks draw & cloth over the cooking place and drinking vessels.60 Gujarat Musalmâns believe that black indigo, cloth and black cotton threads keep off spirits.61 Gujarat Hindus, when settling a bargain, put their hands under a mantle.62 The Dekhan Ramôgis tie the ends of the bride and bridegroom's robes to a cloth, which four men of the family hold over them.63 Among the Uchliâs, or pick-pockets, of Poona, when a girl comes of age, five half cocoanuts, five dry dates, turmeric roots, betel-nuts and rice and a bodice-cloth are put in her lap. At a Dekhan Künbi's death, before the body is taken out of the house, the chief mourner is given a piece of cloth to tie round his chest,65 and, at the wedding of an Ahmednagar Kôli, pieces of bodice-cloth are put on stick ends, instead of flags, and they are held round the bridegroom.66 The Jingars of Poona, on the fifth day after a birth, roll the child from head to foot in cloth, and lay it on the ground.67 The dead Dhruva Prabhu of Poona is laid on a white woollen cloth.68 Among the Dekhan Pâtânê Prabhus, at their threadgirding, the boy is rolled in a sheet, lifted by his mother's uncle, and taken into the porch.00 When the gurú, or religious teacher, of the Dekhan Mhârs, initiates a child, he covers himself and the child with a blanket or a cloth, or a curtain is held between him and the rest of the people,70 The Kôragar women of South Kâpara continue to wear the leaf-aprons they used to
12 By berries are here intended men. 57 Balfour's Encyclopædia, Vol. V. p. 29. 59 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 128.
61 Information from Mr. Fazal Lutfullah,
63 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 417.
65 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 308.
Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 341.
"Op. cit.
153
58 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 118.
60 Information from Mr. Bhimbhai.
er Fryer, p. 112.
64 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 478.
ee Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 201.
cs K. Raghunath's Pâtâne Prabhus.
70 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 441.

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wear when they had no other clothing.71 The Dhôrs of Poona put a face-cloth on the dead.13 The Belgaum Kômtis, at their weddings, stretch a three-cornered cloth in front of the boy's house, and at a rich Mudliar's funeral a cloth is spread for the procession to walk on.73 When a high caste Dharwar girl comes of age, a washerman is called. He folds & cloth, draws coloured lines on it, spreads it in the makhar, or wooden frame, and the girl is made to sit on it.74 The Bijapur Brahmaņs, when a child is being named, apparently to keep spirits off the mother as that would affect the child, set her standing on a wooden stool with a cap on her head and with shoes on.75 A cloth is held between the bride and bridegroom in the Bijapur Ghisadi's wedding procession.76 In Bijapur Silvant and Holiyachibalki Lingayats cover their water-pots with a cloth.77 Among the Maratha Gavandis of Sholapur, the chief jaourner ties a piece of cloth across his shoulder and chest.78 When a Kánara Havig Brahman teaches a son the Gáyatri, or Sun-hymn, he covers himself and the boy with a cloth.70 Amony the Roman Catholics of Kanara, at their Baptism, the priest draws the end of his stole over the child's face, when he takes it into the church.80 When a Beni-Iara 'il babe is being circumcised, his father sits, praying, covered with a veil.81
Among the Bengal Kharwars women dance doubly veiled.82 In the Brahman marriage, in Bengal, Brihaspati, or the gods' teacher, is called on to guard children till they wear clothes.83 Iu Bengal, when a buffalo is sacrificed to Durga, a cloth is laid on its back.84 Gloves used to be worn by Parsi women in their monthly sickness, 85 and most Pârsi women cover their hair with a piece of cloth.86 Musalman women in Turkistân wear thick, dark, horse-hair veils.87
A Burman, when attacked with cholera has a cloth thrown over his face.89 In China, strips of cloth and paper are used to drive away spirits,89 and a strip of white or yellow cloth is sometimes hung at the end of streets to keep off spirits.90 Before 1868, the Japanese emperor used never to leave his palace or be seen. If he walked, as he rarely did, cloths were spread to keep him from touching the earth.91 The Shinto god at Mishima is a pole with bits of paper or rags fastened to it.03 Across the archway of the Shinto temple of Ine, in Japan, a simple white cloth or curtain hangs.83
The Nicobar people keep off spirits by putting up a screen made of pieces of cloth, which hides from their banefal sight the place where the houses stand.94 The Papuan mother covers her child with leaves when any stranger Tocks at it.95 The emperor of Uganda, in East Africa, has crimson and white standards.96 The disease spirit in Central Africa is put into a rug and carried to some tree, and there laid by nailing it into the tree-stem.97 Rag-trees are no specialty of Central Africa. They are common in India, Persia, Ethiopia, America, and Western Europe. 98
In Russia, to get rid of an ague, make a rag doll, whisper words, into it, and throw it somewhere where it will be noticed. Whoever picks up the rag will pick up the ague.90
11 Walhouse in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. V. p. 473. [So do Andamaneze when clothed in petticoats by Euro. Jan. -- ED.) 2 Rombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 435.
73 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 98. ** Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 189. + Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 84.
76 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 192. 57 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 221.
78 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 93. 59 Op.cit, Vol. XV. p. 124.
80 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 338. 81 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 528.
82 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 130. *: Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 213. 84 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 117. Si Rarzet, 22nd August 1478.
86 From MS, notes. * Schuyler's Turkistus, Vol. I. p. 124.
88 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 110. 89 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 32.
90 Op. cit. Vol. II, p. 32. 91 Reed's Japan, Vol. II. p. 301.
2 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 301. 93 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 247.
# Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 189. 95 Earl's Papuans, p. 49.
90 Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. I. p. 391. 97 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 143.
98 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II, p. 150. » Mes. Romanoff's Rites arul Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 228.

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The Russian babe's cradle is hung round with a curtain of dark print or silk, apparently to keep off the evil eye. Formerly nurses were more afraid of the evil eye, and used to draw the curtain close round the babe.100 The Communion cloth is sacred in Russia. Laymen and the lowest order of the clergy may not touch it. No church can be consecrated without its cloth. Formerly, at a Swedish wedding, the bride and bridegroom sat under a canopy. The Russian Czar goes to be crowned under a canopy of eagles, cloth of gold and ostrich feathers. In the Russian Church a curtain or veil is drawn between the body of the church and the altar. At the mysteries of the Cabiri candidates were given a girdle, which they wore like an apron, as an amulet to keep off danger.5 The mason wears a white leather apron; the Persians in the mysteries of Mithra, and also the Jewish priest, wore an apron coloured blue, purple, and scarlet. The Germans put a right shirt sleeve, or a left stocking, in a cradle of an uubaptised babe to keep off Nickert ; and it is a German belief that, if you find a treasure, you should either throw bread over it, or a piece of clothing that has been worn next the skin. In Germany, there was a belief that if a shirt is spun and stitched by a maiden who has kept silence for seven years, it not only undoes charms, but makes the wearer spell-proof and victorious. Dreams are driven away by wearing a nightcap, because dreams are caused by the cold driving the blood to the brain. 10 Saint Teresa of Spain (1540) was presented by the Virgin with an invisible cope, which guarded her from sin. The guardiad virtue of cloth seems to be the origin of the Scotch and French belief, that the child born with a canl (a veil or holy hood) will be lucky.13 Compare the Roman Catholic scapulaire “fwo bits of cloth, an inch and a half square, which they join at the corners with tapes, throw them over their heads, and make one end lie on the breast and the other on the back,"Is On State occasions, a silk canopy is carried over the Pope, 14 From a time of which no memory remains, & canopy of cloth of gold or purple silk, with a gilt bell at each corner, has been carried over the king and queen of England on the coronation day. 15 After the king of England is anointed on the chest, between the shoulders, and on the arms, palms and head, he is arrayed in his robes, a cap is put on his head and glover on his hands.16 After being anointed, Ricbard I. had his head covered with a linen cloth.17 cloth gives power over spirits. Compare the invisible coat and Prospero's magic garment. The Anglo-Saxons held a care-cloth over the bride and bridegroom.18 Cloth, like other sourers, is also either & spirit-prison or a spirit-home. This explains the invi. sible-making coat of Middle Age legends and Prospero's magic garment, 19 tbe hiding and other magical properties being due to the dwelling in the cloth of some charmed spirit. So the sense of the practice in North-West Scotland and elsewhere of covering bushes near holy wells with pieces of cloth nailed on by patients20 is that the disease-spirit is prisoned by the guardian spirit of the well. The English sovereign on the day of coronation walks on cloth from the door of Westminster Hall to the Abbey. If clothes are offered to a Brownie or working spirit, or to a Devonshire Pixie, they fly away.21 On St. Agnes's Eve, North England girls lay their stockings and garters cross-wise.** A cure for boils is to lay the poultice-cloth in a coffin with a dead body. In England, it was believed that to lay part of the father's clothes over a girl's body and a petticoat over a boy, was to ensure them favour with the opposite sex. So a girl's spell for procuring a sight of her fature husband, is to wash her sash and lay it on a chair, to roll the left garter round the right stocking, or to lay a pair of garters across at the
100 Op. cit. p. 59. * Jones' Crowns, p. 385. > Mackey's Freemasonry, p. 45. · Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 14. • Op. cit. pp. 1098, 1099. 1 Quar. Rev. October 1883, p. 413. 13 Hume, Vol. II. p. 415. 15 Jones' Crowns, p. 113. 15 The Tempest, Act I, Scene 2. 11 Dyer's Polk-Lore, p. 195. 13 Dyer's Folk-Lore, P. 171.
1 Op. cit. p. 51.
- Chambers's Book of Days, p. 720. • Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 84. • Op. cit. p. 22. . Grimm's Tonto. Myth. Vol. III. p. 971. 10 St. James' Budget, 28th December 1883. 13 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 22. 14 Chambera's Book of Dayı, Vol. I. p. 427. 16 Op. cit. pp. 290, 291. 11 Op. cit. p. 195. 19 Jones' Crowns, p. 118. 90 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 5. 12 Henderson's Folk Lore, p. 249.
Thorpe's Mythology, Vol. II, p. 109.

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foot of the bed.25 In Durbam, a garter tied round the left leg below the knee cures cramp.26 In England, the newly-christened child continued to wear the christening cap till the morning after the christening.27
Colours. - Spirits seem to hold in special dread the three colours, yellow, red and black, and perhaps white.
Yellow. - For six days before the wedding the Indian Masalman bride wears old tattered yellow clothes. The admitted object of the practice is to drive away the spirits or jinns that hover round the bride and bridegroom. So when a wife prepares to meet a long absent husband she dresses in yellow from head to foot. A North-Indian Hindi song runs: "Her husband returns at eve, the fair one makes ready to meet him with yellow saffron on her brow, with a golden ring in her nose, with a garland of yellow gold hung round her neck. Golden, too, is her vestment and yellow sandal shines on her body. Ripe yellow pán she chews. The dear one makes herself yellow to meet her lord.''28 Among Gujarat Musalmans the marriage turmeric-rabbing, pithi-lagdná, is confessedly with the object of keeping off evil spirits, with whose presence the wedding day air is so heavy-laden as to give rise to the proverb: - “Shadi ka waķht badá bhari waķht hai. The time of marriage is # very heavy time." To silence any possible grumble of the bride :-"Of what use is Ibis yellow-paste rubbing," the elders are primed with stories :-"Khuda Bakhsb, the Paidhôni weaver, had his wedding day close at hand. Hirå his bride was at her house. The pithi, or turmeric paste, was ready. The time of rubbing it on bad come. The bride missed her nosering. She was allowed by mistake to go herself to fetch it. She found the ring and came back. Wben the rubbing on of the paste began, almost at the very sight of the paste, she fell into convulsions. For two or three days the fits came back at intervals. Her mother heard of a good exorcist and took Hîrâ to see him. The power of the exorcist forced the spirit in the girl to speak. I am the spirit of a Sidi,' he said. "I am a gnome half a span high. I saw this girl when she went for the nose-ring. I liked her. I noticed neither yellow clothes nor yellow paste to keep me off. I took possession of her.'” “Yes," says another of the elder ladies, * and Miriam Hasan of Mâhim, with her new ideas, was looking about her just before the paste was put on. She fell in a fit. She had looked into the tamarind tree in front of the bouse and the jinn who lived in the tamarind tree had seen her looking and took possession of her.. It was long before they could get the jinn to confess and leave her ...." During the spirit-laden days of Dasara or Diwali no careful Masalman mother lets a child ont of doors without a yellow lemon in his pocket. A Bombay inspector, a Sürat Musalman, going his rounds after dark on Diwali eve, felt something bob against his legs. He tried with his hand and found that the dear house-mother had dropped a lemon into each tail-pocket. Most Hindus of Western India make yellow the bodies of the bride and bridegroom by rabbing them with turmeric. Among most high-class Hindus the bride's cloth, or radhuvastra, is always yellow, and the kankans, or marriage wristlets, tied round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom have generally inside of them a piece of turmeric root and a betel-nut. Before a thread-girding, 1 he Brahman boy is rubbed with yellow, and among several classes, when a girl comes of age, she is covered with yellow clothes, or is rubbed with turmeric. That it is the yellow colour, not the turmeric, that is valued, is shewn by the fact that several classes use yellow earth instead of turmeric. The Vaishnava use of yellow earth, known as gopi-chandan, or milk-maid's sandalwood, seems based on the belief that yellow scares spirits. That this is not because yellow is a festive colour, is proved by the practice of marking the face and chest of the dead with lines of yellow. The explanation that the object is to drive away spirits is supported by the belief among some Hindus that spirits fear yellow. When they re-tbatch their houses at the beginning of the rains, the Maratha Hindus of the Konkan give the thatcher a bundle of cloth, in which are tied turmeric, marking nuts, an iron nail, and rice, to lay on the roof peak or ridge, that the
25 Henderson's Folk-Lore, pp. 101, 102. 37, Op. cit. p. 15.
26 Op. cit. p. 155. 7 Information from Mr. Fazl Lutfullah,

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lightning may see them and flee. In the Konkan, some Hindu mothers in child-bed tie a piece of turmeric round their neck to keep off evil spirits, and continue to wear it for a year.29 Ata Dekban Kunbi's wedding yellow lines are drawn on the cloth, which is held between the boy and the girl,30 and at a Dekhan Ramosi's wedding yellow rice is thrown over the bride and bridegroom.31 Kapara Lingayats tie turmeric roots round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom.33 In Sholapur, Komti women, rub their faces with turmeric powder,33 1,1 Kânara, Havig Brahman women, when in full dress, colour with turnieric paste the parts of the body which remain uncovered.34 In the Karnatak, among the Madhava Brâlimaņs, before marriage and thread.girding, the chief relations are rubbed with turmeric and bathed in warm water.35 The Khônds gird their head-man with a necklace of yellow thread,36 and they bind a yellow thread round the bride and bridegroom's necks and sprinkle their faces with turmeric.37 The Hog and Mundas of South-West Bengal anoint the dead with oil and tarmeric.38 The Gonds tie a yellow thread round the wrist of the bride and bridegroom.30 On the fifth day after a birth the Gonds call women and rub them with turmeric. The Hindu sannyúsi wears yellow clothes. Among fire.worshipping Persians a yellow dog with four eye-like spots, or a white dog with yellow ears drives off the pollution spirit.42 The Persians hield gold to be the purest metal; one washing cleaned a gold dish, a silver dish wanted six.43 Burman women, and some Burman men, rub a sweet straw-coloured powder on their cheeks. Among the Malays, no one but the king may wear yellow.46 The road along which the emperor of China passes in bridal procession is covered with yellow cloths.46 The Lama of Thibet wears a lony yellowish robe.47 At the spring-ploughing festival in China, a husbandman wearing a yellow coat goes before the plough. 9 in China, when a person is sick with headache or fever, the enchanter writes with a red pencil on a yellow paper, burns the paper and gives the ashes to the sick man to drink.49 At a Buddhist funeral in Japan, women in mourning wear yellow clothes. In the Fiji Islands, vermilion and turmeric are rubbed on the faces and bosoms of wives, who are killed to accompany their dead husbands.1 The people of Melville Island daub themselves with yellow,53 The Wagogos of East Africa wear yellow wristlets of goat skin to keep off spirits.53 The Mexicans stained the successful warrior yellow,64 and at Mexican festivals the people painted their faces yellow.55 Greek virgins, at the fifth yearly sacrifice to Diana, wore yellow gowns. though, with this exception, to wear any coloured dress at a festival was against the law.56 In Greece pills made of yellow silk and live spiders are believed to cure ague.57 The pedestal of the Guardian of Ulster in Ireland was a golden yellow stone.68 In Middle Age England gold rings were worn to cure patients suffering from the attacks of evil spirits.69
Red. - On almost all great Hindu occasions red or vermilion, kunku, is used along with yellow turmeric. Hindu women, whose husbands are alive, mark their brows with red powder. In Thâni, when a high-class Hindu woman goes to visit a neighbour, at the close of her visit her brow is marked with red.60 In the Dekhan, the Chitpávan bridegroom's face is marked with black and red.61 The Poona Uchliâs, in preparing the oil for the ordeal caldron, paint
29 Information from Mr. Govind Pandit.
de Bombay Garatteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 805. $1 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 419.
31 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 178. 85 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 53.
# Information from Mr. DoSouza. 25 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 79.
36 Macpherson's Khonds, p. 31. 87 Op. cit. pp. 54, 55.
# Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 202, 3) Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 23.
" Op. cit. Ap. I. p. iv. 11 Maurice's Indian Antiguities, Vol. V. p. 1008.
Bleek's Khordah Avesla, p. 71. 13 Op. cit. p. 65.
4+ Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. P. 22. 5 Comment. of D' Albruerque, Vol. III. p. 83.
16 Simpson's Meeting the Sun, pp. 157, 158. •T Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 134.
43 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 117. .9 Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 17, 18.
- St. John's Nipon, p. 220. 61 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 459.
62 Earl's Papuans, p. 194. 63 Cameron's Across Africa, p. 100.
54 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 245.65 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 360. 66 Clarke's Travels in Greece, Vol. IV. p. 17.
57 Op. cit. Vol. IV. p. 52. 58 Toland's Celtic Religion (1700). p. 134.
Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 435. Information from Mr. Govind Pandit.
& Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 131.

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red and yellow both the oil-mill and the bullock that works it.62 Dekban Rámôśis rub the hridegroom's foot with red powder, and Gojarât Muhammadans, when the bride enters her husband's house for the first time, kill a goat, and mark the soles of the bride's feet with its blood. In Poona, at a wedding dinner, the place for each guest is marked with lines of red powder. 65 At a Dekhan Kunbi's wedding, when the boy is seated outside of the girl's house, Brâhmans draw red lines on the walls.68 Some Dekhan Kunbis paint gaudy pictures and stripes of olour on their houses to keep off the evil eye.67 The dome of the Tarkêśwar temple at Nasik is coloured red and white. The Komtis of Sholapur, on the fifth day after a birth, wash The cot, and paint it with red and white lines. In the Karnatak, all clothes given away as presents are rubbed with red powder. Some Belgaum Brahmans have their honses painted with alternate stripes of white and red.70 In Nagar, the pile of pots at the corners of the square, in which Gujarat Brahmaņs are married, are striped red and white.71 The Bedars, or Biadars, of Dhirwâț smear their bodies with red, white and yellow earth.72 The Gavandis of Bijapur throw red-coloured rice over the bride and bridegroom.73 The Beni-Isra'ils of Western India redden the bridegroom's hands and feet with henna.74 At Malêr marriages the bridegroom marks the bride's brow with red.75 Among the Gonds, at the Polâ festival, the bullocks and drivers are covered with red,76 and this reddening is part of the Pola festival in many parts of Western India. On the sixth day after a birth the Gonds mark the ground with vermilion.77 Red powder is perpetually thrown at Gond weddings,78 In Bengal, as in Bombay and other parts of India, on the Phålgun fullmoon, the Hindus drench each other with red water.80 The village stones, or karnkalla, of Mysore, are painted in vertical lines red and white.91 The Ganapatiâs, a seet of Hindas, mark their brows with red minium.82 Formerly in Burma, no one but the king could use vermilion. Similarly, when a Burman prince was executed, he was tied in a red velvet bay und drowned in a river.96 Red cloth is used at Chinese weddings.95 Children in China, at the festival of Middle Heaven, have their foreheads and navels marked with vermilion to keep off evil spirits.86 In the Andaman Islands, upla, or red oxide of iron, mixed with the fat of pigs or turtles, is applied to the body as an ornament or to cure disease.87 Some tribes in North Australia cover themselves with red earth. The Melville islanders, when in mourning, paint their bodies red or white.99 Hottentot women mark sacred stones and cairns with red ochre. In Madagascar, Hova women stain their nails red. The Gallas of East Africa anoint themselves with oil and red ochre.92 The Bongos of the White Nile apply red ochre to wounds as reducent and antiseptic. Red and yellow are the great colours at the Dahomey court. In South Africa, the chief's wife covers herself with oil and red ochre.98 Dr. Livingstone noticed in South Africa an idol with marks of red Ochre and white pipe clay. Some tribes in South Africa smear themselves with fat and ochre to keep out the influence of the sun by day and of cold by night. The Muhammadan women of North-West Africa stain their hands and feet red with henna. The Dakotas of 13 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 47. 63 Op. cit, Vol. XVIII. p. 421.
Information from Mr. Syed Daud, 66 Information from Mr. M. M. Kunte.
* Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 304. 87 Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 219.
68 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. p. 507. * Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 50.
TO Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 92. T1 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 57.
19 Information from Mr. Tirmajro. 18 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 101,
14 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 517. 16 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 278. 16 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. I. p. iii. IT Op. cit. App. I. p. iv.
75 Op. cit. App. I. p. v. 19 March-April
# Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 199. #1 Rice's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 896.
* Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 199. 18 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 128.
44 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 124. 86 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 201.
16 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 280. Jour. Anthrop. Trust, Vol. VII. p. 461.
35 Earl's Papuans, p. 227. Op. cit. p. 200. # Hahn's Tsuni Goam, p. 140.
1 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 210. n News' East Africa, p. 275.
* Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 309. Burton's Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 248.
» Dr. Livingstone's Tavels in South Africa, p. 276. * Op. cit. p. 275.
Op. cit. p. 108.
» Hay's Westers Barbary, p. 16.

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America paint the dead with vermilion or red earth.de Mexican warriors smeared their bodies with bright paint.100 Greek girls had their toe and finger nails rose-tipped to keep spirits from coming in.'
Black. - Spirits fear black, particularly lamp-black. Hindn women commonly nse lamp-black to anoint their eyes and lamp-black is sometimes applied to cure itch. When & Hinda woman takes a young child out of doors, she marks its cheeks with lamp-black to keep off the Evil Eye. The Vaishnava marks his brow with an up-and-down line of lamp-black, or angár, as a guard against spirits. The black marks in tattooing are admitted by Gujarat Bhils to have the power of scaring spirits, and it seems to be its power of marking black that gives its holiness to the marking-nut. The special value of jet as an ornament seems to have been due to its power over spirits. The use of jet and of other forms of black clothing and ornament in mourning was apparently because black was able to shield the wearer from spirits. So also, perbaps, the Buddhists, Jains and Vaishnavas colour their gods black. The Sravak bridegroom in Gujarât wears a black silk-thread round his right ankle. In Gujarat Muhammadan women, before taking a child out, mark its feet, cheeks and palms with black to keep off evil spirits, and to ward off the Evil Eye they put a bit of charcoal into milk. The Poona Halálkhôrs, as a part of the wedding ceremony, blacken the bride and bridegroom's teeth. Hindu lying-in women in the Dekhan sometimes rub their teeth with black dentifrice. Black thread and black nuts are hang round a Dekhan Kunbi child's neck, to help it to hold up its head.7 Among the Ahmednagar Kolis, to keep off the Evil Eyes the child's eyes are marked with soot. In Dharwar, Liugâynt women blacken their teeth. The Vaishgava sect-mark for men is an up-and-down black mark with a red water-like circle of turmeric and cement. Kaparese women blacken their teeth with antimony.10 Among Bijapur Brahmaps, on the fourth day after a marriage, when the bride and bridegroom are making ready to go to the boy's house, the girl's mother goes to the house-shrine, and, holding a tray with a burning lamp over her head, walks five times round the marriage guardian. As she walks, her brother holds a sword above the flame. When the fifth turn is ended, the soot is scraped off the sword blade, and it is spotted over the boy's and girl's faces. 11 The Bijapur Lingayat Kumbhars mark the bride and bridegroom's brows with soot to keep off the evil eye.1% Karnatak Brahmaus, in thread-girding, blacken the boy's eye-lids, 13 and among Karnatak Muhammadans, when a man is attacked with severe fever, a black cloth, black grain, and a black hen are waved round the man and taken oat to a river side. The black hen is possessed by the fever-spirit, and is allowed to go into the jungle. Arab and Persian women make a black circle round the eye.14 According to the ancient Persians of the Sipasian faith, Saturn was a black stone, his temple was black, and his ministrante negroes, who were clad in blue.15 Women in Central Asia ased to blacken their teeth.16 In Burma, at the fish festival, some boys walk with their faces chalked, and others with their faces sooted.17 Japanese girls at marriage blacken their teeth.18 Women in the Philippine Islands blacken their teeth.19 The Motus of New Guinea, when in mourning, blacken their whole body.20 In Central Africe.
» First Report of the American Ethnographic Society, p. 169. 100 Jour Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 260.
i Chandler in Clarke's Travels in Greece, Vol. IV. p. 8. 1 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
? Of gajates, or jet, Pliny, Natural History, Book X VI. Chap. 19, says: "The smell of burning jet chaseth nerponts and recovereth women that lie in a trance. It discovereth the falling sickness, and sheweth whether & damsel be a maiden or no. Boiled with wine it helpeth tooth-ache, and tempered with wax it coreth the king's evil. It is much used by magicians." • Information from Mr. Paul Lutfullah.
5 Information from Mr. Fazl Latfullah. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 438.
1 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 299. • Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 203.
• Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 122. 19 Moore's Little, p. 289.
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 87. 13 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 250.
13 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 221.
Moore's Lille, p. 289. 18 Dabist in, Vol. I. p. 35.
16 Schuyler's Turkistan, Vol. I. p. 181. 37 Sbway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 45. 18 Manners and Customs of the Japaness, p. 179. 19 Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 429.
* Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII, p. 490.

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after the wife's death, the husband for two and half years wears a thick daub of charcoal paste over his face; widows wear a blackened band of dry banyan leaf round the forehead.21 Lamp-black and oil are applied to their eyes by Msuabili women in East Africa. Among the Colerado North American Indians mourners cover their faces with black paint.23 In Mediæval Europe, black oxen and black cows were specially valued as sacrificial animals.24 Russian women wear black in mourning. The Germans pat black cummin seed in a babe's cradle before its christening to keep off evil spirits.* Sir W. Scott found beads of coral with bones and ashes in a burial urn in a cairn at Liddesdale in Scotland.27 In Scotland a thread of black wool with nine knots cures a sprain. When a death happens in a Devonshire house, some crapo or other black staff is tied to the hire, or the bees die.20 The practice has its root in the belief that the dead will come back and will go into the bees, unless he be scared by black. So it was beld that to find treasure, that is, to scare the fiends which guard and hide the treasure, the seeker should use a black he-goat and a black hen.
White.- White is the ghostly colour, and whitewash is much used in the worship of the rural and early gods. Siva, the lord of spirits, is white 31 The Lingayats smear the brow with white ashes.32 To keep the Evil Eye from blighting a crop, the Dekhan Kunbi sets in his field a white pot at the end of a pole. Among most Brabmanic Hindus the wedding dress is wbite. According to Dr. Buchanan the people of North Kânara wash their houses with a white clay called jaydi manu, that is, earth from Mount Jaydi, which they mix with the ashes of mudeli bark.34 Some Karnatak Brahmans, in the thread-girding ceremony, cover with chalk the outside of a copper vessel, into which they entice the boy's special guardian.35 The Burmese king has a white throne, & white umbrella, and a white elephant.» In China, at a Buddhist priest's funeral, all present wear white waist-bands.37 On her coronation day, Queen Ranavalona I. of Madagascar had her brow marked with white clay.38 The people in the outlying parts of Nubia, when they suddenly saw Burkhardt, said: - "Save us from the devil."39 White horses and snow-white pigs were considered inviolable in Mediaeval Europe.co The Russian babe, after baptism, is clad in white. In the early Christian Church in Ireland and Scotland, white was the baptism colour. Pennant (1800) in his Tour through South Wales, p. 28, noticing the whitening of the houses, says :-“This castom, which we observed to be so universally followed from the time we entered Glamorganshire, made me curions enough to inquire into its origin. It was entirely due to superstition, the good people thinking that by means of this general whitening they shut the door of their houses against the devil." In England, at the funerals of unmarried persons of both sexes, as well as of infants, the scarves, hat-bands and gloves given as mourning used to be white.“ White is an unlucky colour for English kings. Charles the First was crowned in white. In ancient times, in England, people used to raise the devil by making a white circle with chalk, setting an old hat in the centre of the circle, and repeating the Lord's Prayer.
Comb. - Among high-class Hindus in Bombay, when a girl comes of age, her lap is filled with fruit, rice, betel nuts and leaves, and a comb. Among the Beni-Isra'il coming of age and
21 Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. II. p. 141.
13 Newa' East Africa, p. 61. » Pall Mall Garette in Bombay Gazette, 30th May 1884. Grimm's Touto. Myth, Vol. I. p. 50. » Mrs. Romanoff. Rites and Customs of the Greco-Ruanian Church, p. 239. Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 14
17 Note 2 to Lay of the Last Minusdrel. » Dyer's Poll-Lore, p. 149. >Op. cit. p. 127. * Grimm's Tento. Myth, Vol. III. p. 977. n Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. P. xxviii.
Information from Mr. Tirmalrao. » Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 919.
N Buchanan'a Mysore, Vol. III. p. 229. 16 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 22%
* Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 911. 37 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 123.
» Sibree's Madagascar, p. 294. » Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 377.
** Grima's Teuto. Myth. Vol. I. p. 54. 1 Mrs. Romanoft's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 73.
nderson's Rarly Church of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 197. Brand's Popular Antiquities,VOL. II. P. 581. + Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 283.
46 Jones' Crown, P. 812 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 38.
47 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.

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pregnancy rites, the first rite is to comb the girl's hair. The Sinhalese wear a comb in their hair. The Papuans of North Guinea wear a bamboo comb in their hair with a cloth hanging from the points of the comb like a flag. The comb was considered a sacred emblem in pre-Christian times, and was often used in divination. In Christian days it preserved so much of its sanctity that we find a comb mentioned among the appliances needed at a solemn High Mass, especially when sung by a Bishop. Some sacred combs were of ivory, some were plain, some were adorned with elaborate carving, even gemmed with precious stones. A list of sacred combs is given by Dr. Rock as having belonged to St. Cuthbert, St. Neot, St. Dunstan and other Saints. Various combs were long preserved at Durham, Canterbury, Glastonbury and other holy minsters. At Thetford, in the church of St. Sepulchre, may still be seen the comb of St. Thomas, the martyr of Canterbury, and at Durham the comb that was found inside St. Cuthbert's coffin.50
Coral. In Gujarat, a coral ring is worn to keep off the evil influence of the sun. The Poona Vaidus, an early tribe of wild doctors, wear coral necklaces, Pravál bhasma, or cora! ashes, is a Hindu medicine,53 The Lepchas of Darjeeling wear a profusion of mock coral and coloured beads.53 In Bengal, coral is touched by mourners when they are purified.54 Barbosa in 1514, noticed that Hindu women in Vijayadurg wore five strings of coral round their arms.55 Coral and tortoise-shell are worn as ornaments by the Andaman Islanders.56 Arab women, in North-West Africa, wear long strings of coral round their necks.57 Coral is worn on the neck in Nubia.59 The South Central African diviner holds a white coral in his hand.59 Coral keeps off fear.co A coral worn round a child's neck helps it to cut its teeth. It is an amulet against fascination. According to a Latin work (1536) witches say that coral keeps lightning, whirlwinds, tempests and storms from ships and houses.1 In England, coral was used as an amulet against epilepsy.62
Cross. In many parts of the world, long before it became a Christian symbol, the cross had a magic or spirit-scaring power. Its presence on early remains shews that, from the thirteenth century before Christ, the cross was a common and favourite ornament or shape in Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, Central Europe, the British Islands, Skandinavia, and Iceland. Besides the even-limbed Greek cross and the shafted Roman cross, two forms of cross have been held in widespread honour as lucky or talismanic. These are the ring-topped cross or crux ansata of Egypt, Asia Minor and Chaldea, and the guarded cross, the gammadion or svastika, of Skandinavia, Central Europe, the Caucasus, India, Tibet, China and Japan. At present, with no trace of connection with any of the higher religions, the sign of the cross is held to be lucky and a scarer of evil spirits by many of the lower classes in India, in Ashantee and other parts of Africa, and in North and South America.3 Spirits fear crossed lines. So, to keep off sickness, the Masâlarus, a class of Dharwâr beggars, brand with a red-hot needle their new-born babes with the form of the cross. The tribula, or trident, is one of the weapons of Siva, the lord of spirits. At the ear-boring ceremony among the Belgaum Gôsâvis, the teacher, who performs the ceremony, begins by setting a trident in the ground and worshipping it. The Bijapur Lamânis mark the backs of the bride and bridegroom with a turmeric cross.67 The Suryavaṁśi Låds of Bijapur mark with a cross the cloth that is held between the bride and bridegroom.68 The Bijapur Gavandis have a yellow cross in the centre of the cloth which is held between the
48 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 532.
Be Cumming's In the Hebrides, pp. 64, 65.
Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
161
Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 174.
se Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 430.
89 Pinto's How I Crossed Africa, Vol. I. p. 130.
61 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 179.
6 Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 189.
65 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
67 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 209.
49 Earl's Papuans, p. 69.
51 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 477.
83 Dr. A. Campbell in Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 148. 65 Stanley's Barbosa, p. 88.
57 Hay's Western Barbary, p. 148. 48 Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 303.
6 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 282.
62 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 31.
64 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 211.
ee Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 183. Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 172.

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bride and bridgroom. The Bijapur Bedars, before marriage, draw a red-powder cross, in the lucky or svastik shape, on a white sheet.70 Among the Roman Catholics of Kanara, at baptism, the priest signs the child's head and breast with the sign of the cross.71 The Dekhan Râmēsls, at a marriage, spread on the ground a square of wheat and millet grains, and divide it into four by two lines drawn from opposite corners.73 The svastik, or end-guarded crose, holds the first place among Jain lacky marks. Gujarat Jains, or Sravaks, on marriage days draw lucky crosses on the shaven heads of children. A red circle, with a svastik in the centre, is marked on the place where the family gods are kept.73 The Jews are said to have marked the brow with the tetu, or T cross, to secure safety.74 Certain Egyptian amulets were marked with a cross.75 The Chinese set iron tridents on the tops of their houses to keep off evil spirits, and place them on the taffrails of ships to ward off evil.6 Chinese spirits write with a T-shaped planchette marie of peach wood.77 In the expedition despatched by the Emperor Maurice to assist Cbosroe II. against Behram (A, D, 600), General Narses sent to Constantinople some Turks taken as prisoners who bore, marked on their forehead, the sign of the cross. The emperor inquired why barbarians bore this token. They said that once, during a virulent pestilence, certain Christians had persuaded their mothers to prick a cross on the foreheads of their children.78 In the Hawaii and other islands7 the ground floor of some of the temples was shaped like a cross. According to Hahn, the Hottentots (1600-1700) went into caves and said prayers, raising their eyes to heaven, while one makes the mark of the cross on the other's forehead. The cross is a common symbol in South America,81 Constantine's cross standard, the Labarum, was a Roman cavalry standard, a long pole with a cross beam or silken veil bung from its end. 82 In Europe, in the Middle Ages, the cross was supposed to restore life,83 A cross is worn round the neck by all Russians night and day. It is also bang in cradles. The Russian priest crosses the child over its brow, lips, and breast.86 At & Roman Catholic baptism the cross is signed eight times on the adult's ears, eyes, nostrils, month, heart, and shoulders, and thrice in the air. The Germans believe that on the three nights of Yale cross should be made on stable doors, or the horses will be fairy-ridden. According to Grimm the belief that witches and devils shun the cross is the reason why so many crosses are seen on German doors on the first night in May. According to Count D'Alviello, in Flemish Brabant, a whitewash cross saves a wall from lightning, and guards the inmates from fire and sickness. Whitewash wall crosses are common in Belgaum and other parte of Western India to keep off sickness and the effects of the Evi Eye. The German peasant nsed to plough & cross into each corner of his field, and, to guard unchristened children against elf or devil, a cross was hang over the cradle.99 Saint Teresa, the great Spanish Saint (1540), seeing the devil in a vision, put him to flight by making the sign of the cross. Charlemagre, of France and Germany, retained among his symbols of rule the cross which from time immemorial served in all countries as a magic symbol, significant of power over the elements, especially over water. Among the Roman Catholics, at the beginning of the confirmation ceremony, the Bishop signs himself with the cross.o1 At baptism the priest makes & sign of the cross, and says :-"Satan, fly; behold God, great and mighty, draweth near." The signing of the croes is consecrating salt at baptism is expressly said to be made to exorcise the evil spirit out
* Op.cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 101.
To Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 95. 11 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 388.
T2 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 417. + Information from Pandit Bhagvånikl.
74 Ezekiel, ix. 4,6; Moore's Fragments, p. 477. 15 Moore's Fragmente, p. 290.
76 Gray's China, Vol. II. pp. 42, 43. " Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 21.
78 Yule's Cathay, Vol. I. p. xcviii. 1Fornander's Polynesian Races, Vol. II. p. 102. # Hahn's Tsuni Goam, p. 40. $1 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II p. 231.
69 Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. II. p. 363. * Brome's Rel. Med. ed. 1884, p. 40. Mr. Romanor's Rites and Customs of the Graco-Ruanian Church, p. 78. 45 Op. cit. p. 68.
** Golden Manual, p. 788. Grimm's Touto. Myth. Vol. II. p. 946.
15 Migration of Symbola, p. 47. Grimm's Touto, Myth. Vol. III. p. 1108.
Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. V. p. 449. . Golden Mansul, p. 689.
n Op. cit. p. 678.

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of the salt. That the object of signing the cross is to scare the devil, is again shewn in the Roman Catholic baptism, where the priest says: - "And this sign of tbe holy cross, which we make upon his forehead, do thon, accursed devil, never dare to violate. Similarly, the baptismal sign of the cross is said to be made that Christ may tnke possession. A Roman Catholic should make the sign of the cross as soon as he awakes, according to the rule," when you awake defend yourself (that is, from the lagging spirits of night) with the sign of the cross.97 In the Litany the Cross is called the Terror of Demons. The black rood or black cross of St. Margaret worked wonders.99 The Royal English Scoptre has a cross, 100 and a Maltese diamond cross is used in the coronation of the English kings. If, after supper on Christmas Eve, i girl shakes out the table cloth at a cross-way, a man will meet her and give her good even. Her husband will be of the same height and figure.2 In the north of England, the bride's maids at night cross the bride's stockings. The following lines occur in Scott's Lay of the Last Minstrel, Vol. I. p. 15 :
“That his patron's cross might over him wave,
And scare the fends from the wizard's grave." The widespread worship of the cross, to which these examples bear witpess, seems to belong to two main stages : - (a) The worship of crossed lines as in itself a lucky evil-scaring shapo; (b) the worship of the cross as the symbol of a guardian. The earlier view of the luckiness of crossed lines is the Indian (perhaps, is the Brabant) village idea that a whitewash cross gunrds a wall: this is the value of the cross on the Ashantee bronze and on the religions gourd-drum both of North and of South America. The same value may be supposed to lie at the root of the early cross worship in Asia Minor and Europe. Besides this early worship of crossed lines as a spirit-controlling picture, the use of the cross as a guardian-symbol was widespread before its adoption by the Christians. In India the favourite end-guarded cross is called svastika, meaning "it is well"; in China the cross is a symbol of life; in Japan it is a sign of luck: among the Phoenicians and the Israelites the tau, or headless cross, was a sign of life and health; in Germany and in early America the hammer-shaped cross was a sign of ferti. lity. This widespread agreement between the meaning of the cross as a symbol and its meaning as a picture of crossed lines seems to shew that the early belief that the cross shape has a spirit. scaring value aided its adoption by the later religions as a guardian symbol. Its form, into which so many meanings might be breathed, helped its popularity. Till late born Islam, with the doubtful exception of the religion of Zoroaster, few of the higher religions have failed to adopt the cross as a worshipful symbol. Among the high pre-Christian religions Sun-worship 5) thoroughly accepted the cross as a symbol of the goardian Sun that Count D'Alviella, in his Migration of Symbols, rosts satisfied with tracing the cross to a sun-symbol. The examples given above shew a worship of crossed lines that passes back into beliefs earlier and coarser than the refinements of sun-symbolism. That the good luck, or spirit-controlling power, of crossed lines is older than its guardian influence as a sun-symbo! is shewn by the use of the cross as a symbol of the moon and of so many other guardians besides the sun, that the cross has been supposed to be a general sign of divinity.
The question remains: - If the virtue of the cross has its origin, not in the fact that it is the symbol of some great guardian but because of the demon-ruling influence of a picture of crossed lines, to what is the demon-ruling power in crossed lines due? The explanation seems to be the early and still widespread belief that spirits haunt the crossings of roads. In many parts of Western India, even in Bombay City, in the early morning, may be found at the crossings of roads a basket with cocoa kernel, flowers, an egg, red powder and oil, into which spme ." op. cit. p. 674.
Op. cit. p. 670.
» Op. cit. p. 670. * Op. cit. p. 25. Op. cit. p. 64.
• Op. cit. p. 120. Jones' Cronons, p. 49. 140 Op. cit. p. 71.
1 Op. cit. p. 47. Stallybrass in Grimm'. Teuto, Myth. Vol. III. p. 1115.
3 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 42. • Count D'Alviella's Migration of Symbols, P. 74.

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harassing demon or some disease fiend has been coaxed or scared out of its human lodging, and set at the nearest meeting of roads as both a spirit haunt and a prison, from which the spirit. cannot escape to return and vex his victim. At many Gujarat cross roads, especially where the crossing takes the shape of a trident, or trisûla, a small shrine is built to shelter the local spirits. In Ratnagiri, the spirit to whom the shrine is raised at the chég, or cross-road, is the chigchár, or acharya, that is, the master of ceremonies, or the lord of the spirits, whose haunt is the road crossing. So in Catholic Christian villages, both in Western India and in Europe, except where it marks the site of some murder or of some special escape, the road-side cross is a chôgchár, or crossing-master, set there to keep in order the spirits who haunt cross-ways. Till lately the English suicide was buried with a stake driven through his body where three roads met. What is the sense of this special burial? The sense is that the spirit of the suicide, leaving the body in anger and at the same time suddenly and so in full power, was a special source of danger. The stake was driven through the body to lay the body and prevent it walking. Cross-roads were chosen as the burial place, because from the crossing of roads no spirit can escape. The road is a spirit haunt. So Roman tombs line Roman streets. Travellers going in fear, their minds full of ghosts, see something pass and disappear. No where do so many visions disappear as at a cross way: therefore no place imprisons spirits so effectively as a cross way. The adaptations, by which the early idea that cross roads are spirit haunts has been altered to meet the requirements of the higher faiths, is a notable example of the great religious law of meaning-raising, the law by which wit breathes into old beliefs a meaning that enables the earlier rite to continue in keeping with higher conditions. The Chinese raise the original picture of cross-ways into a symbol of the fourfold division of the earth; the Assyriau into the main directions of space, a symbol of the god Anu: the Argentines into a symbol of the Wind, and the Mexicans into a symbol of the Rain; the Sun-worshipper into a symbol of the Suu, whose beams ray to the ends of the heavens: finally, as Count D'Alviella notices, to the Christian the cross is a symbol of the latest phase of the deep-seated worshipfulness of the guardian, the redemption of the world by the voluntary sacrifice of a God. Or, as Justin Martyre still more enthusiastically cries:-"The sign of the cross is impressed on the whole of Nature. Hardly a craftsman fails to use the figure of the cross among his tools. The cross forms a part of man himself when he raises his arms in prayer." Count D'Alviella has probably successfully proved that the guarded cross, tho yammation of the Greeks, the svastika of the. Hindus, is especially a sun, cross. The same year (A. D. 323) which saw Constantine the Great tura the labarum, a Roman cavalry standard, into the imperial sign of the cross, saw the same Constantine dedicate the first day of the week to Apollo and call it Dies Solis or Sunday. Three years later (A. D. 326) saw the finding of the true cross by Helena, Constantine's mother, and the beginning of the miraculous diffusion of its fraginents over Europe. Still this is the end, not the beginning, of the history of the sign of the cross. As a sun-symbol, the lines in the gammadion or seastika, at right angles to the ends of the cross limbs, are explained as representing the speed with which the sun runs his daily race through the heavens. In spite of the suitableness of this explanation, the original object of drawing lines across the limb-ends seems to have been, not the addition of speed to a sun-symbol, but to increase the spirit controlling power of crossed lines by guarding the points of exit and so preventing the escape of the imprisoned spirit. No example can be quoted to prove the use of the end line as a prison bar. Still, in the higher phase of the idea of crossed lines, as a means of housing and caring for a guardian, the lines across the limb-ends preserve the original meaning of guards and become devices to protect the housed guardian from the attacks of wandering or of rival fiends. With this slight raising of their meaning, the root idea of the guarded cross ends remains in certain Hindu ceremonies, where an enclosing belt of svastikas, forming a barrier to the entrance of wandering or rival spirits, leaves a central area of safety, which is called Nandyavarta, that is, Nandi the lucky one's house. The same idea of
Migration of symbols, pp. 2, 12 and 13.
Apol. 1. 72 quoted in Ency. Brit. IX. Ed. Cross.

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sheltering a guardian by placing it in the centre of an end-guarded cross occurs in a Cretan coin, where a central crescent moon is surrounded by a cross-shaped fret or labyrinth. So the end-guarding motive of the svastika works into the fret and the fret is developed into the meander maze, or labyrinth, with which in so many ceremonies the Hindus are careful to surround their guardians. That the connection between the end-guarded cross and the guardian fret is not solely Indian is shewn by two remarks in the Migration of Symbols: one (p. 42) suggesting that the svastiku, or Nandi-house, is a form of labyrinth, which, in the manner of a Greek meander, may be connected with a gammadion; the other (p. 83) noticing that the fret, or svastikx, is associated with the meander in the New World, as well as in the Old.
Crown. - The orown is a guardian. So Saul wore his crown in battle, and most Hindu brides and bridegrooms in Western India, at their wedding, wear wedding coronets called báshings, or brow-horns. Egyptian crowns were adorned with figures of lions and balls, branches of trees and representations of flames. The early Egyptians used feathers in making crowns.10 The Jewish high-priest wore a crown, or a gold band round the crown, with the words "Holiness to Jehovah." 1 A crown of gold topped the Jewish ark,' and crowns were worn at Jewish weddings.13 A holy crown was set on the top of Aaron's mitre. The crowns found by Schliemann at Troy are on the heads of the dead. 15 Formerly, crowns 'used to be. made of the following sacred leaves, clover, oak, strawberry, roses and lilieg.16 Among the Cimbri, the priests went to the prisoners, orowned them, and cut their throats,17 The imperial diadem at Rome was a broad white fillet studded with pearls.18 The Romane had olive crowns. One form of radiated crown worn by the later Roman emperors was the same as the crowns worn by the gods.19 Roman high priests wore crowns of olive leaves, or ears of corn and gold. According to Pliny, the Romans made crowns of violets and roses. They wore crowns, not only in honouring the gods and the lares, but also at funerals.20 Among the Greeks, as well as among the Romans, crowns were placed at the door of the house where a child was born. In Athens the crown was of olive leaves; in Rome it was of laurel or ivy.21 Roman Catholic Bishops put on the mitre when they go to confirm.22 In Russia, and formerly in England, crowns were worn at weddings.23 King Alfred's crown had two little bells.2 In England, in 1420, a crown was borne on a cushion in the front of the army.86 Henry the Seventh, before patting on Edward's crown, had it sprinkled with holy water, and censed.20 James the Fifth of Scotland was presented with a hat blessed by Pope Clement on Christmas Eve, that it might strike fear into Henry the Eighth.27
Dancing. - Dancing is a phase of spirit worship. The excitement of dancing makes the dancera tempting lodging alike for the unhoused spirit, the familiar, and the early guardian The early tribes of India are great dancers. In Western India, among the early tribes who are fondest of dancing, are Kolis, Bhils, Katkaris, Thakurs and Vårlis. These early tribe hold their dances, especially in the month of Asvin, 29 during the Divali holidays. In Thânâ during the Divali in October and the Holi holidays in April, Kôli and Varli ser yants dance at the houses of their employers. In Bombay, Kolf and Kunbi women are called by Prabhus to dance before the goddess Gavri,29
Among the Marathas the worship of the chief goddess of the Dekhan, TaljÀ Bhavani, is celebrated by a set of dancing devotees, called Gôndhâlis, whose leader becomes possessed by the goddess. The details of the ceremonies connected with the dance are interesting. A high
1 Count D'Alviella's Migration of Symbols, p. 71. • Op. cit. p. 4.
10 Op. cit. p. 6. 12 Ecodus, xxv. 11.
15 Jonea' Crowns, p. 478. 18 Jones' Crowns, p. 15.
16 Op. cit. pp. 34, 35, 36. 19 Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. I. p. 457. n Op. cit. p. 478.
- Golden Manual, p. 690. 24 Jones' Crowns, p. 29.
26 Op. cit. p. 88. Op. cit. p. 92.
> October November.
& Jones' Crowns, p. 8. 11 Op. cit. p. 2. 14 Exodus, xxix. 6. 17 Grimm's Teuto, Myth. Vol. I. p. 56. 19 Jones' Crowns, p. 7. * Op. cit. p. 478. 25 Op. cit, p. 690. *6 Op. cit. p. 219. ** Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi, 1

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stool is covered with a black cloth. On the cloth thirty-six pinches of rice are dropped in a heap, and turmeric and red powder is mixed with the heap.30 On the coloured rice-heap a copper vessel, filled with milk and water, is set, that the goddess may come and take her abode in it. In the mouth of the pot betel leaves are laid, and on the betel leaves a cocoanut is set.31 Five torches are lighted and given to five men of the house, who walk round the stool five times, shouting Ambî Bhavani,32 Then the music plays, and the dancer dances and sings in front of the goddess.33 It ends with a waving of torches round the goddess' face. The object is to win the goddess' favour by driving away spirits from her. If she is pleased, she can control the bands of spirits.
Among the Madhavas and other Désastha Brahmaņs the gôndhal is performed at their thread ceremonies, marriages and pregnancies. Other castes perform the gôndhal at marriages only. At the marriage of Gôvardhan Brahmaņs in Poona the boy and girl are seated on the shoulders either of their maternal uncles or of servants, and their carriers perform a frantic dance.34 The RÂvals, or Náth, beggars in Ahmednagar have a jhénda, or war-dance, at their weddings.35 A gôndhál dance in honour of Tulja Bhavani is performed by Belgaum Salis at weddings.36 Among the Patvêgars of Belgaum no wedding is complete without its gôndhál dance.37 In Belgaum, every Thursday, dancing girls dance before Asad Khan's tomb.38 The Namdev Sbimpis of Nagar, during the wedding ceremony, perform the jhénda dance when their maternal uncles lift the boy and girl on their shoulders and dance, beating each other with wheat cakes.39 In the Konkan, on Gokulashthami day in August, cowherds cover themselves with dust, and catching one another's hands dance and shout the name of the god Govind.co The Asadarus, & class of Dharwar Madigars, dance before and abuse the goddess Dayâmavå during her fair. Though the higher class Hindus of Western Indis seldom dance, Gujarat Vånis and Bhatias, occasionally dance in honour of Krishna. Similarly, pious and staunch worshippers of the god Siva, at the end of their worship, dance before the god, who is specially fond of dancing and singing. At Pandharpur on the ranga bila, or pleasure stone, devout pilgrims dance, singing Vithôbâ's praises. Among the Kirântis of the Nepal frontier exorcists dance. The Santâls have a dance much like Krishna's rás. The Khônds, married and unmarried, are great dancers.45 The Haius, Hayas, or Vayas of Bengal celebrate curious arm-locked dances.46 In Bengal, on the bright fourteenth of Phálgun (March) people dance, sing and revel. On the fifth of Mâgh (February), at Sarasvati's festival in Bengal. students dance naked and commit indecencies. The festival of Jagad Mátru, the mother of the world, is a scene of much merry-making and indecency. People dance naked, and say that dancing is the way to heaven.co In Bengal, during the Durga festival, dancing girls are called to dance in houses where the goddess is worshipped.co In Coorg, at a yearly festival a Brahman dances before the idol shrine with a brass image of Isvara on his head.51 The Coorgs are fond of dancing. They perform the devarakahe, or stick-dance, in honour of BhA. cavati.69.Barbosa (A.D. 1514) was much strack with the dancing girls of Vijayanagar. They were great dancers, like enchantresses playing and singing. Some thousands of them were in the
* The black cloth, the rice, the turmeric and the red powder - all scare spirite.
The objoot of the loaves and the nut in the mouth, like the heap of coloured rion below the pot, is to keep spirits from worrying the goddess.
39 The lighted torches and the five circles are to keep off evil spirits. 38 Music, dancing, singing the god's praises all scare spirits. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 162.
36 Op.cit. Vol. XVII. p. 211. * Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 146.
31 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 145. * Op. cit. Vol. XXL p. 532.
» Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 126. ** Information from the peon BAbaji.
41 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 219. + Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
45 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 104. 4 Op. cit. p. 215.
• Macpherson's Khonde, p. 58. +6 Dalton's Ducriptive Xhnology of Bengal, p. 105. 47 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 20. *Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 72.
45 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 134, Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 115. - Rice's Mysore and Coorg, Vol. II. p. 267.
62-85 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 250.

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pay of the king, and went to war.84 In the procession of teachers, or gurús, in South India, dancing girls take part, singing indecent songs, and making indecent movements. Among the Hindus of Southern India, no religious ceremony or festival is thought to be performed with requisite order or magnificence unless it is accompanied by dancing. Every great temple has its set of dancers.98 The Hindus consider dancing a form of devotion.87 The Shinars of Tinnevelly are famous dancers. They begin slowly and growing by degrees excited, they glare, leap, and snort till they lose self-control and believe they are possessed by a spirit.99 The possessed dancers of Ceylon closely resemble those of Tinnevelly.89 According to Maurice, the Indians used to perform a circular dance in honour of the sun. In Burma, dancing is a favourite
mode of welcoming an official.01 The Burman ocasionally dances on his way to the pagoda ix · a hideously solemn tone of mind.92 The Buddhist priests dance, whirling wildly among the
round tables placed in front of the goddess of mercy.93 Dancing to the light of large basket torches is common in Japanese temples. In Japan, sacred dances are held in honour of the goddess Ise, when girls dance holding a branch of the sakakai in their hands.96 At Australian dances, or carobarres, each dancer carries a stuffed animal on his back.06 Dancing is common among West Australians. Dr. Livingstone bays of the South Africans, when people ask the name of a tribe, they say: "What do you dance ?"98 Dancing among Sonth Africans is accompanied by loud shouting.99 Dancers among the Arsauins of Morocco cut the body till blood flows.100 The Hottentots have a reed dance, which they perform in front of any high stranger who comes to their village. A solitary Hottentot was seen dancing and singing round a heap of stones. He had slept there one night, and next morning found that a lion had passed close to him. He judged that his escape was due to the stones, which must be the house of a god or & ghost. Therefore, as often as he passed be danced in memory of the spirit's kindness. The Hottentots rise at dawn, take each by the hands, and dance. The Hottentots' chief religious function is the igci, or religious dance. The Bongos of the White Nile at harvest time yell and dance, At West African festivals men and women dance together, singing ribald songs. The Ugogo negroes dance and drink grain beer. Their dances are indecent. In their great festival, the King of Dahomey himself dances with a wife or two on either side. The curious American Masquerade dances were naked, but apparently moral. - In the fourteenth century, during the misery of the Black Death, a dancing manis passed over Europe which was cured by exorcism. Burton notices that the dancing fits sometimes lasted for a month, and were believed to be caused by evil spirits. Music soothed the disease. In Sweden, reels and other dances were performed by the heathen over the holy places of their gods. In France and in the Scotch Orkneys, people danced round large upright stones, singing by moonlight.13 In Orkney (1793), people used to dance and sing round a big standing stone.14 The early Christian Church denounced dancing, keeping open public houses at night, and getting drunk on the first of January 15 The violent exercise, shouting and finger-cracking, which accompany a Scotch reel, suggest that it was originally danced to drive away or to 'house spirits. Circle-dances remained in England in the Maypole dances and in the child's dance known as “round the mulberry bush." Bun
Stanley's Barbosa, p. 97. ^ Dubois, Vol. I. p. 173. * Moore's Narrative, p. 854. 1 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 322.
48 Caldwell in Balfour, p. 582. * Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 183.
* Maurioe's Indian Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 301. * Shway Yoo's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 8.
n Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 1. Op.cit. Vol. L p. 163. Reed's Japan, Vol. II. p. 214.
Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 252 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 251.
Op. cit. Vol. V. p. 820. Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 18. Op. cit. p. 225. Rohlf's Morocco, P. 255. 1 Habn's Toni Goom, p. 28.
Op. cit. p. 43. Op. cit. p. 40.
• Op. cit. p. 59. Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. L p. 855. • Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. II. p. 229. + Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 190.
• Burton's Visit to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 335. • Bancroft, Vol. II, p. 5.
10 Eur. Rat. Vol. I. p. 60. 11 Barton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 90.
19 Grimm's Teuto. wyth. Vol. III. p. 1056. 13 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 188. 14 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I p. 19. 15 Henderson's Poll-Lore, p. 6.

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dances used to be held in North England on Easter Morn.16 The guarding effect of circle dances would be the same as the protection given to an object of worship by walking round it three times sunwise, that is, of pleasing wandering spirits by housing them. Dancing would then be associated with funerals, for the reason that drunkenness was practised at funerals, namely, to house spirits. The special religious position which dancing girls hold in India, is due to the belief that the dancers are scapegoats, drawing into themselves wandering spirits. In the Kanarese districts of Bombay and in Southern India almost every wedding, almost every religious procession of any importance, is headed by a group of dancing girls, whose right to head the procession seems difficult to explain, except that dancing, like music, was thought to scare spirits, or to please spirits by housing them.
Dung. Dung, like urine, is an early medicine; it is used as a plaster, and the fumes of
burnt dung restore consciousness. It is also used in parts of Western India as a cure for itch. These healing properties secured for dung a place among spirit-scarers.17 Most Hindus deny that the every-day smearing of a house with cow-dung has any basis, except the fact that it keeps the house sweet and clean. But the older belief that the sweetness and cleanness were due to the power of cow-dung to keep off evil spirits remains in the case of the smearing of a house after a death with the object of clearing the house of evil spirits. Further, several Hindu religious books, among them the Govardhananhika, Manu, and the Bhagavata Purana, admit the spirit-scaring properties of cowdung.19 In the East Dekhan, the exorcist threatens the spirit with the fumes of pig's dung, if the spirit does not declare who he is. Among Gujarât Kunbis, in the pregnancy ceremonies, goat and mouse dung are laid in a jar. In a Pârsi house, if a boy is much wished for and a boy is born, he is hidden, and instead of the boy a lump of cow-dung is shewn to the mother. The reason is to cleanse the mother's glance of the Evil Eye. Nearly the same idea seems to explain the practice of Hindu mothers, when a person over-praises, or, as the Sootch say, fore-speaks, their children, turning aside the Evil Eye by saying: "Look at your foot; it is covered with excrement." The Evil Eye in this, as in other cases, being the unhoused spirit, who, drawn to the child by hearing its praises, might make his abode in the child. So to prevent wandering spirits from lodging in his grain heap, the Hindu cultivator crowns it with a barháwan, or cow-dang cake. 19 Dalton notices that the Parhêyyâs of East Bengal used to smear their houses with sheep and deer dung instead of with cowdung,20 The Gonds make the bridegroom sit on a heap of cow-dung.21 In Bengal, cow's urine and dung are offered to the goddess Durga.22 In Mysore, the gurú, or spiritual teacher, pours cow-dung and water on his disciple's head.23 The Mysore Smart Brâhmans mark their brows with three horizontal lines of cow-dung ashes. According to Dubois, at Nandgaon, about thirty miles south of Seringapatam, a barren couple used to go outside the temple, make cakes of human dung, and eat a portion.25
-
Cow-dung and cow-urine, with milk, curds and butter, form the five cow-products, which are worshipped in South India. New earthen pots, are cleansed by pouring into them the five cow products-milk, curds, butter, dung and urine. The five pots are set on darba grass and worshipped. They are called the god Panchgavia, and the worshipper thinks on their merit and good qualities, lays flowers on them, and mentally presents them with a golden throne. Water is sprinkled and waved over them. They are crowned with coloured rice, and are mentally presented with jewels, rich dresses, and sandal wood. Flowers, incense, a burning lamp, plantains, and betel are offered, a low bow is made, and the following prayer repeated: "Panchgaviâ, forgive our sins and the sins of all beings who sacrifice to you and who drink
16 Op. cit. p. 83.
17 The fact that spirits in India and in Melanesia eat excrement (Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 282) shews that is the healing power of dung, not its nastiness, of which spirits stand in dread.
18 Information from Mr. B. B. Vakhirkar, B.A.
1 Wilson's Glossary.
"Hislop's Gond Poem, p. 59.
20 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 131. 22 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 115. 24 Op. cit. Vol. 1. p. 14.
25 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. L p. 147. Dubois, Vol. II. p. 358.

Page #173

JUNE, 1895.)
CATALOGUE OF NICOBARESE OBJECTS.
169
you. You have come from the body of the cow; therefore I pray you to forgive my sins and to cleanse my body. Cleanse me, who offer you worship, from my sins. Pardon and save nie." After a second bow and the meditation of Hari, the five products are mixed in one cup; the priest drinks a little, pours it into the hollow hands of the worshippers and they drink. Nothing is so cleansing as this mixture. All Indians often drink it. The five nectars - milk, curds, butter, sugar and honey - are good, but much less powerful.26
Cow-dung is generally used in Brâhman purifications.27 Cow.dung is eaten by Hindus as an atonement for sin.28 In consecrating fire and hallowing sacrificial implements a space must be smeared with cow-dung.20 In the Malay Archipelago, Oderic (1321) found a poisonous tree, for which the only core was to eat human dung mixed with water,30 Cock-dung is nsed as a cure in Burma.31 Pigeon's dang is & medicine in China.22 In China, horse-dung is used as a cure for the black sweat in horses.33 The Chinese consider cowdung an excellent salve for boils, inflammations and abscesses, 34 and this opinion is shared by the English peasantry. In China, human dung is considered a very useful medicine in fever and small-pox, Buddhist monks are famous for the preparation of this drug. Some consider it the elixir of life.35 According to Tavernier (A. D. 1670) the excrements of the Dalai Lama are kept with care, dried, and eaten as medicine.36 The Australians, who live near the meeting of the rivers Page and Isis, cure wounds by laying on the wound the burning dung of a kangaroo,37 At the end of the bora, or man-making ceremony, in Australia, the youths have to eat the excrement of old women,38 The dressing of abscesses in North-West Africa is cow's dang.39 In Morocco, wounds are dressed with cow-dung,while the Abyssinians eat human dung and water as a cure for enake-bite. The Romans believed that the dung of different animals wrought many cures. The early Germans (A.D. 100) covered their under-ground granaries with dung.43. Burton, in 1620, mentions sheep's dung Asa cure for epilepsy, and notes that the excrement of beasts is good for many diseases." In Scotland (1800), before the calf ate anything, cow-dang was forced into its mouth. After this, neither witch nor fairy could harm it.45 In Strathspey, in North Scotland, a country, or wisewoman's, cure for illness caused by charms is a warm cow-dung poultice. 46
(To be continued.)
157.
DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS MADE AND USED BY THE
NATIVES OF THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
BY E, H, MAN, C.1.E. (Concluded from page 136.)
17. Ornaments. Malau. Large glase bead necklaces, usually worn by the menlūana (i. e., the
Shamans). 158 (m). Homyahta (C. N. Merahta), and 159 (m). Tarito. Singular iron objects, made by
the natives of Chowra Island, and prized by all throughout the Islands as ornaments. Duboie, Vol. I. p. 207.
* Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 138. a Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. xliii. 29 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 149. * Yule's Cathay, Vol. L p. 91.
81 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 140. * Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 190.
* Op. cit. Vol. IL p. 173. » Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 122
35 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 124. Dubois, Vol. II. p. 367. Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VIL. P. 256.
» Op. cit. Vol. VII. P. 252. * Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 276.
** Rohlf's Morocco, p. 90. Yule's Cathay, Vol. I. p. 191. . Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii, Chap. 17. A few of the preseriptions may be cited. Calf-dung sodder in wine for melancholy, and the ashes of calf-dang in wine and goat's dung for dropsy, for shingles, and for a dislocated joint, and the smoke for consumption, Goat's dung cured diuloontions and rheumatiam, hart'a dung, dropsy: haro's dang, burns; and pig's dung, consumption, measles, swellings, burns, convulsiona, cramps and bruisce. Ite manifold medical uses seems to explain why in Western India the smell of pig's dung is believed to frighten spirita 3 Tacitus' Germania, Cap. 16.
# Barton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 131. Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 257.
46 Cumming's In the Hebrides, p. 265.

Page #174

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1895.
Being costly, they are regarded as evidence of wealth, and only the well-to-do members of the community afford themselves the luxury of possessing one or
more specimens. They are said to be survivals of ancient weapons. 166 (S). Nong-ta-chiha. Ornamental loin-eloth, presented by the host to each male guest
at a memorial-feast; worn over the ordinary loin-cloth (vide No. 486), during the dancing which takes place throughout the night. Those worn at Car Nicobar differ but slightly from the ordinary neng (vide No. 486), having usually merely a border of white chintz added to the invariable Turkey-red. The women, who make this and the 10e-ta-wia (vide No. 161), charge for their labor at the rate of about 1 dollar (or Rs. 2) for ten, the employer providing the materials. A good sewer
can make two of these garments in one day. 161 (C). Loe-ta-wia, Ornamental skirt, presented by the hostess to each femalo guest at
a memorial-feast; worn over the ordinary skirt (vide No. 48a) during the dancing which takes place throughout the night on such occasions. At Car Nicobar the women wear either red colored bandkerchieves, or Turkey-red skirts, in addition
to the ordinary blue chinta skirts (vide No. 48a). 162 (m Fenwē. Flags, used for decorating large canoes on the occasion of memorial81). feasts. These, as well as Nos. 160 and 161, are generally of quaint desigts, the
product of the inventive talent and taste of the maker, as determined by the means at disposal.
18. Articles connected with Religious Customs. 163 (m). Hentain-kõi-pentila. Large open basket lashed to a stout post (called komching),
which is planted at the head of a grave at the time of interment. The basket, being one used by women only, is rarely seen so placed, except where a female of not less than about 18 years of age is buried. In this basket are placed various small articles which belonged to the deceased. The homyūsm and hicbih (vide No. 51), which she left, are attached to this object and, like them, are left to
moulder on the grave. 164 (m). Shani-pan or Shin-pan. V-shaped pegs used in the Central Group, when burying
a corpse. Some uneven pomber (generally 5 or 7) are fixed down across the body from head to feet, the object being to prevent the spirit of the deceased from rising and troubling the living. They are made of the Garcinia Speciosa, of which also are made paddles (vide No. 3), outrigger pegs (vide No. 2) and fighting-sticks
(vide No. 28). 165 (w). Hentā-kõi. Carved figures, or painted wooden-or spathe-screens, representing
real or mythical animals, birds, or fishes, also models of ships, canoes, ladders, etc. The execution of these and other carvings and paintings by the Nicobarese, though crude, not unfrequently displays a fair amount of talent. Kareau (ride No. 152) at certain periods also serve as hentā-kõi. They are made at times of sickness at the direction of the Shaman (menlūana), with the object of discovering and frightening away the bad iwi (i.e., the evil spirits), which have caused the sickness. If the patient recovers, the hontā-kõi is regarded with favour and retained for future service; but if the patient dies, it is thrown away into the jungle. The figure of a ladder (halak), when carved for this purpose, is intended for the nse of the Menlūana's spirit to climb up and discover whether the malicious spirit is in the air; while the model of a canoe or ship is to enable his spirit to search among the neighbouring coast-villages or islands. The figures usually carved, punctured (on an Orania spathe), or painted, are a mermaid (shawala), merman (shamiral), gar-fish (ilū), iguana (huyo), fish-eagle (kalang), a mythical animal with human face and back like stortoise (called kalipàu, and declared to exist in certain

Page #175

JUXE, 1895.)
CATALOGUE OF NICOBARESE OBJECTS.
171
portions of the jungle of Katchal Island), and various others. They are generally placed or suspended in the but, but a few are sometimes to be seen in front of the huts. The object of these representations of animals, birds, and fishes is to invoke their assistance and good-will in the endeavour of the menlūana to discover the whereabouts of the offending spirits, and to alarm the latter with the appearance of these eftigies in the event of their venturing to repeat their visits. Henta-kõi are to be seen principally in the Central Group, less commonly in the Southern Group, and rarely at Teressa, and Chowra, and never at Car Nicobar, where the models of ships stuck on posts on the foreshore during the trading-seasons must not be mistaken for an analogous practice, those effigies being used with the object of attracting trading-vessels to their coasts at such times as they have accumulated
large quantities of cocoanuts for export. 166 (m). Hentā- kõi-kalang. A carved fish-eagle; one of the most common effigies used for
the above purpose (vide No. 165). 167 (m). Hentā. Paintings, punctured sketches on Areca spathe screens, or carvings on
boards. They are somewhat ambitions in design, containing sometimes 7 or 8 pictures on a single screen, but ordinarily only 3 or 4. In the former, a representation of the sun surmounts the whole, or the sun and moon are represented at the top right and left corners. The Creator (Dēuse) is depicted as standing dressed in some quaint garb; on either side of him are usually shewn various weapons, imple. ments, and articles in daily use. In the sketch below him are seen huts, cocoanuttrees, birds, and sometimes men and women; below these domestic animals and poultry; below these again a row of men and women dancing; next come ships and canoes in full sail; and, lowest of all are represented various descriptions of fishes, with the invariable merman or mermaid, and crocodile. When first made, and at subsequent times of sickness, the hentā is called hentā-kõi-hentā. They are made and used in the Central and Southern Groups and at Teressa; but only in the Central Group are representations of Dąuse (the Creator) ever introduced. The object supposed to be served by the hentā is, as in the case of the other similar carvings and paintings, to gratify che good spirits (iwi-ka), and frigbten away the
demons (iwi-pòt, etc.) 168 (.). Hentā-ta-òidya. This is a single representation on a board or Areca spathe of the
Creator, and serves the purposes of a hentā. Its name implies that the carving is carried through the board or spathe and does not consist of mere puncturing, or
paintings, on one side of the surface of the material employed. 169 (m). Hengüingashi-heng. A hentā representing the sun with a human face and eight
"arms," between which are sewn his children (called moshaha), to whom is attributed the faint light at dawn. The object of this and the next item
(honyüingashi-kahā) is the same as that of other hontās. 170 (m). Hengüingashi-kahá. A hentā representing the moon, in which Dēuse (the Creator)
is depicted as holding a wine-glass in the right-hand : on his left side are usually shewn a pair of coconnut-shell water-vessels (hishöya, No. 33), a lantern, Fandanus-pastu board (shala-larom, No. 118), a basket (chūkai, No. 88), an Arecaspathe mat, and pillow, also weapons, spoons, table, chairs, etc. : on the right side of the central figure are generally shewn a watch, telescope, boatswain's whistle, various spears (vide Nos. 11 to 27), spathe mat (No. 51), table and decanters. Only in the Central Group is Dāuse depicted in the above manner. This is probably due to the fact of Missionaries in this and the last century having laboured longer in that portion of the islands than elsewhere.

Page #176

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1895.
173.
174
19. Toys. 171 (m). Henlain (C. N. Kis@ch-tissa). A spinning-top, consisting of a thin piece of stick
pierced through the centre of a betel-nut or Cycas fruit: is played by, or for, the
amusement of children. 171 a. (m). Tika-sochya or Taki-sechya. A similar toy, made and used at Car Nicobar.
A seed of the Entada pursoetha, or similar species, is used in place of the betel-nut, or Cycas fruit. Sometimes a flat piece of lead is substituted, when it is called taki
sochya-pirum, 172 m). Henlain-yuang-okdüaka (C. N. Chinvil). A toy, made by piercing two holes
through a seed of the Entada scandens, and, after passing a cord through the boles, forming a loop on either side of the seed. The hands are then inserted in the loops and the seed twirled alternately in opposite directions by the action of the hands, after the manner of a similar toy well-known to children in Europe.
20. Miscellaneous Articles, Ok-kap. Turtle-shell, sold to ship-traders. Kol-rak, Dammar: mixed with cocoanut-oil, gum-resin (vide No. 176), and ambergris (vide No. 178), and heated in a shell over a fire for application to the forehead and temples as a cure for headache: also sometimes inserted in the ichō (vide No. 178), or, mixed with oil, smeared over the body, on account of its agreeable odour,
Pakau. Resin : heated in a vessel over a fire and applied, like pitch or tar, for
caulking cracks in canoes. 176. Toi-en-loang. Gum-resin: used after the manner described above (vide No. 174). 177. Laharēmg-holowa. Black bees-wax: sometimes added to the ingredients in the
ointment described above (vide No. 174): also used for caulking small cracks in canoes, bamboo utensils, etc. It is likewise inserted in the flageolet in order to
modulate the tone of the instrument (vide No: 76). 178. Kan-pe. Ambergris : obtained in small quantities, chiefly along the coasts of
the islands of the Central and Southern Groups, and sold to Chinese and Malay
traders. When used locally, employed in the manner described in No. 174. 179. Oyàu-kaneäl. Peculiar cocoenats with horn-like excrescences, produced on
certain cocoanat-trees at some of the islands. As they contain but little kernel, they are valued by traders merely as curiosities. Also found on the Coco-Keeling
Islands. 180. Yen-kanap. Encrusted haman tooth, due to the practice of chewing unripe
betel-nat with shell-lime and Chavica betle. These teeth are only to be seen in the Central and Southern Groups, as there only do the natives omit to rub their teeth after betel-chewing.
175.
THE LOLO WRITTEN CHARACTER.
BY E. H. PARKER. SOME years ago the late Mr. E. Colbourne Baber made the discovery that the Lolos of Sg-ch'wan and Yunnan possessed a separate and unique form of writing of their own, and published an account of it in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (Supplementary

Page #177

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Title of Lolo Satin MS.
First page of Lolo Satin M8. (Blue side).

Page #178


Page #179

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Last page of Lolo Satin M8. (Red side).
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First page of Lolo Satin M8. (Red side)

Page #180


Page #181

JUNE, 1895.]
THE LOLO WRITTEN CHARACTER
173
Papers, 1882, pp. 124ff.) Mr. Baber's specimens include (1) a facsimile copy of a Lolo manuscript fonnd in a Lolo house ; (2) a list of twenty Lolo characters (written by a Lolo in the presence of Mr. Baber), with the English equivalents; (3) a Lolo manuscript of eight pages obtained through the French missionaries from a Lolo chief. These I call MSS. Nos. 1, 2 and 3.
When I was in Sz-ch'wan in 1881, a Lolo chief, who had met Mr. Baber, sent me a beautiful Lolo MS, on satin for M. Baber, which, I believe, is now safoly stored away in Europe in the British Museum (but perhaps somewhere else). Before sending this book to Mr. Baber 1 took a copy of the whole. This I call MS. No. 4.
So far as I am aware, the above documents are all the Lolo MSS. at present known to the world, unless it be one (once I believe in the possession of Mr. Ilans of Shanghai), which used to be in the Library of the Shanghai Asiatic Society.
When I was in Corea with Mr. Baber, he showed me a brochure by the late Prof. de Lacou perie, attempting to demonstrate that the Lolo character was in some way connected with Accadian. I was unable, however, to discern any evidence for such a conclusion in Prof. de Lacouperie's pamphlet. Afterwards, when I was in Burma, the Editor of this Jururnal shewed me four pages of a reduced facsimile (vide plate) of the Lolo MS. on satin, which the chief had sent through me to Mr. Baber, and asked me to write a paper upon the snbject. He mentioned that Prof. de Lacou perie had promised him to write an explanatory paper, and seemed surprised when I told him that he had already written one, which I had seen eight or nine years ago.
I had been in hopes that during my year's residence in Burma, in 1892, I might meet some Lolos on the Yünnan frontier, and have thus been able to extract from them some explanation of these mysterious documents; but I never got near to them at all.
An examination of MS. No. 1, which consists of about 130 Lolo characters with their sounds attached in Chinese, discloses the fact that most of these characters are repeated : some of them six or eight times. It is also perfectly evident from their form, that these Lolo charac. ters are based upon the Chinese. Thus we find the connected syllables, or the trisyllabic sung-li-chin, occurring no fewer then eight times. The Chinese character younds given to: sung-di-chin are too l , and the Lolo signs for the same sounds are itt 5 *h The middle one of the three, namely 5 (the popular or valgar short form of the Chinese character 5), is the only one of the three written with uniformity in all vight cares. The first, namely, the Chinese character it is also written 1, and the second is also wriiten
# Both are written with other slight variations, whowing that the inventor of the Lolo writing must have been familiar with Chinese abbreviated writing. However, the Chinese character to is easily discernible in each case, in which the last of the three symbols is used. Thus, we find that the Lolos have adopted abbreviated forms of the three Chinese characters He tre to express the trisyllable sung-li-ekin.
No other triplets, or pairs, occur in MS. No. 1. The syllab three times, and may be described as an abbreviation of the Chinese character 4 or 4 The syllable lu tot occurs four times, and may be described as the vulgar Chinese syrohoi
The MS, was in Prof. de Lacouperie's possession in 1886, for he then lent it me for the purpose of reproduction. - ED.)

Page #182

1 74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1895.
for 30, pronounced sa in Cantonese, and in Canton regarded as a character. The syllable lai occurs four times, in each case the symbol differing widely, whilst having a certain analogy to the other cases, and in no case strongly resembling any Chinese character. The syllable
lü occurs six times, the symbol in each case slightly varying; but it is unsatisfactory to see one of its forms, name also doing duty for the syllable hiu it. The syllable 12 t'ungoccurs twice, but the two Lolo symbols differ from each other considerably. The syllable F p'ing occurs twice, the symbol being manifestly a slightly abbreviated form of the Chinese character . The syllable + t'ien occurs four times : bat the symbol is in one case the English capital L (which also does duty for another syllable); in another the Chinese character I; in a third two Chinese characters run into one ; and in the fourth a complicated sign, having no resemblance whatever to any of the other three, or to any Chinese character. The syllable tsao W occurs twice. The syllable + po *H occurs twice. and a third time as tu' The syllable yih occurs five or six times as Z, L OL. The syllable tu TP occurs twice as F and once as 3. The syllable + ch'ung occurs hrice, but though there is a certain similarity in each case, the symbol is generally speaking tindefinite and unsatisfactory. The symbol jén occurs twice, and the same remark may be made of it. The syllable tri occurs foar times, all four symbols differing totally one from the other. The syllable chwan occurs thrice, in each case the symbol differing seriously. The syllable ku occurs twice, the resemblance being unsatisfactory. The syllable 5 ch‘ang also occurs twice with the same result. The syllable chi 212 occurs four times, all four symbols being unsatisfactory.
Thus, out of the 130 Lolo symbols in MS. No. 1, we find that 20 occur 80 times, so that 60 must be deducted from the total. Of the 20 symbols which thus occur more than once, we find that less than half are at all consistent or uniform. In other words, putting the most favourable construction apon the evidence before us, all that we can say is that
is sounded as sung
„
„
chin sha
»
p'ing
»
tsao yih

Page #183

JONE, 1895.]
THE LOLO WRITTEN CHARACTER.
175
I have, however, reserved one more symbol to the last. This is 22, the Lolo symbol for the sound ku 34, which occurs twice in MS. No. 1. Now, in MS. No. 2, this exact symbol is written for the idea "nine,” and, turning to Mr. Baber's comparative list of Tibetan and Lolo words, I find that the Lolo word for "nine" is gu. Therefore we are enabled to say at least one thing with absolute certainty of the Lolo language and literature, and that is that 22 (the vulgar Chinese symbol for Vie" a pair") is pronounced, in Lolo, ku, and means “ nine." This circumstance, however, is somewhat robbed of its interest by the reflection that ko, kao, ku, kiu, etc., are also Burmese, Siamese, Shan, and Chinese for "nine," . so that no startling novelty has been discovered.
Of the other Lolo characters written down for Mr. Baber in MS. No. 2, W “seven" is one. Referring to MS. No. 1, we find that this symbol is pronounced ts'ao. Referring to Mr. Baber's comparative list, we find the Lolo word for "seven" is shih (also practically a Chinese word); so that result is eminently unsatisfactory. Another of the Lolo written characters is which might, in spite of inherent defects already described, do daty for syllable tu of MS. No. 1, did it not also unfortunately there figure as syllable kung
I. Mr. Baber's Vocabulary gives mu-to as "fire"; but as many other Lolo words begin with mu, that syllable may be rejected as an article, enclitic, or particle ; and we may, perhaps, therefore accept , pronounced tu or to, as Lolo for,"fire." None of the other words in MS. No. 2 occur in MS. No. 1.
In MS. No. 3, I observe the following words, also written (with meanings attached) in MS. No. 2: -
Zz "four"
"water" "one"
"six"
E
" three"
" horse"
the sound "ah' Also two or three of the symbols found in the MS. No. 1. Three of the numerals are manifestly the Chinese 2
Turning now to MS. No. 4, I find that it is written in a style very superior to all the others, and, with the exception of the numerals, contains amongst thousands of characters, hardly any of those contained in any one of the other three. In fact, I am disposed to think that it is not the same written language at all: if it is, it is an improved or modified form. There are a good many Chinese characters (all containing very few strokes), and, judging by the large number of separate symbols, I think it is clearly not syllabic or alphabetical.
The missionaries in Yunnan ought really to do something to clear up the mystery of the Lolo written language.

Page #184

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1895.
MISCELLANEA. The Date of the Buddhist Inscription from Rasadhikam-abhivyâpi Girisa-charan-asritam Sravasti, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 81.
baths-iva manasan yasya jahuti ema na SINCE I edited the Buddhist inscription from
Bharatf 11; SIẢ VIL8 ti ( St - Maltốt ), a te, Vol. XVII. P. 61 f, And Dr. Hoey's translation of it is :-" His mind, Dr. W. Hoey has published a translation of it in of mighty grasp and perfect taste, devoted to the the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXI. Part I., feet of Girisa, Bharati forsaketh not, even as the
ra No. p. 60 ff. which is a decided improve. I swan forsaketh not the broad Manasa lake, rement on my own translation. What I would posing with its vast store of water at the feet of draw attention to here, is, that Dr. Hoey has the Lord of mountains (Himalaya )." This is read the date in line 18 correctly sarat 1176 simple enough ; but the two native scholars, who instead of savivat 1276, as I, misled by my rub. have furnished Dr. Hoey with this translation, bings, had given it. That saivat 1176 is the deserve grent credit indeed for having perceived true date of the inscription, is proved both by that some of the words of the verse are so chosen the reference in the text to a king Madana, who as to suggest the year 1176, Giri-féa being equal must be the king Madanapala, or Madanadeva, of
to 117 and rasa to 6. - The matter shews how Kananj, about whose time there can be no doubt dates may be hidden away in places where one now, and especially by the wording of verse 11 would be least likely to look for them. of the inscription. In the original that verse
F. KIELHORN. reads
Göttingen.
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE WORSHIP OF NARSINGH IN KANGRA. Nårsingh's worshippers also wear a bahuta
(amulet for the arm) containing a picture of him ABOUT two-thirds of the women, and some of in the form of a man. This bahutá is of silver, the men in the Kangra district, are believers in and is worshipped in the same manner as the Narsingh. The women firmly believe that ndryil. Also a ring is worn on the little finger Narsingh gives then sons, and assists them in all in honor of Narsingh, generally inade of silver their difficulties. His worshippers keep by them with a projection towards the nail. This is also a nirjil a sacred cocoanut adorned with flowers) worshipped like ths nárjil. The worship is and chandan (sandal-wood jaste obtained by further conducted in a special costume made grinding a small piece of the wood on a stone for the purpose only. made for the purpose). Every Sunday, or on the first Sunday of each Hindu month, they worhpis
When a mother or mother-in-law worships him as follows:--They put the ndrjil above
Narsingh, ber daughter or daughter-in-law must. mentioned on a brass-plate (thalt), and first wash i:
also do so. Barren women, consulting a cheia with pure fresh water. They then puta tilak of the
(magic-man) or a jógf, are usually advised to chandan on it, in the same way that Brahmans
worship him for offspring. Strangely enough mark their foreheads, and then an achhat, of as
Narsingh is believed to cohabit with these women much washed-rice as will stay on three fingers of
in their dreams in the form of a Brahman clothed the right hand - i.e., on the thumb, first finger,
in white, and aged from twelve to twenty years. and the second or middle finger. When this is When a woman gets sick a chéld is sent for to done they adorn the nurjil with flowers, and then charm away the illness. If he says that Narsingh's burn some dháp. This dháp (dolomiæa macro. anger has caused it, he orders a baithak. If cephala) is a root which comes from the Chamba sle do not happen to have a bahutd, or the Hills, besprinkled with powdered camphor, proper rings or clothes, or a nurjil, the chélá sandal wood, almonds, and spices. It is in the will order any of them that may be wanting form of black pastilles, and when burnt emits a to be procured before performing the baithak. pleasant odour. The narjil (cocoanut) is then The ceremony of the baithale is as follow On worshipped as Narsingh, and sweetmeats are any Sunday, or any other fixed day, the chela offered to it, which are subsequently distributed comes with a baitri, or singer of sacred songs, who to children and members of the house holding plays on a dipatra, an instrument made of twa he worship and the neighbours.
tumbas (ascetic's begging bowl) connected by a [Narsingh, Nirsingh, Abar Singh is the Nyisirha avatar of Vishņu. - ED.)

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BOOK-NOTICES.
177
BAlmikji is Valmiki, the famous Rishi and Poet, author of the Sanskrit Ramayana. Valmiki was by birth a Badhik, one of the impurest of men, who, in former times officiated as hangmen, or public executioners. Valmiki was a huntsman, and used to associate with the Bhils of Mêwar. His conversion was miraculous, when in the act of robbing the shrine of a deity. He settled at Chitrakot, in Bundelkhand, at the time of the exile of Rama from Awadh - vide note to p. 3, and pp. 236 and 268 of Growse's Translation of the Ramayana of Tulst Dds.
J. G. DELMERICK in P. N. and Q. 1883.
bamboo rod. A wire runs along this rod fastened to its extremities so as to give out a sound when twanged. The baitre sings his songs and the chelú repeats his magic words, when Narsingh comes and shakes the body of the women or of the child. The tremors continue for two hours or more, during which the man or woman into whom the spirit has entered tells the fortunes of those attending the baithak. They are usually told to worship some deity who will cure the sick woman. SARDARU BALHARI in P. N. and Q. 1883.
THE ORIGIN OF LAL BEG. In the beginning was chaos. The Almighty created Balmiki, and he was placed on duty to sweep thestairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion, said to Balmikji:"Thou art getting old, I will give thee something as a reward." Next day Balmikji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and there through the mercy of Providence he found a tunic (chold, a garment worn by a bride at her marriage). Balmíkjf brought this tunic to his house, and put it aside, and engaged himself in other work. By the omnipotence of God, this tunio gave birth to a male child. When Balmikji heard the cry of a babe proceeding from the tunic, he at once went to the heavenly staircase, and said: "Almighty God, a child had been born from the tunic given to thy servant." He was told in reply :-"Thou art old, this is a spiritual master (Gura) given unto thee." Bâlmikji then said he had no milk for the babe. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path, to get it to nurse the child. God moreover said that he had out of la ilaha ill'alldho (there is no God but God) created Lal Bêg, and his name should be Nari Shah Bald. Bâlmikji descended from Heaven, and came to this Earth, and saw a female hare (8a8st) suckling her young. He caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lal Beg drank her milk, and was nourished, and grew up. From that time the eating of hare is prohibited to sweepers. The Almighty declared Lal Beg to be the Gurd, and that in every house a temple of two and a half bricks would be reared to him ; and for this reason a temple of two and a balf bricks is built in front of the house of every pious sweeper.
MUSALMAN NAMES OF HINDUS. The assumption of Muhammadan names by Hindus is not very uncommon. There is a family of Hindu Baniyâs in Gurgaon who are known by the title of Shekh. They say that, in the Mughal times, one of the family was compelled to become a Musalman, in order to save the estates of the family from confiscation, but that his descend. ants were received back as Hindus: (more probably his line failed of issue). Their title of Shekh dates from that event, and is now applied to the whole family, though they are all Hindus.
In Dóra Ghazi Khan there is a Hindu family in which the eldest takes the title of Khan. An ancestor Lachha Ram was a man of great bravery, and rendered good service to the local Bilôch Chief, who conferred the title upon him, and it has become hereditary in the family, though they are still Hindu.
DENZIL IBBETBON in P. N. and Q. 1883.
A FORM OF SWEARING BROTHERHOOD. In the Lahore district, if a cattle-thief is in danger of being caught, he will present a piece of clothing, or small ornament, to the daughter of the complainant or principal witness, or whoever is likely to cause his capture. The father of the girl, whether complainant or witness, is then bound to assist the thief in evading capture by every means in his power. The custom is called talli pana, or tikri pana.
D. E. McCRACKEN in P. N. and Q. 1883.
BOOK-NOTICES. PROFESSOR WEBER'S VEDIC ESSAYS. Academy of Sciences, consists of a trio of essays The last issue of Prof. Weber's invaluable dealing with Vedic subjects. contributions to the transactions of the Berlin The tirst deals with Boma, and the author
Sve my remarks in Proper Names of Panjabis, pp. 50, Vodiache Beiträge, von Albr. Weber. Sitzungs75.- ED.]
berichte der Königlich preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1894.

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[JUNE, 1895.
shews how the word has two meanings in ancient Indian mythology. First, it means the blessed rain, rescued from imprisonment in the stormclouds, by the lightning-eagle (bydna), 48 celebrated in the Syéna-stuti of Vamadeva (Ri. V., IV. 27, 1-5), of which the author gives a revised text and translation, with several interesting digressions. The second meaning of the word is that referred to in the fifth verse of the same hymn, vis, the intoxicating drink, offered by priests at sacrifices, as the most worthy gift which they could bring to the gods. Professor Weber discusses at some length the question as to what this soma was. It does not appear to have been made from grapes or indeed from any kind of berry, but to have been pressed from the young shoots or tendrils of some plant. At first it must have been a pretty general drink, but, as the habitat of the Aryans in India altered, it gradually became a highly prized imported article, jealously reserved by priests for themselves. He is unable to identify its origin, beyond deciding that it can hardly have been made from the Asclepias acida, or from the Sarcostem um acidum, from which soma is manufactured at the present day. He grounds his rejection of these two plants on the well-known fact that modern sdma is a very nasty drink,' and that such a brew could hardly have secured the universal popularity which sôma doubtless enjoyed in the earliest Vedic times. Here, with great respect, I must say that I cannot follow his argument. Different countries have different standards of taste. Assafatida (let alone garlic) is an important ingredient in modern Indian cookery. Nay more, the popular intoxicating drink of Northern Central India, distilled from the flowers of the mahuwd (madhuka),' is one of the most loathsome drinks to a European palate which can well be imagined. Every excise officer in Bihar and the North-Western Provinces knows too well the unnameable odour which issues from a native still, yet this very odour has been urged to me by one of my grooms as an excuse for getting drunk. He passed by a still, and could not withstand the attraction of the fragrance. The only European stomachs which can stand it are the dura ilia of our European soldiers, to whom its sale is forbidden by law under heavy penalties. When Tommy Atkins has run out of funds, and cannot obtain any liquor at the regimental canteen, he slinks into the bdzar, and buys a dose of what he euphoniously calls
1 Curiously enough the word madhuka, is, as Prof. Weber points out, used in the Ri. V., to mean Sima.
He used the Perso-Indian word khush-ba. [I can Anpport Mr. Grierson, A Burman once recommended to me a antive dish of herbs, as something particularly
Billy Stink. I do not, therefore, consider that the fact, that Europeans consider the soma made from Asclepias acida to be a very nasty drink, is any strong argument against its having been the 'Dry Monopole' of the Pañjab in days when the world was young and Champagne had not yet been discovered.
Professor Weber's second essay is devoted to the Legend of the Two Mares of Vamadêve, - the same Vámadêva who was the author of the Syenastuti above referred to, and of other hymns. The legend is given in the Mahabharata (vv. 13178 and 1.) It tells how king Sala, the son of Parikshit, borrowed two mares, as swift as thought, from the Brahman Vâmadêva, under promise of returning them, but did not do so. and how for this breach of promise he fell under the ban of the saint, and was done to death. A similar (but less justifiable) fate nearly befel his brother and successor Dala, who only escaped through the piety of his wife. The legend evidently dates back to a time when the strife between the Brahmaņas and the Kshatriyas had been already decided in favour of the former, but was still fresh in the memory of the narrator, and the form of its exposition is very ancient. The metre shews that many of the words must have been pronounced differently from what would appear from their written form (e. g., tava has to be pronounced as one syllable, t'va), and there are, moreover, severally distinctively Vedic forms. The legend is briefly as follows :--Sala, Dala, and Bala were the sons of Parikshit by a frogprincess, whom he had won as his bride on condition that she should never be allowed to see water. When his minister saw that Parikshit. absorbed in his love for his wife, neglected his royal duties, he arranged that one day she saw a tank, into which she immediately disappeared. Parikshit, beside himself for sorrow, had the tank run dry, and found therein a single frog, who, he considered, must have eaten his beloved. He, thereupon, ordered a general massacre of all frogs, to stop which the King of the Frogs restored his daughter free of all conditions, but with the curse that, in return for the calamities which she had brought on the community, her descendants would be impious (abrahmanya). It is in consequence of this curse that Sala is destroyed, and Dala narrowly escapes the same fate.
Parikshit's name appears first in the Atharva. vôda. He is there praised as a Kauravya of the palatable, which was quite impossible to myself and every other European I tried with it. -ED.]
Prat&pa Chandra Ray's Translation, 1884, Vana Parvan. pp. 588 f.

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JUNE, 1895.]
BOOK-NOTICES.
179
Golden Age, not, as in the Mahabharata, Weber contends that it is impossible to fix it as as a descendant of Ikehvaku reigning in referring to any particular conjunction of the Ayodhy. In the Satapatha Brdhmana and in the sun and moon. It might refer to the summer Sikhayana Srauta Satra, we find the legend of solstice, to the new year, to an eclipse of the sun, his descendants having been guilty of sin from or even, merely, to a new moon. Moreover, even the consequences of which they were released by a if the passage did really give a chronological horse-sacrifice. His three sons are there named datum, it would be of no value as regards Indian Bhimasena, Ugrasêna, and Srutasôna ;-Sala, Chronology, if it can be proved that the Kșittikt Dala, and Bala first appearing in the Maba- nakshatra series was derived from Babylon; - bharata; nor are any of his descendants a thing which he considers very probable. brought into connexion with Vamadêva. The latter appears in Vedic literature, as a kindly
He then maintains, finally, that this verse candisposed mddhyama Rishi of the family of
not be considered as a "key-stone" for deterGautama, without any trace of the Mahabharata
mining the age of the Rigveda, as it is found in legend. Professor Weber concludes that the in
the tenth mandala, which belongs to the beginning troduction of his name into the latter is due to a
of the Brahmana period. Sürya (feminine) is not mistranslation of the word vámyau (dual of vdmt).
one of the early forms of the Vedic gode, nor is * mares,' which has been explained to mean the
Soma, as a name for the moon. The verse itself mares of Vamadêva. Márkayd@ya, the narrator
is the only verse in the whole Rigveda in which of the legend to Yudhishthira, wished to give a
the names of any nakshatras are mentioned. warning of the terrible consequences which come
The knowledge of these cannot be referred to from a prince annexing the property of a Brahman.
an older date than the Brahmana period. There He appears to have taken the tale of the robbery
is no proof that they were known in the older of the two mares (vdmyau), and to have hung it
Vedio times. Finally, the verse shews signs of on to the legend of the descendants of Parikshit,
having been tampered with. The first word of whose wickedness was well-known, and (owing to
the second hemistich, aghdsu, meaning (with the suggestive similarity of sound) to the name
a pun)' amongst the wicked,' has been altered of the Vedic Rishi, Vámadêva.
from maghdsu, amongst the mighty,' by the
priestly caste, under the influence of Buddhism, The rest of the legend has already been told. in the post-Vedio time which prohibited the It has been translated at length by Prof. Weber. killing of the cow, just as in Ri. V. X. 18, 7, Sala borrows the mares from Amadova and
agrd was altered into agneh, in order to justify refuses to return them. He is beaten to death by
Buttee. Rakshasas at the command of the priest. His brother and successor Dala also at first refuses to
The essay concludes with a brief but comdeliver up the mares, but on being cursed so that plete account of the ancient methods of comhe is unable to move, he restores the mares and is puting time in India. Space will not allow me released from the curse through the piety of his
to do more than refer to this, for it would be wife.
impossible to give an abstract of it, and a transProfessor Weber's third and last essay deals
lation would be more than is required in this with the 13th Verse of the Suryasúkta (Bi..V. X:
notice.
GEO. A. GRIERSON. 85), which he thus translates :
Howrah, 11th February 1895. Torth went the marriage procession of Barya, which Savitri sent out. In Aghas do they slay the cows, and in Arjunyau the
PROFESSOR COWELL'S EDITION OF THE procession sets forth,' i. e. (if we substitute BUDDHA-CHARITA OF ASVAGHOSHA.1 maghdsu for aghdsut, as in Ath. 8. 14, 1, 13), in
IF our welcome to Prof. Cowell's long looked Maghas (= anysu Leon.) occur the preparations for the reception of the marriage guests, and in
for edition of the Buddha-charita is tardy, it Arjunyau (=tes [93] Leon.), takes place the
is not for want of appreciation. Suffice it to say procession of Sürya, the sun-bride, to the solemn
briefly, that the text of this important work has ization of her marriage with Sôma, the Moon.
been prepared by him from three MSS., all copies
of one codex archetypus. This has naturally left This verse has been discussed by Prof. Jacobi more than one passage obscure from some in dealing with the age of the Rigveda. Professor undetected corruption in the text, but, allowing
1 The Buddha-Karita of Asvaghosha. Edited from Aryan Series, Vol. I. Part VII.): Oxford, Clarendon three MSS. by E. B. Cowell, M.A. (Anecdota Oxoniensia, Press, 1893. Pp. XV. + 175.

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for these few instances, the work is, what must necessarily come from Prof. Cowell's hands, a model of careful and accurate editing. The printing is done as only the Clarendon Press can do it.
Of the seventeen books of which the poem is composed, only the first thirteen, and possibly a portion of the fourteenth are composed by Asvaghosha. The remaining four (or three and a portion) have been compiled by the scribe of the codex archetypus, Amritananda, who specially states, according to the colophon of the Cambridge MS., that he had searched for Asvaghosha's originals everywhere, but could not find them, and that hence he had made himself the four last cantos. This is an example of a kind of literary honesty which is rare in India, and Amritananda deserves all the more credit on that account, though his poetry is of a feeble description.
Amritananda completed his copy in 1830 A. D. Asvaghosha's date is more uncertain. It is probable that he was the contemporary and spiritual adviser of Kanishka, in the first century A. D. At any rate he is praised by Hiuen Tsiang, and the Buddha-charita seems to have been translated into Chinese early in the fifth century. As this must imply that it then enjoyed a great reputation among the Buddhists of India, Professor Cowell is of opinion that we are justified in fixing the date of its composition at least one or two centuries earlier. As regards bis style, his editor says:
Asvaghosha seems to be entitled to the name of the Ennius of the classical age of Sanskrit poetry. His style is often rough and obscure, but it is full of native strength and beauty; his descriptions are not too much laboured, nor are they mere purpurei panni, they spring directly from the narrative, growing from it as natural blossoms, and not as external appendages.'
This is well illustrated by some curious
parallel passages occurring, on the one hand, in the Baddha-charita, and, on the other hand, in the Raghuvansa and the Ramayana; and it would seem that in the case of the latter, the passage by Asvaghosha is the original, and that of the Ramayana the echo.
In conclusion, we regret to see that the Editors of the Anecdota still adhere to the uncouth system of transliteration, a mixture of Italic
1 Nóri Vijana or an exposition of the Pulse, by the renowned Physician-sage, Saukara, and the celebrated sage, Kanada. Translated into English from the origi
[JUNE, 1895.
and Roman letters, which defaces so much of the oriental work that issues from Oxford.
NADI VIJNANA.1
THE abovenamed work has been sent to us for review by the editor and translator. It contains the text and translation of two treatises on the pulse, the Nadi-vijñana of Samkara Sêna, and of the Ndi-vijñana of Kanada. Both works cover much the same ground. The text is fairly printed, and the translation shews evidence of care. To students of Indian medicine and of the Indian principles of diagnosis, it will no doubt be useful.
The editor, however, claims consideration for the book as a medical work, fit to be studied in the nineteenth century, and it is not a pleasant commentary on English civilization to see such preposterous claims advanced within a mile of the Calcutta Medical College. It is said that the Hindu Physicians, by noting the condition of a patient's pulse, can predict the day, nay, the very hour when he shall expire, whether a patient will be cured or not, and other things of a like nature. We have no doubt that they can predict, but we should be much surprised to hear that their predictions came true. It is easy to call spirits from the vasty deep; but do they come?
The following extract from the translation will shew the kind of learning upon which these. predictions are founded --
"When a person imbibes a sweet flavour, his pulse courses like a peacock, when he takes a bitter one, it courses like an earthworm; when he takes any thing acid, being slightly heated, it courses like a frog: and when he takes anything pungent, it courses like a Bhringa-bird."
It is possibly comforting to the unlearned to be informed that each corporeal being has thirty-five millions of blood-tubes, gross and fine (a number which is known by inspiration, and not by actual counting), that they are fastened at the navel as at a root, and that some are set obliquely, some upwards, and some downwards; but most people would probably prefer to employ a doctor who believed in the action of the heart and in the circulation of the blood. As a textbook, the work is worse than useless, but it has its value to students of Sanskrit literature and of the history of medicine.
nal Sanskrit by Kaviraj Dhurmo Dass Sen Gupta: Calcutta, 1893. Price 1 rupee.

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JULY, 1895.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
181
ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN,
(Continued from p. 17.) T NOW give a general list of Saka datesl which is similar to the list of Vikrama dates, 1 published in Vol. XX. of this Journal. In addition to the 200 dates, the full details of which together with the calculated results have been already given, this list contains the dates which do not admit of verification, those the exact wording of which appeared to be doubtful, and a number of irregular dates not treated of before; but it also give some regular dates which have only lately come to my knowledge. Throughout, the year of the date has been marked with an asterisk, whenever it can be combined with the Jovian year, mentioned along with it, only as a current year. And dates the calculation of which has yielded no satisfactory result, and which have not been included in the preceding list, are distinguished here by a cross, added to the last word of the date. - The list will be found to contain all the Saka dates published in this Journal, the Epigraphia Indica, Dr. Fleet's Pali, Nanskrit and Old-Kanarese Inscriptions, Dr. Hultzsch's South Indian Inscriptions, and Mr. Rico's various publications (excepting the recently pablished Epigraphia Karnataka), and most of (if not all) those in the Journals of the Asiatic Societies, etc.; but from the Inscriptions Sunscrites de Campá et du Cambodge only the earliest dates, up to Saka-samvat 598, are given here.
General Chronological List of Saka Dates. 1. - P. 10, No. 166.2 - 8. 169, Prabhava, Phålgun-â mâvâsya, Bhrigu-våre. Tanjore spurious copper-plates of the Western Gauga Arivarman (Harivarman).
2.-P. 10, No. 167. - 8. 261, Vilambin, Kårttika-sudi 13, Sôma-vårê. Mudyanûr spurious copper-plates of the Bana Malladova-Nandivarman..
3.-P. 11, No. 168.-8. 261, Vibhava, Pausha-vadi 14, Sôma-vara, uttarayanasamkranti. Spurious date in the Kalbhavi Jaina inscription.
4.-S. 272 ). - Ante, Vol. VII. p. 173; Mysore Inscr. No. 156, p. 293. Harihar spurious copper-plates of a son of the Western Ganga Vishnugopa :
(L. 9).- Saga nayana gi neyâ] Sadharana-sammachhchharidaPbalguna ma amavase Adivaradandu.t
5.-8. 310. – Ante, Vol. IX. p. 294. Pimpaļoêr spurious copper-plates of the Chalukya Satyabraya (Pulikekin I. or II.) :
(L. 1). — Sakansipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshu tri(tri)shu das-ôttarêshv=asya[m] samvatsara-masa-paksha-divasa-fûrv vâyân-tithau.
6.-P. 9, No. 163.-S. 388, Tarana, Phâlgun-âmâvâsyà, Bșiha-våra. Bangalore spurious copper-plates of Vira-Nonamba.
7.-P. 11, No. 169. -- 388, Magha-sudi 5, Sôma-våra. Merkara spurious copper-plate of the Western Gaiga Avinita-Kongani,
I mean by this dates which distinctly refer themselves to the Saka era. The only exception to this is the date No. 7, of the year 388, from a spurious record. - The Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambolge have several Saka dates which neither contain a reference to the era employed nor even a word for year.' Compare.y. p. 87, v. 21, Kha-nata-muritibhir ; p. 89, v. 29, viyad-vil isht-adhikritadhiroyale; p. 88, C. v. 2, lvi-nang-martilhir ; p. 101, v. 10, véda-dvi-vila-rd jyabhak ; p. 106, v. 2, véda-di-naga-rujyabhik; eto.
* The roferencos by page and number, here and in a similar manner under other dates, are to Vol. XXIII. pp. 113-134, and this volumo, pp. 1-17.
3 By the mean-sign systom Sadharana ended on the 7th September, A. D. 356, in E. 278 cxpired; and by the southern luni-volar systom Sadharana would be S. 272 expired.

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[JULY, 1895.
S. 400,- Ante, Vol. VII. p. 64 (compare Vol. XIII. p. 72; and Vol. XVIII. Umêtà spurious copper-plates of the Gurjara Dadda Prasantaraga :(L. 22). Sakanṛipa-kal-âtîta-samvachchha(tsa)ra-sata-chatushṭayê
Vaisakha-paurnṇa
masyam.
8.
p. 22).
-
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
9.-S. 400.- Ante, Vol. X. p. 284. Bombay As. Soc.'s spurious copper-plates of Dharasena II. of Valabhi :
(L. 23).Sakanṛipa-kâl-âtita-samvachchha(tsa)ra-sata-chatushtayê Vaisakhyam paurupamasi.
10. P. 10, No. 164.-8. 411,* Vibhava, Vaisakha-paurṇamist, a lunar eclipse. British Museum spurious copper-plates of the Early Chalukya Pulikesin I.
11. P. 11, No. 170.-S. 415, Jyaishth-âmâvâsya, a solar eclipse. Bagumrâ spurious copper-plates of the Gurjara Dadda Prasantaraga.
12. P. 10, No. 165.-S. 417, Jyaishth-âmàvâsyâ, a solar eclipse. Ilâô spurious copperplates of the Gurjara Dadda II. Prasantaraga.
13.3. 500. Ante, Vol. III. p. 305; Vol. VI. p. 363; and Vol. X. p. 57. Bâdâmi cave inscription of the Early Chalukya Mangalisvara :
-
(L. 6). Pravarddhamâna-rajya-samvvatsarê dvâdaśê Sakanṛipati-rajyâbhishêka-samvvatsarêshv=atikrântêshu pañchasu satêshu ... mahâ-Kârttika-paurṇamâsyâm.
14.-S. 526. See S. 546.
15.-8. 532 (?). Ante, Vol. VII. p. 220; and Vol. XVIII. p. 285. Kurtakôți spurious copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya I.:
(L. 20). Batrimś.ôttara-pamcha-satêshu Saka-varshêshv-âtitêshu vijayarajya-sambachchara. shoshasa-varshê pravarttamâna ... tasya Vaisakha-Jêshtha-masa-madhyam-amavasyaBhaskara-dinê Rôhinya-rikshê madhyâhna-kâlê... Vrishabha-râsau tasmin Vrishabharisau suryya-grkhapa-sarvvam(grå)si(si)bhût†t
16.-S. 532.
Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 365; ante, Vol. XII. p. 210, No. 37. Goa copper-plates of the Early Chalukya Mangalisvara's son or feudatory (?) Satyasraya-Dhruvaraja-Indravarman :
-
Magha-paurnṇamâsyâm.
(L. 6). (L. 18).
Saka-kalaḥ-pañcha varsha-satâni dvâtri(tri)ńśâni.
17. P. 130, No. 106.-S. 534, 3rd year of reign, Bhadrapad-âmâvâsyâ, a solar eclipse. Haidarâbâd copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Pulikêsin II.
18.-S. 546 (and S. 528).- Inscr. Sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 36. Inscription at Bayang :(V. 11). Rasa-dasra-sarais-Sakêndra-varshê
padam-aisam viniva(ba)ddham-ishtakabhiḥ [*] ritu-vârinidh-Indriyais-cha tîrthê
[salila-sthapanam-akári téna bhayaḥ [*]
19.-S. 548.- Inser. Sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 41 (also p. 589; and ante, Vol. XXI. p. 47). Inscription at Vat Chakret:
Pindi bhûtê Sak-âpdê(bdê) vasu-jalanidhi -sarair-vvâsarê Mâdhav-âdau kitê präglagnabhûtê kumudavanapatau Tâvurê Krittikâyâm |
20.-S. 550.-Inscr. Sanscrites du Cambodge, pp. 55 and 57 (and p. 590). Inscription at Ang Chumnik::
(P. 55, v. 2).-Kha-pañch-êndriya-gê 'Sâkê Rôhinyâm sasini sthitê.
Read -jaladhi-.

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(P. 57, v. 11). - Midhavasya tritiy-ihni dânakala-prasaṁsitê
karttavyas=sraddhaya pumbhir-i[chchhad bhih phala"]m-akshayam. 21.-9. 556 (Kali 3735). - Ante, Vol. V. p. 70; Vol. VIII. p. 242; Arch. Survey of West. India, Vol. III. p. 135. Aihole insoription of the Western Chalukya Pulikobin II. (mentions Kalidasg and Bharavi): (L. 16).-Trimsatsu tri-sahasrêshu Bharatâd-îhavâd=itah [1]
sapt-abda-sata-yuktêshu sa(ga)têshv=abdeshu paiichasu[11*] Pañchâsatsa Kalau kâle shatsu pancha-satasu cha [1]
samisu samatitásu Sakånâmwapi bhubhujam II 22.-8. 586.--Inscr. Sansorites du Cambodge, p. 62 (and p. 591). Inscription at Vat Prey Vier :(V. 8). - Rasu-vasu-vishayaņam sannipâtêna labd hê
Sakapati-samay-abdê Mágha-sukla(-dvitiyê]. 23.- S. 589. - Inscr. Sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 68 (and p. 591). Inscription at ang Chumnik:(V. 26).-Vaisakha-prathama-dvipanchaka-dinê dvår-ashța-våņair=yyatê
iivas-chåpa-yatô vrisho Kavi-satas-simhårddha-gas-chandramâh [1] kaulirê-vani(ni)jð ghata Ravi-sutas-seshis-tu mêsha-sthitas
60-yam ári-Vijayêśvarð vijayatê yah kita-lagne sthitah (11"] 24. - P. 122, No. 58.-8. 589, 16th day of Madhava (Vaisakha), sun in Mêsha, moon in Anuradha, Japiter in Châpa (Dhanuh). Inscription at Vat Prey Vier.
25.-8. 588. - Inscr. Sansorites du Cambodge, p. 76 (and p. 593). Insoription at Вагаі: —
Mürtti-dvana-sarais-Saká sita-dinê priptē das-aik-ôttare
Jyêshthasyarka-kaj-ênduja mithuna-g[A]--u--v
sukrasyārkka-sutô vpishê sura-garah kanya[m] mpig-arddhôdayê. 26. - S. 611. - Ante, Vol. VI. p. 86; Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 231. Togarshode copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Vinayaditya :
(L. 24). -Ekadas-ôttara-shat-chhatësh, Saka-varsheshv=atitêsha pravarddhamâna-vijayarajya-samvatsarê dasamt varttamânê ... Kårttika-paar namasyâm.
27.- & 618. - Ante, Vol. VI. p. 89. Karşûl district copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Vinayaditya :
(L. 24). - Trayôdas-óttara-shat-chhatêshu Saka-varsbêshvaatitêshu pravarddhamâna-vijayarajya-samvatsarê êkadasê varttamânê ... Mâgha-paargamasyam.
28.-P. 9, No. 160.-8. 614, 11th year of reign, dakshiņayana(sarakranti), "Sanaischaravåre. Sorab copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Vinayaditya.
29. 8. 616. - Ante, Vol. VII. p. 302; Mysore Inscr. No. 132, p. 237, Harihar copperplates of the Western Chalukya Vinayaditya :
(L. 23).-Sbôdas-öttara-shach(t)-chhatêshu Saka-varsbêshv=ntitêsha pravarddhamanavijayarajya-samvatsaré chaturddasê varttamâne ... Karttike(ka)-paurgpamasyar.
30.-3. 621. - Ante, Vol. X. p. 60. Bâdâmi inscription of the Western Chalakya Vijayaditya:
(L. 5). – Pravardhamâna-vijayarajya-samvatsarê tritiyê varttamânê êkavims-ôttara-shat. chhatêshu Saka-varsheshvaatitêshu Jyêshthyâm paurņpamasyâm.

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31. - 8. 622. -- Ante, Vol. IX. p. 128. Nêrfir copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Vijayaditya :
(L. 30). - Dvavimšaty-uttara-shat-chhatëshu Saka-varsh eshy-atîtêsha pravarddbamangvijayarajya-samvatsare chaturtthê vartamâne ... Ashada (dha)-paurņņamâsyam.
32. - 3. 627. - Ante, Vol. IX. p. 131. Nêrûr copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Vijayaditya :
(L. 29). - Saptaviméaty-uttara-shat-chhatêsha Saka-varshêshv=atîtdshu pravarddhaminavijayarajya-samvatsare daśamê varttamine.
33. – 8. 631. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 285. Multai (in Central Provinces) copper-plates of the Rashtrakůța chieftain Nandaraja-Yuddhasura :
(L. 21). – Karttika-paurņnamâsyam... (L. 29). – Saka-kila-samvatsara-satêsha shatchhv(tav)ekatri[**á-ôttarëshu.
34.- S. 651. - Ante, Vol. VII. p. 112. Lakshmêsvar inscription of the Western Chalukya Vijayaditya (recording a grant to his father's priest Udayadevapandita, also called Niravadyapandita, who was the house-pupil of Sripajyapada) :
(L. 42). - Ekapamchåbad-uttara-sbat-chbatêshu Saka-varghêshveatitéshu pravartta(rdba)måna-vijayarajya-samvatsaré chatustrimśê varttamâne . . . Phalguna-måsê paurppamåsyam.
35. - P. 113, No. 1.-8.854, Karttika-sodi 13, Indo-våre. An inscription from Java.
36.- 8.856.- Ante, Vol. VII. p. 107. Lakshmēsvar inscription of the Western Chalokya Vikramaditya II. :
(L. 72). - Shatpamchâánd-uttar-shat-chhatêshn Saka-varsb@shyratitêshn pravarddhamanavijayarajya-samvatsarê dvitiyê varttamanê Mágha-paurņnamasyar..
37. - 8. 675. - Ante, Vol. XI. p. 112. Sâmangad copper-plates of the Rashtrakata Dantidurga :
(L. 30). - Parchaseptaty-adhika-Sakakala-samvatsara-sata-nbarké vyatitə savata(t) 675 pai(? pô or paulhachchhikaya Magha-masa-rathasaptamya[*].
38. – P. 113, No. 2. – 8. 679, Âśvaynja-saddha 7, vishuva-bańkrânti. Antrôli-Chharoli copper-plates of the Rashtrakůta Kakka (Kakkaraja II.) of Gujarat.
39. - 8. 679. -Ante, Vol. VIII. p. 27; Mysore Inscr. No. 160, p. 301. Vokkaldri copper-plates of the Western Chalukya Kirtivarman II. :
(Plate iv, 6, 1.4).- Navasaptaty-attara-shat-chhatëshu Saka-varshểshv-atitëshu pravardhamâna-vijayarajya-samvatsaré ekadasê varttamâne ... Bhadrapada-paarnamâsyam.
10.-P. 11, No. 171.-8. 684, Vaisakha, Vikâkbâ-nakshatré, Sukra-våre, a lunar eclipse. Hosûr sparions copper-plates of the Western Gaiga Prithuvi-Kongaội.
41. - 8. 698. – Ante, Vol. II. p. 158, Mysore Inser. No. 153, p. 287. Nagamangala spnrions copper-plates of the Western Ganga Prithuvi-Kongani:
(Plate iii, b, 1.8). -Ashtanavaty-uttare[shn°1 shat-chhatêshu Saka-vargheshyatitêshyâtmanah pravarddhamâna-vijayavir(raj)ya-saóvatoare panch[A]áattamê pravarddbarta)manê.
42,- 8.700. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVII. Pt. ii. p. 1. An inscription from Central Java :
(L. 6). - Bakanripa-kál-atîtair=varsba-sataih saptabhir ...
43. - P. 131, No. 107 (Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 103).- 8.716, Vaisakh-âmåväsya, a soler cclipse. Paithan copper-plates of the Rashtrakuța Govinda III.
- A lunar eclipse on the 13th January, A. 1). 735 17 h. 44 m. after mean suprise.

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44. – P. 122, No. 55.- 8.726, Subhang, Vaisakha-vadi 5, Brihaspati-vâra. Kanarese country copper-plates of the Rashtrakata Govinda III.
45.- 9.726 ().- Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 115. Date of the second Prasasti of Baijnath :(L. 33). -- Sakakala-gat-abdâh 7[26].
46. - P. 11, No. 172. - S. 730,- Vyaya, Vaisakha-paurņamásf, a lanar eclipse. Wani copper-plates of the Râsbțrakâţa Govinda III.
47. - P. 131, No. 108. - 3.780, Sarvajit, Sravan-âmîvâsyh, a solar eclipse. Rådhanpur copper-plates of the Rashtrakata Govinda III.
48. - 8. 784,- Ante, Vol. XII. p. 161. British Museum (or Baroda) copper-plates of the Rashtrakūta Karka-Suvarnaversha of Gujarat.
(L. 52). - Sakansipa-kal-atâta-samvatsara-satêsha saptasu scha(cha)tustrinéa[d-adhikë]shn maha-Vaisakhyam.
49.-P. 9, No. 161.- 8.785, Jyaishtha-sudi 10, Chandra-vâre. Kadab copper-plates of the Rashtrakůta Govinda III. (Prabhatavarsha). ..50.- 8.735.- Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 54. Tôrkhêde copper-plates of the reign of the Rashtrakůta Govinda III., and of the time of his nephew and fendatory Govindaraja of Gujarat:
(L. 1). - Sakansipa-kal-atta-samvatsara-katëshu saptasu papchatri(tri) insaty(a)-adhike sha Pausha-áuddha-saptamyamwankatopi samvatsara-satâni 735 Nandana-samvatsaréo Panshah saddha-tithih 7 asym samvatsara-masa-paksha-divasa-purv vâyân. []
(L. 43). — vijaya-saptamyam.
51. - 3. 749.- Ante, Vol. V. p. 148. Kävi copper-plates of the Rashtrakuţa Govindarije Prabhatavarsbs of Gujarat :
(Plate iii, L. 7). - Sakansipa-kal-atita sarvatenra-bate[ shu saptasv={]kândapamchåsatsamadhikêsha mahá-Vaisakhyan.'
52:- 8.757. - Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 200. Baroda copper-plates of the Rashtrakûta Dharavarsha-Dhruvarja II. of Gajarât :
(L. 36). – Sakansipa-kal-&tita-sekvateara-satêsha saptasn saptapañchabad-adhikeshu Kürttika-buddha-panchadasyam maha-Karttikl-parvvaņi.
53. – P. 113, No. 3. - 8.765, Chaitra 15, Soma-vâra, a lunar eclipse. An inscription from Java.
54. - 8. 786 (). - Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 136. Kanberi inscription of the Rashtrakita Amoghavarna I., and the Stlara) Mahasamanta Pallatakti:
(L. 5). - Samva (765].
55. - P. 4, No. 139.-8. 776 (for 778), Prajapati, Åsvina-vadi 2 Budha-dinê. Kayheri inscription of the Rashtrakûça Amoghavarsha I., and the (S1lára) Mahásámanta Kapardin.
56. – P. 113, No. 4. - 8. 782, Jysishtha-budi 9, Sukré. Kalyan inscription of the Mahamandalesvara Mamvapirajadeva.
57.-P. 114, No. 5. - 8. 782, Karttiks-áudi 13, Brihaspati-vara. An inscription from Jars.
58. - P. 123, No. 59. - 8. 788, Vyaya, Jyrishth-Amâvâsya, Aditya-våra, & solar eclipse. Sirûr inscription of the Rashtrakûça Amoghavarsha I.
. By the mean-sign system Nandana lasted from the 9th May, A.D. 812, in 8.785 current, to the 5th May, A.D. 813, in 8. 785 expired; and by the southera lani-solar system Nandana wa 8. 735 current

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59. – P. 131, No. 109. - S. 789, Jyaishth-imâ vâsya, a solar eclipse. Bagumrê copperplates of the Rashtrakůta Dhara varsha-Dhruvaraja III. of Gujarat.
60. - S. 797. - Jorr. Po. ds. Soc. Vol. X. p. 195. Saundatti inscription of the Rashtrakuta Kộishņa II., and his feudatory the Rafta Great Chieftain Prithvirama :-- (L. 13). - Sapta-sa(sa)tyâ navatyâ cha samaguktfé*]sa(shu) saptası [.*]
Sasa)ka-kaļesv(sh v)=atitéshu Manmath-ahvaya-vatsarê7 11 61. -- S. 799. – Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 135. Kaņheri inscription of the Rishtrakúra Amoghavarsha I., and the (Silara) Mahúsámanta Kapardin :
(L. 1). - Sakansipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satêshu saptasu nananavaty-adhikeshv-aikatah
799.
62. - S. 809. -Ante, Vol. VI. p. 102; Coorg Inscr. No. 2, p. 5; Páli, Skr. and OldKan. Inscr. No. 269. Biļiør (Kodagu) inscription of the Ganga or Kongu Satyavákya-Kongunivarma-Permanadi:
"Saka 809 (in words, 1. 2), the eighteenth year (in words, 1. 5) of his reign; the fifth day (sri-panchameyandu) of Phâlguna.'
63.-P. 123, No. 60.- S. 810, Chaitr-amavasya, a solar eclipse. Bagumrå copperplates of the Rashtrakuta Akalavarsha-Krishnaraja of Gujarât.
64. - P. 9, No. 162. - 8. 822 (for 824 P), Dundabhi, Magha-sudi 5, Brihaspati-vâra. Nandwadige inscription of the Rashtrakata Krishna II.
65. – S. 824. – Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 190. Mulgund inscription of the Rashtrakúra Krishna II. -
(L. 2) - Sakapřipa-kaļa=shtha shta)-sate chaturutteravimśada(ty-uttare sar pragatê Dundubhi-namanio varghê pravarttamânê.
66. - 8. 831 (for 832 or 833 ?). - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 222. Aihole inscription of the Rashtrakůta Krishna II.:
While the sasivatsara named Prajapati, which was the eight hundred and thirty-first-on the centuries of years that have elapsed from the time of the Saka king, was current.'
67. – 8. 832. – Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 56. Kapadvanaj copper-plates of the Rashtrakúta Kfishpa II.:--
(L. 60). - Saka-suvat 832 Vaisakha-saddha-pauronamasyan mahả-Vaisakhyan.
63. - P. 114, No. 6.-8.833, Pausha-áudi 4, uttarayaņa-samkranti. Haddala copper-plates of the Chåpa Jahasamuntadhipati Dharanivarahs, the feudatory of Mahipaladeva.
69.-8. 836. – Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII. pp. 260 and 264. Nausari copper-plates of the Rashtrakûta Nityavarsha Indra III.:
(L. 52). - Sakansipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satêshv=ashțasu shattrimsad-uttarëshu Yuvasamvatsarêro Phâlgana-su(suddha-saptamyam sampannê bripattava(bandh-Otsave.
* By the mean-sign system Manmatha ended on the 13th August, A. D. 875, in 8. 797 expired; and by the Southeru luni-solar system Manmatha was 8. 797 expired.
* By the mean-sign syetem Dundubhi ended on the 20th April, A, D, 902, in 8. 824 expired; and by the southern luni-solar system Dundubhi was S. 824 expired.
By the mean-eign system Prajapati lasted from the 18th March, A.D. 910, in 8. 232 expired, to the 14th March. A.D. 911, in S. 833 expired (which commenced on the 4th March, A.D. 911); and by the southern luni-solar system Prajópati was 8. 833 expired.
10 By the mean-sign system Yuvan ended on the 25th February, A.D. 915, which was the 8th of the bright half of Pnälguna of S. 836 expired: by the southern luni-solar system Yuvau would be 8. 887 expired.

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70. - 5. 838. – Ante, Vol. XII. p. 224. Hatti-Mattür inscription of the Rashtrakuta Nityavarsha Indra III. : -
(L. 3). ---Sa(sa)ka-bhupala-kal-[A]kranta-samvatsara-Praba(bhav-di-nâmade(dhe)yam-uttama-madhyama-jaghanya-pa(pha)lada(da)-prabhțitigal=entu nûra mûvatt-ente (nta)neya Dhatu-samvatsar-[4*]ntarggata. Il
71. - 3. 840. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 223. Dandâpar inscription of the Rashtrakůta Prabhutavarsha (Govinda IV.):
When the eight hundred and fortieth year of the Saka era, that is known by the name of Pramathi,12 was current; at the time of the sankramana, when the sun came to the sig.) Makara (and) on the lunar day of Pausha that coincided (roith that sarikramana ).'
72. – P. 114, No. 7. - 3. 851, Vikrita, Mâgha-paurņamási, Aditya-vâra, a lunar eclipse. Kalas inscription of the Rashtrakůța Govinda IV.
73. - P. 114, No. 8. - S. 856, Vijaya, Srâ vaņa-paurņamisi, Guru-vâre. Sangli copperplates of the Rashtrakůța Govinda IV.
74. - P. 2, No. 127. - 3. 856, Jaya, Karttika-sudi 5, Budha-vâra. Mahikûta inscription of the Mahnisimanta Bappuvarasa.
75. – 3. 860.- Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 180. Spurious Sadi copper-plates of the Western Ganga Batuga :
(L. 68). - Sa(sa)ka-vari(sh]@shu shashțguttar-&shța[sa]têshu atikra rtêshu Vikani(ri)13. samvatsara-Karttika-Nandisva(sva)ra-su(su)kla-paksbah ashtamym Aditya-vê rê.
76. - S. 862. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 248. Wardhâ copper-plates of the Râsh. trakūta Krishna III.:
(Plate iii. 1. 1). - Sakanripa-kal-Atita-samvatsara-sateshwashtAsu dvishashty-adhikesha Sarv varil4-samvatsar-antarggata-Vaisakha-bahula-pancha (picha)myan.
77. – P. 123, No. 61. - 3. 887 (Plavanga), Bhadrapad-Amavasya, Kuja (Mangala)- våra, a solar eclipse. Salotgi inscription of the Råshțrakůța Krishna III.
78. - P. 123, No. 62. - S. 867, Märgasirsha-vadi 13, sun in Dhanus, Bhriga-väre. Accession of the Eastern Chalukya Amma II.
79. - S. 872. - Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 171. Atakûr inscription of the Rashtrakůta Kfishņa III. : -
(L. 1). -- Sa (sa) kanri(nri)pa-kâl-atîta-samvatsara-sa (sa)taigal-entu-nûr=elpatt-eradaneya Sau(sau)myam=emba samvatsaram pravarttise.16
80. -- P. 12, No. 173. - S. 872, Saumya, full-moon of Pausha, Monday, a lunar eclipse, uttarayaņa-sankranti. An inscription at Narêgal.
81. - P. 5, No. 144. - 8. 872, Sadharana, new-moon of Kårttika, Thursday, a solar eclipse. Another inscription at Narégal.
11 By the mean-sign system Dhátri ended on the 21st February, A.D. 916, in S. 838 ourrent; and by the southern iuni-solar system Dhatri was 3. 838 expired.
12 By the mean-sign ayatein PramAthin ended on the 8th February, A.D. 919, in S. 810 expired; by the southern luni-solar system Pramåthin would be 8. 841 expired.
18 By the mean-sign system Vikhrin commenced on the 19th November, A.D. 937, in 8. 860 current, and ended On the 15th November, A.D. 938, in 8. 860 expired; and by the southern luni-solar system Vikarin would be 8. 861 expired.
16 By the mean-sign system Barvarin ended on the 11th November, A.D. 939, in 8. 862 current; and by the southern luni-solar system Sarvarin was S. 862 expired.
18 By the mosc-sign syatem Saumya ended on the 4th October, A.D. 948, in 8. 870 expired; and by the southera luni-solar system Saumya was 3. 872 current.

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82. – P. 114, No. 9. - 3. 873, Virodhin (for Virodhakrit), Mârgasiraha-paurņa mási, Aditya-vara, a lunar eclipse. Sorațur inscription of the Rashtrakůta Krishna III.
83. - 8. 890.-Ante, Vol. VII. p. 105. Lakshmēsvar inscription of the Ganga or Kongu Marasimha Satyavákya Kongunivarman :
(L. 24). - Sakansipa-kalatita-san vatsara-satéshwashtasu navaty-uttarêshu pravarttamanê Vibhava-samvatsarê.16
81. - P. 123, No. 63.- 3.893, Prajapati, Ásvayaj-Amâvâsya, Aditya-Tåra, a solar eclipse. Adaraguñchi inscription of the Râshtrakůța Kottiga (Khottiga).
85. - P. 115, No. 10. - 3.894, Angiras, Akvayuja-paurnamisi, Budha-dine, a lunar eclipse. Kard# copper-plates of the Rashtrakūta Kakkala (Kakka II).
86. – P. 12, No. 174. – S. 896, Srimukha, dakshiņâyana-sankranti, Aditya-vâra. Gunilûr inscription of the Rashtrakůţa Kakkala (Kakka II).
87.-9. 899.- Ante, Vol. VI. p. 102; Vol. XIV. p. 76; Coorg Inscr. No. 4, p. 7; Pili, Skr, an oud-Kan. Inser. No. 271. Pegga-ûr (Kodagu) inscription of the Gaiga or Konga Satyavákya Kongiņivarman :
(L. 1). - Sakanripa-kAl-atita-samvatsara-satanga 829taneya Isvara-samvatsaram? pravattise ... tad-varsb-abhyantara PA(pha)lguņa-sukla-pakshada Nandisvaram tallajavasam âge.
€8. - P. 6, No. 147. - S. 202, Vikrama, Pansha-sudi 10, Brihaspati-vára, uttarayanasankranti. Saundatti inscription of the Western Chalukya Taila II., and his fendatory the Ratta Santivarman.
89. - P. 124, No. 64. - 9. 004, Ohitrabhanu, Chaitra-vadi 8, Soma-vara. Death of the Rashtrakůta Indrardja (Indra IV.).
90. - S. 904. - From Dr. Fleet's impression. Nilgund inscription of the Western ChaJukya Taila II.:
(L. 17). - Saśn)kansipa-samvatsarêshu chataradhika-navaćatêsha gatêshu Chitrabhanusamvatsarê Bhadrapada-måsê sûryya-grahaņē.18
91. - 3. 911. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 232. Bhairanmațți inscription of the Western ChâJuk ya Taila II. and the Sinda Pulikala :
(L. 4). — Sn(sa)ka-varsba 911 Vikri(kfi)tam 19=emba saṁvatsara pravarttise. 92. - 3. 911.- Coorg Inser. No. 5, p. 8. An inscription at Merkara :(L. 1). - Saka-varisha 911neya Sa(?)... uttarayana ...
93. - P. 12, No. 175 (Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 274).- 8. 919, H&malamba, Ashadba-vadi 4, dakshiņiyana-baṁkranti. Bhâdâna copper-plates of the Silara Aparajita.
94. - 3.919.- Pali, Skr. and Ou-Kan. Inscr, No. 214; Mysore Inscr. No. 99, p. 187 (P). Talgund inscription of the Western Chalukya Taila II., and his feudatory Bhima : -
Saka 919 in figures, 1. 12), the Hémalambi sarvatsara; Sanday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of (P) Åśvayuja.' (Mys. Inscr.: Vaiśikha, the eth day of the moon's decrease, Sunday.') 20
16 By the mean-sign system Vibha va ended on the 16th July, A.D. 967, in 8.890 current; and by the southern luni-solar syatem Vibhava was 8. 890 expired.
17 By the mean-sign system Ivars ended on the 7th Jane, A. D. 976, in 8. 899 current; and by the southern Juni-solar system lévara was 8.899 expired.
18 A solar eclipse, visible in India, on the 20th September, A. D.982.
* By the mean-sign system Vikrita ended on the 14th April, A. D. 989, in 8. 911 expired; and by the southern luni-solar system Vikita was 8. 912 expired.
29 Vaisakba vadi 8 of 3. 919 expired = Hémalamba would correspond to Sunday, the 2nd May, A.D. 991.

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95. - P. 12, No. 176. - S. 922, Sarvarin, 21 Bhadrapad-amâvâsyâ, & solar eclipse. Samgamner copper-plates of the Yadava Bhillama II.
96. – S. 924. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 210, No. 31. Gadag inscription of the Western Châlukya Satyapraya II. : -
(L. 7). - Sa (sa)ka-bhûpala-kal-akram ta-samvatsara-sa(sa)tanga[*] 924neya Subhakrit. samvatsaram pravarttise tad-varsh-abhyantara-Chaitra-buddba 5 Adityavárad-andu.23
97. – S. 928 (for 929 ?). – Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 67. Gudikatti inscription of the Western Châlukya (?) Jayasimha III. : --
(L. 13). - Sa(sa)kam=â(a)bda gaja-dvi-nidhi Plavamgadolu.23
98. - 3. 930.- Jour. Bo. ds. Soc. Vol. I. p. 218. Khârepaţaņ copper-plates of the Western Chalukya SatyAsraya II. and) the Silara Battaraja :
(L 40). — Sakansipa-kal-&tita-samvatsara-nava-śatêshu trimsad-ad bikeshu pravarttamânaKilaka-samvatsar-antarggata-Jyêsbtha-paurņamâryân.
99. - S. 930. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 52. Munolli inscription of the Western Chalukya Satyasraya II. : -
(L. 10). — Sasa)ka-varisha 930 Kilaka-[samva]tsa[rada] Sråvaņa-bahula-taddi(di)[ge* Sômavárad-amdu.t
100.- 8.930 (for 931).- Ante, Vol. XVI. p. 24. Kauthêm copper-plates of the Western Chålakya Vikramaditya V. :
(L.61). – Sakansipa-kål-atita-saṁvatsara-satêshu davasu tri(tri) sad-adhikesha gatêshu 330 prava[r*]ttamâna-Saumya-saú.vatsare24 pauropamäsyam sômagrahaņa-parvvaņi.
101. - P. 115, No. 11. - 8. 939, Pingala, Kärttika-sadi 15, a lunar eclipse. Thână copper-plates of the Silara Arik Owarin.
102. - 3. 949. – P.ili, Skr. and Ou-Kan. Inscr. No. 153; Mysore Inscr. No. 80, p. 166. Balagánve inscription probably of the Western Châlukya Jayasimha III. :
"Saka 9+) (in figures, 1. 10). The other details of the date are illegible.'
103. - P. 13, No. 177. - S. 941, Siddharthin, Pausba-sudi 2, Sanday, uttarayansankranti, Balagâr ve inscription of the Western Cbalukya Jayasinha III.
104. - P. 131, No. 110. - 8. 944, sun in Simba, vadi 2, Garu-våre. Accession of the Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja 1.25
105. - P. 13, No. 178. - 8. 944, Dundubhi, Aditya-våra, uttarayana-sankranti. Bilur inscription of the Western Chalukya Jayasinha III.
106. – P. 115, No. 12. - $. 048, Raktákshi, Vaisakha-paurgamasi, Aditya-vârê. Mira copper-plates of the Western Châlukya Jayasimha III.
107. -- P. 129, No. 98. - 8. 949, Krodhana, a solar eclipse in Karttika. Kalas-Budra kb copper-plates of the Yadava Bhillama III.
108. - P. 13, No. 179. - 8. 949, Kshaya, Karttika-índi 15, Ravau, a solar (!) eclipse Bhâņdùp copper-plates of the 'Silara Chittaraja.
11 Here and in those of the following dates to which no special note is attached, the Baka year can be combined with the Jovian y ear mentioned along with it, only by the southern luni-solar system,
32 This date rugularly corresponds, for 8. 924 expired=&abhakrit, to Sunday, the 22nd March, A. D. 1002.
23 By the mean-sign system Plavaógn unded on the 1st February, A. D. 1006, in 8. 928 current: and by the southern luni-solar system Playanga was 8. 929 expired.
24 By the mean-sigo system Saumya ended on the 24th January, A. D. 1003, in 8. 930 current; and by the southern luni solar system Saumya was 8. 981 expired. There was no lunar eclipse in 8. 930 current.
25 See unte, Vol. XX. p. 273, note 18.

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[JULY, 1895.
109. -- P. 115, No. 13. - S. 950, Vibhava, Pausha-sudi 5, Sôma-vara, uttarayaņa. samkranti. Tålgand inscription of the Western Chålukya Jayasimha III.
110. - $. 965.- Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 234. Bhairan matti inscription of the Western Châlukya Jayasimha III., and the Sinda Great Chieftain Nagaditya :
(L. 52). - SA(sa)ka-varsha 955[ne*]ya Srimukha-sarivatsara pravarttise.
111. - 8. 957. - Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 155; Mysore Inscr. No. 71, p. 146. Balaganye inscription of the Western Chalukya Jayasinh ha III. : -
Saka 957 (in figares, 1. 10), the Yuva sanwatsara ; Sunday, the day of the full-moon of Pushya; at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north.'t
112. – P. 13, No. 180. - 8. 982, Vikrama, Märgasirgha-sadi 5, Aditya-vâra. Maộfür inscription of the Western Châlukya Jayasinha III.
113. - P. 6, No. 148.-8. 086, Tarana, Pausha-sudi 10, Adi-våra, uttarayaņa-samkránti. Hali inscription of the Western Chalukya Som kvara I.
114. - 8. 288. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 156; Mysore Inscr. No. 92, p. 183. Balagâmve memorial tablet of the time of the Western Châlukya Som svara I., and his feudatory) the Great Chieftain Chavundaraya :
Saka 968 (in figures, 1. 3), the Vyaya samvatsara ; Wednesday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Mårgaáirsba.' (Mys. Inscr. : 'the 13th day of the moon's increase, Friday.')26
115. – P. 13, No. 181. - 8. 970, SarvadhArin, Jyaishịha-éndi 13, Aditya-våra. Balagåve inscription of the Western Chalukya 80 mosvara I., and his fendatory the Great Chieftain Chavandaraya
116. - P. 124, No. 65.-8. 972, Vikrita, Pausb-amâvâsya, Angara(Mangala)-vâre, a solar eclipse. Surat copper-plates of the Chanlukya Trilochanapala of Låtadesa.
117.-8. 978 (for 974 ?). - Ants, Vol. XII. p. 211, No. 42. Gudikatti inscription of the Western Chalakya Somàtvara I. :
(L. 19). - Sasa)ka-kalan gaga-sapta-nada-mşi(mi)tam=ågal-varttakam Nandan-abdakam.37
118. - P. 122, No. 56.-8. 076, Jays, new-moon of Vaibakba, Sunday. Balagânve inscription of the Western Chalakya Somebvara I.
119.-P. 7, No. 150. - 3. 976, Jaya, Vaisakh-Amavasya, Soma-vára, a solar eclipse. Honwâd inscription of the Western Chalukya Bomésvara I.
120. - P. 115, No. 14. - 8.980, Vilambin, Pausha-budi 7, Brihaspati-vâre, uttarayaņasankranti. Copper-plates of the Silâhåra Marasimhs.
121. - P. 7, No. 151. - 3. 984, Subhakrit, Pausha-vadi 7, Aditya-vara, uttarayaņasankranti. Halgûr inscription of the Western Châlokya Somêsvara I.
122. - 8.984. - Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 15. Chillûr-Badņi inscription of the Western Chålukys Somavara I. :
(L. 26). Sa(sa)kansipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sa(sa)tanga[1] 984neya (Su]bhakritasamvatsarada Pansya(sha)-su(su)ddha-dasa (sa)mi Adityavárameuttarayana-samkranti-vyatipatad-andu.t
* Margnátraha-indi 5 of 8. 988 expired=Vyaya would correspond to Wednesday, the 5th November; and fudi 13 to Friday, the 14th November, A. D. 1046.
By the mean-sign system Nandans ended on the 26th July, A. D. 1060, in 8. 973 current; and by the southern luni-solar system Nandana was 8. 974 expired.

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123. - 8. 988. -- pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 136; Mysore Inscr. No. 11, p. 19. Davangere inscription of the Western Châlukya Somesvara I. and his son Vishnuvardhana.. Vijayaditya': -
"Saka 988 (in figures, 1. 18), the Parabhava sarivatsara; Tuesday, the day of the new-moon of Bhadrapada ; at the time of an eclipse of the sun.'+
124. - 3. 990.- Mysore Inscr. No. 170, p. 321. Banavasi, inscription of the Western Chûlukya Somosvars I. : -
In the Saka year 990, the year Kllaka, the month Chaitra, the 1st day of the moon's increase.'
125. - P. 124, No. 66.- 8.991, Saumya, a solar eclipse in Ashådha. Våghlf inscription of the Yâdava Souņachandra II.
126. - P. 14, No. 182.- S. 991, Saumya, 'Srávaņa-sudi 14, Guru-dinê. Bassein copperplates of the Yâdava Saunachandra II.
127.-P. 7, No. 152.-9.993, Virodhikrit, Pausha-áudi 1, Sóma-vara, uttarayanasamkranti. Two Balagâmve inscriptions of the Western Chalukya Somaavara II.
. 128.-P. 115, No. 15.-. 998, Ananda, Pausha-sudi 5, Brihaspati-vâra, uttarayanasamkranti. Bijapur inscription of the Western Châlukya Somèsvara II.
129. - P. 7. No. 153. - S. 997, Rikshasa, Pausha-pauraamisi, Aditya-vára, uttarayanasamkranti. Kadarôļi inscription of the Western Châlukya Somesvara II.
130. - P. 8, No. 15 3. - S. 997, BAkshasa, Pausha-sudi 1, Sóma-vara, ottarayaņasankranti. Balagår ve inscription of the Western Châlakya Somebvara II.
131. - 3. 998. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 39. Gudigere Jaina inscription :(L. 19). – Sasa)ka-varsha 998 ney=Anala-samvatsarada śrâheyoļu.
132. – P. 116, No. 16. - 9. 999, Pingala, Áshadha-sudi 2, Aditya-vara, samkranti. pavitraröhana (dakshinayana-s.). Hulgûr inscription of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI. and Jayasimha IV.
133. – P. 132, No. 111. - 3. 999, sun in Kumbha, sudi 3, Ravija(Sani)-dinê. Accession of the Ganga Anantavarman Chodagangadeva.
134. - P. 2, No. 128. - S. 1001, sun in Simha, sudi 13, Guru-våre. Appointment of Vira-Chodadeva as viceroy of Vengi.
135. -- P. 132, No. 112.- S. 1003, Mesha-masa, vadi 8, Aditya-vårt. Vivagapatam copper-plas of the Ganga Anantavarman Chodagangadáva.
136. -- P.14, No. 183. - $. 1008 (for 1009 ?), Prabhava, Vaisakha-sadi 3, 'Sukra-dinê. Sitabaldi inscription of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI.
137. -- 3. 1011. - Páli, Skr. aml Ou-kan. Inscr. No. 90. Hali inscription of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI., and his feudatory the Great Chieftain Kama of the family of the Kadambas of Banavase :
Saka 1011 in words, 1. 74), the Sukla sauvatsara; at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north.'
138. -- 3. 1016.- Ante, Vol. IX. . 35. Kháropäton copper-platos of the Silara Anantadêva:
(L. 73). - Sa(ka)kansipa-kAl-Atita-san vatsara-daśa-sa(sa)téshu shodas($)-adhikeshu Bhava samvatsar-autarggata-Magha-su(suddha-pratipadâyám yatr=amkatô=pi samvat 1016.

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139.- S. 1025. - Mysore Inscr. No. 174, p. 330. Sindigere inscription of the Hoysala Ballala I. :
In the Saka year 1025, the year Svabhany, the month Kârttika, the 10th day of the moon's increase, Thursday.'t
140. – P. 127. No. 83. - 9. 1032, Virodhin, Magha-sudi 10, Mangala-vâre. Tálalen copper-plates of the Silâhâra Gandaradityadeva.
141. - P. 127, No. 83. - (S. 1088*], Vikrita, Vaisakha-paurņamási, a lunar eclipse. Tálalei copper-plates of the Silâhâra Gandaradityadeva.
142.-9. 1085 (or 1087 P). - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 46, pp. 22 and 126. Death of Búchaņa, lay disciple of Subhachandra-siddhantadêva (pillar set up by the wife of the general Ganga) -
Saka-yarusha 1037( in translation 1035)neya Vijaya-samvatsa rada Vaisakha-su(su)ddha 10 Aditya vârad-andu.29
143. - P. 116, No. 17. - S. 1037, Manmatha, Mârgasirsha-sudi 14, Bșiha-våra. Death of Mêghachandra-traividyadêva (tomb erected by the wife of Ganga-Raja, the minister of the Hoysala Vishnuvardhana).
144.-. 1039. - Páli, Skr. and Ou-Kan. Inscr. No. 18; Mysore Inser. No. 146, p. 265. Belûr copper-plates of the Hoysala Vishņuvardhana and his chief queen Santaladevi :
Saka 1039 (in words), the Hémalambi samvatsara; Sunday (Mys. Inscr. : Monday'), the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra."22
145.-P. 116, No. 18.-S. 1039, Homanambi, Phálguna-śudi 5, Soma-vâra. A grant by the Dandanayaka Ganga-Raja, confirmed by the Dandanayaka Echi-Raja.
146. - 9. 1040. -- Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 169. Vizagapatam copper-plates of the Ganga Anantavarman Chodagangadēva :
(L. 169). – Viyad-udadhi-kh-êmdo-ganitêshu Saka-vatsarêsbu punyê=bani.
147. - S. 1041.. - Insor. at Sravana Belgola, No. 139, pp. 110 and 185. Death of Srimati Ganti, the pupil of Divakaranandin :
Saka-Varsham 1041 neya Viļambi-samvatsarada Phålguna-śuddha-panchami Budhavârad. andu.t
148.-P. 129, No. 99. - 3. 1042,* Vikarin, Phâlguna-vadi 11, Bțiha-våra. Death of Dêmiyyaka, the lay disciple of 'Subhachandra-siddhantadêva.
149.-S. 1043. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 44, pp. 20 and 125. Death of Pochaladêvi (tomb erected by her son, the Dandaná yaka Gaiga-Raja, the minister of the Hoysala Vishṇavardhana) :
Sa(sa)ka-varsha 1043neya sa(sa)rvvari-samvatsarada Ashâdha-su(su)ddha 5 Sômavârad. andu.t
150.-9. 1044.* --Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 48, pp. 27 and 128. Death of Lakshmyambike (Lakkave), the wife of the Dandandyaka Ganga-Raja :
Sasa)ka-varsha 1044neya Plava-samvatsarada ... suddha 11 Sukravậrad-andu.
151. - P. 116, No. 19. - S. 1045, Subhaksit (for Sobhakrit), Vaisakha-pa urņamâsi, Bțihaspati-vâra. Date in an inscription at Têrda), of the time of the Western Chalukya VikramsTribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI.); his subordinate, the Ratta Mahamandalesvara Kartavirya; and the petty chief Gonka.
* For B. 1085 expired=Vijays the date regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 27th April, A. D. 1113. # Chaitrudi 5 of 8. 1039 expired=Hémalamba would correspond to Saturday, the 10th March, A. D. 1117.

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152. - P. 116, No. 20. -- . 1045, Sobhakpit, Sravana-sudi 10, Sita('Sukra)-våra. Death of Subhachandra-siddhantadêva (tomb erected by the Dandandyaka Ganga-Raja, the minister of the Huysala Vishņuvardhana).
153. - S. 1045.- Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 53, pp. 41 and 134. A grant by Santaladevi, the chief queen of the Hoysala Vishnuvardhana :
Sa(sa)ka-varusha siyirada nâlvattaydeneya S5bhakrit-sainvatsarada Chaitra-su(sa)ddha. pådiva Bșihaspativârad-andu.t
(The same date in another grant by the same queen, ib. No. 56, pp. 52 and 143.)
154. - S. 1045 (P). - Pali, Skr. and Old-Ran. Inscr. No. 146; Mysore Inscr. No. 4, p. 9. Chitaldurg inscription of the Western Châlukya Jagadekamalla, and his feudatory the Great Chieftain Vijaya-Pardyadova :
*Saka 1045 (in figures, the last two effaced, 1. 28), the Sobhakrit savn vatsara; Sunday, the tenth day of the bright fortnight of Phâlguna'; 30 (Mys. Inscr. : 'at the time of the equinox').
155. – P. 124, No. 67. - S. 1047, Visvavasu, Bhadrapada-vadi 13, 'Sukra-vara, yagadi. Narendra inscription of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI.
156.-P. 124, No. 68. - S. 1050, Kilaka, Phâlguna-vadi 3, Bhaskara-vård. Death of Nallishêņa.
157. – P. 127, No.-84.- . 1051,* Kllaka, Karttika-paurņamasi, a lunar eclipse. Inglêśvar inscription of the Western Châlukya Somosvara III.
158. - S. 1053. - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 53, pp. 38 and 132. Death of santaladevi, the chief queen of the Hoysala Vishnuvardhana :
Sa(sa)ka-varusham 1050mûreneya Virodhikrit-samvatsarada Chaitra-su(sa)ddba-panchami Sômavârad-andu.t
159. - P. 14, No. 184. - 8. 1056,... vishuvati. Chittûr copper-plates of the Eastern Chalukya Kulottunga Chodadova II.
160.-S. 1067. - Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 174. Vizagapatam copper-plates of the Ganga Anantavarman Chodagangadēva :
(L. 32). - Sak-avde(bd@)sha muni-sa(sa)ra-viyach-chha(cha)ndra-ganitêshu Vrischikamâsê.
161. - S. 1059. - Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 338. Govindpur inscription of the poet Gangidhara ; mentions the Mana princes Varnamana and Rudramana of Magadha:
(L. 34). — Nand-endriy-abhr-enda-samê Sak-avdê(bde) . Såka 1059.
162. - S. 1059 (P). - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 68, pp. 60 and 150. Death of Chaladanka-râva Hoysala-setti :
Sa(sa)ka-varsa(rsha) 1059neya31 Saumya-samvatsarada Magha-masada sakla-pakshada saj kramanad-andu.
163.-P. 14, No. 185. - 8. 1060,* Pingala, Pausha-sudi 10, Sunday, uttarayaņa. sankranti. Sindigere inscription of the Hoysala Vishnuvardhana.
164. - S. 1061 (P). -Inscr. at Sravana Begola, No. 52, pp. 35 and 130. Tomb erected for Singamayya, the son of the Dandanuyaka Baladeva:
Sasa)ka-varusha 1041(in translation 1061)neya32 Siddharthi-samvatsarada Kârttika. en(so)ddha-dvadasa (sa) Sômavárad-andu.t
Phalguna-budi 10 of 8.1045 expired=B0bhakrit would correspond to Treaday, the 26th February, A. D. 1124 31 Satmya would be 8. 1051 expired.
22 Siddharthin would be 8. 1061 expired.

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[JULY, 1895.
165. S. 1061 (?). Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 51, pp. 34 and 129. Death of the Dandanayaka Baladeva, the lay disciple of Prabhûchandra-siddhantadêva :
194
Sa (sa)ka-varusha 1041 (in translation 1061) Siddhartthis-amvatsarada Mârggasi(śi)ra-su(su)ddha-pâdiva Sômavârad-andu.t
166. P. 4, No. 140.-8. 1083 (for 1084), Dundubhi, Jyaishtha-sudi 15, Sômê. Añjanêri inscription of the Yâdava Mahásámanta Seunadeva.
-
167. P. 127, No. 85. S. 1085, Dundubhi, Bhadrapada-śudi 6, 'Sakra-vara. Miraj inscription of the 'Silâhâra Vijayaditya.
168. P. 127, No. 86 (Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 210). S. 1085, Dundubhi, Magha-paurṇamast, Sôma-vârê, a lunar eclipse. Kolhapur inscription of the Silâhâra Vijayaditya.
-
169. P. 14, No. 186. S. 1066, Rudhirôdgarin, Magha-vadi 14, Vadda-vára. Miraj inscription of the Silâhâra Vijayaditya.
-
-
170. P. 127, No. 87. S. 1088, Krodhana, Âśvina-sudi 10, Briha-vara. Death of Prabhachandra-siddhântadêva, the disciple of Mêghachandra-traividyadêva.
171. P. 128, No. 88 (Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 212). S. 1073, Pramoda, Bhadrapadapaurņamasi, Sukra-vârê, a lunar eclipse. Bâmani inscription of the 'Silâhâra Vijayaditya,
172. S. 1075. Ante, Vol. VIII. p. 41. Patna inscription of Govana III. of the Nikumbha family :
(L. 20). Varsbâ[nam] pamchasaptatya, sahasrê sâdhikê gate 1075
Saka-bhupala-kalasya tatha Srimukha-vatsarê ||
173.-P. 116, No. 21.-S. 1076, Bhava, Ashadha-sudi 5, Brihaspati-vara. Halgûr-inscription of the Western Châlukya Taila III.
174. P. 116, No. 22. S. 1078, Dhatri, Vaisakha-śuddha, akshaya-tritiyâ, yugâdi, Bhauma-dinê. Bombay As. Soc.'s inscription of the Silâra Mallikarjuna.
-
175. S. 1079. Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 219; Mysore Inscr. No. 102, p. 193. Talgund inscription of the Kalachuri Bijjana-Tribhuvanamalla, and his Leader of the forces Kêśimayya:
--
-
Saka 1079 (in figures, 1. 57), the Isvara samvatsara; Monday, the day of the full-moon of Pushya; at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north.'t
176. P. 8, No. 154.-S. 1080, Bahudhanya, Âshâḍh-âmâvâsyâ, Sôma-vara, dakshinayanasamkranti. Siddapur inscription of the Kadamba Mahamandalescara Sivachitts and the Yuvarija Vijayaditya.
177. S. 1080.
Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 183; ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 59; Mysore Inser. No. 74, p. 159. Balagâmve inscription of the Kalachuri Bijjala-Tribhuva
namalla :
(L. 62).-Saka-varsham 1080neya Bahudhanya-samvatcha (tsa)rada Pusya(shya)da punnami Somaviram-attaniyaṇasathkrimtivyatipita-somagrahagad-amhdu.t
178. P. 117, No. 23. S. 1081, Pramâdi(thi)n,' Pausha-sudi 14, Sukra-vara, uttarâyana-sankranti. Sravana Belgola inscription of the Hoysala Narasimha I.
179. P. 2, No. 129. S. 1084, Chitrabhanu, Mâgha-sudi 13, Vadda-vara. Anamkond inscription of the Kâkatya (Kakatiya) Rudradova.
180.P. 15, No. 187.-S. 1084 (for 1035 P), Subhanu, Jyaishtha-paurnamâsî, Monday, a lunar eclipse. Pattadakal inscription of the Sinda Chavunda II., the subordinate of the Western Chalukya Taila III.

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195
181. — P. 117, No. 24. – S. 1085, Subhanu, Ashadha-sudi 9, Budha-vârê. Death of the Mahániandalácharya Devakirti-paņditadêva.
182. - 3. 1089 (P). - pali, Slr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 117 ( very illegible'); Mysore Inser. No. 35, p. 71. Harihar inscription of the Great Chieftains Vira-Pandyadeva and Vijaya-Pandyaddva. The Mysore Inscr. give the date thus :
In the year 1089, the year Subhaksit, the month Pashya, the 12th day of the moon's increase, Monday, the nakshatra being Rôbiņi.'
183. – P. 15, No. 188. – 8. 1091, Virodhin, dvitiya-'Sråvaņa-paurņamási, Soma-vara. Davangere inscription of the Mahamandalesvara Vijaya-Pandyadova.
184. - 8. 1093. - Páli, Skr. and Ou-Kan. Inscr. No. 118; Mysore Inscr. No. 28, p. 54. Harihar inscription of the Great Chieftain Vijaya-Pandyadove, and his Leader of the forces Vijaya-Permadi :
Saka 1093 (in figures, 1. 49), the Vikriti samvatsara ; Friday, the first day of the dark fortnight (Vys. Inscr. : 'moon's increase ') of Pushya; at the time of the san's commencing his progress to the north.'34
185. - 3. 1094. - Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 101. Narsapar inscription of the Kalachuri Somèsvara or 86vidova :
Saka 1194 by mistake for 1094 (in figures, 1. 89), the Nandana samvatsara ; Monday, the day of the new-moon of the dark fortnight of Magha.'t
185.-8. 1095. Páli, Skr. and old-Kan. Inscr. No. 118; Mysore Inscr. No. 28, p. 54. Harihar inscription of the Great Chieftain Vijaya-Pandyadevs and his Leader of the forces Vijaya-Permadi :
Sak: 1095 (in figures, I. 63), the Nandana saavatsara ; Thursday (Mys. Inacr.: Wednes day'), the third day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada.'35
187. - 8. 1095. - ds. Res. Vol. IX. p. 431; Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II, p. 276. Carugode inscription of the reign of RakshAmalla:
• The year of Salivahan 1095 in the Vijaya year of the cycle, and on the 30th of the month Margasira, on Monday, in the time of an eclipse of the sun.'t
188. - P. 117, No. 25.-. 1096, Jays, Märgasirsha-paurņamasi, Aditya-vära, a lunar eclipse. Hulgûr inscription of the Kalachari Somosvara.
189. — P. 124, No. 69. – S. 1096, Jaya, Margastrgh-amavasya, Mangala-vára, a solar eclipse. Halgüc inscription of the Kalachuri Somobvara.
190. – P. 5. No. 145. - 8. 1096, Jays, Kürttika-sudi 12, Brihaspati-vård. Belgaam district copper-plates of the Kalachuri Somosvara.
191. - P. 8, No. 155. - 8. 1096, Jaya, Jyaishțb-ámavasya, Aditya-vára, a solar eclipse. Hulgûr inscription of the Kalachuri Somebvara.
192.- P. 128, No. 89.-8.1099,* Durmukha, Vaisakha-sadi 14, Suryatmaja (Sani)-våre. Death of Nayakirtidêva.
193. – 8. 1103. — As. Rer. Vol. IX. p. 431; Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 276. Curngode inscription of the reign of Rakshamalla :
The year of 'Sáliváhan 1103, of the cycle Plava, and on the 15th of Kirttika, on Monday, in the gracious time of the moon's eclipse.'t
Sabhakrit would be 8. 1104 expired, and Pausha-sudi 12 of this you would correppond to Wednesday, the 8th December, A. D. 1182.
u In 8. 1093 current Vikrita the Uttardyana-sakrati took place 9 h. 50 m. after mann sunrise of Friday, the 25th December, A.D. 1170, during the first tithi of the dark half which commenced 2 h. 86 m. after monn sanrine of the some day.
* Bhadrapada-budi 8 of 8. 1095 current Nandans would corropond to Thursday, the 24th August, A. D. 1172.

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196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1895.
194. - 3. 1103. - Pali, Skr. and Oud-Kan. Insor. No. 230. Halêbid inscription of the Kalachuri (Saúkama-) Ahavamalla, and Vikramaditya of the Gutta family
Sakn 1103 (in words, 1. 83), the Plava samvatsara; at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north.'
195.-P. 129, No. 100. - 5. 1104, Plava, Âśvayaja-vadi 3, Adi-vára. From an inscription at Têrda!
196. - P. 1, No. 123.-8. 1104,* Plava, Pausha-vadi 3, Sukra-vara, attarayaņa-samkranti. Sravan Belgoļa inscription of the Hoysaļa Vira-BallAļa.
197. - P. 15, No. 189. - 8. 1105, Sobhakrit, Áśvayaj-amâvâsya, Soma-vårê. Bêhati copper-plates of the Kalachuri Singhans.
198. - 9. 1106. - Pali, Skr, and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 102: ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 19. Damba! inscription of the Western Chilukya Som svara IV.:
(L. 71). – Sa()kanri(nội)pa-kål-atita-samvatsara 1106neya Krodhi-saóvatsarad=Asi(sha)da(dha)d-amavasyê Sômavara süry yagrahaņa-sankrâmti-vyati patad-andu.t
199. – 3. 1107. - From Dr. Fleet's impression. Bombay As. Soc.'s inscription of the 'Silara A paraditya :
(L. 1). — Samvata 1107 Visva(sva)vasu-samvachchha(tsa)ré Chaitra-suddha 15 Ravau dinê.56
200. – S. 1108. – Ante, Vol. V. p. 47; Mysore Inser. No. 39, p. 78. Date in a Kalachuri inscription at Balagânve:
(L. 47). - Srimatea(chchha)ka-varsha 1108neya Parabhava-samvatsarada Vaisakha-ba 5 va (ya).
201. - 8. 1109. – Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 333. Bombay As. Soc.'s inscription of the Silara Aparaditya :
(L. 1). - Saka-samvatu 1109 Parabhava-samvatsarê li Mâghô mási II (L. 8). - samjâta-Maghi-parrani.
202. - P. 15, No. 190. - 8. 1109, Plaveiga, Chaitra-sadi 10, Brihaspati-våra. Grant by the Dandanayaka Bhayidava, commemorated in an inscription at Terda!.
203.-P. 130, No. 101. - 8. 1110,* Plavanga, Pausha-vadi 10, Vadda-vârz, uttarayanasankranti. Toragal inscription of the Mahámındalesvara Barma.
204. - 8. 110.– Pali, Skr. and Ou-Kan. Inscr. No. 230. Haļébių inscription of the Kalachari Sankama-Ahavamalla (P) and Vikramaditya of the Gutta family (P) :
Saka 1110 (in figures, 1. 103), the Plavanga smvatsara; Thursday, the thirteenth day of the bright fortnight of Phâlguna.'t
205. - S. 110* - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 231. Halebią inscription of the Great Chieftain Vikramaditya of the Gutta family :
Sakn 1110 (in figures, 1. 87), the Plavanga saivatsara; Thursday, the thirteenth day of the bright fortnight of Phálgana.'t
206. - P. 125, No. 70 (E). Ind. Vol. III. p. 215).-8. 1112, Sadharapa, Pausha-vadi 12, Bhauma-vård, uttarayaņa-samkranti, Kolhapur inscription of the Silahara Bhoja II.
207. - P. 125, No. 71 (Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 219).-8. 1113, Virodhakrit, Jyaishthamavasya, Aditya-vire, a solar eclipse. Gadag inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Bhillama.
* The date regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 17th March, A. D. 1135

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197
208. - P. 125, No. 72. - . 1113, Virodhikfit, Margasirgh-amâvâsyâ, & solar eclipse. Chaudadâmpur inscription of the Great Chieftain Vira-Vikramaditya of the lineage of Chandragupta, and his Nayaka Khandeya-Kara-Kamoyanayaka.
209. - S. 1113 (P). - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 221; Mysore Insor. No. 103, p. 199, Tålgand inscription of the Hoysala Vira-Ballala :
Saka 1113 (in figures, 1. 52), the Siddharthi97 savatsara; Sunday, the eleventh day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra ' (Mys. Inscr. : 'the time of the equinox').
210. - P. 15, No. 191 (Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 216). - 8. 1114, Paridhavin, Asvina-sudi 1, 'Sukra-vâre. Kölhậpur inscription of the 'Silâhåra Bhoja II.
211. - P. 117, No. 26.-8. 1114, Paridhavin, Margasirsha-paurņamási, Sanaischara-våre, a lunar eclipse. Gadag inscription of the Hoysaļa Vira-Ballaja.
212. - 3. 1114. - Mysora Inscr. No. 46, p. 107. (Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 200). Balagåve inscription of the Hoysala Vira-Ballala :
Saka year 1114, the year Paridhavin, the month Pashya, the 6th ("the fifth') day of the moon's decrease, Friday, the uttarayaņa-samkramaņa,'38
213. - 8. 1114 (?). - Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 224; Mysore Inscr. No. 109, p. 206. Sorab memorial tablet of the time of the Hoysaļa Vira-Ballala :
Saka 1114 (in figures, 1.5), the Pramadiso samvatsara; Sunday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada' (Mys. Insor.: Saka 1116,' and the 8th day ').
214. - $. 1117. - Pali, Skr, and Oud-Kan. Inscr. No. 194; ante, Vol. XII. p. 210, No. 35; Mysore Insor. No. 89, p. 180. Balagâmve inscription of the Hoysa!a Vira-Ballala :
(L. 34). - Sa(sa)kansipa-samvachchha(tsa)ram=îrabhya satâd hika-sahasr-Ôpari saptadacha(sa)me A[na*]nda-samvachchha(tsa)rô Mârggaśirsh-måvåsyâyâm Sóma-vård Vyatipåta-yôgê.
215.-. 1118.* - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 130, pp. 99 and 178. Inscription of the reign of the Hoysaļa Vira-Ballala :
Sa(sa)ka-varsha 1118neya Rakshasa-samvatsarada Jêshtha-su 1 Břihavarad-andu.t
216. – P. 117, No. 27. - 8. 1121, Siddharthin, pratham-Ashadha-sudi 8, Brihaspati-vara. Gadag inscription of the Hoysala Vira-Ballala.
217. - 8. 1121. – Páli, Skr. and Oud-Kan. Inscr. No. 114. Hampe inscription of MaidunaChauqayya :
Saka 1121 (in figures, l. 11), the Siddharthi samvatsara; at the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the north.'
218. - P. 128, No. 90.- S. 1127, Baktákshi, Pausha-sudi 2, Saturday, uttarayaņasamkranti. Kalhoļi inscription of the Rattas Kartavirya IV. and Mallikarjuna.
219. - P. 5, No. 141.-3.1128 (for 1129), Prabhava, Sravana-paurņamási, a lunar eclipse. A grant of soidáva of the Nikumbha family, commemorated in the Pâțņa inscription of the Dêvagiri Yadava Singhaņa.
220. — P. 128, No. 91. - 3. 1131,* Vibhava, Kärttika-sudi 12, Budha-våra. Bhôj copperplates of the Ratta Kartavirya IV.
87 Siddharthin would be 8. 1121 expired; but the date would be incorrect for this yoar, as well as for the years 8. 1113 current and expired.
* For 8. 1114 expired = Paridhävin and Pausha-vadi 5, the date regularly corresponds to Friday, the 25t! December, A, D. 1192, when the Uttarayana-sainkranti took place 2 h. 28 m., and the fifth tithi of the dark half ended 16 h, 39 m. after mean sunrise.
$Pramådin would be 8. 1115 expired; but for that year the date would be irregular, both for the Šth aud the 8th of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada.

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198
[JULY, 1895.
-
221. - S. 1135. Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 100; ante, Vol. XII. p. 210, No. 29. Gadag inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Singhaņa :—
Sakanr-pa-kâl-âkrâmta-samvatsara-satamgaļu 1135neya Amgirasa-samvatsarada.
(L. 34). Phalguna (na)-sudhdha (ddha)-bidige Sanaiścharavârad-amdu.†
222. P. 130, No. 102.-S. 1136, Srimukha, Chaitra, Sôma-dinê, a solar eclipse. Khêdrapur inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Singhana.
-
223. S. 1130.*. Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 234. Halêbid inscription of the Hoysala Vira-Ballala and his queen Tulvaladevi; and Vikramaditya of the Gutta family :-- Saka 1136 (in figures, 1. 63), the Srimukha samvatsara; Monday, the day of the new-moon of Chaitra; at the time of an eclipse of the sun.' [See the preceding date.]
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
224. P. 125, No. 73.-S. 1137, Yuvan, Bhadrapad-âmâvâsyâ, Thursday. Balagaṁve inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Singhana.
225.8. 1140. Graham's Kolhapur, p. 425, No. 11; from an impression supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Kolhapur inscription of the Devagiri-Yâdava Singhana :(L. 16).. Saka-varsha 1140 Bahudhanya-samvatsarê.
226.
P. 8, No. 156. S. 1141,* Bahudhanya, Mâgha-sudi 7, Thursday, uttarayanasamkrânti. Date in a stone tablet at Nêsarige.
--
-
227. S. 1141. As. Res. Vol. IX. p. 403; Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 244; ante, Vol. XXII. p. 107. Tipura copper-plate of Raṇavankamalla :
(L. 22). Sakanṛipatêr-atitâ abdâh 1141 Ranavankamalla-śrimat Harikâladê vapâdânâm saptadasa-samvatsarê Sbhilikhyamânê yatrankên âpi samvat 17 sûryya-gatya Phâlguna-dinê 26. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 113. Bahâl inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yâdava
-
228. S. 1144. Singhana:
(L. 18). Shatk-ônê sadala-sat-âdhikê sahasrê 1144
varshânâm 'Saka-prithivipatêh prayâtê | Chaitr-âdya-pratipadi Chitrabhanu-varshê.
229. P. 8, No. 157.-S. 1145, Chitrabhanu, Kârttika-paurṇamâsî, Sôma-vâra, a
lunar eclipse. Munôlli inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yâdava Singhana.
-
(thyim).
230. P. 117, No. 28. S. 1145, Svabhanu, dvitîya-Bhadrapada-śudi 5, 'Sukra-vara. Kôlâr inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Singhana.
231. §. 1145. Páli, Sher. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 123; Mysore Inser. No. 20, p. 34. Harihar inscription of the Hoysala Narasimha II., and his Leader of the forces Polâlva: -
Saka 1145 (in figures, 1. 67), the Svabhanu samvatsara; Thursday, the eleventh day of the bright fortnight of Magha.'+
232.
P. 8, No. 158. S. 1148, Parthiva, Bhadrapada-paurṇamâsî, Monday, a lunar eclipse. Date in a Chandadâmpur inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Mahadeva, and the Great Chieftain Gutta of the lineage of Chandragupta.
233. P. 130, No. 103. S. 1151, Sarvadharin, Ashadh-âmâvâsyâ, Sôma-vâra, a solar eclipse. Saundatti inscription of the Ratta Lakshmideva II.
234. S. 1153. Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 88. Ganapêévaram inscription of the time of the Kakatiya Ganapati :
(L. 119).
Guna-sara-Bhava-mita-sâkê Khara-varshê Madhavê sitê Gaaryyah tidhyam.
-
235.-P. 118, No. 29.-S. 1156, Jaya, Vaisakha-paurṇamasi, Vadda-våra. Bijapur inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yâdava Singhana.

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199
236. - P. 118, No. 30. - 8. 1156, Jaya, Phâlguna-sudi 3, Budbe. Image inscription at Elurâ.
237.-P. 16, No. 192.-9. 1157, Manmatha, Sravana-bahula 30, Gurau. Kolhapur inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Binghana.
238. - P. 118, No. 31.- . 1158, Durmukha, Magha-paurnamasi, Soma-dinê, a lunar eclipse. KolhApur inscription of the Dévagiri-Yadava Singhana.
239. - P. 2, No. 130.-8. 1180, Hémalambin, Phålguna-sudi 3, Thursday. Tiļiwalli inscription of the Dêvagiri-Y Adava Singhana and his feudatory Savanta-Thakkura.
240.- S. 1160. - Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XV. p. 388. Haralahalli copper-plates of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Singhana, and his feudatory the Dandesa Chikkadeva : -
(L. 62). - Saka-varshad-arabhya shashtyadhika-sat-Ottara-sa(sa)hasra-mitê Hemana(lam)vi(bi)-sa(sa)mvatsarê Phålguna-mûsê saptamyâm.
241. - 3. 1180. - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 88. Poygai inscription of Bajarajadáva:
[In the month of] Tai of the twenty-second year of the illustrions Tribhuanachakravartin, the illustrious Rajarajadêva, which was current during the Saka year 1160.
242.-8. 1101. - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 89. Poygai inscription of Rajarajadáva:
From the month of Tai of the twenty-fourth year of the illustrious Tribhuvanachakravartin, the illustrious Rajarajadêva, which was current during the Saka year 1161.'
243.- 9. 1182.- Arch. Survey of West. India, Vol. III. p. 89. Amba inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Singhana :
(L. 27). - Sri Sa(sa)ka 1162 84(BA)rvari-ma(sa)mvatsarê Karttika-śru(so)ddhada 10. 244. - 8. 1185. - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 91. Poygai inscription of Rajarajadova :
*From the month of Karkataka of the 28th year of the illustrious Rajarajadêva, which was current after the Saka year 1165 (had passed).'
245. — P. 118, No. 32. - 5. 1171, Saumya, Åshadha-paurņamási, Sanaiśchara-vare. Chikka-Bagiwadi copper-plates of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Kfishņa.
246. - P. 118, No. 33. - S. 1171, Saumya, Sråvaņa-sudi 12, Guru-vârê. Bendigèri copper-plates of the Dêvagiri-Yâdava Krishna.
247. – P. 130, No. 104. - 8. 1172, Saumya Srêshtha (Jyaishtha)-mîsê bahula-Hardinê (11) Bhauma-vârê. Kanchipura inscription of the Kakatiya) Ganapati.
248. — P. 16, No. 193. - 8. 1174, Virodhikfit, Jyaishth-âmâvâsya, Sukra-vára, a solar eclipse. Munolli inscription of the Devagiri-Yâdava Krishna.
249. – P. 130, No. 105. – S. 175, Paridhåvin, Phålgun-åmâvâsya, a solar eclipse. Bangalore copper-plates of the Hoysala Somesvara.
250. — P. 16, No. 194. - 8. 1175, Pramadin, Chaitr-âmåvâsya, Soma-vârê. Lêhati copper-plates of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Křishņa.
251. - S. 1177. — Coorg Insor. No. 6, p. 9. Niduta memorial tablet of the time of the Hoysala Narasimha III. :
Saka-varusha 1177 ne Rakshasa-saṁ Vaisakha-budha(ddha) 11.
252. – P. 16, No. 195. - 8. 1180, month of Karkațaka, śudi 7, Monday: Inscription at the Ammaiappêśvara temple at Padavêdu.
253. – P. 1, No. 124. - 8. 1182, Raudra, Paasha-vadi 7, Sani-dinê, uttarayaņa-samkranti. Terwan copper-plates of Kamvadevaraya of Kalyana.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1895.
254. - 3. 1183. - From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Renadal inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Mahadeva :
(L. 1). - Svasti ért 'Saku 1183 Da(du)rmmati-samvatsare.
255. - $. 1184.* – Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 19; Mysore Inscr. No. 147, p. 273. Belar copper-plates of the Hoysala Narasimha III. -
Saka 1184 (in words, 1. 18 of the fourth side), the Durmati sarnvatsara ; Tuesday (Mys. Inscr.: Monday'), the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra.'40
256.-8. 1185. – Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 111. Chaudadâmpar inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yâdava Mahadeva, and the Great Chieftain Gutta of the lineage of Chandragupta :
*Saka 1185 (in figures, 1. 79), the Dundubhi sarivatsara ; Monday, the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha; at the time of an eclipse of the moon.'t
257. – P. 118. No. 34.-8. 1187, Krodhana, Mâgha-paurņamásl, Sukra-dine. Kolbåpor inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Mahadova.
258. - P. 125, No. 74.-8. 1189, Prabhava, Jyéshțha-ba 30, Budha-våra, a solar eclipse. Hulgür inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Mahadeva.
259. - P. 3, No. 131. – 8. 1189, Prabhava, Magha-sudi 5, Sukra-våra. An inscription at Kadako!.
260.– 8. 1190.- Mycore Insor. No. 27, p. 50 (Páli, Skr, and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 124). Harihar inscription of the Hoysala Narasimba III (P) : -
The Saka year 1190 having passed, and the year Vibhava being current.'
261. - 8. 1191 (R). - Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 96, pp. 74 and 159. Inscription of the Hoysala Narasimha III. :
'Saka-varusha 1191neya Srimukha-samvatsaradas1 Sravana-buddha 15 Adiväradalla.
262. - P. 3, No. 132. - 8. 1192, Bukla, Ashadha-áudi 12, Wednesday. Somnathpur inscription of the Hoysala Narasimha III.
263. – P. 118, No. 35.-8. 1193, Prajapati, Magha-éndi 12, Budhê. Paithân copperplates of the Devagiri-Yadava Ramachandra.
264. — P. 119, No. 36. - 8. 1194, Angiras, Magha-paurņamási, a lunar eclipse. Kolhapur inscription of the Dêvagiri-Yadava Ramachandra.
265.-8. 1194. - Jour. Roy. As. Soc., 0. S., Vol. V. p. 183. Thiņa copper-plates of the Dévagiri-Yadava Ramachandra :
Svasti eri-Salivahana-sake 1194 Angiro-nama-samvatsaré Asvina-buddha 5 Ravan.t
266. - P. 128, No. 92. - 8. 1197,* Bhava, Bhadrapada-budi 12, Wednesday. Halebia memorial tablet.
267. - P. 128, No. 93. - 8. 1199, Dhatri, Sravana-panrņamást, Soma-dine, yajñópavitaparvaņi. Sidnarle inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Bamachandra.
268. - 3. 1199.-Páli, Str. and Ou-Kan. Inscr. No. 125; Mysore Insor. No. 26, p. 47. Harihar inscription of the Devagiri-Yadava Ramachandra, and his foudatory the Great Chieftain Saluva-Tikkamadeva :
Saka 1199 (in figures, 1. 67), the tsvars sazivatsara; Friday, the thirteenth day of the (?) bright fortnight of Chaitra.
Chaitra-kudi 19 of 8. 1184 current Durmati would correspond to Theoday, the 15th March, A.D. 1261. • Srimukhs would be 8. 1195 expired; and in that year the title of the date commenced 6 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 30th July, A D. 1973.
+ Chaitra-budi 18 of 8. 1199 carpired - tévan corresponds to Friday, the 19th Marah, A. D. 1977.

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JULY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
201
269. -- P. 119, No. 37. - 8. 1200, Bahudhanya, Chaitra-sudi 1, Sakra-vara. Sravana Belgola private inscription.
270. - 8. 1200.- Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 20 ; Mysore Inscr. No. 148, p. 276. Bêlûr copper-plates of the Hoysala Narasimha III. :
"Saka 1200 (ip words, 1. 19 of the second side), the Bahudhanya saivatsara; Saturday (Mys. Inscr.: Monday'), the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight of Mågha.'
271. -- P. 3, No. 133. - 8. 1201, Pramathin, Bhadrapada-sudi 6, Sôma-våra. Inscription at Kadako!. . 272. -- 8. 1203 (P). - Inecr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 131, pp. 99 and 178. Date of a private inscription :
Srimata-Saka-varsha 1203neya Pramedi-samvatsara Mârggasira-sa 1 Bridandu. +
273. – P. 128, No. 94.-8. 1205, Chitrabhanu, Srâvana-budi 10, Brihaspati-vara. Sravaya Belgola private inscription. . 274. - 8. 1208. - Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 148 ; Mysore Inscr. No. 6, p. 11. Chitaldurg insaription of the Hoysala Narasimha III. :
Saka 1208 (in figures, 1. 14), the Vyaya sariwatsara; Thursday (Mys. Inscr.: Wednesday'), the tenth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra.'
275. - 3. 1212.- Jour. Roy. As. Soc., 0. 8., Vol. V. p. 178. Thâņâ copper-plates of the Dê vagiri-Yadava Ramachandra :
Svasti sri-Salivahana-bake 1212 Virodhi-samvatsaré Vaisakha-áuddha-paurşamasyâm Bhaumê. t
276. - 8. 1222. - From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Fleet. Velkpur inscription of the Dévagiri-Yadava Ramachandra :
(L. 1). - .. éri-Sak[u] 1222 Sarvari-samvatsarê Märgisaru-vadi [9?]" Sômê.
277. – P. 119, No. 38. - 8. 1227, Visvavasy, Mârga-áudi 5, Sômê. Veldpur inscription of the Dôvagiri-Yadava Ramachandra
278. - 8. 1228 (P). — Coorg Inacr. No. 7, p. 10. Niduta memorial tablet of the time of the Hoysala Narasimhs ITI.:
Saka-varusha 1228 Parábhava-sam rada Vaisakha-śndba (ddha) 12. (The translation has Saka year 1208, the year Parthiva'; and a note adds that 'in the copy the year is Paridhavi. Párthivs = 8. 1208 current; Parábhavs = 8. 1228 expired.)
279.-P. 125, No. 75.-8. 1285, Pramadin, Sråvaņa-vadi 14, Vakre (Mangala-vårê). Death of Subhachandra.
280. - 8. 1236. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 70. Bilvanáthèsvara inscription of ViraChampa:
(L. 4). - Tungaárika Sakabda-bháji samaye.
281. - 8. 1286. -Ep. Ind. VOL IIL p. 71. Araļaļa-Peramal inscription of [Vira-] Champe :
(L. 1). - Tangaárika-karan-mite Saka-npipe.
• Magha-vadi 14 of 8. 1200 expired-Bahudbknys would correspond to Snturday, the 11th February, A. D. 1279.
· Prumadin would be B. 1975 expired. Perhape the intended your is g. 1201 expired-Pramathin; but the date does not work out properly for that year.
+ Chaitra-badi 10 of B. 1208 expired-Vyays would correspond to Thursday, the 7th March, A. D. 1286.
Supposing this figure to be correct, the corresponding date would be Monday, the 5th December, A.D. 1300.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
282. P. 16, No. 196. S. 1261 (for 1262 ?), Vikrama, Chaitra-sudi 1, Guru-vâra. Bâdâmi inscription of the Mahamandalésvara Harihara I. (Hariyappa-voḍeya) of Vijayanagara.
283. P. 17, No. 197.-S. 1276,* Vijaya, Magha-sudi 15, Chandra-vâra a lunar eclipse. Harihar copper-plates of Bukkaraya I. of Vijayanagara.
-
284. P. 3, No. 134.-S. 1277, Manmatha, Jyaishtha-sudi 7, Sôma-våra. Chitaldurg inscription of the Mahamaṇḍaléévara Bukkaraya I. (Bukkaraya-vodeya) of Hosapattana, and afterwards of Vijayanagara.
-
285.-S. 1278.- Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 150; Mysore Inser. No. 2, p. 5. Chitaldurg inscription of the Mahámaṇḍaléśvara Bukkaraya I. (Bukkaraya-voḍeya) of Hosapattana, and afterwards of Vijayanagara :
Saka 1278 (in figures, 1. 17), the Durmukha samvatsara; Thursday, the third day of the dark fortnight (Mys. Inscr.: of the moon's increase') of Ashâḍha.'47
[JULY, 1895.
286.-S. 1278.-Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 27. Bitragunta copper-plates of Samgama II. of Vijayanagara :
(L. 75). Sâk-âbdê naga-saila-dhyu(dyu)mani-parimitê 1278 Durmukh-âbdê tru(tri)tiyyê(yê) mâsi. . . . samgame chamdra-bâ(bhâ)nvôh.
287.-S. 1286 (for 1287 P) - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 120. Kanchipuram inscription of the reign of the Mahamandaléévara Kambana-uḍaiyar :
From the month of Adi of the Visvavasu year, which was current after the 'Saka year one thousand two hundred and eighty-six (had passed).'
[The same date in another inscription of the same, ib. p. 123, only with Viśvádi instead of Viśvávasu.]
288.8. 1290.- Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 233; Inser. at Sravana Belgela, No. 136, pp. 100 and 179. Date of Râmânujâchârya's Sásuna, of the time of Bukkaraya I. of Vijayanagara :--
Java.
Saka-varsha 1290neya Kilaka-samvatsarada Bhadrapada-suddha 1 Brihaspati-vâra.
(In Inser. at Sr. Belg. the text has Bhadrapada-su 10 Bri,' and with this reading the date regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 24th August, A. D. 1368.)
289.-P. 129, No. 95.-8. 1295," Paridhavin, Vaiéâkha-sudi 3, Budha-vára. A private inscription at Sravana Belgola.
290.-P. 126, No. 76.-S. 1295, Âśvina-vadi 13, Sukra-vâra. An inscription from
-
291.-P. 3, No. 135. S. 1296, Ananda, month of Dhanus, sudi 8, Monday. Inscription from near the Tirumalai rock, of the reign of the Mahamandalika Ommana-udaiyar.
292.8. 1300 (for 1301P).-Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 62. Vanapalli copper-plates of AnnaVêma of the Reddi dynasty of Kondavidu
(L. 41).-Sâk-âbdê gagan-âbhra-visva-ganitê Sidhdha(ddha)rdhdhi(rthi)-samvatsarê Mâghê krishnachaturddasi-Siva-tidhan (thau).
293.-P. 119, No. 39.-S. 1301, Siddhartha, Jyaishtha-paurnamâsi, Bhaumê, a lunar eclipse. Dambal copper-plates of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara.
294. P. 119, No. 40. S. 1301, Siddharthin, Kârttika-sudi 12. Bhâskara-vârê. Harihar inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara.
Durmukha would correspond to Thursday, the 2nd June, and Ashadha-vadi
-
Ashadha-sudi 3 of 3. 1278 expired:
3 to Thursday, the 16th June, A. D. 1356.
H

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203
295. - 8. 1804. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 23; ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 65; Mysore Inscr. No. 146, p. 268. Bêlûr copper-plates of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara -
Saka 1304 (in words, 1. 16 of the third side), the Dundubhi sarivatsara; Sunday, the tenth day of the dark fortnight of Kärttika.'
296.-P. 126, No. 77. - S. 1307, Krodhana, Phålguna-vadi 2, Sukra-vårê. Inscription on a lamp-pillar at Vijayanagara, of the reign of Harihara II.
297. - 3. 1300.* - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 118. Bhatkal copper-plates of the time of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :
In the Kshaya savatsara, which corresponded to the Saka year one thousand three hundred and nine, (when) Jupiter (was standing) in Leo, on Thursday, the fifth tithi) of the dark (fortnight) of the month of) Pushya.'48
298.-P. 122, No. 57.-8. 1313, Prajapati, Vaibikh-âmâvâsya, Saumya-dine, a solar eclipse. Copper-plates of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara.
299.-P. 7, No. 149. - 8. 137 (for 1918), Dhatfi, Magha-paurņamasi, Bhino-vara. Chitaldurg copper-plates of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara.
300.- S. 1317.- Pal, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 24; ante, Vol. XII. p. 213, No. 70. Hâsan copper-plates of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :(L. 36). – Sak-avda(bda) șishi-chandr-åshni(gni)-vidhun=ayata-vatsarê I
Yuv-akhyê Magha(?)-masé(?) cha sukla-pakshe subh[eo] dindi
saptamyam cha maba-parvaņi. 301. - 5. 1320.- Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 105, pp. 80 and 165. Death of Puru. pandita :
Tatra trayodasa-satais cha dasa-dvayêna SAkd=bdakê parimitê-bhavad-fbvar-akhyê Maghê chatarddaga-tithau sitabháji vårê Svâtau Sanais(nel) sura-padam Purapanditasya iit
302. – S. 1321. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III, p. 122. Nallûr copper-plates of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :(L. 50). — Dhâtri-nêtra-guņa-kshapêta(sva)ra-yatê sri(ári)-Salivahê gatê
[Sakhe(ke) gô]tradhacha(?) Pramadi(thi)ni tidhau(?) masy=
Urjakê nåmani(?) pakshê tatra vaļakshaka Budha-dinê sri-paurņimasyâm tidhan(thau)
kale punya]ma(ham]taré subha-karê sômôparágê varê 1148 303. - 3. 1328. - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 82. Veppambatļu inscription of the time (?) of Bukkaraya II. of Vijayanagara :
On Thursday, the new moon of the dark half of Jyaishtha of the Vyaya year, which follows the Parthiva year (and) which was current after the "Saka year 132[8] (had passed).' - And
• Thursday, the twelfth lunar day of the bright half of Vaisakha (of) the Parthiva
.
year.'50
+ The date regularly corresponds, for $. 1309 current Kabaya, to Thursday, the 10th January, A.D. 1387; by the mean-siga system this day fell in the year Srimukha (i. e., Jupiter was in Sirisha), which ended on the 17th August, A. D. 1387.
to The date regularly corresponds, for $. 1821 expired = Pramåtbin, to Wednesday, the 15th October, A. D. 1399, when there was a lunar eclipse which was visible in India.
50 Both dates are irregular; the first, for 3. 1328 expired Vyaya, would correspond to Wednesday, the 16th June, A. D. 1406; and the second, for 8. 1328 current = Párthiva, to Saturday, the 11th April, A. D. 1405.

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[JULY, 1895.
304. - 8. 1828. - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 25; ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 66; Mysore Inscr. No. 150, p. 279. Hâsan copper-plates of Devaraya I. of Vijayanagara :
(L. 21). -Sa(sa)ka-varsha 1328 varttamâna-Vyaya-samvatsarê Karttika-masa-ksishņapakshê daśamyam Sakra(?)-vârê Uttara(?)-Bhadrapadê Priti-yôgê Bava-karanê ... pattabhisheka-samaya (Mys. Inscr. : Monday ').51
305.-P. 126, No. 78. - S. 1331, Virodhin, Chaitra-vadi 5, Guru-vára. A private inscription at Sravana Belgola.
306. - P. 119, No. 41. - 3. 1932, Vikfiti, Nabhasya(Bhadrapada)-sadi 12, Soma-våre. Harihar inscription of Devaraya I, of Vijayanagara.
307. - S. 1334. - Pali, Skr. and oid-Kan. Inscr. No. 151; Mysore Inscr. No. 5, p. 9. Chitaldurg inscription of Devardys I. of Vijayanagara, and his keumára, "prince" or "son," the Great Chieftain Mallaņņa-vodeya:
Saka 1334 (in figures, 1. 4), the Khara sannvatsara ; Tuesday (?), the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of Kárttika.'+
308. - S. 1338.- Práchinalékhamdia, Vol. I. p. 179. Inscription of Vira-Vijayaraya of Vijayanagara : -
Sri-vijayabhyudaya-Sakavarsha 1339 vartamâna-Durmukhi-saṁvatsarada Bhadrapadabaula saptamiyalu.
309. - 3. 1944. - Mysore Inscr. No. 49, p. 112 (Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 206). Balagámve memorial tablet of the time of Vira-Vijaya(P) of Hastinâvati (Vijayanagara) : -
* The Saka year 1344, the year Subhakrit, the month Afvija, the 5th day of the moon's increase, Sunday.' 62
310.-8. 1348. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 38. Satyamangalam copper-plates of Devaraya II. of Vijayanagara :(L. 40). - Tatvalóka Sakasy=&bdê Krodhi-samvatsarê sabhê
Ashâdh-âmåtithau punayê Sômavara-virajitê 1153 311. - S. 1346.- Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 128; Mysore Inscr. No. 23, p. 40. Harihar inscription of Devaraya II. of Vijayanagara : -
Saka 1346 (in figures, 1. 16), the Krodhi sarmvatsara ; Monday, the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of Kârttika.'†
312.-P. 132, No. 113.-8. 1347, Vibvåvagu, 3rd day of Panguni, 6th tithi, Wednesday. Inscription at the Virinchipuram temple, of the reign of Dovaraya II. of Vijayanagara.
313.- S. 1348. - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 164. On a Jaina temple at Vijayanagara, of the reign of Devaraya II. : - (L. 25). - Såkê=bdê pramitê yâtê vasu-simdha-gun-êmdubhihi
Parabhav-abdê Kärttikyâm. 314. - P. 6, No. 146. - S. 1353, sadharana, month of Karkataka, sudi 5, Monday. Inscription at Tellûr, of the reign of Devaraya II. of Vijayanagara.
51 In 8.1328 expired=Vyaya the 10th tithi of the dark half of Karttika ended, and the karaya Bava commenced, 16 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 5th November, A.D. 1408. On this day the nakshatra was Uttara-phalgunf up to 21 h., and the yoga Pelti from 15 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.
52 In 8. 1344 expired Subhakrit the tithi of the disto commenced 5 h 57 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 20th September, A. D. 1422.
68 Tbo date regularly corresponds, for the first ÅshAdha of 8. 1816 expired Krôdhin, to Monday, the 26th June, A, D, 1424.

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JULY, 1895.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
315. S. 1353.* Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. Nos. 227 and 26; Mysore Inscr. No. 116, p. 213, and No. 145, p. 259. Mulbagal stone inscription and copper-plates of Devaraya II. of Vijayanagara :
Saka 1353, the Sadharana samvatsara; the tenth day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna.'
316. P. 119, No. 42. S. 1353, Virodhyadikrit (Virodhakrit), Phâlguna-sudi 12, Saumya-vara. On Jaina statue at Karkala, erected by Vira-Pandya.
-
317. P. 129, No. 96. S. 1355,* Paridhavin, dvitiy-Ashadha-sudi 9, Vidhu-dina. Date when the tomb of 'Srutamuni at Sravana Belgola was set up.
-
318. P. 132, No. 1148. 1371, Sukla, month of Simha, sudi 13, Saturday. An inscription at Padavêdu of the reign of Devaraya II. of Vijayanagara.
319. P. 17, No. 198.-S. 1377, Yuvan, Bhadrapada, a lunar eclipse. Copper-plates of Ganadeva of Kondavidu.
205
320. S. 1387. Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 322. Inscription at the Arulala-Perumal temple at Little Kanchi, of the reign of Mallikarjuna of Vijayanagara: -
-
'On the day of (the nakshatra) Krittika, which corresponded to Sunday, the full-moon tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vrischika in the Parthiva year, which was current after the Saka year 1387.'54
321. S. 1392. Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 322. Inscription at the Aralâla-Perumal temple at Little Kanchi, of the reign of Virupaksha I. of Vijayanagara:
At the auspicious time of the Ardhôdaya on the day of (the nakshatra) Sravana, which corresponded to Sunday, the new-moon tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Makara of the Vikriti year, which was current after the Saka year 1392,"55
Jambukêsvara inscription of the Mahúman
322.8. 1403. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 73.
dalésvara Valaka-Kamaya:
At the auspicious time of Mahâmagam (Mahâmâgha), (when) Jupiter (was standing in) Leo, (i. e.) on the day of (the nakshatra) Magam (Maghi), which corresponded to a Sunday and to the full-moon tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha of the Plava samvatsara, which was current after the Saka year 1403.56
323. 8. 1430 (for 1431?). Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 366. Hampe inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara :
(L. 27.)-Salivahana-saka-varsha 1430 samdu mêlê nadava Sukla-samvatsarada Mâgha su pattabhishekotsava-punyakâladalu.
14 lu
324.8. 1432.* Inser. at Sravana Belgola, No. 103, pp. 75 and 160. Inscription of a son of Kesavanâtha, minister of Changala-Mahadeva :
Saka-varusha 1432 daneya Bukla-samvatsarada Vayisakha ba 10 lû.
325.8.1434 (for 1435 ?). Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 384. Kuppêlûr copperplates of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara:
-
Sak-Abdê Salivahasya sahasrêna chatuh-sataiḥ I chatustrimsat-samair-yuktê samkhyâtê ganita-kramât II Brimukhi-vatsarê álaghyê Maghê ch-isita-pakshake | Sivaratrau maba-tithyam pum(pu)nya-kâlê subhê dinê II
54 The date regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 3rd November, A. D. 1435.
The tithi of the date commenced 5 h. 19 m., and the nakshatra was Bravana from 1 h. 58 m., after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 20th January, A. D. 1471.
The date regularly corresponds, for 8. 1408 expired= Plava, to Sunday, the 3rd February, A. D. 1482; by the mean-sign system this day fell in the year Saumya (i. e., Jupiter was in Simha), which ended on the 7th July, A. D. 1482,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1895.
326. - 8. 1435 ( for 1438 ). - As. Kes. Vol. XX, p. 30. Vijayanagar inscription of Krishnarays of Vijayanagara :
In the reign of Salivahana 1435, corresponding to the year Bhiva, in Phålguna sudi Tritiya, Sukravår.' [Compare the following date.]
327.-P. 120, No. 43. - 8. 1486, Bhava, Phålguna-sadi 3, Sukra-våra. Krishạâpura inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara.
328. - S. 1486.- Archæol. Survey of West. Indir, Vol. III. p. 115. Saundatti (?) inscription of the time of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara :
Salivahana-saka-varushangaļu 1436neya, Bhava-samvatsaradallu.
329. - 8. 1488 (R). - Fali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 228 ; Mysore Inscr. No. 112 p. 208. Rock inscription at Tykkal :
Saka 1438 (in figares, 1. 1; Mysore Inser. : 1434'), the Pramadi sasivatsara ;57 the first day of the bright fortnight of Phálgana.'
330. - 8. 1442. - As. Res. Vol. XX. p. 28. Vijayanagar inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara :
In the year of Salivahans 1442, corresponding to ... Vikrama, in Magba sudi Saptami ..... on Radhâsaptami, 58 the 7th of the moon.'.
331. - P. 5, No. 142.-8. 1444 (for 1445) vabhanu, Paasha, Tuesday, Makarasankranti. Simoggi copper-plates of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara.
332. - P.1, No. 125.-8. 1448, V yaya, Pausha-vadi 10, Bhrigu-vira, Makara-sam krånti. Kanchipura copper-plates of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara.
333. - P. 120, No. 44. - 8. 1450, Sarvadharin, Chaitra-éndi, Madana-tithi (13), Jiva(Garu)-vâre. Krishņapura inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara.
334. - P. 120, No. 45.-8. 1451, Vírodhin, Vaisakha-kudi 15, Sakra-våra. Krishnapura inscription of Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara. . 335.-P. 2, No. 126.-8. 1452, Vikfiti, Sråvapa-vadi 8, Soma-vara, Kishna-jayanti. Harihar inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara.
336. – 8. 1453.* - Coorg Inscr. No. 10, p. 14. Date in an inscription at Añjanagiri :Saka-varusha 1453 neya Vikritu-samvatsarada Chaitradalla.
337.-8. 1458 (for 1454). - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 130; Mysore Inscr. No. 25, p. 43. Harihar inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara :
Silivahana-Saka 1453 (in figures, 1. 3), the Nandana sanhvatsara, Taesday (?), the tenth day of the bright fortnight of Ašvagaja' (Mys. Inscr. : 'the year Khara,... Wednesday').
938. - P. 129, No. 97.-8. 1455, Nandans. Jyaishtha-sudi 5, Guru-vâra. Bådåmi inscription of Achyutar ya of Vijayanagara.
339. - $. 14.50 (for 1480P). -Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 99, pp. 75 and 160. Date of a private inscription : -
'Saka-varsha såvirada 1459 taneya Vilabí-samvatsarada Magha-buddha 5 yalu.
340.- P. 120, No. 46.- 8. 1460, Vilambin Kárttika-paurņamási, Sasisuta(Budha)-vare, a lunar eclipse. Harihar inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara.
57 Pramadin would be 8. 1415 or 1475 expired; Pramathin, 1441.
Nandana was 8. 1454 expired, Khara 8. 1458 expired; for the former year the regular equivalent of the date is Tuesday, the 8th October, A. D. 1582.
to the former your the regular equivalent of the date

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JULY, 1895.) ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
207
341. - 3. 1401. -Pali. Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 132; ante, Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 89; Mysore Inscr. No. 19, p. 29. Harihar inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara :
(L. 8). - Sake chandra-ras-Amarêındra-gaạite.... Bhadrapadasya . . . dvadasyabhikhyê tithau vârê Bhúmisutasya.
342. - 5. 1462. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 154. Unamañjêri copper-plates of Achyutaraya, of Vijayanagara :(L. 91). - Sak-Abde SAlivâhasya sahasrôna chatus-sataihi
dvishashtyî cha samayuktê(ktai)r-gananath pràpitê kramât II Sarvari-damakê varshê mási Karttika-namani
sukla-pakshê cha pagyayâm=utthåna-dvadasi-tithau 11 343. - 8. 1483. - As. Res. Vol. XX. p. 26. Vijayanagar inscription of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara :
In the year of "Salivahana 1463, corresponding to the year Sarvari, in the month of Karttika, śudi-panchami, Guruvar.'t
344. - 3. 1488. - Ante, Vol. X. p. 66. Badâmi inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijaya nagara : -
(L. 1). - Salivahana-saka-varusha 1466neya Sobhakru(kri)t-samvatsarada A[svija su]. dha(ddha).... [1]ů.
345. - 3. 1486.- Coorg Insor. No. 10, p. 14. Date in an inscription at Añjanagiri :Saka-varsha 1466 sanda vartamâna-Krodhi-samvatsarada Kartika su 15 yallu,
346. - 8. 1487. - As. Res. Vol. xx. p. 35. Vijayanagar inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara :
*In the year of Salivahana 1467, corresponding to the year Visvavasu, in Krishna (!) sudi Tșitiyâ, Guruväram.'
347. – 3. 1469. – Ante, Vol. X. p. 64. Bâdâmi inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara :
(L. 1). -SÂlivahana-saka 1469neya Plavanga-samvatsarada A(A)svayuja su 15 yalů.
348. - 3. 1470. -Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Insor. No. 240; Mysore Inscr. No. 126, p. 224. Belar inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara.
Salivahana-saka 1470 (in figures, 1. 4), the Kilaka samvatsara; Monday, the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of Ashâdha't
349. - P. 132, No. 115. - 3. 1471, Saumya, month of Mêsha, sudi 7, Thursday. Inscription at the Viriñchipuram temple, of Bommu-niyaka ('Sinna-Bommu-nayaka or Bomma-npipati of Vélûr).
350. - 8. 1476. — Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 47. Inscription at Badêmi: -
''Salivahana-saka 1476 (in figures, 1. 2), the Pramidi samvatsara ; the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of Ashadha.'
351. - P. 120, No. 47. - 3. 1476 (Ånanda), Vaisakha-budi 14, Monday. Harihar inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara.
352. - $. 1477.- Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 241; Mysore Inscr. No. 127, p. 225. Bêlar inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara :
Sâlivahana-saka 1477 (in figures, l. 3), the Rakshasa sasivatsara; the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Magha.'
353. - P. 17, No. 199. – S. 1478, Nala, Mârgasîrgh-amâvâsya, Mârtânda-vâre, a solar eclipse. Chingleput copper-plates of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara.

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354. - P. 9, No. 159.-8. 1483, Durmati, Magha-paurņamist, Monday, a lunar eclipse. Harihar inscription of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara.
355. - 8. 1483. - As. Res. Vol. XX. p. 28. Vijayanagar inscription of Sadasivardya :
• In the year of "Salivahana 1483, corresponding to the year Durmati, in Chaitra sudi panchami, Sanivar, ..in the season of Makara-sankranti-punyakala.'+
356. - P. 133, No. 116.-8. 1488, Akshaye, month of Kumbha, vadi 12, Wednesday. An inscription at Arappakkam, records a grant made at the request of Singa-Bommu-nayaka of Vêlûr by Tirumala-raja (the younger brother of Ramaraja) of Karnata, with the consent of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara.
357. - S. 1490. – Mysore Inscr. No. 175, p. 334. Date in an inscription at Yelandur, of Binghaddva-bhups of Padinâdu: -
In the 'Saka year 1490, the year Vibhava.'
358. - 3. 1492 (?). - Pali, Skr. and Ou-Kan. Inscr. No. 246; Mysore Inscr. No. 129, p. 228. Hasan inscription of SadAbiva, the kumára, "prince" or "son" of Achyutaraya, of Vijayanagara :
Salivahana-Saka 1492 (in figures, I. 5), the Rudbiradgarico saravatsara; Monday, the shirteenth day of the bright fortnight of Sravana' (Mys. Inscr.: 1482' ... "the 10th day of the moon's decrease').
359. P. 17, No. 200.-8. 1407, Yuvan, month of Makara, vadi 13, Wednesday. An inscription at Sattuvachchêri near Vélar, records a grant made at the request of Sinna-Bommunayaka of volar by Krishnappa-nayaka Ayyan, with the consent of Srirangaraya I. of Vijayanagara (Karnata).
360.-8. 1500 (P). -- Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 242; Mysore Inscr. No. 121, p. 220. Bölür inscription of Krishnappa-nayaka, of the reign of Srirangaraya I. of Vijayanagara (Karnata):
Salivahana-jaka 1500 or 1560 (in figures, 1. 10; Mys. Inscr.: 1500'), the Bahudhanya sariwatsara ; Saturday, the eighth day of the dark fortnight of Sravana 'ol
361. - P. 121. No. 48.- S. 1506, Tarana, Karttika-paurnamasi, a lunar eclipse. Dôvanhalți copper-plates of Srirangaraya I. of Vijayanagara (Karņiţa).
362.-3. 1508. - Ante, Vol. V. p. 41. Date in the Súsana of the Jaina temple at Kårkala, of Immadi-Bhairava: -
Sri-Salivahana-soka-varsha 1508neya Vyaya-samvatsarada Chaitra-buddha 5ya Budhavâra Mrigasira-nakshatra Vţishabha-lagnadalla.
363.-S. 1514. - South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 86. Virinchipuram inscription of the reign of Venkatapati I. of Vijayanagara (Karnata):
On the 6th solar day of the month of Tai of the Nandana year, which was current after the Saka year 1514 (had passed).'
364.-. 1623. - Ante, Vol. II. p. 371. Vilâpâ ka copper-plates of Venkatapati I. of Vijayanagara (Kernâta): –
Sakti-nêtra-kalamb-êndu-ganité Saka-vatsare Plava-samvatsarê punye mâsi Vaisakha-nâm[a]oi
Pakshe 'valaksh8 ... punyayam dvadasi-tithau 60 Rudhirodgárin would be 8. 1485 expired, and for this year Bråvaņa-kudi 18 corresponds to Monday, the 2nd August, A.D. 1588.
In 8. 1500 expired - Bahudhanya the tithi of the date commenced 2 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, the 26th July, A. D. 1578.

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JULY, 1895.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS.
365. P. 121, No. 49.-S. 1548, Durmati, Vaisakha-śudi 3, Saturday. 'Simoggâ copperplates of Ramadeva of Vijayanagara (Karnâța).
366.-S. 1547.- Páli, Skr, and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 243; Mysore Inscr. No. 122, p. 221. Belûr inscription of Krishnappa-nayaka and others :
Salivahana-saka 1547 (in figures, 1. 5), the Krodhana samvatsara; Monday, the fifth day (Mys. Inscr.: 'the 8th ') of the dark fortnight of Mâgha.62
367.-P. 121, No. 50.-S. 1556, Bhava, Ashâḍha-sudi 13, Sthira (Sani)-våra. Sravana Belgola inscription of Chama Raja Vodeyar of Maisûr.
368, S. 1558. Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 131. Kondyâta copper-plates of Venkata II, of Vijayanagara (Karnâța):
(Plate iva, 1. 14).- Vasu-bana-kalamb-êndu-ganitê Saka-vatsarê Dhatri-samvatsarê(ra)-namni masi ch-Ashâḍha-nâmani |
Pakshe valakshe punyarkshê dvâdasyâm cha mahâ-tithau ||
369. P. 3, No. 136. S. 1560,* Isvara, Phalguna-sudi 5, Thursday. Halebid inscription of Venkatadri-nayaka (son of Krishnappa-nayaka) of Vêlêr. 370.-P. 126, No. 79. S. 1565, Sobhanu, Pausha-vadi 14, Bhargavya-vârê. Death of Chârukirti.
-
371. S. 1566. Ante, Vol. XIII. p. 159. Kallakursi copper-plates of Sriranga II. of Vijayanagara (Karnâța) :
(Pate iva, l. 8). Rasa-rtu-bâna-chandr-akhya-ganitê 'Saka-vatsarê | Taru(ra)n-Akhyê maha-varshê mâsi Phâlguṇa-nâmakê | Pakshe valakshê punyarkshê dvâdaśyâm cha mahâ-tithau II
209
- S. 1570.
372. inscription:
Sakê 1570 Sarvadhari-nama-samvatsarah Vaisâka-vadî 3 Sukkuravâra.t
§. 1576.- Mysore Inscr. No. 175, p. 335. Date in an inscription at Yelandur, of Mudda-bhupati of Padinâḍu :
373.
In the Saka year 1576, the year Jaya."
-
Maisûr :
—
376.§. 1601.
-
374. P. 133, No. 117.-S. 1589, Plavanga, month of Vaiyasi, śudi 3, Thursday. Râ mêsvaram Setupati copper-plates.
375.8. 1594.*. Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 33; Mysore Inscr. No. 137, p. 249. Simoggâ copper-plates of Keladi-Somasekhara-nayaka : —
Sâlivâhana-saka 1594 (in figures, 1. 2 of the first side), the Virôdhikrit samvatsara; the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of 'Sravana.'
Mysore Inscr. No. 167, p. 310. Karigatta copper-plates of Chikkadeva of
377. inscription:
Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 118, pp. 88 and 172. Date of a private
-
The Saka year reckoned as indu, bindu, anga and chandra (1601) having passed, and the year Siddharthi being current, in the month Saha (Kârttika), on the 2nd day of the moon's decrease, the anniversary of his father's death.'
S. 1602.* Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 116, pp. 88 and 171. Date of a private
Salivahana-saka-varusha 1602nê Siddharthi-samvatsarada Mâgha-bahula 10 yallu.
62 Magha-vadi 5 of the year of the date corresponds to Monday, the 6th February, A. D. 1626.

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378. - S. 1615. - Coorg Inscr. No. 11, p. 16. Kattepura copper-plates of Krishňappanayaka (son of Venkatâdri-nayaka) :
'Salivahana-saka-varushaga!u 1615neya Srimukha-nâma-sara vatsarada Pushya sa 12 la.
379. – P. 4, No. 137. – S. 1619, Isvara, Mâgha-sudi 15, Saturday. Dêvanballi copperplates and stone inscription of Gopala Gauda, 'lord of the Avati-nâď.'
380. - 8. 1820.- Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 36; Mysore Inscr. No. 144, p. 258. Kolâr copper-plates :
Saliyâhana-jaka 1620 (in figures, 1. 2 of the first side), the Bahudhanya sasivatsara ; the seventh day of the bright fortnight of Jysishtha.'
381. - $. 1836.* - Páli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 34; Mysore Inscr. No. 138, p. 250. Simoggá copper-plates of Basapayya-nayaka (son of Somasekhara-nAyaka): -
Salivahana-saka 1636 (in figures, l. 3 of the first side), the Vijaya samvatsara; the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra.'
• 382. — P. 133, No. 118. – S. 1636, Jaya, first day of Sittirai, 10th lunar day, Monday. Råmêśvaram Setupati copper-plates.
383. - P. 133, No. 119.- 3. 1887, Manmatha, second day of Mäsi, third lunar day, Monday. Ramešvaram setupati copper-plates.
384. - P. 121, No. 51. - S. 1644, Subhakfit, Margasirsha-paurņamási, Tuesday, a lunar eclipse. Tonnur copper-plates of Krishnaraja of Maisur.
385. - P. 5, No. 143. -- S. 1645 (for 1646), Krodhin, Pausha-vadi 12, Wednesday, uttarayaņa-samkranti. Melkote copper-plates of Krishnaraja of Maisûr.
386. – S. 1645 (P). — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 83, pp. 65 and 152. Inscription of the reign of Krishnaraja of Maisûr :
Salivahana-saka-varsha 1621ne saluva Sobhakfitu-samvatsarada Kârttika ba 13 Guru vâradalla.
387. - P. 121, No. 52. – S. 1650, Kilaka, Kärttika-sudi 2, Budha-vâra. A grant of the ('oorg Raja Dodda Virappa Vodeyar.
388. – P. 134, No. 120. - S. 1655, Pramadin, the 10th day of Kärttigai, a lunar eclipse, Saturday. Setupati copper-plates.
389. – P. 134, No. 121. – 3. 1858, Nala, month of Tai, Paush-âmâvâsya. Setupati copper-plates.
390.- P. 121, No. 53. - S. 1683, Vishu, Chaitra-sudi 1, Monday. Copper-plates from Maisûr.
391. – P. 134, No. 122. - 3. 1705 (Kali 4884), Sobhakrit, month of Mithuna sudi 13, Friday. Setupati copper-plates.
392. - P. 4, No. 138. - 3. 1714, Paridhavin, the 4th day of Panguni, sudi 2, Wednesday. Inscription at Tirupparankunram.
393. - P. 122, No. 54. - 3. 1718, Nala, Chaitra-śudi 1, Bhriga-vára. Abbimatha and Mahadevapura copper-plates of the Coorg Râja Vira Rajendra Vodoyar.
394. — P. 126, No. 80. - 3. 1731, Sukla, Bhadrapada-vadi 4, Budha-våra. Death of Aditakirtidêva,
6 Sobhakrit would be 8. 1645 expired, and for this year the date corresponds to Thursday, the 14th November, A. D. 1723.

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·
395. - P. 126, No. 81. - 8. 1789, Isvara, Jyaishtha-vadi 2, Kali-dina 1796 592, Bhânn. vârs. Merkara copper-plates of the Coorg Raja Linga Rajendra Vodeyar.
396. – P. 127, No. 82.-8. 1748, Vyaya, Phâlguna-vadi 5, Bhanu-vars. Bravaņa Belgola inscription of the reign of Krishnaraja Vodeyar of Maisûr.
397. - 8. 1763.. - Coorg Inscr. No. 22, p. 28. Inscription at Irpi :- . Salivahana-saka-varsha 1763ne Sarvari-samvatsaradallu.
Additional Dates. 398.-8. 1806 (for 1806?). - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 227. Âlampândi copper-plates of Virapaksha, she son of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :(L. 13).- Saksvarsha-sahasr-adbi-pañchottara-sata-trayê i
Raktákshi(kshi).Pashya-samkrantau punya-kale śubhê dinê i 399. - 8. 1815. - Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 229. Klöchipara inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara :(L. 1). -- Saktydke Bak-Abde parinamati sabhe Burimukh-Ashâ[dha)-másê
suddhê pakshe dasamyam Ravisata-divase Mitra-bhê. • 400.-8. 1668.- Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 244. Kaniyir copper-plates of Venkata II. of Vijayanagara (Karnita) and Tirumala Nayaka of Madhura :(L. 103). — Ri(ri)ta-båņa-kalamb-Enda-ganité Saka-vataarê i
Bhav-ábhida (dha) nakê varshê mási Vaisakha-namani Pakshê valakshê paņgarkshê paurna(roa)masyår maha-tithau
(To be continued.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. PROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from page 153.)
BURNELL M88. No. 15—continue:I. THE STORY OF KOTI AND CEANNAYYA-continued. They mounted the bill of Parijs, and when they had ascended it, they spread, in the cool air, under a Banian tree, a blanket bordered with lace.
"Brother! Brother! Kôţi Baidya! Is it not true that the lice on our heads were born at our birth ?" asked Channayya. While the younger brother lay with his head on the elder brother's leg, and while the elder brother was searching for the lice, Channayya saw a company of boys playing together. A thousand cows and a she-buffalo were feeding on the grass in the plain of Pañja
· Brother! I will tell the boys a lie, "13 said he.
“Do not, Channayya! If you tell them one, they will answer nine," said he. Channayya did not listen to his elder brother's advice, and said: "Boys, a bullock in your herd of cows has brought forth a calf and is licking off the dirt on the calf with its tongue!" said he.
# Raktákshi should be 8. 1806 expired.
* In 8. 1815 expired Srimukha AshAdhabudi 10 ended 2 h. 20 m, after mean sunrise of Friday, the 20th June, A. D. 1998, when the nakshatra wa Vibakh. The na kahatra wa AnurAdha (the Mitra-p.) from 1 h. 68 m. fter sunrise of Saturday, the 21st June, A, D. 1893.
13 For 'lia'rend the riddle of folktale and legend.

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“ We will ask you another saying and answer your question," said the boys. "Heroes! What is that fire that is burning on the nea in the countries from which you come P"
Then Channayya growling with rage ran to beat the boys.
"Do not brother; do not ! Let us ask the way and description of the villages," said Koti. " It is not in your herd of cows that the bullock has brought forth a calf and cleans it."
"But is it not a cow that brought forth a calf ?" said the boys.
"Boys! It is not fire that burns on the sea, but it is the sun that rises in the East, and sets in the West," answered they. "Boys, give us a description of the roads and villages."
"If you go by the road to the right, you will reach the chavadi of the Edambûr bidu. If you go by the road to the left, you will arrive at the chávadi of Kemire of Panja. If you go by the road in the middle, you will reach the house of Bannaya of Palli,” said the boys.
The heroes asked for a description of the house of Bannaya of Palli.
“A large cow-shed, a house with an upper storey, a well covered with copper plates ; a seat Yound a red coconnut, another seat round a saroli tree on the northern side. These are the marks. If you want to go there, you had better pass the yard, stand at the small opening made with two posts fastened together, and call the house people," said the boys.
Thus went the heroes there and called “Palli Bannaya ! Palli Bannaya !"
Bannaya's wife heard the second call and answered the third call, and asked who they were?
“No one, but we who are going along the road. Is Palli Bannaya here or not?" said they. "He is, but he went to draw tári in the Sanka Malla Forest," said she. "If he is gone now, when will he return back P" asked they.
" He will return at noon; and if he goes again at midday, he will return back in the evening," said she. “If you are Brâhmaņas, who wear the thread, there is a bench with three legs at the round seat under the red cocoanut. Sit down on the bench. If you are Wakkatas and Baragas, I have spread a mat over the seat at the sampika tree. You can sit down on that. If you are my caste-people, there is a small cottage. Come and sit down there," said she.
They heard it all and went to the seat at the sampika tree, spread a blanket bordered with lace, and sat down, and also put their dagger and a bow across their legs. The elder brother Koti opened his betel-nut bag of the colour of a parrot. Seeing this, the younger brother said that he would open his bag of the colour of the pula bird. Then the baothers chewed betel-nut and the effect was to make Channayya senseless.
“I shall not remain, I shall not live in the world," said he.
" Who is there? O mother, give us a jng of water," said Kôti. "As there is no male here, I cannot come down from the roof of the house, and cannot come down the stairs," said she.
“We are as your brothers, who were born after you," said they.
Having heard this, she went inside, took a jng of silver and went to the seat by the well She bell a pikotta, which was so high as to reach the sky, let it down and drew pure water from the bottom of the well. She washed her face and took the water home. Then she took á mat, the water and a plate of betel-nut.
"If ve must drink water from you, you must tell us your caste, your relations, and the Dames of houses, where you were born and where you were married," said they.
"In the country of Parimal and in a place called Kariya Arad, there is a house called Gejjinanda Yaramang. My mother's name was Deyi, my father's Sayi. I am related to Kirodi Bannal. I am poor and am nicknamed Daru," said she.

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They looked at one another and spoke a strange language, and then they laughed at her. "Brothers ! do you laugh at my foolishness, or at my beauty p” asked she.
“We did not laugh at your foolishness, sister! How many children had your mother p asked they.
“I had one father and two mothers, but to my mother, I am the only daughter. I heard that my younger mother has two children, such as none have yet been born, nor will such be born hereafter. They are committing many crimes, and go about murdering. I have not seen them yet," said she.
"We are your brothers," said they.
She took the jug of water and poured it on their legs, and said: "I am your elder sister!"
She thought to herself that they were related, and so she embraced them. She took them into the inner part of the house, and made them sit on a swinging cot. She made a small seat of mud and cleaned it with cow-dung. She got ready & clean cloth. She purified them all with red fire. She came out, took the dagger and bow, and put them on the seat She held out some grass and called a red cow that had gone out to graze. She drew five sérs of milk from the cow and boiled it down to two sers. She took the milk and called to them.
"We will not drink water, as there is enmity between us and Palli Bannaya !" said they.
“Do you come to go away again, or take the jewels off my nose and off my neck P" asked she. "I have not yet taken off my earrings. I am a young girl. If you are old enomies, keep such enmity back. Drop your enmity and drink water," said she.
"We do not think good and bad of the house where we have drunk milk. We do not destroy the house where we drink milk. We do not ruin the place, where we have sat down !" said they, and chewed betel-nut. When they sat down, the man who had gone to the forest of Sanka Malla returned, carrying tdri. When he entered the hut called Mungil, he said to his wife:
"What is it that I hear the sound of the swinging cot ?"
"O husband ! you have mocked at me up till now for having no family. They are your brothers-in-law and my step-brothers," said she.
"Have you done what you should not have done ?” said he. He went out through the opening of a screen and ran away.
"Where are you running, Palli Bannaya P" asked Kôți and Channayya, and called out to him.
"I believe in you, Koti, but not in your brother," said he.
"A wild fox ever looks behind while running, but you cannot do even that. He is not such & younger brother as to disregard his elder brother's advice," said Kôți.
"You had better come back! Palli Bannaya! Palli Bandaya!" said they.
"Payya Baidya ! 14 let us go home !" said they. “We hear that you are the confidential servant of Kemira of Pañja. Will you kindly introduce us to him ?"
"I was the servant of the former Ballal, but the present Kemira is a fool and useless. I am not his servant ! His servant is one Sanda Giddi," said he.
“Will you shew as Sanda Giddi's house P" said they.
"I will shew it to you, heroes! But you had better go to your sister's house !" said he. “We shall go to her on our return. Take us now to Sanda Giddi's house," said they.
16 There is apparently a hiatus bere in the text.

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"I and Sanda Giddi have been at enmity for a long time, but I will shew you his house at a distance. You may go there," said he.
So they went and called "Sanda Giddi! Sanda Giddi !" When they called him, he was not there, but his wife answered the call,
“Do you know, girl, where he has gone?" asked they. "He went to a garadi16 at Peru Perumunda to teach boys to write and play," said she.
"O girl! why did he go to the garadi at Peru Perumundê ?" asked they again. "He went to teach boys to play," said she.
Then they went to the garadi at Peru Perumande. Sanda Giddi saw them from a distance, sent away all the boys, and sat still, shutting the doors on all the four sides. The heroes went three times round the garadi.
“Let us see if there is any entrance to this garadi or not,” said Channayya.
So they broke down the frame of the door, and the stone doors themselves. They entered. and stood in the middle of garadi.
"If we are to fight seven battles, you can tell me how many kinds of lizards there are here?" said Channayya to Koti.
“There is a green lizard and there is a blue lizard," said the elder brother. Then they examined the four sides of the garadi and found Sanda Giddi standing like a lizard behind a kandodt post.
“Why did you stand there, Sanda Giddi?" asked the younger brother. "I concealed myself from my creditors, but I do not know who you are," said he. They asked him who the teachers and scholars in the garadi were. “They who came after me are pradanis (ministers), and I am the king !" said he.
"I went to examine the king, fought with him and put him on a rafter with his dagger. Now who is pradani or king ?" asked Channayya.
“Now they are kings who came after me, and I am a pradani,” said Sanda Giddi.
Sanda Giddi took them home and shat the doors of the garadi. As soon as he got home, he called his wife, ordered her to clean a hut, to purify it, to wave fire over it, and to spread a mat.
" You heroes, sit down awhile, as the sun is hot," said Sanda Giddi.
Sanda Giddi went out with a dirty sickle and with a blunt sickle. He went to the chůvadi of Kemira at Pañja, and told the people that the two heroes had come.
"If they stay in this country they will not leave even a single village standing. We should somehow try to kill them; at any rate we should put them in prison," said Sanda Giddi to Kemira. “Do you hide yourself upstairs. Let them salute Jaru Kottari, the son of the concubine Siddu, instead of you."
Then he went home and took the heroes to the palace. Sanda Giddi went and saluted Jaru Kottari.
"If we are to salate, let us see who is the master and who are the servants," said Channayya.
So they looked round and saw Kemira of Pañja murmuring and biting his lips.
"Do not act like a buffalo. We did not come to ask about the debt. Thistles grow not on the road by which we came and we had better return back," said the brothers.
Kemira Ballal came down the stairs and thrust out Kottari by the neck, and sat on his throne. "Heroes ! I did it wantonly to try you," said he.
16 A public school house.

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Then the heroes saluted him. “Have you seen the palace yet, which I have built," asked the Balla!.
He took them inside and made signs to every one, wherever he went. Kemira went first, and the heroes followed him. When they went on, the doors behind them were shut, and logs, too, were placed across the doors. Kemira of Pañja went out in front, and all the doors were shut in on the brothers.
“Ah! we crowed at Parimal like a cock, but the day approached near for sighing at Pañja like a hen," said Kôţi. "If I am a strong youth, I can break down this palace," and he pushed with his shield like an elephant.
He threw ap the soil like a deer. He became small as a peacock. He trod down the walls by force, and made an opening by which an elephant could enter.
“Ho, elder brother! if you want to go, you may," said Channayya. Kôti went out, pushing aside with his dagger a stone, which could only be drawn by fourteen elephants.
“ Ho, younger brother, sit down on that stone," said Koti.
"I shall come, too, Koţi Baidya! Do you go and sit down at Balitimâr, the paddy field at Padja."
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., LC.S.
(Continued from p. 169.) Barth. As a blood stauncher, & poultice, an application for strains, & cure for diseases, and a stayer of hunger pangs, earth holds a high place among spirit-scarers. To lay the ghost of the dead, the Musalman gives it earth; the shade of the unburied mariner prays the Roman for the scanty present of a little dust, the English moarner is directed to drop some handfuls of earth on the coffin lid. The red earth of a white-ant hill is a common Indian cure for a strain, and it is used as a poultice by the Khonds. White-ant hills are considered sacred by Hindus. According to the Bhagavata Purána, dust taken from * Cow's foot-prints, cowdang, and cow-urine were used in driving away spirits from the infant god Krishna 51 At Pandharpur, wben a Brâhman pilgrim bathes, he takes earth from the bed of the Bhima, rubs it on his body, and says :- "Earth, free me from my sins and misdeeds, that, my sins being destroyed by thee, I may reach heaven." Hindu women with child and young children eat a white pipe-clay, which, before it is enten, is generally baked black, but is also sometimes eaten raw. It is called "edible earth” or kháyáchi máti, and is sold by gánd his or grocers, and by grain-parchers called bhárbhujás (G.) and chana kurmuriválás (M.)
17 In Dharwas earth is used in the following cases :-(1) To stop an issue of blood, cement from an old building finely ponnded and dissolved in water is kept in pot till the beavier parts sink to the bottom, when the clear water on the top is given to the patient to drink. (2) In pregnancy, a discharge of blood is arrested by drinking white earth (gipichandana) mixed with cards. (3) To allay thirst in fever, white-ant earth, boiled in water, is given to the patient to drink. (4) In cases of seminal discharge, whitish clay powder is mixed in water and given to the patient to drink. (5) To cure an outbreak of small pimples, red earth or clay, called sinakde, is mixed in oil and rubbed over the body. (6) When a pregnant woman is in pain, wbite earth dissolved in rice water is given her to drink. (7) A stye is cured by rubbing on it the powdered earth of a piece of pottery. (8) Swellings are reduced by applying black earth heated and dissolved in water. (Information from Mr. Tirmalrav.) In Kithiwr a special red earth is used to reduce internal swelling. Earth is also largely used for external application, in cases of un-stroke and of wasp and other stings. An application of earth cools the bead and eyelids. Bleeding from the nose la Atopped by smelling a piece of wet earth. The application of avald (Emblica officinalis) leaves, earth, and salt cures the contraction of joints. (Information from Mr. Himmatlal).
• Horace, Carm. I. XXVIII. Macpherson's Khonds, P. 59. Common place Book, Vol. VII. p. 250. 01 Information from Mr. B. B. Vakhårkar.
61 Information from Mr. S. V. Kámat.

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In the Kônkan, among Kunbis and other lower classes, when women visitors enter a room where a new-born child is laid, they take a pinch of dust off their feet, wave it round the child, and blow it into the air and on the ground.53 In Thânî, when a mother goes out with a young child on her hip, if she cannot get lamp-black to rub between its eyes, she takes dust off her left foot and rubs it on the child's forehead.54 In Thânâ and in many other districts of the Kônkan and the Dekhan, the second day of the Hôli festival, which is the beginning of the new field-year, is the dust or dhul day, when people throw dust on each other. If a Dekhan Mhâr is possessed, the exorcist takes a pinch of dust off his own feet, and rabs it between the eye-brows of the possessed person, and the spirit leaves his body. The Dekhan Chitpavan priest, at a marriage, rabs bandles of betel-nute with sand, and sprinkles water over them. The Chitpâvan boy, after his thread-girding, is told to rub his hands with sand before he washes them, and the Chitpåvan girl, on coming of age, is rubbed with seven kinde of earth and bathed.55 On the fifth day after & birth, the Poona Salis scatter grains of sand about the image of Sathvai.66 The marriage guardians of the Lôdhis, a class of Hindustani Hindus in Poona, are pinches of dust picked from five ways, and laid before the house gods.57 The Poona Râuls lay handfals of dust on the grave.58 The Dekhan Kunbis, at the Holi festival, throw mud and dirt on every one they meet.5e The Dekhan Râmôšia on the dirt-day or dhulvád, the second day of the Holi festival in March-April, carry about pots of earth, and if they meet a well-dressed man throw the earth on him, and ask him to come and play and wrestle.60 The Poona Chambhars put sand under the mother's pillow after child-birth and, when they bury the dead, the body is laid on the ground and all present throw handfuls of earth on it.61 The chief mourner among the Poona Halalkhors throws a little earth on the body before the grave is filled. In the Dekhan on pôlá or bull's day (July-September), cattle are rabbed with red earth. Among the Ahmadnagar Bhồis, the chief mourner throws earth on the dead. Earth was an early food or stayer of hunger. In the terrible famine of 1803, in Ahmadnagar, in the Bombay Dekban, tamarind leaves mixed with white earth were made into a jelly and eaten. Among the Satârâ Mhårs, when the body is laid in the grave, the chief mourner throws a handful of earth over it. The Killikiâtar wanderers of Bijapur rub their cheeks with red earth.66 People suffering from venereal disease come to the Qadart's tomb at Yemnûr, in Dharwar, and smear their bodies with mud, that they may be cured of the disease.67 The Bijapur Rajput, before a marriage, sends a near kinsman to the banks of a stream or the side of a pond. He worships a plot of earth, spreads his waist-cloth over it, opens the earth close by with a pickaxe, gathers as much as is loosened, lays it on his waist-cloth, and carries it home. He spreads the earth in the marriage hall and on it sets the image of the marriage guardian. The Bilejádar Lingâyats of Dharwas throw handfuls of earth on the body in the grave. If a Dharwâr Dêvàng girl, who belongs to the ling-wearing division, marries a man who wears the thread, to purify her, she is first rubbed with earth and white ashes, a blade of dar bhá grass is passed over her head, and she is oiled and bathed in warm water.70 The Kâbâligârs, a class of Dharwar beggars, rub their brows, shoulders and eyes with red earth.71 At a Dharwar jangam funeral, all present lay a handful of earth on the body, after it is seated in the grave.72 Karnatak Brahmans, at a thread-girding, fill five pots with red earth and worship them,73 Shâlâpur Lingayats put in the grave dust from the jangam's feet, and, when one of their girls comes of age, the jangam throws dust from his feet on her body, and she
68 Information from the peon Babaji.
64 Information from Mr. Govind Pandit. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. pp. 119, 141. Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 363. 07 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 399.
58 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 381. Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 298.
69 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 414. 61 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII, p. 327.
Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 157. " Lt. Col. Etheridge's Famines in the Bombay Presidency, p. 80. 6 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIX. p. 115.
66 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 198. 67 Op.cit. Vol. XXII. p. 790.
68 Op.cit. Vol. XXIII. P. 159. • Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 165.
79 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 166. 71 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 209,
72 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 115. 78 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 294.

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is pure.74 Among Sholapur Mhars, the chief mourner scatters earth on the dead body, the other mourners follow, and the grave is filled.75 A sacred yellow earth found in a pond in West Kâhiâwâr, called milkmaid's sandal wood, or góp chandun, is used by Vaishnavas to make the brow-mark.76 Jain mourners, on going home after a funeral, wash their hands with earth and water.
The Kols swear by the earth of a white ant-hill.77 Dast from cross roads is worn by Hindus as an amulet against the Evil Eye.78 In Bengal, when a mother takes her child ont of doors, she rabs its forehead with earth or the end of a lamp-wick, and spits on its breast.79 In Bengal, women clean their hair with mud.80 At the great annual bathing of the goddess Durgå, she is first washed in earth thrown up by a hog's tooth gathered from the door of a courtezan, or from an ant-hill.91 In rude stone-tombs on the Nilgiris, in 1832 and 1847, urns were found full of black earth and bones.82 In his daily bath, a Hindu should rub himself with mud.83 In Bengal, the dying Hindu has his head sprinkled with water and smeared with clay from the Ganges.84 Fryer, in 1673 (p. 115), mentions a man at Sürat trying to cure dysentery by setting a pot filled with dried earth on the patient's navel. The Egyptians, he says, had a similar practice. At Sürat, in 1640, to avert a drought, Brâhmans went about carrying a board with earth on it on their heads.85 Scented earth is nsed as soap in some parts of Hindustan.86 That rubbing with dust purifies a man was one of the ideas Rttacked by the Buddhists.87 Hindus and Pârsis use earth to clean their cooking vessels. So before praying, if there is no water, the Musalman may cleanse his face, hands and feet with sand, The Parsis parify with dry earth.89 When they have cut their nails and their hair, they make the parings and clippings into a little heap, and pour earth over the heap, so that demons may not enter into the parings and clippings. In Persia, during their monthly sickness, women lived in a separate room strewn with dry dust. Among the Beni-Isra'ils, each mourner stuffs a handful of earth into a pillow, and it is set under the dead man's head in the grave. Afterwards each mourner throws a handful of earth into the grave." The belief that spirits fear earth was perhaps the reason why, after a death, the Jews covered their heads with dust and ashes. In Central Asia, people scrape a little earth from the grave, carry it home and rub it on the breast to lessen grief.s3 Khurd women at funerals throw handfnls of earth on their heads, and tear their clothes.94
The Andaman Islanders use clay as a cure in illness, 95 and women with child eat clay.96 The Andamanese cover the body with clay and sand as a protection against vermin.97 The Australians also cover their bodies with coloured earth mixed with oil. Among the Chinese armlets of perfamed clay are strung on thread and worn as charms." The Australians cure a wound by sprinkling it with dast.100 A poultice, of Nile mud, is a certain cure for a scalded head. Some Madagascar tribes plaster their faces with white earth, as a care for certain complaints. Hottentot women paint theinselves with red ochre when they pray. In East Africa, red clay is eaten by Mahenge women. The Wagogos of East Africa (and many other
*6 Op. cit. Vol. XX. pp. 82, 84. 0 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 180.
Information from Col. Wataon. 77 Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 873.
* Balfour's Encyclopædia, Vol. V. p. 29. 19 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 161. se Op. cit. Vol. IIL p. 197. $1 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 115.
$Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 161. 3 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 30. # Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 135. 86 Fryer, p. 418.
86 Moor's Little, p. 296. 87 Max Müller's Hibbert Lectures, 1878, p. 555.
Bleek's Avesta, p. 67. 89 Bleek's Khordah Avesta, P. 186.
" Dabistan, Vol. I. p. 317. 91 Bleek's Avesta, pp. 122, 123.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 534. * Sobuyler's Turkestan, Vol. I. p. 152.
91 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 181. 95 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 162.
Op. cit. Vol. VII. p. 462. 97 Op. cit. Vol. VII. p. 439
Op. cit. Vol. VII. p. 445. .. Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 39.
190 Wallace's Australasia, p. 99. 1 Parson's Travela, 1775, p. 312.
> Sibree's Madaguscar, p. 294. • Habn's Toni Goam, p. 124,
Thomson's Across Central Africa, Vo!. I. p. 191.

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tribes) smear themselves with red earth. The Warundis of East Africa smear themselves with red earth and oil. The Kâfirs rub themselves with red clay.? On the Guinea coast, hot sand is tused as a styptic.8. Kafirs near the Cape of Good Hope covered their bodies and cloaks with ochre-colon red earth mixed with grease. In South Africa, says Dr. Livingstone, those who go to salute the chief rub the upper arm and chest with ashes.10 The emperor of Morocco puts in the head-dress of his horse a small ponch of scarlet leather, in which is earth from a holy tomb. ll In Dahomey and on the Congo, people throw earth on the head when paying respect to superiors, 12 When the king of Dahomey goes to his chief priest the king throws dust on his own brow.13 A Hottentot in pursuit of a wounded animal throws sand into the air, and the strength of the animal fails.14 Hottentot women spread red earth and sweet herbs on the heads of their gods.15 A bag of sand is one of the chief Madagascar idols.16 The Papuans of Ontanata River in New Guinea plaster their bodies with sand and mud ;17 rub white clay into cuts to make scars;18 and smear their foreheads and faces under the nose and round the chin with red clay.19 Some Dutch sailors looked at a newly-born Papuan baby which was laid on the sand: the mother saw them, dragged the child to her, and sprinkled sand over its eyes and ears, and then over its whole body: she then laid it ander leaves 20 South American Indians eat clay called ppassa.31
A resident of New York and a magistrate, sufferers from indigestion, copying the practice of birds, adopted a diet of sand and were cared. “Blessed earth" is put in the Roman Catholic coffin 23 In Russia, earth is thrown on the coffin by the priest, and by vach member of the family.24 In the Middle Ages, in Europe, when a nna was consecrated, her relations, as a sign that she renounced all her earthly possessions, threw earth on her arm.25 The Chronicon St. Bertini relates how Richilde, before her fight with Robert the Frisiau, threw dust in the air against the Frisians with formalas of imprecation, but the dust fell back on her own head in token of her speedy overthrow.26 An early form of oath anong the Hungarians and Slavs was for the person who swore to place earth on his head.27 In a cairn in Northumberland was found an turn with bones, charcoal, ashes, and fine foreign red carth.29 Rubbing with earth cures ringworm in Northumberland.2 At Newcastle-onTyle sand is strewn on the pavement for bridal parties to tread on.30 When the death straggle 's prolonged, cbarch dust is brought to the death-bed, and the sufferer dies soon and in quiet,31
Eggs. - Eggs as an early food and physic scare spirits. Again the egg, as the house of the chick, is a spirit home and so the egg pleases and lodges wandering spirits. Konkan Kunbis give a mixture of eggs and turmeric to a person who spits blood ;32 and to remove the effect of the Evil Eye they wave bread and an egg round the sick.33 The Velalis or Pelles, a Tamil tribe in Poona, offer eggs on the fifth day after child-birth to the knife which cut the Bavel cord.34 The Sultankars, a class of North Indian tanners in Poona, when their wives are possessed by evil spirits, offer rice, a fowl and an egg, and the spirit goes.35 The Beni-Isra'il habe is daily rubbed with turmeric and the white of an egg,36 and to avert evil the Beni-Isra'ils. + Cameron's Across Africa, p. 93.
6 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 245. 1 Cupuingham's South Africa, p. 124.
8. Barton's Dahomey, Vol. II. p. 159. Burchell's Southern Africa, VOL I. p. 268.
10 Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 256. 11 Hey's IVestern Barbary, p. 53.
12 Burton's Fisit to Dahomey, VOL I. p. 258. 1 (p. cit. Vol. I. p. 333.
14 Haha's Tsuni Goam, p. 85. 15 Op. cit. p. 91.
16 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 30L. 11 Ear!'s Papuans, p. 47.
18 Op. cit. p. 5. 10 Op. cit. p. 19.
20 Op. cit. p. 49. 21 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. V: 251.
22 Times of India, 1st January 1891. 2! Gollen Mauunl, p. 757.
Mrs. Romanolf's Rites anl Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p.Me 25 Grimm's Teuto. Myth. Vol. II. p. 643.
26 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 1087. 2: Op.cit. Vol. II. p. 643.
26 Jour. Etho. Soc. Vol. I. p. 163. 19 Henderaon's Folk-Lore, p. 140.
* Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 49. 9! Op.cit. p. 231.
8: Information from the peon Babaji. 3% Informatioa from the peon Babaji.
24 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 257. Op.cit. Vol. XVII. p. 867.
36 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 526.

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break a hen's egg under the forefoot of the bridegroom's horse. 37 In China, dyed eggs are eaten by women at and after child-birth.38 At Teesee, in West Africa, no woman will eat an egg.39 On the Gold Coast of Africa, the fetich nan cures disease by laying an egg on the highway.40 In Russia, Gerinany and North England, Easter Eggs are painted and gilded as a sign of the resurrection.41 Good Friday Eggs never go bad.2 In Scotland, on Easter Day, eggs are kept boiled and painted.43 In England, there was a very old and wide-spread custom of making presents of eggs on Easter Day: the eggs were painted yellow or red: these eggs were emblems of the sun, and could put out a fire and cure disease.44 In England, the shells of eaten eggs are broken in case the devil should fit out the shells as a witch-house.45 On the first visit of a babe to a neighbour's house, it should be given an egg, and some salt and white bread.46
Feasting. - Feasting scares the demons of hunger, thirst, weariness and sadness. Also feasting is a great spirit-housing rite, the feasters being inspirited by the entrance into them of family and other unbodied spirits. The Pârsî, says Anquetil Du Perron, believes he honours God by nourishing himself. A fresh and vigorous body makes the soul more able to resist evil spirits. At the close of all their leading ceremonies, at births, thread-girdings, marriages, and deaths, Hindus hold a feast. Among the Maďhava Brahmans of Dharway, when a child is three or four months old and begins to turn on one side, & feast is held, and cakes, called kudhiis, are made and eaten; when the child learns to fall on its face, cakes of wheat flour, called polis, are made and eaten ; when the child first crosses the threshold of a room, other cakes of wheat flour are made and eaten; and when the child begins to press one palm on the other, sweet balls are made and eaten.49 The Teluga Masalarus of Dharwår, on the fifth day after a death, hold a feast, kill a fowl, and eat its flesh.50 Belgaum Sâlîs, on the fifth day after a birth, present women guests with turmeric and red powder, and feast children.51 That the object of ceremonial feasts is to scare spirits, is admitted in the practice of the Kânara Roman Catholics who, on the day before marriage, give an almá chém jevan, or soul's dinner, to satisfy the spirits of the family dead.52 When an Ahmadnagar Hindu is affected by the planet Saturn, he calls a Mâng, feasts him with millet, pulse and oil, and gives him an iron nail or some cotton.63 On the third day after a death, the Gonds hold a feast and eat the spirit-scaring cock, and drink spirit-scaring liquor.54 When the dead body is buried the Maria Gonds kill a cow, the great purifier and spirit-scarer, and drink its blood.55 A year or eighteen months afterwards they sacrifice a fowl near the tree, where the dead was buried, and there, for two or three days, men and women dance, drink and enjoy themselves without restraint.66 The new-moon day is a spirit day. So, strictly religious Hindus on a new-moon day worship their ancestors and hold a feast in their honour.67 After a death, the Beni-Isra'ils give a feast on the seventh day, also at the end of one month, finally at the close of three months, six months, and of a year.59 The Persians passed their decisions under the influence of wine, the sense being that the spirits of the wise dead entered the drinker.50 All over Germany a grand annual excursion of witches takes place on the first night in May. On the first of May the periodical assizes were held together with merry May-ridings and the kindling of the sacred fire.co In
37 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 519.
Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 184. 80 Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 70. 40 Moore's Fragments, p. 184. +1 Henderson'Folk-Lore, p. 84. 42 Op. cit. p. 83. 43 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 425.
Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 170. 15* Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 18.
46 Henderson's Folk Lore, p. 20. 47 Zend Avesta, Vol. II. p. 601. 48 Dibistan, Vol. I. p. 321. "Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 75.
00 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 211. The original funeral feast was the eating of the dead man. The dead were eaten to keep the spirit from wandering and worrying. Later phases of the primitive funeral feast are the eating of some animal, into which the spirit of the dead has passed.
61 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 146. 62 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 390. 63 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 171. 64 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. I. p. vi. 05 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 283.68 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, D. LO. 67 Balfour's Encyclopædia, Vol. V. p.31.
5% Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 535. 65 Herodotus, Vol. I, p. 133.
60 Grimm's Teuto. Myth. VOL. IIL P. 1050.

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England, feasts of cross-buns used to be given to sailors on Good Friday to keep away storms.61 A trace of the spirit-scaring aim of the funeral lives in the English2 funeral practice of setting a black scarf and some biscuit soaked in wine, in the bee-hive mouth.63 In North England, the birth of a child is marked by great eating and drinking of tea, brandy, short-bread, buns, and the groaning cheese, a piece of which was given to each young woman to lay under her pillow and dream of her lover.64
(To be continued.)
220
NOTES AND QUERIES.
A STORY OF VALMIKI.
Bal Mik Rishi, better known as Valmiki who wrote the Ramayana, was, according to Karnal tradition, a great hunter before his conversion. Holy men brought him to a sense of his sin, and would set him a penance. They argued thus:
To say Ram Ram would be the most appropriate penance. But so holy a name cannot issue from the mouth of so sinful a man. He shall therefore say Mra Mrs, which after all comes to very nearly the same thing, if you only say it fast enough." Years afterwards the holy men passed that way again, and sat down on a huge ant-hill to rest. Hearing a strange buzzing inside, they laid their ears to the ground, and heard issuing from the centre of the hill a faint "Mra Mrs." "Narayan!" said they, "it is the hunter we set to do penance!" And so it was. So they dug Bål Mik out, and he became exceedingly holy. This was at Bâlu, in the Nardak, or. uplands, of the Karnål district.
DENZIL IBBETSON in P. N. and Q. 1883.
SAUKAN MORA.
THE saukan mora, or rival wife's crown, is a small wall-plate of silver, worn as a locket by all classes round the neck of a subsequent wife married after the death of a previous one. It is put on at the marriage and worn till death. At the same time cil, milk, spices and sugar, are poured on the former wife's grave as a peace-offering. The saukan mórá represents the dead wife, and all presents-clothes, jewels, etc., given by the husband to the new wife - are laid upon it before being worn, with the formula: "Honoured lady, wear this (dress, jewel, etc., as the case may be) first, and afterwards let this poor slave have your cast-off clothes."
At the 'Idu'l-fitr (end of the Ramzân fast)
61 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 83.
65 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 128.
Muhammadan women always wear new clothes, but second wives invariably offer them first to the saukan mora.
The charm is worn as a preventive of evil caused by the dead woman's jealousy, not so much of the new wife, as of the husband. Illness or death of the latter soon after marriage is invariably put down to neglect of the saukan môrd.
F. A. STEEL in P. N. and Q. 1883.
KALI IN GARHWAL AS A DISEASE DEMON.
The goddess Kali lives on the top of a mountain, called Bhadan Garh, about four miles from the Gwâldanı Tea Estate, and is considered to be the sender of all kinds of sickness. So if any epidemic breaks out in any village or district near it is put down to her, and the people at once go to her temple on the top of the hill, where they offer sacrifices of buffaloes, goats, fowls and pigs. The Hindus proper offer the goats and the outcaste Doms offer the other animals.
With the animals is offered a substance called parsût, consisting of ghi, flour, and gur (unrefined sugar). Near the temple where the animals are slaughtered is a stone cup, rather larger than a big breakfast oup, imbedded in the ground. If the blood from the slaughtered animal fills the cup the goddess is appeased; but if the cup be not filled she is angry, and the epidemic will not soon leave the village.
The suppliants, too, promise at the time that if the goddess takes away the sickness they will again in twelve months' time make another sacri. fice. This promise is religiously kept, as if it were broken they believe that every man, woman, and child of the offending village would be destroyed.
G. DALZIEL in P. N. and Q. 1883.
62 Cherry Burton, 1827.
CA Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 11.

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NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S.
Continued from p. 220.) L EATHERS. — Peacock feathers are considered sacred by the Hindus, and are used for
T fanning idols. The god Hirava of the Vârlis and Kolis of Thânâ is a bundle of peacock feathers. At the Divali (October-November) Vårll boys of Thank put a peacock feather into a brass pot, and dance round it.65 The Môdi, or Kôrvi, sorcerers of Belgaum wear feathers in their turbans.86 Hindu messengers used to wear a feather in their head-dress.67 Feathers were the common ornaments of Epyptian gods.68 The early tribes of Australia wear feathers, teeth and fish bones in their hair.89 The people of New Britain, east of New Guinea, deck their hair with gay feathers.70 The Melville Islanders fasten a feather in their hair.71 Feathers are worn on the head by the Harvey Islanders.72 The Motus of New Guinea wear the feathers of the cassowary as a head-dress:73 The Easter Islanders wear & crown of grass round which feathers are stack.74 The state carpet of Hawaii, in the Pacific, is of feathers.75 The Niam. Niams of Central Africa wear a plame of feathers.76 The Wasagaras of the East African hills wear vulture and ostrich feathers in their hair.77 Many Africans and Americans wear plumes in their hair, In South Africa a pink feather is a sure guard against lightning.78 The Dinkas of the White Nile wear ostrich feathers in their hair.70 Feathers are worn by the priestesses of Dahomey.80 Among some American Indians & head dress full of feathers is sacred. In Russia, feathers are worn on the head only by married ladies.82 In Russia, feathers used to be laid on the face of the dead.93 The Pope is always uccompanied with flabelli, or feather fans.84 The badge of the Prince of Wales is of ostrich feathers.
Flags. - Flags are lucky. They scare fiends and they house guardians.86 So on their New Year's Day, on the 12th of January, most high class Hindus in the Dekhan and Kônkan chew nim leaves with sugar, and set in front of their houses a bamboo pole capped with a brass or silver pot, and with a new piece of cloth hanging to it as a flag.86 The pole is often adorned with flower garlands and mango leaves.97 Tour small flags are set in the ground where the Poona Dhruva Prabhu is burnt.88 The Ahmednagar Dhôrs plant three small red flags on the grave. Several large and small flags are set in front of the three-cornered mound, which is raised where a Dharwar Madhava Brâhman has been burnt.50 The Rattas, early Hindu chiefs of the Karnatak, carried banners with a fig tree and a garud, or eagle, and used the mark of a lion.91 In Kinara, the Roman Catholics of each parish have a flag, with a picture of their patron saint on it, which, on the patron's yearly feast, is hung on a pun tree about sixty yards in front of the church.92 The ancient Persians had a tiger skin banner.93
65 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 188. 6 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 171. 67 Dabiston, Vol. II. p. 111. 63 Tiele's Egyptian Religion, p. 87.
6 Wallace's Australasia, p. 91, To Op. cit. p. 468. 11 Earl's Papuans, p. 200.
12 Gill's Polynesia, p. 9. T: Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 477.
it Op. cit. Vol. V. p. 111. 76 Jones' Crowns, p. 451.
76 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 8. 17 Burton's Lake Region of Contral Africa, Vol. I. p. 235. Cunningham's South Africa, p. 159. * Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 150. 80 Burton's Dahomey, Vol. II. p. 154. #1 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 304. 07 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 215. 83 Op. cit. p. 393.
84 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 397. 85 The freedom of its movements is perhaps the root cause why the flag is believed to be possessed or alive. Later their guardian influence is supposed to be due to their colouring and to the pictures of guardians drawn upon them. Each of the old secret societies of England, the Foresters and other brotherhoods, had its emblem and its flag with the emblem emblazoned on it. In England the war flag is known as "the colours," and "the colours" are still consecrated when now, and their torn remains preserved in some great place of worship. The camp religion of the Romans, says Tertullian (A, D. 196), was all through a worship of the standards. Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 909. 86 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
87 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. €$ Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 191.
89 Op. cit, Vol. XVII. p. 169. 90 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 85.
P1 Dr. Fleet's Kinara Dynasties, p. 7. 92 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. p. 386.
93 West's Pahlaus Texts, p. 223.

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The Jews seem to have held banners over feasters. Each tribe of the Jews had a banner.95 Freemasons have a general standard with a yellow cross.96 Masons in a procession carry six banners of satin or silk fringed with blue, with, on each banner, one of the words Faith, Hope, Charity, Wisdom, Strength and Beauty. In the Royal Arch Chapter four officers carry banners - white, scarlet, and blue.97 The Burmans have praying flags.88 Between A. D. 1000 and 1200, Japan was wasted by the wars of the red and white flags. In North-West Africa, every mosque has a banner;200 and all Masalman pilgrims carry flags. In Morocco a white flag is hoisted on mosques at prayer time. At the coronation of the Russian Emperor, the banner of Russia is first sprinkled with holy water and given to the Emperor, who waves it thrice.3 Froissart describes Douglas, who was slain at Otterburn, as buried at Melrose beneath the high altar, on his body a tomb of stone and his banner hanging over him. According to Anglo-Saxon accounts the Northmen had a wonderful standard borne before their army, from whose behaviour they inferred victory or defeat.
Flowers.-Their scent, colour and medical properties have earned for flowers a place among guardians, or spirit-scarers. When a Hindu visits the shrine of any local god or goddess, the ministrant gives him either ashes or flowers. These flowers are considered lucky. In the Kônkan, flowers are used by Hinda exorcists to drive out spirits. The exorcist gives flowers and ashes to a man suffering from spirit-possession. If the patient keeps them for a certain number of days the haunting spirit departs. In Western India, many classes of Hindus tie chaplets of flowers round the brows of the bride and bridegroom. In the worship of the boy at the Chitpavan wedding, the boy has a chaplet of flowers, and grains of rice are thrown over him. In the Chitpavan pregnancy ceremony, & necklace of figs is hung round the woman's neck, she is covered with ornaments, and her hair is decked with flowers. The Poona Halálkhôrs hang a garland round the bride's neck, and the bride and bridegroom throw flowers and rice on the house gods. Among them, on the third day after a death, the chief mourner lays a flower garland on the grave, and on the spot in the house where the dead breathed his last. The Lingayats hang flower garlands round the neck of the dead.10 Poona dyers, or Niláris, sprinkle turmeric and flowers over the dead.11 Sweetmeats and flowers are laid on the spot where the Pardêsî Râjput of Poona is buried.12 On the third day after death, flowers dipped in scent are strewn on the Dekhan Musalman grave.13 In a Dekhan Musalman woman's first pregnancy, she and her husband are seated on a cot and wreathed with flowers.14 In Kôlhậpur, when a child is suffering from a disease, called bálagraha, or child-seizure, flowers are waved round the child's face.15 The Kunbis of the Bombay Karnatak have a festival, called pavaty dché purnima, or "the hank full-moon," when they throw round the neck of every one in the house, and round lamps and other articles, a hank of yellow thread. 16 In a Karnatak Kunbî's wedding a flower garland is thrown by the bride over the bridegroom and another by the bridegroom over the bride.17 The Karnatak Madhava Brâhmaņs throw flower garlands round the bridegroom's neck when he crosses the border of the girl's village, 18 and in the fifth month of her pregnancy the Madhava woman is decked with buds.19 Among the Shenvis of Kinara, at the ceremony of betrothal, the boy's people cover the girl's head with flowers.20 In
** Compare Song of Solomon, i. 2. 96 Op. cit. p. 34.
97 Op.cit. p. 38. 99 Reed's Japan, Vol. I. p. 137. ? Rohlf's Morocco, p. 65. • Note Z to Lay of the Last Minstrel. 7 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 132. , Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 439. 11 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 355. 18 Information from Mr. Syed Daud. 15 Information from Mr. B. B. Vakhirkar, B.A. 17 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. pp. 121, 122. 19 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 83.
AS Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 27. 95 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 153. 100 Hay's Western Barbary, p. 126. 1 Op. cit. p. 132. s Jones' Crowns, p. 382.
+ Vol. III. p. 165. 6 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1112. $ Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 146. 10 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 237. 12 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 404. 2. Information from Mr. Syed Dadd. 16 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 115. 18 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 80. 20 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 155.

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Kanara, the office-bearers of the Catholic Church are installed by being crowned with flower chaplets and being sprinkled with holy water.31 The Kurubar, or shepherd wrestler of Bijapur, always wears a flower in his ear.22 The Bijapur Bedars deck a woman's head with flowers on her wedding day and after she dies.23 The Sholapur Komatis think a house where a birth has taken place to be impure. So they pay a Brâhman to read fiend-scaring-verses, Kunbi women to pour water in front of the house, and a flower-girl to hang flower garlands.24 The Beni-Isra'il bridegroom is covered from head to foot with flowers, and the Beni-Isra'ils cover their coffins with flower garlands.25 In Bengal, at the worship of Durga, the Brâhman sticks a flower on the goat's head before he hands it to the slaughterer.36 In South India, flowers that have been offered to an idol are eagerly sought for by men and women. The men wear them in their turbans, and the women in their hair.7 At the new year purification ceremony in South India, garlands of green leaves and flowers are hung round the cattle's necks.29 In Malabar, when the Hindus build a temple, they consecrate it, install an image, wave lamps round it, and hang it with garlands. According to the Hindu religious books, as soon as a Brahman dies, the body must be washed, perfumed, and decked with flower-wreaths.30 In dedicating & Hindu temple 108 priests throw garlands on the god, I do in the Acts of the Apostles, when the priests of Jupiter came to worship Barnabas, they brought garlands. Castro, after his triumph at Diu (1647), entered Goa crowned with laurels and with a laurel bongh in his hands.32 The Egyptians crowned their altars with flower garlands. They also laid flower garlands on the coffins of the dead,33 The victim white-horse in China is crowned with garlands. Chinese women, even the old, dress their hair with fine flowers.35 The Japanese pat fresh flowers in summer, and green boughs in winter, over their graves.36 In Teneriffe, before the crowning of the king, the palace is strewn with flowers and palmleaves.37 In America, the graves of those who died in the Civil War are hang with flower garlands. At the Fontinalia, the Romans decked fountains with flowers in honour of the nymphs,38 Flowers are strewn in the coffin of a Russian girl.20 On Ascension Day, in Germany, girls twine garlands of white and red flowers, and bang them in the rooms and over the cattle in the stable. In Hesse, on Easter Monday, young girls go to a certain cavern, but no one will go anlees she has flowers.s1 Golden flowers are thrown when a great man passes through a city. Bo in 1883, in Florence, when the body of the late Raja of Kolhapur was taken through the streets, golden flowers were scattered; similarly in the procession before the coronation of Richard IL (1377) of England, he was met by girls who threw leaves of gold into his face and golden flowers on the ground. In Wales, in 1804, the bed on which the corpse was laid was always strewn with flowers, and flowers were dropped on the body after it was laid in the coffin.43 In his Historical and Statistical Account of the Isle of Man (1845, Vol. II. p. 136), Train says : -"When a person dies, the corpse is laid on what is called a straightening board. A trencher with salt in it and a lighted candle are placed on the breast. And the bed, on which the straightening board bearing the corpse reste, is generally strewn with strong scented flowers." In Glamorganshire, when an unmarried person died, his or her way to the grave was strewn with sweet flowers and evergreens ; and in Yorkshire, if a virgin died, one nearest to her in size and age and resemblance carried the garland before the 31 Op. cit. VoL XXII. p. 387.
72 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 122. 23 Op. cit. Vol XXIII. pp. 95, 96.
24 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 55. 25 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. pp. 519, 583.
36 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 112. 21 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 353.
> Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 337. 29 Mackenzie Col. p. 852.
so Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 156. 51 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. pp. 7, * Mickle's Lusiad, Vol. I. p. cliv. 38 Spencer, Vol. I. p. 278.
* Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 36. 36 Careri (1695) in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 358. 36 St. John's Nipon, P. 149. 07 Jones' Crowns, p. 417.
* Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 2. Mr. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 335. 4. Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 58. +1 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 58. 42 Jones' Crowns, p. 145.
13 Brand's Popular Antiquities Vol. II. p. 309. + Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 235. 45 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 311.

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corpse in funeral procession. When the funeral was over the garland was hung in the church.46 In England, flowers used to be sprinkled on rivers on Holy Thursday.47 Wells at Buxton and Tissington in Derbyshire used to be dressed with garlands of flowers, and nosegays used to be Alung into fountains.“
Fruits. - Fruits soare spirits, because friendly ancestors are believed to live in fruit trees. So in the pregnancy ceremony, among higher class Hindus in Western India, a girl's lap is filled with rice and such fruits, as dates, plantains, betelnuts and cocoanuts. 19 Among higher class Hindus, the ceremony of lap-filling is also performed at a girl's marriage and coming of age, and when she gives birth to a child. The Bombay Prabhus, at their marriage and thread-girding ceremonies, fasten a pair of cocoanuts and an umbrella to a pole in front of their house. The origin of the distribution of betelnuts and leaves and cocoanuts among guests after . Hindu marriage is probably to scare spirits. Among high class Hindus in Bombay, with the admitted object of scaring spirits, when the bridegroom starts from the bride's house, a cocoanut, and sometimes a knife, is placed in his hand. The Bombay Prabhas and Panchakalsis tie a betelnut and a piece of turmeric root to the wrists of the bride and bridegroom.50 The Korvis of Belgaum tie a cocoanut to the bridegroom's right wrist.61 That the original object of fruit or food offerings was to scare, and not to please, spirits, is seen in the drill plough-worship of the Bijapur Raddis. Among them in June, at the beginning of the sowing season, a cocoanut is broken and thrown on each side, that the place spirits may leave and make room for Lakshmi, who is represented by the plough.52 Among the Jirê Govandis, or Markthâ masons of Shâlâpur, at a wedding, the boy's brother stands behind him holding a lemon spiked on the point of a dagger.53 Gujarat Vânis tie a cocoanut and a piece of sandalwood to the bier.56 The Gond bride receives some pieces of cocoa kernel from the bridegroom's father the day before the wedding.65 In England, oranges used to be hung over wine to keep it from getting foisty, and oranges stuck with cloves were given as a New Year's gift. 56 On All-hallow Eve it was customary to dive for apples, or to bite at an apple stuck at one end of a circling pole at the other end of which a lighted candle was fized.57
Food.- Hungere is a spirit; food removes hunger, therefore food scares spirits. In the Kônkan, when a person is smitten by the Evil Eye, cooked rice is spread on a plantain leaf, curds and red powder are sprinkled over the rice, a flour-lamp is set on the powder, and the whole is waved round the possessed and taken to a place where three roads meet.59 So in Dhårway, if a child will not eat, the mother takes three pinches of food, waves them round the child, and throws them on the floor to a dog or a cat. The evil influence is caught in the waved food, and passes from the child to the dog by whom the food is eaten. On the September-October full-moon days the Bijapur Raddis take cooked food to the fields, and lay some in the middle, and some in each corner,61 Among Bijapur Shimpis, when the boy and girl reach the bridegroom's house, each puts five morsels of food into the other's mouth.42 Among Gujarat Brahmans, when the bridegroom comes to the girl's booth, her mother waves round him a lamp and two balls of rice and turmeric. In Madras the Lingayats call dining, Siva-pujá or Siva worship. The Ooras of Mexico spike meat upon sticks and set the sticks
46 Op.cit. Vol. II. p. 302.
47 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 4.
18 Op. cit. p. 2. ** Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 61 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 171.
11 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 147. 65 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 96.
54 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 277. * Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. I. p. iii. * Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I p. 11.
67 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 377. * The German postern spectre, who, before Christmas, is chased from village to village, seems to be Hanger. Post in Slavio for "fast' or 'hunger. Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 938. 59 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
** Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 50. 61 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 148.
61 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 168. * Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 165.
Madras Journal, Vol. XI. p. 149.

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round the field, to keep the dead from coming after the cattle he formerly owned.66 In Germany, till late times, people used to set apart some of euch meal to feed house spirits and dwarfs.66 On New Year's day in Scotland, children went round and asked for bread and cheese.67 When starting on a journey unlucky omens are turned aside by going home, eating and drinking, and starting afresh. In North England, if you ineet a flat-soled man on a Monday, you must go home and eat and drink, or you will come to mischief. Ague is cured in England by breaking a saltish cake and giving it to a dog to eat. A North England cure for a wart is to rab the wart with raw meat.70
Foam. - Spirits fear foam and sweat. In the East Dekhan, spirits will not come near a horse from fear of its foam. So tho Scythian sweated after a funeral to drive off evil spirits.71 The Romans believed that the foam of a horse cured ear-ache, galls caused by over-riding, itch, and many women's diseases. The people of Cyprus cured diseases by applying sweat.73 Sir Walter Scott mentions a friend curing his hand by putting it in the mouth of an Irish horse.74
Garlic. Among lower class Kônkan Hindus the belief is strong that garlic scares fiends. Garlic and pepper rubbed into the eyes, and quashed up the nostrils, of those who faint, restore them to their senses, by, it is supposed, driving away an oppressing spirit. In the Kônkan, when a person is possessed, especially by a mužjá or unmarried Brahman boy, the exorcist quashes pieces of garlic into his ears, or squeezes garlic juice into his nostrils, and the nuuñjá flees.75 Garlic is in Sanskpit called mlécchhukunda, the foreigner's root. Its peculiar smell, besides scaring spirits, cures cold, cough, wind, worms and swellings. It is a great taste-restorer to the sick. In the case of a dislocation, garlic should be pounded, heated and tied to the injured joint. It will remove the swelling and draw out the inflammation. Garlic is a favourite care for acute pain in the side.76 Vinegar, rue, and garlic scare the Parsi devil.77 In Greece, garlic was believed to keep off the Evil Eye, and so was tied up in newly built houses, and was hung over the sterns of Greek ships. To repeat exópodov, the Greek name for garlic, was of itself enough to scare the Evil Eye.78 When it thunders eggs are spoilt. To prevent this Pliny proposes to lay an iron nail in the nest, along with laurel leaves, garlic roots, and other strong smelling plants.70 To keep off local spirits the Swedish bridegroom sews in his clothes strong smelling herbs such as garlic, cloves, and rosemary,80 A German witch will not eat garlic. Therefore, at Shrovetide many people smear themselves with garlic on the breast, soles, and arm-pits, as a safeguard against witches.91 Before Baptism Danish children are apt to be carried off by the fairies : Bo Danish mothers guard their children by fastening over their cradles garlic, salt, bread and steel.82 The eating of garlic was an early English cure for a fiend-struck patient.83
Glass. - Spirits fəar glass, perhaps as they fear the diamond, the ruby, the sapphire, and crystal, because they flash in the dark. Glass is found in Egyptian tombs, with Buddhist relics, and near Roman arns, apparently in all cases to keep off evil spirits. Strings of glass beads are the favourite ornaments of the wilder Indian tribes. The mirror was a sacred symbol, perhaps from the reflections, i.e., the spirits, which swarm in it. The early use of a burning glass to kindle fire would strengthen the belief in the sacredness of glass and its power over spirits. The spirit-scaring power of glass is perhaps the reason why a Hindu married woman wears glass bangles and glass necklaces. The object seems to be to seare spirits from her 65 Spencer's Folk-Lore, Vol. I. p. 280.
os Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 46. Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 14. « Henderson's Foll-Lore, p. 117. “ Dyer's Polk-Lore, p. 162.
70 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 139. 71 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 480. 73 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii. Chaps. 11, 15, 17, 19. 73 Op. tit. Book xxviii. Chap. 3.
74 Scott's Border Minstreley, P. 39. * Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
56 Pandit Narsinha's Nighanturdja, p. 63. " Dábistan, Vol. I. p. 348.
Moore's Oriental Fragments, p. 326. 79 Zool. Myth. Vol. I. p. 281. # Chambers's Book of Days, p. 720.
#1 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1078. # Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 14.
# Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 140.

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husband. So at news of a husband's death the widow's glass bangles are broken. The bangles not only are no longer of use but are harmful, since their spirit-scaring power will interfere with the chief use of a widow, namely, to be a house always ready to receive the dead husband's spirit. The lucky thread tied round the neck of a Dharwar Madhava Brahman girl is always made of glass beads. Among Bijapur Brâhmaņs, on the fifth day after child-birth, tbe midwife lays on a stool a lemon-tipped dagger and some glass bangles. According to Hindu religious books, a mirror should be touched by the chief mourner, when he is purified. 86 At Chinese doors round looking-glasses with carved frames are placed to keep off evil spirits.87 The Burman white witches use a looking-glass in restoring the soul of a child, in case the dead inother takes it away.89 In Japan, the mirror is a great object of worship.89 In Dabomey, at the end of a big festival, glasses are broken. A similar custom is still not unknown in Earope. In a Rassian house of mourning all mirrors are covered with sheets.92 The glass called adder gem was considered a great charm by the Druids. In England, it is unlucky to break a looking-glass. Mirrors were formerly used by magicians as part of their ceremonial, and there was an ancient divination by the looking-glass. In England, it is unlucky to see one's face in a glass at night. The Hindus have a similar belief."
Grass. - The Hindus believe that spirits fear the sacred grass called darbhs. According to Pandit Narsinha's Nighanturája, p. 85, white darbha grass is a cure for fever, hard breathing and bile. The sacredness and spirit-scaring power of the grass are apparently due to these medical properties. Besides darbha, two other grassse, durva and munj,100 are held sacred by tbe Hindus. The Durva grass is known in Sanskrit by twenty-one names, of which one is mahaushadhi, the great all-heal, another, satagranthi, the hundred-knotted, and a third, bhútahantri, spirit-slayer. Durva grass is a specific for fainting, fever, dysentery and nausea.2 Muñj grass is sovran for cough and bile complaints. It is considered pure enough for diksha or initiation, for griharákshi or house-protection, and for destroying evil spirits. Darbha, Poa cynosuroules, is invoked in the Atharva Veda to destroy enemies. In Western India, the dying Hinda is Luid on darbha grass, and in all Hinda faneral rites darbha grass is required. While performing funeral rites, the chief mourner wears darbha grass rings, and sits on darbha grass.5 Among Pattanê Prabhus, the juice of durva grass is dropped into the left nostril of a girl, wien coming of age and pregnancy rites are performed. The Vadar chief mourner in Bijâpar sprinkles molasses, water and green grass on the corpse-bearers' shoulders. Among the Bijâpar Nadigs, after the burial, men bathe and return home carrying five stones and some blades of durva grass. In thread-girding the Karnatak Brahmans put a girdle of darbha grass tbrice round the boy. When a Dekhan Kanoj Brahman girl comes of age, on the sixth day the husband pounds darbha grass and drops some of the juice into her nostril. Among the Dekhan Dhruva Prabhus, before the thread ceremony a razor is taken and sprinkled with water, and with it a blade of the sacred grass is cut over the boy's right ear, a second behind bis head, and a third on his left side. 11 A bundle of hay is tied to the lucky post in the Shôlâpur Mudlia's wedding booth.
** Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 81.
* Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 81. 36 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Emaye, Vol. I. p. 174. Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 41 $6 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 102.
99 Reed's Japan, Vol. I. p. 59. so Burton's Dahomey, Vol. II. p. 269.
1 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 200. 93 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites mid Customs of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 289.
Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 287. * Dyer's Foll-Lore, p. 277. 95 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. pp. 169, 170, Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 171. 17 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi,
* Poa cynosuroides. 99 Agrostis linearis.
100 Saccharum munja. 1 The durva grass being a cure for fainting, is the reason why durva grasa juice is squeezed into the nostril of a Chitpåvan girl at lier pregnancy ceremony. ? Pandit Narsinha's Nighanturaja, p. 85.
Op. cit. p. 84. • Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Expays, Vol. I. p. 90. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 219.
7 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 218. & Op.cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 257.
. Dubois, Vol. I. p. 224. 10 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 170.
11 Op.cit, Vol. XVIII. p. 188. 13 Op.cit. Vol. XX.p. 45

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Suppliants put grass in their mouths, apparently to scare anger from the mind of the person they address. So, about 1760, when the Kolis took the fort of Trimbak, the Musalman garrison are described as going about with grass in their mouths.13 Sholapur Mångs, on their return from a funeral, bring hardl4l4 grass and nem leaves, and strew them on the floor of the house where the body was laid.15 In Bengal, the Brahman bride during part of the marriage ceremony sits on a mat of viránálo grass, covered with silk.17 In Bengal, at the beginning of the marriage ceremony, the first part of which is the solemn reception of the bridegroom by the father-inlaw, the father presents the bridegroom with a cushion of darbha grass on which the bridegrooma stands.18 Hindus use darbha grass to purify their sacrificial vessels. In the thread-girding, Karnatak Brahmans wind a girdle of darbha grask thrice round the boy.20 Hindus scatter durbha grass over a place which has been smeared with cow-dung.21 In South India, the sight of darbha grass is believed to drive off the giants, demons and other bad spirits, who hurt man and spoil Brâhmaņ ceremonies. The charm called pavitrak, purifier, consists of three, five, or seven blades of darbha grass worn in the form of a ring. Before beginning any ceremony the priest takes the grass ring, dips it in holy water, and draws it on his middle right finger. This holy grass enters into all ceremonies, all sacrifices, and all religious and social rites.22 On the 11th of Âáadh (June-July) in Southern India no rice is eaten. People take a bundle of darbha grass, go to a temple of Vishņu, make a bed of the grass, and pass the night in the temple.2 In India, images of grass are made at places of pilgrimage 24 and formerly a blade of grass in a man's hair was a sign that he was for sale.36 The Brihman's sacred waist-thread, at the time of thread-girding, is made from the muñao grass,27,28 Hindu recluses sit on darbha grass.29 The Beni-Isra'ils, on leaving a grave, pick three handfuls of grass and throw them back over their heads, apparently to prevent the spirit of the dead following them to his house.30 Similarly, the ancient Jews, as they returned from the grave, plucked grass and threw it behind them two or three times, saying :-“They shall flourish outside of the city like grass upon the earth.''31 In Egypt kuphob grass was burnt to drive off malaria.32 In 1583, the Chinese wore straw hats as a sign of mourning.33 In Japan, a straw rope is tied round the temple of the sun-goddess to keep off evil spirts. The women of the South Sea Islands and the Motu women of New Guinea wear grass girdles.35 The Motu men and women of New Guinea wear plaited strips of bark or grass about two inches broad, as an armlet, round the upper arm. These armlets are often smeared with red clay.36 The Negrillos of the Philippine Islands (1695) wear no ornaments, except bracelets of rushes.37 At a holy spot in Dahomey travellers are given a blade of grass to throw towards the object of worship.38 The woman who led a band of Kafirs in the South African war of 1878 had wisps of straw in her ears, a charm which made her wound-proof.39 Some Papuans plait rushes into their hair round the crown. The only ornament of Wafip, an East African chief was a few strings of grass worn round his legs.11 Well-to-do Nubian women wear glass bracelets; those who are poor wear bracelets of grass.12 The Monbatus of Central Africa twist ornaments for themselves out of reeds and
18 Mackintosh in 7'rans, Bombay Geog. Soc. Vol. I. p. 214. Cynodon dactylin. 15 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XX. p. 174.
16 Andropogon aromaticum. 11 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 213. 18 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 205. 19 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 152.
20 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 224. 21 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 208.
92 Op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 202, 204, 28 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 526.
* Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 131. 25 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 16.
* Saccharum munja. 27 Dibistán, Vol. II. p. 53.
28 Maurioe's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 968. * Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 7.
30 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 584. 31 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 266. The saying apparently means - they, that is the spirits, shall (rather, perhaps, may the spirita) flourish outside of the city (and not return among the dwellings of men.] 31 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. VII. p. 631.
39 Kerr's Voyages, Vol. VII. p. 500. * Roed's Japan, Vol. I. p. 34.
35 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 476. 36 Op. cit. Vol. VII. p. 479.
31 Oareri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 414. * Burton's Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 286.
Canninghara's South Afrua, p. 373. " Earl's Papuans, p. 18. Thomson's Lakes of Central Africa, Vol. II. p. 241, 49 Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 14

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grass, and wear them, like rings, round their arms and legs. The Balucka women of Central Africa pierce both their ears and lips, and insert inch-long bits of grass stalk." Bongo women put straw into holes made through their lips and nostrils. In somo American tribes, a traveller, to drive out the spirit of weariness, rubs his legs with grass, spits on the grass, and lays it on a shrine at a crossing of ways.46 In the Greek festival to the sun, grass was consecrated and carried about. The Romans had a custom of laying a sacred sieve in the road, and using for medical purposes the stalks of grass that grew through the holes. In Middle Age Scotland, oaths were taken on grass. Compare Scott's Border Minstrelsy, p. 362:
“So swore she by the grass so green.
So swore she by the corn.” In England, a straw drawn through a child's mouth close to a running stream cures the thrush.49 In England, herbs used to be strewn in churches on humiliation and thanksgiving days.60 That spirits fear grass may have been one of the reasons for the old English custom of strewing the floors of houses with rushes. Rushes were used in Devonshire as a charm for the thrush, as well as for their coolness, and their pleasant myrtle-like smell when broken. In the north of England rushes are still (1857) used in making rush lights.61
Grain. - Spirits fear grain, probably because grain scares the spirit of hunger, is & valuable poultice, and yields liquor. According to the Hindus, grain scares spirits, because certain guardian spirits or gods live in grain. Five deities live in rice: - Brahma the Creator, Sôma the inoon, Ravi the sun, the Marutgaņas or wind gods, and Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth.52 In all leading Hinda ceremonies, in Western India, grains of sarshapa, Sinapis dichotoma, and parched rice are scattered to scare fiends.53 In Thâná, among the Marathi Brahmans, when a daughter-in-law returns home from a distance, an elderly woman comes forward to greet her, and waves round her face water and rice, and throws the water and rice into the street, telling the lady not to look back.54 The admitted object of this waving is to drive away any roadside or other spirit that may have attached itself to the travellers. In the East Dekhan, the exorcist piles small heaps of millet round the possessed person, and, when driving oat the spirit, holds grains of millet in his right hand and keeps throwing grains in the patient's face. Rice is poured over the stool on which the Dekhan Chitpê van boy sits, when he is being girt with the sacred thread.55 The Chitpavan bride and bridegroom stand on rice heaps, and, before her wedding, the Chitpa van bride sits in front of a picture of the gods and throws rice over it.56 When an Uchlâ woman dies in child-bed, as the body leaves the house a nail is driven into the threshold to keep her spirit from coming back, and on the road to the burning ground rúlá grains are strewn.57 At their marriage, the Poona Uchlà bride and bridegroom sit on a blanket in a square of rice.58 The Velålis, a Poona Tamil class of Vaisyas, strew the ground with parched grain before the body, when it is carried to the burial-ground. In the Deklan, when one Brâhman asks another to dine at his house, the host lays a few grains of rice in the guest's right hand, and at their memorial or sraddh ceremony the performer throws grains of rice and sesamum to all the Four Quarters to keep off evil spirits. At the end of a Poona Dhruva Prabhu's wedding, when it is time to bow out the wedding gods, rice is thrown over them.cl In Poona, on Dasahra day (Sept.-Oct.), men of the higher classes wear in their turbans some seedlings of the rice, barley, wheat, and palse, which have been grown in baskets in the temple of Bhavâni during the nine previous days. At a Dekhan Kunbi's wedding, in the girl's
*3 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 117. « Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 258. 5 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 297. Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 481.
61 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 895. ** Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1200. Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 150. 60 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 118. 61 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 507. 5* The Sanskrit text is :- Anne Brahm icha Somascha Rarit aond Marul gands. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
- Information from Mr. Govind Pandit. 36 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 117.
6 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. pp. 130, 132. 67 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 474.
63 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 472. » Op. cit, Vol. XVIII. p. 250, • Op. cit. Yol. XVIII. p. 156.
Op. cit, Vol. XVIII. p. 190.

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village, a ball of rice is waved round the boy's head and thrown away, and at the lucky moment grains of rice are thrown on the couple.ca In Poona, at Halalkhôr weddings, the bride and bridegroom throw rice over the sacrificial fire and the water jars.63 Among the Dekhan Kanoj Brahmaņs a heap of earth sown with corn is the wedding dévak or guardian.c4 At their weddings, the Dekhan Lodhis raise a pile of rice at the door of the boy's house, which he kicks down. Among the Telang Nhâvis of Bijapur the chief marriage rite is that the priest should throw rice over the boy and girl.60 On Cobra Day, Nágpanchami, in July, Prabhu women draw a picture of a cobra in grains of rice, and on the cobra throw pulse, parched grain, and pieces of plantains and cocoanuts.67 The Dekhan Prabhu during his morning visit to his cow throws grains of rice over her, pours water over her feet, and goes round her.08 At the Dekhan Kang Brahman wedding, a measure of rice is set on the threshold of the boy's house, and the bride as she enters spills it. The Dekhan Govardhan Brahmaņs throw grains of Indian millet over toe head of the boy at the thread-girding.To At Nasik, when cholera breaks out, the leading Brâhmans collect in little doles from each house a small allowance of rice, put the rice in a cart, take it beyond the limits of the town, and there throw it away. This rice is a scape into which has entered the ovil influence of the cholera.71 Ahmadnagar Brâhman women in the after. noon go to a temple, or a place where sacred books are read, sit for a while, drop rice before the god or the reader, and in the rice trace the shape of a lotas.72 Among tho Ahmadnagar Mhârs millet grains are thrown over the bride and bridegroom, and the bridegroom's mother waves burnt bread round them, and pours water at their feet.73 In Kolhapur, if : man eats bread made of the seven grains - barley, wheat, sesamum, rálá, mug,74 sávé and chinak, no spirit can harm him.75 The Rajpûts of Kathiâwâr distribute boiled wheat on the day of noming.76 In the Karnatak, the bride and bridegroom take rice ont of two baskets and throw it over each other's head.77 The Shenvis of Kânara fasten festoons of rice cars and mango leaves to their house lintel.78 The North Kinara Lingayats shower millet on the bride and bridegroom.79 In Belgaum, when the Mudaliâr's corpse is laid on the pile, the mourners drop rice into the mouth.80 Among Belgaum Vaddars, at their weddings, friends and relations throw rice on the heads of the bride and bridegroom.91 During the festival of Dayamava in Dharwår no corn-mills may grind corn, apparently from the fear that, as Dayamava is more of a fiend than a guardian, the blessed influence of corn-grinding may annoy her, may even pat her to flight.82 Among Bijapur Shimpis, after the bride and bridegroom have been rubbed with turmeric paste, women throw rice on them, and wave lamps round them to guard them against unfriendly influences.83 Bijapur washermen throw grains of rice on the bridegroom to keep spirits from attacking him.84 Among Shôlâpur Jingars the priest matters charms over the razor with which the boy is to be shaved, and drops red rice on it.95 Among Shôlậpur Gôlak Brahmaņs the boy at a thread-girding sits on rice.96 Among the Shôlậpur Tirgals the family priest for ten days after a birth throws red rice over the mother.87 Bice is used in emptying their divinity out of articles in which guardian power has been housed. So the Shôlâpur Jingars, when the wedding bracelets, or kankans, are no longer wanted, untie them, lay them in a plate, bow to them, and drop a pinch of rice over them, and their guardian power leaves them. The sense seems to be that the guardian influence in the bracelet is bowed out and leaves, and that the pinch
62 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 304. 65 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 438. 4 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 169. 65 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. pp. 399, 100.
66 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 256. 67 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 244.
68 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 237. 69 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 170.
70 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 132. 71 Op. cit. Vol. XVI. pp. 520, 521.
12 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 53. 73 Op. cit Vol. XVII. p. 177.
74 Phaseolus mungo. 75 Information from Mr. B. B. Vakharkar, B.A. 76 Rombay Gazetteer, Vol. VIII. p. 120. 77 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 310.
TS Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. p. 141. 79 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 179.
$0 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 8. 81 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 177.
82 Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p.19. * Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 168.
St Op.cit. Vol. XXIII. p.76. 15 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 106.
*6 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 2. 87 Op. - Vol. XX. p. 12.

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of rice is applied to prevent any wandering influence making its abode in the empty lodging, 89 When a married girl comes of age, Sholapur Komatis throw rice over the girl and her husband.89 In the yearly village festival, in the Southern Marathi Country, every husbandman gets some grain and some flesh to bary in his field. Among the Karnatak Musalmans grains of rice are thrown after the dead, and during the Muharram festival, to scare evil, wheat and rice are pounded, spread on the ground, and pinches of them laid in the corners of the house. In Jain temples the worshipper strews grains of rice in the form of the svastika, or guard-ended cross, in front of the image. A millet poultice is a common medicine with the Khonds.91 The Khonds marry in the place where rice is husked.92 The Oraons put rice in the corpse's mouth.93 They throw rice on the urn as they take it to the tomb, and sprinkle grain on the ground behind the bones to keep the spirit from coming back.94 Like Parsis, Oraons believe that they please the gods when they make merry,95 At a Gond marriage rice is several times poured on the ground. The Madia Gonds pour handfuls of rice on the ground when the corpse is lifted, and drop some grains on the body.97 Among the Bengal Kôiris, the bride and bridegroom walk seven times round a pile of water vessels, spilling grain as they go.98 At a Beni-Isra'il wedding, women touch the boy's knees, shoulders, and head with rice. The winnowing fan, probably owing to its connection with grain, is holy. It is one of the gods of the Nilgiri Irulas.100 The Kois of Southern India fasten cords of rice-straw on trees or at the borders of fields. In Southern India, the chief rite in the new-year, pongol, or boiling, festival, is the boiling of rice. At the crowning of the chief of Kolastri (in Madras ?) in 1778, the chief was seated on a throne under a canopy, screened from sight till the lucky moment came. The chief priest thrice dropped rice on the chief's crown. When the third sprinkling was over, a great shout was raised.3 Rice, coloured with saffron and vermilion and charmed, is used at pújá, or worship. This coloured rice is the proper offering to make to any one asked to a wedding or thread-girding. Mourners in south India drop some grains of rice into the mouth of the corpse. In Ceylon, parched rice is scattered at special ceremonies connected with spirits. According to the Persian sacred books, fasting brings the spirit of hunger and thirst. So with the Parsis fasting is wrong, and as with the Hindu Vaishṇavas, feasting is a religious duty. It is said in the Avesta :-"At seed-corn spirits hiss, at shoots they cough, at stalks they weep, from thick ears of corn they fly. He who grows much corn sears the mouths of spirits with red-hot iron." With the Parsi belief that the man who grows grain scares fiends may be compared the account given by a European writer (A. D. 1248) of a man who saw the Night Hunt coming, and rushed into a field because he was there safe. It is known, says the writer, that evil spirits cannot come into fields. Opinions differ as to the reason. Some say the Creator will not let them come, because grain is useful to men; others say the field guardians keep them off.9 In a Japanese legend the sun goddess throws rice to drive off darkness, that is, evil spirits.10 In Nubia, while crossing a certain valley each man throws grain on the ground as a spirit offering. 11 In Greece, in the rites of Isis, baskets were carried filled with wheat or barley, 12 and in modern Greece wheat is strewn over the dead.13 The Romans offered millet cakes at the Palilia (21st April), because, says Ovid, 14 the rustic gods take pleasure in millet. A trace of the older spirit88 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 114.
89 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 70. 90 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 99.
91 Macpherson's Khonds, p. 59. 92 Op.cit. p. 55. 93 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 261, Op. cit. p. 261.
95 Op.cit. p. 249. 96 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. I. P. v.
97 Op. cit. p. 10. 98 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 321. 99 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 523. 100 Balfour's Encyclopædia, Vol. V. p. 34.
1 Jour. R. 4. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 418. 2 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 337.
3 Jones Crowns, p. 429. Dubois, Vol. I. p. 203. 6 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 207.
& Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 522. Bleek's Khordah Avesta, p. 135.
8 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 25. ? Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 941. 10 Reed'e Japan, Vol. I. p. 30. 1: Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 184.
12 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 538. · 13 Braud's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 115.
14 Ovid's Fasti, iv. 740-750.

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scaring belief seems to appear in Ovid's remark, 15 that parched grain and salt purify. If a Cumbrian girl is jilted, the youths rab her with peas straw.16 At a Corsican wedding, from the balconies girls strew flowers and grains of wheat as the bride passes,17 In old legends, Seth is said to have put three seeds in Adam's mouth,18 In Ireland, formerly when any one entered upon a public office, women in the streets and girls from the windows sprinkled him and his attendants with wheat and salt,19 On St. Agnes' Eve, in Scotland, girls go into a field, and say: - "Agnes eweet and Agnes fair, hither, hither now repair."20 In England, it was believed that straw would stop a witch. She could not step over it.21 In England, beans were sacred to the dead. They were supposed to contain the souls of the dead.23 In England, wheat used to be strewn before the bride on her way to church.23 Wheat ears are mentioned as worn with rosemary in wedding garlands in England in the six. teenth century.24 In North England, when the last sheaf is cut, a figure is raised on a pole crowned with wheat ears, and adorned with ribbons, and is carried home in triumph. It is called the kern or corn baby. Each cottage has its kern baby niade of oat cake.25 That peas are ominous or magical is sbewa by the North England saying: - "Set a peapod with nine peas over the lintel, who ever comes in first will be your husband. 26
(To be continued.)
SPECIMENS OF MODERN BRAHMANICAL LEGENDS.
BY G. K, BETHAM.
No. I. - The Mañjguni-Purána. This is a short history of the holy place of Mañigunt, known as Venkatesa-Mahatmya, and taken from the Mahápurána called Sahyadri-Khanda.
Preliminary Notes. Mañjgunt is a small village situated in the west of the Taluka, or Revenue Sub-division, of Sirsi, in the Collectorate of North Kanara, Bombay Presidency. According to the latest enumeration it contains 35 houses, and boasts of a population of 362 sonls (194 males and 168 females). It is clean and healthy and possesses good water, and it is beautifully situated near the brow of the Western Ghâts. Though but a small village, it is & place of some local importance, on account of the large temple sacred to Sri Venkataramaņa, which is located there.
The Mañjgani temple enjoys a yearly income of Rs. 1,600 from Government, which is given in lieu of the lands once attached to the temple, but now resumed. This income is supplemented by the takings of the játra, or religious fair, which is held here annually. The yearly expenditure is estimated at about Rs. 800; the outgoings being laid out on the expenses of the fair, the pay of the temple attendants — about 20 —, and the expenditore on the daily worship of the idol.
The fair is held in the month of Chaitra, the great day being the day of the full moon in that month. It commences six days before the day of the fall moon, i. e., on the tenth of Chaitra, and on that day the image of Sri-Veákataramaņa is placed on the lower tier of the smaller of his two cars, dragged down to a tank and then broaght back again. The god is thus taken every day for five days in the flower (or small) car, each day a fresh tier, or story,
15 Op. cit. ii. 20. 15 Sweet Anne Sage, a novel (1868), Vol. II. p. 248. » Brand's Popular Antiquities, VOL. III. p. 165. 91 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 181. 23 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 198. * Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 87.
16 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 4. 18 Yule's Marco Polo, p. 397. 2 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 184. 23 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 115. 24 Knight's Shakespeare, p. 82. 26 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 19.

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being added, till on the sixth day -- the great day, the day of the fall moon - the idol is placed on the great car and dragged down to the tank. Before the great car is started, cocoannts in large numbers are broken on the wheels by the principal personages present, the cost of these cocoanuts being defrayed from the temple funds. It is then dragged down to the tank, drums and other instruments being played before it, and camphor burnt in front of it. It is next dragged back and the idol reinstated in its place in the temple. The next day a quantity of red color is prepared in a large vessel, which is kept for the purpose in front of the temple, and a great deal of horse-play ensues, the liquid being thrown over each other by the assembled people. With this the játrú, or religious fair proper, closes.
About 2,500 is the average annual attendance at the fair, which lasts for about a fortnight. The people do not come from any great distance - sixty to seventy miles at the outside. Many come from below the Ghâțs, the bulk of the pilgrims being goldsmiths and Havig Brâhmans. From the sixth day before the full moon, that is, the day of the commencement of the játrá, during the time that the car is being dragged, all the Brahmans present are fed at the temple expense : and on the great day-the day of the full moon- a regular feast consisting of sweetmeats, etc., is given, and on this day the attendance of Brahmans is asually very large. Many people merely go to the fair to amuse themselves, but there is also a moderate attendance of bona fide pilgrims, who come with offerings of jewellery, money, etc. These offerings are usually intended to propitiate the god and gain his good offices in prospering their business or in securing the recovery of relations and friends from severe illness: they are also sometimes thank-offerings. Nearly all who come offer something at the shrine, however trivial it may be : small pieces of money, or fruit, such as plantains, cocoanate, etc.
There are two tanks at Mañjgani: a large one in front of the temple and a smaller one on one side of it. The tank to the side is called the Kothil Tank, and it is supposed to be particularly holy. Any one bathing in it is considered to have done as meritorious an action as if he had bathed a karôs of times in sacred springs. There is, however, but little water in it now, and so not much use of it is made by the pilgrims. There is plenty of water in the great tank, which has some twenty or twenty-five steps in it, by which people may descend or ascend. Near the great tank is a temple sacred to Hanuman and containing an image of that god.
A certain amount of trading goes on during the fair. Little business is done during the days that the car is being dragged, but afterwards, that is, from the day of the full moon, trading commences in earnest, and it usually lasts on till the day of the next new moon. The principal articles offered for sale are brass and copper vessels, cloth, cocoannts, sweetmeats, spices, and sugar.
The Manjguni-Puråņa. Sûta conversing with Vyasa said: - "O! all-knowing and deeply learned Vyasa, you bave told me many notable stories. You have told me even about the origin of the Sahyadri Mountains, but I am most anxious to hear what you have not yet told me of, and that is the story of holy Venkatesa, which is contained in the sacred history of god Vishnu. Be good enough therefore to relete it to me."
Vyåsa, in reply, said: -“ Listen to me, O Súta ! He who hears the story of the most holy actions of the glorious Vishnu, as well as he who relates them to others will be successful and happy. Sri Vishņu, after he had been kicked by Bhrigu Rishi, left Vaikuntha and came down to Venkatadri, where, on account of its resemblance to Vaikuntha, he settled. The place abounded with tanks of pure water and various trees, plants, creepers, and flowers, such as the Asoka, the Punnaga, etc. The demons, who resided in the place, being terrified by the presence
1 Kothf, granary, store-bouse also & ocmmon term for a square in a mith-agar, i. e., for salt-pan The term kochi applies to either the Koueri or the Dhénu Tirtha. I incline however to identify it with the Dhenu-Tirtha. A large tank might be the Könéri- Tirtha of the Purina, as it is square in shape and has steps on all four sides of it.

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of Vishnu, fled from the spot, and assuming the forms of wild beasts they entered Bhůtaka, where they began to trouble the Rishis. The Rishis thereupon went in search of Vishnu, who, having assumed the name of Venkatesa, had concealed himself on the hill or mountain of Venkatachala and begged of him to relieve them from the troubles occasioned by the quondam demong (now wild beaste). Sri Venkatesa, in reply, told them that he had come down from Vaikuntha to win Padmavati for his wife, and also to protect his devotees. He further told them to be in readiness to assist him in his matrimonial designs, and in return, should they prove useful to him, he promised to remove the cause of all their griefs and anxieties. Accordingly, Sri-Venkatesa, after he had won Lakshmi, started from the Seshachala Mountain with her, attended by Vishvaksena and other followers, and made a circuit in order to protect his worshippers, and to relieve them of their cares. He pursued and killed all the wild beasts he met with, and in doing this he travelled a considerable distance. He traversed the countries of Chola and Pandys, and bathed in the river Kåvêri. He crossed many rivers, among others the Netravati, so called because it took its rise from the eyes of Varahasvamin, when he was living in the Sahyadris, and the Kumaradhara, both the Tuiga and the Bhadrâ, which begin from Varáhasvamin's jaws, and the Sômad and the Aghnâsind, and thus seeking for a suitable shady and well-watered resting place, he eventually settled down near to a beautiful tank callod Kanka, which is situated to the west of the river Aghanasini."
SAta then asked Vyaan to tell him about the origin of the tank, and how it came by its name, whereupon Vyasa replied:
“Hear, then, O Sata, the (history of the) origin of the blessed tank.
Once upon a time a Rishi called Kanka, (a person) of profound learning and great piety, in the course of his travels, during which he had bathed in many sacred streams and exercised great charity, came at length to the Rishi-Parvata, on a mountain in the Sahyadri Range. Here he found many Rishis living, namely, Bharadvája, Kansika, Já bali, Kaśyapa and others, with several demi-gods, Gandharvas, Apsaras, Kumaras, and Siddhas. He, therefore, resolved to remain in the place for a long time. On one occasion, when he went into the surrounding forest to gather fruits and roots, he saw the birds and beasts gasping in the great heat of the sun, and suffering much from the want of water, which was not obtainable in the forest. Being filled with compassion for these helpless creatures, he created a tank, from which they could get water to drink, and which would likewise be generally useful. He used also to bathe every day in the tank bimself, and commenced practising very severe austerities. Sri-Bhagavat, the husband of Kamala, was much pleased with the piety and devotion of the Rishi, and in consequence, after the lapse of some time, he appeared to him and promised to give him whatever he might desire. The holy man then asked that it might be ordained, that from that day he himself, as well as all others who should bathe in the tank, might receive absolution from all sins and thus obtain salvation. He also asked that the tank might be called after him. Sri-Bhagavat, being pleased at the request, promised to grant it, with the addition that great worldly happiness should likewise be the portion of all believers bathing in the tank, and then, having said this, he disappeared. Since that time the tank has been known by the name of Kanka-hrada (or the tank of Kaoka)."
After bearing the above, 80ta asked Vyåsa to tell him, whether there was any instance of any one having been freed from sin and its consequences, by bathing in the blessed tank, to which Vyåra replied :-"Hear from me, O Sata, this ancient and mysterious history. Once upon a time NArada, on the occasion of a visit to the holy city of Kast, saw a beautiful woman performing her devotions. He asked her who she was, and why she was thus doing penance : .whereon Ganga gave answer thus:-'O Nárada, all persons leave their sins in me, and go
* A river rising from the eyes of Varahasvami; lit., the taker away of virginity (Kaumarabara P]. - The name of a small stream near Gökarpa.
• The Aghanakint or TAdri river, rises near Sirat in North Kanara and falls into the Arabian Sea : known locally under the name of Doniballa also.

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away free. I am thus doing penance in order to get rid of these sins, which are a great burthen to me, and to gain salvation. I am indeed fortunate to meet with you now thas. Advise me as to what I should do.'" Nârada then said: O woman, Sri-Venkatesa has come down (from Vaikuntha) to relieve all people of their sins, and he has taken up his abode near the waters of the Kanka-hrada in the Sahyadris, and has promised to bestow complete absolution and salvation on those who bathe in those waters. If you join the river Svêdinis your wishes will be gratified.' Accordingly, the (river) Ganges, which had assumed the form of a woman, took its course through the rocks, and joined itself to the Svêdinî, the warm water of which is said to be the sweat of Sri Venkatesa. Having done this it passed on under ther name of the Sitala-Ganga to Venkatesa, and so on to the Kanka-hrada. There being purified, it (or she) once more returned to Vârânasi, being, however, directed by Venkatesa to repair thither (i. e., to the Kanka-hrada), on one Sunday in the month of Magha every year."
Vyasa then said further:-" Brahmâ and Mahêśa assumed the forms of a cow and calf respectively and came to Sri-Venkatesa (at the Kanka-hrada), but were unable to ascend the stone on which he was reclining. Sri-Venkatesa, taking pity on them, caused the stone to become soft. After this the cow and the calf used to ascend the stone and bathe the image of Venkatesa every morning and evening in milk. A Brahman, observing this, used to feed them regularly every day, in return for which devotion they bestowed much wealth upon him, they themselves meanwhile wandering about in the jungles."
After hearing this, Sûta asked Vyasa to tell him (the story of) the origin of the Soma and Aghanasini Rivers.
Vyasa then said:"Dakshaprajapati gave his thirty-three daughters in marriage to Chandra. Of these Chandra loved only Rôhint, and neglected the others, wherefore in their wrath they cursed him. To avert the evil of the curse, Chandra, by the advice of his guru, made a linga, to which he gave his own name, and began to do penance. While thus engaged in worship, Paramêśvara suddenly appeared from the linga, and striking the earth with the trisula he held in his hand, he caused water to rise out of the earth, wherewith he freed Chandra from the consequences of the curse. This holy water, rising as it does in the Sahyâdris, flows south for a distance of twenty-four miles, and then turning backwards it joins the Chandika, whence receiving the names of the Somâghanâsini and Kâmâghanâsinî Rivers, it passes to the south of Gôkarna and falls into the Western Sea."
Sûta then asked Vyasa what further deeds were done by Sri-Venkatesa, while resident in the Kanka-hrada.
Vyasa replied: "While Sri-Venkatesa was thus reclining on the stone, a yogin called Tirumala, a follower of Vishnu, after travelling all over the world and visiting many sacred places, came at length to this very spot, which from its shade and the presence of the Kankahrada, appeared to be very charming. After bathing in the tank and performing his usual daily ceremonies, he drank some water, and then seating himself under a tree he commenced meditating deeply (upon Vishnu). Presently he heard a voice from the skies saying:-O Tirumala Yogin, Sri-Venkatesa and his attendant deities are on the stone that is in Kanka-hrada here. Take him from this place and convey him to Mañjgunt, which lies in a northerly direction from here. Arrived there establish me (sic) near the hutta, which is at the foot of an Asôka tree, situated to the west of the Somâghanâsini. To the north-east of the hutta lies the Kônêrilo Tirtha, and in this tirtha a good deal of treasure has been buried by one Vasu
5 Synonymous with the Pâtâla-Ganga; lit., sweat of Sri-Venkatesa.
A small stream rising in the Western Ghats near Dêvimani, North Kanara.
The Aghan sinf of Soma.
The Aghanasiat of Kâma, the name of a small stream near Gokarna. These two streams are affluents of the Aghanasini or Tâdri river.
[Hutta means an anthill' in Kanarese.]
10 A square pond or tank with steps on all four sides (Kanarese).

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(by name). From this store (of treasure) take as much as you need for erecting the seat and finish the work as soon as possible.' On hearing these commands issued from the skies, Tirumala Yogin swooned with delight, and while thus lying in a trance, he beheld as in a dream Sri-Venkatesa, resplendent in appearance with his bow and arrows, discus, spear and his other weapons in his hands, and adorned as to his person with all sorts of jewellery and ornaments, who thus addressed him :-'I am much pleased with your devotion. Since I left Veikaṭadri I have travelled far and wide and seen many countries, and now I wish to take up my residence for the fature in the Sahyadri, or, as it is sometimes called, the Paschimâdri. Continue to worship me devoutly and I will bestow salvation on you. I will also assume your name and dwell there with my attendant deities. Mañjguni is a sacred place, and is blessed by the presence of five tirthas, called respectively the Chakra Tirtha, the Dhênu Tirtha," the Patanya12 Tirtha, the Inda Tîrtha,13 and the Pâpanâśinî Tirtha 14 Take me then from this place, and carry me till you feel my weight sensibly increased, and when that comes to pass establish me in that place. Awake, therefore, from your dream.' So saying he clapped his hands and vanished. Tirumala Yogin woke up, pleased and joyful, from his refreshing sleep and happy dream, and forthwith proceeded to remove the image of Venkatesa from the stone on which it was placed. While looking at it with great joy, he inadvertently let fall the chisel which he had in his hand on to the left side of Venkatesa, thereby causing a wound from which the blood flowed freely. When Tirumala Yogiu perceived this he prostrated himself before the image and began to weep bitterly; when he again heard a voice from above, as on the previous occasion, saying:- Press the wound with thine hand and the bleeding will cease.' He accordingly did as he was told and the flow ceased; he then took the idol up in his hands to convey it to Mañjgunî as directed. On his doing this, the cow and the calf assaulted him violently, striking him with their heads but not goring him, which terrified the yogin very much, and he called upon Venkatesa to come to his aid, whereupon a voice again came from above proclaiming Know who this holy man is.' On hearing this the cow and the calf desisted from their attacks, and the cow bathed the idol in its milk, and the gods, casting aside their disguises, appeared in their true forms (i. e., as Brahmâ and Siva). The yogin then again took up the idol, and, as it was smirched with blood and milk, he washed it in the waters of the Kanka-hrada. This made the water impure and so Tirumala implored the sun to cleanse it, whereupon the sun, assuming the form of a swan, removed all the impurities and threw them on to the edge of the tank. After washing himself once more in the water thus purified, Tirumala, under the direction of Brahmâ, applied gopichandana of the earth from the edge of the tank, and then proceeded in a northerly direction.
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"Brahma and Mahêsa (that is, the cow and the calf) then addressed Sri-Venkatesa as follows: O god, we have devoted ourselves, soul and body, to your service until now: what reward will you bestow upon us in return? Sri-Venkatesa replied thus: - Those who in future shall worship your foot-prints on this rock, in the form of a cow and calf, shall obtain the reward which is the meed of those who observe gôpathamahavruta, and those who worship the foot-prints of a cow and a calf together shall obtain the same reward as though they had given away a cow and a calf together in charity. Return now to your native place.'
"Tirumala Yôgin then, still carrying the idol, advanced farther and further into the forest, till at length feeling the weight (of the image) intolerable, he set it down on a whiteants' nest while he rested. After resting himself sufficiently, he essayed to lift the image once more, but was unable to do so; and while struggling with the weight, he once more heard a voice from above saying: O Tirumala, this is the sacred and beautiful spot called Mañjgunî. Seat the image here.' Overcome with joy, Tirumala lifted the idol, which no longer resisted his efforts and placed it in the appointed spot near the Asôka tree, and having done this, he
11 I. e., the cow-spring.
13 I B..
the moon-spring.
12 Lit., poetry. The spring sacred to poetry or verse: the spring of recital. 14 I. e., the sin-cleansing spring. 15 Worship of cow and calf,

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worshipped it. While thus engaged, he heard voices reciting the Vedas and chanting HaraKirtanas, and the sound of drums of various descriptions being beaten, and he, therefore, bent his steps in that direction. On arriving at the place be espied Sômesa, whereapon he hastily turned back again without performing any obeisance, or in any way acknowledging him. Paraméávara, then said to bis wife Parvati: -'O Dêvî, this yógin is devoted to Vishņu, and spends his life in his service and in performing his works. All the gods are willing to help him in this, and we also should go. To him all gods are alike.' Pârvatf replied: -Oh Mahêśa! you may go, if you like to help one who did not acknowledge our presence by even bowing down before us,' and so saying she cursed all gods to be stones. Mabêsvara, considering this unjust on the part of his wife Parvati, left her and went away to the North-East, with the intention of being kind to, and assisting the jñinis, devotees and others who are zealous in his service. There he assumed the form of Panchanana, and began practising severe austerities. His wife Parvati, in a dejected mood, went to a place which was half a yojana away to the South-East. Here she met the Rishi Nárada, who was going to visit Sri-Veikatesa, who had now taken up his abode near the Sômagbanasini river, so as to be near Tirumala Yögin, whom he loved. Acting on the advice she received from NÄrada, Parvati bathed in the waters of the Kaukahrada and of the Sômaghanasini, and then she worshipped her son Ganapati, so that she might succeed in her object."
Súta then asked VyABA :-“What did Tirumala do at the foot of the Asoka tree?" Vyasa replied: -"When Tirumala returned from his hurried visit to Sômêśa, he found Sri. Veikatêśa in the form of an idol, so he fell prostrate before the image in a swoon. Meanwbile Narada having sent Pârvati off as described above, came to Tirumala. He saw him lying senseless, and the god 'Sri Venkatesa turned to stone. Being surprised at this, he played upon his vind, in order to propitiate Jayadêśvara. Tirumala Yôgir. thereupon recovered from his swoon, and begged of Narada to restore 'Sri Venkatesa to his former condition. Nárada replied: -'You have committed two sins: one is that you let your chisel fall on the sacred person of Sri Venkatesa, and the other is, that you did not make obeisance to Sômêśa. Go, therefore, to the North-East where Siva is performing austerities, and then go to the South-East of this place where Pârvati is worshipping Ganapati, and pray to her devoutly. You will then be absolved from your sins, and Sri Venkatess will be as he was before. Build a temple and place (the image of) (Sri-Venkatesa in it. All the gods will be present at the installation, and so will I. So saying Narada departed. Tirumala Yögin took out of the Konêri-Tirtha as much gold as he needed and erected the temple. He then, by the direction of Narayana, bathed in the Brahma-Tirtha, and bringing water from the Skanda-Tîrtha he poured it over Narayana and Paramêśvara, the latter having now assumed the form of Paschalinga, 6 and worshipped both gods. He then came to the Chakra-Tirtha and begged for help in his work from Maruti. After this he went to the South-East whither Parvati had gone, and after duly performing obeisance to her, he begged of her to be present at the installation ceremony of the idol. He then went to the Könêri-Tirtha, which, having been dug out by Nárayana's chakra, contained in its waters the efficacy of all sacred waters, and performing all his daily ceremonies, such as snána, sandhyd, etc., and thus being made free from sin he came and presented himself before Sri Venkatesa, who thereupon appeared before him in a living form. The yôgin worshipped him, and then summoned many learned Brahmaņs well versed in Vedic lore. Brahma and other deities were also invited, and then, in accordance with the forms and ceremonies prescribed in the Vishnu Agama, he placed Sri Venkatesa on the spot indicated by him, at the happy hour of noon on the fourteenth day after the full moon of 16 Pafchalinga refers to the local legend of Gokarna: the five lingas are: -
(1) Shêjéévara in Shêjvad near Karwir. (2) Mahåbaldsvara in Gokarna. (8) Siddheevara in Siddheshvar near Gökarpi. (4) Dhåretvara in Dhéréshvar, five miles south of Kumta. (6) Murd&bvara in Murdéshyar.

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Phalguna. After the installation, Sri-Venkatesa was bathed by all present in panchámṛita and with the juice of pañchaphala in the manner laid down in the mantras, and then they dried him with a soft white towel, removing all moisture, and having done this they decorated him with sweet scented flowers and with suvarnakétaki,17 They put a crown on his head, and lace on his neck, and adorned him with keyúra,18 kavacha,18 and makara-kundala.20 After worshipping him thus, naivédya was performed with all sorts of delicate dishes, sweet fruits and betel leaves: then followed mangalárati,21 with all sorts and kinds of drums, dancing, singing and mantras, and this was succeeded by the namaskára. After this Tirumala did obeisance to the Brahmans with sugarcane and flowers, and presented ornaments and clothes. to all, satisfying all completely. He also fed them sumptuously, and then received their blessing. He passed that night in vigil (as enjoined by the śástras) and performed the usual daily ceremonies early in the morning. He then performed the rites of rathôteava and vasantôtsava, and the next day he performed avabhritha, tirtha-snána and the yojanas. While these sacred ceremonies were in progress Pârvati rejoined Paramêśvara and became happy through the good offices of Sri-Venkatesa."
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Vyasa then further said to Sûta :-"Nârada asked Sri-Venkatesa to use his influence to get all the gods to settle in his neighbourhood for the good of his devotees, whereupon Sri-Venkatesa looked at Lakshmi with a smile. Then Mahishamardini, taking with her the Dhruva-linga, which was to the east of the Chandika, went to the north-west, where she settled. This place is called Dêvîman?.24 A young prince, called Dhruva,25 brought the Dhruva-linga, (so called from that circumstance) from Gokarna as far as Dêvîmaņi, and when feeling tired by the weight of the linga and by the heat of the sun he placed it there. Half a league from there is the Suvarnakanda Tirtha, near which lives Suvarnakêsini, 26 the daughter of a Rishi. Half a league from thence is the sacred place called Lakshmi-pada-dvaya.37 To the north-west of Mañjguni Sômêsvara resides, in order to protect good people by the command of Hari.
"Mahesa had told his son Ganapati of the quarrel between Pârvati and himself, and how she had cursed all gods to be stones, and he had therefore advised him to go elsewhere and seek a quiet and safe resting place in the village of Navanita, 28 which was situated in the Paschimâdri. Ganapati was accordingly wandering with his wives Siddhi, and Buddhi,29 and was travelling with them, when he came to Mañjgunî and found a crowd of gods and people assembled there. He also saw the ratha with Sri-Venkatesa seated in it. Mâruti told him that his father was there; whereupon, filled with fear, he and his wives fled eastward. Mâruti told Sri-Venkatesa about this, and Paramésvara also came to hear of it, whereupon, getting angry, he cursed Ganapati and his wives to be turned into stones, and then in high dudgeon he retired to the north-west. Ganapati and his wives were accord
17 Long yellow flowers of the Pandanus odoratissimus: a tree specially sacred to Kama.
18 An amulet worn on the upper arm.
19 Armour.
20 Ear-rings in the form of fishes: worn by males only.
21 The ceremony of waving a platter bearing a burning lamp round the head of an idol at the close of worship. 22 Bathing at the end of a principal sacrifice for purposes of purification.
23 Lit., belonging to Chandi (Durga Devi), a small stream in the Western Ghats rising near Devimaņi.
24 A small hamlet in the Western Ghats, situated at the head of the Devimant pass, twenty-one miles southwest of Sirst and seventeen miles to the east of Kumta.
25 Possibly the Rashtrakâța prince of this name is indicated. His other names were Nirupama, Kalivallabha, and Dhârâvarsha. One of the five lingas is located at Dhârêshvar on the coast, five miles south of Kumta and some twenty miles distant from Devimaņi.
26 Lit., the golden-haired one: she was one of the numerous daughters of the Rishi Daksha by Prasuti. Her story, which is told further on in this Mahatmya, resembles in some points that of Danae.
27 The print of Lakshmi's two feet.
23 Lit., fresh butter. In the text the name of some small hamlet: untraceable.
29 It is evident that this is allegorical. Ganapati is usually represented as unmarried. He is, however, the patron whose aid is invoked at the commencement of every undertaking, and he is also the god of wisdom. Siddhi, as the personification of a being of great purity and holiness, and Buddhi, typical of wisdom, are hero depicted as his wives or attendants: helpful to Lim in both of his characters.

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ingly turned into stoned before they had walked # lengao and a half to the enstward of Mañigunk Mahesa coming to the place shortly afterwards, and seeing the sad condition of Ganapati, prayed to Vishna, upon which Narada went to Sri Venkatesa and besought him to be merciful. But Venkatesa said to Narada: -No one can release a son from the curse of his father : therefore let him i.e., Ganapatt) kettle at Dronipür, 30 and protect the faithful there. Let him grant the petitions made by devotees at that place. Let him beeome famions under the name of Sata-Vinayaks within the circle of my influence. Sankara, tnder the form of Pañichaling, will protect devotees near my residence. Ganapati will remain at Rétanbhandpur, and will take care of the faithful there : wbile my servant, the devoted Maruti, will protect the (outlying) villages. Let all the other gods, who have come here settle with their attendants, live round about this place, according to their pleasure.' Nârada was much pleased at hearing this, and from that time forward 'Sri Venkatesa, under the name of Tirumaleba, took up his abode in the sacred place of Mañjguni, surrounded by deities, attendants and the sacred springe."
Sata then asked Vyasa : "What is the story of the Konori-Tirtha P Why did Vasu bury treasure in it p."
Vysa, in reply, said: "In the Krita-yaga there lived in the town of Vaijayantipura & pious merchant, by name Padmadbara. He lived a happy and contented life, with his sons and grandsons, and, under the guidance of learned Brahmans, devoted himself to the service of Madhukesa. He had one son, who wasted his father's money in sinful pleasures. The merchant pleaded with him but in vain, for the son paid no attention to his remonstrances, 80 he at lagt turned him out of his house and even went to the length of having him tarned out of the village. The son, thereupon, repented of his misdeeds, and wandering in the forest began to pray to Narayana, fasting. After a little while the god presented himself before him, with his sancha, chakra, gadá, and palma in his hands, and requested Vasu (which was the name of the son) to ask of him whatever he might desire, and then taking up some water from the Konêri. Tirtha, he sprinkled it over his head and made him pure. Again he asked him what he wanted. Vasu, on beholding Vishna, worshipped him, and begged of him to grant him great wealth in this life and eternal happiness in the next. Vishņu granted his request : and then saying that the waters of the Könêri, or Chakra, Tirtha, which he created by means of his chakra, would remove the sins of all who bathed in it, he disappeared.
"Some time after the expulsion of Vasu from his home his father, the merchant, yielding to the entreaties of his wife Padmini, despatched a number of camels (under the charge of numerous servants) laden with much treasure for his son Vasa. A note was attached to the forehead of each camel, stating that the treasure was for Vasu. He ordered his servants to bring back the treasure should they be unable to find his son. The servants, in their quest) wandered over hill and dale, and through towns and villages, till at length being thirsty, they turned aside into a forest which lay to the west of them. Here they found water, but Indra was disporting himself therein with his wives. Nevertheless, they proceeded towards it. Indra seeing them, became enraged, and seizing some huge rocks he hurled them into the air. These falling to the ground, prodaced a dreadful noise, and caused dust and mist and water to rise and splash in large quantities. The servants, on beholding these terrifying phenomena, forsook the camels, and fled in every direction. The camels (left antended) went on wandering aimlessly in the forest, till at length they came to the spot where Vası was residing. He saw the notes on their foreheads, and on reading their contents found that the treasure with which they were laden was meant for him, and he therefore took possession of it. He led a very pious life after this, and at the end, when death was approaching, he buried all his treasure in the Konêri
* Lit., the village of the watering trongh.
Lit., the village of the train or line of striped bullocks. * Also onlled Jayant: the modern Banarasi, a town on the extreme eastern frontier of North Kanara, some fifteen miles south-east of Siral.

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Tirtha, and after death he went to holy Vaikamsha. This is the improving story of Kônêri, and how it came to be full of treasure. There are other springs also, called respectively Brahma, Shanmukha, Vinayaka, and Bilva."
Sata thon said to Vyasa : -"Tell me what kinds of waterities were practised by Tirumala Yogin." Vyasa replied : -" He satisfied the Brahmans, and gave them much money, so that they might worship Venkatesa according to the forms laid down in the mantras of Vishou. He worshipped Venkatesa thrice a day, and at the ninth haqr he prayed and bowed down before his image ; and on the twelfth, fifteenth and thirtieth day of every month he presented special offerings and took the god about in his car. He used also to worship the attendant deities of Vishnu every day with the usual (or eustomary) offerings, and also with occasional for special) ones. He offered delicate dishes of food as sacrifice, dishes such as blyanna, spa,** ghrita,35 payasa, 36 mdsha-bhaksha, 57 vafilo, se sali-tandula, ao atirada, madhu, mudgd-bhaksha, apúpa-pôliká, 43 changuli, modaka, 45 and also plaintains, fack-fruit, etc. In the season of Vasanta-ritu sacrifice (naivedya) was offered by means of pánaka. In the month of Karttika rows of lights were lighted in front of the idol (image). In the season of Hômanta-rito nzivédya was performed by means of huggi, 47 bhakori, quda, ghrita, palla, 50 kakk la,l viávarékha, 59 kish manda53 and with fruit such as grapes, dates, jack-frait, pomegranates, and also with other good ripe fruits full of seeds (bijapura); also with pin-supári. In this way he passed many years in the company of many saints, worshipping the god. At length, by the direotion of Hari, he made & pilgrimaco to Giri, whereon the god revealing himself to him in his true (or original) form, his soul became merged in his. In a formar lite this yögin had boou a Brahman outled Madhava (now under the name of Tirumala) and, as a reward for the severe austerities he had practised in Venkatadri, he obtained salvation."
Sû ta then said to Vyasa : - "Tell me when Venkatesa proceeded from Giri, what he did, what object he had, where he stapped, and what form he assumed."
Vyasa replied: - "In order to destroy cruel beasts and to protect his worshippers, Venkatesa held a conch shell and a bow in his right hands and a chakra and arrows in his left hands, and having wooden sandals (on his feet) he went to live at Mañjgani in the Sahyadri mountains. One day, when Närada came to Veikatagiri, he saw Padmivati performing austerities, because her husband had left her, and he addressed her thas: - Oh goddess ! yoаr husband is staying in the Sahyadris: go there and be happy. Og hearing this she went away, wandering on through villages and towns, deserts and forests, hills and dales, till she came at length to the Savarņakundą. She bathed in that pool, and was performing her devotions, when suddenly & woman named Suvarnakebini made her appearance from the middle of the pool and told Padmavati hor story, which was as follows:- Once upon a time when Indra came to the pool to disport himself with his wives, he caused a shower of gold to fall into it for her (Suvarna. kasini's) sake, for the space of about six hours. She then gave Padmivati some butter, and saying that her wishes would be gratified she disappeared. Padmavati then 'walked for about six miles in a north-easterly direction, looking everywhere for Venkatesa in a despairing kind of way. While wandering tbas she unexpectedly met Tirumala Yågin, who was perform
3 1. e., cooked rioe. * Broth, soup. Ghi: clarified batter. A dish of rion, milk and sugar.
57 Cakes or cooked food : more especially cakes made of the beat kind of uddu, a split pea or pulse (Phaseolus radiatus or max). » Cakes made of pulse flour fried in oil or batter.
* The very best kind of rice. 49 Sweet onkes made of rice and sugar and fried in ghi.
41 Honey • Cakes made of mudgl, a kind of bpan. Also oooked wudga.
43 Light and rich broad or oakes: ap apa by itself signifies this : pôrikd or polikt monds simply cakes, and is therefore more or less tautological + Excellent - the best-molandes. Compare the Kanarose chiguk.)
48 Sweetmeats. 46 Cooling drink: especially acidulated drink such as lemonade, tamarind water, eto. 47 Boiled rice mixed with any split pulso, salt, eto. "LOAves or onkos of brend: the classic form of bhakara. 4. Molasses, coarse sugar.
A dish composed of rice, flour, pumpkin or cucumber, sugar, eto. # All-spice (Myrtus pimenta). NA variety of ououmbor. A pumpkin gourd (Cucurbita Popo),

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ing his round of one leós round Venkatesa. On seeing her he guessed from her face what the object was that she had in view, and he therefore said to her:- Sri Venkatesa is living only about two kôs from here : join him and be worshipped in company with him by my devoted disciples. She consented to do this gladly, and went and settled down on the right side of Sri Venkatesa."
Vyasa then said to Sata :-Now listen and I will tell you the story of the Bilva-Tirtha.
"A Brahman devoted to Bhairava was going to the Sahyadris with the intention of worshipping him on the day of the Mahasivayoga. While going (there) he lost his way in the forest, and being unable to find it, he betook himself to prayer without food, and without performing his usual devotions. Bhairava, therefore, determined to succour his devotee, and for this purpose he assumed the form of a bull, his wife taking that of a cow, and appeared before him like ordinary cattle, returning homewards with the herds. The Brahman, on seeing them, followed them with the fruits, etc., he had brought with him as offerings, determining to worship Bhairava after entering the town at least. Bhairava thereon immediately appeared to the Brahman in a very tall form, and commanded him to erect a temple to him as high as he was himself, and such as would command from it a view of Gôkarta : in return for which he promised to bestow much wealth upon him. As Bhairava was disappearing after this, the bull as if to lower his pride struck his head with his horn, and the cow poured its milk upon him, and then they both vanished : on perceiving this, the Brahmañ worshipped the linga, and wreathed it with bél-flowers and leaves. Upon this being done, Bhairava again assumed a human shape and spoke thug :-O Brahman, a little distance away to the east of this place there is a Tirtha, throw the bél-leaves you have adorned me with into it, take a bath in it, and then go still further east when you will meet Sômêsvara. Worship bim as well as myself with panchadravy a54 devoutly. Sri Venkatesa will do what you desire :' and saying this he disappeared. Accordingly he (the Brahman) searched for the spring, and when he found it he threw the bél-leaves and the fruit into it. In the last yuga, a Gandharva had forced a woman, named Ambalâ, 65 for his sensual pleasure. She in her wrath cursed him to be a fish nntil he eat bél-leaves, which had been consecrated by being placed on the head of a Sivalinga. This Gandharva had in consequence wandered through many rivers and tanks in the guise of a fish, till at length he had come to this tank. When the leaves therefore fell into the tank, the fish eat them all, and thus, being freed from the curse, it resumed its original (or rightfal) form of a Gandharva. And then addressing the Brahman, he said :
O pious and faithful Brâhman, I have regained my former state throdgh the leaves which you have thrown into the water : so let this spring be known in future as the Bilva-tîrtha. Those who bathe in it will be purged from all sin committed by them in their former births.' So saying the Gandharva returned to his native place. The Brahman was greatly surprised at hearing this, and from that time forth he used to bathe daily in that spring, and worship Bhairava and Venkatesa, till he finally obtained eternal happiness. I have told you this story as briefly as I could. It is from this story that the spring derives its name. He who hears it or reads it will become pure and attain to Svarga."
Vyâsa said: "Oh Sta! in the last yuga, Skanda and Vinayaka, when boys, contended with each other, and they came to their father, Mahêsvara, and enquired of him thus: - Tell us, O father, which of us two is the wiser and braver P' Their father told them to go and Ask Brahma. They therefore went to Brahma-lôka, and there they saw Brahma with Sarasvati by his side. Brahmå knowing their errand took up some water in his hands from his
* The five elements of immortality, 1. e., (1) milk, (2) curds, (3) ghi, (4) honey, (5) sugar, which make up the mixture palichamrita, in which an idol is bathed.
66 The name of the youngest daughter of a king of Kast and wife of Vichitravirya. She became the mother of Pandu by Vysa, the brother of Vichitra virya :- the latter dying childless. There is a curious likeness here to the Jewish law enjoining the raising up of seed to a brother dying without issue. AmbalA is also the name of one of the Apsaras. It is probable that she is the individual indicated in the text.

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kamandalu56 and said: - I am going to throw this water down to the earth. Whicheyer one of you can drink it all up in the air without letting any of it reach the earth, will be looked upon as the wiser and braver of the two, and he shall be as happy as if he had bathed, given tithes, observed ceremonies and worshipped on the earth. So saying he threw a little water in a very thin stream into the déva-tirtha. Shanmukha and Vinayaka tried very hard to drink up all the water, while it was in the act of falling, but they did not succeed (in doing so). The water fell down on to the earth in the Sahyadri mountains, and it fell so quickly that it would have been impossible for even Vậya to have caught it. Being very angry and disappointed, they (i. e., Shanmukha and Vinayaka) began to pray to Siva. He and his wife Gaigas7 came and said : -'Your efforts are vain, you had much better do as Brahmi tells you. The water that fell from the hands of Brahmâ shall be known as the Brahma-Tirtha, and he who bathes in it shall go to heaven. On hearing this, Kamåra took some water, charged with the efficacy of his austerities, and threw it down in front of the Brahma-Tirtha. He then bowed down before Mahesa and prayed to Brahma, whereupon Brahmi, being pleased, told him that the water he had thrown down should be known as the Kumara-Tirtha. He who bathes in these two tirthas shall obtain the same amount of merit as if he had bathed in the Ganges and in the Godavari. This Kumara-Tirtha is at the foot of the mountains. The two springs are in the same forest as is the Panchalinga-Tirtha." . “Para mêávara hurried to the spot where Ganapati and his wives were turned into stones
in consequence of his curse. He observed their condition from a distance, and being very sorry for them he began praying to Vishņu, facing towards him and begging of him to release them from the effects of the curse. He was feeling hungry and thirsty, wherefore Vâyu-deva brought some tila,58 and pat it in his mouth. Paramêśvara eat it, and in consequence became a little refreshed (strengthened). Meanwhile, by the grace (or interposition) of Hari the curse was removed. Närada who had come to the place, when he saw this, treated Ganapati and his wives with great respect, and held a conversation with them. He (Nâ rada) could not find any water wherewith to worship Siva, so Vinayaka made a trench with the little finger of his right hand into which water flowed, and this water was used by all for the purpose of worshipping Sira. To this water Narada gave the name of the Vinayaka-Tirtha." A translation 59 of the tradition of the Manjguni Temple as obtained from the
authorities, (i. e., from documents in their possession). In Saka-St. 1341, on the fifteenth day of the month Chaitra in the Samvatsara Vilambi, I, Madhava, minister of the brave and learned monarch, Matkari Maharaja, have, in accordance with orders received from the king, assigned the revenues of the six villages of Kalhalli, Kalugar, Savale, Barasguni, Badagi, and Mañjguni to the name of the god Tirumalesa of Manjguni, the husband of Lakshmi; a most powerful monarch among the gods, ready to grant to his devotees whatever they may desire: who thus granted a boon to Prahlada and who conferred on Vibhîshana the sovereignty of Lankî: the possessor of such ornaments as a kaustubha, and other (ornaments), also of a golden throne (pálki), studded with precious
06 A vessel for keeping holy water in. Brahmi is sometimes depicted as holding it in his hand. Siva likewise. It is specially used by sannyåsis. Ascetics alone are privileged to carry the kamandalu. The name is also used for the gourd of the Cucurbita angenaria, which is carried by ascetics for receiving alms such as handfuls of rice, etc.
57 This is curious. Siva is called Ganga-dhara, occasionally. Gangadhara means the upholder of the Ganges,
allusion to the legend which represents him as receiving the river on his brow as she fell from heaven on the intercession of the saint Bhagiratha, but nowhere else is he described as the husband of Ganga. She is said to have been the wife of king Santanu, to whom she bore eight sons.
68 Sesamum.
" The whole of this account seems garbled. Matkari, the king alludad to, is unknown to history. He was probably one of the petty chiefs belonging to one of the branches of the great Chalukya family. The attempt to connect the great Madhava, who must bave flourished some eighty to ninety years earlier than Slatkari, is somewhat ludicrous.

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stones wherein to be carried (lit, for his use) at the time of the great feast, which takes place every year.
Another pious Kings of the East, named Vijayadhvaja, who was laboring under the misfortune of being childless, came and took up his abode at Venkatá dri, where he remained worshipping at the shrine of Venkataba. One night be dreamed that a Brahman told him to go on a pilgrimage to the holy place of Mañjgani and to bathe in the tirthas there, and that then his desire would be gratified. He then awoke from his dream, and found that it was dawn; placing confidence in his dream, he left the mountain of Venkatidri und started, with his family, for the holy place Maßjgunl. It took him five months and twenty-two days to accomplish the (oontemplated) pilgrimage, and it cost him a great deal of money); still he did not mind this, but on the contrary was very much pleased to finish the journey. He then wished to go farther on to Gokarna and consulted with his wife about it, whereupon she told him that she was already pregnant about two and a half months, and she therefore entreated him that they might retarn home and go to Gokarna another (lit., second) time. The king was overjoyed at hearing of nis wife's pregnancy from her own lips, and ordered that a stone should be inscribed shewing that he made over the revenues of the four villages of Hosûre, Bandal, Tejparn, and Bengavi to the god Tirumalesa of Mañjguni. Afterwards his wife came and entreated him to make over the revenues of the three villages of Karsi, Chamani, and Gund to the same god of Mañjgunt in her name, as a token of her faith in the god. The king, being very much pleased at this speech, gåve orders to his minister Sripati, and to his family priest Ramakrishna Upadhyaya, to make over all the revenues of the above-named seven villages to the name of the god Tirumalesa of Mapigani. According to the orders of the king, they both caused a stone to be inscribed as a memorial of the above-mentioned gift, on the second day of Mâgha'in Saka-St. 834.
In the time of Tirumala Yögin there were - a golden crown, an ear-shaped ornament set with jewels and pertaining to the crown, a pair of golden shoes, etc.
After the lapse of some years Govinda Nayaka, as directed in a dream, presented a padaka, that is, an ornament shaped like a pipal leaf, nsually attached to a necklace and worn round the neck, locket fashion.
A king of Sonda, by name Sadasivaraya, gave a golden cuirass (armour) and caisses (thigh.. pieces) and some other ornaments.
During the time of the English & golden serpent-bed sacred to Venkatesa (nágasayana), gold and silver armoar, and various other ornaments, have been added.
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from page 215.) BURNBLL M88. No. 16 - (continued). THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA - (continued). The palace was broken down, as if it were trodden down by heroes who had to fight seven battles. Channayya went to BAlitimår at Pañja, pushing, with his dagger, a stone which could be drawn by seven and seven elephants,10
· The king here indicated mast, I think, have belonged to the family of the Kadambas. He may be identical with Vijayavarman. The whole of this story is, however, apocryphal; nothing but the names are known of the rulers of this family between the years A. D. 750 and A. D. 1088. The Saka date given bere corresponde to about A. D. 912.
1 1. .., fourteen elephants.

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AUGUST, 1895.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.
"O foolish Kemira! Silly Kemira! Opium-eating Kemira! Bhang-smoking Kemira! Sour-tári-drinking Kemira! Swollen-legged Kemira! Spindle-shanked Kemira! Snub-nosed Kemira Broken-toothed Kemira! Pot-bellied Kemira! Big-headed Kemira! If we drag you to the East, we will beat you with balls of earth from a gram-field. If we drag you to the West, we will make you eat the sand of the sea. If we drag you to the South, we will make you mount the Ghat of the god Tillinga. If we draw you to the North, we will make you ascend the mountain of the god Basinga," said the heroes. "Before we wash our faces we shall go to Brahma at Kemmulage. When we go there we will take little Channayya of Edambar," said they.
243
On the road they saw ten or fifteen gudis at Kemmulagê.
"What mean these, Little Channayya ?" asked the heroes. "You will die yourselves, but you will kill me also," said he.
"What are we looking at ? Is it a basti of the Jains ? Is it a palli of the Mappilas ? Is it a church of Kudumba? Is it the door and house of a rich man? Is it the hut of a poor man ?" asked they.
"Aho heroes! You kill me," said he.
"Go and hide yourself under a small mango tree, like a fruit under a leaf," said the heroes.
When they went to the forest of Kemmalage, a Brahmana, having finished his daily pújú, was going home to his household pújá. They asked the Brahmana for some sandal from the god, and said they would take their offerings to the god.
"Puja for to-day is now finished; come to-morrow," said the Brahmana.
"If you are a Brahmana who knows the particulars of all Sástras, you had better see us perform a púją with an upright heart!" said the heroes, and stood with bended heads on a flat stone and prayed:-"Let a drum tied to a cocoanut tree, and another drum hung on an areca tree, and let all the other musical instruments be heard! Let the sound of a horn and of a gun be heard! Let a torch that has been extinguished burn again! Let a golden plate be placed at the door!"
They made Brahma Bhúta come to them, trying their best and not letting him go. Then all the musical instruments were heard, and all men and women trembled.
"What is this wonderful thing, this wonderful enchantment ?" said the Brahmana, as he went to perform pújá at home, and sat down to take his dinner. Then he returned to the temple running, and found the heroes standing with bended heads on the flat stone.
"One should beat these Billavar boys with a cocoa leaf. One should beat these Billavar boys with a bundle of prickly twigs," said the Brahmaņa.
Said Channayya:-" What do you know, O Brahmana, about lucky hours and times ? Brahmana, you told us the day. the hour and the time; what do you say now? If you are a Brahmana, who is acquainted with the details of the Sastras, shut one eye and open the other eye; bend one leg and make straight the other leg; and then I can examine all the Sastras. Now, Brahmana, open your eye that is shut, and shut your eye that is open!"
He could not open his eye that was shut, and could not shut the one that was open. He could not make straight his leg that was bent, and he could not bend the leg that was made straight.
"Brahmana, who you are and who are we ? 17 This is not an earthen pot, and not even a relation of a Brahmana," said they.
17 I. e., there is no difference between us.

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Then the Brahmana became possessed by Brahme Bhata. "O KOți ! O Channayya ! Offer to the god the present which you have brought," said ho.
A figure of Brahma was offered, and lakhs of Rupees, and Brahma made a steel ball in the bellies of Koți and Channayya. Thus they offered their present to Brahma Bhúta and took sandal.
“O Brahma, we must make you a present. Do you worship the god with flowers," said they. They then left the place and went onwards with the intention of getting a present and honor from the Edambúr Ballal. They stood under a small mango tree and called ont: - "O Edambur Kinnyanna! We have offered to the god a present and taken sandal. Now let us go! O Kinnyanna, we have been to the Edambúr Balla! in our childhood.
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA.
BY M. N. VENKATSWAMI OF NAGPUR.
No. 1. - The Thousand-eyed Mother. ONCE upon a time, when Ammavaru, the goddess of small-pox, had been making fearful havoc amongst the inhabitants of a certain town, the fond mother of an only son, in whom all her affections and hopes were centred, with a view to escape the wrath of the angry Mâta, 3 Hled across hill and dale, wood and water, not knowing whither she was flying -- such was her fright - until, in a dense forest, she was met by an old woman, who was no other than the goddess herself in disguise. Said the goddess :
" Daughter, whither are you flying?"
Mother, I have only this son whom you see here, and I am trying to escape from the wrath of the goddess, who is devastating the whole town," replied the affrighted mother.
Receiving this answer to her question and seeming not to care anything more about the woman's flight, the old woman asked her to be kind enough to search for lice in her head, for, she added, she was very much pestered by them. The younger woman good humouredly began to search for the lice, both the women squatting themselves on the ground for the purpose, in the dishevelled hair of the old woman, when an extraordinary spectacle presented itself - the old woman's head was full of eyes! Very much surprised, the young woman exclaimed: --
"Your head is full of eyes, mother; may I know who you are ?"
"Daughter," said the other,“ do you not know who I am ? I am the Thousand-eyed Mother, and how can you think of escaping by flight from the vigilant watch of so many eyes?”
At this the young mother prostrated herself at the feet of the déví,and asked what should be done to save her only son, who was the object of her life.
"Return," said the goddess, "to the town, and no harm will befall either your son or yourself."
With these words the devtá disappeared, and the woman and her son, who had thas ingratiated themselves into her favour, pursued their course back to the town. The goddess, true to her word, preserved them in the midst of the pestilence, which raged on all sides, attacking all without any distinction.
I Narrated by Chinta Poetti, an old man of Naw&basti, Nagpur. ? This is a Telugu title of the goddess of small-pos.
Is a Telugu name for the goddess of small-pox. and are the Hindustani names of the goddess of small-pox. It may be remarked that diuta in Hindustan oftener means "god" than "goddess."-ED.)

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Note. When anyone says that small-pox is contagious to a high degree and that such and such persons - adults and children -- would not have died had they not touched or come in contact with their small-pox-stricken relatives, the old people at once narrate the above story: the moral being that, if we are to be attacked by small-pox, we must be attacked, no matter how or where; and if destined to die by it or from its effects we cannot escape, as we are under the observation of the Thousand-eyed Mother.
MISCELLANEA. THE AGE OF THE SATAPATHA BRAHMANA. east; while other nakshatras were observed either
A few days ago, when reading the Batha- to the right or to the left of this point. Transpatha-Brahmana, I discovered a passage in it, lated into modern astronomical language this from which it can be conclusively shewn that the means a great deal. It means that in those age of that Brahmana, or, more properly, of that days the Krittikah were on the equator, or portion of it in which the passage occurs, is that their declination was nil, when the about B. C. 8000. I had a mind to write a passage was composed. detailed paper on the matter on some future. The heavens are now divided by imaginary occasion. when I should have time to do so; but, circles for the purpose of determining the posi. on reading Dr. G. Thibaut's paper in the April
tions of heavenly bodies. But in old days these number of the Indian Antiquary just to hand, I conventions were unknown; and the passage thought it desirable not to delay in bringing the in question is at once interesting and importpassage to the notice of Oriental scholars. Atant for more reasons than one. In the first present I have no time to write on it in detail, Bo place it shews how the Vedic Rishis carefully I only give the passage with its translation, with
observed the difference between the positions of one or two remarks on it, and the approximate
the different nakshatras; and secondly, what is time of the phenomenon referred to in it.
more to the point, how they managed to express The passage runs as follows:- Tek Pro - the idea of declination in a simple and rudimenस्वारीति वा भन्यानि नक्षत्राण्ययैता एव भूयिष्ठा यस्कू- tary manner. I do not think that it could be लिकास्तमानमेवैतदुपैति तस्मास्कृत्तिकास्वावधीत ॥२॥ better expressed, if the present method of ima
ginary circles is not to be utilized. एता ह वै प्राच्य दिशो न च्यवन्ते सर्वाणि हवा
These old
Vedic observers seem to have approximately, if not अन्यानि नक्षत्राणि प्राच्य दिधच्यवन्ते तत्याच्यामेवास्ये
accurately, determined the due east point, and सहिश्वाहिती भवतस्तस्मात् कृत्तिकास्वाधीत ॥३॥- they must have observed that the Ksittikah never TITAE, II. 1, 2.
deviated therefrom. As remarked above, this would Translation :-Certainly one, two, three, four;
be the case, if, to use the modern astronomical 80 (are) other nakshatras, and these only are
language, the Krittik&h were then on the equator. many, which (are) Krittikah: surely (he who
Now we know that, on account of the precession consecrates the sacred fires on Krittikah] gets
of the equinoxes, the place of the Ksittikâh, with that plenty of it; (one) should, therefore, con- reference to the equator, is not always the same. secrate (the sacred fires] on Kpittikah. These At present they are to the north of the equator. certainly, do not deviate from the eastern
We can calculate the next preceding time direction. All other nakshatras deviate from when they were on the equator. Taking the the eastern direction. His two (sacred fires)
annual precession of the equinoxes to be 50", and become consecrated in the very east. He should,
calculating roughly, I find that Tauri, the therefore, consecrate (the fires) on Krittikaḥ.
brightest star of the Pleiades, was on the equator The Krittikah, or Pleiades, are here spoken
about 2990 B. C. or, roughly speaking, in of as not deviating from the east; while all
8000 B. C. If we take the annual precession to
be less than 50', which is probable, we are carried other nakshatras are said to do so. Now, since in
to a still earlier period,- earlier by about a popular language all nakshatras rise in the east and set in the west, we cannot understand the
hundred or two hundred years. above description of the Ksittik&h in the popular
Here, there is nothing which is doubtful about sense; for in that case their appearance in the the actual place of the Krittikah at the time. east cannot be contrasted with the other naksha- We have a distinct point to start with in caltras. We must, therefore, interpret the passage culation. In my opinion, no other interpretation to mean that the Ksittikáh were always seen due of the passage is possible. I have no time to

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find by actual calculations whether any other motion of stars is not taken into account in any nakshatra, was on the equator at the time; but, of the statements above. from a rough sketch of the position of the equator The Passaget speaks of the rising of the and ecliptic at that time, I see that one star of
Krittikah due east, as oocurring at the Rohiņi, three of Hasta, two of Anaridha, one of
time, and not as & thing past. And, in my Jyêstha, and one of Asvinf, were near the equator, but not a single star of the 27 or 28
opinion, the statement conclusively proves
that the passage was composed not later nakshatras, except perhaps one or two of Hasta
than 8000 B. C. (Band Corvi), was then on the equator; neither
SANKAR B. DIKSHIT. of these last two, however, is taken as a yoga- Poona Training College, tará of Hasta in later astronomy. The proper 27th April 1895.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A VOLUNTARY POOR RATE BOARD IN INDIA. The objects of expenditure are mainly those of
In Muzaffargarh, especially in the Alipar alms-giving and entertainment of religious guests! tahsil, are found unofficial panchayats in towns, but occasionally & seful work, like a smal, exercising many of the functions of Poor Rate bridge, is taken in hand. The mode in which Boards. They levy a rate, generally assimilated
the members of the panchayat are chosen is not to, or based upon, the Government octroi. Noclear. The institution differs in some respecte one thinks of objecting to pay this. The money from the social panchayats found in Dehlf and is kept by a treasurer, who disburses it on the elsewhere. written order of one or more of the panchayat.
B. M. in P. N. and Q. 1883.
BOOK-NOTICE. Dr. BÜHLER ON THE ORIGIN OF THE Aramaic, partly from Kharôshthi, and partly INDIAN BRAHMA ALPHABET.1
from Greek. THE appearance of one of Dr. Bühler's Indian When Prof. Weber started his hypothesis, Studies is always eagerly welcomed by scholars the list of quotable references in the more ancient on this side of the Arabian Sea : for we are certain Indian literature regarding writing was a short of finding in it something new and original, one, but since that time further explorations have illuminated by the steady light of experience, brought to light various additional pieces of born of ripe knowledge. His essay on the Brahma evidence. Amongst the older dharmaldstras, Alphabet need be no exception to the rule, and that named after Vazishtha, which probably dates probably most of us will be ready to admit after from some centuries before the beginning of our its perusal, that a long.vexed question has been era, and which is older than the Manusamhita, finally set at rest. After an introductory chapter mentions written documents (Ikhya) as proof discussing the various theories hitherto held of ownership; but the most fruitful researches regarding the origin of the alphabet called by have been those in the canonical works of the Europeans, Lath, Southern, Indian Pali, In- Southern Buddhists, especially in the Jatakas. dian or Maurya, and by Hindus Brahmi Lipi, Dr. Bühler quotes several jataka stories in which Dr. Bühler states briefly that the results at which writing is mentioned :- a slave gets himself a rich he has arrived confirm the views of Prof. Weber, wife by means of a forged letter (lékha), a teacher that the Brahma is derived directly from the corresponds with his pupils, a king with a future oldest Phoenician Alphabet, as against the the- Buddha, while in two instances reference is made ories of (1) Cunningham that it is an original to official correspondence between kinga. In the Indian invention, of (2) Deecke that it is descended Ruru-játaka, a debtor invites his creditor to come from the Assyrian cuneiform characters through with his bonds, and in several instances particuan ancient southern Semitic Alphabet, of (3) Dr. larly important records were inscribed on gold Isaac Taylor that it comes from an Alphabet of plates. The Vinaya-pitaka uleo refers to writing South Arabia, and of (4) M. J. Halevy, that it (Lekha) and writers (lékhaka) and to the cutting is of a composite character, partly derived from (chhindati) of inscriptions. In the Mahavagga, we
II do not know whether the passage is noticed by Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, with a table. Weber in his essays on the nakshatrae. I saw the essaye Vienna, F. Tempsky. in November last; but they, being written in German, ? One instance not mentioned by Dr. Bühler may are a dead letter to me.
be quoted, -the Sambhava-jataka No. 515, Fauaböll, 1 Indian Studies by George Bühler. No. IIT., on the

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247
frud mention made of a proclaimed thief (likhitakó able variations in the forms of its signs point to chôró), and of the education of a boy at school in the fact that it must have had a long history Tékhd writing,' ganand arithmetic,' and rúpa before the time of Asoka. Not only are there
forms. By the latter, Dr. Bühler ingeniously variations in forin, but instances occur of its understands the bazar and agricultural system of being written from right to left instead of from accounts now taught in schools, after boys have left to right. The varying forms are capable of been taught the simple rules of arithmetic. In being classified according to locality, and so far apcient times, when coins wererare, specimens were from the characters being homogeneous, they placed before the pupils, which they had to handle may be divided into two main divisions - a norand look at, in order to learn their form, weight, thern, and a southern, - each with sub-varieties. and marks. Thus the lékha, gañand and rúpa of There are also differences between archaic and the Mahdvagga correspond to the three "R" advanced forms, all of which Dr. Bühler discusses still taught in indigenous Indian schools. Dr. in great detail. He finally concludes :Bühler refers only to the present custom of
To me it seems that these (peculiarities) are most easily Western India, but my experience of the schools
explained, on the supposition that several, both arohaio of Eastern Hindustan has been the same. These and more advanced, alphabets existed in the third century references to the art of writing may be taken as B. C., that an archaic alphabet was chosen for the perdating from about 400 B. C. The oldest words petuation of Asöka's Edicts, and that the clerks mixed the used for writing all mean originally to cut,' such
forms. And in support of this view I would adduce the as chhind; or 'to scratch, such as likh; the
Jaina tradition, socording to which many alphabets were
used about 300 B. C. But, even if we leave aside all scrutcher,' løkhaks ; 'scratching,' or 'scratcbes,'
conjectural explanations of the facts, it remains undeni. Lekha ; and the indelible,' akkhara. On the other able that the writing of the Edicts is in a state of transi. hand, lipi which we first meet in Panini (cir. 350 tion, and this alone is suficient to warrant the mortion B.O.) means literally, 'smearing,' and points to that their alphabet certainly had a long history. the use of ink.
Taking now the question of coins into conSpace does not allow me to do more than sideration, the very ancient inscribed coins, allude to the interesting digression of Dr. Bühler found in North-Western India, leave no doubt that in the various Indian alphabets. -The Brahma since the beginning of the historical period, the and the Kharoshthi ('Ass's Lipe,' mentioned by Brahmi Lipi has been the paramount Indian the Chinese under a similar name), the sixty-four Alphabot, and that the Kharoshthi is a later alphabets mentioned in the Lalita-vistara, and Alphabet, of Aramaio stock, which held always the eighteen of the Jaina Agamas.
a secondary place only in a very confined terri. As in the indigenous schools of the present tory. In connexion with this point Dr. Bübler day, the Brahma Alphabet bad, according to the
draws attention to the lately discovered Siddapur oldest authorities, only ten vowels, ri, 16, li, and
Edicts, written in Brahma characters, in which If not existing. At the present day m, and h
the scribe has added at the end his qualification are added, and each is combined in our schools lipikaréna 'the scribe,' in Kharðsh thi characters. with each consonant, forming the so-called bdrd- Dr. Bühler says 'this looks like a joke or a boast, kharf, or sets of twelve, the book in twelve sec- as it Paja, proud of his accomplishments, had tions' which Hiuen Tsiang describes as taught to been anxious to make it apparent that he knew Indian children in the seventh century A. D. Ag! more than the ordinary characters. And as he was regards the omission of rip, y, and 74, an in the royal service, it is not unlikely that he important piece of evidence is found at Bodh Gayi, may have acquired a knowledge of the Kharðshthi where a series of mason's marks gives the alphabet
during a stay in a northern office. during a stay in a no
It is strange as far as ta, but omitting these vowels. This how exactly history repeats itself in India. At proves that separate signs for these vowels did the present day, a Kayasth in Bihar, who writes a not exist in 300 B. C., for, while omitting them,
document in the Kaithi character in a Government the alphabet contained the vowels ai and ar, the
office, makes it a point of honour to subscribe his visarga ah, and the guttural na, which were not own name, as writer, in the Persian character, the required for the vernacular Prakrit of the time. - Kaithf being the direct descendant of the Brahma and the use of which shewed that the alphabet. Alphabet, and the Persian well corresponding to then current, was adapted to the expression of the Semitic Kharoshshi. Sanskrit.
Having thus cleared the way by his historical Dr. Bühler next considers the oldest form of inquiry, Dr. Bübler sets himself to discuss the Brahmi Lipi, and argues that the very consider problem of the origin of the Brahma Alphabet.
[Market girls were thus taught in Upper Burma up to the last generation, say, 39 years ago.
ED.]

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ha
* (init and med.)
He rightly observes that the only safe way to left, as in Greek.. Instances where the old position has compare the Brahma with Semitic signs is been preserved, are however met with, both in borrowed (1) that the comparison must be based on the
and derivative signs. oldest forms of the Indian Alphabet, and on actu. Given these principles of derivation Dr. Bühally occurring Semitic signs of one and the same ler's table is almost self-explanatory. Specially period ; (2that the comparison may include only ingenious is his suggestion that in certain cases such irregular equations, as can be supported by the substitution of a dot in a later Indian form analogies from other cases, where nations have for a circle in an older Indian one, indicates borrowed foreign alphabets; and (3) that the that the persons who invented the dotted form comparison must shew that these are fixed wrote with pen and ink. For the actual forms of principles of derivation. Applying these sound the letters in Dr. Bühler's table the student rules it soon appeared that, while the Southern must be referred to his article, but the following Semitic characters could not be considered as the gives the net result (without giving the actual origin of the Brahma Alphabet, it became poesible forms) of his inquiries in a succinct shape :to identify in the latter all the twenty-two Northern Semitic letters, and to explain the
Semitic
Brahma letters. Derivatives.
letters. formation of the numerous derivative signs, which the Indians were compelled to add. A
Aleph
a (initial) 14 (initial and medial) table is given shewing, letter by letter, the
Beth ba
bha connexion between, on the one hand, the Archaic Phænician, and the Moabite stone characters,
Gimel Iga
gha (Bhattiprolu) and, on the other hand, those of India; and, given
Daleth the principles of derivation which Dr. Bühler lays down, the resemblance between the cha
He racters leaps to the eyes. Tbe following quotation illustrates this principle in a few words, Wano and as clearly as possible. A superficial examination of the Brahma Alphabet
Zain shews the following chief characteristics:
Cheth gha (1) The letters are set up as straight as possible, and Theth tha
tha, ta they are, with few exceptions, made equal in beight.
Yod ya (2) The majority consists of vertical lines with
Kaph appendages attached mostly at the foot, occasionally at the foot and at the top, or rarely in the middle: but Lamed
2 (Bhattiproln) . there is no case where the appendage has been added to Mem ma
in (anusvâra) the top alone. (3) At the top of the characters appear mostly the ends Nun
iu na
na of vertical lines, less frequently straight horizontal lines,
Ina still more rarely curves on the points of angles opening downwards, and, quite exceptionally in the case of the
Samech sha (Bhattiprola)
sha letter ma, two lines rising upwards. In no case does the top show several angles, placed side by side, with a
re (med.), ai (init. vortical or slanting line hanging down from it, or
Ain (initial) B and med.) triangle or a circle with a perdant line.
Ili, (init. and med.) The principles, or tendencies, which produced these Phe
pa
pha characteristics, seem to be a certain pedantie formalism, a
Tsade desire to have signs well suited for the formation of
chha regular lines, and a strong aversion against all top
Qoph heavy characters. The natural result was that a Resh number of the Semitie signs had to be turned topsy. turvy or to be laid on their sides, while the triangles or double angles, occurring at the tops of others, had to be Таъо got rid of by some contrivance or other. A further change in the position of the signs had to be made, when the Hindus began to write from the left to the right.
G. A. GBIERSON. They had, of course, to be turned from the right to the Howrah, 14th May 1895.
jha
ta
Shin
In connexion with this, I may mention that coin of Abdagases has lately been described by Dr. Hoernle, in which the Kharoshthi letters run from left to right.
See Pro. A. 8. B. May 1895.
In the modern Hebrew ain is used to represente in transliterating foreign European words.

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EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
249
SOME EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE. BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M. A
Preface. THE late Maharaja of Travancore observed, in one of his public lectures, that if India
I could be considered a microcosm of the world, Travancore could be with greater justification regarded as the epitome of all India. The observation was made with special reference to the variegated natural featares of Travancore and to her equally rich and varied flora and fatina. It is, however, no less applicable to her population. It would be difficult, indeed, to find elsewhere in India, in so limited an area, a people so varied and typical af the mixed races that inhabit it. The two predominant factors of Indian civilization - the Aryan and the Pre-Aryan - are to be found in Travancore in every degree of fusion. From the aboriginal Kişikâr, or hillman, to the Vaidika Nambûri Brahmana, what stages of the meeting and mingling of the two races can we not perceive in the endless distinctions of caste 60 eminently characteristic of the extreme South of India ? The subtle forces set in motion by the great Aryan race to subdue and absorb into its own polity the earlier races of India may be still seen at full work in Travancore. And there, again, may be seen, taking place under the very eyes of the observer, the gradual evolution of all the forms of marriage known to the student, endogamous, exogamous, polyandrous, "polygamous, punaluan, and what not. Arrested in conseqnence at different stages of their natural growth, may be seen also all conceivable laws of inheritance. Equally diversified and full of philological import is the language of the country. Exactly ns the practised ear perceives all possible stages of corruption between pure Tamil and pure Malayalam, on passing from one end of the land to the other, - say from Cape Comorin to Paravůr; so also may the critical student notice all varieties of mongrel mixtures of Sansksit and Tamil, as he descends from the proud poems of the erudite few to the popular ditties of the illiterate many, -from a Bhúshá-Sáluntalam, for instance, to a Torrampartu. Every phase, too, in the evolution of that all-embracing conglomeration of faiths, ceremonies, and philosophier, called the Hindû Religion, from the grossest fetishism, worship of trees, of snakes, of evil spirits and what not, to the highest Vedantic school of Samkaracharya, - himself supposed to be a native of the place, - finds in Travancore its votary to this day, - not to speak of the numerous representatives of foreign religions, such as the Syrian Christians, who claim to have received their gospel direct from Saint Thomas himself. With regard to manners, customs, dress, and ornaments, infinite is the variety that obtains. Each caste would appear to have been bent upon originating and appropriating to itself a particular form of these natural adjuncts of social organization. Even more tempting than all this pleasing variety, is, to the student of Indian ethnology, the general air of primitive simplicity that, despite its complications, pervades the entire society, its language and institutions, its manners and traditions. And the air of primitiveness is by no means deceptive. Most of these social peculiarities are in truth but strange survivals of what at different stages was the rule in all India, at any rate in the peninsular portion of it. Endless particulars from the daily routine of individual and social life might be given to illustrate how strangely things survive in this land, though long extinct elsewhere; but suffice it here to say that Travancore seems to have played, in Indian anthropology, the part of a happy and undisturbed fossiliferons stratum. And it is easy to understand why it should have been so. No internal revolution seems to have ever convulsed her social system so as to efface the past, to which her own remarkably conservative nature inclined her to steadfastly adhere; and as for the violent changes outside her domains, they seem to have never reached her till their fury was spent, so that
1 Vide L. H. Morgan, Ancient Society. Punaluan is the Pandava type (a form of polyandry).
This term means "song on the apparition," and narrates the story of Silappadigaram, the ancient Tamil epic. It is being fast supplanted in popular favour by more modern songs and seems to have but a short term of life now before it.

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when, floating down in the fulness of time, their influence came to be felt, the nett, or skeleton, results alone sank into the structure of her society to be preserved unmolested for ages to follow. Thus taking all in all, Travancore, I earnestly believe, deserves more attention from the students of Indian history than at first sight her apparent geographical and historical isolation would seem to entitle her to; her population being so remarkably varied and typical, and the social fabric & veritable mine of precious antiquities in many a department of anthropology.
To the best of my knowledge the mine remains unworked - nay even unnoticed - up to date. I do not complain that the history of the people is yet to be written; but I confoss I am surprised to find that the political history of this principality, one of the most ancient in all India, is itself a blank beyond the immediate present. Even of the ruling dynasty, whose origin, Mr. Shangoonny Menon observes, tradition reckons as coeval with creation itself, what information are we in a position to offer to the critical historian beyond a couple of centuries ago ? The Travancore Government Almanac publishes, no doubt, year after year, a list of 35 sovereigns from 1335 A. D., as having immediately preceded the present Mahârâja ; but, apart from such indefinite and suspicious names as. Wanaut Moota Rajah,' which cannot but detract from the scientific value of the document, what little I know from independent and indubitable sources of knowledge is not in favour of its accuracy. Mr. Shungoonny Menon begins, indeed, his History with Brahmâ the Creator, but he fills up his first chapter, which brings down the account to Mårtândavarman, who began his rule just 164 years ago, i. e., within the memory in all probability of the historian's own grandfather, with such questionable materials as to render it difficult to rebut Mr. Seweil's condemnation of the whole as devoid of historical value. Considering that of the political history of the country, of the history of the unquestionably ancient royal dynasty itself, we know so little, it is no wonder that we should know still less in the more obscure and less attractive branches of Travancore archæology
But how long are we to remain in what I cannot but describe as a lamentable, if not disgraceful, condition of ignorance? To a native of Travancore - and I am one - it cannot but be galling to have to wait till competent foreign, scholars find leisure to investigate and enlighten him on the history of his own fatherland. He would rather, whether fally qualified for it or not, gird up his loins and be doing something, than be simply moaning over the fact till the fortunate advent of a competent savant. But even should one be willing to wait, the sources of sure information, the facts and things to be observed, do not seem to be endowed with equal placid patience. With the rapid spread of education and the general aprising and commingling of the masses, the very things of archeological import are fast vanishing out of sight. No one with wakeful eyes could live a decade now in Travancore without being constantly reminded of the extraordinary rapidity with which the tide of progress is washing away all old landmarks, even in this retired creek of the so-called "changeless East.” Traditional beliefs, ways, and manners are dissolving like spectres in the air. Every caste seems bent now upon giving up its own, for the sake of the forms and ceremonies, dress and ornaments, and even the modes of speech, of some other, which it supposes to be superior to itself. What traits of the primitive Dravidian Vêņad chiefs could one discover in the Anglicized Nair, or of the Vedic age of simplicity in the Nambúri police constable? However desirable such changes may be from other points of view, to the antiquarian they cannot be more gratifying than the too rapid gyrations of an animalcole can be to the microscopist. To neglect vaccination and
Vide the opening sentence of Mr. Shungoonny Menon's History of Travancore. • Vide page 43, Part II. of the Almanac for 1894.
6 Means but the ruling sovereign of Travancore,' Wanaut' being Vépad or Travancore, and Moota Rajah' or Hitta Tampiran, being the popular way of styling the eldest member of the royal family.
Vide Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II, part treating of Travancore.

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251 - to trust to úrúffu7 is certainly not desirable; to indulge in padaiyani or mock fights, in these days of peace, might be even more culpable; but when the úrá!! and padaiyani are gone for good, the historian will look in vain for equally good and clear evidences of the past history of certain localities.
The damp atmosphere of Travancore is another source of dread. It is fast demolishing and disintegrating sources of information of the highest scientific value possible. A host of historical temples with valuable inscriptions are fast going to rains. Left to the dissolving influences of nature, or worse still, to the tender mercies of Marâmut coolies, the temples of the land, with their many and diverse architectural peculiarities and memorable historical associations and inscriptions, will before long either quietly cease to be, or so atterly change their aspect as to present no meaning to the future inquirer. Our sources of historical information then, both ethnical and epigraphical, seem to be all equally moribund, muttering, as it were with their dying gasp: "Observe now or never!" How important, how helpful, these dying declarations of the past are often found to be, only those who have dealt with them can know, and, if I here venture to catch and interpret some of the still voices of antiquity in the midst of which I live, with a view mainly to awaken general interest in our history, I have no other justification to offer, no other apology to make, than that they might ere long cease to be heard at all.
I propose to begin the study with the royal house of Travancore, and I propose also to confine my attention at present to what light can be secured from public stone inscriptions.
Of all the materials available to the critical student of Indian history, inscriptions, as far as they go, are the very best. It may be possible, indeed, to extract a few scattered grains of historic truth from the old and genuine Puránas, but only those that have made the trial can be aware of the difficulties and doubts with which the process is beset. Even when the genuineness of & Pærána is settled beyond doubt, and its age determined, one ought to have an extraordinary fund of faith, or, as it is called, piety,' to lack a sense of insecurity, as one threads one's way through the endless accounts of dévas and asuras, and discerns here and there a glimmering, and perhaps distorted, view of matters earthly and human. But whatever may be the historical value of the real and old Ashtadasa-Puránas, to follow the Sthala-Mahatmyas as faithful guides would imply an unconditional surrender of all canons of historic criticism. They all profess to be integral portions of the old Eighteen Purúnas; but it is an open secret that their manipulation can scarcely be said to have yet ended. To quote a familiar instance, the late Mr. Minakshisundaram Pillai of Trichinopoly, the last of the Taini! bards, aged to supply Sthala-Purá nas on order; and I know a respected and scholarly physician in Kottayam is to this day engaged in writing a Mahatmya in Sanskrit on his own household deity. But whether old or new, it would be a satisfaction to find in these works of skill even remote references to events historical. For, true to their function, these religious com. positions begin and end with gods, and condescend to chronicle only their miraculous dealings with friends and foes.
Local traditions in some countries may subserve historical purposes, though the logical rule for the rapid deterioration of their testimony has always to be kept in view. But in Southeru India, all legendary lore is of the most mischievously misleading claracter. We cannot travel far, even in Travancore, without constantly coming across hills, valleys, streams, temples,
* Ortuis & village feast generally in honour of the heroine of the Silappadigaram, celebrated as a disinfectant of small-pox, exactly as it was resorted to in the days of that old Tamil epic; vide pago 31, Swaminatha Iyer's edition.
• Means literally battle array. It is a disorderly drunken march-past in torchlight, ofton ending in something worse than sham fights.
. Day labourers in the Government Public Works department. Maramut is a word of Arabic origin used in Travancore to mark off the native Pablio Worka agency from that under European engineers.

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and hamlets, which are fondly believed to be connected with the incidents of the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. As observed by Dr. Barnell, most of them are "merely attempts at explanation of the unknown through current ideas, which, in Southern India, amount to the merest elements of Hindû mythology, as gathered from third-rate sources."10 In Travancore, even the legitimate names of places, of idols, of castes, of religious dignitaries, and of social ceremonies, which, when carefully understood, bear clear historical allusions, are strangely twisted and corrupted to suit fanciful derivations under the influence of the same myth-making tendencies.
Literature is another of the resources usually open to the student of history, and even in India, too, much valuable and reliable information may be gleaned from the ancient literary writings, so long as their authors had the good sense to be true to nature and man, and to dispense with the crutches of "divine machinery," 80 uniformly found at every turn in their later limping career, But, anhappily for us in Southern India, we know how soon the Tamil literature degenerated and lost its healthy realism. Copper-plate documents, temple and palace records, and what are called granthavari, or connected accounts, in respectable households of long standing, are less pretentious, thongh often more fruitful, sources of information ; but even these are certainly inferior in point of reliability to contemporary stone inscriptions in open and public places. Copper-plate grants, being mostly the private property of individuals or corporations, always present the chance of turning out to be forgeries in favour of vested interests. As for the other records, it is always impossible to rebut the charge of corruption or interpolation, since they have frequently to be transcribed - mostly by unqualified hands - in consequence of the ephemeral writing materials to which they are generally committed. Unless, therefore, we have clear internal evidence, or other collateral information, it is seldom safe to lean on crumbling cadjans, however venerable. On the other hand, a contemporary inscription in a place of public resort, if once deciphered, and its age determined, will afford for ever a footing to the historian as sure and firm as the rock on which it is engraved. It would seem, then, to be the very first duty of those who crave for more light on the past of Travancore to ascertain whether such incontrovertible epigraphical evidence is available in this ancient principality, before proceeding to utilize less trustworthy sources of information. Fortunately for us, inscriptions are not altogether rare in Travancore. I have with me something over one hundred of these ancient stone documents, taken from different quarters, mostly from places south of Trivandram, and, though confining my attention, for the present, to the light they shed on the history of the royal house, I shall have an opportunity of illustrating their general historical value.
One word more I feel bound to add in the way of preface. Since most of the documents I have now the pleasure to place before the reader are in the Chora-Pandya or Vatteluttu Alphabet, the translation I give of them ought to be considered tentative only. The characters of this alphabet, which according to some authorities is the only one original to India, are not yet fully made ont. Out of 180 letters, which onght to make it up, Dr. Burnell's conjectural Plate (No. XVII. in his South Indian Palæography) is able to supply only 96. Until, therefore, photo-lithographed copies of the facsimiles with me are placed before the scientific public, and my readings and renderings subjected to searching criticism, I have no right to claim entire confidence, I may, however, in the meantime, say that each of the inscriptions I have to depend opon has received my best and most anxious attention, and that sufficient time has been allowed to elapse since the collection was completed for patient study and reflexion. I shall further indicate, as we go on, whatever doubts or difficulties still strike me as material to my interpretation. The whole being thus but provisional, I have not made the translations altogether and strictly literal, which would be but rendering them nearly unintelligible in the absence of the originals for reference. They are nevertheless as faithful as I can make them in the circumstances.
10 Vide Burnell, South Indian Palmography, Introduction, page 1.

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The Sovereigns of Travancore in the 4th and 6th centuries M. E. I now proceed to select a period, which is an absolute blank in the history of Travancore, as it now stands. The list of 35 sovereigns given in the Travancore Government Almanac begins, as I have already said, with 1335 A, D., so that from the 14th century downwards, we have some sort of account to give of the Travancore royal dynasty, whether absolutely correct or not. In Mr. Shungoonny Menon's History, too, we have some sort of account, however interrupted or loose, only from that date downwards. "In the Kollom year 5 (830 A.D.)," writes this author, "Udaya Marthanda Vurmah Kulasekhara Perumal died, but his successor's name and the particulars of his reign are not traceable from the records. The names and other particulars of many of the succeeding kings are also not in the records."11 He then goes on with his narrative only from 505 M. E., or 1330 A. D., when, according to him, the accounts of the pagoda at Vycomel shew that king Adityavarman "assumed authority over the affairs of that Davaswam " 13 or temple. Thus, then, it is clear we have now no information whatever to give for the first five centuries of the Malabar era 14 Leaving the earlier periods for later research I shall now consider the last two centuries of this blank epoch, viz., the fourth and fifth centuries M. E., and shall try to see how far inscriptions can help in filling up the gap with authentic facts and dates.
I.
In the very opening year of this period, vit., 301 M. E., or 1125 A. D., we find Sri-ViraKéraļavarman ruling over Travancore. The document-a public stone inscription - in proof of the fact comes from a deserted village, called Cholapuram, about a mile to the east of Oluganacheri, the transit station between Tinnevelly and Trivandram. In this deserted village stands the neglected temple of Rajendra-Cholesvara, to complete the ruin of which not many recurring monsoons are now needed. Of the historical importance of the temple, this is not the place to speak; bat if any one wishes to verify the document I have now to present, it is to be found on the western wall of that shrine, engraved in old Tamil characters in four long lines. It is, I think, advisable to warn the visitor that the temple is full of poisonous srakes! The document I depend upon runs thus :
115 Old Tami) 18 NO. . Sen-Tamil Current.
Cholapuram Inscription of Vira-Keralavarman. "ilail! Prosperity! In the year opposite17 the year 301, since the appearance of Kollam, with the Sun in the sign of Leo (i. e., in the Malabar month Chingam), we, the loyal chieftains18 of Sri-Vira-Koraļavarman, flourishing in Vêņådu, (vis.) Danañjaiyan Kandan of Varukkappalli, 'Sri-Tongappalla (?) Sri-'Saiyan alias Sri Sakkarayudhan of Manşûr, Kannan Gôvindan, the
11 Vide page 89, Shungoonny Menon's History of Travancore.
12 Vyoome, or rather Vaikam, is # populous village about 24 miles to the south of Cochin. According to Dr. Gundert, the word means alluvial deposit,' pointing to the probable geological origin of the place. The local deity is called Kõlappan, obviously corruption of Koyilappan, shewing that the name Köyil must have been once used to designate the spot, exactly as Chidambaram was in the days of the early saiva saints.
13 Viile page 93, Shungoonny Menon's History of Travancore.
14 The report on the Travancore census of 1891 says: “The let Perumal was installed about 344 A. D. about 12 centuries after this there is no authentio record of any value." - Vide page 179, Vol. I.
15 The numeral above indicates the serial number of the inscriptions as made use of in this paper, while the one below gives the number as in my register.
16 The description above the line refers to the characters, and the one below to the language of each inscription. For a specimen of Old Tamil characters, soe Dr. Hultzsch's facsimile of RAjardja's inscription, No. 1, in Vol. II. Part I. of South Indian Inscription. That inscription is a specimen also of what I call Sen-Tamil Current with reference to the language of the document.
11 Endless are the controversies with regard to the interpretation of this expression as found in the Tirunelli copper-plate grant. For the opinions of Mr. Whish, Sir Walter Elliot, Dr. Burnell, Dr. Caldwell, and Dr. Hultzsch, see ante, Vol. XX. pp. 288, 289. Here, however, the word ' opposita' evidently means equivalent to.'
18 The expression is amainja adhikarar. They were feudal chiefs and not paid agente,' As far as I can ascertain.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1895.
brief writer (private secretary ?), and Kêralasimha Pallavaraiyan alias Vikraman Kunran of Ulliruppa hill, in the discharge of our official agency, do make over the tax in paddy and money, due from Vaḍaśêri, to this side of Mummuḍi-Chôla-nallûr, as a gift to the god, to be utilized for supplying every day four náli of rice, vegetables, ghee, curds, areca-nuts and betel, and also one perpetual lamp, to the Mahaâdêva of the temple of Rajendra-Chôlêsvara, in Mummuḍi-Chôla-nallûr alias Köttir, and in order that the arrangement might last as long as the sun and the moon endure, we make the gift, solemnly pouring water on the altar, and cause also the grant to be engraved on stone."
This document proves that Sri-Vira-Keralavarman was reigning in Travancore, in the first month of the first year of the fourth century of the Malabar Era, or roughly speaking about the latter half of August 1125.20 It proves also that Travancore, or Venâḍ21 as it was then called, was under him a well-organized principality with loyal feudal chieftains to transact public business in her name, and levied taxes, as she does to this day, both in kind and in cash. The Government dues even in these backward days, with heavy military charges, could not have been anything but moderate and fair, as the whole revenue of the tract of country, as set apart for the purposes of the grant here recorded, was considered adequate to furnish daily but 4 náli of rice and sundries to the Mahadeva of the RajendraCholêsvara temple. This temple, as the name indicates, was founded in honour of the famous Eastern Chalukya-Chola emperor, Rajendra-Chôla, 22 who, according to the latest researches, ruled from 1063-1112 A. D. over almost the whole of the Madras Presidency, from Kalinga in Orissa to Viliñam on the Malabar Coast.23 The circumstances under which Sri-ViraKerala of Venid was prompted to dedicate so piously a portion of his revenue to a temple founded by a foreign monarch are, of course, now difficult to determine; but if I am at liberty to venture a hypothesis, I suspect the grant was meant, in all probability, as a political peace-offering to the representatives of the Chôla power in the land.24 It being but thirteen years after the death of Rajendra, Vêuâd must have been, about this time, just recovering from the terrible shock it had received from the victorious arms of that great conqueror, whose forces, after subduing the five Pandyas,25 overran all Nâñjinâd, and advanced as far to the west as the ancient seaport of Viliñams about 10 miles to the south of Trivandram. Rajendra's was no passing whim of conquest. His vigilance extended over every part of his territories, and he did all he could to consolidate them into one enduring empire. He transformed Kôttir, the chief city of Sough Travancore, into Mammudi-Chôla-nallûr - 27 "the good town of the thrice-crowned Chel," and left there, not merely the temple of Mahadeva noticed in the document before us, but what is more, a powerful "standing army "28 to watch over his interests in this distant corner of his dominions. The Oddars and Chaluppars,30 so common all over the southern districts and in Trivandram, mark to this day the extent of the old Chalukya sway in the land. I am afraid, therefore, that Sri-Vira-Kêrala was making but a virtue of necessity, when he thus yielded up the tax on the tract of land between Kôṭṭar and Vaḍaśêri for the support of the "great god" of
19 The original reads eluttu-chchizu-vari-pan.
20 The equation for the conversion of the Malabar or Kollam era to the Christian is + 8244. I use the Malabar year throughout, as it is the one still current in the country.
21 Vendu is one of the twelve districts of low or vulgar Tamil according to Tamil grammarians. The KeralaUipatti makes it one of the divisions of Kerala. It is derived from tel- love or desire, either directly or through vin. l'énad would mean, therefore, the land of love' or 'the lovely land."
29 [Or, of his grandfather, the Chola king of the same name.]
23 Ante, Vol. XX. p. 276.
24 I say Chola power advisedly, for it seems probable that Rajendra's dominions in the South fell to the lot of the Cholas rather than to the Eastern Chalukyas.
28 Vilta taninil miyavar-aivarum keṭṭa kṭṭinzi-kkṭṭilai plum ni.
Kalingattu Parani.
26 Vélai konju Viliñan-alittadum Silai kon ladum dandu kond-allavi. Kalingattu Parani,
27 Rajaraja is called "Mummuli-Caola" in an inscription dated the 14th year of his reign; -vide Dr. Hultzsch's Report for 1892.
Called nilaippadai in an inscription which I have, dated in the 39th year of his reign.
29 Oldar means the men of Oddiyam or Orissa. Rajendra was himself first anointed king at Vengi in A. D. 1063. ze The word is evidently a corruption of Chalukkar or Chalukyas,

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Rajendra. The inscription, bowever, proves, for one thing, that the Vêîâd principality was gradually emerging, with the opening years of the fourth century M. E., from the effects of the Chilukya.Chola eclipse. The receipt of a grant is an acknowledgment of the right of the grantor to make the grant. His action argues, therefore, both practical shrewdness and statesmanlike sagacity on the part of Vira-Kerala; for he is shewn thus to have fully recognized the situation and made the best of it.
II. That the policy of conciliation with an enemy too powerful to at once overcome, was only a preliminary for the recovery of lost territories, as opportunities occurred, is proved by the document I have next to present, dated just eighteen years later. This inscription comes from Tiruvallam,si a petty village near the old mouth32 of the Karamanai river, about four miles to the south of the Trivandram fort. Within a rectangular enclosure, on the eastern bank of the river, stand three chief shrines, of which the easternmost, dedicated to Mahadeva, is certainly the oldest. The middle one — the smallest of the three - is low said to be sacred to Brahma, and it is on its western wall that the following grant is inscribed, in rather small and superficial Vatteluttu characters, running over ten closely packed lines. Being close to a holy bathing ghál, still in ase, and being in some measure related to the central temple in the capital, all the three shrines are in pretty good condition, though, because of the exposed situation, the inscription itself is fully open to the effacing influences of the sun and rain. The translation of this rather lengthy record would run thus :
Vatteluttu No. 47. Old Malayalam.
Tiruvallam Inscription of Vira-Köraļavarman. "Hil! Prosperity ! In the Kollam year 319, with Jupiter in the sign of Scorpio, and the sau in Capricornus (i. e., the Malabar month of Makaram), was done the following deed.34 Teiganida, belonging to the loyal chieftains of Sci-Vira-Keralavarma Tiruvadi, graciously ruling over Vånid, being recovered, 35 the said chieftains make over in writing the tax payable ia paddy within the area of Nigamattûr, amounting to *, and the duties called chévadu and alugerudu, as well as the tax on hand looms, in order to provide daily, in all, 7 náli of rice, for the use of Brahmana worshippers (namaskaram ), and for evening offerings to the Maha diva, Tirukkannappan, 36 and Ganapati in the temple of Tiruvallam, and also to provide once a inonth one candelabrum ( dipamdla ), for each of the first two deities. Accordingly from this time forwards, Mahadeva shall have two nali of rice, Tirukkannappan two nú!, Gagapati one nali, and the worshipping Brahmaņas two náļi. Moreover, the eight coing97 given in addition by the men of Kaţtuśêri, being also handed over as néli, to Náraņa Tadar, he shall make a set-off with that money for the amount he has invested in the purchase of Araviyûr-compound, and he shall further, after making forth with a flower garden therein, supply the three deities with two garlands each, and take for himself (in return for his labour ) the boiled rice offered to the gods. Nåråga Tadar, on his part, while accepting the aforesaid grant of the tax due from Nigamattúr, amounting in paddy to * * , and the duty called alugerudu, as well as the tax on hand looms and the 8 coins given as néli, agrees to colleat the said dues in half-yearly payments, to grant receipts therefor, to meet the charges thereon, and to furnish the dipimáli, as well as the garlands from the flower garden (now
31 l'allum means, according to Dr. Gundert, a place for watering fields. Would not vallam mean the same in illavuti chellavuri vallavuri varddhikkurit in the Siva-Purana?
32 This river seems to have frequently altered its place of discharge even in recent times. The shifting boundary of the two adjoining taluks is a guide as to what the course was, when the administrative divisions were last arranged.
35 Old Malayalam differs but little from current Tamil. I should have reckoned it as Sen-Tamil but for certnin inflexions --for instance tarwvidu instead of varuvalu; uimaskdraftingu instead of numaskirattirku. 34 "Sayda kariyam-Aviduo is an expletive to introduce a document.
B6 The word is siyittarlel. 34 There is nothing to shew that the Tamil saint of this name had ever a temple at this spot. The word refers ouly to Krishna, now the prosiding deity.
97 Achchu clearly means a coin, though it is impossible now to dete mine its value.

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directed to be opened). If Nárâņa Tâdar (should ever fail],39 the village association, the Bidara Tiruvadi, 30 and the temple managers are empowered to carry out this arrangement, as long as the moon and the stars endure, through such agencies as they might be pleased to nominate."
We have here irrebuttable evidence of the continuance of Sri-Vira-Koralavarman's rule up to Makara 319 M. E., or roughly speaking up to the end of Januury 1144. How long his reign lasted, or when it actually commenced, we have as yet no means of determining; but that it did last for 18 years and 5 months at the least is established by the two inscriptions before us. The addition in the second document of Tiruvadi, or "holy feet," to the name of the sovereign, if it means anything at all,co muy be taken to indicate the expansion of his dominions and the consequent growth of his power, since we first met with him. The re-establishment of his authority, so far to the north as Trivandram, affords of course clearer evidence of the same. Though I have not yet been able to identify the exact locality of Tenganad, I have no doubt it must have embraced the sea-coast from Tôigapatnam on the mouth of the Kulittu rai river to Tiruvallam, including the famous sea port of Vilijam. The enemy, from whose hands Tenganad is here recorded to have been recovered, may have been, therefore, the representatives of the very same Chôļa power that Kêraļa varman, in the earlier part of his career, found it wise to conciliate.
As for other inferences from the inscription before us, particularly abont village associations, temple authorities, and the curious personage, Bhattaraka Tiruvadi, I would faia wait till our data accumulate. It is quite the fashion nowadays to suppose that ancient native Indian government was despotism, pure and simple, and I would wait till more facts are brought to our notice about the constitution and powers of the early village associations of Travancore, before I venture to discuss the soundness of this general assumption. When we remember the diverse secular functions the Hindu temples were designed to discharge, besides being places of divine worship, we cannot be really too curious about their constitution and management. But I would allow the Buddhist monk, Bhattaraka, to go once more in proof, through his slow evolution of Bhattaraka Tira vadi, Badara Tiruvadi, BalAra Tiruvadi and Pashûra Tiruvadi, before I would identify him with the modern Pisharadi, whose puzzling position among the Malabar castes, balf monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivation of Pisharaka! + Odi, Pisharaka! being more mysterious than Pisharadi itself.2
A word or two about the taxes and duties mentioned in the above document would prove more pertinent to our present inquiry; but I am sorry I have failed, even after repeated inspection of the original itself, to make out, not only the shorthand symbols given to signify the quantity of paddy, but also what is intended to be read by the combination of letters which, as far as I can discern, look like 'chévadu' and 'alagerudu' - terms which convey no intelligible meaning to me. From the context I take them to stand for certain duties then levied. The tax on looms is clear enongh, though there is no means of discovering its amount. It must have been but a trifle, considering the total expenditure charged on all the revenues set apart by this deed. The word néli is another obsolete term, which I take to mean 'capital.' Considering
88 The expressions within square brackets are conjecturally supplied, while those within the semi-circular brackets are additions to render the meaning clearer.
80 Bidara is a corruption of Bhattaruka, in which full form, too, the word is often found.
+ The kings of Vēņad were always known to literature, Tamil and Malayalam, na venatt-aliga? "the holy feet of Venad."
1 They were fortresses, treasuries, court-houses, parks, fairs, exhibition sheds, halls of learning and of pleasure, all in one
"? I regret to observe that the Travancore Census Report, 1891, adopts this absurd derivation. See Vol. I. pages 743 and 755.
43 This applies to all subsequent inscriptions. The symbols are arbitrary contractions of words and numerals, and difficult, therefore, of conjecture.

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the difficulties of the Vatteluttu Alphabet in general, and the faintness of this inscription in particular, I have reason to be gratified that it has only served to attest at least Sri-Vira-Keralavarman's rule in 1144 A. D. and the re-establishment of his authority in Tenganâd.
EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
No.
257
III.
Seventeen years later we get a glimpse of another sovereign of Vênâd. On Saturday, the 7th Iḍavam 336 M. E., the throne of Venad was occupied by Sri-Vira-Ravivarma Tiruvadi. The authority for this statement is an inscription in old Tamil, in four long lines on the southern wall of an old temple, in another deserted village near Olugunacheri, now called Puravachori, a name as much fallen from its original proud designation of Puravari-chaturvêdimangalam, as the village itself from its former pristine glory. For the benefit of such as may wish to verify this document, I must note that the priest in charge of this temple is an inveterate heavily-worked pluralist, and his movements are more incalculable than most mundane phenomena, so that one ought to go prepared to stay at Olugunacheri for a week to catch a glimpse of this servant of many gods and to be admitted into the courtyard of the pagoda. Yet if you believe the priest (and it would be profane not to do so), the pújás are most regularly performed: only, if you go there in the day time, they are going to be performed at night, and if you go there at night, they will have been finished daring day! The inscription would run thus in English; -
Old Tamil Sen-Tamil Current.
3 29.
Puravacheri Inscription of Vira-Ravivarman.
"Hail! Prosperity! In the year opposite the year 336, after the appearance of Kollam, with the sun six days old in the sign of Taurus (i. e., the 7th Iḍavam), Saturday, Makayiram star,44 was the following deed in cadjan passed:-The loyal chieftains of Sri-Vira-Iravivarma Tiruvaḍi, graciously ruling over Vênâd, declare that with the object of providing for the daily offerings to the Alvar in (the temple of) Puravaravu, in Puravari-chaturvedimangalam, and for a perpetual lamp to the same deity, are granted under tiruvidaiyattam tenure, to last as long as the moon and the stars endure, the following paddy lands, irrigated by the Chârâr channel of Talakkuḍi, and by the waters of Cheyyanêri tank in Châravayal, viz., Unnandiṭṭai, measuring ++ and Puduvûr Múlai measuring, making a total of 18+ lands, the dues on which at the rates of assessment obtaining in the village amounting to máttál 7 **, the servants of this Alvår, shall lease out, levy, and cause to be measured at the door of the pandara (granary), as per temple measure called puravariyán, and conduct the above said expenses without failure. The four boundaries of the lands, thus set apart, are ordered to be marked off by demarcation stones bearing the emblem of the holy discus, and in order that the allowances might continue without let or hindrance, this deed itself is commanded to be inscribed on stone and copper, in witness whereof are our signatures: Pallalan Aiyan (signature). Chingan Rangan (signature). Nârâyanan Sankaran (signature). Kôdai Dêvan (signature), and sign
manual."
This proves that Sri-Vira-Ravivarman was on the throne of Travancore on the 7th Idavam 336 M. E., or about the end of May 1161 A. D. It being but seventeen years since we saw SriVira-Kêralavarman, recovering possession of Tenganâd, we may rightly presume that Sri-ViraRavivarman was his immediate successor. Pullâlan Aiyan46 and others who signed this document were probably the feudal chieftains who conducted the administration of the day. Talakkuḍi being in the very confines of the present eastern boundary of Travancore, we may take this grant as evidencing the extension of the Vênâd sovereignty all over the south. It is noteworthy
Makayiram is Malayalam for Mrigastrsham, a star about the head of Orion. It means here the lunar man. sion on the day.
46 Pandaram or bhandaram means usually the king's treasury.
46 Aiyan is here no title, but the name of the person himself.

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that the measurement of the lands given is in the style47 still followed in the Tanjore district. There was, further, about this time, no standard of measures and weights anywhere in Southern India, each temple using its own under the name of the local deity. There are two revenue terms in this record, the significance of which I have not succeeded in finding out. These are tiruvidaiyáttam 48 tenure and máttál.
IV.
On the western wall of the same temple at Paravari occars another inscription iu eight long lines relating to this identical grant ; but a stone in the middle of the inscribed portion of the wall has been removed and replaced by another in the course of sabsequent repairs, rendering the document thereby incomplete and enigmatic. It will be seen, therefore, that it is not altogether to be deplored that temples with historical associations do not receive frequent repairs ! In the case before us, it is easy to supply the lost parts with the help of the related document which I have just discussed. With the omissions so inade good, the inscription would read thus in English :
4 Old Tamil .44. Sen-Tamil Current.
Puravari Inscription of Vira-Ravivarman, No. 1. “Hail! Prosperity! In the year (opposite the year 336, since the appearance of Kollam], with the sun * days old in Tauros, Saturday, Makayiram star, the officers in charge of Nanjinadu and the villagers of Talakkudi, assembling together, did as follows: In accordance with the royal proclamation issued by the loyal chieftains of (Sri-Vira)-Iravivarma Tiruvadi, (ruling graciously over Vêņâd], to provide tiruchénidai and a sacred perpetual lamp (for the Alvar in Puravari), in Puravari-chaturvedimangalam, we, the people of Talakkudi, [have cansed demarcation stones bearing the emblem of the holy discus) to be put up at the boundaries of the paddy lands, [named Unnandittai, mieasuring + ootaio, and Puduvûr Mûlai], measuring go, making in all 18 + sto, and irrigated by the Chårår channel of Tâlakkuļi-Kidachêri and by the waters of Cheyyanêri tank in Châravayal, and we shave made them over] to the servants of the Alvår, so as to enable them (to levy from this day forwards the rent due from them according to the rate carrent in the village], subject to minor charges and deductions, for the purpose of providing, without failure, and as long as the moon and stars endure, for the daily expenses, as well as for a sacred perpetual lamp, as graciously commanded; in witness whereof, we, the people of Talakkadi, (hereunto affix) our signatures. Arayan Pasitangi, signature, Keralan Araiyan, signature. * * * Vikraman Arangan, signature. Vēlân Kêralan alias Nanjinátta Mûvenda Veļân, signature. I * * * of Panayûr wrote this deed, and wrote it at the bidding of the servants of the Alvar, and the people of Talai ; [countersigned] . . . Kerala Santôsha Palla varaiyan, signature. Govindan Vikraman, signature. Anantan Sakrapani, signature."
The grant declared in the previous inscription would thus appear to have been actually executed on that very day, -a fact reflecting no small credit on the administration of those ancient times. This dæument confirms the inference already drawn with respect to the extent of the Vêņad principality on that day, since the executive officers who complete the transaction are styled 'officers in charge of the affairs of the Náñjinâd,' - Nanjina.o being the collective designation for the two southernmost taluks of Travancore. The Chola power then must have been by this time altogether extinct there ; and it is quite possible that the Vaishnava
41 Vide Inscriptions Nos. 4 and 5 in Vol. II. Part I. of South Indian Inscriptions, for samples of this system of land measurement.
48 The word might be analysed into tiru + vidai + ai + tu + am, and might then mean "the holy rule of the ball," i, o., Siva's emblem, and hence perhapu'tax free or temple tenure.'
* The parts within square brackets are those supplied.
50 It is indifferently spelt now NesjanAd and Nanjinad, the correct form being Najil-nadu meaning 'the land of plougas.'

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temple at Puravari was thus patronized to spite the foreign Saiva temple of Rajendra-Cholesvara, not far from it. But it is always unwise to attribute motives, and we may, therefore, be content with recording the fact that on the 7th of Idavam 336 M. E., Vira-Ravivarman ruled peacefully over all South Travancore, his affairs in Nanjinad being administered by a triumvirate, Kerala Santôsha Pallavaraiyan, 61 probably in command of the local forces, if we may judge from his title, and Govindan Vikraman and Anantan Sakrapani, in charge of the civil administration. His ministers of state at the capital were, as we have already seen, the loyal chieftaing, Pullalan Aiyan, Chingan Rangan, Nârâ yanan 'Sankaran, and Kôdai Dávan. It is also worth noting, in passing, the part played by Araiyan Pasitangi and others, representing the village of Talakkudi; for it is remarkable that the people of TA]akkudi had the right to execute, and in a manner to ratify, the royal grant. The reservation as to minor charges and deductions, appearing in this inscription but absent in the former, would point to certain cesses, levied by village associations, on lands falling within their union. There is a word in this inscription which I do not quite understand, viz., tiruchénidai, though from the context it may be safely taken to signify some kind of daily offering in Vaishṇava temples.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., LC.S.
(Continued from p. 231.) Honey. - Honey is believed to have power over spirits, because honey is one of the earliest foods, yields an intoxicating drink, has many healing virtues, and prevents corruption. Old honey is a cure for cough, wind and bile. It also increases strength and virility.27 Honey is used by the Hindus for washing their household gods.29 The Dekhan Brahman father drops honey into the mouth of his newborn child. Among higher class Hindus, especially among Brahmaņs, when a child is born, honey is dropped into its mouth from a gold spoon or ring 29 Among Dekhan Hindus, when the bridegroom comes to the bride's house, honey and curds are given him to sip. This honey-sipping is calied madhuparka ; its apparent object is to scare evil from the bridegroom.80 Honey is considered by the Hindus a great cleanser and purifier. It is also the food of their gods.31 In Bengal, the Brâhman bride has part of her body anointed with honey.32 How highly the early Hindus valued honey appears - from the hymn, "Let the winds pour down honey, the rivers pour down honey, may our plants be sweet. May the night bring honey, and the dawn and the sky above the earth be full of honey."93 This intense longing is probably for honey-ale, madhu, or mead. In Africa, an intoxicating drink is made from honey.34 The Feloops of West Africa make a strong liquor out of honey,35 and the Hottentots are fond of honey beer.36 Mead made from honey was the favourite drink of the Norsemen. In England, honey-suckle still keeps off witchcraft.37
Horns. -The horns of certain animals are believed to scare fiends. Also horns are used as weapons both of attack and of defence, and as weapons are worshipful. Further, the horn is a light giver: classic lanterns were made of plates of horn.38 The hart's horn is very largely used as a medicine in Western India. In the Konkan, it is a
- Pallavaraiyan, meaning the king of the Pallavas, is an old military title. It was sometimes conferred also on men of letters a special mark of royal favour, e.g., on the author of the Periyapurdnam. 28 Pandit Narzinha's Nighanturaja, p. 165.
Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. » Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
% Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 31 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 190.
82 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 208. B Rig Ved in Mar Müller's Hibbert Lectures, P. 200 (1878). Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South Africa, p. 296. 35 Park's Trarels, Vol. I. p. 7.
* Hahn's Touni Goam, p. 38. 57 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 54.
* Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 6.

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common cure for bile, fainting, and headacce. At a Hindu wedding, a horn is blown when the lucky moment comes.40 The practice of blowing horns at weddings was formerly common; at present it is going out of fashion. 41 Among the Bharadis of Ahmadnagar, when a child's ears are bored, a shingi or horn, made of horn or of brass, is tied round the child's neck to be blown by the child before worshipping his gods or taking his food. The Lingayats of Bijapur in Srivan (July-August), the great spirit month, carry a long pole wound round with a coloured cloth and surmounted by a conical globe. They call this nandi-kodu, or Nandi's horn.43 In Coorg, at a festival, at which a man used to be sacrificed, rude dances are performed, in one of which the dancers wear the horns of the spotted deer. Naris, a Persian, had horns on his tiara; so also had the Assyrians.45 A small horn called corniculum was worn on a Roman helmet as a mark of honour.46 The Egyptian god Chnum wore ram's horos.47 The Jewish altar had horns. At each corner of the masonic altar is a horn.48 In the Bombay Dekhan the hêmádpanti, i.e., from seventh to eleventh century, Hindu temple roofs have horn-like bosses on the stones, and horns adorn the top of the spire of many Mahîdêra temples. The Roman horn of plenty is still a Freemasons' symbol.49 In China (in 1321), some women wore a great spike of horn on the forehead to shew they were married.50 Both among the fifth century White Huns of Central Asia, Persia, and India and among the later Huns of Asia and East Europe the women wore horns on their heads, a practice which was the origin of the fashionable highpeaked Hunische hats of fourteenth century Europe. Among the Druses of Lebanon the women wear silver horns.51 The women of one division of the wandering Vañjârâs of Western India wear a high horn-like spike of wood. The Sanangs, a wild Malay tribe, greatly prize rhinoceros' horn as a cure.62 The Dyaks of Borneo wear chips of deer horn as amulets and keep deer horns as talismans against sickness, death and defeat.53 A favourite charm in West Africa is a large horn filled with mud and bark, with three small horns at its lower end. This horn is believed to keep slaves from running away,54 The people of Madagascar consider the horns of cattle a symbol of strength. All horns are supposed to have a medical power like hart's horn,55 Pinto says that, while in South-West Africa, when stricken by a strong fever, the people covered him with amulets, his chest with horns of antelopes and his right arm with bracelets of crocodile teeth.56 Rhinoceros' horn is a great antidote of poison.57 The Bongos of the White Nile make horn-like points on their roofs.58 Bracelets of horn are worn by the Msuahili women of East Africa.59 The musicians at Dahomey wear horns.60 In Central Africa, a horn is used as a bleeding cup.cl
In England (1724), it was the practice to swear on the horns at Highgate near London.62 - The Italian traveller Della Valle (1623) tells of a piece of horn owned by the captain of the ship Dolphin, which was believed to be unicorn horn, because it was good against poison. In Eng. land, the husband of an adulteregs used to be described as wearing horns.84 The phrase, which is in use in French, German, Spanish and Italian, as well as in English, is that the unfaithful wife presents her husband with horns. This is a hard saying. The horns given by the wife cannot be the horns emblematic of power; they must be the guarding horns. Apparently, what
39 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi,
4. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 41 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
+1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 190. 13 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII, p. 229.
** Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 265. 18 Jones' Coronations, p. 4.
46 Sunith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 543. 47 Tiele's Egyptian Religion, p. 97.
+8 Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 15. 49 Op. cit. p. 64.
60 Yule's Cathay, Vol. I. p. iii. 01 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 199; Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 827. 12 Earl's Papuans, p. 154.
63 Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. pp. 282, 283. 4 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. II. p. 219.
06 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 334, 16 Pinto's How I Crossed Africa, Vol. I. p. 285. BT Stanley's Barbosa, p. 101, + Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 277. 89 New's East Africa, p. 61. Burton's Visit to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 213.
61 Park's Travels, Vol. I. p. 277. • Chambers's Book of Days, p. 118.
# Hakluyt Society Edition, Vol. I. pp. 4, 5, # From MS, notes,

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the husband's horns are to save him from is the pointed finger of soorn.65 Neapolitan ladies wear small horns as charms. If by chance the charms are not worn, the first and fourth right finger pointed under & handkerchief save from the evil eye and other harms.68 In early mosaics the Deity is expressed by a right hand issuing from the clouds with the first and fourth fingers pointed like horns.07 Indian goddesses have both hands with horn-pointing fingers.68 In a curiosity shop in Naples, a stag horn stands over the door. Inside are Etruscan glass beads, a ram's head to keep off the Evil Eye, a head with horned moon and a hanging horn. In the Kircher Museum at Rome, among the collections from the early lake dwellings, are pieces of horn.70 In Spain, horn shavings care sickness caused by the Evil Eye 71 Ram's horn is the only safe keeper of snuff; also in early classic and Norse times the horn was the proper holder of liquor: all good things remained safe from evil within the keeping of the horn of plenty: guardian sounds gained a special virtue when blown through a horn. Two ozen skulls guard the lid of a Roman incense box.72 In Pompeian frescoe lxxviii, in the Naples Museum, a horn hangs from a fillet, -"for the Evil Eye,” says the guide.73 Again, for the Evil Eye, in the streets of Naples cab horses have the forelock waxed and twisted into four or five horn-like spikes apparently the same as Homer's horn-abaped lock of hair.74 An ass drawing a coster's cart has an upright brass horn on its saddle.75 Wine, the beloved of spirits, and so specially, apt to be soured by evil infuences, wants careful keeping. A wine shop has one horn upright over the door and a second slung across the door. A wine cart has often a hanging horn in front and almost always a horn hanging from the axle.76 So notable is the scaring power of the horn that in Naples amulets of every description are spoken of as horns.77 The house wants guarding, so near Tivoli, & sheperd's hut has a horn on the rooftop; and, in Tivoli, a blue piece of iron over the tram-shed door is twisted into a horn shape.78 On the roof ridges of Bbils' houses in East Gujarat, hords are common to keep off evil dreams and the illomened owl. The crops want guarding from the blight of the Evil Eye. The bleached skulls of oxen or cows may be seen in market gardens near Bombay, and in most patches of garden crops grown by the Bhils in the Pañch Mahals. The Bombay market man will say that the skull is a bird scare : the Bhil admits that it keeps off the Evil Eye.80 Cakes offered at Greek altars were horned, and called moons and oxen,
Horns guard from evil not only the head of the injured husband. The horned human head is one of the best of guardians. Moses' rays stiffened, perhaps returned, into horng. When a Catholic Bishop is consecrated, the horned mitre is set on his head with the christianising formula that with his head armed with the horns of either Testament he may appear terrible to the gainsayers of truth.82 The guardian Dionysos was essentially a horned god.83 Among western Asiatica, Alexander is the great two-horned Zulkarnain. The coin-heads of the Seleucida aro horned.84 Weiner noticed in Peru a great horned head on the roof of a tomb.85 Some of the Roman Medusa faces are horned.86 Pompeian frescoe ii. in the Naples Museum has a horned human head and a long-horned deer's head. According to the guide,
66 The unfortunate husband is also onlled the cuckold. Apparently, this should be cuckold.ed, he who has been turned out of his best as the hedgo-sparrow is turned out by the Cock-wold or Moorcock, that is, the Cuckoo. Mr. Hislop (Two Babylons, p. 835) has a handsome bit of Babylonian connecting the two attributes of the ill-used husband; Nimrod na universal king was khuk-hold king of the world. As such the emblem of his power was tho bull's horns. Hence the origin of the cuckold's horns. For the dread of the finger of scorn compare The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 24. The common people of North England think the forefinger of the right hand venomous. It is never applied to a wound or a sore. 66 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 261.
67 Op. cit. p. 265. 65 Op. cit. p. 267.
From MS. noto, 1889. 70 From MS. note, 1889.
11 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 23. 12 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 7. T3 From MS. note, 1889. 74 From MS, note, 1889; Iliad, xi. 385 in Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquitjes, Vol. I. p. 496. 15 From MS, note, 1889.
78 From MS, note, 1889. 77 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 196.
78 From MS. note, 1889. 19 From MS. note, 1888.
80 From MS, note. 11 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 253.
82 Elwortby's The Evil Eye, p. 186. 13 Brown's The Great Dionysian Myth, Vol. II. p. 112. * Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. 1. p. 827. * Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 198.
6 Op. cit. p. 195.

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both these shapes are still worn in Naples to keep off the Evil Eye.97 All over India the horned face, or Singh Mukh, guards the threshold, the pillars, the ceiling corners, and the roof tops of countless Jain and Brabmanic temples. This face has absorbed the earlier hornless Fame, or Medusa-face, known as Kirti Mukh, and the Sun face, or Surya Mukh. With slight alterations it remains the centre of many a flowing band of Musalman tracery from Mahmûd's tomb in Ghazni to the mosques and shrines of the Pañjab, Gujarat and the Dekhan. Singh Mukh still looks out from his veil of leaves in the central feature of many a belt of ornament in Indian carved tables, book cases, screens and almiras. The Christianity of Western Europe has degraded the early guardian horn face to Old Horny, the Devil. The Virgin standing on the crescent moon is said to symbolize the power of the Queen of Heaven. An earlier and rader sense is that the crescent moon is chosen, because it is horned. The honoured Virgin wants protection. The horns, on which she stands, will scare evil influences. In a rough frescoe in an inn at Baio near Naples, one of the horns of the moon, on which the Virgin's feet rest, is curved like an oxhorn. Across the other horn, which is stiff, a snake is thrown.89
Incense. -The fumes of certain gums and woods cure fainting fits and swoons. In the Kônkan, the fames of the leaves of Raphanus sativus are supposed to cure piles.89 Another element in the belief in the demon-scaring power of incense is the Persian idea thatco bad smells are evil spirits which good smells can put to flight. The origin of burning incense in raligious services seems to be partly to please the guardian, partly to scare evil spirits from him. On the one hand the medium, or bhagat, inhales the fumes of frankincense that his familiar spirit may enter his body; on the other hand, according to Burton, spirits can be drivenol from haunted houses by a good store of lights, odours, perfumes and suffumigations, as the angel taught Tobias to use brimstone, bitumen, myrrh, and briony root. In the Konkan, when a person is believed to be possessed by a spirit, a fire is kindled. On the fire some human hair, narky d 18bån or dung-resin, and a little bog dung, or horse hair, are dropped, and the head of the sufferer is held over the fumes for a few minutes. If the spirit is weak, it gets frightened and makes off.92 The burning of incense before an idol is an essential part of Hindu worship. No Hindu worship is complete until incense is burnt and waved before the god.03 Cigal (aloes) is believed to drive away spirits. So the Gugli Brâhmaņs of Dwarka say they get their name, because they drove away a demon by the help of alges or gúgal.04 Myrrh, aloes, benzoine, camphor and sandal are all considered purifying and healing by the Hindus.es The Sántikamalakara, a Hindu religious work, states that when a child is suffering from the disease called bdlágraha, or child-seizure, sandal paste should be rubbed on its body, fumes of incense should be made to pass over it, and flower3, rice and a lighted lamp should be waved round its face.96 The Hindu ritual lays down that, before it is set on the pyre, the dead body should be rubbed with sandal-wood, perfumes, saffron, or aloe-wood.7 Strong fetid smells are used by Hindu doctors to cure diseases.89 Karnatak Musalmans say nothing is so great a spirit-scarer as a good smell, especially frankincense and flowers. Among the Malays, incense is used to counteract spells and scare spirits.100 The Chinese hold that incense purifies. When a Chinese child is sick with fever, the mother puts three burning incense sticks in its hand. A servant carries the child out of the house, and the mother follows, pretending to sweep, and calls “Begone, begone, begone." The Motus of New Guinea stick bunches of sweet-smelling leaves in their armlets. In Madagascar, gums and fragrant wood are burnt on special religious occasions. In Africa, when their 87 From MS. noto, 1889.
88 From MS, note, 1889. 89 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
90 Bleek's Khordah Avesta, Vol. I. p. 69. 91 Burton, p. 788.
n Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 95 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
# Information from Colonel Barton. 95 Maurioo's Indian Antiquities, Vol. V. p. 897.
6 Information from Mr. B. B. Vakh&rkar. Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 159.
98 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, Vol. VII. p. 637. * Information from Mr. Kelkar.
100 Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 522. 1 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 162.
? Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 30. • Jour. Anthrop. lut. Vol. VII. p. 479.
Sibree's Madagascir, p. 803.

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husbands are hunting, Hottentot women burn something like rosin, which they find on the sea shore and pray for success. In Roman Catholic ceremonies, the garments of the priests are incensed, apparently that no evil influence may lurk among them. Among the Roman Catholics, the bread and wine at Mass are incensed; the altar and the priest are incensed,7 and the Bible is incensed three times before the Gospel is read. According to Mr. Ruskin, the daily services, lamps, and fumigations of cathedrals on the Continent make them safe. English cathedrals are unwholesome. In a Greek Church baptism incense is waved in frout of the font.10 The Bulgarians hold it a sin not to fumigate flour when it comes home from the mill. Intolerable smells drive off spirits.13 So, the Angel Raphael drove out the demon Asmodeus by making a stench with a fish's liver.13 In England, spirits were believed to have delicate nostrils, dreading certain stinks and loving certain perfumes.14 In England (1570), on the Twelfth Night, to guard those organs from sickness, the head of the house burned frankincense and fumed his own and his children's noses, eyes, ears, and teeth. Then the incense was carried round the house to drive off witches.15 In England (1800), coffins used to be anointed with rich odours.16
—
Indecency.. Spirits are said to be afraid of indecency, especially of the male and female organs. So in the Hôli festival, Hindus call out the names of the male and female organs, according to the Mahábhirata, to scare the monster called Dhundharakshasi, who troubles children. Among the Dekhan Râmôśis, before the turmeric rubbing, the bridegroom is stripped naked.17 In Poona and in parts of Gujarât, at the festival of Sirâl Sôt, on the sixth of Sravan, or August, lower class Hindu women dance in a circle round an image of Siral Sêt, singing indecent songs. This festival is specially observed by barren women.18 The Sholapûr Mhars are buried naked, even the loin-cloth is taken off.19 The Lingayat boy, about to be initiated, is kept naked and fasting all the morning.20 On Ganpati's day, the waxing fourth of Bhadrapad (August-September), it is unlucky to see the moon. Any one who sees the moon picks a quarrel with some one, and uses bad language in order to be abused in return.21 In a shrine at Mahakût near Badâmi in South Bijapur, a naked female figure lying on its back is worshipped by barren women. 22 In the Karnatak, naked and indecent figures are painted on idol cars and temples to keep off the Evil Eye.23 In 1623, the traveller Della Valle noticed on an idol car in Kânara the images of a man and woman in a dishonest posture.24 At the village festival of Dayamâva, in the Southern Maratha Country, women used to vow, if the goddess answered their prayer, they would walk naked to her temple. Women still walk without clothes, but covered with a garment of nim and mangoe leaves and boughs, and escorted by other women and children.25 At the same festival to Dayamava, the Mang who carries the basket of pieces of kid and buffalo flesh, and scatters them in the fields, is naked,20 and a Mâng, called Ranigia, abuses the goddess in the foulest language. Sir Walter Elliot notices that a similar outpouring of abuse formed part of the Greek Field Dionysia.27 In Bengal, at the
5 Hahn's Tsuni Goam, p. 77.
• Op. cit. p. 242.
10 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the -11 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 159. 13 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 260.
15 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 28.
17 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 416.
19 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XX. p. 180.
21 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
263
e Golden Manual, p. 249.
Op. cil. p. 233. • Preface to the Seven Lamps of Architecture. Græco-Russian Church, p. 70.
12 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 259. 14 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 55. 16 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 274.
18 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
20 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 232.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 666.
24 Haklnyt Soc. Ed. Vol. II. p. 260.
23 Information from Mr. Kelkar.
25 Jour. Ethno. Soc. New Series, Vol. I. p. 98.
Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 98.
The surface explanation of religious indecency in early festivals
27 Jour. Ethno. Soc. New Series, Vol. I. p. 100. is that the object of the festival is to cheer, and so to drive away bad spirits, and that indecency aids to this end, because bawd is the cheapest and the earliest humour. Judging from the Holi abuse, laughter is not the aim of the indecent words used at early field festivals. The abuse consists mainly in shouting the names of the male and female organs. That such shouting is common during the great spirit-season of Holt and at other times is not tolerated, shewa that the aim of the H shouting is religious, and that the words are shouted to bring luck, not to

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Dargå festival, indecent songs are sung.28 The Vaishnava priests of South India sing obscene songs, which, the more they are stuffed with dirtiness, the more they are liked.2 In South India, the scalptures of most temples are obscene. Niches are filled with figares of men and animals in shameless positions.30 According to Pliny, the Romans of his time bad the pots they quaffed from graven with fair portraits of adulteries, 31 It is because of its evil-scaring power that the ling is a cure for barrenness.32 The Beni-Isra'il midwife, when she draws off into salt the Evil Eye that is blasting the child, abuses the person whose sight has worked the mischief,38 The Shânâr exorcist beats the possessed, and uses the most filthy language he can think of.34 In Central Asia, most of the comedian's representations are obscene, often vivid and witty, and approved by rounds of laughter.36 Before Muhammad's time Arab men and women used to worship naked at the Ka'abr.36 Two of the stones worshipped at Makka in pre-Mubammadan times.represented Asaf and Nagilah, a man and woman who had committed whoredom. As the Prophet was unable to stop the worship, he allowed it to continue as a token of respect for divine justice.37 In Japan, Yo and In, the male and female principles, are placed at the doors of Buddhist temples.38 On New Zealand tombs phallic sculptures, symbolic of the vix generatriz' are common.30
Among the Papuans and also among the Turkomâns funeral rites are performed by naked women.40 So Alexander the Great ran naked round Achilles' tomb. In Tartary and in South Africa, people used to scold at the thunder and lightning to drive them away.42 In Madagascar, on the birth of a child in the royal family, the greatest licentiousness was allowed. The Romans, when there was a plague or a famine, acted a play in which the gallantries of Jupiter were shewn. The early Christians considered it lacky to meet a harlot in the morning. The same belief is widespread in India. The harlot is the sin-trap or scape-goat. The Turkoman horse-doctor or saint, in Bonvalot's Heart of Asia, tells the owner of the sick horse: "You must strip yourself naked, hold the horse by the tail, and kick him on the quarters while I pray."'46 Among the Red Indians, Minnehaha, at the request of her husband Hiawatha, when the noiseless night descended, laid aside her garments wholly and with darkness clothed and guarded, unashamed and unaffrighted, walked securely round the corn fields, drew the sacred magic circle of her footprints round the corn fields, to protect them from destruction, blast of mildew, blight of insect, Wagenin the thief of corn fields, Paimosaid who steals the maize-ear."7 In Greece, when it has. not rained for a fortnight, young girls choose one of their number, who is from eight to ten years old, usually a poor orphan, strip her naked, and deck her from head to foot with field herbs and flowers. The others lead her round the village singing a hymn, and every house-wife has to throw a pailful of water on the naked girl's head.48 In Germany, standraise laughter. Lack is gained by clearing the air of spirits. To clear the air of spirits two influences must unite. each powerful over one of the two great swarms of unhoused spirits. The two influences required are,- soaring influence to put to fight the host of man-bating irreconcilables, and squaring influence to draw and house the army of friendlies and neatrals. This dual soaring and housing power of the male and female organe seems traceable to two experiences. First to the experience that the organs are the source of the great healer, urine, and so are a home to the squarable and a terror to the irreconcilable ; and second to the experience that, as the source of being. these organs are a haunt and a fount of spirits, a home, in later phrase a symbol, of ancestral and other guardian influences, and therefore, like other guardian homes, at once a dread and a jail to man-hating wanderers. The shouts are as potent as the organs, boonuse, from the experience that in the name dwells the spirit of the object named, it follows that to shout the names of the organs has the same effect as to shew the organs themselves.
28 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 119. 29 Dubois, Vol. I, p. 150. 30 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 350.
31 Pliny's Natural History, Book vi. Chap. 22. 32 Moor's Little, p. 57.
33 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. pp. 526, 527. 34 Dr. Caldwell in Balfour, p. 550.
85 Schuyler's Turkestan, Vol. I. p. 137. 36 Burkhardt's Arabia, Vol. I. p. 178.
37 Sale's Kuraan, I. 27; Herklot's Quinun-i-Islam, p. 65. 38 Reed's Japan, Vol. II, p. 27.
5 Fornander's Polynesian Races, Vol. I. p. 47. 40 Earl'. Papuans, p. 109; Schuyler's Turkistan, Vol. I. p. 18. 41 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 333.
13 Hahn's Teini Goam, p. 99. 43 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 253.
4* Hume, Vol. II. p. 41. 18 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1461.
48 St. James's Budget of 20th December 1888, p. 9. 67. The Song of Hiawatha, Vol. XIII. The custom is taken from Schoolcraft's Oneota, p. 83. 18 Grithm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 594.

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ing naked, or walking backwards, was an usual requisite for finding out a lover. Another way was, being naked, to throw the shift out through the door. German witches bathed naked in sand or corn,50 In Germany, to bring rain, a little gitl, completely undressed, was led outside of the town, and made to dig up henbane with the little finger of her right hand and tie it to the little toe of her right foot. She was then Bolemnly conducted by the other maidens to the nearest river and splashed with water.51 A carved stone, representing a lingam was found in a grave near Norfolk.52 In England, in 1268, to stay cattle plague. wood was rubbed till it barned and an image of the penis was set up to guard the cattle from disease.53 In fifteenth century France, each Cathedral church had a bishop or an archbishop of fools, and in ehurches under the Pope & pope of fools. Mock pontiffs had crowds of mock ecclesiastics, some dressed as players and buffoons, some with monstrous masks, others with faces smutted, some dressed as loose women. In the service the crowd sang indecent songs in the choir. After the service they put filth into the censer and ran about leaping, laughing, singing, making obscene jokes, and exposing themselves in unseemly attitudes with shameless impudence.54 The first time be takes them out in spring, the Saxon swine-herd in Transylvania goes naked with the pige.
The herd's nakedness keeps diseases from the pigs. Similarly in Transylvania, women helping -a cow to calf should wear no clothes,65 The story of Godive at Coventry appears to be a case of meaning-raising invented to make possible the continuance of the old practice of opening fairs by a naked procession.56 African chiefs and, according to Ajanta and other cave paintings, Hindu rulers of the sixth to the tenth century, were waited on by naked women. Persons to be initiated into the classic mysteries took off their clothes on entering the inner part of the temple.57 In England, a charm for scrofula was for a fasting virgin to lay her hand on the sore, and say: "Apollo denies that the heat of the plague can increase where a naked virgin quenches it," and spit three times.68 A part of the crowning rites of a Tahitan chief was that naked men and women danced and left excrement round him.60 The Australians hold elaborate dances in which they imitate the loves of animals. When a child is seriously ill, the Gujarat mother sometimes goes to the small-pox goddess's temple at night naked, or with nothing on but ním (Melia azadirachta) or asopálo (Polyalthea longifolia) leaves. She sometimes undresses in front of the temple and stands on her head before the goddess.61 Iu Middle-Age Germany, a naked maiden stopped droughts and worked many curea.63. According to Pliny, the touch of an unclothed maiden cures boils. The same authority states that a naked woman stills a storm at sea.63 In the East, the belief prevails that a snake never attacks one who is naked. About 1860, a cattle plague was wasting Russia. In a village near Moscow, the women stripped themselves naked and drew a plough so as to make a furrow round the village. At the end of the circle they buried alive a cock, a cat and a dog, calling : - "Cattle plague, spare our cattle, we offer a cock, a cat, and a dog."95 In England (1805), valentines sent on February 14th were often indecent.6
The Florence Carnival was famous for the indecency of its songs. The Carnival songs of Lorenzo de Medici shew how far the license was carried.67 The marriage songs of the Romans were indecent.68 So are those sung by the women of many Hinda castes. Compare among the Jews of the Eastern Caucasus : a week before the wedding the women sit on the roof, singing
19 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 1117. 50 Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 1089. 61 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 592. 12 Jour. Ethno, Soc. Vol. II. p. 430.
13 Hardwick's Folk-Lore, p. 37. 6 Strutt's Sports and Pastime, pp. 303, 304.
65 Nineteenth century, No. 101, p. 146. 36 Compare Notos and Querior, Vol. VII. p. 437.
57 Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 268. " Pettigrew's Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery, p. 74. 69 Reville Les Religions des Pouples Non Civilisés, Vol. II. p. 110. Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 148.
61 Information from Mr. Vaikanthram. 42 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. IV. pp. 503, 1182.
45 Quoted in Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 110. u Conway's Demonology and Devil Lore, Vol. IL p. 225. & Conway's Demonology, and Devil-Lora, Vol. I. p. 267. " Gentleman's Magapine Library, "Popular Superstition," p. 22.01 Ency. Brit., IXth Edition, " Carnival." Pliny'e Natural History, Book ii. Cbap. 72.
€ St. James's Budget, April 2nd, 1887.

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old Tatar love songs. Mr. Elworthy is, no doubt, correct in explaining that the object of the lewd fescennine or marringe songs was to avert evil influences.70 The Egyptian women (B. C. 480), floating in boats down the Nile to the fair of the goddess at Bubastis, in passing a town, drew near, sang, beat cymbals, cried out, lifted up their clothes, and loaded the townspeople with abuse.71 The women of Ceylon keep at a distance Bodrima the ghost who died in child-bed, by waving brooms and abusing the demon with a string of epithets.72 In Rome, on the 15th March, at the festival of Anna Peretina, the country people had rustic sports, drinking, singing and dancing. A remarkable and unaccountable feature, says Wilson, was the use of ancient or vulgar jokes and obscene language.73 At the Athenian tenia the women made jests and Jampoons against each other.74 The Fiji women welcome warriors back with obscene songs.75 In the Roman triumph, the soldiers shouted Io Triumphe, and sang songs with the coarsest ribaldry at the general's cxpense.78 The great spirit-scaring festival at Axim, on the Gold Coast, begins with seven days of the freest lampooning and abuse.77 At the great harvest festival of the Hos in North-East India, sons and daughters revile their parents in gross language, and parents their children.78
The Cruise of the Marchesato gives insight into the reason why indecent statues or pictures, especially figures in the act of sexual union, and the emblems of the union of the sexes, came to have a religious meaning and to be objects of worship. The ruined Papuan temple at Monokware, in Dorei Bay, in north-east New Guinea, had on either side, not far from the entrance, a great image of a man and woman in sexual union. Within were other carved wooden figures of much the same kind, grotesque and indecent, intended to represent the Aucestors of the Nafoor tribe, and known as the Mon or First People. In a note to page 281, Dr. Guillemard states that both in New Ireland and in the north-west and north-east of New Guinea, the aim in making the Divine Nine-pins, called Kurovar, which are the chief local household gods, is to house the spirit of a dead ancestor. He says: - "The belief is that the ghost must have some habitation on earth, or it will haunt the survivors of its late family." Whatever lodges the uneasy ghost protects the family from suffering and is therefore lucky. The object of the indecent figures is the same as the object of the Divine Nine-pins, that is, to tempt ancestors into them. Indecent is & vague word. It may mean simply naked. The belief, that the private parts are specially spirit-homes, seems based on the fact that they are appetite and passion centres, affected without or against the will of those to whom they belong. The belief on this point is a case of the great early religious law, the unwilled is the spirit-caused. To the early man both the local physical and the general mental effects of the promptings of the sex appetite imply the entrance and working of some outside spirit. In later religious thought the effects are explained as due to possession by Venuses, Loves, or Nymphs. In another view, the cause is Satan warring in man's members, or the old Adam goading to sin. Since, therefore, the private parts are great spirit haunts, they can be used as spirit-housers. Therefore, the private parts are lucky. The belief, tbat the private parts are specially open to spirit attacks, seems to be the origin of physical decency. The private parts are kept hid, lest the evil eye or other evil spirit should through thein enter the body. So to intercept any fiend-bearing glance, the naked Madras Hindu child has hung round its waist a heart or V-like vulva or yoni-shaped metal plate. Similarly, the sense of ceremonial or religious nakedness in the attendant of the king, or in the devotee, or vow-payer of the god is that their nakedness draws into themselves the evil spirits, which, unhoused, might have vexed the king or the god.
** Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 125. Compare Munro's Catullus, 16, quoted in Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 839.
11 Herodoties, Vol. II. p. 60 ; Wilkinson's Eryptians, 2nd Series, Vol. I. p. 279. Vol. II. p. 280. t's Demonology and Fitchcraft in Ceylon, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon (1887), p. 87. 13 Wilson's Works, Vol. III. p. 239.
* Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 487. * Featherman's Social History. Vol. II. p. 217. 6 Smith's Roman and Greek Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 897 11 The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 170.
75 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 196. T! Vol. II. pp. 280-382.

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In addition to their luckiness or spirit-housing power as being simply naked, figures in the act of sexual union, or, in a later form Mahadeva's favourite home, the symbols of the united male and female organs, have faurther power to tempt spirits to lodge in them. It may be said that the attractiveness to spirits of figures in union, or of the emblems of union, is nothing more than enticing the spirit to enter into the act which had been one of its chief human pleasures. But it is doubtful if this common sense view is the true explanation of the belief that the representation of the act of sexual union has special spirit-drawing power. Because the passion or possession that accompanies the act of union, and still more the experience that the result of the union is the framing of a new human being, the calling a soul from out the vast and striking a being into bounds, must have impressed the conviction that the moment of sexual union is the chief of gpirit-housing times. The other early belief, that the spirit of a dead relative comes back into the new-born babe's body, must bave still further enforced the belief that sexual union was one of the chief spirit-housing conditions. The likeness to some one dead, which later thought traces to the handing down of certain physical strains, proves to the early man that in the child lives the dead relation whom the child resembles. This seems to be the chief consideration why representations or symbols of sexual anion are believed to be specially tempting ancestorlodgings, and are therefore specially lucky and worshipful.
(To be continued.)
THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.
(Continued from page 244.) BURNELL MSS. No. 15 - (continued). THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA - (continued). As they were going, the Balla! sent & man to say to them :"If you defeat in battle an elephant, a horse, and an army, too, I shall give you a mura of rice."
“Your servants get, as a present, a sêr of rice," said Koţi and Channayya.
"Do you, heroes, fight with an elephant and with a horse, and defeat nine lakhs of men, and I will give you as a present a mura of rice. I shall send my servant to you. Be, at that time, with Little Channayya.
A man was sent to fetch the heroes from the Eqambar Baidya's house. They went to the Balla! and saluted him. Five hundred elephants were loosed to fight with the heroes of Edambûr.
"If you come with justice, I will shew you & road to my heart, but if you come with injustice, I will cut you into pieces, like bees," said Channayya.
A troop of horses was brought out to them, but Channayya mounted on a horse, and killed it, by pressing it so that it vomited up its food.
"The elephant is defeated and the horse is defeated, but the nine idklus of men remain,' said Channayya to his master,
The younger brother himself killed the nine lakhs of men by his might. It was difficult even for the Ballâl himself to remain alive.
"I will give you a present, Channayya !" said the Edambúr Ballâl, and presented the heroes with land at Ekanadka.
"We want land that has been fallow for sixty years and on which wild plants and herbs have been growing for thirty years," said the brothers, and took their leave.
The land at Ekanadka was presented to them. They went there, made a plan, and built palace. The palace was built with five hundred rooms below, with an upper story in the

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middle, and with another story over that. The land was hilly, but the hills were dag down and made into a . paddy field by the heroes. On the 18th of the month Paggu, they ploughed the field witb four ballocks and sowed seeds in the corner of the field.
“We have ploughed and sown in the dry land sowing sixty muras of paddy, and in the wet land sowing ninety muras of paddy," said the brothers to each other.
"Let us examine the sprouts of the seeds. Do you, elder brother, go through the dry land and I will go through the wet land," said Channayya.
When Koți went through the wet land and Channayya through the dry, the younger brother met the elder.
"Brother Channayya ! what do we see in this country? A wild hog called Gujjara was born when the earth was created. He has destroyed all the crops. He has ruined all the paddy fields producing food for fifty men," said Koti.
"There is no hunting and no army in this country," said Channayya.
" This is not a country where men live. This is a widow's country and a woman's country," said Koti.
“We have not rubbed off get the sweat of our limbs with the clothes tied to our middles. Our daggers rust," said Channayya.
Little Channayya told all this to the Balla! of Edambar. The Balla! sent Little Channayya to Ekanadka Guţu, to bring the heroes in a ghalige. The heroes saw the letter and came in a ghalige.
“I hear that you say that this is a widow's country and a married woman's country, and that, as this is a widow's and a woman's country, there is no hunting," said the Balla!. "I will write a letter to the hunters, so that they may assemble under a small mango tree."
The Balla! wrote a letter to a thousand people of Edambůr and to three hundred people of Tolabari to collect together, and proclaimed that each household was to come. Also, that every grandson, who was under the care of his grandfather, and every nephew, under the care of his uncle, was to assemble. Every elder brother and younger brother and every brother-in-law was to come to the hunt.
“Every one of these is to be present under the small mango tree for seven days and pights," said the Ballal. "Little Kinnyanna, why do not the heroes come yet? Were they not informed P"
Soon after that, when Kinnyanna went to the heroes to call them, they came over. They came to the Balla! and saluted him, standing on lower ground.
"Are the men and the army sufficient, Koți and Channayya ?" asked the Balla!
"Master, the men are sufficient for the hunting; but there are no dogs at all," said Channayya.
"Where are the dogs, Channayya P" asked the Balla!.
"On the ghdts in the Upper Country there is a dealer in dogs, who is oall Mallodi," said Channayya.
A letter was written to the Upper Country to bring twelve dogs without leashes, and twelve dogs with leashes -- altogether twenty-four dogs. The Ballal ordered a servant, Bagga, to carry the letter. Bagga carried the letter to Mallodi. Mallodi read the letter, in which was written the order for twenty-four dogs. Then he called to a dog “ Kala! Kalu"! and gave him food of black rice. He called out “ Bolla ! Bollu"! and fed another dog with white rice. He put chains on the dogs' necks, and came to the small mango tree with the dogs. The Balla! sent a man again in a ghaligé to the heroes, that they should come in a ghalige, as the dogs

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were brought. The heroes put shoes on their feet and took umbrellas, and arrived. Then the Ballâl said to them :-" Kôți, Channayya, let us go a-hunting now !"
"In what country, in what forest and in what prickly shrubs are we to hunt ?"
269
"Let us go to a valley, where the long-horned deer feed, or let us go to a plain where the peacocks feed, or let us go into a black forest, or let us go to the mountains, where horses grow up, or let us go to any forest you like. Let us throw stones into the forest, and send dogs into the grass," said the Ballal.
Flying birds and running birds did not rise up. on leaves of trees, and coloured deer did not get ap. get up.
Squirrels running on trees, bats hanging Cranes and other birds crying, did not
"Now let us go and hunt in a forest where black musk-deer live," said Channayya.
A large tiger, the longest in the country, got up. One Devanagari Ballal killed the tiger. Channayya killed another, which was as old as the world. When they were going to a valley, where very large tigers live, a wild hog called Panjina Gujjara, which was as old as the earth, got up quickly; and as he was coming along, grinding his teeth, as it were with the sound of thunder in the month of Karti, he ran at Kôți Baidya.
"If I run away, I shall lose my honor; but if I stand here, I shall be killed," thought Kôti himself, and killed the hog.
All men came to see the hog, which was smaller than an elephant, but greater than a horse.
Then the younger brother Channayya came to his elder brother, and called to him, "Brother, brother!" and asked him, "Did you kill a hog that is smaller than an elephant and bigger than a horse ?"
"Brother, you see," said he, "we could both kill a thousand people of Pañja together with this hog!"
Then, the brothers brought a pot of water and a shoot of the sanjimana plant, and made the hog alive again and dragged it to Pañja Balitimar, where a thousand people of Pañja on one side and the brothers alone on the other stood up to fight a battle. While they were fighting, Channayya speared the hog and killed it. A thousand people of Pañja took hold of the two hind legs of the hog, and Channayya, seeing this, tied his girdle to the hog's teeth and dragged. When they pulled only one foot, Channayya pulled seven feet, and took it to a rock called Munjolu Padê and told the people to cut up the hog. He said that a share was to be given to the village, the head and a leg to the hero who killed the hog, some curry to the neighbours, and poison to the thousand people of Pañja.
"Let us make the hog alive and draw it away to Rayanâd Forest," said Kôți.
"We gave life to the hog, took him away, and now let us go to Ekkanadka," said the
brothers.
"What is to be done for the sin of killing a hog ?" asked the younger brother.
"Channayya, one only need rub on oil; oil from oil-seeds; oil from a hand-mill; warm oil for the nails of the fingers; kilenne oil for the ears; ghi for the head: ten or eighteen kinds of oil should be rubbed on."
A servant put oil on his left side and rubbed it on the right side. He put oil on the right side and rabbed it on the left side. But while the brothers sat having the oil rubbed on, a contemptuous letter from Pañja came to Edambûr:-"Send back the whole of the wild pig, and with it some curry. When you send it, you should send our share. When you send it, you should give the hero who killed the hog the head and one leg. When you give it, you should transmit the honor. When you transmit the honor, you should send the instrument

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with which the hog was killed. When you send it, you should send the heroes, too, who killed the log, tied back to back. When you send them, let the army stand up to fight. When they stand up, let the Ballkļ leave off male customs and let him dress as a female ; let him put two cocoanat shells for his breasts; let him pnt on a small jacket ; let him tie his hair into a knot; let him put collyrium on his eyes; let him put a sírá round his middle; let him be dressed with flowers. If he sees luis foet holding a small knife, then his country is that of a female."
Thus was the letter written, and when the Ballkļ saw it, he wept bitterly.
There was a poor Brahmaņa at the garden called Amasavanda. The Balla! went there and called ont, “ Edambir Saõkara."
“Why did you send a man to me, o Pergade !" asked the Brahmaņa. "Tell me what your pay is for going to Ekkanadka,” said the Balla!. Pergadê wrote a letter and gave it to the Brahmaņa.
"Channayya is very cruel; Channayya is hard-hearted; therefore, O Brahmana, go carefully," said the Balla!.
The Bråhmaņa went, passed the compound, and stood at the opening between two posts He called out, “Koti! O new hero! Channayya! O new hero!” and Channayya came out running to beat him, and gnashing his teeth.
Let us ask him whence ho comes and where he is going," said Koti.
They asked him, and he repliod: -"I am a man from Bdambar, and have brought this letter," said the Brahmaņa.
“There are many who remain at Edambůr for the sake of their meals; but let us see the contents of the letter," said Koti.
When they knew the contents of the letter, it was no time for the Edambůr Balla! to sit quiet, for then the seven kinds of battle appeared near. "We shall bathe to take away the oil off us, and drink rico water," said they. The water was warmed for seven nights with fire.
"O Brahmaņa, take rice for food, and return to Edambûr," said they, and gave him the letter for Edambůr.
The younger and elder brother bathed, and when they had dried their hair with a cloth violently, the drops of water from their heads like bees fell at Kemira's feet. They put on marks of sandal paste, and then they prepared to write a letter to their brother-in-law. It was one Elkoto Bangar Kujumba Kajêr at a bellu (dry land) in Uppucheker Bal, to whom they sent a letter to come within a ghalige. Then they went home to their meal. They opened the Jids of strong boxes. They made a pure gold key for the jewel bor, a common gold key for the pure gold box, a silver key for the gold box, & wooden key for the silver box, and a key of copper for the wooden box. They opened the box and took a black silken cloth from Kavur, and took out all their clothes, and dressed themselves. Channayya took a signet ring from a carved box, and put it on. They put jewels in their ears, and while they were putting a thick cloth on their shoulders, their brother-in-law arrived.
"Do yon remain here cultivating the land thrice in a year. If we return back, we shall take back our house and property. If not, every thing belongs to you," said they to him, and went to the chůvadi of Edambûr. They went to the Edambûr bidu and saluted the Balla!. Channayya asked the Balla:-"Why did you write that letter "
"Seven kinds of battles are near, Channayya!” said the Balla!. "I am a son of the Billavar casto; how can I fight P” said Channayya. "There is a sword in your stone-box. If I can wield it, I will fight the battle. Give me an iron chain from your swinging cot, to see if I can cut it with my dagger.

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“Can iron cut iron in two, Channayya ?" asked the Balla!.
“ If iron cannot cut iron, how can it be possible for a man to kill another, and how can & battle be fought ? " said Channayya.
“When shall I see your face again, and when will you see my face again, brother?" asked Channayya.
Channayya Baidya went to battle at Panja. Koti Baidya went to battle at Nekildiyya. Channayya killed thousand people of Pañja and had a gold post carried from Pañja to Edambûr. He did not leave even a single man to answer a call, and he did not leave even the sprouts of plants, but destroyed every thing. He dug up the steps with a pickaxe and burnt the house with fire. He made the house red and then black, and then said that he would go to his elder brother. When he went to his brother Koți, he had gathered the seven bottles into one, had defeated all in six battles, and was fighting the seventh. He made a sigu with his cloth so as to turn his younger brother back, as there was an arrow shot by Sanda Giddi.
"Has the arrow struck your eyes or legs?" asked Channayya.
Immediately an arrow came and struck Channayya's leg. . “If he was a good dog, he would have bitten in front, but as he is a dog of Paija, he has bitten from behind. Therefore, I cannot see the arrow and take it out," said Channayya, and shook his leg with force.
Then the arrow struck Sanda Giddi. Chandayya was carried to Edambûr.
Koti Baidya fought the battlos and defeated all his enemies. He came to a white saroli tree and sat down under it. Then he was not himself. The black bird, kalinga, sat on his liat. In the meantime one Kalori of Pasja, who had fled from the battle, came to Koti and seized his dagger, and when Koti Baidya opened his eyes and saw him,
"This is not my dagger, bat belongs to Brahmana of Kommulaje. It is not necessary to steal it from my hands. I will give you it myself," said Koti.
When the Balla! of Edamber heard that one Kalu Naika had gone away with Koti's dagger, the Balla! sent his nephew Devanajiri Ballal to Koti. When Dêvanajiri Ballal arrived, Kala Naika was going away with the dagger, but he caught Kalu Naika and tied him to a horse's feet and made the horse ran away. Then Kalu's face and nose were broken, and he died.
Dêvanajiri went back to Koti Baidya. Koţi Baidya then said to the Balla, “Brahma las ordered me to go to him. I leave this life, and therefore I give you à grant on copper."
Koți Baidya wrote a document that Edambær is for the elder brother, and Prūja for the younger brother, and gave it to Dêvanajiri.
I leave my body and go to Kailasa ; therefore get holy tulasi, and pour water into my mouth. Under a white saroli tree at Hasalajya Bail in Beltangadi Koti left his body and went to Kailasa. And when he died and entered Vaikuntha, Brahmå ordered him not to touch the wall of the temple and not to descend into the yard.
"As you are the god who knows the particulars of all Sastrams, why did you make me die?" asked Kôţi.
There is only one death and one burial ground both for you and your brother; therefore, bring your younger brother, too," said Brahma.
When Köți came to Channayya, as a spirit, his leg was being washed. Koți called ont, "O, my younger brother !" and then the younger brother Channayya struck himself on the head, and died, and went to his brother. Then they went together to Brahma. Then

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Brahmâ ordered them to touch the wall and to come into the yard, and to walk three times round the temple, and then they entered the temple of Brahma. Fuel was collected in a burial ground, for which a mango tree on the other side of the river and a jack tree on another side of the river were cut down. Sixty bundles of sandal were brought. Then the dead bodies were burnt. In this manner the Balla! caused their dead bodies to be burned perfectly.
(To be continued.)
FOLKTALES IN HINDUSTAN.
BY W. CROOKE, C. S.
No. 11. - The Tale of Panchphrild Rani.1 THERE was once & Raja, who had seven sons. One day he was asleep on the upper storey of his palace, and he dreamed a dream. He thought he was in a lordly garden. The walls were of gold, and in the centre was a bower made of gold and silver. The doors were as the doors of Vaikuntha, and in the garden were all the fruits and flowers which are found in the garden of Râjâ Indra. In fact it was the garden of Raja Indra, which the Râjâ saw in his dream. In the morning, when the Rajd awoke, he called all the noted craftsmen and gardeners of his kingdom, and ordered them to prepare a garden, such as he had seen in his dream, in a single day. Such was the wealth and magnificence of the Râjâ that the garden was made, as he desired.
One night it so happened that Lal Pari (the Red Fairy), Pukhraj Pari (the Topaz Fairy), and Sabz Pari (the Green Fairy) came down on their flying couch to observe the world of men; and when they saw the garden of the Raja they believed that it was the garden of Raja Indra. So they dismounted and walked about the garden and were surprised at its beauty. They expected to find Raja Indra and their sister fairies there ; but when they searched for them in vain they knew that it was an earthly garden and not that of their lord. So they flew back to Raja Indra and told him that a king on earth had made a garden surpassing his. Then Raja Indra was wroth exceedingly, and calling his two demons, Siyah Deo (the Black Demon) and Bared Deo (the White Demon), he ordered them to fly down and see which Râjâ had brought him to dishonour. When Raja Indra heard the tale of the garden he was overcome with anger, and ordered his four demons Lal Deo, Siyah Deo, sabz Deo, and Safed Deo to destroy the garden by devouring the flowers and fruit trees. That night the demons came and ate several trees in the garden. Next morning, when the gardener saw the havoc they had made, he reported to the Raja, and the Rajá himself inspected the place. He was very wroth, and calling his Darbar, he proclaimed that he would give half his kingdom and wealth to the man who would detect the ruffians that had injured his garden. On this his seven sons came forward and asked that they might first of all be allowed to undertake the duty, and to this the Rajá agreed.
Accordingly on the first night the eldest prince kept watch, but he fell asleep, and the demons came and ravaged the garden as before. So in turn all the other princes, except the youngest, tried and failed.
Then came the turn of the youngest prince, and he was so determined not to go to sleep that he cut his little finger and put salt into the wound. Then he climbed a tree and never slept. At midnight the demon, whose turn it was to ravage the garden at that time, came, and it was Safed Deo. He appeared like a thunder olond, and when he came into the garden he took the shape of a horse and began to destroy the trees, but before he could do any harm the prince jumped on his back and began to beat him so that the demon fell down and begged for mercy.
1 Told by Wali Muhammad Kaagar, and recorded by Sayyid Nawab 'Ali, teacher of the Muhammadganj School, Bahrachi District.

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Then he told the prince who he was and why he had come to injure the garden. He said to the prince
"Pluck a hair out of my tail, and, whenever you want me, you have only to burn the hair and I will attend to do your bidding. I am one of four demons, one black, one red, one white, and one green. They are called Siyah Deo, Lâl Deo, Safed Deo, and Sabz Deo. If you can bring them under subjection, as you have me, you will attain your object."
In the same way the prince, during the course of the night, subdued the other three demons. In the morning, he went back to the palace, and as he had been awake all night, he lay down and fell asleep. In the morning, when the Raja went to his garden and found it safe from injury, he was delighted and searched for the youngest prince. When he found him, he held the royal umbrella over his head, and treated him with the utmost respect and brought him home. He was about to put him on the throne in his stead; but his six brothers began to repeat the saying
"There is no such friend as a brother and no such enemy as a brother (bhai aisá hit, na bhai aisá muddai), and they determined not to stay at home and allow their youngest brother to rule over them. So they left the kingdom and went to the land of China, where the Princess Pañchphula Bani dwelt.
When his brothers left the Court, the youngest prince made enquiries about them, and, learning that they had gone to the land of China, he got a miserable, broken-down horse and saddle of rags, and putting some gold coins inside it, took the road to China, whither his brothers had gone. He passed through many forests and deserts, and at last reached the city of Pañchphâlâ Rani. He went to the inn, where he found his brethren, and when they saw him, they were angry.
"Is it not enough that you have taken the kingdom from us, that you must pursue us here also ?"
But he offered to serve them, and they allowed him to join their company. When any one used to ask them who the youth was, they answered that he was their slave.
One day Rani Panchphula made proclamation that whoever could jump his horse on the topmost roof of her palace should win her hand. But he must strike her with a ball and do this five times. Now the Rani was of surpassing beauty, and princes from the whole world were collected to contend for her. Many attempted the task but they all failed.
The young prince, who had been left behind at the inn, at last bribed the old woman with whom they lived to keep his secret, and he went to a tank and bathed and put on clean clothes; then he burnt a black hair and lo! a heavenly steed, black as the night, stood before him, and with him came a suit of black armour such as human eye never saw. He rode up among the princes, and when he spurred his steed it took him with one bound on the topmost roof of th palace. He struck the Râni with the ball, and then jumped down and rode away so quickly that no one was able to recognise him. The Rânî got only one glimpse of him, but at this, she fell in love. When he got back to the tank, he put off his armour, and sent away the horse, and putting on his rags went back to the inn and no one knew him.
Next day he burnt a white hair and a white horse and armour came at his bidding. He road up and leaped as before to the topmost roof of the palace, and no one knew who he was. So did he in all five times, and on the last day the Râni was determined to recognise him : so, as he threw the ball at her, she marked him on the wrist with a heated pice, That day he was buying food at a Baniya's shop in the bázár when one of the Rani's sepoys saw the mark on his wrist and carried him off to the palace.
The Rani wished to marry him at once; but he objected, and said that he was only a slave. He was, however, obliged to marry her, but he pretended to be a madman. Her father the

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RÂjá tried to dissuade her from marrying a madman ; but her love was fixed on him alone, and she would not heed their words.
One day the old Raja, her father, was seized with & sore disease, and the physicians said that nothing would save him except the flesh of the simurgh. His other sons went in search of it, but they all failed. Then Panchphula Rani exhorted her husband to undertake the quest. But he said:
“What can & madman like me do ?"
At last, when she forced him, he asked for a horse and, as all of them wished that the mad man who had married the Rani should die, they gave him the most vicions horse in the royal stables. Bnt he overmastered it and rode oatside the city. There he halted and burnt a black hair, and the Black Demon in the form of a black horse of heavenly beauty appeared. On this he rode over monatain and forest to the land where the simurgh abonnds, and caught many of them and rode back. On the way he felt thirsty and looking round, saw a house in the midst of the forest, in which water and all kinds of food were prepared. He went in and roasting & simurgh ate and lay down. His brethren came there, and he knew them, but they did not recognise him. They asked him for one simurgh, and he gave it to them on condition that they would allow him to brand each of them on the back. This he did and let them go. He came home aud told his wife and the Raja that he had failed to find the simurgh. Meanwhile his brothren arrived with the bird and tho Raja was fed on the flesh and recovered. The Raja was pleased with them, and gave them half his kingdom.
After some time an enemy of the Raja attacked his dominions, and the brothers of his wife went ont to fight, but they were defeated. The Râņi Pañchphula was looking on from the roof of the palace, and when she saw the army of her father defeated, she called her husband to their aid. At first he said :
4 What can a madman like me do P"
Bat at last he burnt a hair and a heavenly steed and armour appenred. He rode to the fight and mowed down the foe, as a husbandman mows down the standing corn, The Raja knew not whether it was an angel or a demon that fought on his side. When the enemy was ronted, the brothers of the Kaņi claimed the honour of the victory ; but the Raja knew well that this was but idle boasting. So he had search made for the hero of the battle. Finally, Rani Patchphali told her father that it was her mad husband who had saved him in the hour of need. When the prince was called before the darbár, he asked the Raja to see if his brethren were branded or not. When they had to shew the marks, the prince told how he had captured the simurgh, and the brethren were overcome with shame and were driven out of the kingdom.
Then the prince went home in splendour and found his father blind from lamenting the loss of his son. When he saw him, his sight was restored to him, and the prince and Panchphâlâ Râşi lived for many years in the utmost happiness.
Notes. This tale, as usual, is made up of a collection of tolerably familiar incidents. We have the cfcle of the youngest best (Grimm, Household Tales, Vol. I. p. 364: and other references collected by Jacobs, Report, Folklore Congress, p. 98). Next comes the swayamvara where the prin. cess allots tasks to her suitors. It then branches off into the search for the Simurgh, the Rukh of the Arabian Nights, abont whose size the narrator has only the very vaguest notion. The hair-burning charm is found in the Arabian Nights. The Ifritah says :-"When as thou wouldest see me, burn a couple of these hairs and I will be with thee forthright, even though I be beyond Caucasus Mountain." (Lady Burton's edition, Vol. I. p. 163.)?
2 For the powers hair, so wide-awake Stories, p. 113i.
- ED.]

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MISCELLANEA.-BOOK-NOTICE.
MISCELLANEA. SOURCE OF SANSKRIT WORDS IN BURMESE. | 416, affords a welcome corroboration to the Tre following extracts from Dr. Führer's An.
statement of the native historians that, long ral Progress Report of the Archeological
before Andrat'A's conquest of Daton in the
eleventh century A. D., successive waves of Survey Circle, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, for the year onding 30th June 1891, will interest
emigration from Gangetic India had passed
through Manipar to the upper valley of the Irrithose readers who have followed the controversy
waddy, and that those emigrants brought with between Messrs. Taw Sein-Ko and Houghton on
them lettors, religion, and other elements of Sanskrit words in Burma, Vols XXII. and XXIII.
civilization. The inscription is one of Maharaja of this Journal
dhirja Jayapila of Hastinapurn in Bruhuwesa Dr. Fiihrer and Mr. Oertel were deputed to
on the Erivati, and the object of it is to record Burma in 1893-94 to make an Archaeological Tour,
in [Gupta) Samvat 108 the grant of an allotment which has resulted in a most valnable Report, and,
of land and a sum of money to the virayasunglu, as the Report is a good one on its own account,
or the community of the futhful, at the great it is to be regretted that the indebtedness of the
vihdra, or Buddhist convent, of Mahakksyapa, authors to the writer of this note is nowhere
for the purpose of feeding Whicshes, or mendiacknowledged, and that no mention is made in it
cants, and maintaining lamps at the slúpa in the of the great debt due by them to Mr. Taw Sein-Ko.
neighbourhood. The chief interest attaching to Extracts.
this inscription consists in its mentioning five lineal Page 15. - "The most important discoveries
descendants of the Luunr Dynasty (Chandravatbea!
of now Hastinapura, viz., Gópaila, Chandrapala, as yet made at Pagàn are two long Sanskrit
Devapala, BhimarAla, and Jayapala, and its inscriptions on two red sandstone slabs, now
mentioning that Gopila left his original home, lying in the court-yard of the ancient Kuzeit
Hastinapura on the Ganges, and, after various [Kuzek) Pagoda. The oldest one is dated in
successful wars with the Mlechchhas, founded Guptasamvat 163, or A. D. 481, recording the
new Hastinapura on the Irrawaddy. The vast erection of a temple of Sugata by Rudrusêna, the
ruins of Buddhistic Hastinapura aro now buried ruler of Arinaddauapura. The second record is
in dense jungle, and would, no doubt, on excavawritten in characters of the North Indian alphabet
tionl reveal the remains of buildings raised by and dated in Sakasamvat 532, or A. D. 610. Its
Indian architects and embellished by Indian object is to record the presentation of a statue of
geulptors. Undoubtedly valuable inscriptions Sakyamuni by two Sakya mendicants, named
would be unearthed, which might throw now Bodhivarman and Dharmadása, natives of Has
light upon many dark points in the earliest tinúpura on the Eravati the modern Taguung in
history of India and Burma, and upon a Upper Burma), to the Ashkarama at Arimaddana
eivilization that appeared when New Pagan was pura, during the reign of king Adityasena. Un.
founded, but then steadily deelined. There are a doubted proof is here afforded that Northern few solid circular brick pagodas to the south, east, Buddhism reached Upper Burma from the and west of ancient Tagaung, viz., the Shwêzigon, Gangos, whon India was mainly Buddhistio." Shwêzati, and Paungdòkyà, which are held in
Page 196.-"The discovery amongst the great reverence, and which no doubt are very ruins of Tagaung of terracotta tablets, boaring ancient. They were repaired during the reign Sanskrit legends in Gupta characters and of of Alaungp'aya, as recorded on three marble a large stone slab with & Sanskrit record in abs" the Gupta Alphabet of Samvat 108, or A.D.
R. C. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICE. Tas KATRAKOÇA OR TREASURY OF STORIES, translated Any one, who has looked into the two stately from Sanskrit Manuscripts by C. H, TAWNEY, M.A.,
volumes of the same scholar's famous Translation with Appendix containing Notes by Professor ERNST
of the Katheisaritsdgara, will know what he is to LEUMANN. LOriental Translation Fund, New Series, Vol. 11.)
expect in the present volume. The references to
other Folklore texts are, however, not quite as THERE are a good many Modern Collections of numerous as in the former work, owing to the Jain Tales. One of the few anonymous ones among heavy duties which his present offlice bas laid on them is the above Kathakosa. It is unnecessary Mr. Tawney, while he carried through Press this to state that the translator has done his task well. new translation. His Preface, this time, gives a

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short account of Jainism, in order to render the also some Digambara features. The second Aptales perfectly intelligible to those who are not pendix [41] even takes in a Brahmanic tale (about acquainted with the tenets of that religion. The Nala and Damayanti), which is not found in any Notes by the writer add some more details of that other Jain collection. So the bock is pervaded kind, and trace a good many stories in the older by Svētâmbara eelecticism. Jain literature. The volume terminates by two 17 (19-21] and 18 [22]. -Two stories having indexes (an "Index of Names' and a General
reference to liberality. Index') by Mr. F. F. Arbuthnot.
19 [23 and 24). - A tale reminding of the The Composition of Mr. Tawney's Kathakosa is
respect due to the Jinas and to the Congregation. a usual one. The Jain Kathukósas or Kathaprabandhas are either written in Sanskrit Slokas
20 [25-27]. - A second story illustrating
woman's virtue. throughout, or they consist of prose interspersed! with some verses which generally are gathás in
21 [28] and 25 [36]. - Two tales concerning the Jain Praksit or Sanskpit klókas. The present
first great vow proclaimed by all Indian religione, collection is of the latter type, and Mr. Tawney
viz., compassion with living creatures. has very nicely distinguished the metrical parts 22 [29-31]. – A story on the Namaskara forfrom the rest by using different type.
mula (namd arahantanań, etc.) As to the Number of Tales there is some incon- 23 [32 and 33).- A story on passion in genera gruity between the translator's own list (preceding
(lashiya). his preface) and the list drawn from the Sanskrit 24 (34 and 35]. - A third tale relating to College MS. (appended on pages 231 and 232) liberality. The latter has twenty-seven stories only, while 26 [37 and 38]. - A tale on an offence against Mr. Tawney's numbering goes up to forty-one. I a teacher. The difference results chiefly from Mr. Tawney's !
27 [39]. - A fourth story about liberality. counting separately not only the independent stories, but also those which form parts of others.
First Appendix : 5 [40]. - See above. As the arrangement is somewbat confused by this Second Appendix: 28 [41]. - The story of Nala method, I shall not adopt it in presenting below and Damayanti. Its composition differs in several my own verified list drawn from extracts from ways from the rest of the book, as the reader will MS. L. 94. For easy reference, however, I add learn from the end of p. 242. in square brackets those figures of Mr. Tawney
About half the tales are derivable from which differ from mine.
older sources and invite comparison with List of Tales contained in the Kathakosa. other recensions.
1 and 2. - Two stories illustrating worship The references given in the Notes may be (půjá).
angmented by one concerning the soventh story 3, 4, 5 [40), 6 (5-7), 7 [8]. – Tales warning 18) which is drawn from the commentaries on against the four passions (kashdyas), the first | Uttaradhyayana VIII. We find there the name passion (kópa,' wrath') being treated in two tales Kapila instead of Vasudeva. This is one of the (3 and 4), the others in one each. Of the fifth many instances that shew that'a many of the names story [40] which refers to 'pride,' only the begin
are the compiler's invention. Indeed, ever since ning is given in the text, but the whole is supplied Dôvêndra and Hemachandra it has been customary by some MSS. in an Appendix. Cheating' which
to invent names at large, while repeating the old is illustrated by the sixth story [5-7) is also
stories. For general research it is, therefore, not regarded as a passion, while love and hate are advisable to fashion, as Mr. Tawney bas done, the not among the kashayas.
titles of the tales after the chief names contained 8 [9]. – A tale concerning a word spoken in
therein, unless these are proved to be faithfully Beason.
adopted from the original sources. Of course,
Mr. Tawney is fully excused as a pioneer ; but 9 [10]. - A tale illustrating woman's virtue.
future translators and editors of tale-collections 10-12 [11-14). - Stories about asceticism. will perhaps accept the advice not to overrate the Also bhávand, illustrated in 12 [14], is asceticism names. It is true that they will have to preserve (not meditation).
in Titles the traditional names, but they should 13-16 (15-18].--Tales illustrating four kinds of characterise those tales which have no tradi. worship. mentioned in the Pújdjayamals of the tional names so as to point out their general Digambaras. This shews that the text, though it tendency only. is on the whole of a Svátâmbara character, bears
ERNST LEUMANK.

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EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
No.
SOME EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE. BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M. A.
(Continued from p. 259.) V.
N the southern wall of the same temple, and not far from the inscription No. III. containmanditai other lands, is found document, in four short lines, recording another royal grant on the 8th of Chingam 342 M. E. It purports also to be issued under sign manual, though it does not mention the name of the sovereign, which, however, we would be justified in assuming to be the same as in the two preceding records, until contradicted by other evidence. It may be thus rendered into English :
Puravari Inscription of (?) Vira-Ravivarman, No. 2.
277
5
Old Tamil 43. Sen-Tamil Current.
***
"Hail! Prosperity! In the year 342 after the appearance of Kollam, with the sun 7 days old in Leo (i. e., the 8th of Chingam), was passed the following deed in cadjan:-The land granted under command to feed two way worn Brahmana passengers, measures in Nilakandan-parru, and is irrigated by the river Kôttaru and the Kaichchirai channel, Narayanan Kanrappolan, signature. Kâli Kunrappôlan, signature. And sign manual."
The brevity of this document would lead us to suppose that it was a sort of note, ssued under royal signature, and transmitted by two of the private secretaries in the palace to the ministers of state, with a view to having the usual more formal proclamation prepared and submitted. Anyhow, it may be taken to prove that Sri-Vira-Ravivarman continued to rule Vênâd till at least the 8th day of Chingam 342 M. E., or about the end of August 1166.
VI.
Vira-Ravivarman, however, could not have occupied the throne of Vênâd long after that date; for we have evidence to shew that, on the 10th Mina 348 M. E., it was occupied by another sovereign, Sri-Vira-Udaiyamartandavarman. This evidence is obtained from an inscription in Vatteluttu at Tiruvattar, as it is now called, about five miles to the east of Kalitturai, which is itself balf way between Trivandram and Oluganacheri. In this inscription the place is named Tiruvatțâru, and the old Vaishnava Tami! hymns, Tiruváymoli, agree with our record in that spelling.62 But the Sanskrit Sthala-Purana, in manuscript, with which this place is honoured, prefers obviously to follow its modern corrupt designation, and calls it Chakratirtha, by way of translation. There could of course be not the least objection to the Sthala Purana using the modern name; but then it must surrender its insolent pretensions to antiquity. The work claims to be an integral portion of the Padmapurána, and purports to report verbatim, in a series of ungrammatical slokas, a discourse of Siva, on Mount Kailasa, extolling to his spouse the unequalled sanctity of Tiruvaṭṭâr, based mainly on the ground of certain dubious tactics practised by the local deity on two supra-mundane monsters.63 On things earthly, and still more on local matters of any historical import, the legend preserves absolute silence. Its writer, however, must have been evidently struck by the similarity of the temples and idols at Tiruvatțâr and Trivandram, as well as the identity of the dates of their principal feasts, since now and again he makes 'Siva compliment the former by calling it Adyanandapura, or the original Trivandram. It is on the southern
82 Váṭṭarron-adi vanangi ma-ñala-ppirapp-aruppan; similarly in all the 11 stanzas of the 9th pattu in the pattâmpattu of Nammålvår.
5 These monsters are called Kêsan and Kêsi. Kêsan is killed and Kesi his sister, come in the form of a stream to avenge the slaughter. The whole looks like an old Dravidian river myth, modified and adapted to suit the character of the local deity.

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wall of the main sanctuary at Tiruvattar that the document I am now about to translate is to be found.
No.
6
Vatteluttu 10. Old Malayalam.
Tiruvattar Inscription of Vira-Udaiyamartandavarman.
"Hail! Prosperity! In the Kollam year 348, with Jupiter in Cancer, and the sun days old in Pisces (i. e., in the Malabar month Mina), Thursday, Anusham star, Sri-ViraUdaiyamartatta varma-Tiruvadi graciously reigning at Kôliḍaikkûru in Vênâd, brought to Kilachcheri palace, in Kôdainallur, in the form of néli, 3 saldgai and 30 alaga chchu, due on (or to be advanced on the security of) the lands belonging to Adichchan Udaiyannan and brothers, viz., Cheriyakarai Kûttiya Perai measuring , Mâttarai measuring making in both ***, in order that the fixed and regular allowances of Pallikonda Perumal at Tiruvâṭṭâru, amounting to rice ❤ [might be continued without failure]; the income per harvest being
This is one of the Vatteluttu inscriptions I have, of which I cannot satisfy myself that I have found the full import. The only finite verb I can find in it is konduvannu, meaning "brought," occurring nearly at the very end of the document; but owing to the omissions and difficulties in the previous parts of the sentence, I cannot be sure that its nominative is Udaiyamârtânḍavarman. The obsolete word néli, already met with in inscription No. II., may be taken here also to mean 'capital,' or a sum of money. Both from the context and from the numerals following the terms, salágai and alagachchu must refer to the currency then in use. Salagai usually means a metallic rod of silver or gold. According to the Tamil Nighantu, it might mean also a superior kind of gem. All the three ideas, however, are closely related to one another and to money. It is quite possible that bars of silver or gold passed in those days as currency, with or without the Government stamp. Achchu of course, as in inscription No. II, cannot but mean coin, the addition of alagu (fair) being but expletive, as in alagiya aflippêrôlai meaning the "fair title-deed." But I see no means of determining the value of salágai and achchu either in themselves or in relation to one another. All that we can safely conjecture, is that a considerable sum of money was taken to the Kilachchêri palace. Why it was taken to that place, when it was evidently meant to be utilized for the temple at Tiruvatțâr, is an embarrassing question, to which I can find no answer. It is equally difficult to understand how so large an amount came to be due from the lands owned by Âdichchan Udaiyannan and his brothers. Since the last indistinct words of the document seem to indicate the quantity of paddy due every harvest, it is quite possible that the amount, instead of being taken from them, was only advanced to Udaiyannan and his brothers on the security of their lands, and on the understanding that a stated quantity of paddy would be delivered every harvest in return therefor. Hence the alternative construction given in the translation above. On the whole, therefore, this document must be noted as one yet demanding attention and study.
Nevertheless, for the main purpose in this connexion, it is as good a record as any yet noted; for it affords indubitable evidence of the reign of Bri-Vira-Udaiyamartaṇḍavarman in Mina 348 M. E., or approximately speaking in March 1178. It being but six years since Ravivarman instituted the second grant at Paravari, there can be no legitimate doubt as to Udaiyamârtâṇḍavarman being his immediate successor. The document gives further the valuable information that Koliḍaikkuru was the capital of Venad - at any rate, at the date of this record. As far as I can make out, this capital of Vira-Udaiyamartanda is identical with the now insignificant village of Kulikod, near Padmanabhapuram, Kôdainallûr being a well-known place thereabouts. If my identification is correct, the way in which the old name has been corrupted by usage, might throw light upon the original name of the modern Calicut or Kolikod. It would appear more reasonable to
Martaṭta is an obvious error for Martaṇḍa.
The Perumal in a reclining posture as in Trivandram, Srirangam and Seringapatam.

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derive Kolikod from Kolidai-Kura, -"the suitable middle part of Malabar, - than to trace it to the popular and clever fiction that the territory was handed over to the Zamorin, to be measured out by the distance to which the crowing of the cock could be heard.66 However that be, if Koļidai-Kuru was ever "the suitable centre" of Vêņåd, as the name indicates, we have some means of determining the original extent of that ancient principality. Taking this village, or Padmanabhapuram, as the centre and Cape Comorin as a point in the circunference, Vêņad, as it originally stood, could not have embraced any territory further north of Trivandram. Bat the etymology of geographical names is not always a reliable guide to history.
VII. Bat whatever might have been the original extent of Vend, in the 4th Malabar century it did include Trivandram, its present capital. For in 865 M. E. we find Aditya Rama making a present of a drum to the temple of Krishna in Trivandram. The gift is recorded in a Sansksit álóka inscribed in old Malayalam characters on the northern wall of the inner shrine of the GOBAIA Krishna temple. With the exception of those at Mitranandapuram, this shrine appears to me to be the oldest in the Trivandram fort. In itself, it is a comparatively small bailding, standing in the middle of a rectangular outer temple, called the gośálá or cowshed, and the whole is situated in rather inconvenient contact with the north-western corner of the square formed by the corridors of the grand 'Sri-Bali-maņdapa of Sri-Padmanabha, the presiding deity of the place. Tradition, for the nonce realistic, points to a worn-out granite tub, still remaining close to the wall bearing the inscription, as a memento of the good old days when the poor folks of the village resorted to it to whet their knives and hatchets before proceeding to the jungles around to fell and fetch fuel. The explanation suits very well indeed the appearance of the time-honoured tub, and also what may be otherwise inferred 29 to the past of the locality. It would be bat an easy and pleasant exercise for historical imagination to picture, with the abundant evidences yet available, the real and original *cowsbed' and the patches of paddy lands and plantain topes by which it was then on all sides surrounded. But long before the date of this document, the primeval peace and solitade of the place must have been to a large extent broken. The Brahmaņa landlords of the north must have, centuries prior, planted a colony at Mitrânandapuram, as an outpost in their advance to the south. The Gosali itself was, at the period of the inscription, a shrine worthy of a royal visit, and I feel inclined to think that the visit itself was induced by that Brahmana colony for some political purpose or other yet further north. At any rate, I fancy, it is to some learned member of that body we owe the álóka, which to us commemorates the reign of Aditya Rama in 365 M. E. The verse may be thus translated :
7 Archaic MAlayalam 57 86. Sanskrit Verse.se
The Gobala Temple Inscription of Aditya Rama. " Hail! Prosperity! In Dhanus (Sagittarius) and when life was at its height, Aditya Rama, who is the bearer of the state umbrella of Kôda Martânda, the lord of Golamba, and who is further the soul of the earth, both prosperous and honoured, dedicated, after making due oblations, to the Lotus-eyed of the temple of the Cowshed, in the town of) Syanandora, a good dram made of silver, as huge as the Mandara mountain, and as lustrous as all the foam of the oceans gathered together."
Such is the literal rendering of the rather cleverly composed Sanskrit distich. But, as Indian scholars know, cleverness in Indian versification means, to a large extent, skill in the use
This fangiful derivation illustrates how traditions are invented in Southern India. It is but typical of what uniformly takes place with respect to most names of castes, villages, and customs. (Such intentions are not, how. ever, confined to 8. India, but are exceedingly commor in N. India, and are the rule in Burma.-ED.)
07 Many letters of arohaio MalayAlam diffor from the charsoters now in use, though the affinity between tho two sets is easy to discover.
* The metre of this one is Sragdhara.

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of tantalizing phraseology, with a view to suggest and yet to hide the thoughts to be expressed; it therefore behoves us to look into the lines a little closer.
Though the word Dhanus (bow) is evidently intended to suggest that Aditya Rama was, not only the inheritor of the state umbrella of Kôda Mârtânda, but also the carrier of his bow, or perhaps his standard bearing that device of the Chêra sovereigns,50 yet, being in its locative case, it cannot but mean 'the month of Dhanus,' i. e., the month in which the sun is in the sign. of Sagittarius. Similarly, the expression "when life was at its height" has its obvious astronomical interpretation. Jiva means Jupiter, and astrology assumes that that favourite planet reaches its 'height,' when it is in the sign of Cancer.60 The use of the word Golamba again, or, as it is now more usually spelt, Kalamba, indicates that somewhere close by lies buried the year of the inscription in the Kolamba or Kollam era, the discovery of which, however, in old verses like the one before us, is often as difficult as a feat of astrological divination itself. A reference to Dr. Burnell's South-Indian Palæography, pages 77 to 80, would shew the extent of the resources at the disposal of the Sanskrit versifier to find convenient sepulchres for the date he might occasionally condescend to embalm in his measured lines. But in the case before us there can be no doubt that the symbolism followed is what is called the Katapayadi system of giving conventional numerical values to the letters of the alphabet; and the word whose component letters are here to be so valued, can be none else than Mártánda, the words immediately preceding the term Kolamba. No other term in the neighbourhood is capable of expressing a possible past date in that era. I scruple not, therefore, to conclude that the date of this document is Dhanus 365 M. E., or about the end of December 1189, when, astrologically speaking, Jupiter was in the zenith of his power in that part of the heavens which is graced by the figure of the crab.
But for the present inquiry, it is more to the point to know who was then in power here below in Travancore. "The prosperous and honoured soul of the earth" at that period, we are told, was one Aditya Râma. But with all my appreciation for the poet's feelings of loyalty, and commiseration for the common weakness to exaggerate the glory of the powers that are, I cannot but still complain that he did not somehow manage to put in Vênâd' instead of the whole earth. For as the lines now stand, it is not impossible for a sceptic to question whether Aditya Râma did really belong to that Vênâd dynasty whose history we are here. engaged in tracing. I do not, however, for my part, feel that there can be much scope for any legitimate doubt on the point, particularly with the information placed at our disposal by the inscriptions Nos. IX. and X. in the sequel. But the poet makes amends for this defect by the mention of an important ancestor of Aditya Râma. Aditya Râma is said to have been "the bearer of the umbrella of Kôda Mârtânda, the lord of Kôlamba," which cannot but mean that he inherited from the latter his umbrella, or crown as we would now say, since one described as the honoured soul of the earth' could not have been the personal servant of another individual.
Who then was this Kôda Martanda, "the Isa or god of Kôlamba ?" Kolamba is usually taken as the Sanskrit name for the Malabar era, otherwise called the Kollam year. It is sometimes assumed to have been the ancient name of the seemingly modern
59 In old classical times, the bow was the emblem of the Cheras, as the fish was of the Pandyas, and the tiger of the Cholas.
This is certainly the interpretation according to current astrology, but it scarcely seems to me to be correct. Jupiter was in the sign of Cancer in 348 according to our inscription No. 6, and, his period of revolution being roughly taken as 12 years, it is impossible that he should be again in the same sign in 365. It is possible that astrology has changed, or that the expression at its height' has no special astrological meaning in this connection. On the other hand, since inscription No. 8AI (post, page 283) assigns Jupiter to Virgo in 368, he must have been somewhere about Cancer in 865. But inscriptions Nos. 9 and 10 again locate Jupiter in Cancer in 371 and 384, and all the subsequent notices agree with them. All the references to astronomical acts in these early records requir verification. I give them in these pages as I find them
For instance, vide page 163, Part III., Travancore Government Almanac for 1894.

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seaport of Quilon, about 40 miles to the north of Trivandram. Whether the identification of Kolamba with Quilon in Travancore be correct or incorrect, it means in the couplet before us only the era, and not any particular place, unless, of course, a play upon the word is intended. I am inclined, therefore, to interpret god of Kolamba' to mean 'one who instituted or took part in the institution of the era of Kolamba,' or the Kollam year, in which case there would be also an obvious justification for the mention of this ancestor in particular, famous as he mast have been in those early days. The traditional account of the origin of the Kollam Era, as given in Mr. Shungoonny Menon's History, lends full support to this interpretation, which, in simple fairneas, I must say, struck me as the one most natural, altogether independently of that account. "In the Kali year 3926 (825 A. D.) when Udaiyamartåndavarman was residing in Kollam 2 (Quilon), he convened a council of all the learned men of Kerala with the object of introducing a new era, and after making some astronomical resenrches and calculating the solar movements throughout the twelve signs of the Zodiac and counting scientifically the number of days occupied in this revolution in every month, it was resolved to adopt the now era from the first of Chingam of that year, the 15th August 823, as Kollam year one, and to call it the solar year." Whatever might be thought of this explanation of the origin of the era. there can be no doubt that tradition reckons on Udaiyamirtândavarman having taken part in its institution. The change from Kôdai Mårtânla of the inscription to Udaiyamártánd of the tradition is easy and narural, the latter being a more frequent, as well as a more significant, adjunct of Mártánda, in the more favoured Sanskrit langnago, than tho Malayalam word 'Koda.
Iu justice to Mr. Shungoonny Menou, I must note also that I find in his pages & mention of Adityavarman as the sovereign of Travancore about the date of our record. " like manner," writes this author," the present Poonjat Rajah, who was a close relation of the Pandyan dynasty, emigrated to Travancore, and the hill territories of Poonjur were assigned as the residence of his family during the reign of king Aditya Varma of Travancore in 364 M. E. (1189 A. D.)."64 We bave only to expand Adityavarman into Aditya Ramavarman to make the name accord with our inscriptions. It would be extremely interesting indeed to prove, with the help of Mr. Shungoonny Menon's "records," and we but get hold of them, that Aditya Ramavaranan, just a year previous to the date of bis dedication of the drum to the temple of Gośâlâ at Trivandram, was in a position to assign to a fagitive foreign royal family a territory so far in the north as Poonjar. However that be, We have, I believe, sufficient evidence to maintain, in the meantime, that Aditya Ramavarman ruled over Vêņid in the Malabar month of Dhanus 365 M. E., and that his ancestor, Koda
Artandavarman, was the ruler of the same kingdom in the Kollam year one, i. e., about August 824.
VIII.
I will now discuss two small fragments, unworthy of attention, but for the important quarter from which they come. Next to Trivandram itself, the pla e now most closely associated with the ruling family is Årringal, about 22 miles to the north of Trivandram, and situated on the northern bank of the Vamanapuram river, about four miles from its mouth in the Anjengo backwaters. The female members of the royal house are now known as the Ranis of Arringal and the village and the country thereabouts are still regarded as their private property. Each Travancore sovereign has at the present day to visit the place soon after his coronation to complete the ceremonies in connection therewith, and he
69 According to this tradition then, the era has nothing to do with the foundation or re-foundation of the town of Quilon, as stated in the Travancore Government Almanac, page 162, Part III. Our inscriptions, however, allude to the 'apparence' of Kollam; which I take to mean the 'institution of the era, and not the foundation of any town. No town is known to have been founded in Malabar of such magnitude as to give rise to AD era. Shungoonny Menon's History of Travancore, page 88.
Tbid. page 92. - Poonjar, or Pagbara, is on the borders of the Madura district further to the north of Peermade. There is atery likelihood of the old chieftain of this place having had some relation or other with Madura. His family deity to this day is the goddess MtaAkahi of Madura,

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is expected further to renew the visit every year of his reign. It is difficult to believe that such attentions and honours are allowed to the spot, simply because of an accident of a palace having been constructed there, to accommodate two adopted Rânis, as stated by Mr. Shungoonny Menon. "During the 5th century M. E., and in the reign of king Aditya Varma, the Travancore royal family was under the necessity of adopting two females from the Kolathnad royal family, and a royal residence was constructed at Attingal, for the residence of the two Rants, and they were installed as Attingal Mootha Thampuran and Elia Thampuran, i. e., Senior and Junior Rants of Attingal. The country around Attingal was assigned to them, and the revenue derived therefrom was placed at their disposal."66 Until we know for certain the nature of the authority on which this statement is based, we may scruple to accept the account, as a sufficient explanation of the anomalous relation of Arringat to the royal household. Even assuming that a particular king of Vênâd in the 5th century M.E. went so far out of his way as to look to Kolatnad for heirs to his own dominions, it is still, I am afraid, not very likely that the fair members so introduced into his own family would be located, in those troubled days, altogether away from South Travancore, the acknowledged seat of his own power. Antecedent probability is in favour of Arringal having been at one time an independent principality, the first of those merged later on into Vênâḍ. The early aggressive vigour of the kingdom of Vênâd, meeting with insuperable difficulties in the more exposed and troublesome eastern border, over which it had once extended itself, as proved by the inscrip. tions said to exist in Shermadevi and other villages of South Tinnevelly, must have next turned itself to the north, where evidently it found freer scope for exercise. The first state then to be absorbed would naturally be Arringal, supposing it was then independent. And to account for the facts, we have next only to assume that, to conciliate the newly added province, an alliance through marriage or adoption was effected with the house of Arringal, the name "Rants of Arringal" being continued, with the same object, and in the same manner as in the familiar case of the "Prince of Wales." A strong presumption is raised in favour of such an hypothesis by the fact of Kilppêrür being found annexed as the house-name or the Vênâd princes in later inscriptions. Kilppêrûr is an old and ruined village, unapproachable by cart or boat, about 8 miles to the north-east of Arringal. The country about Arringal seems to have been known in early times as Kupadesam,sa province altogether distinct from Vênâd. An inscription of Rajaraja Chola, dated in the 50th year of his reign claims for him a decisive victory over the king of the Kapakas. The Tamil poem, Kalingattu Parani, of the days of Kulôttunga-Chôla, enumerates the Kûpakas among the subject races that paid tribute to that emperor. The identification of Arringal with Kûpadêsam is rendered almost certain by an inscription in the Apanesvara temple, about 2 miles from Arribgal, dated as late as 751 of the Malabar Era, which speaks of the princess who repaired that shrine, as the queen of the Kapakas. If Kupa-rajya and Vênâd were thus at one time two co-ordinate provinces of Malabar, and if, in later times, we find the princes of the latter appropriating to themselves, as their "house-name;" the name of a locality situated in the former, it cannot be a violent assumption to suppose that the two were originally independent principalities, and that their amalgamation took place under such circumstances as led to a compromise, the weaker party submitting to the stronger on the condition of the stronger appropriating, not only the kingdom, but also the family name of the weaker. In short, it looks not in the least unlikely that, when the power of Vênâd prevailed over Arringal, some matrimonial or other alliance was concluded, which naturally led the blood of Arringal to prevail, in its turn, in the veins of the Venad princes.
Shungoonny Menon's History of Travancore, page 98.
7 Plenty of valuable inscriptions are found in several old villages of this district, which, as far as I know, have not yet seen the light of day, both literally and metaphorically!
Dr. Gundert thinks that Kapa-rajya was probably indentical with Kumbalam, but notes at the same time that other manuscripts exchange it for Maahikam, the most southern quarter.' Kumbalam, as far as I am aware, is between Cochin and Alleppy. Arriagal would be the most southern quarter, excepting Venâḍ.
Kalihgattu-Parani, Canto xi. verse 8.

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But of course all this is more or less pure speculation, and must remain as ench only, until it can find support in inscriptions or other indubitable facte. Unfortunately, though Arriagal has within a small area more than four fair temples, tostifying to its once affluent circumstances, there is in none of them any inscription referring to early historical facts. The temple that would appear to be now most closely associated with the palace, is the one called Pattankaya or 'new grove,' dedicated to Bhagavati. It is Bhagavati again that is worshipped in the old local palace, under the name of Palli-arai Bhagavati, or the bed chamber Bhagavati.' It is rather difficult to determine whether the Bhagavati of the bed chamber' is really a goddess, or only a deified ancestor, say, the last of the independent queens of Arringal. To the west of the palace, and in close contiguity with the principal Vaishnava temple of the station, stands & small neat shrine, dedicated to Pero-Udaiyâr, 70 apparently the same deity as is worshipped in the Rajarajêávara temple at Tanjore, but sadly unlike that model in having no inscriptions whatever. About two miles to the east of Arringel, and not far to the west of the populons Brahmaza village, called Avanamchêri, 71 lies & petty hamlet with the laistorical name of Virakeralam, now corrapted into Virapam. An old neglected temple in this village owns the earliest inscriptions I can find in this locality. There are two of them in this temple, but both of them are extremely disappointing fragments. The first is inscribed on the north-eastern corner of the shrine itself, while the second is engraved on the altar outside the square enclosure now in rains. How incomplete they are will be seen from the renderings below:
No. 8A Vattejuttu 83. Tamil
Viranam Inscription of () Vira-Kóralavermná II., No. 1. “Hail! Prosperity! In the Kollam year 368, with Jupiter in Virgo, and the sun two days old in Taurus, Kilp"
o 8B Vatteluttu NO. 88. Tamij.
“ Viraṇam Inscription of (P) Vira-Koralavarman II., No. 2.
Virane “Srt-Davadarama Keralavarma-Tiruvaời graciously consecrated [this shrie)."
It is of course impossible to say now whether these two broken inscriptions form parta of the same record, or even whether they relate to the same subject. But should we venture to connect them together, which of course is by no means safe, though not an unprecedented procedure in epigraphy, we should have evidence of some sort for the date of another sovereign presumably of Vêạid. I say presumably only, because it is quite possible that Kéraļa varman, who founded this temple, belonged to an independent principality, say, to Arriogal itself. The word Kilppêrûr, with the first syllable of which the first fragment breaks off, is intended to refer no doubt to Kilppörar-illam or honse, by which the ruling family is designated in later inscriptions; but since earlier documents in my possession do not mention any such housename, it is by itself no guarantee that the reference is to the Vêņâde dynasty, at least before its fusion with the Arriigal or some other more northern royal house, as observed above. Only after these possible sources of error are duly provided for, can we conclude, even suppos. ing the two fragments to relate to the same subject matter, that there reigned over vanad one Kerala varma-Tiruvadi about the beginning of Idavam 868 M. E., or about the latter hell of May 1193. Still, as the balance of evidence is in favour of such a presumption, we will
7. Paru. Udaiyar does not mean, as both people and pandits now generally suppose, tho 'god of copious clothing.' but the "great lord or master." Ulaiyar was further the family name of RAjarkja and other Cholm of his dynasty.
71 It is curious how falae learning interferes with etymology. Fastidious scholara now pronounce this name Avanavancheri, and suppone it to signify every one's own village,' and not the village with a market' mit may be so naturally and so easily taken to mean,
T2 The word is not DévadAm, but clearly Devad ram, though I cannot make out what it means.

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provisionally call him Vira-Keralavarman II., - the prefix Vira, which occurs invariably in all the known old names of the dynasty, being preserved to us in the names of the village where the record is found. We shall, of course, await the result of further researches to convert the presumption into a fact.
IX. But no such scruples need be entertained in pronouncing that on the 25th of Medam 871, the ancient throne of Vènad was occupied by Bri-Vira-Ramavarma-Tiruvadi. My anthority for this statement is a long Vatteluttu record in nine lines, inscribed on the southern wall of a small temple, in a village now called Kunangaraj, to the south-east of the Vellâņi fresh-water lake, about eight miles to the south of Trivandram. It would read thus in translation :
Vatteluttu No. 60. Old Malayalam.
m. Kunangarai Inscription of Vira-Ramavarman, "Hail! Prosperity! In the Koilam year 371, with Jupiter in Cancer, and the sun 24 dass old in Aries, is made the following grant :- The loyal chieftains of Sri-Vira-RamavarnaTiruvadi, graciously rulirg over Vêņåd, inake over in writing, as a solemn gift ratified with water, the locality of) Sériklul, in Cheikottain, belonging to the sait chieftains, to Vaua Madhava Naravarn Vinnagar Alván of Tirukkunagirai, to provide for all luis daily expenses. and one sacred perpetual lamp. From this time forwards, the manager of the temple of Tiruk. kunagarai shall, under the supervision of the Six Hinndred of Venid and of the district oflicer and ngents, tatke solo possession of all things whatsover in this Sérikkul, with the exceptiouof the pndaly Jam, granted already ander command by the said chieftains to meet the expenses of the Bhattirakı of Neliyûr, and the manager shall duly sopply, according to the regulated measurement, four will of rice of proper quality for holy offerings, and also one sacred perpetual lamp. The paddy per year required to provide the daily offerings of four nili of rice, exclusive of pounding charges, amounting to 10 kil (?) and 24 kalam, and the ghi and thread, required every day for the sacred perpet sal lamp, should be supplied without failure. The expenses shall be met out of the proceeds of the lira!' lands on both the sides, the lower and the ligler, of Cheûkottårn, and also the higher tields and Koduskarai compound, both falling under the kiranmai tenure, as well as from the (labour of the) predial slaves there. anto attached, all of which shall be now forth with taken possession of (by the said manager). If the supply fails once, double the default shall be paid. If twice, twice the default and fine. If thrice, the Six Hundred, the officers, and the Valaniyars of the 18 districts shall institute inquiries, and see to the carrying out of this arrangement without failure, as long as the moon and the stars endure. Pillars73 having been raised so as to mark and include the four limits thereof, this séri (or portion of a village) is granted, under the tirucidaiyáttam tenure, according to royal command; all of which facts (the following) do know and can attest), vis., Kandan Kandan of Takka Kokka compound, Keralan iśvaran of Tanamaņkottam, Âdi Tiruvikraman Parnan, and Govindan Kumaran of Patili. This is in my hand, Kandan Udaiyanan of Kaitavay (signature)."74
Thus then, beyond all doubt, there reigned over Vêņad on the 25th Mêdam 371 M. E. or about the beginning of May 1196, Sri-Vira-Ramavarma-Tiruvadi, This date is bat 23 years and a month later than that of Sri-Vira-Udaiyamârtândavarman at Tiruvattar (inscription No. VI.) - the last firm ground we have. The interval cannot surely be considered too large for one reign, supposing we are constrained by further researches to reject, as foreign to the dynasty, both Aditya Rama of the Gośà la inscription, and Kerala varman II. of the Arringal fragments. But the latter contingency, at any rate, as far as Aditya Rama is concorned, is so far improbable, that it may be well set aside, except in the way of satisfying
T3 Tiranam is the word used, which means, according to Dr. Gundert, post with an inscription or device.' T4 The rost of the persone here named do not sign the deod, each says only he knows.'

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the conscience of the ultra-sceptical. If we admit then either of these two names, we alridye the interval respectively to six or three years - periods too gliort to disturb in the least our belief in the uninterrupted succession of the sovereigns the records have served to bring to light.
Before quitting this inscription, I would call attention to two or three striking features in the social economy of the times. Besides the village associations already noticed, Vêņad, it would appear, had for the whole state an important public body under the name of “the Six Hundred," to supervise, for one thing, the working of temples and charities connected therewith. What other powers and privileges this remarkable corporation of "the Six IIundred " was in possession of, futuro investigation can alone determine. But a number so large, nearly as large as the British House of Commons, could not have been meant, in so small a state as Vêņad was in the 12th century, for the single function of temple supervision. There is an allusion again in this record to the “valanjiyars of tho eighteen districts." ** The eighteen districts" were, no doubt, eighteen administrative divisions of Venad. Some of the names of these districts wo may come across some day. But who the "raļunjiyars of the districts" were is a more pazzling qnestion. So far as I can make out, the word reads only as valanjiyar; but neither in Tamil nor in Malayalam am I aware of any current term of that description. It is an obvious derivative from the Tamil word valam, and the leading meaning of that term is greatness, dignity or honour. If I am right in my reading, we may reasonably presume that the eighteen valahjiyars were eighteen local magnates, or feudal barons of the realm. They were, as far as I can see, not men in the royal service, who are always described as those who carry ont pani, meaning work,' or káryan, meaning 'business. Both these latter descriptions occur in this document. But whatever was the difference in rank, emolument, and position, between those who carried out the work of the state, and those who attended to its business,' the valanjiyars of the land would appear to have been above them both. It looks probable that the "loyal chieftains," wbom we have now met so frequently transacting business in the name of the king and forming as it were his government or cabinet ministry, came from this class of valañiyars or feudal barons. That there were slaves attached to the land, and that there were two important kinds of land tenure, úra! or úranmai, subject to the village associations, and kúránmai or freeholds, directly under the state, are other interesting itens of information we may glean from this record, though they may not be equally novel.
(To be continued.)
THE ORIGIN OF THE KHAROSHTHI ALPHABET.1
BY GEORGE BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. THOUGH the origin of the Kharoshthi Alphabet is much easier to explain than the derivation of the Brahmi and though the general lines for the enquiry have already been settled by others, yet & somewhat fuller review of the whole question, than the narrow compass of my Grundriss der indischen Palæographie permits, will perhaps not be superfluous. The very considerable progress, which has been achieved, is chiefly due to the discussions of the Kharðshthi by Mr. E. Thomas in his edition of Prinsep's Essays, Vol. II. p. 147ff., by Dr. Isaac Taylor in The Alphabet, Vol. II. p. 256ff., and by Sir A. Cunningham, who has also settled the value of many of its signs, in his book ou The Coins of Ancient India, p. 318.
Sir A. Cunningham's remarks refer to the first point which requires consideration in all anestions of this kind, viz., the true character of the script, the origin of which is to be deter. mined. He has emphatically recalled to the memory of the palæographists that the Kharoshthi is an Indian alphabet, and by an ingenious utilisation of his finds of ancient coins in the ruins
* Reprinted from the Tienna Oriental Juurnal, Vol. IX.

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of Taxila ho has shewn that the Kharoshthi held always, during the whole period for which epigraphie evidence is available, ouly a secondary position by the side of the Brahma Alphabet even in North-Western India. It is rather curious that the reminder regarding the essentially Indian character of the alphabet should have been necessary, as even a superficial considera. tion of its letters teaches that lesson. Its full system of palatals and linguals cannot be designed for any other laugaago than Sanskrit or an ancient Prakrit, the only forms of speech which possess five sounds of each of the two classes mentioned. If this has been sometimes forgotten and even Bactria has been considered as the cracle of the Kharoshthi, the cause is no doubt the loose way in which it used to be called the "Bactrian, Bactro-Pali or IndoBactrian" Alphabet, which appellations are due to its occurrence on the coins of Greek kinys, who, originally ruling over Bactria, conquered portions of North-Western India. Sir A. Cunningham very properly points out, op. cit. p. 35, that not a single Kharoshthi inscription Las been found north of the Hindu Kush, and that in Bactria a different alphabet seeins to have been used. He further proposes to substitute for “ Indo-Bactrian" the Indian term "Gaudharian," which would have been suitable in every way, if in the meantime the old native name had not been found. The districts, in which the largest number of Kharðshthi inscriptions have been found, are situated roughly speaking between 69° -73', 30' E. L. and 33° - 35° N. L., while single inscriptions have turned up south-west near Multan, south at Mathura and east at Kangrî, and single letters or single words even at Bharahut, in Ujjain and in Maisúr. This tract, to which the Kbaroshthi inscriptions of the third century B. C. are exclusively coufined, corresponds to the Gandhara country of ancient India, the chief towns of which were Pushkalavati-Hashtnagar to the west of the Indus and Taxila-Shah Deri to the east of the river. And it is here, of course, that the Kharoshthi Alphabet must have originated.
In addition, Sir A. Cunningham has shewn that the Kharoshtht held always a secondary position and was used even in the earliest times side by side with the Brahmi. This is proved by the evidence of his coins from Taxila, several of which bear only Brühma inscriptions, or Kharoshthi and Brühma inscriptions, with letters of the type of Asoka's Edicts. The analysis of the legends, which I have given in my Indian Studies, No. III. p. 468., shews that those of four types have been issued by traders' guilds, and that one is probably a tribal coin, belonging to a subdivision of the Asvakas or Assakenoi, who occupied portions of the western bank of the Indus at the time of Alexander's invasion. This result considerably strengthens Sir A. Cunningham's position, as it indicates a popular use of the Brahma Alphabet in the very home of the Klarôshthi.
The next step, which is required, is to find the class of alphabets, to which the prototypes of the Kharðshthi belonged. This problem is settled, as Mr. Thomas has first pointed out, by the close resemblauce of the signs for ila, na, ba, va and ra to, or identity with, the Daleth, Nun, Beth, Waw and Resh of the transitional Aramaic Alphabet, and requires no further discussion.
Then comes the question, how the Hindus of North-Western India can have become acquainted with the Aramaio characters and which circumstances may have induced them to utilise these signs for the formation of a new alphabet. Dr. Taylor, The Alphabet, Vol. II. p. 261f., answers this by the suggestion that the Akhæmenian conquest of NorthWestern India, which occurred about 500 B. C. and led to a prolonged occupation, probably carried the Aramaic or, as he calls it, the Iranian, Persian or Bactrian, Alphabet into the Pañjab and caused its naturalisation in that province. Though it seems to me, just as to Sir A. Cunninghamn, impossible to accept Dr. Taylor's reasoning in all its details, I believe with Sir A. Cunningham that he has found the trae solution of this part of the problem,
One argument in his favour is the occurrence of the Old Persian word dipi “writing, edict" in the North-Western versions of the Edicts, and of its derivatives dipati " he writes" and dipapati " Le causes to write," which are not found in any other Indian language. Dipi

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is undoubtedly, as Dr. Taylor himself has stated, an Old Persian loan-word, and all the three words mentioned point to a Persian influence, dating from the Akhæmenian period. And the Sauskțit and Pali lipi or libi "writing, document," which does not occur in the Vedic and Epic literature, nor in the ancient works of the Buddhist Canon of Ceylon, but appears first in Sútras of Paşini, & native of Gandhâra (traditional date 350 B. C.), furnishes the same indication, since in all probability, as Dr. Barnell conjectured, it is a corruption of dipi, favoured by a fancied connexion with the verb lip, limpati "he smears." Equally valuable is a socond point, the fact that the territory of the Kharðslathi corresponds very closely with the extent of the country presumably held by the Persians. Dr. Taylor and Sir A. Cunningham very justly lay stress on the statement of Herodotus (L. III. 94, 96), who asserts that the Persian satrapy of India paid a tribute of 360 talents of gold dast. They naturally infer that the Indian possessions of the Akhæmenians must have been of considerable extent, as well as that it must have included the greater portion of the Pañjab.
But there remain still two gaps which must needs be filled up. The Akhæmenian theory requires it to be shewn that the ancient Persians actually used the Aramaic lotters and that peculiar circumstances existed which compelled the Hindus to use these letters. The second point is at present particularly important, because the literary evidence regarding the use of writing in Indias (with which the epigraphic evidence fully agrees) proves that the Hindus were by no means anlettered in the fifth and sixth centuries B. C., but possessed and extensively used an alphabet, which probably was a form of the Brithmi lipi. As long as it was possible to maintain that the Hindus became acquainted with the art of writing not earlier than 400 B, C., it was, of course, easy to understand, that the use of the Aramaic letters by the conquerors of North-Western India should have acted as a natural incentive for their Hindu subjects to form out of these characters an alphabet suited for their own language. But the case becomes different, if it must be admitted that the Hindus possessed already a script of their own before the Persian conqnest. With this admission it becomes necessary to shew that there were special circumstances which forced them to use the alphabet of their conquerors.
Both the points just discussed are explained, it seems to me, by certain discoveries, made of late years in Semitic palæography. M. Clermont-Ganneau's important articles in the Revue Archéologique of 1878 and 1879 have shewn that the Aramaic language and writing, which, already in the times of the Assyrian empire, occur in contracts and on the official standard weights, were freqnently employed for official correspondence, accounts and other official purposes during the rule of the Akhwmenian kings in many different provinces of their empire. Egypt kas furnished Aramaic inscriptions on stones and potsherds, as well as Aramaic Papyri addressed to Persian governors; in western Asia and in Arabia both inscriptions and numerous Satrap coins with Aramaic legends have been found ; and even Persia has yielded an Aramaic inscription (of which unfortunately no trustworthy facsimile exists) at Senq-Qaleh, midway between Tabriz and Telerán.3 And, I may add, there is also a scrap of literary evidence to the same effcct. A stateinent in the Book of Ena, iv. 7, points to the conclusion that the Aramaic language and writing was well-known in the Imperial chancellerie at Susa. For it is said that a letter, addressed by the Samaritans to Artaxerxes, “was written," as the Revised Version of the Bible has it, "in the Syrian (character) and in the Syrian tongue." The Samaritans would hardly have adopted the "Arâmit" in addressing their liege lord, if it had not been commonly used in official correspondence, sent out from, or in to the Imperial Secretariat. The custom itself, no doubt, has to be explained by a strong infusion of Arameans, or of men trained in the
? Indian Stuulies, No. III. p. 5ff.
* Soe Ph, Berger, Histoire de l'Ecriture dans l'Antiquité, p. 2184., whero M, Borgor pertinently remarks with respect to the last inscription, that it puts us on the road to India.
• As Prof. Euting kindly points out to me, a similar inference has already been drawn from the above passage by the authors of the Kurzjej. Commentar I, d. heil. Schriften d. N. X. A. Tel., lig. v. H. Struck uud O. Zückler; Alt. Test., Abth. 8, p. 159.

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lcarning of the Aramæans, in the lower grades of the Persian Civil Service, among the scribes, accountants, treasurers and mintmasters, and this is no more than might be expected, when & race like the Persian suddenly comes into the possession of a very large eropire and becomes the heir of an older civilisation.
Under these circumstances it appears natural to assume that the Persian Satraps carried with them also into India their staff of subordinates, who were accustomed to the use of the Aramean letters and language. And this would fully explain how the Hindus of the IndoPersian provinces were driven to utilise the characters, commonly employed by the scribes and accountants of their conquerors, though they already possessed a script of their own. The Kharôshthi Alphabet would appear to be the result of the intercourse between the offices of the Satraps and of the native authorities, the Indian chiefs and the heads of towns and villages, whom, as the accounts of the state of the Paõjab at the time of Alexander's invasion shew, the Persians left in possession in consideration of the payment of their tribute. The Hindus probably used at first the pure Aramaic characters, just as in much later times they adopted the Arabic writing for a number of their dialects, and they introduced in the course of time the modifications observable in the Kharðshthi Alphabet, for which process the additions to the Arabic Alphabet, employed for writing Hindi, furnish an analogy, perhaps not perfect, but nevertheless worthy of notice.
In support of these conjectural combinations three farther points may be adduced. First, the Kbarðshtht Alphabet is not a pandit's, but a clerk's, alphabet. This appears to me evident from the carsive appearance of the signs, which has been frequently noticed by others; from its (according to Indian views) imperfect vowel-system, which includes no long vowels; from the employment of the anusvåra for the notation of all nasals before consonants; and from the almost constant substitution of single consonants for double ones. The expression of the long vowels by separate signs, which occurs in no other ancient alphabet but the Brahmi Lipi, was no doubt natural and desirable for the phoneticists or grammarians, who developed that alphabet. But it is a useless encumbrance for men of business, whose airn is rather the expeditious despatch of work than philological or phonetic accuracy. Hence, even the Indian clerks and men of business using the Brahmi have never paid much attention to their correct use, though they were instructed by Brahmans in the principles of their peculiar alphabet. If, therefore, these signs, which have only a value for schoolmen, do not occur in the Kharôshthi, the natural inference is that this alphabet was framed by persons who paid regard only to the requirements of ordinary life. The other two peculiarities mentioned, -the substitution of the anusvára for all nasals, standing before consonants, and the substitution of ka for kka, of ta for tta and so forth, and of kha for kkha, of dha for ddha and so forth, - are clearly the devices of clerks, who wished to get quickly through their work. If thus the Kharôshthi appears to be an alphabet, framed with particular regard to the wants of clerks, that agrees with and confirms the assumption, put forward above, according to which it arose out of the official intercourse between the scribes of the Satraps and those of the native chiefs or other authorities.
More important, however, is the second point, which is intimately connected with the details of the derivation of the Kharðshthi. The originals of the Kharðshthi letters are, it seems to me, to be found in the Aramaio inscriptions, incised during the rule of the earlier Akhæmenian kings. The whole ductus of the Kharðshthî with its long verticals or slanting down-strokes is that of the Saqqarah inscription of 482 B. C. and the probably contemporaneous Jarger Teima inscription, which Prof. Euting assigns to circiter 500 B. 0. It is also in these inscriptions that most of the forms occur, which apparently have served as models for the corresponding letters of the Kharôshthi. One or perhaps two seem to rest on forms found in the somewhat later Lesser Teima, Serapeum and Stele Vaticana inscriptions, while three are connected with older letters on the Assyrian weights and the seals and gems from Babylon. Indian Studies, No. III. p. 82.
• Indian Studies, No. III. p. 41f., note 3,

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Comparative Table of the Perso-Aramaic and the Kkaroshthi.
Kharoshthi
Inscrip
Borrowed
Papyri
Derivatives
tions
Letters
II
UI
IV
72 73
į 4T
st
7479

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289
The accompanying Comparative Table7 illustrates the details of the derivation, as I anderstand it. Cols. I. and II, have been reproduced by photozincography from Prof. Eatings' Tabuio Scripturae Aramaicæ, Argentorati, 1892, and give the tweuty Aramaic signs, whiclı, as I believe, have been utilised by the Hindus, Theth and din being rejected by them. In Col. I. the fat signs belong to the Teima inscription (Euting, Col. 9) with the exception of No. 1, I. b and No. 9, I. b-c, which come from the Stele Vaticana (Euting, Col. 12). The thin signs which have been taken from the Saqqiral: inscription (Euting, Col. 11) with the exception of No. 4, I, a ; No. 9, I. a; No. 10, I, b, and No. 20, 1. a, which are from the Assyrian Weights and the Babylonian Seals and Gems (Euting, Cols. 6, 8), as well as of No. 17, I. a-h, which are from the Serapeum inscription (Euting, Col. 12) and of No. 10, I. &, which Prof. Euting has kindly added on once more looking over the Babylonian Aramaic inscriptions.
The signs of Col. II. have all been taken from Prof. Euting's Cols. 14-17, and represent the chief types on the Aramaic Papyri, which M. J. Halévy 10 and others believe to be the prototypes of the Kharôshthi. They have been given in my Table chiefly in order to shew that they are not suited for the derivation. Column III. gives the oldest forms of the borrowed Kharoshthi letters according to Table I. of my Grundriss der Indischen Paläographie, and Col. IV. with the signs, which I consider to be derivatives invented by the Hindus, comes from the same source.
Before I proceed to give my remarks on the details of the derivation, I will re-state the general principles which have to be kept in mind for this and all other similar researches.
(1) The oldest actually occurring signs of the alphabet to be derived in this case the Kbarðshthî) have to be compared with the supposed prototypes in this case actually occurring Aramaic signs) of the same period (in this case of ciro. 500-400 B. C.).
(2) Only such irregular equations of signs are admissible as can be supported by analogies from other cases, where nations are known to have borrowed foreign alphabets. Thus it is not permissible to identify the Kharôsuthí sign for ja with the Aramaic ga on account of a rather remote resemblance between what the modern researches have shewn to be a secondary form of the Kharðshthi palatal piedia and the guttural media of the Arameans.
(3) The comparison must shew that there are fixed principles of derivation.
The latter are given chiefly by the unmistakable tendencies underlying the formation of the Kharoshthi signs :
(1) A very decided predilection for forms, consisting of long vertical or slanting lines with appendages added do the upper portion;
(2) An antipathy against such with appendages at the foot of the verticals, which in no case allows a letter to consist of a vertical with an appendage at the foot alone;
(3) An aversion against heads of letters, consisting of more than two lines rising upwards though otherwise a great latitude is allowed, as the ends of verticals, horizontal strokes and curves may appear at the top.
These lendencies required two Aramaic letters, Lamed (No. 11, I. and III.) and Shin (No. 19, I. and III.) to be turned topsy-turvy, and caused in the Shin the development of
Arranged by Dr. W. Cartellieri and etched by Megars, Angerer and Göschl of Vienna.
According to Dr. Taylor these two characters are also reflected in the Kharüehths. But the sign opposite Theth in his Table, The Alphabet, Vol. II. p. 286, is a late vra, and Ain, cannot be 0,49 he doubtingly suggests. M. Halévy identifies Theth with the letter, which used to be read thu, but is in reality tha and a derivative from ta, see below.
In this as well as in other respects I have to acknowledge Prof. Euting's kind assistance, who sacrificed # good deal of time in order to verify the Semitio signs, wbich I had selected for comparison, in the Plates of the Corp. Inscr. Sem, and carefully went with me through my Table during a personal interview in Strassburg.
1. Journ. Asiatique, 1885, p. 251ff.

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long vertical out of the short central stroke, as well as mutilations of some other signs. And it would seem that the nversion against appendages at the foot is probably due to the desire to keep the lower ends of the matrikis free for the addition of the medial 16, the anuscára and the ra-strokes, which are ordinarily added here ; while the aversion against pendants from the top-lines and heads with many lines rising upwards was caused by the connexion of the medial vowels i, e and o with the tops of the consonants. Some other changes, such as turnings from the right to the left, have been made in order to avoid collisions with other signs, wbile again other modifications are parely cursive or due to considerations of couvenience in writing.
As regards the details, I have to offer the following remarks regarding the Borrowed Signs.
No. 1.- The identity of A with Aleph is evident enough (Thomas, Taylor, Halévy). The long stretched shape of the Kbaroshthi letter, which leans to the right, makes it in my opinion more probable that it is a simplification of sign like that from the Saqqara inscription in Col. I. a, than that it should be connected with the diminutive letters in Col. I. b and in Col. II.. which are iuclined the other way.
No. 2.- Bu is, of course, a slightly modified form of the Beth in Col. I. a-b (compare Thomas, Taylor and Halévy). The mpward bolge next to the vertical has been introduced in order to make the letter with one stroke of the pen, and the bent line at the foot is represented hy a prolongation of the vertical in accordance with the principle stated above. The Beth of the Papyri (when cursive forns are used as in Col. II. b-c and in Prof. Euting's Col. 15 b-c, 16 b-d) is more advanced than the Klarôshtlii ba.
No. 3. -Tho identity of ga (Col. III.) with Gimel (Cols. I. and II.) has been recognised by Dr. Taylor alone. The loop on the right has been caused by the desire to make the letter with one stroke of the pon. It inay be pointed out, as an annlogy, that in the late Kharðshthi of the first and second centuries A. D. cursive loops are cominon in ligatures with ra and ya and that there is a looped ja, exactly resembling a ga, on the Bimaran vase in the word Muunjavata. The Aramaic prototype mny possibly have been set up straighter than the forms given in Cols. I. and II., and it may be noted that such forms occur already on the Mesa stone and in other old insoriptions, 900 Euting, Cols. 1 and 3.
No. 4. - Da (Col. III.) comes, as has been asserted by all my predecessors, from a Daleth like that in Col. I. &, which is found, as Prof. Euting informs me, already on an Assyrian Weight of circiter 600 BC. The cursive simplification of this letter was therefore ancient in. Mesopotamia. It re-occurs in the Papyri, with a slight modification, compare especially Euting, Col. 14 b. The hook at the foot of the da Col. III. b, which occurs twice in the Aścka Hdicts and survives in the later inseriptious seenis to have been added in order to distinguish the letter froin na (No. 13, III. a).
No. 5. - The identity of ha (Col. III.) with He has not been recognised hitherto. But it seems to me derived from a round Hc, like the Teimn form in Col. J. a, with the cursive. transposition of the central vertical to the lower right end of the curve, which is particularly clear in the letter, given in Col. III. b, a not uncommon form in the Asóka Edicts. Similar transpositions of inconvenient pendants, which would have been in the way of the signs for the vowols, i, e and o, are not unusual : compare, e.g., below the remarks on Nos. 12 and 17. The He of the Papyri, though not rarely round at the top, shews vearly always a continuation of the central bar on the outside of the top-line, and hence is less suitable for comparison.
No. 6. - Va has preserved, as all previous writers have acknowledged, exactly the form of the Waw in the Teima inscription, which re-occurs on various later documents as the Ostraka from Elephantine and the Cilician Sntrap coins, and which is foreshadowed by the letter of the ancient Assyrian Weights, Euting, Col. 6. The Papyri again offer a more advanced ronnd form, which is common in the Kharêshtbi inscriptions, incised during the first and second centuries of our era.

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No. 7. Dr. Taylor alone derives ja (Col. III. a-b) from Zain, apparently relying on the similar Pehlevi letter. The form in Col. III. a, which is found repeatedly in the Mansehra version and survives in the legends of the Indo-Grecian and Saka coins, is, however, without doubt the oldest, and derived from a Zain, like those of the Teima inscription (Col. I. a-b), in which the upper bar has been turned into a bent stroke with a hook rising upwards at the left end. In the second ja (Col. III. b) the lower bar has been dropped in order to keep the foot of the sign free. The Pehlevi letter is no doubt an analogous development. The Zain of the Papyri (Col. II.) is again much more advanced and unfit to be considered the original of the Kharôshthi sign.
291
-
No. 8. With respect to the representative of the Cheth I differ from all my predecessors. The Aramaic letter, such as it is found in the Saqqarah inscription (Col. I. a-c), in Teima and various other documents13 is exactly the same as the Kharôshthi palatal sibilant sa. The pronunciation of the Indian sa comes very close to the German ch in ich, lich, etc.,13 and hence the utilisation of the otherwise redundant Cheth for the expression of a appears to me perfectly regular and normal.
No. 9. The derivation of ya (Col. III.) from the Aramaic Yod has been generally assumed, and it has been noticed that the Kharôshthi sign is identical with the late Palmyrenian and Pehlevi forms (Euting, Cols. 21-25, 30-32, 35-39, 58), which of course are independent analogous developments, as well as that it resembles the Yod of the Papyri (Col. II. c, and Euting, Cols. 14-17), where, however, the centre of the letter is mostly filled in with ink. Still closer comes the first sign (Col. II. b) from the Stele Vaticana, and it may be that a form like the latter is the real prototype. But I think the possibility is not precluded, that the Kharûshthî ya may be an Indian modification of a form like the more ancient Assyrian Aramaic sign in Col. I. a, which differs only by the retention of the second bar at the right lower end. The rejection of this bar was necessary in accordance with the principles of the Kharoshthi, stated above, and may therefore be put down as an Indian modification. The height of the Kharoshthi ya seems to indicate that its prototype had not yet been reduced to the diminutive size, which it usually has in the Papyri, but which is not yet observable in the otherwise differing letters of the Teima and Saqqarah inscriptions.
No. 10. The connexion of ka (Col. III.) with the Aramaic Kaph is asserted by M. J. Halévy, but he compares the sign of the Papyri (Col. II.), which is very dissimilar. I think, there can be no doubt that the Kharôshthi letter is a modification of the Babylonian Kaph in Col. I. b, which was turned round in order to avoid a collision with la and further received the little bar at the top for the sake of clearer distinction from pa. The sign in Col. I. a, which likewise comes from Babylon, has been added in order to shew the development of Col. I. b. from the oldest form.
No. 11. Lamed, consisting of a vertical with an appendage at the foot, had, as stated above, to be turned topsy-turvy in order to yield the Kharôshthi la, with which Dr. Taylor and M. Halévy have identified it. Moreover, the curve, which then stood at the top, was converted into a broken linel and attached a little below the top of the vertical, in order to avoid a collision with 4. The signs of the Papyri, Col. II., are mostly far advanced and cursive, to that they cannot be considered the prototypes of the Kharôshthi la.
No. 12. The Kharôshthi ma (Col. III. a-c) is, as has been generally recognised, not mncl more than the head of the Aramaic Mem, Col. I. The first two forms, which are common in Aśoka's Edicts and the second of which occurs also on the Indo-Grecian coins, still shew rem
11 Edict III. 9 in raja, IV. 16 in raja, V. 19 in raja, V. 24 in praja, VIII, 35 in raja, XII. 1 in raja. 13 It occurs even in the Papyri, though these offer mostly more advanced, rounded forms.
13 Professor A. Kuhn long ago expressed his belief that etymologically sa is derived from ka through xa. 14 The la of the Edicts invariably shews the broken line in the left-hand limb. The later inscriptions off tead a curve open below.

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nants of the side-stroke and of the central vertical or slanting stroke. But they have been placed on the left, instead of on the right. The mutilation of the letter is no doubt due, as has been suggested by others, to the introduction of the vowel signs, which would have given awkward forms, and the fact of the mutilation is indicated by its size, which is always much smaller than that of the other Kharoshthi signs. The curved head appears in the Saqqarah Mem, which I have chosen for comparison, as well as on Babylonian Seals and Gems (Euting, Col. 8 e) and in the Carpentras inscription (Euting, Col. 13 c), and the later forms from Palmyra prove that it must have been common. The Mem of the Papyri are again much more cursive and unsuited for comparison.
No. 13. Regarding na (Col. III. a), which is clearly the Nun of the Saqqarah (Col. I. a-b) Teima, Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions, it need be only pointed out that the forms of the Papyri are also in this case further advanced than those of the Kharôshthi. The na, given in Col. III. b, is a peculiar Indian development, not rare in the Asôka Edicts.
-
No. 14. The identity of sa with the Aramaic Samech (Col. I.) has hitherto not been recognised. Nevertheless, the not uncommon form of sa with the polygonal or angular head, given in Col. III., permits us to assert that also in this case the Gandharians used for the notation of their dental sibilant the sign which one would expect to be employed for the purpose. The top atroke and the upper portion of the right side of the Kharôshthi sa correspond very closely to the upper hook of the Samech of Teima, being only made a little broader. The little slanting bar in the centre of the Samech may be identified with the downward stroke, attached to the left of the top line of sa, and the lower left side of sa appears to be the corresponding portion of the Samech, turned round towards the left in order to effect a connexion with the downward stroke. These remarks will become most easily intelligible, if the component parts of the two letters are separated. Then we have for Samech and for sa 7. The forms, in which the right portion of the head of sa is rounded, are of course cursive. The Teima form of the Samech with the little horn at the left end of the top stroke is unique in the older inscriptions. But the Palmyrenian letters (Euting, Cols. 24-29, 32-33, 37, 39-40), though otherwise considerably modified, prove that the Samech with an upward twist must have been common. Finally, the corresponding Nabatean characters (Eating, Cols. 46-47), are almost exactly the same as the Kharôshthi sa and shew that the changes, assumed above, are easy and have actually been made again in much later times. The signs of the Papyri are again far advanced and unsuited for comparison.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.LE., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 267.)
Kiss. The sense of the religious or ceremonial kiss seems to be that in a kiss a spirit passes. The cases of kissing detailed below come under the four following main heads: (a) In the kiss the kisser draws to himself and so imprisons the sickness or ill-luck that haunts the kissed; (b) the kisser passes to the kissed the kisser's virtue or lucky influence which scares from the kissed the spirit of evil; (c) the kisser with a kiss sucks into himself the healing influence of the holy kissed; (d) the same spirit passes between the kisser and the kissed.
In an English Court of Law the order to the witness to kiss the Book or Bible which he holds-in his hand means that in the oath the swearer has called God to witness that he speaks the truth. By the kiss the spirit of truth passes from the Book, whose word is truth, into the swearer, and, if the witness lies, this outraged indwelling spirit of truth will rend him to destruction. That in certain cases the object of kissing is to suck the virtue or good influence of the person kissed, is shewn in eighteenth-century England by the eagerness of pregnant

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women to kiss the hand of the king.90 Similarly, Egyptians kiss the threshold of a sacred tomb, Arabs kiss the Ka'aba or black stone of Makka, and Tibetan Buddhists kiss the cushions on which the Tashi Lâma has been seated.90a In the new synagogue at Prague (1885) a Jew guide, who had by accident touched a sacred scroll, kissed the hand that touched the scroll, the object apparently being to take into himself in a proper reverential manner any share of the scroll influence, which through contact had in an irregular way passed into his hand. So to suck virtue out of the box the Beni-Isra'il of Kôlaba, in entering or leaving his house, as he passes the box which holds the sacred text, touches the box with his first two right fingers and then kisses them. The kissing of a king, of a child, or of other object of worship, is not only that the guardian spirit of the kissed should pass into the kisser. The object in many cases is that the kisser should by kissing take ill-lack from the kissed. So the Druses of Mount Lebanon kiss the hands, face and beard of the dead chief.82 A variety of this idea appears in the practice which is as old as Job, of kissing the hand to the New Moon, or, with Sir Thomas Browne, to Fortune; 93 in the Peru linbit of kissing the air in adoration of the collective divinities; 94 in the practice of the priests of Aesculapius in Italy (A. D. 140) saluting the god by raising and kissing the circle of the thumb and first right finger tip.95
In Bombay, when Sayyids come out of a mosque after evening prayer, a group of boys may be seen near the mosque gate. Each boy holds in his arms a sick child of one or two years, and in his hand a copper-pot filled with water. Each Sayyid, when he comes out of the mosque, turns to the boys, and, repeating holy verses from the Kurán, lays his right hand on the sick child's head, and then gives the back of his right hand to the sick child to kiss. At the same time from his mouth, purified by the holy words of the Kurán, he breathes on the water in the boy's copper-pot. The kissing of the Sayyid's sacred hand scares the evil spirit which is making the child sick, and the drinking of the water, purified by the inbreathed spirit of the Kurán prevents the return of the evil spirit.88 That in certain cases the object of the kiss is to suck out evil spirits is illustrated by the practice among the Brahmans of Southern India of the chief mourner kissing the mouth, nose and other openings of the corpse before the pyre is lighted.87 Also by the Tibetan exorcist drawing out disease-demons by sucking a hollow arrow set on the suffering part.87a
Worshippers at Jêjuri, in the Bombay Dekhan, before entering the temple, kiss Khandoba's horse, whose virtue scares from them all hovering evils, before they draw near the god. The Beni-Isra'il mother, on the fifth day after child-birth, holds her ears and kisses a lamp three to five times, the spirit of light in the lamp driving out the spirits of darkness which have lodged in her during her time of peril and uncleanness.99 In Makka, the virtue-taking inferior kisses the hand of the superior, and the virtue-giving superior kisses the inferior's brow. Equals, sharing in one spirit, kiss hands.90 At the enthroning of a Persian king all present kiss his feet. The Jews kissed the feet and the knees of their crowned king.92 Compare the kiss-worn bronze toe of St. Peter in Rome which men and women kiss, laying their brow on the toe and curtseying.93 The Jews kissed the calves they worshipped. The great toe of the statne of Jagannath Sankarsêts in Bombay, is white with kissing. Compare Leo the Isaurian (A. D. 726) ordering images to be set higher, that no one might kiss them.95 At a great fire at Antioch the Bishop gave the cross to the people to kiss that it might be their viaticum to the next world," On Good Friday, the Pontiff adores and kisses the cross. The clergy and the people follow."7 In the Early Greek Church, on Christmas Day, the Emperor kisses the picture of the Nativity.98 The early Christians kissed the doors, threshold and pillars of the church. A boy was cured 81 Kolaba Gazetteer, p. 86. 2 Ency. Brit. Article "Druses." 83 Religio Medici, Sect. 17 (1649). 84 Clodd's Myths asd Dreams, p. 43. 85 Pater's Marius the Epicurean, Vol. I. p. 40. BG Information from Mr. Sayad Daud. 87 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 207. 87 Waddell's Busm in Tebet, p. 483. 88 Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 107. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol XVIII. Part I. p. 527. 9 Burkhardt's Arabia, Vol. I. p. 369. 91 Jones' Crowns, p. 2 Op. cit. p. 328; Josephus' Antiquities, Vol. VI. p. 4. 93 From MS. note.
30 Notes and Queries, Vol. II. p. 438. 80 Waell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 320.
430.
Hosea, Chap. xiii., v. 2. "Op. cit. p. 500.
95 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 818. Op. cit. p. 809. Op. cit. pp. 365, 903.
7 Op. cit. p. 739.

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of disease by kissing the threshold of St. Mark's Basilica,100 Before taking the Sacrament the early Christian kissed the left horn of the altar. When the novice was admitted into a monastery he kissed the monks' hands and begged their prayers. Among the early Christians the priest first and then the other friends kissed the corpse at the grave. Lucilla of Carthage, in the time of Diocletian (A. D. 300) tasted, that is, kissed the mouth of a dead martyr before eating and drinking theelements.. Besides the kiss of peace and the king of reverence the early Christians practised ceremonial kissing after prayer, after Communion, after Baptism, after Ordination, at espousals, to the dying, and to the dead. Among the early Jews & kiss was a ceremonial marriage salutation.
The liability to injury from the accidental intrusion of outside substances must have been one of the chief risks of the early life. This experience explains why the seven deadly spirits of the Babylonians lived among the thorns of the mountains. It also explains why the first part of Hindu Salya, or Surgery, is the removal of external substances accidentally introduced into the body, as grass, wood, stones, iron, earth, bones, hair, and nails. Finally it explains why, among many wild peoples, the presence of some foreign substance is considered the cause of all disease. From this early experience and belief it followed that the sovran cure of sickness is either direct or indirect sucking with the object of removing the foreign cause of sickness. Among the Zaparo Indians of South America, among the Papuang, among the Banks' Islanders, and among the Tasmanians, the sorcerer cures wounds by sucking out steel splinters, bones and worms. So also the Amana Indians and the Australians suck the rick and draw out evil spirits.10 When a child is hurt the English mother kisses the place to make it well. Compare ants with their mouths staunching the wounds of some of their number whose feelers were cut off.11 In 1864, when he agreed to be Emperor of Mexico, Maximilian kissed the representative of the Mexican nation.12 A kiss, probably the kiss of peace or oneness of spirit, is the salutation among European sovereigns. In Venice, in 1608, the traveller Coryatel noticed that, when the nobles or clarissimos met in the street, they gave at parting a mutual kiss to one another's manly cheek. A custom, he adds, I never saw before, nor heard of, nor read of. Elderly Australian women salute a stranger by kissing him on both cheeks.14 When a Greek left his home he kissed the soil. When he landed in a foreign country he kissed the soil. He kissed his native soil again on his return.15 The Romans kissed the back of their right hand when they passed a temple.16 A Greek suppliant kissed the temple threshold.17 The suppliant Prinm kissed the knees of Achilles and the storm-stayed Odyseus the knees of the Egyptian king 18 The Greeks and Romans salated guests by kissing their lips, hands, knees and feet. When a solemn kiss was given, especially to a child, it was the custom to hold the person kissed by the ears, apparently to prevent the escape of the spirit which passed in the kiss. This was called the pot kiss.19 The same holding of ears is practised among the Russians when the bridegroom first kisses the bride after marriage.20 The Russian husband and wife, after the wedding ceremony, kiss each other three times.21 To prevent misfortune in Banff in Scotland (1800), if a newly married couple
140 Op. cit. p. 2047. Op. cit. p. 414. - Op. cit. p. 1407. Op. cit. p. 253. • Op. cit. p. 1131.
. Op. cit. pp. 903, 905, 903. A good article on kissing will be found in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible "Kissing."
• Genesis, xxix. 17. T Bridge's Babylonian Life and History, p. 199.
• West's Hindu Medicine, p. 2. • Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 506. Compare for Eskimos Clodd's Myths and Dreams, p. 179. Revue Des Religions des Peuples Non Civilisés, Vol. II. p. 54; Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 108; Codrington's Melanesian Folk-Lore, p. 198. 19 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 259.
11 Ency. Brit. Article" Ants." 13 Jones' CrownL8, p. 420.
13 Coryate's Crudities, Vol. II. p. 35. 16 Featherman's Social Hiptory, Vol. II. pp. 54, 140. 16 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. PP. 417, 418. 16 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 285. 11 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 282. Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 182. 19 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 870.
% Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 141. 21 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Græco-Ruanian Church, p. 212.

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chance to meet on the road, they salute each other by kissing 22 Before Easter Sunday the Russians kiss every one in the family in token of good will.23 On Easter day, the Czar kisses a soldier in each regiment. 24 The Russians and the Druses kiss the dead.25 The Russian bishop kisses the sacred pictures, and the people kiss the bishop's hands.26 In Russia, the priest's canonicals are kissed and signed with the cross before they are put on.27 Among the Danes, when a girl hears the cuckoo, she kisses her hand, and asks the cuckoo when she will be married.29 In German and Russian nursery tales, great powers are ascribed to a kiss. The maiden spell-bound in the form of a snake, dragon, toad, or frog, is freed from the spell by being thrice kissed.23 A kiss blots out of memory everything bad or unpleasant. Again, * kiss brings back remembrance, and the unbinding of a spell is said to hang on a kiss.30 The sense being that the kisser's influence passing in the kiss drives from the person kissed evil memories or the evil spell-spirit. Of a kiss counteracting a spell Sharpe3l gives the following example: - "In England, in 1603, a man thought his cow was bewitched; he would not go up to her till he had raised the tail and kissed under it." The Pope, on being installed, has his right foot and hand kissed by the Cardinals, his foot and right knee by the Bishops, and his foot by others.32 Roman Catholic Bishops and priests kiss the vessel that holds the sacred oil.33 In England, before the Reformation, when the service was ended, the congregation used to kiss the pax, a board with an image of Christ on the Cross, the kiss being the kiss of peace, the spirit of peace passing from the image into the ķisser, and so making the whole congregation of one spirit.34 In the words of St. Cyril (died A. D. 444) the sacramental or eucharistio kiss is the sign that our souls are mingled together.35 Similarly, in the Greek Church, the bride and bridegroom thrice kiss the cross.36 So also in the early Christian Church the taking of the Sacrament was preceded by the kiss of peace.37 Similarly, in England (A. D. 600-1000), drinkers kissed after pledging each other in wine. Compare the Peruvians who, before drinking, kissed the air two or three times in token of adoration.38 At the end of a Beni-Isra'il feast, the minister kisses a portion of bread and salt, and sends it round to the guests, each of whom kisses the bread and tastes the salt.39 When (A. D. 1547) Edward VI. of England was crowned, the people kissed first his right foot and then his cheek.40 At York and Newcastle (1825), in halls and in kitchens, kissing-bushes of mistletoe, greens, ribbons and oranges were hung, under which the men might kiss the girls, probably to draw into the kisser the hovering influences which haunt the evil dying year and might otherwise have harmed the kissed. According to an old Scottish custom the man who first enters a honse after twelve o'clock on New Year's morning has a right to demand a kiss. In the kiss passes the spirit of the guardian New Year which the man brings with him. Compare for the new moon :-"In England (1825), whoever is first to see the new moon may kiss one of the opposite sex and claim a pair of gloves."13 In Yorkshire and in Scotland, the clergy man used to kiss the bride after the wedding service, and in Ireland, the kiss of the bride and bridegroom was part of the ceremony." In England and in Russia, at the end and at the beginning of a dance, it was the practice to kiss.45 Another old English rule is that, if a woman kisses a man who is asleep
1 Guthrio's Old Scotch Customs, p. 125.
25 Op. cit. p. 133. English Woman in Russia, p. 221. 28 Op. cit. p. 240; Ency. Brit. Art. "Druses." 26 English Woman in Russia, p. 423. 27 Op. cit. p. 89. > Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 60.
* Grimm's Teutonic Mythology. Vol. III. p. 939. Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 1101 ; Ralston's Russian Songs, p. 175; Conway's Demonology and Deuil-Lore, Vol. II. p. 377. 31 Sharpe's Witchcraft in Scotland, p. 211. ** Jones' Crowns, p. 404.
Op. cit. p. 412. 4 Op. cit. p. 229. Compare Parker's Architectural Glossary, Vol. I. p. 275. 55 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 903.
36 Cumming's In The Hebrides, p. 244. 37 Ency. Brit. Article "Eucharist."
58 Descriptive Sociology. Pp. 2, 25, 33. - Poona Gazetteer, Vol. I. p. 510.
40 Jones' Crowns, p. 223. 1 Compare The Denham Tracta, Vol. II. p. 67. 42 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 27. 15 Hone's Everyday Book, Yol. I. p. 1509.
4 Henderson's Foll-Lore, p. 40; Napier's Folk-Lore, p. 48. The kiss of peace was enjoined both in the York Missal and in the Sarum Manual. Gentleman'. Majarine Library, "Manners and Customs," p. 30; Gregor's an Echo of Olden Timo, p. 117.
45 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 140; St. James's Budget, January 3th, 1987, p. 16.

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without waking him, she wins a pair of gloves. Perhaps, the sense of this glove-winning is that tho kiss sucks out the soul of the sloeper, the soul in sleep being apt to leave the sleeper's body, and that the owner redeems his soul by the gift of gloves. In England, to kiss a black cat is lucky. Tho proverb says:-"Kiss the black cat, 't will make ye fat. Kiss the white ore, it will muko yon lean."7 In this case the black cat seems to be a scape into which passes any evil spirit of lennness by which the kisser may have been baunted.
Leather.- Painting or hysterical patients are restored to conscionsness either by being beaten with a shoo or a lexther thony, or hy inlialing the fumes of burnt leather. Therefore spirits fear leather. So, in the Dekhan, a person troubled with nightmare sleeps with a shoe ander Jis pillow, and an exorcist frightens a spirit by threatening to make it drink water from the tamer's well. Poona Kunbis believe that to drink water from a cobbler's hands destroys a witels's power.49 Similarly, a Gnjarât witel's power is taken way by shaving her head, beating her with a twig of the arkii or giant swallow-wort and pouring down her throat water out of a tanner's jar.40 Among tho Kunbis of the Dekhan, if a man feels he has been struck by an incantation ho at once takes hold of an upturned shoe. The Tirmelis, a Telugu caste of beggars in Poona, on the fifth dny after birth, lay a leather shoe or sandal under a child's pillow to scare evil spirits,50 The Slólapúr Kömtis set an old shoe under the babe's pillow to keep off evil spirits. The Mòchis of Almadnagar, who are of southern origin, on the fifth night After a birth, worship Satvai, and lay a shoe under the child's pillow to keep away evil spirits.52 Among the Almadnagar Buils, those who have been put out of caste are let back by paying a 6no, and when too poor to pay they stand before the caste with their shoes on their heads.68 In Thana, people fasten old shoes to fruit-trees, in order that they may not be blighted by the Evil Eye, and may bear good fruit.54 The Bijapür Dhôr bride stands in a basket filled with rice and leather. If a Dharwar Patrada varu, or dancing girl, is struok with a shoe, she is out of caste, has to pay a fine, and go through penances.56 In Dharwar, a Brahman woman never wears shoes, except when she is lying in.57. At a Lingayat wedding, in Dhårwâs, the bridegroom's mother sits on a bullock's suddle, taking the bridegroom on her right knoe and the bride on her Jeft knee.te In South India, Hindus lift their shoes and swear at the whirlwind, which in Tamil districts is known as pishacha, or devil,50 To take off your shoes if you meet a great man and never to enter a house with shoes on, are two main rules of conduct in South India.co Dr. Buchanan tells how when his butler saw the ghost of a cook who had lately died, he put his shoes on the right side of the door, and so drove off the ghost.61 To strike with n slipper is a great offence in Sonthern Iudia. Any man who is so strack is put out of caste.62 In Bengal, in a Brahmar wedding ceremony, at the evening or spirit-time, the bride and bridegroom sit on a red bull's bide. When the Brahman bride first enters the bridegroom's honse she is seated on a red bull's hide. In the Godavari districts, when a woman is pregnant, to keep off demons, women burn a heap of rice husk, and tie & shoe to one door-post and a bunch of tuls to the other post.65 To scare a demon out of a person, the Shânîrs apply a slipper or a broom to the shoulder of the possessed.66 In Lancashire, Cornwall and London, if on going to bed you leave your shoes sole up, crossed, or, peeping out from beneath the coverlet, you need not fear cramp.87 The Circassians hang a goat-hide on a pole to keep off lightning.68 The
4 Op. cit. p. 193.
17 Dyer's Folk-Lors, p. 108. Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 218. Information from Mr. Vaikunthram.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 453. 31 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 55. 52 Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 122. 63 Op.cit. Vol. XVII. p. 193. 04 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi,
55 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 294. 06 Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 191.
67 Information from Mr. Tirmalrao. # Bombay Gazetteeer, Vol. XXII. p. 113.
30 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. I. p. 125, 4 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 407. 01 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. P. 358. 1 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 466. « Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 221.
« Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 223. 65 Ind. Ant. July, 1875, p. 197.
& Caldwell in Balfour'. Encyclopedia. 67 Black's Folk Medicine, p. 182; Notes ad Queries, Vol. VIII. p. 505; Dyer's Folk. Lore, p. 164; Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 155.
Crimu's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. 1. p. 185.

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
297
Persians had a leather standard. The Jewish tabernacle and sacred vessels were covered with skins.70 The Jews had a custom of handing over a shoe to confirm & contract.71 German Jews, at the last gasp or before execution, have knotted leather thongs bound round their arms and head.72 Roman Jews wear little rolls of parchment written with words in peculiar ink enclosed in black calf's skin and tied to the arm or brow to keep off evil influences, especially nightly terrors.73 Among the Felops of the Gambia Coast, West Africa, if a father is killed in a brawl his son wears his father's sandals once a year.74 In Bornon, in North Africa, married women are careful to cover their beds with skins when their husbands visit them.75 The lamb-skin or white leather apron is the badge of the freemason.76 The Alaska Esquimaux Indians (North America) clothie the dead in a frock of skin.77 Among the Oregon Indians, at their faneral pyres, the doctor tries to restore life, and if he fails, he throws & slip of leather on the dead.78 Some Indian tribes wrap the dead in buffalo hide.79 Hugh Lupus, the great Earl of Chester (A.D. 1120), was wrapped in leather and laid in a stone coffin.90 According to Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 519, the Americans pat sandals on the dead. At the Lupercalia, the object of the Roman youths, in striking people with a thong of leather, was probably at first to drive away spirits. Barren women tried to receive a cut of the thong hoping the stroke would make them conceive, that is, hoping that the spirit that made them barren might be driven out of them. Compare at the Indian Muharram some of the sporters striking men and women on the head with leather rolled in the form of a club.81 The original object of the Roman and Skandinavian practico of fastening shoes on the feet of the dead may have been either to prevent the spirit coming back, or to prevent evil spirits entering the body.92 To bring luck to the family American negroes keep all old shoes and old leather in some place in the house. 83. The Gypsies consider that ill-luck is bound and loosed by a shoe-string.84 In Germany, throwing shoes over one's head and seeing which way the points look, reveals the place where one is destined to stay longest.as In Ireland, persons were elected by throwing a shoe over them, 88 and as late as 1689 tattered brogues were thrown into the grave of the Irish piper.87 In England, shoes are thrown for luck after the bride and bridegroom, and after the youth who is leaving his family and friends.88 Rustics mark their shoes' outlines on the tops of the steeples of churches. In the West Highlands of Scotland, on New Year's Eve, at the laird's honse, a man dressed in a cow's hide used to run round and be beaten with sticks, and in Lincolnshire, on Palm Sunday, there was a custom of cracking a leather-thonged whip. Iu Durham, on Easter Tuesday, wives beat their husbands, and on the next day husbands beat their wives with shoes.92 In Gujarat, beating with a shoe is a common device for driving out an evil spirit in a possession case. This suggestion of possession is perhaps an element in the Musalman horror of placing a slipper on the head. The Urda proverb says : -"Give me bread and lay your slipper on my head.93 An English folk-guard against the ill-luck of hearing a dog howl (or rather against Death the vision of whom makes the dog howl) is to take off your left shoe, place it sole up, spit on the sole, and set your foot on the spittle. Spitting on the shoe as a precaution against the Evil Eye was approved by Pliny and is still practised in Italy.95 In 1647, freshmen at Oxford
· Jones' Crowns, p. 131.
70 Numbers, vi. 5. 11 Ruth, iv. 7. 8; Greenlaw's Masonic Lectures, p. 101. 1 King's Gnostics, p. 118. 11 Story's Castle of St. Angelo, p. 214.
- Purk's Truls, Vol. I. p. 16. T8 Denham and Clapperton's Africa, Vol. II. p. 174.
Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 22, 11 Pirat Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, p. 154.
75 Op. cit. p. 145. ** Op. cit. pp. 152, 153. The Denham Tracta, Vol. II. p. 286.
Herklot's Quanuni Isllim, p. 200. - A body of a pregnant woman was found in Roman-British tomb shod with sandals and brass nails (Wright's Coll, Roman and $12on, p. 805). The Norseman's hell or death shoon was afterwards explained by his having to cross whinny moor (Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 196).
** St. James'. Budget, 7th April 1888, p. 19. # Leland's Gypsies. p. 159. # Grimm's Teutonio Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1118. ** Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 169. m Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 986.
* Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 167: The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 33. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 824,
• Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 8.
1 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 131. nOp. cit. Vol. I. p. 180.
Elliot'. Mwalmin History of India, Vol. I. p. 498. Notos and Queries, Vol. VII. p. 91.
Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 419.

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had on Shrove Tuesday to take an oath on an old shoe.36 In the north of England (1825), to dream of their true love, girls laid their shoes soles up under their pillows.97 Similarly, Dorsetshire girls put their shoes by their bedside in the form of a T or cross, saying: -
"Hoping this night my true love to see,
I place my shoes in the form of a T."98 In China and the Malay Peninsula, no iron tools, leather, or umbrellas, may be brought into a mine for fear of annoying the earth spirits. The Brâhman worships sitting on the skin of the black antelope. The Hindu ascetic dresses in a deer or tiger skin. The skin of the vietiin ram was drawn over the statue of Jupiter Ammon. The oracle-seeker at Delphi slept in the victim's skin. The ancient Scot cooked his meat in the victim's skin. To the early inan the hide was a great guardian. It formed his clothes, his armour, and his means for carrying food, drink and coin.
Apart from its usefalness, the source of the holiness or evils-oaring power of leather is that the spirit of the animal to which it belonged lives on in the skin. So, in Tibet, the greatest of oaths is for the swearer to lay a Scripture on his head, and, sitting on the reeking hide of an ox, to eat part of the ox's heart.100
(To be continued.).
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.
No. 39. - Devoted Vatsalá. In a certain village there lived a Brahman named Patanibhagya. He had an affectionate wife named Vatsalá. She was a very good woman, and was equally kind to all the members of her household, and especially to her mother-in-law, the mother of Patanibhagya. She was so sincerely attached to her that Vatsala's attachment to her mother-in-law became proverbial thronghout the village. Some people regarded it as madness, and began to doubt as to how she would survive lier inother-in-law, as, in all probability, the old woman would die first. But tie niore considerate thought Vatsala to be merely a little wanting in common sense, and that was the real truth. She considered her mother-in-law as a goddess, and, apart from her sincere devotion to her, she was under the strong belief that no daughters-in-law could live in the world without mothers-in-law to guide and rule them. Every morning, as she rune up from her bed, she first worshipped her mother-in-law, consulted her taste in cooking the liousehold meal, prepared only those dishes which she ordered, served her meal first, and then attended to the table of others. Thus it was with Vatsalá; and her motherin-law, on lier part. as, of course, was natural, was deeply attached to her. Thus passed several happy years. But time must work its changes, and the old people must die giving place to new, and the end of the mother-in-law approached, and she passed away in the arms of her daughter-in-law. The funeral rites followed and after a time the house revived from the mourning. It was a natural death in good old age. There was not much sorrow felt in the family. But to Vatsala the world became a nonentity. She had nothing now to care for in the world. Her monitor was no more. Who would receive henceforth her devotions? Who would direct her in her household duties? These became great riddles to her. Patanibhagva advised her to cheer up, but to no effect. His sound arguments were of no avail to sooth, the sorrows of Vatsala, for she had not that quota of common sense, -- the general property of all : wint she wanted was some tangible and material object to be respected as her mother-in-law.
"I must have a mother-in-law. Give me a mother-in-law, my dear husband," mourned Vistsala.
* Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 85. ** Dyor's Folk-Lord, p. 185. 100 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 569.
1 The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 279.
Journal Straits Branch R. A. Soc. p. 82.

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299
Finding all reasoning to be vain, and, pitying his poor wife, who was so good and kind to him in everything, he went a little out of the ordinary way and promised to supply Vatsalá with a mother-in-law. He went to a carpenter and brought a wooden image, and, presenting it to his wife, addressed her thas:
"My dear Vatsalâ, you are dying for want of a mother-in-law. I have consulted several doctors and learned mon. They gave me a wooden mother-in-law for you. You can now be happy. You can worship this as yoar old mother-in-law. Consult this wooden image in household duties, and be thus in every way happy."
Vatsala's pleasure at the receipt of a substitute for her mother-in-law can be better imagined than described. She placed it in a prominent part of the verandah of the upper storey of her house. To her it was everything. She consulted it. She fed it twice a day with a sumptuous meal, and spent every minute that she could save from household duties to the care of the image. But how could the wood speak? How could the wood eat i These were plain questions with plain answers to Vatsala. For she devised the answers after putting the questions to the image, and imagined that the answers came from the mother-in-law herself, She would stand before the image and ask :
"My mother, what shall I prepare you for your dinner to-night! You have not been well to-day.”
After putting this question, she would herself answer :
“Yes, I understand you. Your order is that I should prepare pepper-water without dil. I shall do so."
Her simplicity was a source of general amusement. She would spread a large leaf before the image and serve on it the meal meant for her mother-in-law. Some mischievous relation would wait for an opportunity and take away all the meal, leaving the leaf clean. But Vatsalá thought that her mother-in-law had swallowed it all. Thas passed some days.
Patanibhagya had to go out on a mercantile tour with a neighbour for a few months. He supplied the house with grain and articles of food to last for six months, and started on his journey. His ueighbour did the same, and followed him. Other relations of Patanibhagya, too, had to go away, and thus Vatsalà was left alone in the house with her wooden mother-inlaw. She was very glad of this. Her only living friend was the wife of the neighbour who had accompanied Patanîbhagya on his tour. That their husbands were friends on tour was the great cause of this friendship, though they were of opposite natures. Vatsala was an idiot and a fool, but the other woman was the very type of intelligence and canning. Finding Vatsalê was a great fool, and it did not take much time to discover this, she wanted to profit by it. Whatever ill-health Vatsalî imagined in her wooden mother-in-law she would aggravate. She recoiamended sumptuous meals for the mother-in-law as the only cure for weakness, and Vatsala spent all her leisure in preparing rice of several kinds, puddings, muffins, etc., etc., to feed her, and all these were served twice and even thrice a day. Her friend took them all away secretly, and thus saved herself the trouble of kindling a fire-at her own home, growing fat at the expense of Vatsala. She saved all the articles stored up by her own husband. Vatsala did not care for the expense. If her mother-in-Inw was well it was all in all to her : and was she inproving? Yes; undoubtedly, at least to Vatsalâ she was, and her friend told her so every day. Thus things went on for soine montlis.
Their husbands returned from their tour. Patauibhagya examined his house, and discovered that he must supply his house again with food. lle asked his wife how it was that everything wos exhausted so soon, while she was the only soul at home to eat.
"My dear busband, how is it that you huve forgotten your mother, my mother-in-law ? Ever since you left us, she was always falling into weak health, and I had to feed her every

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day sumptuously. Must not two souls eat? And must not my mother-in-law be fed p', replied she.
The patience of the busband was exhausted. However much he might have excused her for her foolishness, the waste of all the food touched him to the quick.
"May you and your mother-in-law go to hell !" roared he, and, kicking the wooden image first, he dealt the same punishment to his wife. The wife did not feel herself insulted in any way, but she felt acutely the sufferings of her mother-in-law.
" You have kicked her down. May the gods curse yon! You have kicked your own mother. How will the gods excuse you? O my mother-in-law, my dear mother-in-law. In your old age to be thus kicked! What a great shock you must have received by your fall ?" wept Vatsalâ, and, disregarding her husband's blows, she flew to the fallen image, took it up in her hands, and protected it from further injury from Patanibhagya.
The husband could contain himself no more. He drove his wife with her precious mother-in-law out of the house. Not that she cared : for she had still her mother-in-law, and could go with her where sbe pleased and live comfortably. For is not a mother-in-law a goddess to daughters-in-law ? Thus arguing with herself, Vatsalâ left the village that very evening, carrying on her shoulders her poor mangled mother-in-law, and walked through a forest. The sun had just set. Darkness covered the world. Vatsalî, notwithstanding the charm of a goddess on her shoulders, was a little afraid to pursue her way through the forest all alone. She wanted to rest somewhere for the night; and where else could she rest but on a tree? So she climbed up a tree and with her mother-in-law in her hands sat there for the night.
The tree on which Vatsalá sat was in the middle of a thick forest, and was a large and broad one ; and it was the tree under which the robbers of the forest used to assemble to divide among themselves the plunders of the night. Just at the last watch of the night nearly a dozen robbers came, and were engaged in separating their plunder into several groups as the share for each. Vatsalâ had no sleep the whole night and now she heard the horrible conversation of the robbers. The counting of coins jingled on her ears. Her whole frame trembled, and down fell the wooden mother-in-law as the first effect of her fears, just as the robbers were proceeding to take possession of their respective shares. They knew that the Raja's men had been watching them for a long time, ånd so in the twinkling of an eye most of them ran away. After her mother-in-law down came Vatsald with a horrible crash, and those that remained imagined her to be the very Rajd himself. So away they rap, and the wood was cleared of the robbers. Vatsalâ fell down senseless, but after a time she recovered her senses. The morning bad now dawned and she perceived the heaps of coin with her wooden mother-in-law in their midst. She fell down before her goddess and worshipped her.
“What will your son that son who kicked you last evening - say now, when I return to him with these hoards of money ? O my goddess ! O my holy mother-in-law !"
So saying, Vatsala collected everything in haste and returned home. Meanwhile, Patani. bhagya, after the excitement of the moment, was very sorry for his cruelty to his poor wife, for it was a settled fact that she was an idiot. So he waited for the morning to go out in search of her; and great was his joy when she herself returned to him with so much money! In her own fashion, she told the story about the money, and how her mother-in-law had given it to replace the exhausted store at home, and preached to her husband that he must be more kind to such a kind mother! The sight of the money consoled him much, though at beart he laughed at his wife's theory, and was not blind to the true cause of the acquisition. And what is lost in hamouring an idiotic and stupid, but for all that, a good wife ? So Patanibhagya stored up all the money, and told his wife that all the good fortune was due to her devotion to her mother-in-law.

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" It is my goddess, my mother-in-law, my dear husband, that gave us all this wealth," repeated Vatsalî even before her husband finished his speech.
"Yes, true it is, true it is. From to-day worship her all the more for it," repeated the husband.
That noon her cunning friend visited Vatsala, who, in her own plain way, related the great boon that her mother-in-law that day conferred upon her family by the gift of unexpected wealth. The neighbour heard it with great pleasure, for her avarice had already devised for her a plan of her making herself rich in the same way. Outwardly she promised to worship her own mother-in-law in that way, and made a copy of Vatsala's image, but her secret intention was to go to the tree in which Vatsalà had hidden herself the previous night, and try to see whether fortane would favour her also. For this purpose she carefully noted the exact position of the tree.
As soon as night approached, without the knowledge of the husband, she ran to the forest to the very tree and concenled herself in it with, of course, the wooden mother-in-law, to surprise the robbers. Even as she expected, the robbers came that night also, and became engaged in dividing their booty. She threw down first the wooden stamp, and the robbers were a little afraid at first; but their money, hard won in their own way of thieving, was not to be thus easily given up every night. So they made a careful search, and caught bold of the woman.
"You wretched hag: you are caught at last," roared they. "You frightened us last night, and we were fools and ran away. But now instead of killing you we will make a lesson of you to others who would thus dare to beard us in our own den."
All the shrieks and cries of the woman, and her pleadings that the woman of the previous night was a different one were of no avail. Her hair was cut. Her nose was cut. And thos mutilated she was driven out of the forest and reached home with her body disfigured for her pains.
Her husband, who had missed her the previous night, received her with great anger, and on hearing the cause of her disfigurement spoke to her in very severe terms. He plainly told her that it was her avarice that brought her that just punishment. But what was to be done next? He applied soothing medicines to her broken nose and advised her never to relate her story to any one, and thus ends the story.
MISCELLANEA. SOME REMARKS ON THE KALYANI | desirous of learning the Vinaya Pisaka. The INSCRIPTIONS
Kalyant Inscriptions add "The king was pleased (Continued from Vol. XXIII. p. 259.)
with the thera, and presented him with an alms.
bowl filled with many kinds of gems." As attest(18) Malayadipa.
ed by the following passage cited in Yule's KobMalayadipa may be identified with the son-Jobson, p. 416, the wealth of the country Malay Archipelago. Its native appellation is during the period in question appears to be an Malayu. The capital of the region may be fixed as undoubted fact :Malacca, which has now been deserted for Penang 1 c. 1150. The Isle of Malai is very great and Singapore. The Malayu betel nut is still
1 .... The people devote themselves to very profitfamous in Burma, and it must have been intro
able trade; and there are found here elephante, duced when there was frequent intercourse
rhinoceroses, and various aromatics and spices, between the Burmese and Malay ports.
such as clove, cinnamon, lard ... and nutmeg. Rabalathôra went to Malayadipa in 543, Sak. In the mountains are mines of gold, of excellent karij, or 1181 A. D. He was well received by quality ... the people have also windmills.'the king, who was evidently a Buddhist, as he was Edrisi, by Jaubert, i. 945."

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(14) Dhammavilasathôra.
(16) Kamboja. It is a most lamentable fact that the study of !
fact that the study of! This is the classical appellation of Cambodia, isiography as well as of history is not held in the ancient empire of the Khmers, whose inituence
teem by Burmans: hence the meagreness in the valleys of the Salween and Irrawaddy ceased of details in biographical notices of native with the foundation of the kingdom of Siaul, witl. writers.
Ayuthia as its capital, in 1350 A. D. (See note.
ante, Vol. XXIII. p. 256.). Dhammavilasa was the title given to Sari.
In Burmese official writings the Shan States to puttathéra by King Narapatisibu (117.-1228
the East of the Irrawaddy River are collec. A. D.) for his ability and eminence in learning tively called Kamboja. In this connection it The thêra was a Talaing by birth and was a
may be interesting to note that the appellation, native of Pailippajêyya village in the province of
“Shan," applied by the Burmans to the whole Dala. He was educated at Pagàn under Ananda.
Tai race, is a corrupted form of "Cham." thora of the Sinhalese fraternity. The king
Kamboja was also known as Champa, and its desired to appoint Sâriputta to be one of his Pre
people were called "Cham." Vide s. v. "Chamceptors, but unfortunately he was debarred from
pa," "Shan" and "Siam" in Yule's Hobsoncarrying out his object by the rigour of a custom
Jobson. prevailing at all Oriental Courts that all recipients
(17) Dalapura. of royal favour shall not labour under any
Dalapura is the modern Dalà opposite Ranphysical defect. One of the big toes of the
goon. Tradition says that it was founded by a thira was shorter than its natural length, and he
princess from Thaton, whose king had just beaten was accordingly disqualified for any high post
off a Cambodian army. In after times Dalà under the Government. To compensate for the
formed a dependency of Syriam, and in view of boon missed by him the king bestowed upon him
its origin, was always an appanago of a princess the title of Dhammavilisa, and commissioned
or a lady of rank. Owing to its contiguity to him to propagate the Buddhist Religion in the
Cape Negrais, which was the base of operations of maritime provinces. What has rendered his
Arakanese raiders and invaders, it was deemed name illustrious in Burma is the authorship of
to be of some strategic importance. the Dhammavilasa-dhammabåt, which is not now extant. There is, however, a commentary on
(18) Vigungama. it, which was compiled in the 17th Century. This
The validity of the ordination of a Buddhist latter work comprises 86 palm-leaves, eight lines
monk and his consequent status in the Order to the page. The chapter on "Inheritance and
depend mainly on the validity of the consecration Partition " has been translated and published
of the sind where the ordination was performed. under the editorship of the late Dr. E. Forch. A simd is, again, valid or otherwise according hammer, and forms No. VII. of the series of | as its site is visungáms or not. Thus the Notes on Buddhist Law issued by Mr. Justice whole fabric of the Buddhist Church rests, to some Jardine, now of the Bombay High Court.
extent, on the solution of the vexed question
of visungama. The frequent squabbles and The dates of birth and death of Dhammavilása,
controversies regarding the validity or otherwise as well as of the completion of his Dhammabat
of ordination are due to this fact. These conare unknown. Even the Sdsandlankdra, compiled troversies have now been happily set at rest in as late as 1832 A. D. by the learned es. Barma by the Local Government, which issues monk Maungdaungeadd, the Archbishop of King grants of visumgdma land for the construction of Bôddp'aya at Amarapura, is silent on these sinds under the seal and hand of the Chief points.
Commissioner. (15) Lakkhiyapura.
(19) The Religion of Buddha will last This place may be identified with the modern
5,000 years. Letk'aik, a small insignificant village on the Dalà As Sir Monier Monier-Williams has endorsed side of the Rangoon river, but the BakAsa river this idle tradition and published it to the world cannot now be identified.
in his great work on Baddbism' it is essential to
1 "And here again, in regard to the doctrine left behind by each, vast distinction is to be noted. For the doctrine delivered by Christ to His disciples is to spread by degrees everywhere until it prevails otornally. Whorens the dootrino loft by Buddha, though it advanced rapidly
by leaps and bounds, is, according to his own admission, to fade away by degrees, till at the end of 5,000 years it has disappeared altogether from the earth, and another Buddha munt descend to restore it. Monier.Williams' Buddhiom, pp. 556, 587

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
303
ascertain the boais ou which the statement is thakathi a period of 1,000 years is assiyned to Founded. The Buddhists do not question the truth cach of the following classes of saints:-- of the statements in the Pali texts of the Tripitaka, (a) Patisambhidâparta; but they are at liberty to criticise the commen
(6) Sukkhavipassaka; taries, such as the authabthuis, leis, etc. In
(c) Anigami; the present case, the limit of the continuance of () Sakadagami; Buddhism is fised by the athukuthus, and not by
(e) Sotapanni. the Buddha himself.
In the Angutturatth.kathi a similar assignaThe Dichanikya, the Mhuingga of the Sulta- tion is inade, and the following are the classes:nitalere, and the Mal ipurinibbúnasuttu do not
(a) Pațisambhida patta; contain any allusion to the question, but distinctly
(6) Chbalábbiñña; say. On the other hand, that the succession of (c) Tevijjaka; monks will never be interrupted so long as (d) Sukkhavipassaka ; there is peace ind concord among them : " Sace,
(e) The observers of the Pdtimókkha. Subda, ime whilkhú samdvihureyyuria, asunno
Personally, I am inclined to think with Froude? loko aralunteki 1882."
that Truth is writ large on the tablets of eternity, In the Chilevaga, however, it is said that and that it is idle to set bounds to the limits of Gautama Buddha was averse to the admission of eternity muny into the Church, as he foresaw the risk
(20) Mahåvihára. accruing to the Order of Monks, and declared When Mahinda, the son of Asoka, was sent to that his Religion would last 1,000 years if no Ceylon after the 3rd Buddhist Council, Devanamnuns were admitted, but only 500 years if they piyatissa, king of that Island, after the manner of were. This is, of course, only a hypothetical Bimbisåra, king of Rajagriha, who presented the statement, and an euphemistio avowal of unwil.! Buddha with the V&ļuvana Monastery, presented lingness to recognize the Order of Nans which was the Missionary Prince with the Maha méghavana subsequently formed. But the commentators took villa, which came to be known as the Mahavihára. a serious view of the matter and, being constrained The vicissitudes of the Mahâ vibara sect are briefly to put a literal interpretation on the declaration, detailed in the Kalyani Inscriptions. prolonged the period of 1,000 years to 5,000, which
Taw Sein-Ko. they had no authority to do. In the Chulavaggat
(To be continued.)
.
NOTES AND QUERIES. A CEREMONIAL MUTILATION.
cause of this strange ceremony, they relate a long
legend. (F. Buchanan) (Hamilton's) Travels in In (Bachanan) Hamilton's East India Gazetteer
Mysore in Asiatic Researches.)" (1815), page 337, the following curious passage occurs:- “Near Deonella or Deonhully, a town
DENZIL IBBETSON in P. N. and Q. 1883. in Mysore, is a seat or sub-division of the Murresoo Wocul caste, every woman of which, pre
A HINDU HOUSE-WARMING. vious to piercing the ears of her eldest daughter, preparatory to her being betrothed in marriage, WHXN the house is finished Brahmans and mast undergo the amputation of the first joints
the friends of the family are feasted. The mistri of the third and fourth fingers of her right hand. I (master-builder) attends the dinner, and receives The amputation is performed by the blacksmith from the owner complimentary gifts, such as of the village who, having placed the finger in a shawls, tarban, clothes, and money, as his merits block, performs the operation with a chisel. If and the generosity of his employer dictates. the girl to be betrothed be motherless, and the During the building & lamp is often kept mother of the boy have not before been subjected burning all night. This is to prevent bhats to the amputation, it is incumbent on her to (ghosts), and churdla (female ghosts), and the like, suffer the operation. In these districts this caste from taking up a lodging in the new.abode. occupy about 2,000 houses, and for the original
J. L. KIPLING in P. N. and Q. 1883. 1 "First, it (history) is a voice for ever sounding across the chief offenders, but paid by some one. Justice and the centuries the laws of right and wrong. Opinions alter, truth alone ondure and live. Injustice and falsehood may manners ohange, creeds risecand fall, but the moral law is be long-lived, but doomsday comes at last to them, in written on the tablets of eternity. For overy false word or French revolutions and other terrible ways." - Frondo's nnrighteous deod, for cruelty and oppression, for lust or Short Strulios on Great Subjects, Vol. I. p. 27. Yanity, the price has to be paid at last: not always by [See Journal, Society of Arts, 1883, p. 739. - ED.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
BOOK-NOTICES.
SOME NEW CATALOGUES OF SANSKRIT MSS.
WE have received Dr. Peterson's excellent Catalogue of the MSS. in the Ulwar Library.' It consists of a nominal list, with, in many cases, full descriptions of nearly two thousand five hundred works, to which is appended an unusually large collection of extracts, in which no less than six hundred and seventy-eight MSS. are illustrated. A third of the whole collection is devoted to Vedic works and works on Philosophy. Rhetoric, Dharma, and Astronomy are well repre. sented, and there is a small collection of Prakrit books, some of which appear to be of value, although this portion of the catalogue gives merely the titles, with few further particulars. The book is absolutely devoid of diacritical marks of any kind. Even long vowels are not noted, but in other respects, it is throughout edited with the scholarly accuracy which distinguishes all Dr. Peterson's labours.
The Government of Bengal is issuing in fasci. culi, a Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of the Calcutta Sanskrit College. The first fasciculus has been printed at the Secretariat Press, and a wise discretion has been exercised in transferring the second and third to the Press of the Baptist Mission. Experience has shewn that Government printing departments are not adapted for the correct production of carefully edited Sanskrit books. The present work is as yet incomplete, and till the necessary indexes have been received it is difficult to analyze its contents. The style is the same as that of the well-known Sanskrit catalogues of Rajendra Lala Mittra, with which it may well be compared. When completed, it will, no doubt, be as useful as its fore-runner.
Let us hope that the Bengal Government, at whose expense it is issued, will make the book easily available to purchasers in Europe and not bury the copies (without advertisement) in the cellars of Writers' Buildings, to be sold as waste paper, after being given a decent number of years to ripen for the paper mills.
ORIENTAL MUSIC, a Monthly Periodical, Edited by A. M. CHINNASWAMI MUDALIYAR, M. A., Ave Maria Press, Pudupet, Madras, 1893.
THIS periodical appears to have been started with the following objects:- to familiarise the
1 Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Library of His Highness the Maharaja of Ulwar, by Peter Peterson, M.A., D.Sc., Bombay: 1992,
A Descriptive Catalogue of the Banskrit MSS. in the Library of the Calcutta Sanskrit College. Part I.
[OCTOBER, 1895.
European ear with the peculiarities of Oriental Music; to help the people of the country to understand European Notation, and to appreciate the beauties of Harmony; and to record the music of India which is fast fading into decay.
It is a somewhat comprehensive programme, of which the third part would appear to be the most worthy of support.
A complete and trustworthy record of the musical productions of India, with descriptions of the instruments used, and the manner in which
they are manufactured and played, and accounts of the principal masters of Indian music, will be of great value to Orientalists, as, with the exception of Captain Day's work, no such record exists.
The European ear, with its previous training by the European scales and divisions of the octave, is not likely to appreciate the Oriental scales and divisions; and on our keyed instruments, as at present tuned, it is not possible to render Oriental Music correctly or to describe it in European Notation. On instruments of the Violin family this music can be played, but in the pages before us no indications are given in the notation by which this should be done.
With a specially devised notation Oriental music could be rendered on such an instrument as Mr. Bosanquet's Enharmonic Organ, but, as we have said, Europeans are not likely to seriously adopt Oriental Music.
To attempt to teach Harmony to the Indians from the starting point of their own music would be "ploughing the sands," and it would be far easier for them to approach the subject as a separate science, and to study the European textbooks.
"Oriental Music" is evidently the work of an enthusiast, and the record being made is a valuable addition to the literature of a little known subject. It is only by the investigation of Eastern music that we shall be able to understand the music of the ancient European nations, and Mr. Chinnaswami Mudaliyar will do good work for science in continuing what he has so carefully commenced. We would draw his attention to Notes and Queries on Anthropology, Chapter XLI., which he will find to be an excellent guide to the requirements of science in the matter.
(1892) by Hrishikêsa Sastri; printed at the Bengal Secretariat Press; Part II. (1894) by the same, and Siva Chandra Gui, M.A., B.L., printed at the Baptist Mission Press; Part III. (1895), same author and printer.

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SOME EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M.A.
(Continued from p. 285.)
THIRTEEN years later we meet with another king of Venad, Sri-Vira-Rama Koraļa
1 varma Tiruvadi. I base this statement on a Vateluttu inscription in the temple of Sri-Padmanabhasvåmin in the capital itself. Unfortunately, however, it is a mutilated one, nearly one half of it being missing. All the greater pity, since the fine boid Vatteluttu characters, in which it is inscribed, would have otherwise made it, both palæographically and historically, one of the very best samples yet to hand. The locality in which this mutilated document is now found, can scarcely have been its original abode. Indeed it cannot be said to be fairly above ground! And any one wishing to pay it a visit must be prepared for an uncomfortable attitude! Passing by the flagstaff and going in at the main eastern gate of the temple, let him walk straight on till he crosses the gateway of the second enclosure. There, if he will stoop low enough, he will descry in the gloom in the nethermost row of stones forming the low passage wall to his left, the object he is in quest of, neat and remarkably well dressed for the situation. With the help of other inscriptions in my collection, I have in a measure succeeded in conjecturing what this stone when complete would have told us; and with the omissions so supplied, the translation of the document would read thus:
10 Vatteluttu No. 81. Old MATA Alam. Padmanabhasvamin Tomple Inscription of Vira-Rama
Keralavarman. “Hail ! Prosperity! In the Kollam year 384, with Jupiter in Cancer, (and the sun * days old in Gemini],75 in the presence of the Tiruvanandapuram assembly and its sabhanjita, assembled in the southern [hall] of Mitranandapuram, (under the solemn] presidency of the Bhattaraka), * * tinga76 Pallavarayan, [the loyal chieftain of] Sri-Vira-Iraman [Keralavarma Tiruvadi] of holy Vêņad, [made a free grant of certain lands] belonging to the said * tinga Pallavarayan, in Cheyyaman and Kalattûr, (to be taken charge of by such and such, under such and such arrangements,] with the object of providing daily four náli of rice and condiments, [partly] to be used as offering to the Perumal of Tiruvanandapuram, and (partly] to feed one Brâhmaņa, besides providing every year on the Uttiram star in the month of) Panguni, 77 (a special feast or lustration). [The daily offering to the Perumal shall be made] when a man's shadow in the san measures 12 ft.78 [and the rice so offered shall be made over to such and sach, who in return therefor] shall supply (each day] one garland to adorn the Perumal. If the supply of this stated quantity) of paddy fails once, [double the default shall be paid. If twice, twice the default and fine. If thrice] in succession, the property shall be confiscated, and the amount of paddy recovered and measured out. [If any dispute arises thereon,] the case shall be taken to Sri-Pâdam and the question then finally decided. To which effect [witness below our hands, # # of Kaitavilâgam. The first half-yearly (payments will be due) in the month of Vrischikam in Kollam 385."
Such in substance would be the document, if the portions lost are supplied, as far as it is now practicable to do, with the help of the context and of similar records in my possession. Happily for us, however, so far as important historical facts are concerned, there is little or no room for any legitimate doubt. For instance, comparing this inscription with the one to be given next, there can be no reasonable doubt that the full name of the king who ruled Vêņad on
75 The parts within square brackets are those supplied. 76 Looks like a corruption of Chinga or Sitha.
11 The principal festival of the temple still takes place about this time. Uttiram or Utram is a star about the tail of Leo Major.
T8 Technically called pandiradi or the 12th feet offering.'

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the date of this document, was Sri-Vîra-Iraman Keralavarman. The last letter in the part of the name actually found is i, which can combine with no other letter in the alphabhet than a k; and the next inscription, which is but five years later, completes the name exactly as we should expect. Fortunately for us, again, the last word with which the opening line breaks off, is "Kollam 384,':- the year of the document; and this date is confirmed, if need be, by the closing linc, fixing the time for the payment of the first half-yearly dues in Vrischika 395. This mention of the month, with which the first half-year ends, enables us further to fix the month of the grant itself as Mithuna preceding. Supposing a full half-year was to expire in Vrischika for the payment to be due, we have only to shift the date of the grant a month earlier, i. c., Idavam 384. Thus, then, we may be perfectly sure that, about May or June 1209, Venad was ruled by Sri-Vira-Rama-Keralavarma Tiruvadi.
Certain other inferences, equally unquestionable, may be also made from the record in hand. For instance, it is impossible to doubt that in 384, Trivandram, like so many other villages, had a sabhá or assembly, with a sabhanjita, chairman or secretary, of its own, and tbat it used to meet on occasions of importance in the old temple at Mitranandapuram, about a couple of furlongs to the west of the present shrine of Sri-Padmanabha. The south-western corner of the courtyard of this temple is still pointed out as the sacred spot where sabhas used to meet of old, and the word "tel' or south, in our inscription, serves as no dubious guide to that spot. The raised floor of this hall still remains, but the roof, which must have resounded with the voice of many a wise council, is now no more. Fragments of apparently very old inscriptions in the Mitranandapuram temple speak also of memorable meetings of the sabha in the same * southern hall." These meetings are recorded to have taken place in the "solemn presence." of the Badâra or Bhattaraka Tiruvadi of the locality, enabling us thus to infer that the solemn presence, with which the meeting here recorded is said to have been honoured, must have been also of the same mysterious personality. It would appear farther from an inscription at Suchindram, dated 406 M. E., that there was at that time a senior Baqara Tiruvadi at Trivan. dram, in superior charge of the temple manngement. From this latter document, I am led also to suspect tbat by "Sri-Padam," to whom, according to the record in hand, the final appeal was to lic, in case of dispute in the administration of the land in question, is meant also the same religious functionary. This expression has now somehow or other come to be used to designate the palace, where the queen-mother resides with the junior members of her family. But the contest in the Suchîndram record, above referred to, militates against that modern application of the tern.
I would draw attention to the curious way in which the name Trivandram is bere spelt. I'wice the word occurs in the portion of the inscription preserved to us, and on both occasions it is clearly spelt Tiruvanandapuram with a long á, meaning the holy city of blessedness,' and not, as it is now universally understood, the city of Ananta, the serpent. The deity, too, of the place is named Perumal, the great one,' and not Padmanabha, the Lotus-navelled. Is it possible that the City of Blessedness passed into the City of Ananta, the serpent, with the transformation of the infinite and indefinite 'great one' into the definite Padmanabha, whose mattress Ananta is? The analogy of Mitranandapuram, the oldest temple of this town, lends support to the orthography of the inscription. But on the other hand, the Suchîndram inscription, already referred to, spells the name in the usual modern fashion. So also does the hymn in the Tiruváymoli,79 dedicated to the local deity, though, in this case, it is not as decisive as with Tiruvattår, since neither rhyme nor metre will be wholly spoiled by the substitution of one of the names for the other; and as far as I can remember, the town is mentioned nowhere else in Tamil literature.
The Sanskrit name Syánandara for Trivandram only adds to our doubts and difficulties. Underivable proper pames are by no means common in any Indian language, and in Sanskrit,
7. Vide the 2nd pattu in the pattampattu.

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there are but very few names of any class whose etymology cannot be traced to well-known roots. But Syînandúra, though used familiarly by Sanskrit scholars both in inscriptions and in standard Malayalam works,80 is analysable according to no known rules of grammar. It looks in the highest degree incredible that the Aryans of Upper India could ever have been under the necessity of inventing such an arbitrary and unanalysable name for so petty a village in the Dravidian country. In all probability then, it must be a Sanskțitized corruption of a Dravidian name now altogether lost to us. The last syllable in Syânaudûra sounds like ur, the Tamil term for village or towu, but what the preceding two syllables stand for, it is difficult to conjecture. If the word were Sryanandûra, we could have taken the body of it as made up of sri or tiru in Tamil, and nanda, as preserved to us in the inscription before us as well as in the name Mitrånandapuram. But in that case there would have been no necessity for any corruption at all. My impression, therefore, is that the original native denomination of the town must have been a Dravidian word ending in ir. The form Syánanıltirapura occasionally met with tends to shew that úra was a part of the original name and no corruption of pura, since pura is itself added to it. At any rate, the name could not have been either Anandapuram, us in our inscription, or Anantapuram, as in current uso, since both of them are yood Sanskțit words, needing no corruption to suit the genius of that language.
XI.
We have seen alrcady that in Idavam or Mithuna 384, i. c., 1209 A. D., the government of the country was in the hands of Sri-Vira-Iraman Keralavarman. This same sovereign was in power on Thursday, the 18th Minam 389 M. E. If any one wishes to assure himself of the fact, it would cost him nothing more than a pleasant trip to Kadinankulam, just 12 miles north of Trivandram, on the backwater route to Quilon. On the north-western wall of the temple of Mahadeva in this village, le would find a Vatteluttu inscription in four lines to the oilowing effect :
11 Vatteluttu NO. 20. Tamil.
- Kadinankulam Inscription of Vira-Rama-Koraļavarman. "Hail! Prosperity! In the year opposite the Kollam year 389, with Jupiter in Aquarius, and the sun 18 days old in Pisces, Thursday, Pushya star, 81 the 10th lunar day, Aries (being the rising sign), and Sri-Vira-Traman Keralavarma Tiruvadi of Kilppérdr being the gracious ruler of Venad, Sri-Vira-Iraman Umaiyammai Villavar (?) Tiruvadi graciously caused the consecration (of the idol inside)."
This neat inscription, giving full details of its date even to the hour, would have been altogether unexceptionable, but for a difficult word which I am not quite sure of, between Umaiyammai and Tiruvadi. We need not be particularly sorry for this, if we could be but sure that it was a part of the proper name of the founder of the temple. Bat as it stands, the proper name would appear to be completed with Umaiyammai, and the intractable word after it would seem to describe her status or position, in which case, indeed, it must be of supreme historical importance for us to know exactly what it was. The title Tiruvadi is found through. out our records reserved to royalty. It occurs even here just a line above in connection with Srî-Vira-Iriman Keralavarman. Who then could this additional Tiruvadi be? The name given, Sri-Vira-Iraman Umaiyammai, is a curious compound, Sri-Vira-Irâman being a masculine name, the first part in fact of the name of the then ruling king, and Umaiyammai, an appellation as distinctly feminine. In a compound name like this, usage as well as grammar vonld determine the sex of the person so named by the ultimate particle of the name, and we hare, therefore, practically no doubt that the founder of the temple was a female, entitled, however, to royal rank. The interesting question then is, did she belong to the same royal house is
80 Vide, for example, the Vairlgiy-Chandridaiyam. 81 Payam or Pushyam is a star about the head of Hydra.

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the then ruling Hovorciun, and if so, what was the particular relation in which she stood to that ruler ? The full
i m ce of the question will be perceived, only when the following facts are borne in mind. In the first place, this is the earliest record I have yet found of any female member of a royal family, in a country where succession is believed to have been always in the female line. In the second place, it is also the first occasion, excepting the Arringal frag. ments, where we have the family designation of Kilpperir. And lastly, it must also be noticed that the temple at Kadinaikulam, the institution of which this inscription records, is exactly equidistant between Trivandram and Airingal, — and, therefore, a convenient stage in a journey from ou to the other. Both tradition and local inquiry would prove that the village of Kalinakulam isull'uno into prominence, if not also into existence, only in consequence of its having been it suiteblo luulting place, and that it continued to retain its importance, so long as it was used as such, i. e., before the Shanankarai Canal connected the present capital with the back watter system of the north. Is it fanciful or farfetched then to sa ppose that the temple, of which our inscription records the foundation, was the direct fruit of extended political relations in the Worth, say, such as would arise from the annexation of Arriugal to Venad and the malgamation of their respective royal houses, assuming, as we have already done, the original independence of Arriigal or Kúpadesa ? If the hypothesis is allowable, we might take both the l'rincess Umaiyammai and the present family name of Kilprêrúr as, coming from Aringal, and neeruing to the Venad sovereign by right of adoption, marriage, or other alliance. It is a pity, therefore, that the word after Umaiyammai, which might have helped to solve some of these difficulties, happens to be so unyielding. As far as I can make ont, it looks only like Villavar, which carries no meaning to my mind.62 Until, therefore, further researches throw more light on the question, we should be content to accept the indistinct word to be a special title of Princess Umaiyammai in the Vênîd royal house itself.
But whoever Princess Umaiyammai may have been, the document proves beyond all doubt that on the morning of Thursday, about 8 p. m., the 18th Minem 389 M. E., i.e., 1214 A. D., the throne of Veruid wils occupied by Sri-Vira-Iraman Keralavarma Tiruvadi. We know he was on the throne in 384. But when he ascended it, and when exactly it passed to his successor, are points yet to be determinei. We meet with another sovereign of Vêņad only in 410 M. E., and we may, therefore, provisionally take his reigu to have extended to the close of the 4th Malabar century.
XII. With the opening of the fifth century of the Kollam Era we meet with another king of Venad, by name Sri-Vira-Ravi-Kəraļavarman. That the 28th Mêdam 410 M. E. fell within his reign, is proved by a Vatteluttu inscription at Manalikkarai, a pretty village near Padmanabhapuram in South Travancore. The document is foand inscribed on all the four sides of a tablet specially put up in front of the Alvar temple in this village. The face of the tablet contains 23 lines, its obverse 32, and the two sides 37 and 17, respectively. Why the document was entered on a special tablet, and not on the walls of the temple as was the custom, t is impossible now to ascertain. Possibly its singular import ance demanded this singular Treatment. For, if my reading of it is correct, it is nothing short of one of the great charters of Travancore. Its substance, as far as I can make out, would run thus in English:
12 Vatteluttu 91. Old Malayalam.
lam. Manalikkarai Inscription of Vira-Ravi-Koraļavarman. “Hail! Prosperity! In the year opposite the Kollam year 410, with Jupiter in Scorpio, and the Sun 27 days old in Aries (1. e., the 28th Médam), is issued the following proclamation,
82 It is possible that willavar is a mistake for ilaiyarar, meaning the younger.' There are one or two other dated Vatteluttu inscriptions in the place, but unfortunately, as the stones bearing them have been repeatedly white-wasbed, plastored over and painted, only portions of the lines are now open to view. I went to the spot a second time on the 16th June 1994 to try whether the broken lines could not help us over the difficulty, but returned no wiser than I went.

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after a consultation having been duly keld among the loyal chieftains of Sri-Vira-Iravi-Keralavarna Tiruvadi, graciously ruling Vêņåd, the members of the salhi (or assembly of Kódainallur, and the people of that village, as well as Kandan Tiruvikraman of Marugatachcheri, entrusted with the right of realizing the government dues. Agreeably to the understanding arrived at in this consultation, we command and direct that the tax dne from government lauds be taken as amounting in paddy to * * * # and 24, in araklu/ crop, and 723 * and 24, in chiral crop, and making up per year a total of * * * - ; and the same, due from tnx-paying village84 lands, be taken as amounting in paddy to * *
and 24 in ralıkal crop; and 728 * and 24, in charal crop, and making up per year, a total of * * 709 ? ; and that when the due quantity is measurel out, a receipt be granted, discharging the liability, the fact being duly marked also in the rent roll; and we command moreover that the order of permanent lease (now in force) be surrendered into the hands of the clerks who write or issue such deeds . * * *.95 From the Tuvami (or Svâmi), too, no more shall any lease be taken. When part of the tax is paid, and part is still due, a list shall be prepared shewing the arrenrs for the whole year; and an anchali96 (or authorization) taken in writing to realize the same from the sabhi and the inhabitants; and the arrears then recovered accordingly. In seasons of drought and consequent failure of crops, the members of the sabhi and the people of the village shall inspect the lands, and ascertain which have failed and which have not. The lands that have failed, shall be assessed at one fifth of the normal dues, but this one fifth shall be levied as an additional charge on the remaining lands bearing a crop. If all the taxable lands appear to have equally failed, the sab há and the villagers shall report the matter to the Tuvami, and after the Tavimi has inspected the lands and ascertained the fact, one fifth of the entire dues) shall be levied. This ope-fifth shall be taken to include pat!a-vritti and ina-chelavu, amounting in paddy to. If the members of the sabha and the inhabitants agree among themselves, and pray in common for a postponement of the payment, as the only course open to a majority among them, this demand (one fifth drought rate) shall be apportioned over all the lands paying tax to government to be levied in the subsequent harvest), but without interest and pallari, the rent roll of the current year being scored out. Shonld anything whatever be done contrary to these rules, the deviation shall be visited with fine, . . * and the strict procedure again adopted. This our regulation shall continue in force as long as the moon and the stars endure. This is a true stone-inscribed copy of the royal writ."
Such is the substance of this remarkable document, as far as I can make it ont. Containing, as it does, several obsolete revenue terms, I cannot vouch for the literal accuracy of every word in my rendering. One or two expressions still remain obstinate and obscure. Nevertheless, I feel sure I cannot be far wrong with the bulk of my interpretations. Nor can there be any doubt as to the unique importance of the record. Unlike the inscriptions hitherto noticed, this one grants, not a perpetual lamp or a mountain-like' drum to the gods above, but peace and protection to toiling humanity here below. One of the most momentons questions in all human communities has been, and will always be, the price each individual in it has to pay for the advantages of organized social life. In proportion to the fixity and definiteness characterizing this price, in all its aspects, is the government of the community said to be civilized, stable, and constitutional. An important item in the price to be thus paid is the pecuniary contribution given by each individual for the maintenance of the state. In all agricultural countries, the bulk of the contribution must assume the form of land tax. In Travancore, then, which is little else than agricultural, where in fact there is no individual but has his taravád, his plot of land, - the plot in which he is born, in which he lives
es Arakkal and chloral seem to have been the crops of those days; now they are called kanni and kumbham. 84 Obviously then there were lands that paid no tax to government.
35 There are about 5 or 6 words here which carry no meaning to my mind. So also after the word 'fine' about the end of the deed.
* I take this word conjecturally to mean some kind of aathorization.

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and works, and in which he dies and is cremated too, so that his very ashes stick to it even after his soul departs this world, in a country so entirely agricultural, there can be no question of more vital interest, or of more universal concern, than the nature and amount of land tax, the manner and time of paying it, and the machinery through which it is realized for the state. It appears to have been the practice with several governments in bygone days to farm out the land revenue to the highest bidders, with a view to save themselves the trouble and expense of collecting it in dribblets. The iniquity of the system may be better imagined than described. It seems, nevertheless, to have been current in the neighbouring districts of Tinnevelly and Madura, to the very days of the East India Company. But in Travancore, thanks to the village associations and the magnanimity and political sagacity that seem to have uniformly characterized the Vênâd sovereigns, the system, if it was ever largely introduced, was nipped in the bud, and the disasters of the fable of the goose with the golden eggs were carly averted. For, observe how the royal writ before us deals that system a deathblow. It quietly takes away, in the first place, its sting by fixing the government dues exactly and unalterably per year and per harvest. The lease again is not to be a tira taravu,' an enduring one, but to be renewed from time to time, so that the government farmer would have no chance of abusing his power on the strength of the hold he might otherwise have on the people. The writ provides, further, for the reduction of the government demand to one fifth in times of drought and failure. Why, when some lands alone fail in a village, this one fifth should be given up on those lands, but levied as an additional charge upon the remaining might demand a word of explanation. In seasons of partial failure, and in tracts of land not fully opened out by easy lines of communication, the price of corn easily becomes high; and the Kôdainallur Council seems to have thought it just, or at all events conducive to fellow-feeling, that those that are benefited by such an adventitious rise of prices, should forego a portion of their profits for the sake of their suffering fellow-villagers. At any rate, the measure must have acted as a check upon false complaints of failure, since the duty of determining what lands had failed, and what not, was left to the villagers themselves under the supervision of the sabha. It would be interesting to know who the turámi e srumi was, to whom the edict assigns the duty of ascertaining and certifying the fact, in case the whole village fails. He was, no doubt, some high ecclesiastical functionary, with a considerable portion of the land revenue of the village probably assigned to. him for his own support and the support of the temples he was in charge of. The prohibition to take out leases from the tuvámi would then mean a prohibition to farm out to the highest bidder the land revenue so assigned to him. Anyhow, when the svámi certifies a complete failure of crops in the whole village, the government reduces its totai demand to one fifth, and foregoes, in addition, its right to levy two minor charges, under the names of patta-vrith and ona-chelavu,97 a special contribution to keep up the annual national festival of that name. Deviation from the rules is forbidden under some severe penalties, the extent and nature of which, however, I am not able to discover; and the rates of assessment as well as the rules are declared unalterable as long as the moon and the stars endure. Could a permanent revenue settlement go further? Or could a more deadly blow be imagined on the farming system, which seems to have been allowed to do so much mischief, and for so long a time, in the neighbouring Tamil districts? The preamble to this remarkable proclamation adds but a charm and a dignity of its own to the whole. It is said that the edict is issued in terms of the understanding come to in a council composed of the loyal chieftains or ministers of the king, the assembly of Kôdainallûr, the people of the village, and Kandan Tiruvikraman, the local revenue farmer or collector. I call him the collector; for, however oppressive a lessee or farmer he might have been before the date of this document, he and his successors in office conld have been nothing
310
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87 Onam or Sravanam is a star in Aquila. The national festival is called by this name, because it falls on the day the moon reaches this mansion in September. It is probably connected with the harvest, Parasurâma's yearly visit being a later fiction. Tenants do present to this day to their landlords certain agricultural products under the name of Ona-kalcha.

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more than simple collectors of revenue, after the exact definition of the government dues given in the edict itself. No doubt, he must have been a terrible man in his day, with an appointed function in the evolution of history, not unlike, perhaps, the one played by those who went forth to demand ship money' in the days of Hampden. The good people of Kôdainallur seem to have been also equal to the occasion. Here is proof, if need be, of the independent nature and constitution of the old village assemblies of Travancore. The sabhús being mentioned side by side with the people, it is impossible to take them as mere occasional assemblies of the inhabitants, summoned together, for the time being, by those in charge of the administration. Here they appear as permanent and well-constituted public bodies that acted as a buffer between the people and the government. The village or common lauds, so clearly distinguished front those directly under government, in this record, were in all probability every where under their management. What exactly was the service the good sabha of Kôdainallûr was able to render on this occasion, or what exactly were the circumstances that brought about this memorable council itself, we have as yet no means of knowing; but whatever they were, the whole procedure reflects the greatest credit on all the parties concerned, their conjoint action resulting in so precious a charter to the people, and so unmistakable a monument of the sovereign's unbounded love of his subjects. Though the wording of the document makes the enactment applicable primarily only to the village of Kôdainallûr, I have no doubt it was sooner or later extended to the whole of Vênid. A just principle needs but once to be recognized to be applied on all hands. I hesitate not, therefore, to call this Manalikkarai proclamation one of the great charters of Travancore. Entered as it is on a detached stone, and containing as it does several expressions yet dark and obscure, it would be well to remove the original document itself and to preserve it in the public museum at the capital, where, I have no doubt, it would now receive better treatment than was accorded to a similar tablet from Varkkalai, which, having discharged well and long the duty of a grindstone, is now so far defaced as to reveal nothing more than its ancient age and its iniquitous sufferings 189
But the immediate purpose for which the Manalikkarai charter is here introduced, is to prove the rule of Sri-Vira-Ravi-Keralavarman on the 28th Mêdam 410 M. E., or about April 1235. Having met Sri-Vira-Râma-Kêralavarman only 21 years prior, we may take the two reigns as having been conterminous with one another.
(To be continued.)
THE ORIGIN OF THE KHAROSHTHI ALPHABET. BY GEORGE BUHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E. (Concluded from p. 292.)
No. 15. The identity of pa with Phe is plain enough (Thomas, Taylor, Halévy). The Semitic letter (Col. I.) has been turned round in order to avoid mistaking it with A. The form with a hook, attached to the right top of the vertical (Col. III. a) occurs still a few times in the Mansehra version of the Edicts. Usually the hook or curve is placed lower, as in Col. III. b, and it may be noted that in the Mansehra pa it is attached nearly always very high up, in the Shahbazgarhi letter not rarely lower.
No. 16. On phonetic grounds it may, of course, be expected that Tsade should have been ased for the Indian cha. But the recognition of the real Kharôshtht representative has been
ss This is a remarkable old specimen of a Vatteluttu inscription. It seems to be dated 79 M. E. I believe it comes from Varkkalai. It opens with a string of Sanskrit words written in old Malayalam characters in praise of the then ruling king. The body of the document is in Vatteluttu. But in spite of all my repeated endeavours, oil abhishekams aud pojas without number, I have not succeeded as yet in coaxing it to reveal even a line in full, the middle of it heing so completely defaced by the use to which it was put by the Marâmut coolies. A hundred times the cost of the mortar ground on it would not have been ill spent, if it had been spent in the preservation of this unique ancient monument. It appears to me to record an important treaty between certain parties, of whom Uyyakkondan was surely one.

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impeded by the circumstance that the earlier tables of the alphabet neglect to give the form of cha, which comes closest to the Semitic letter, viz., that with the angular head (Col. III.). The tables give only the cha with the semicircular top, though the other form is by no means rare in the Edicts and is used also in the cha (Col. IV.) of the same documents and even survives in the late Kharôshthi inscriptions of the first and second centuries of onr era. If the angular cha is chosen for comparison, it is not difficult to explain how the Kharôshṭhi sign was developed. The Hindus made the top of the Tsade (Col. I. a-b) by itself, separating it from the remainder of the vertical, and omitted in accordance with the principles of their writing, which do not admit more than two strokes at the tops of letters (see above), the small hook on the right of the angle. Next, they placed the lower part of the vertical under the point of the angle and in doing so added a small flourish to the top of this line, which in course of time became an important element of their sign. The Tsales of the Papyri (Col. II.) come very close to the Kharôshthi and the second even shews the small projection on the left, just below the top. Nevertheless, they are only independent analogous developments. For in both, the long line on the left has been made continuons with one stroke of the pen and the hook or curve on the right has been added afterwards. Moreover, in the sign Col. II. b, it is very plain that the small projection on the left of the main line, which makes the letter so very like the Kharoshihi cha, has been caused by a careless continuation of the right hand hook across the vertical.
No. 17. The utilisation of the ancient Qoph for the expression of kha in the Brahma Alphabet suggests the conjecture that the curious Kharôshthi sign for kha may be derived from the corresponding Aramaic character. And in the Serapenm inscription the Qoph (Col. I.) has a form which comes very close to the Kharoshthi Ela. Only the upward stroke on the left is shorter and there is still a small remnant of the original central line of the ancient NorthSemitic character. The smaller Teima inscription15 (Euting, Col. 10) has a Qoph, in which the central pendant has been attached to the lower end of the curve (compare above the case of the Kharôshthi ha). These two forms, it seems to me, furnish sufficient grounds for the assumption, that in the earlier Aramaic writing the component parts of the looped Qoph (Col. II. c) were disconnected and arranged in a manner, which might lead to the still simpler Kharoshthi sign, where the central pendant seems to have been added to the upstroke on the left in order to gain room for the vowel-sigus. To this conclusion points also the first corresponding sign of the Saqqarah inscription (Eating, Col. 11 a) though the top has been less fully developed and the ancient central pendant has been preserved much better. 16
No. 18. Ra (Col. III.) has been recognised as the representative of Resh by all previons writers. But it deserves to be noted that the sign, which comes nearest to the Kharôshthi letter is the character from Saqqarah, given in Col I. b.17 The Papyri offer mostly more advanced forms with top lines sloping downwards towards the right.
No. 19. Regarding Shin (Col. I.) and its Kharôshthi counterpart, the sign for the lingual sibilant sa (Col. III.), see above. I may add that round forms of Shin appear already on the Babylonian Seals and Gems (Euting, Col. 8).
No. 20. The oldest representatives of the Semitic Tar appear in the dental tha (Col. IV. a), which consists of the old Assyrian Aramaic Tar (Col. I. a) of the 8th century B. C.,19 or of a slight modification of the very similar Saqqarah letter (Col. III. 1 b) (turned round from the right to the left) plus the bar of aspiration on the right, about which more will be said below, and in the lingual a (Col. IV. b-c), where the second stroke on the right in and on the left in e denotes the organic difference or, as the Hindus would say, the difference in the varga. In the second form of ta (Col. IV. c) the bar, which originally stood at the side, has been added at the top, and out of such a form the dental ta (Col. III.) appears to have been
15 Compare the end of 1. 1 of the facsimile in M. Ph. Berger's Histoire de l'Écriture, p. 217.
16 Compare also the sign from the Lion of Abydos, Euting, Col. 7. 17 Compare also Euting, Col. 7 b.
1 See Indian Studies, No. III. p. 60.

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developed. Its top lino has been lengthened considerably and the downstroke has been shortened and bent in order to avoid a collision with va and ra. The steps, which led to its formation, are therefore (1) Fort (2) 7 (3) .
With respect to the Derivative Signs, my views are as follows:
(1) The nspiration is expressed by a carve, by a hook or by a straight stroke, which latter, as the case of tha shews, is a cursive substitute for the curve. At the same time the original form of the unaspirated letters is sometimes slightly modified. The curve appears on the right of the ga in gha (No. 3, Col. IV.) at the top of da in dha (No. 4, Col. IV. a) without any change in the original forms. In bha (No. 2, Col. IV. a) it is attached to the right of ba, the wavy top of which is converted into a simple straight stroke, from the middle of which the vertical line hangs down. The same sign shews also frequently in the Asóka Edicts a hook for the curve and as frequently a cursive straight stroko (No. 2, Col. IV. b), slanting down. wards towards the right. The hook alone is found in tha (No. 20, Col. IV. d),19 which has been derived from the preceding form of ta (No. 20, Col. IV. c) by the addition of a hook opening upwards. The straight stroke alone is found, on the left of the original letter and slanting downwards, in jha (No. 7, Col. IV.), and likewise on the left but rising upwards,20 in pha (No. 15, Col. IV.). In tha (No. 20, Col. IV. a) the stroke of aspiration appears on the right. It has the same position in chha (No. 16, Col. IV.) and in dha (No. 4, Col. IV.c). But in the former sign the small slanting stroke at the top of the vertical on the left has been straightened and combined with the sign of aspiration into a bar across the vertical. In dha the whole head of the unaspirated letter (No. 4, Col. IV. b) has been flattened down and reduced to a single stroke, which together with the sign of aspiration forms the bar across the top of the vertical.
With respect to the origin of the mark of aspiration I can only agree with Dr. Taylor, who explains it as a cursive form of ha, The Alphabet, Vol. II. p. 260, note 1. The manner, in which it was attached in each particular case, seems to have been regulated merely by considerations of convenience and the desire to produce easily distinguishable signs. The way in which the hook or curve of aspiration has been used in the Brahma Alphabot is analogous. It is added, too, very irregularly sometimes to the top, sometimes to the middle and more frequently to the foot of the letters, where properly it ought to stand.21 If the Kharoshthi characters never shew in the last mentioned place, the cause is no doubt the desire to keep the lower ends of the signs free from encumbrances, as has been noticed above.
(2) The device for expressing the lingualisation in ta (No. 20, Col. IV. b-c) and na (No. 13, Col. IV. a) is very similar to that sometimes used in the Brahma Alphabet, in order to indicate the change of the varja or class of the letter. A straight stroke, added originally on the right, serves this purpose in the Bhattiprôlu !a, in the Brâhma na, ha and na.22 The case of the Kharoshshi ta has been stated above in the remarks on the representatives of Tuw. With respect to ņa it is sufficient to point out that it has been developed from the na No. 13, Col. III. b, by a slight prolongation of the right hand stroke. The case of the lingual da (No. 4, Col. IV. b) is doubtfal. Possibly it may be derived from an older dental da, like that in No. 4, Col. I. a, by the addition of a short vertical straight line on the right, which coalesced with the vertical of the da and thus formed the sign with the open square at the head. But it is also possible that the Aramaic alphabet, imported into India, possessed several variants for Daleth, and that the heavier one (No. 4, Col. I. b) was chosen by the Hindus to express the heavier lingual da, while the lighter or more cursive one was utilised for the dental da.
(3) The origin of the remaining two Kharðshthi consonantic signs, the palatal ha (No. 13, Col. IV. b, c) and of the anusvára in man (No. 12, Col. IV.) has been already settled by
19 The sign in the table is really tho. 21 See Iulian Shelies, No. III. p. 73 f.
2. There are also examples, in which the stroke in malo straight 22 See Indian Studies, No. III. pp. 03, 73.

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Mr. E. Thomas. He has recognised that the palatal na consists of two dental na, joined together, and it may be added that in the Asoka Edicts sometimes the right half and sometimes the left half is only rudimentary, as shewn by the two specimens given in the Table. He has also asserted that the anusvira is nothing but a subscript small ma, which proposition is perfectly evident in the form given in the table, less apparent, but not less true in other cases, for which I must refer to Plate I. of my Grundriss der indischen Paleographie.
(4) As regards, finally, the Kharðshthi vowal system and the compound consonants (not given in the accompanying table), I can only agree with Mr. E. Thomas, Prof. A. Weber and Sir A. Cunningham, that they have been elaborated with the help of the Brahma Alphabet. Among the vowel signs the medial ones have been framed first and afterwards only the initial I, U, E, O (No. 1, Col. IV. a.d). They consist merely of straight strokes, which (1) in the case of i go across the left side of the upper or uppermost lines of the consonant, C) in the case of u slant away from the left side of the foot, (3) in the case of e stand, slanting from the right to the left, on the top line of the consonant (mostly on the left side), and (4) in the case of o stand below the top line (compare tho, No. 20, Col. IV. d) or slant away from the upper half of the vertical as in 0. The position of the four medial vowels thus closely agrees with that of the corresponding signs of the Brahma Alphabet, where i, e and o stand at the top of the consonants and at the foot. This circumstance alone is sufficient to raise the suspicion that there is a direct connexion between the two systems of vowel-notation. And the suspicion becomes stronger, if some further facts are taken into consideration. In the Brahma Alphabet of the Asoka Edicts the medial e and u are mostly expressed by straight strokes. The medial o, too, consists in several casos, e. g., in Delhi Sivalik Pillar Edict, VII. 2, 1. 2 nigohání) of a straight bar across the top of the consonant, and has the same form frequently in the Bhattiprolu inscriptions as well as in somewhat later documents. Again the medial i of the Girnar version is expressed by a shallow curve, which in many instances is not distinguishable from the straight lino of the medial a. Thus even the oldest Brahma documents furnish instances, in which all the four vowels, expressed in the Kharôshthi by straight strokes, have exactly the same form, and it is very probable that in the ordinary writing of every day life these cursive forms were in the case of o and i much more frequent than tho Edicts shew, as well as that they go back to earlier times than the third century B. C. If, finally, the fact is added, that the Kharôshthi, like the Brahmi considers tlie short a to be inherent in all consonants and does not express it by any sign, it becomes difficult to avoid the inference, drawn already by Prof. Weber, that the Kharoshthi system of medial vowels has been borrowed from the older alphabet.
The marking of the initial I, U, E, O (No. 1, Col. IV., a-d) by A plus the corresponding medial vowel-sign is, of course, an independent invention of the framer or framers of the Kharðshthi, and probably due to a desire to simplify the more cumbersome system of the Brahmi, which first developed the initial vowels, next nsed them in combination with the consonants and finally reduced their shapes in such combinations to simple strokes and curves.23 Similar attempts have been repeatedly made on Indian ground. The modern Devanagari has its and since the thirteenth or fourteenth century, the modern Gujarati has its e, ai, o and au, and the Tibetan alphabet, framed out of the letters of the Vartu seventh century A. D., expresses even I and U by A plus i and 4. These examples show that the idea at all events came naturally to the Hindus and that it is unnecessary to look for a foreign source of its origin.
(5) The rules for the treatment of the compound consonants again agree so fully with those of the Brahmi, especially with those adopted in the Girnar version, that they can only be considered as copies of the latter.
(i) Double consonants like leka, tla, and groups of unaspirated consonants like klha, ttha, etc. are expressed by the second element alone, except in the case of two nasals of the same
23 See Indian Studies, No. III. p. 75ff

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class, where the first may be optionally expressed by the anusvára as in anña or aña. Three times, however, a double ma is used in the word samma' (samyal-pratipatti), Shahbâzgashi Ed. IX. 19, XI. 23, and XIII. 5.
(ii) Groups of dissimilar consonants are expressed by ligatures of the signs except if the first is a nasal, for which the anusvára is used throughout.
(iii) In the ligatures the sign for the consonants, to be pronounced first, stands above and the next is interlaced with the lower end of the first, except in the case of g coups with ra, where ra is almost invariably placed below.24 The forms of the Kharôshthi ligatures are shaped exactly like those of the Brahmi and, like these, illustrations of the grammatical term sany uletákshara "a conjunct consonant." The neglect of non-aspirates, preceding aspirates, and of the double consonants, with the exception of the nasals, which can be marked without trouble by the anasvára, is, as already pointed out, a clerks' trick and the same as that used in the Brahmi Lipi. The treatment of ra in groups is closely analogous to that adopted in Girnar, where this letter or its cursive representative always occupies the same position, whether it must be pronounced before or after the consonant with which it is combined. There is, however, this difference that in the Giroar Brabm ra stands always at the top and in the Kharôshțhi invariably at the foot. The one writes, e. g., rta for rta and tra, and the other tra both for ria and tra.
These remarks at all events sumoq to show that a rational derivation of the Kharoshtht from the Aramaio of the Akhæmonian Period, based on fixed principles, is perfectly possible, and the attempt has this advantage that it shews some letters, as da, lea and ta, to be closely connected with Mesopotamian forms, which à priori might be expected to have been used by the writers of the Satraps, ruling over the extreme east of the Persian empire. If the ruins of the eastern Persian provinces are ever scientifically explored and ancient Aramaic inscriptions are found there, forms much closer to the Kharðshthi will no doubt turn up.
The third and last point, the existence of which has been indicated above, furnishes perhaps the most convincing proof for Dr. Taylor's theory. It is simply this, that Mr. E. J. Rapson has discovered of late on Persian silver sigloi, coming from the Panjab, both Kharðshthi and Brahma letters. Mr. Rapson was good enough to shew me specimen's, belonging to the British Museum, during my late visit to England, and I can vouch for the correctness of his observation. I think, I can do no better than quote his paragraph on the Persian coins in India from the MS. of his contribution to Mr. Trübner's Grundriss der Inulu-Arischen Philologic und Aterthumskunde, which will appear in Vol. II. Section 3 :
" (5) During the period of the Achæmenid rule (c. 510-331 B. C.) Persian coins circulated in the Panjab. Gold double staters were actually struck in India, probably in the latter half of the 4th century B. C. [Babelon, Les Perses Achéménides, pp. ix., XX., 16, PI. II. 10-19; 27.] Many of the silver sigloi, moreover, bear countermarks so similar to the native punch marks as to make it seem probable that the two classes of coins were in circulation together; and this probability is increased by the occurrence on sigloi, recently acquired by the British Museum, of Brahma and Kharoshth letters."
This appears to me sufficient to establish the conclusion that the Kharðshthi did exist in India during the Akhæmenian times and did not originate after the fall of the empire. At the same time we learn that before 331 B. C. the Kharoshthi and the Brahma letters were used together in the Pañjab, just as was the case in the 3rd and 2nd centuries B. C. (sce above).
In conclusion, I may offer a suggestion regarding the name of the script of Gandhâra. The Buddhist tradition derives the term Kharðshthi from the name of its inventor, who is said to have been called Kharôshtha or " Ass'-lip.” I am ready to accept this as true and historical,
24 There is only one exception in the Mansehra version, Ed. V. 24, karabhikare. 28 Babelon, op. cit. p. xi., attributes these countermarks to other provinces of Asia.

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because the ancient Hindus have very curious names - apparently nicknames. Thus we find already in the Védas three men, called Sunaḥsepa, Sunaḥpuccha and Sunolângûla, i. e., "Dog's-tail," and Sunaka or "Little-Dog" is the progenitor of a very numerous race. Again a Kharijangha or "She-Ass'-Leg" is, according to a Gana in Pânini's Grammar, likewise the father of a tribe or family.26
March 31st, 1895.
316
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 298.)
Lime. Spirits fear lime perhaps because lime is an early medicine. In Gujarat, lime is valued as a medicine by native physicians, and is considered a cure for colic. Amir Ali, the Thag, allowed a woman to put quicklime on his temples to cure a headache. The Ratnagiri Marathas, after bleeding, use lime and molasses to staunch the blood.3 Hindus eat lime with betelnut and leaves to quicken digestion. In Dharwâr, if much blood passes from flooding, some cement from an old building is finely ground and mixed in water. The mixture is kept in a pot for some hours, until the heavier parts are deposited at the bottom. The clear water on the top is then given to the woman to drink, and in two or three days the flood stops.5 The Dakhan Chitpâvans, at their weddings, touch the grindstone with lime in five places. In Gujarât, a woman in child-bed is sometimes surrounded by a line of white-wash. The Chino-Japanese spread on the coffin a layer of lime, sand and red-earth mixed with water or beer.8 Compare, in a fatal case of cholera the coffin should be lined with chloride of lime. The Velâlîs, a class of Poona Vaisyas, at their weddings, when they go to the boy's house, wave round the girl a plate filled with water, turmeric, and lime.10 Lime is used in preparing the sect mark of the Gôkalasthas, Saivas and Sâktas.11 The Motus of new Guinea use lime in chewing betelnut, 13 and the Chibchas of Central America eat the cocoa-leaf with earth like lime.13
[NOVEMBER, 1895.
Lifting. The object of lifting appears to be to lessen the risk of spirits entering the person lifted. So among the Pâtânê Prabhus of Bombay, when the bridegroom is bathed, his maternal uncle, throwing a cotton sheet over him, lifts him shoulder high and sits with him on the threshold, where four married women hold a shawl over the bridegroom's head and thrice drop rice into the shawl.14 Among the Pâvrâs of Khandesh, as soon as the wedding is over, the married pair are raised on the shoulders of their friends, with dancing and music.15 The Kâmâthis of Thana raise the bride and bridegroom on their shoulders and dance,16 The Nakrî Kûnbis of Thânâ lift the bride and bridegroom on their shoulders, and dance keeping time to music.17 The Sagar Gavandis, a class of Shôlâpur masons, lift the boy and girl and dance.18 As soon as the wedding is celebrated the Khonds dance, taking the bride and bridegroom on their shoulders.19 The Oraons carry the bride and bridegroom and set them on a curry stone.20 At the crowning
28 [For a discussion on opprobious names in modern India and the reasons for giving them to children, see my Dissertation on the Proper Names of Panjabis, 1883, p. 22 ff.; and on nicknames, p. 32 ff. Opprobrious names are nowadays given, roughly speaking, to scare away harmful spirits, and it appears to me to be likely that this custom, which we now find existing universally among the modern Indian peasants, has a history stretching back to Vedic times. ED.]
1 Information from Mr. Himatial. Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 124. Titsingh's Japan, p. 255.
* Confessions of a Thug, p. 119. 3 Information from the peon Bâbâji.
• Information from Mr. Tirmalrão. Information from Mr. Vaikuntram.
Student's Encyclopædia, Article "Small Pox."
11 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 199.
13 Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II. p. 35.
18 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XII. p. 98.
10 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII, p. 258.
12 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 493.
14 K. Raghunath's Pâtâne Prabhus, p. 32.
16 Op. cit. Vol. XIII. p. 121.
19 Carmichael's Vizagapattam, p. 93.
17 Op. cit. Vol. XIII. p. 129.
18 Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 99. 20 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 252, 253.

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of Kuyuk Khân, Emperor of the Târtârs in 1246, he and his wife were put in a chair and lifted.21 The king and queen of Navarre, after being anointed, were lifted.23 Among the Teutonic and Gothic tribes, the chief or king on whom the election fell was borne on a buckler by the leading men of the tribe.23 Among the Natchez of the Mississipi, at the harvest or new-fire festival, in the evening, the unleavened bread was held up and presented to the setting sun.24 Compare the elevation of the Host in Roman Catholic Churches: the Panagia or all holy, a monastic feast at which a triangle of blessed bread was elevated and shared by all in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary: the raising of the Sacramental bread by the Byzantine Christians.25 Compare also in drinking a toast the raising of the glasses and the carrying shoulder high of the chief guest or champion. In Scotland, till 1820, it was usual to lift the bride over the threshold of her husband's house.26 In Manchester, in 1784, the men used to lift the women on Easter Monday, and the women the men on Easter Tuesday. One or more took hold of each leg and one or more of each arm near the body, and thrice lifted the person in a horizontal position.27 In 1825, lifting was still common in North England.29
Liquor. Liquor is both a spirit-scarer and a spirit home. Liquor drives away weariness, cold and faintness. It heals wounds. It soothes inflammation. For these reasons liquor is a leading spirit-scarer. In East Africa, after his return from the haunted hill Kilimanjaro, Mr. New was sprinkled with a special ceremonial liquor that scared evil spirits.20 The widespread practice of libation, that is, of the spilling of drops of liquor before drinking, has its root in the scaring power of liquor.. Pârsis sprinkle liquor to scare the Evil Eye and other baneful influences. The Zend Avesta says30:-"The least offering of Haoma, the least praise of Haoma, the least mouthful of Haoma is enough to slay a thousand demons. All evil done by demons vanishes at once from the house of the man who serves Haoma, who praises Haoma the Healer." Again31:-"I am not a thief, says IIaoma, I am Haoma the holy who wards off death." So in the Sámavéda,33 Sôma is the chaser and slaughterer of enemies, the destroyer of the wicked, the helper against fiends, the demon-slayer. Though in the higher phases of the religions of Greece and Rome, the libation was believed to please rather than to scare, the earlier feeling remains in the case of thunder, when the Greek and the Roman poured cups of wine on the ground to avert the omen.33
Again, liquor inspirits. It causes gladness and laughter: as Horace34 sings:-"Wine adds horns to the man of humble means." In wine there is Truth; in wine there is Wit. So the enthusiast Brahman and Persian Sôma and Haoma worshippers held liquor a god, or, in the less extreme form, believed that in liquor dwelt a guardian or kindly ancestor. "If a man," says the Zend Avesta,35" handles Haoma tenderly like a little child, Haoma enters into his body for health. All other intoxications carry with them Aeshma or wrath of the murderous arm: the intoxication of Haoma goes with holiness and joy: the intoxication of Haoma is lightsome." Again he sings36:-"Haoma, give me thy drunkenness in exchange (for my praise). Let thy drunkenness enter into me and brighten me. Thy drunkenness is lightsome." So the Brahman priest37 drinking from the Sôma cup, says: "This is good, this is a host of goods. Here is good, here is a host of goods. In me is the good, in me is a host of goods." Sôma was a god brought from heaven by Gayatri.39 According to the Samaveda,30 Sôma was a god pressed out for gods. By Sôma Indra defeated the demons, 40
21 Jones' Crowns, p. 441; Howorth's Mongols, Part I. p. 163. 22 Op. cit. p. 415.
23 Smith's Christian Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 433. 25 Smith's Christian Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 414;
26 Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 55.
28 The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. p. 31.
31 Op. cit. xi. 3.
317
24 Frazer's Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 333. Vol. II. p. 1550,
27 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 182.
29 Frazer's Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 151.
20 Yasna, x. 6.
32 Griffith's Translation, pp. 102, 109, 141, 147, 162, 167, 175.
3 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 38. To the Greeks the stroke of wine and the stroke of the thunderbolt seemed alike. Archilochus (B. C. 700) sings:-" My mind is struck with wine as with a thunderbolt." Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. p. 87.
34 Odes Book, III., Ode 21. Op. cit. III. 25; IV. 7.
37 Ait. Br. II. 27. 40 Op. cit. pp. 26, 100.
35 Yasna, 1. 8. 36 Op. cit. x. 19. 3 Griffith's Translation, p. 164.

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The drinking of Sôma'l gives immortality. So in the Zend Avesta, Haoma is a god, whose share of the sacrifice is the jaw, the tongue, and the left eye. "Cut quickly," the poet cries to the sacrificer, "his slice for the share of the mighty Haoma, lest he pen thee in the bowels of the earth." Similarly, the Aztecs of Mexico held drunkenness to be the working of the wine god,
But liquor is dowered not alone with happiness : from drink come rage and madness, as well as kindliness and joy. Hesiod (B. C. 800) says: - "Dionysos gave grapes to men, a source of joy, a source of sorrow. The wine god, the freer from care, is also the slayer of souls.45 According to the Aitariya Brahmana, the inebriating quality of Sôma arose from its being licked by the fiend Dirghajihva, Lady Long Tongue. It follows that, though mainly a guardian home, a bringer of joy and health, liquor, like other guardian homes, is apt to be invaded by houseless ill-minded spirits, whose evil influence, passing into the drinker, causes madness and grief. For this reason every care has to be taken in the making, keeping, drinking, and consecrating of wine. Among the early Romans, when the new wine or mustum was tasted, a libation was poured to Meditrina and Jupiter with the prayer that the wine might have health-giving power. So the Bacchantes and maddened comrades of the wine spirit were, like their pine cone and their human organs, less inspired by the god, than the guardians of the god, taking into themselves as scapes the unhoused swarms that might otherwise make their way into the Wine Spirit, dear to thirsty demons. In Europe, as late as the seventh century, at some festivals, the people called on the name of Bacchus and simulated a Bacchic frenzy while treading the grapes. Similarly, in a Somerset home, when the malt is steeped for a brew, on the mash are drawn two hearts with a criss-cross between them to keep the pixies or fairies from spoiling the drink. In Scotland (1604), in the brewery at St. Andrew, a live coal was thrown into each of the vats to keep off the fairies.50 In Hereford, Kent, and other parts of England, in 1690, a bar of cold iron was laid on ale barrels to keep the beer from being soured by thunder.506 So, in Naples, when the wine is ready, the barrel and the wine wagon and the tavern have all to be saved from the Evil Eye and other harmful influences by hanging them with horns. So, in ohurches, the crossing of the chalice with the thumb passed under the two front fingers, incense, lights, bells, and, perhaps, the lifting, all help to the guarding of the sacred wino.61
Though, in India, liquor has ceased to be sacramentally drank to excess, and, except on special occasions, has ceased to be worshipped by orthodox Hindus, the worship and the excessive religious drinking of liquor remain the leading rites of the Vam or Lefthand sects. Lignor is the essential article in the worship of the followers of the left path, Kiols, SÅktas, Vams and Aghors. The Sakta holy books tell how Liquor, in the form of a Virgin or Kumari, rose from the churning of the ocean. The lady was smiling, red-eyed with wine, high-breasted, manyarmed, covered with jewels. The gods and the heavenly host praised her. From drops which fell from her cup sprang hemp, spices, sweet-canes and palms, all plants and trees in whom lives the divine ferment of wine. Liquors are of two classes : madya, or the sweet, which bring pleasure and freedom from re-births, and sura, breath or spirit, that is, the distilled, which save from sin and give learning and power. Through the blessing of 'Sankara, that is of Mahîdêva, those who drink liquor, the giver of the groatest happiness, gain unending joy. Even by the gods, say the Vâm books, liquor is enjoyed : it ever sbines : it is an enduring delight. The sight of liquor frees from sin: its fumes have the merit of a hundred sacrifices. In the divine ferment of liquor the All-soul passes into the partaker, life is large, self bursts its bonds and
41 Op. cit. pp. 170, 337. 45 Op.cit. xi. 7. 45 Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. pp. 21, 40. +7 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, VOL II. p. 155. • Elwerthy's The Evil Eye, p. 287. bn Aubrey's Miscellany, p. 140.
** Yasna, xi. 4. + The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 185. 4. Ait. Br. II. 22. + Smith's Christian Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 812. 50 Hone's Year Book, p. 1553. 51 Smith's Christian Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 1896.

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swells into deity. The devotee drinks the sixteen devotional cups, meditating on Mahâdêva the World-spirit, and repeating "I have in me the essence of Siva, the ferment of life. For life is 'Siva and Siva is life. This my largeness of life is 'Siva himself." So the men, who take part in the Vâm rites, are gods or Mahîdêvs, and the women goddesses or Maheśvaris. The aim of the higher Hindu religion is to get rid of the bonds of self, of the dreaded chain of re-births. By two courses liquor leads to this desired end. The inspiration of liquor consumes the barriers of Self, and liquor freely drunk brings unconsciousness, when the goadings of desire are at rest, and Self is lost in the fullness of peace. In death-like drunkenness, says the Âgam, all gods, that is, all passions, appetites, and desires, are at rest. The unconsciousness of the heavyladen drinker is môksha, absorption, the longed-for passing of Self into the All which knows not re-birth.52
The Buddhists of Tibet, in their half Hindu services, offer in a human skull to the Maharânî or Queen, that is to the goddess Durga or Kâlî, a sacramental cake made of black-goat's fat, blood, wine, dough and butter.53 Probably, because of the strong Musalmân element in the brotherhood, the sacrament of the Thags, or Indian high-way stranglers, in honour of Durga or Kâlî, was sugar, not liquor. Still, in certain religious ceremonies, the Thags drank spirits with the formal invocation of Dadâ Dhîrâ, a famous Thag leader, with the promise that, if their coming `venture succeeded, they would drink or they would spill spirits in Dâdâ Dhîrâ's honour and memory.54 Among Ratnagiri Kunbis, when a man dies without heirs, at the close of the funeral, the mourners retire from the pyre, send for liquor, and all sit and drink. Their object is to help and hearten the unhoused spirit. They do not know how this drinking is to help the dead. They have forgotten the earlier belief that the spirit goes into the liquor and through the liquor passes into and is housed in the partakers. The Pârsis have remained stauncher to liquor worship than the higher class Hindus. Though liquor is not drunk in the fire temples, liquor drinking forms part of almost every Pârsi ceremony. On New Year's Day (September-October), liquor is consecrated with milk and fruit. The consecrated liquor should be drunk in memory of God. It makes the partaker delighted and light-hearted. It shews forth to the drinker his place in paradise.55
319
In Western India, in making the divine or guardian Liquor, the following rites are observed. In the Pâñch Mahâls in East Gujarât, stills are kept and worked by people of three classes, Bhils, Kalâls, and Pârsis. In making liquor for any special sacrifice, about a fortnigh before the appointed day, the Bhils fill great earthern pots with mhawa (Bassia latifolia) flowers. They set on a brass platter rice, three pice, a silver coin, a cocoanut, ground turmeric, and an earthen lamp. The sacrificer five times dips his thumb tips in turmeric and marks the ground in front of the pots with small yellow circles, and, on the turmeric circles, drops a few grains of rice. He scatters rice on the ground, and lies on the ground worshipping Mother Earth. He throws rice, and prostrates to the sun and moon. He five times marks one of the pots with thumb marks of turmeric and scatters rice over the pot. He waves the brass platter five times round the pot and worships the platter. On the day chosen by the astrologer, after the mhawú flowers have been steeping for a fortnight and are ready for distilling, a hole is dug and an oven built. When the first liquor, which is called earth-cleansing or dhulpakhav, is ready, a Medium, or Bharwâ, is called, and some rice and pulse cakes and five fowls are brought. The headman waves the brass platter round the pot, marks the pot with turmeric, and throws rice over it. The Medium, becoming possessed, shakes and tosses gasping :-"I am Ind Raja. You will prosper. I accept your crifice." The fowls are killed, and some of their blood is sprinkled on the fire in the oven. Fire is taken out of the oven and laid in front of the still. The people sit round and throw into this fire pulse and rice, pieces of cake, the hearts of the five fowls, and clarified butter. Each pours some of the new liquor into the fire. They drink the rest of the first jarful, roast the fowls and eat them with the cakes. Sometimes, for a special
52 MS. Translations of Sakti Ritual, by Mr. K. Raghunathji. 54 Sleeman's R4mâseedna, p. 87.
63 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 365. 65 MS. Answers, 1895.

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offering to a god, the Bhils make kuvari, that is, pure or virgin liquor. The rites are the same as those noted above, except that the distillers must bathe and wear newly washed clothes before they begin the work of distilling.
On every Dasahra day (September October), and also when they first use a new still, the head Kalal pours a little of the first liquor into the oven. He kills a goat, dips his open hands in the goat's blood, and marks each side of the oven with three bloody hands. He drops part of the yoat's liver into the fire, and with red-lead, marks finger-tip circles on the bloody hands. He breaks and distributes a cocoanut with soune of the new liquor. When Parsis first use a still, the owner plasters with cow-dung a space about two feet square in front of the still. He marks the oven with a trident, takes ont some of the fire, lays it on the plastered ground, drops into the fire a little camphor, sandal-wood, benzoin, and frankincense. He sets close to the fire a jighted ghi lamp and an incense stick, and prays: - "Oh Dêvi, prosper my trade. May the liquor be good. I give you your sacrifice." He pours a little of the new liquor on the plastered ground and into the fire, and scatters a few drops in each of the four directions. A goat is brought and a cnp of the new liquor is poured on its back from head to tail. "Devi," says the still-owner, "I bring your sacrifice. Be pleased to accept it." The gont shakes itself in sign that it is accepted. Its head is struck off, and at the same time a cocoanut is broken. Some of the goat's blood is caught in a cup, and poured into the oven and over the still, and a little of the liver and of the cocoa kernel are burned in the fire outside of the still. The flesh of the goat is distributed among the owner's servants and others.66
The chief devices practised by Bombay liquor-sellers to guard the guardian Liquor are as follow. Among Parsis, the nailing on the shop threshold of a horse-shoe, especially of a horse- shoe found on a Sunday or new-inoon day, over which, in some cases, charms have been repeated. Failing a horse-shoe, cross nails are driven into the threshold. Morning and evening, the smoke of benzoin is fanned about the room, especially at the corners. And daily, especially on Sundays and new-moon days, a priest comes and sprinkles the shop with salt water, repeating texts for the scaring of evil spirits. At new moon a cocoanut is broken and the water sprinkled about the shop and entrance, and sugar is eaten by the shopkeeper. Powdered rice is put into hollow tin rolls bored with holes in the lucky figures of fish, flowers and new moons, and these figures are stencilled in the yard and at the threshold. In the spirit-haunted twilight, garlands of jesamines are hung to the shop lamp, round the tops and the taps of the casks, and over the bottles. The Hindu Bhandari uses all these precautions, except the sea-water and the lime figures. Instead, he sprinkles liqnor in the shop-corners, drops some into the fire, and throws the rest in front of the door to keep away or to please evil spirits. He also hangs a spirit-scaring lemon from the roof. Christian Bhandaris have the horse-shoe on the threshold and the jessamine garlands. They also keep cocoa-palm leaves at the door. A man carrying toddy almost always has a piece of a palm leaf in the jar and some palm sprays in his hand.57 In North Italy, and formerly in England, a branch of pine is the tavern sign to keep off souring and other evils. Good wine, in which the guardian influence is specially strong, alone needs no bush. In a Scottish house, after a death, unless an iron nail or needle is dipped into it the whisky turns white,59
In drinking, or after drinking, the risk is great that liquor-loving evil influences will pass into the drinker. The Hindu or Indian Musalman, who is found bleeding or torn from a drunken fall explains :-"I had been drinking in the town but was sober. On my way home I was passing under a haunted tree. The evil spirit who lives in the tree smelt the liquor from my breath, entered into me, and, playing with me, threw me down, cut me, and left me senseless." So, the North Englishman, who, after a drink, loses his way, is pixey-led.59 To save the drinker from the assaults of thirsty spirits, the classic Greek and Roman sprinkled wine, as he dropped crumbs of bread, for the evil spirits.60 Over the guests he hung the evil.
68 38. Accounts, 1837-88. 67 From 3. Accounts, April 1395. 6% Gregor in Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 176. 29 The Dinhan Tracts, Vol. II. p. 87.
6 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 391.

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scaring rose and let showers of rose leaves fall on his guests.61 He crowned the drinkers with never-fading spirit-proof ivy, he protected their fingers with madness-scaring amethyst, he armed the cup with guardian gems and cameos,62 The Greeks crowned the cup with garlands, the Catholic priest crosses the cup, the Jew blesses it, and the Roman of the early empire, with a similar spirit-scaring or housing object, graved its outside with pleasing adulteries.63 Saint Chrysostom (A. D. 398) seems to recognise the principle when he says: "Take holy oil, and thou wilt never suffer the shipwreck of drunkenness." In the Eastern Church, the Sacramental cup contains a portion of the consecrated bread.65 The early English custom of dropping into wine pieces of toast is the origin of the phrase the toasting of beauties and honoured guests,68 This toasting of beauties, of honoured guests, of the king or earthly guardian, and of the deity or heavenly guardian, is based on the rule that all in honour, whether child, guest or guardian, want special protection, since they are particularly open to the intrusion of evil spirits.
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Health-drinking is a complicated rite. The Middle-Age Skandinavian practice of drinking the health of Christ, the present South Slav or Balkan drinking to the ancestral guardian or Slawa, and the Pârsi drinking of the toast of Zoroaster, seem to have their origin less in the hope of housing the guardian than in the belief that the drinker becomes a scape, taking into himself evil influences, which, if not absorbed by him, might enter into the Name, and so annoy the being whose health is drunk. This view finds support in Firdûsi's (A. D. 1000) statement that, when the ancient Persians drank in memory of King Quûs, they prostrated and kissed the earth.87 The same worshipful feeling is the main element in the English practice of drinking the Health of the Queen, the bride, the newly christened babe, the hero of the birthday, absent friends, the dead. The silent toasting of the dead has passed through many phases. The drinking at funerals was originally to scare from the living the dreaded spirit of the dead and other evil spirits; then to scare evil spirits from the corpse; then to tempt the spirit of the beloved dead to house himself in some one of his relations, as the Roman son received in his pious mouth the last breath of his dying parent. This view of ceremonial drinking explains how, among many nations, at certain seasons and on certain occasions, drinking, that is, drinking to excess, is a duty and a self-sacrifice, the drinker taking into himself the evil influences, which, but for him and his comrade scapes, might cause general mischief. The spilling of wine in christening a ship has the early object of scaring the spirits of ill-luck, probably to empty the ship of the spirits that took shelter in her when she was building, and make the ship ready to receive the spirit of the guardian deity or saint in whose name and under whose charge she is to be launched. Like the new-built ship, the field is sprinkled to purge it of the demons of barrenness and blight, the sea to scare the storm-fiend, the river to drive away the devil of drought, military standards to put fear and panic to flight, and fishing boats on June 29th, the day of the great fisher St. Peter, to get rid of fish-scaring influences.68 The experience, that Truth and Wit are in Wine, that Wine is the Opener, the Revealer, together with the belief that in wine ancestral spirits pass into the drinker, explain how, among Greeks, Persians, Carthaginians, Scythians, Thracians, Germans, Celts, and Iberians, important questions were settled over wine. What was fixed over wine was more inviolable than their sober resolutions. Among the Babylonians, the drinking of Belshazar before his thousand lords when the writing appeared on the wall was ceremonial or religions, a loving cup to the
61 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 281.
62 Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 380, 388; Penny Encyclopædia, Article "Cameo."
65 Poona Stat. Act. Vol. I. pp. 512-516; Pliny's Natural History, Book vi. Chap. 22.
64 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1454.
es Op. cit. p. 414.
66 Compare Shakespeare's Merry Wives, Act III, Scene 5. Also below, page 326, note 48. 67 Modi's Wine among Ancient Persians, p. 15. 68 Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 414.
es Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 404; Rawlinson's Herodotus, Vol. I. p. 274. For wine as the Heart-Opener the saying of Tacitus (Germania, XXII.) that in the freedom of festivity the Germana disclose the most secret emotions of the heart finds a parallel in the Urdu lines. "Let not the fumes of wine lay open the nature either of me or of thee." Kahin nashé mên khuôn, na jauhar | Idhar hamáré udhar tumhare.

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good Daimon.70 In Mangaia, in the South Pacific, before the priest becomes possessed, he drinks an intoxicating liquor, and, in the frenzy that follows, his wild words are taken to be the voice of God.71
On the bright third of May, on the August full moon, and on the day sailing vessels pot to sea, Gujarat sea-farers throw into the sea milk, flowers, cocoanuts and liquor.72 At a Mongol review, Babar (1502) saw the Khan and those about him sprinkle spirit made from mare's milk towards the standards.73 Among the Red Karens, of the highlands of East Burma, in a yearly festival, when the spirit's house is renewed, fermented liquor is drunk in excess by all, gongs and cymbals are sounded, drums boom, drinkers shriek, dogs howl, and matchlocks are fired.74 In New Guinea, women who wish to be exorcised of the spirit of barrenness meet in the god-hut and are sprinkled with rum by the priest, while young men fire guns and brandish swords to scare the demon. In the Peru initiation to manhood the relations scourged the lads and the lads presented the scourgers with liquor, apparently with the sense that the whipping drove out the boyish spirit of fear, and the spirit of fear, entering into the liquor, passed into and was prisoned in the whippers.76 In the feast of the Lord Inca, young Peru girls carried vases of liquor and took them to the temple of the Sun.77 The Spartans bathed new-born infants in wine.79 A Greck in love sprinkled with wine the door of his mistress' house.79 The merits of a pight-cap or final glass of liquor were known to the Greeks and Romans, who, before breaking up a party, poured wine to Mercury, the sender of sleep and pleasing dreams.80 The Greeks offered wine at the beginning and end of a voyage or journey, before going to sleep, when they entertained a stranger, and at almost every sacrifice.81 The Greeks washed the dead with warm water and wine.82
The Hebrews poured wine over an upright stone or el, gathered the wine, and gave it to barren women to secure offspring, that is, to scare the haunting spirit of barrenness.83 In seventeenth centary England, a drink of herbs worked up off clear ale over which Masses were sang, and in which garlic and holy water were mixed, was used to cure the fiend-sick.84 In eighteenth century England, the Sacramental Wine, and in Ireland and other Catholic countries, the rinsing of the chalice scared fits, whooping-cough and other childish spiritBeiz ires.sha On festival eves parishoners met in church-houses or church-yards and had drinking bouts. According to the German legend, Dame Gauden's doggie was scared by making the fermenting beer pass through an egg-shell.86 In eighteenth century England (1750), the bride and bridegroom, on going to bed, were given sack-posset, and again when they awoke.87 In England, the wassail bowl used to be drunk at Christmas. This was probably a foreChristian rite. The early Northmon liked nothing so much as carousing ale. The master used to fill a great bowl and pass it round, first drinking out of it himself.99 Tbewassailing bowl was also nu old Saxon institution. It resembled the Grace-cup of the Greeks and Romans.80 The Norse god Odin is said to have taken no nourishment but wine.co The northern nations, in addressing their rural deities, on every invocation, emptied a cup in their honour. Compare abont the middle of the twelfth century, on the island of Rugen, in the South-West Baltic, the Gerinan and Slav god Suanto Wib or Holy Light, held in his right hand a horn.
50 Daniel. Chap. V.; Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. II. p. 109. 11 The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 33. T2 Vaikuntrain's Guarit Hindu Religion, Element Worship. * Baber's Memoirs, p. 103.
** Government of India Records, Vol. XXIV. p. 39. 56 lecquard in The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 162. 76 Emerson's Mask, Hearis and Faces, p. 107. 11 Op.cit. p. 105.
78 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 319. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 214. 50 Op. cit. Vol. II, p. 403 ; Sınith's Greek and Roman Antiguities, Vol. II. p. 481. 31 Potter's Asitiquities, Vol. I. pp. 219, 270 ; Smith's Grock and Roman Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 302: Vol. II. p. 581 *2 Taylor's Danger of Premature Interment, p. 3. $3 lunar's Ancient Fatihs, Vol. I. p. 305. Black'a Folk-Lore Medicine, p. 89.
' Choice Notes on Foll-Lore, pp. 227, 228. #Aubrey's Remains of Geniidism, p. 46.
$6 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 927. Hono's Table Book, Vol. I. p. 293.
Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions,' p. 77. * Godtleniani's May:ine Library, Manners and Customny," p. 24,
Hielop's Two Belyione, p. 451. 91 Gentlemari's Mcgazine Library," Manners and Customs," p. 22

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This horn the priest, nt the end of the harvest, used to fill every year with new wino. He examined the horn when the next year's crop was harvested. If the liquor in the horn had sunk, the priest foretold a bad harvest; if the horn was still full, the harvest would be good. At the harvest festival the priest poured out the old wine at the foot of the image': filled the horn afresh, presented the horn to the god, and then himself drank it. After drinking, Le addressed the crowd in the name of the god. The people kept orgy during the rest of the day to please the god. On St. Peter's Day (June 29th), in Yorkshire, fishing boats are dressed with flags and streamers, their masts are painted, and their bows sprinkled with good liquor.93 That to the Greek liquor was a guardian or fiend-scarer is shewn by the Tap-barrel Day in February March, wben the wine of the last vintage was tasted, being the day of the guardian or Good Daimon. And, again, in the Bacchic Mysteries, when a consecrated cup, handed round after supper, was received with shouting as the cap of the Agathodaiinon or Good Spirit.” That the object of drinking is to scare or to house spirits and so drive away disease is shewn by the offerer's speech at the Roman Meditrinalia or New-wine Festival :-"I, old, drink new wine ; with new wine my old ailment I cure.'96 It is also shewn by the Saxon name "wassail," that is, Wax-health, and also by the Romans calling a drink salus or health, as in Plautus "I drinks health to you with full jaws." In Dorsetshire, the Saxons had a god Hail or Health, to whom, in some parts, they drank out of a cup ritually composed, decked, and filled with country liquor.97 At Horbury in Yorkshire (1874),, on the second week in February, a gill of ale is served to any rate-payer who asks for it, the amount being charged to the town. These drinks are called Candlemas Gills. That drinking was the leading festal rite is shewn by the enrly English use of the word " Ale" as festival, as in Bridal, that is, the bride's ale, or festival. Of the English practice of pouring liquor on the sea to secure good weather, Spenser writes :
" The mariner on catching sight of home,
His cheerful whistle merrily doth sound,
And Nereus crowns with cops his mates him pledge around."100 The first month after marriage is the honeymoon, because the people of worth Europe used to drink honey liquor or mead for a month after their chief's marriage. In Avondale, in Sterlingshire, during the eighteenth century, great drinking services were held at funerals These religious funeral drinks continne in the practice of offering cake and wine to mourners at funeral. The burial service in Scotland is an amplification of the blessing of the cake and wine, which, in former times, was the only religious rite the minister was allowed to perform at funerals.2 In Devonshire (1791), on the Eve of the Epiphany (5th Jannary), the farmer, attended by his workmen, with a large pitcher of cyder, goes to the orcliard, and there encircling one of the best trees, thrice drinks this tonst :
" Hore's to the old apple tree, Whence thou mayoat bud and whence thou mayest blow, And whence thou mayest boar aples enow, Jlats full, Capafull,
Busbel Busbel sacks full, and is prekete full too, Hazza." When thoy go back to the house, the meu find the doors bolted by the womeu, who, whether in wet or dry, let no one in till he bas guessed what is on the spit. When the right thing is guessed the doors are thrown open and the guesser gets the prize. If they neglect this custom, the trees bear no apples. On the same day (January 6th), in Pauntley, in Gloucester, # Non aud Powell's Sazo.Crammaticus (A. D. 1150-1200), pp. 343-393. Bassett's Sea Legends, p. 414.
N Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. 1. p. 239. 95 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 233.
95 Smith's Greek arul Roman Antiquitier, Vol. II. p. 155. Sve notes on Drayton's Polyolbion, Song IV. 98 Notes and Queries, 5tl. Series, Vol. I. p. 608. n Skoat's riers the Ploughman, p. 184.
104 Spenser's Faery Queen, Vol. I. p. 331. 1 Gentleman's Magazine Library," Manners and Custome," p. 30. 1 Guthrie'. Owl Scottish Customs, p. 28. Gentleman'. Majarine Library," Popular Superstition," p. 19.

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to prevent smut in the wheat, farmers meet at the marching of twelve lands. They burn twelve straw fires in a row. Round the largest fire they drink cider, and going home feast on cakes made of caraways soaked in cider. These beliefs and customs are valuable. They shew that the object of toasting the apple tree, or apple-howling as it was called, and also of toasting the young wheat, was to scare out of the tree and the wheat the evil spirit of barrenness and other ill influences that had established themselves during the months of the sun's waning power. As the twelfth day or close of the great Christmas or winter Bolstice festival, the Epiphany (6th January), is a fit time to drive off evil influences and ensure full play to the guarding and enriching virtues of the new-born sun. In this case it seems probable that the drinkers were in effect scapes, taking into themselves with the liquor the ill-luck which would otherwise haunt the apple trees and the wheat crop. In the 16th century, at Zurich, at new year time, men used to meet and force one another to take wine, In Tibet, on the New Year, first footing and health-drinking are the order of the day; according to the saying :-"The Tibetan New Year is wine, the Chinese paper, the Nepalese noise." The fishers of North-East Scotland, besides carrying fire round the boats to bless them on the last night in the year, used (1689) to take meat and drink to the boat-side and sprinkle liquor on the boat.7 In Scotland, great drinking boute, called sprees, used to be held on Sundays. In 1766, no parish in Ireland was without its place of penance dedicated to a special saint, where, in the morning, the people, confessed, did penance, and heard Mase, and in the evening celebrated the greatest debauches. In Hungary, at a wedding, the chief of the tribe sprinkles a few drops of liquor on the heads of the couple, drinks the rest of the liquor, tosses the glass pitcher into the air, and lets it fall to the ground smashed. The more bits the more luck.ro Here that the guardian drinker took into himself the ill-luck of the couple is shewn by his letting the glass be broken to pieces. The practice of dashing the glass to the ground after drinking a toast is widespread. It seems to be an extreme form of the toaster's law “No heel taps," that is, no leavings, the sense being that the liquor, through which evil influences should have passed into the toaster, being left in the cap, may serve as a place of refage for some envious spirit. Similarly, if he heard any unlucky word, the Greek dashed the wine cup to the ground, the sense being that the evil influence in the unlucky word might pass into and harm the wine.' The Saturnalia, one of the chief spirit-scaring festivals in Rome, was marked by drankenness. And the December festival at Babylon was known as the dranken festival.13 At Rome, on the feast of St. John the Evangelist, on December 27th, ten days after the old Saturnalia, presents of blessed wine are sent to friends.13
At their public festivals the Dyaks of Borneo never fail to drink to excess.14 In their worship of Sôma or Haoma, the early Brahman and Persian priests drank to excess. This drinking was sacramental. The god was offered to the god; and the god passed into the offering and so into the partaker. So, at the feast of Mithrâs, the king of Persia was bound to be drunk.15 Except st sacrificial feasts, the ancient Greeks drank little. At sacrificial feasts it was proper to get drunk through the gods día déovs 'ouvoúsbal. To be drunk was termed petúely as if mera tò Cúcu after sacrificing, a punning derivation which shewed that the ceremonial drunkenness was dae either to the drinker taking the guardian into him or taking into himself haunting influences to guard the guardian.16 So, heavy drinking marked the Greek harvest home, because as the banquet Oiv took its name from déos, it was the husbandman's duty to the gods or ancestral field-guardians to get drunk.17 The noisy grave-feast of the early Christians, like
• Hone's Every Day Book, Vol. II. p. 38. Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 379. • Waddell's Buddhism in 78bet, p. 650. Mitchell's Past in the Present, p. 261.
. Guthrio's Old Scottish Customs, p. 145. Gentleman'. Magarine Library, " Popular Superstition," p. 112. ** Victor Tissot's Unknown Hungary, Vol. II. p. 161. Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. P. 401. 11 Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 189.
13 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 888, 14 Featherman's Social History, Vol. II. p. 259. 18 Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchias, Vol. II. p. 828 : Rawlinson's Herodotus, Vol. I. p. 374, n. 1, 1Compare Potter's Antiquitio, Vol. I. p. 274
11 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 415.

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the inscription to the Divine Manes on the tombstone, was in the main the contiuuance of the existing worship of the dead.18 More than any part of the feast, drinking housed the dead or lightened his evils by drawing them into the drinker.10 This explains St. Augustine's (A. D. 398) saying :-"Many drink most luxuriously over the dead, and, when they make a feast for the departed, place their gluttony and drunkenness to the score of religion."20 St. Chrysostoni A. D. (350) also admits the religious element in ceremonial drunkenness :-"You will prosper in the new year, not if you make yourself drank on the new moon, but if you do what God approves."21 In the sixth century, in England, men spent Christmas and other sacred days in drunkenness and scurrility, both practices doubtless ceremonial.22 It must have been with a ceremonial or housing object that, in A. D. 536, a bishop in Asia Minor made drunk persons who came to him for Baptism.33
The religious, that is, the self-saorifloing or soape, element in drunkenness is shown by the case of the Russian peasant, who at times thinks it a duty to the church and to the memory of the dead to get drunk,24 Scotland, like Russia, long clung to the early belief in the sacramental character of funeral drinking. “I don't object so much," says the minister to the old Galloway farmer, " to your taking too much at a wedding. But to get drunk at a funeral is without excuse. You must give up whisky at funerals." "Hoot, Meenister, stap whaskey at funerals, Wad you have us burry oor deid with the burrial of a doag ?" At a Japan wedding the drinking of rice beer is one of the chief rites.25 In Japan, before the victim criminal is executed, he is given a cup of rice beer.26 The Japanese offering at the yearly god-feast includes a cup of rice beer or saki.27 In every Buddhist monastery in Tibet, within the outer gateway, the image of the place-spirit is worshipped with wine38 The Lamas of Tibet also pour liquor to evil spirits.29 Among the Greeks, on the Ninth or Earthen Pot-day, at Eleusis, two vessels of wine were upset as an offering to the infernal divinities.30 In Egypt, in the second century after Christ, in the processions of Isis, a large wine jar was carried. The people of Nicaragua, in Central America, had twenty-one festal days dedicated to the gods. These were spent in drinking.32 On certain high days the chief priest of the Zapotecs of South Mexico became drank,33 In Mexico, every religious ceremony ended in general intoxication.34 The Mexicans drank together in closing an agreement.35 The present Mexicans hang liquor outside of their hovels to keep the bees from leaving 36 This practice is in agrecment with the widespread belief that, when bees become unsettled, it is because they get spiritpossessed. Among the Peruvians, after marriage, the husband and wifo fasted for two days, drank chicha together, and the bridegroom put a shoe on the bride's foot,37 An invitation to drink was the usual salutation among Peruvian friends.88 The Peruvians threw liquor into channels and rivers to bring rain.39 With the same object they set a black sheep in a field, poured liquor over it, and gave it nothing to eat till rain fell.co The sense seems to be the drought demon went into the liquor and into the sheep, and so the rain was able to fall. The liquor drunk in the Osianic feasts of shells (A. D. 400-800) was a juice extractod from the birch tree and fermented. A liquor was also made of heather. When, at Lammas.
18 Dean Merivale notices that the first Christians at Rome did not separate thoninelves from those who kupt to the older faith. They married with non-Christians, they continued the use of the oll Romau law, they burnt their dead in Roman fashion, gathered the ashes into urns, and inscribed tho usunl dedication to the Divine Spirits Quoted in Smith's Christian Antiquiting, pp. 308, 309.
19 Compare Smith's Christian Antiquitior, p. 1.136. 90 Qnoted in Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 312. 21 Sunith's Christian Antiquities, p. 812.
72 Oompare Sunith's Christian Antiquities, p. 588. 20 Op.cit. p. 583.
26 Ralston's Russian Folk-Tales, Vol. I. p. :30. 25 Japanese Janners, p. 182.
** Japanese Manners,p. 226. 17 Japanese Manners, p. 61. * Waddell's Buldhim in Tibet, p. 372
29 Op. cit. p. 225. 30 Brown's The Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. p. 319. 31 King's Antique Gems, p. 367. 31 Descriptive Sociology, pp. 2, 23.
35 The Col.lon Bough, Vol. I. p. 114. Descriptive Sociology. pp. 2, 21.
35 Descriptive Sociology, Vol. II. p. 33. » Harper's Nero Monthly Magazine, March 1836.
27 Descriptive Sociology, 2, "Ancient Peru." * Descriptive Sociology, pp. 2, 33.
► Descriptive Sociology, 2, "Ancient Peru." 40 The Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 17.
1 Smith's Galic Antiquities, p. 154.

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tide in August, the Orkney fishermen stopped the harvest of the sea to begin the land harvest, they used to have a ceremonial drink and pray :-"Lord, open the mouth of the grey fish and hold thy hand above the corn." In the Edda, the king produced a large horn out of which his courtiers were obliged to drink when they had committed any trespass against the customs of the court. In Abyssinia, a formal interview is opened by drinking tedge or mead, that is, honey beer. Egyptians, Chinese and Jews drank, and drink, wine at the beginning of an entertainment. The younger Pliny (A. D. 100) describes reverted Christians as offering wine and frankincense before the emperor's statue.s6 The Brazil boatman begins the day with a dram to frighten the fiend. The wassail, that is, according to Hardwick, the waes hael or wax health, bowl of spiced ale, formerly carried with songs by girls on New Year's Eve, with sugar, nutmeg, toast and roasted apples, was, as its name shews, prepared and drunk with the object of securing health, that is, of housing or scaring fiends."
At the Slawa or Guardian feasts among the Slars to the south-west of the Balkans, the chief ceremony is toast-drinking. In the evening, after church, relations who have the same ancestral guardian or Slawa come to the house of the man of their brotherhood who is holding the Slawa feast. They salute the host with the words "May the Slawa be propitious." Each receives a glass of wine and a piece of sacred cake. All stand and ancover, and the senior guest chants: “We drank before as we liked and needed." He then gives the fresh health, the Guardian, and adds: “We drink now to the honour of the divine Slawa. May the Slawa be propitious to all." Glasses are emptied and filled again. A second guest rises and sings: "The Cross; We drank before to the Slawa, we drink now to the Cross.” The glasses are emptied and filled. The third guest chants: "We drink to the Trinity and Pentecost. May the Pentecost feast help all. In house or in field, in water or in wood."49 At their banquets, the modern Pârsis drink the following toasts: - The Creater, Zoroaster, the Fire Temple, the Guardian Angels, the Empress, the Host, and lastly with a short prayer and the burning of incense the Dead. The solemn toasts are ydds, or reminders; the others are either safeguards, salámati, or healths, tandarustí,50
Hecatæus (B. C. 330) and Plutarch (A. D. 46-106) said the Hebrew god and Bacchus are one.51 Though in reply it may be urged that no Jew drank wine in the temple, 52 still it is true that the ceremonial and religious use of wine is a marked feature in Jewish customs. At the wedding of the Beni-Isra'll of Western India, the bridegroom holds a glass with wine in it, in which is the wedding ring. The bridegroom drinks half the wine, pours the rest into the bride's mouth, and dashes the glass to pieces on the ground.53 The Jews drank a cup of consolation at or after a funeral.54 Among the Beni-Isra'ils a funeral ends with a drink.55 At the feast held in the synagogue, and at the close of the Sabbath, a cup of wine is blessed and handed round.56 The Jews used wine in their sacrifices, and, like the Egyptians, poured wine on their altars.67
+1 Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 176.
4 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 126. * Eng. Illus. Mag. December 1884, p. 191.
48 Wilkinson's Egyptians, Vol. II. p. 221. 46 Pliny's Letters, Book X. Letter 97.
47 Burton's Brasil, Vol. I. p. 405. 18 Compare Hardwick's Traditions, p. 60. The Wassail cup was still in uso in the north of England in 1826 The Denham Tracts, Vol. II, pp. 8 and 9. . St. James's Budget, 4th June 1887, pp. 11 and 12.
" M8. Notes, 1895, 81 Jahn's Hebrew Commonwealth : Gill's Notices of the Jews, p. 75. Tacitus, about A. D. 100, refers (History, Book v. Chap. V.) to the belief that the Jews worshipped Bacchus, rejecting it on the ground that the worship of Bacchus was gay and the Jews' worship was gloomy. The belief, that the Jews worshipped Bacchus, probably found support in the likeness between Lao, the Greek form of Javeh or Jehova, and Euios or Evius, # name of Bacchus, and also between the Hebrew Babi, glory, and Sabaoth and the Bacchio cry 'Sabaoi' and the name Sabazius. Further resemblances were the vineleaf ornament in the Jewish temple and the Dionysia-like Feast of Tabernacles. Compare King's Antique Gems, pp. 865-867.
03 Op. cit., loc. cit. 63 Poona Gazetteer, Part I. pp. 512, 516.
54 Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II. p. 140. 46 Poona Gazetteer, Part I. p. 585.
* Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. III. p. 1401. BT Wilkinson's Egyptiaris, 2nd Series, Vol. II, p. 856; Whiston's Josephus, Book IIL. Chap. 9, or Bohn's Josephus, Vol. I. p. 219 ; Jewish War, Vol. XIII. p. 6; Jahn's Hebrew Commonwealth, p. 407.

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A "stone of drinking" took the place of the ark in the second temple at Jerusalem.58 Sabbath of Repentance, the Beni-Isrâ'il pours liquor on the ground to satisfy his ancestors. 59 On the first day of the Passover, the Beni-Isrâ'il drinks wine with prayer.60 At the Passover, the Jews began by blessing the day and the wine contained in a cup out of which the celebrant and others drank. At the close of the first part of the feast, the cup of wine again went round. A third cup, the cup of blessing, generally mixed with water, followed, and a fourth with the song Hallel, and sometimes a fifth with a great song.61
In most Greek and Roman sacrifices, wine was poured on the victim and on the altar. When with a nod the victim shewed its willingness to be sacrificed, the priest took a cup of wine, tasted it, made the worshippers taste, and poured the rest between the horns of the victim.62 Among the Greeks, the ashes of the dead were soaked in wine, and wine was offered to the spirits of the dead.63 At a Greek feast, the toast was to the gods, corresponding to the Roman formal drinking or propinatio to a god or to the Emperor. The Greeks also drank during the feast two loving cups, that is, a cup passed from guest to guest. Of these the first was to the Good Genius or Daimon, that is, Bacchus, the inventor of wine, or, in more mystic phrase, the shewer forth of himself as the wine spirit. As each drank, he called on the Good Genius to guard him from the ill effects of wine. The second loving cup was to Charm or Grace, a sacramental cup drunk with the object that the giver of mutual favour and affection might enter into the drinkers.66 After the feast three more religious cups were drunk to Olympian Zeus, the Power of the Air, generally mixed with water, to Heroes, and to the Saviour.67 Sometimes, a fourth cup was added to Health, and sometimes a fifth to Mercury, the sender of sleep and good dreams. At their other cups they named and saluted friends; at each cup pouring a little on the ground for the evil spirits. When the last cup was drunk they sang a hymn and left.70
The religious use of wine among Christians seems to be a blending of the Hebrew and Greek ideas and practices. The Cup of Blessing, also called the Cup of the Lord, Hebrew in origin, was imported into the Greek Church." At the Agapae or Love Feasts of the early Christian Church, one cup of wine was specially passed round as the cup of blessing.72 That the Christians adopted the sacramental Greek belief that into their love cups the spirits of daimons or guardians entered and so passed into the drinker is shewn by St. Paul's injunction to the Corinthians: "Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of daimons: Ye cannot be partakers of the Lord's table and of the table of daimons."73 Similarly, in the matter of meats, the early idea that the guardian passes into the offering is accepted. All meats are lawful to a Christian, except meats offered to idols. This idea is Jewish as well as Greek. The Israelites75 were ordered to destroy the idolators, lest, if they sacrificed to gods, one should call thee and thou eat of his sacrifice.76 The horror of eating the sacrifice was that the idol passed into the eater or drinker. So the earlier belief in the spirit-scaring power of articles into which the guardian had passed was continued. Cyril of Jerusalem (A. D. 315-386) says: "In drinking the wine, touch with the moisture of the lips the eyes, the brow and other a charm organs of sense.77 Consecrated bread was laid on the breast of the dead as
50 Poona Gazetteer, Part I, p. 514.
68 Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I. p. 107. Op. cit. Part I. p. 515.
1 Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II. p. 139.
62 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 269, Vol. I. pp. 887, 888.
68 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, p. 562; Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 213.
327
64 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 743.
66 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 396.
68 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 896.
71 Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II. p. 142,
73 First Corinthians, x. 21.
e Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 391.
75 Exodus, xxxiv. 15,
TT Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 413.
65 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 395. 67 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 395, 396.
70 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 397.
72 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 40.
74 First Corinthians, viii. 1-7; Acta, xv. 20-29.
76 Compare Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 275.

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against the attacks of malignant spirits: the dead were baptised; the Eucharist was celebrated at the grave, the Eucharist was given to the dead; wine-soaked bread was laid on the dead lips; vials of Eucharistic wine were placed in the coffin or grave, and glasses with the graven toasts Drink and Long Life. So the sprinkling of wine at graves, like the lighting of lamps, seems to have been mainly to scare evil spirits.79 Similarly, one element in the second phase of the Christian Love Feast, the eating and drinking at the graves of martyrs, seems to have been to take into the partakers the evil spirits which haunted the holy ground.90 But the main object of the memorial feasts at the shrines of martyrs on their birth-day, that is, on their day of martyrdom, was that the guardian spirit of the martyr might through the food and the drink pass into the feasters.81 As early as the second century toasts were drunk to the memory of the martyrs, the devout Christian wishing to be helped by the martyr's presence and protection. At these feasts ceremonial drunkenness seems to have been common.83 Saint Augustine (A, D, 396-426) complains : " The martyrs hate our drinking bouts. Would that we did not persecute them with our cups."95
Finally, wine is not only a sacrament; it is also a sacrifice. The Egyptians offered wine to many of their gods, pouring out the wine as the blood of enemies who had fought against the gods.95 So, at the great banqnet to gods and demons, the Tibet Buddhist offers country wine called devil-juice and ten called blood.86 Tho Egyptians thought that wine made men mad because wine was the blood of their parents.97 The mystical language of the early Christians regarding the bread and wine of the Supper gave rise to the belief that the drinking of human blood was the cement of their society, as the blood of a child was the bond of union in Cataliue's conspiracy.88 It was not only as representing blood that wine was a sacrifice. The ancient Brahman and Persian Sôma and Haoma worshipper believed that Sôma the god, who, like the sea, poured forth songs and hymns and thoughts, was offered to himself. The same belief formed part of the mystic rites of the great guardian Dionysos.
Liquor plays a part in two of the leading ever-yonng elements of the Hinda religion, the losing of Self in the Ocean of Being, and the purifying of Self by the indwelling guardian spirit of self-sacrifice. The part that liqaor takes in the philosophic effort to get rid of the trammels and conditions of Self by absorption in the Universal has been illustrated by reference to the Sôma and Vama literature. The second or practical aim that Self should become the home of the Guardian iden, which the Golden Legend of worshipful self-sacrificing Hindu champions and mothers keeps ever fresh, has through all ages secured to the Hindu religion a leaven of sweetness and youth. The highway to the union of Self with the Guardian spirit of self-sacrifice is the well known Hindu prasádn, that is, pleasing or grace, the offering into which the Guardian passes and through which the Guardian enters into and dwells in the partaker. This aim and belief, which half or unconsciously is the aim of all true Hindu worship, stands out clearly in the Thag brotherhood and oneness of spirit in murder secured by eating the sacramental sugar of the pitiless Kali: and in the brotherhood of kindness and tenderness gained by partaking of the food offered to the Guardian at Puri in Orissa. As a main bond of union and oneness of spirit, liquor, like its prototype blood, has lost its ancient glory among orthodox Hindus. Still the literature of Soma and the practice of the wilder tribes and lower classes shewan agreement between Hindu belief and the belief of other nations and peoples that into consecrated or sacramental liquor a Guardian spirit enters, and, passing into the partakers, makes them of one heart and of one mind. Far as the inspiration of wine can be traced the inspiration of blood can be traced further.80 Wine is blood, said the antique Egyptian, and blood, not
78 Compare Sunith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 253, 308, 535, 732, 1434. 79 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 312.
80 Compare Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 41. #1 Compare Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 41, 345-3-16. Compare Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 41, 263, S: Compare Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 581. * Quoted in Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1131. 3 Wilkinson's Egyptians, 2nd Series, Vol. I. p. 801 : Vol. II. p. 164. 6 Waddell's Bullhism in Tibet, p. 130. 57 Op. cit. p. 73. Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 260, 261, Mrs. Manning, Vol. I. p. 82. * Compare Frazer's Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 185; Brown's The Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. II. p. 103.

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wine, was the leading Mexican sun-sacrament. The early sacrificial drinking of blood as the life is refined into the drinking of the life of John Barleycorn or of the blood of the grape as the life of the world. In the mysteries of Babylon and Chaldea the ferment of wine, like the ferment of blood, was considered the direct working of the creative spirit. Wine, the blood of the grape, was the blood of Belus, the early Guardian, who spilt his own lifeblood on the ground, that, mingling with the dust, the divine blood might forment into universal life.91 From Chaldea the mystic view, that the origin of life is the self-sacrifice of the spirit of Nature, passed west in the slain Adonis Orpheus and Dionysos, the blood of the grape, the blood of the guardian, scaring evil, housing evil, passing himself and his hosts into his worshippers, and, in divine ecstasy, enabling them to overleap the barriers of Self."
Over much of Western Asia the great Arab Prophet's (A. D. 612) yearning for scents drove the sacred use of liquor from earth to heaven. Still in the seat of its old divinity, in Syria, Babylon and Persia, liquor continued to receive worship. In the fourteenth century (A.D. 1388), after about seven hundred years of the rule of wine-hating Islâm, Hâfiz sings the praises of wine with not less fervour than the old Persian songster hymned the Haoma: -
"On a rose-leaf, I saw, writ with the blood of the wind-flower,
The bringer of ripe anderstanding is the ruby red wine.""
Again : -
“That bitter maker of rye faces which the pious miename Mother of Fionde (Umm-ul-Khabaith),
Is more pleasing to me than the virgin's kiss." Again : -
"He who has learned the secret of the Almighty on the threshold of the wine shop Gains through the wine cup the full knowledge of the Dorwish's cloister (that is of the mysteries
of belief).'* Once more Hafiz sings :
"Give me wine that I may make clear the secret of Fate,
And shew forth the face of the Lord who charms me and whose scent inflames me."
91 Bunsen's Egypt's Place in History, Vol. IV. p. 287 ; Brown's The Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. II. p. 108.
Compare Frazer's Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 322; Vol. II. p. 90; Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. pp. 197, 235 : Vol. II, p. 5.
One of the Prophet's own sayings or hadith, recorded by the Seint of Saints, Abdul Kadir Gilani (A. D. 1257) in his Fut Ah-ul-Gheib, The Opening of the Unesen, Lahor Edition, p. 29, and in Jalál-ud-din Rami's (A. D. 1250) Masnavi', Bombay Edition, Part I. p. 17, shows the koonness of the Prophet's love of scents "Three things in this world I am foroed to love, soente, women and prayers. But prayers are to me colors of the eyes." The Araba, before the Prophet, were fond of wine. Al-Ma'ldi (A. D. 915; Prairies d'Or, Arab. Text IV. p. 218) gives the tale of Aba Mihjan, the hero of the great Arab victory of Kadisiyyah over the Persiana in A. D. 645 (H. 23). This famous warrior was also & poet. Shortly before the battle, the Arab General Sa'ad, who hated wine, ordered Abd Mihjan to be put in chains. On the morning of the battle, Aba Mihjan persuaded the general's wife to set him free for the day. The lady loosed his chains and gave him one of her husband's famous mares. On his return from the battle, which his skull and courage had mainly won, Abd Mihjan stretched his legs to receive the fetters. “Why wast thou imprisoned ? the lady asked." For those lines," said the poet," in praise of wine
When I die bary me beneath the vine-tree: Let the dew from its tendrils water my bones; Bury me not under the open sky where my soul
Would lack the elixir that in life sustained it." The praise of wine was again permitted in the laureate days of Haran-ar-Rashid (A. D. 786-808). And the medieval Arab poetry, which began under Harun-ar-Rashid at its close in the eleventh century, passed the torch to the early Persian poots. The great Sa'adi (A. D. 1967) mellowed with mysticism tho praise of wine, using the ferment of wine as a symbol of the creative working of the love of the Almighty -
From the wine that the eyes, that is the love, of AllAh shed in the mingling of Sa'aar's soul, His brain will swim till the dawn of the Day of Doom. - Farl Lutfullah Faridi. * Bar-bargi-gul-si-khani-shak dyik-nawishtah-and,
Kan-kar-ki-pukhtah-shud-mayi-chan-arghavan girift. 16 Bar Astanah mai khanah har kih yaft sind,
Zi faini jam i mai asrdri khankah ddniat. ► Mai bidih td di hamat agahi i sirri kasd,
Kih bark Wh shudam dghako bar búi kih mast,

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About a century before Hafiz the early mysticism of Babylon and Syria awoke in Saadi's (A. D. 1258) ascetic praise of wine as the type of the creative love of the Almighty:
"The child of the world deep sunk in slumber knows not Life;
To be drunk with the wine of God's love, that is Life." About the same time (A. D. 1207-1277) the Master of Rům, the mystic High Priest, Jalâl-ud-din, refines the early Babylonian -
"Life is the life of the Lord and the leaven of life is Blood;" into the highest word of the mystic school -
"Life is the love of the Lord and the leaven of life is wine." That is, the divine yearning of the Almighty to shew Himself is still active in the ferment of wine. This he repeats in more detail:
"When the Lord) the great Cupgiver of the day of All-Souls,
Poured a drop of the wine of his love on this lowly clay, The clay fermented, and of that fermented clay are we.
Spare, Lord, to us helpless, one more drop of the wine of thy love." It is strange that the Master, whose learning had raised him to so lofty a vision of life, should forthwith become the disciple of the hermit Persian Shams of Tabriz because of his one oddly Indian utterance: -
“What is this learning of yours, Better the blackest ignorance
Than & knowledge that saves not from Sell." The sacrament of wine, which, in India, has passed out of repute, remains a leading rite in the half Indian religion of Tibet. The service, known to Europeans as the Eucharist of Lamaism, and locally as the Gaining of Life, seems to imply the acceptance of the two great secrets of sacrifice : -
(a) The Guardian Life enters into the offering; and
(6) By partaking in the offering the Guardian Life passes into the partaker. To the Indian Baddhist any seeking after Life is worse than meaningless. To him the trammels of life, like the trammels of Self, are evils to be shaken off, not possessions to be won. The Tibetan search for Life is, therefore, either local or Christian, probably Nestorian (8th to 13th century A.D.). The offerings are wine, called either the wine of life or the juice of devils, apparently the blood of the slain foes of the deity, but, since in Lamaism, most devils are Guardians, the phrase may mean the guardian's blood. Besides wine, offerings are made of pills of life, prepared from flour, sugar and butter, and of wafers composed of flour, butter and rice The service begins by the priest bringing into himself the god Buddha Amitayus by touching the image of that god and then his own heart with the thunderbolt sceptre. Next the priest invokes and takes into himself the guardian demon and through the guardian the king of the demous, when, being demon-possessed, he is able to put to flight the hosts of evil influences. Next the priest meditates. He invokes all goardians, deities, Buddhas, and Bodhisattvas to endae with life the wine in the vase. The partakers kneel and some drops of the holy wine are yiven to each. Each rinses his mouth, touches the crown of his head, and drinks. On the head of each, in succession, the vase is set, and his crown is touched by the thunderbolt. Then each swallows a few drops from the skull caps, and takes some of the Life pills, with reverence receiving from the Lord of Life the gift of Life without end."
The result of those notes on liquor may be thus summarised. Liquor is both a scare and a house. To scare evil spirits liquor is sprinkled on the ground, and is given to the sick, the
97 Ghi fil-and-as-zindagi-mastani-khúb,
Zindagini-chiat? Masti ar shareb, * Masnavi, Book V. pp. 15, 16, Bom. Ed.
n Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 448.

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dying, and the dead. As a house liquor lodges ancestral and other guardians. But being a house it is a tempting lodging to unhoused evil influences, who, unless the guardian house is guarded, may make their lodging in the house and yield harm instead of help to those who hope from the guardian house to draw guardian influences. It follows that at all stages, at the making, at the storing, at the using of wine, still more at its consecration, special care must be taken to prevent the trespass of unguardian influences. Since liquor is a lodging for evil influ ences as well as for good, the drinker's object may be either selfish to draw a guardian into the wine and through the wine into himself; or it may be devotional to draw into the liquor and so into himself the evil influences which otherwise might hartu and haunt the object of his devotion. Since wine is the home of a guardian, wine is a sacrament, that is, a thing inherently holy as a guardian's dwelling. Again, wine is the offering or victim, the sacrifice, that is, the thing made holy by the passing into it of the guardian spirit to whom it is offered. More than this, wine is the blood of ancestors, the guardian's blood. So the sacrifice is also the sacrament; the victim is also the guardian. This is the complete sacrifice, since the guardiau not only passes into it, but is one with it. Therefore, through this complete sacrifice, the guardian passes with special power into him who partakes of the sacrifice. This, the inner shrine of Mysteries, secures the object of all rites and of all sacrifice, that, by sharing in the offering, worshippers may become of one spirit by taking into themselves the spirit of a guardian who sacrificed himself, and by sacrificing himself proved himself to be the true type of the old-world human Champion and Mother, whose devotion is the birth of the Guardian, who sacrificed self and life for their children and friends.
(To be continual.)
MISCELLANEA.
(Continued from p. 303.)
(21) Haribhunja.
MISCELLANEA.
SOME REMARKS ON THE KALYANI
INSCRIPTIONS.
THIS is the classical name of Labôn to the north of Siam. Chiengmai or Zimmè is probably intended here. The Burmese writers also call Chiengmai Yun or Yonaka, and the art of lacquerware, which is derived from that country, yundo. (22) Chinadesa.
The Chou and the Ch'in dynasties reigned in China in 550-200 B. C. The latter dynasty was thus synchronous with the Maurya dynasty, with whose sympathy and encouragement the fenets of Buddhism were transplanted beyond the confines of India. The name China be. came stereotyped owing to frequent intercourse, commercial and religous, inaugurated by Buddhism in the 3rd century before Christ.
(23) The Yoga River.
This may be identified with the Bassein River. In the 15th century the port of the deltaic province of Pegu was Bassein. Rangoon was non-existent in those days and was then known as Tigumpanagara (see note 25, post). Ships called at Bassein and their cargoes were trans
331
ported in native boats through the Twanté and other creeks to Pegu. The journey took about eight days in the 16th century when Cæsar Frederike visited Pegu (s. v. "Cosmin" in Yule's Hobson-Jobson).
(24) Shrines at Anuradhapura.
The Ratanachêtiya, Marichivattichêtiya, Thûpâ-râmachêtiya, Abhayagirichêtiya, Silichotiya, Jêtavanachôtiya, Mahabodhi, and the Lohapûsâda, etc., are mentioned in the Kalyani Inscriptions. Perhaps, it would be well if the Archæological Journal with a short description of each of Commissioner of Ceylon would favour this
these shrines.
(25) Tigumpanagars.
See "Dagon" in Yule's Hobson-Jobson, where the derivation of the word is discussed. Owing to the modern mania of Burniese writers, due to their short historical memory and ignorance of comparative philology, to ascribe every classical name to a Pâli origin, Tigumpachêti is now spelt Tikumbhachêti. In spite of the dictum of Yule and Forchhammer, it is quite probable that Dagon is a corruption of Dagob or Dagoba, the Sinhalese word signifying a Relic Shrine. In ancient native writings the shrine is called the Digôn Chêti, and the town Digôn, the vowel i in Digôn being pronounced as a."
3 [See my remarks on this word, ante, Vol. XXII. pp. 27 f. - ED.]

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(26) Dhammachéti's Bell.
TWO INEDITED CEYLON COINS. Its weight was 3,000 tulas or 120,000 viss. It We have come in South India across two measured 8 cubits at the mouth and 12 in height. remarkable in edited coins of the Kandyan kings, At the beginning of the 17th century the Porta- which have since been given to Mr. Bell of the guese adventurer, Philip de Brito y Nicote, alias Ceylon Civil Service, Archæological Commissioner Maung Zinga, who held his court at Syriam, of Ceylon. among his other acts of vandalism, removed this huge bell and put it on board a ship which sank
(1) a gold fanam-- with its sacrilegious cargo at Dòbûn near
Obverse. - Standing Sinhalese man. Rangoon.
Reverse. - (Någari legend) Vijayabahu, (27) The Paradha.
(2) a copper quarter massaThis wind is also called Parija. My Burmese Obverse. - Standing Sinhalese man. assistant tells me that its latter appellation is
Reverse. - Dharmaśokadêva (in Nagari). due to the following fanciful derivation :"Parijetiti Parajo" = because it occasions loss
Mr. Bell, though an ardent coin collector, had
never met with these in Ceylon, and gave us in or ruin ! (28) Nagapattana.
exchange for the copper piece the gold coin Nagapattana is, no doubt, the modern Negapa
inscribed Lankesvara (Nos. 1, 2, 3 or 4 in Mr. Rhys
Davids' Plate, in the Numismata Orientalia, tam (q. v in Hobson-Jobson).
Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon). Professor (29) The Cave of the Emperor of China. Rhys Davids evidently was unaware of the exist. The cave constructed by command of the
ence of the gold fanam and the quarter massa Maharaja of Chinadêsa must have been made
abovementioned; for he makes no mention of them wben Ceylon was under temporary subjection to
in his essay on Ceylon coins, explaining the abovethe Emperor of China in the 15th century
mentioned Plate. Mr. Tracy of Periyakulam, (Tennent's Coylon, Vol. I. pp. 621-625).
Madura District, is known to possess a duplicate
of the gold fanam of Vijayabahu, and we possessi (30) Navutapattana and Komalapattana.
duplicate of the quarter massa of Dharmasökadova These places are ports on the Coromandel - a bad specimen, the one given to Mr. Bell being Coast, but have not as yet been identified.
in excellent preservation. (31) Nagarasi.
During a tour that we made lately in the eastern Nagarasi is Negrais (q. v. in Hobson-Jobson). part of the Madura District, we came across many The Burmese name is Mòdingarit.
coins of the Kandyan kings. A gold Lankesvara.
in company with a gold Rajaraja (No. 165, Plate (82) The Mahabuddharapa.
IV. of Sir Walter Elliot's Numismata Orientalia, The great image here referred to may be iden- Coins of Southern India) were acquired for us tified with the colossal recumbent image of at Parmakudi, a town on the banks of the Vaigai, Gautama Buddha between the Kalyanisima and not far from Kilakarai, which is said to be one Mahâchetf at Pegu. It measures 181 feet in of the capitals of the Påndya Dynasty. From length and 46 in height (ante, Vol. XXII. pp. 46
all these facts it is patent that considerable interand 347).
course has existed between South-Eastern India (83) The Mudhavamahachétiya.
(the Påndya country) and Ceylon, for the last This shrine is the modern Shwemddo Pagoda
we 800 years, at least across the pearl-laden seas
which divide them. of Pegu (q.v. in my Notes on an Archeological Tour wl through Ramaññadesa, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 365).
T. M. RANGACHARI. Taw Sein-Ko.
T. DEBIKACHARI.
NOTES AND QUERIES. LAL BEG AND THE MUSALMAN CREED. said -"Yes, there is a small chance in favor of An amusing anecdote, apropos of these words, Muhammadans who practically, although unwitis often related. A scavenger was once boasting tingly, invoke the name of the Lal Gurd in their that none but the followers of LAI Bêg would be creed by saying id ildha ill' illdhu (there is no saved. He was asked to reflect and find if there god but God)." was the slightest chance of salvation for men of Any other faith. After some hesitation he J. G. DELMERICK in P. N. and Q. 1883.

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EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
333
SOME EARLY SOVEREIGNS OF TRAVANCORE.
BY P. SUNDARAM PILLAI, M. A. (Concluded from p. 311.)
XIII. CEVENTEEN years later, we meet with another monarch of Vênád. That the 22nd of
Idavam 427 was a day in the reign of Sri-Vira-Padmanabha-Martandavarma Tiruvadi is proved by a Vatteluttu inscription at Varkkalai, place of pilgrimage about 24 miles to the north of Trivandram. Perhaps to the pilgrim world in Indin, no place in Travancore is so well known as Varkkalai or Janardanam. The geologically interesting cliffs that form the characteristic features of this promontory, are obviously of much earlier formation than the alluvial soil surrounding it on all sides, and possibly the early Indian geographers used it, along with Cape Comorin and Ramêśvaram on the eastern coast,89 fox marking off the southern contour of their favourite Bharata-Varsha. The mineral spring of this sacred place may be taken, perhaps, as furnishing another and more practical justification for the estimation in which it is held by foreign pilgrims. To the Sthala-Purance of the place, however, the hills and the springs are as if they never existed. It delights only to relate how on one occasion the Devas performed a sacrifice on the spot, how the Brahmanas had then feast, rich and indescribable, and how the local deity, with the object of perpetuating that ferst. practised a clever and successful practical joke upon the authors thereof! On the southern wall of the chief shrine in this spot will be found in four lines the document I now proceed to translate :
13 Vatteluttu No. 48. Old Malayalam.
Varkkalai Inscription of Vira-Padmanabha-Martandavarman. "Hail! Prosperity! In the Kollam year 427, with Jupiter entering into Aries, and the sun 21 days old in Taurus, Wednesday, the 5th lunar day after new moon, and with the sign of Cancer rising in the orient, the loyal chieftains of Sri-Vira-Padmanabha-Martandavarma Tiruvadi, graciously ruling over Vêņad, consecrated the holy temple of Vadasêrikkarni, at Udaiyamartindapuram in Varkkalai, after constructing with granite stones the inner sbrine from the foundations to the wall plates, and paving the courtyard with stones, besides repairing the Sri MukhaMandapa (or the hall in front facing the shrine)."
This is one of the most satisfactory Vatteluttu inscriptions I have, every word in it being clear and unmistakable. It proves that on the morning of the 22nd of Idavam 427 M. E., about 9 a. m., Wednesday, the throne of Vêņad was enjoyed by Sri-Vira-PadmanabhaMartandavarma Tiruvadi, who in all probability immediately succeeded Sri-Vira-RaviKeralavarman of Manalikkarai fame. It is interesting to note that the sacred spot where the temple now stands was then called Udaiyamártândapuram, no doubt in commemoration of an carlier builder or patron of the fane ; but it cannot be the Udaiyamártándavarman of our Tiruvattar inscription, as it is not likely that the temple could have demanded repair and reconstruction in so short a time. That the chiefs of Sri-Padmanabha-Mirtindavarman were not the originators of the temple is clear enougl from their having had only to repair the hall facing the shrine.
* It is possible that the sanctity of Varkkalai is partly due to its having been taken by carly Indian geogra. phers to be in the same latitude as Rámékvaram in the east. Later, perhaps, a closer approximation was attempted by the foundation of a temple near Quilon, under the very name of Riméévaram. That something of the kind must have been meant, is proved by such places as the following almost in the same latitude :-Alwaye and Madura, whore ancient name was Alavily, and Trichur and Trichinopoly, obviously derived from the samo root, despite modern fanciful corruptions.
" It is available only in manuscript. Its style is clearly modern.

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XIV. Hitherto we have been discussing the records of a series of sovereigns, from 301 to 427 M. E., with intervals too short to lead us to suspect their unbroken succession. But now for the first time appears an apparent blank. The next king of Vêņâd revealed by the documents in my collection is Sri-Vira-Udaiyamartandavarman II., who ruled on the 22nd of Kumbha 491 M. E. There is thus an interval of 64 years - a period presumably too long to be allotted to one reign. What princes, if any, enjoyed the throne of Vēņâd during the interval, and whether they have left any traces at all behind them, future researches alone can determine. I have about 15 documents in my present collection, dated from 400 to 491 M. E., but none of them gives me any help. On the other hand, judging by the light of these records, one would be led to conclude that this unaccounted interval of half a century was a time of trouble in the south-eastern frontiers of Vêņâd. It is about this time that the foreign temple of Rajendra-Choleśvara at Kottar receives several grants and dedications from private parties, prima facie foreign to Travancore. In the midst of these grants and presumably of the same age, so far as palæography and situation can tell us, occur four inscriptions dated in the 11th year of KÔ-Jatavarman alias Sri-Sundara-CholaPandyadeva. In an inscription at Suchindram, dated in the 9th year of the same Pandya king, this ancient village is itself called Sundara-Choļs-chaturvedimangalam. Finally in Saka 1293, or 546 of the Malabar era, this same foreign temple of Rajendra-Cboļa receives substantial repairs at the hands of Parakrama-Pandyadeva. What could all this mean bat that South Travancore was once more, about this period, under foreign sway? It looks highly probable that 'Sri-Sundara-Chô!a-Pandyadê va of the inscriptions we have just noticed, was the same as Jatâ varman alias Sundara-Pandye, whose accession is calculated by Mr. Dikshit of Dhulia, from materials furnished by Dr. Hultzsch, to have taken place in the Saka year 1172, and whose ninth year of reign in consequence would be Saka 1181, or 434 M. E., i.e., exactly seven years after the chieftains of Vîra-Padmanabha-Mártåndavarman completed their reconstruction of the temple at Varkkalai, Probably, then, soon after the completion of that architectural undertaking in the north, Sri-Vira-Padmanabha-Mártanda varman must have been called upon to do more anxious duties in the south. The cloud must have been gathering in that horizon even much earlier. I find the foreign temple of Rajendra-Choleśvara rising into favour from 392 M. E. The contest might have been long kept up, but the result could not have been other than unfavourable. Sundara-Chola-Pandyadêva succeeded at least in wresting the whole of the district of which Kottar was the centre. He seems to have established also his authority so widely and well as to lead private parties to reckon their grants in the year of his reign, and to call an ancient hamlet like Suchindram by a new fangled name, coined specially to flatter his pride. Sundara-Chôļa-Pandya was by no means the last of the revived dynasty of Pandyas to trouble Travancore. I bave with me an inscription dated in the 3rd year of Udaiyar Sri-Chola-Pandyadeva Kochchadaiyavarman, another dated in the 2nd year of a simple Kochchadaiyavarman, probably the same as the last ; two again dated in the reign of Maravarman alias Vikrama-Cha-Pandyadeva, and two more in the reign of Maravarman alias Srivallabha-deva. Pending further researches, we may, therefore, for the present, reasonably assume that the hiatus of sixty years, of which we have now no account, was a period too full of trials and tribulations to allow occasions for such acts of charities and temple buildings as form the subject matter of the Travancore inscriptions in general.
But before the end of the fifth century, the Pandya wave of conquest must have receded for a while; for we get once more a glimpse of the Vénad throne in 491 M. E. On the 22nd of Kumbha of that year, that throne was occupied by Sri-Vira-Udaiyamartandavarman II., alias Vira-Pandyadova. My authority for this statement is an inscription in five
n Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 221.

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lines on the southern wall of a temple at Keralapuram, about three miles from Padmanabhapuram. It would read thus, if translated :
14 Vatteluttu 69. Old Malayalam.
lam. Kóralapuram Inscription of Vira-Udaiyamartandavarman II.
on “In the Kollam year 491, and in the 4th year, the son being 21 days old in Aquarius, is made the following grant. The loyal chieftains of Sri-Vira-Udaiyamartandavarma Tiruvadiyar, Vira-Pandyadevar, graciously ruling over Vêņâd, do hereby provide in writing for a sacred perpetual lamp and for the daily expenses of the Mahadeva of Sri-Vira-Kêraļ&svaram, at Mnttalaik. kuruchchi, in Palkôdud8šam, in division No. 1 of the district of Cheukalunirnâdu, in Tennada, belonging to (or under the administration of the said chieftains. Accordingly, the said chieftains make over (for the said purpose) all the dues taken as kaliyalekam, from this désam (or circle), includingolfira tax, avvi, bamboo grain, alagerudu, duty on looms and palmyras. karai pparru, fines and kô-muraippadu. In this manner then, the said chieftains grant in writing, all the dues taken as kaliyakkan from this désam (or circle), including op!ira tax, uevi, bamboo grain, alagerudu, duty on looms and palmyras, karaipparri, fines and kó-muraippádu, excepting such of them as have been already granted to meet the charges of the Mahadeva of Tiruvitaŭkodu 09 and the Deva and Bhagavati of Pakkodu, to be made use of as long as the moon and the stars endure, for the purpose of supplying the daily needs of the Mahadeva of Kêralesvaram, and a sacred perpetual lamp to the same deity, which fact we the following do know and can attest: - Châttan Maniyan of Talkkil Pulavaraman; Narayanan Kudiśan of Penankidu; Kandan Iravivarman (signature); * * Tiruvikraman of Punaluri (signature). This deed in cadjan is written with the knowledge of the above persons by Iraman Keralan of Kaitavây (signature)."
Thus then on the 22nd Kumbha 491 M. E., or roughly speaking about the end of February 1310, the sovereign of Vêņad was Sri-Vira-Udaiyamartandavarman, who, it will be observed, styled himself further Vira-Pandyadeva. Nothing could be of greater historical interest than to know the circumstances that led to the assumption of this new and foreign title; but I have succeeded as yet in finding no clue whatever towards its solution. May it be that when the Påndya power shrunk back to its original condition, after having been blown out into dangerous and meddlesome greatness by the breath of a Kôchchadaiyan or a Komaran, the Vêņid kings not only regained their lost ground, but also retaliated by invading and conquering a portion of the dominions of their recent conquerors, and assumed, too, their style and manners to legitimize their hold upon the territories so added to their own ? Agreeably to this foreign title, we find also the no less foreign method of dating the inscription in the year of the sovereign's reign. But thanks to the wisdom of the Vêņâd chiefs, this new method was not allowed to supersede, but was only combined with, the old and sensible way of reckoning in the fixed Kollam era. In the case before us, therefore, the mention of the year of the king's reign, instead of giving rise to endless collations and calculations, as is so usual in Indian epigraphy, only gives us the additional welcome information that Udaiyamártândavarman ascended the throne three years previously, i. e., in 488 M. E. It is quite possible that the reference is made not to the year of the accession, but to the date of his assuming the foreign title of Vira-Pandyadêva. In either case, we are sure that the reigning sovereign of Vêņâd on the 22nd of Kumbha 491 (March 1316) was Sri-Vîra-Udaiyamârtândavarma Tiruvadi. Having already met a king of this name, we may call him Sri-Vîra-Udaiyamârtâpdavarman II. or as, styled in the document before us, Vira-Pandyadêva.
As for the particulars of the grant, I am at a loss to understand the nature of all the taxes Bet apart by this document for the use of the Mahadeva. Most of the terms used are unknown
9 The word Travancore is a corruption of Tiruvitánkoju. But I am not at all sure Tiruvitfókódu is analysable into Sri v&lum kódu, as is now so generally assumed. The derivation owes its plausibility to the corrupt forn of TiruvAbkódu.

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(DECEMBER, 1895.
to literature and the lexicons, and as far as I am aware, they are obsolete also in the current revenue system of the land. Neither kaliyakkam nor oflira carries any meaning to my mind. U ovi, according to Winslow, may mean head ;' but what sort of tax was called by this rare word for 'head' is now impossible to conjecture. Bamboo grain' is still of some use to bill-men, and probably it stood, in those days of little or no forest conservancy, as the type of hill products, which in Travancore now includes besides timber, ivory, bees' wax, eto. Aļageruds is a term already met with in these inscriptions and despaired of. Literally, it may moan a 'fair bull. To the known tax on hand-looms, we find here attached a tax on the palmyra, and it looks probable that what is meant ia a tax for tapping, and not otherwise nsing, that palm. Besides fines, the government of those days, it would appear, appropriated certain payments under the name of kó-muraippadu, literally 'royal-justice-income,' which we might take to represent the court fees and judicial revenue' of modern times. Karaipparru means 'adhering to or renching land,' and it might be taken to include trensure trove, mines, jetsam and flotsam, and all such royalties known to law. It would be interesting indeed to know how, at what rates, and through what agencies, these several taxes were levied, and what cxactly was the bearing of the change with respect to both people and government, when the revenue was assigned away, as in the present instance, for the maintenance of a particular temple. One would think from the minute political divisions and subdivisions : noticed in this document that the administration of the revenue was far from crude or primitive. We have seen above that Vêşîd was primarily divided into eighteen provinces or nádus, and probably Tennadu, or, Southern Province, was one of these primary divisions. That the part of the country about Padmanabhapuram should be called the southern province, while the one still farther to the south is named Nânchil-nadu, may be signifioant of the extent of the Vêpad principality at one stage of its history. The loose and redundant style of the document speaks badly of the literary capacity of the hereditary clerk of the crown, Kaitavay Iraman Kêra!nn, whose family name, Kaitavậy, occurs so frequently in the royal grants in my collection, - unless, indeed, it is taken to indicate the hurried occasion of the grant itself, such as the flush of a signal triumph, or sudden recovery from a serious malady. The absence of the usual expression Hail! Prosperity !' at the commenoement, and that of the
sign manual' at the end are omissions equally worthy of attention. What they signify, if any. thing at all, we have no data to determine. That only two of the four ministers or chieftains that arrange for the grant sign their names, may to some extent be taken as an indication of the state of education at the time.
Results. The next record I have in point of date would take me beyond the fifth Malabar century, and therefore beyond the scope of the present paper. Of the many themes of historical interest calling for investigation in Travancore, I selected the royal house as that most naturally and rightfully claiming my first and foremost attention. Limiting myself to a particular period in the history of that house, viz., the 4th and 5th Malabar centuries, of which no account of any description has been hitherto forthcoming, and availing myself of but one of the means of historical research, the safest and the best in fact, viz., pablic stone inscriptions, I have endeavoured to dispel the darkness in which the epoch has up to date been enveloped. Putting aside all side lights and inferences as to the general condition of the country, its society, its economy, its internal government, I have now the following solid facts to offer :
I. 'Sri-Vira-Kernlnvarman rnled Venad in 301 and 319 M. E. 11. Sri-Vira-Ravivarman in 336 and 342 M. E. III. Sri-Vira-Udaiyamartândavarman I. in 348 M. E. IV. Sri-Aditya-Ramavarman in 365 M.E. V. Sri-Vira-Ramavarman in 371 M. E.

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ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
VI. Sri-Vira-Rama Kêralavarman in 384 and 389 M. E. VII. Sri-Vira-Ravi-Kêralavarman in 410 M. E. VIII. Sri-Vira-Padmanabha-Martânḍavarman in 427 M. E.
IX. Sri-Udaiyamârtânḍavarman II. alias Vira Pandyadeva in 491 M. E.
It will be observed, in this list of the early sovereigns of Travancore, whose names and dates the inscriptions have served to bring to light, I have not included the doubtful case of Sri-Vira-Kêralavarman II. of the Arringal fragments, or of Kôda-Martânda, who seems to have taken part in the institution of the Kollam era in 824 A. D. That these names and dates by themselves will not constitute the history of the two centuries under investigation, needs no saying. But that they will stand in good stead when the history of the epoch comes to he written, is my humble hope and trust.
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.1 BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., I.C.S.
NO. I. THE VERB.
A. INTRODUCTORY.
AUTHORITIES.
1 I. Printed (1) Texts
-
337
(a) Ns. The Holy Bible, translated into the Kashmeera Language by the Serampore missionaries. Vol. V. containing the New Testament; Serampore 1821 (in Sâradâ characters).
,The Four Gospels, Lodiana متی, مرقسه, لوقا, يوحنا سنز انجيل = .b) Np)
1882 [in Persian (ta'liq) characters].2
(c) K. A Dictionary of Kashmiri proverbs and sayings, by the Rev. J. Hinton Knowles, Bombay, 1885.3
(2) Grammars and Dictionaries
(a) Ed. Grammar and Vocabulary of the Cashmiri Language, by M. P. Edgeworth; J. A. S. B., Vol. X.; Calcutta, 1841 (in the Roman character).
(b) L. Grammar of the Cashmeeree Language, by Major R. Leech, J. A. S. B., Vols. XIII., XIV.; Calcutta, 1844 (in the Roman character).
(c) B. Grammar contained in Dr. Bühler's Detailed Report of a Tour in search of Sanskrit MSS. in Kasmir. J. R. A. S., Bo. Br., for 1877 (in the Roman character).
1 This series of three valuable essays on the Kamiri Language, dealing respectively with the Verb, the Noun, and the Preposition, appeared originally in the Proceedings of Royal Bavarian Academy of Science, for 1887, 1898, and 1899. They are republished in an English dress by the courteous permission of that body and of the 'heirs of the learned author. The translator wishes to record his acknowledgments to Prof. Kuhn of Munich for his kind offices in obtaining the necessary permission. Additions by the translator are enclosed in square brackets. [There are also several publications of the Brinagar missionaries; some in the Persian, and some in the Roman character; including a very useful church-service for Native Christians in the Roman character. The student must be warned against Ns. It is full of serious blunders.- TRANS.]
The proverbs and sayings are in the Roman character. As might be expected from the contents, the language is often extremely elliptical, and appears to resemble closely the colloquial. The work is not of much value from the point of view of grammar, but is of the highest importance from that of lexicography. The English transaltions are not always literal, as indeed was often not possible.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1895.
(d) El. = A Vocabulary of the Kashmiri Language, Kashmiri-English and
English-Kashmiri, by William Jackson Elmslie ; London, 1872 (in the
Roman character). [T'he following are not mentioned by Dr. Burkhard :(e) W. = A Grammar of the Kashmiri Language, by the Rev. T. R. Wade,
B. D., M. R. A. S.; London, 1888 (in the Roman character). ( A. = A Vocabulary of English, Balti and Kashmiri, compiled by H. H.
Godwin Ansten, J. A. S. B., Vol. XXXV.; Calcutta, 1866. (9) Lw. = The Valley of Kashmir, by Walter R. Lawrence, I. C. S., 1895.
Chapter XIX. contains an important Glossary of Kåśmirt words. ] · II. - Manuscript - (1) Texts - (a) In the Devanagari character; (a) Collection of Kaśmiri songs, made by
Chand Râm (very difficult). (8) Nagarjuna-charita Kaśmiribhâsha
yán. (Two MSS., one complete,
one extracts.) (1) In the Roman character; (a) Extracts from the Nagarjuna-charita.
(8) Yusuf-o-Zulaikha.
() Shirin-o-Khôsrav. The last four are the property of Dr. Bübler.
(2) Grammars and Dictionaries - (a) Mp. = A Kasmiri Grammar from the Puna Library [in Persian charac
ters (ta'lig) and language). (This MS., which is mentioned in Dr. Bühler's Detailed Report above, I.,
2 (c) ), and which has been most liberally placed at my disposul, has
been of most assistance to me. It contains 98 pages in small 8vo. Pages 1-46, about 1,200 words arranged
in the order of the Persian Alphabet in 29 divisions ; pp. 47-53, the Irregular verbs, quoted in the Infinitive, Present, Perfect Participle, Imperative, and Aorist (always in the 3rd person), with Persian, translation; pp. 55-84, the conjugation of regular verbs (pp. 55-84, rachhun and sozun); pp. 71-74, yun; pp. 74-76, gatshun; pp. 76-85, máranávun; pp. 86-89, the conjugation of auxiliary verbs; pp. 89-90, the Pronouns ; p. 90, remarks on certain letters which are used as
suffixes; p. 92, Declension ; pp. 93-98, Numerals.)
(0) A Kasmiri Grammar by Dr. Bühler (in the Roman character). 2. This is not the place to criticize the above mentioned grammatical authorities; I merely feel myself justified in remarking that they leave many points which are far from being satisfactorily cleared up. Putting to one side the terribly varying, and indeed, to the beginner, Altogether confusing, transliteration which sometimes is not even consistent throughout one and the same work, there is absolutely no explanation to be found in any of them of some of the most difficult questions in regard to the conjugation of verbs. In some instances important forms are altogether omitted. Anyone who compares this work with its predecessors, can casily satisfy himself on these points.
Seo also, Kashmiri Test Words, by W. J. Elmslie, Esq., M.D., J.A.S. B., Vol. XXXIX. (1870), Pt. I. p. 95.TRANS.)

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339
ALPHABET AND SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION.
(1) Vowels. 3. Devanagart
Persian.
Transliteration. (8&radA).
a, [a]' [e]
a co] 1,5
i[] [e]
دی , اي
و دراو
ú, , [o] u [6]
(41), +
1..
ú, [8] úv, Côv]
after a consonant = after a consonant =
[,
av, and,
iv, at the end of a word are pronounced au and iu respectively.]
(2) Consonants.
Gatturals.
4 4 4 4
4 4
T'
ch, to cha, tsh
Palatals.
2.,
4 5
2
Cerebrals.
G
Dentals.
44 A
(no s)
• Letters in brackets are added by the translator, vide $ 5 and ff. post. Ooours in Lake xxi. 19, , 45 gharang, the Hinddatant ligte ghorn

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[DECEMBER, 1895.
Labials.
Semi-vowels.)
Remarks. - (1) Esch, Ċ kl, ¿ gh, o que , b6, , 3, are all purely Arabic letters.
(2) u f is purely Arabo-Persian. (3); xh is purely Persian ; in Mp. it is used instead of ts. (4) w [fi] is pronounced nyi. (5) The letters enclosed in marks of parenthesis do not occur in Np.
PRONUNCIATION. 4. The pronunciation of the consonants is the same as in Persian and Hind Qstani. On the other hand the correct pronunciation of the vowels is not shewn by the Sáradê (Dêvanîgari), or by the Persian Alphabet, or by any existing system of transliteration in the Roman character.? For this reason, I have contented myself with reproducing the vowels which I find in the texts in the Sáradâ and Persian characters which are available to me, without any reference to the pronunciation ; and refer the reader, who requires further information, to the scholarly and thorough comparison of Kasmiri sounds given by Leech (see above, - Authorities, I. 2 (b) pp. 399-410). I may, however, remark that -
(1) Persian i , and Saradâ e, is sounded as ä in feminine forms; e.g.,
karüt, Sarada [ 4.] karáth. [This is as often as not represented by Page #351

ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
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from the works of Elmslie, Bühler, and Wade, and checked by the writer himself in Kasmir may be found of use to students.
8. Vowel sounds. a, a, i, i, u, ú, é, ô are pronounced nearly as in other Indian languages. E and o are the corresponding short vowels of é and ô respectively. They are pronounced like the e in 'met,' and the o in 'cot' respectively. The short e is represented in the Persian character by, the same sign as that used for i, and the short o by, the same as that used for . In my transliteration I shall endeavour to distinguish between these two pairs of sounds although there is no difference in the Persian method of representing each member of each. Similarly, the Persian 4, is often used to represent the sound é, and, to represent 6. When this is the case, I shall represent the pronunciation in transliteration.
7. Kâśmiri also possesses three broken vowels, viz., a, i, and . The first of these is represented in the Persian character by, as if it were a simple a, no distinction being made between the two letters. It is sounded something like a German ü, and hence Dr. Bühler represents it in transliteration by that character. As, however, Elmslie represents this sound in his Vocabulary, by à, and Wade uses a in his grammar, I have, after consideration, adopted the form myself. This will prevent confusion in looking up words containing this vowel in the Vocabulary. Owing to the doubtful nature of this sound, it is as often represented in the Persian character by i as bya. Thus or zath, a rag. This sound has been mentioned by the author in § 4, 1 supra. It is developed from the influence of a following i or e, which has been elided, and left its influence behind, or, sometimes directly from i. Thus kara-m (Bühler, karü-m), feminine of koru-m, she was done by me, for "kari-me. Again pachi, she went, but pachi (in which the i is not elided, but is fully pronounced), they (fem.) went.
8. The letter is merely the long sound of g. Bühler represents it by , which has the merits of consistency. To be consistent, I should have adopted a. As, however, both Wade and Elmslie represent this sound by a sign based on the letter u, (riz., Wade , Elmslie ), I have from practical motives adopted . This sound is of rare occurrence. An example of it is in the word tur, cold. It is represented in Persian by the sign, i. e., the same as that for a.
341
9. The sound (cf. § 4, 3 supra), which is pronounced like the German vowel ", is also due to the influence of a following i which has disappeared. It is usually represented in the Persian character by T, the same as that used for a, but we often find, used for the same purpose. Thus, bror, a tom-cat, fom. or (incorrectly), brår, for *brôrli).
10. A final i or u (vide supra, § 4, 2) is sometimes pronounced so slightly as to be almost inaudible; this is represented by a small or above the line. Thus guru, a horse, guri, horses, tami, by him; but guri, mares, tami, by her, in which the final i is fully pronounced. In the Persian character, when these final vowels are fully pronounced, the Persian silent (a) is used, thus,
tami, by her. When the i is almost inaudible, the word is
written without the h, thus, tami, by him. The ", specially, is barely audible, and is usually omitted in writing. Except when necessary for some particular reason, I shall also usually omit it in transliteration.
11. The following is, therefore, the complete vowel system of Kaśmiri :
a, á, ? ú
i
i,
16,
e,
0,
î,
û,
é
ô,
น
Ô

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I take the responsibility of using all these signs, instead of the few used by the author. They do not exhaust all the numerous shades of vowel-pronunciation in Kasmiri, but they give the principal ones, and will be found useful by the learner. It must be understood that I am entirely responsible for the insertion of these diacritical marks.
12. The following are the Persian methods of denoting these sounds :ą, < (or sometimes --), e. 9., ** (343) thạz, high (fem.) 1,1 %, e.g., d u płntsą (not pántsi or púntse), twenty-five. 1, -, e.g., pá tami, by him.
, , but more usually omitted, e.g., y's GB) gur (guru ), a horse.
e, -, e. 9. 331 ader (fem.), damp; often, however, we find – incorrectly used. Thus, Big for Es, vye! (fem.), fat.
0, 2, ..., 6 sot, silly. 8, T (or incorrectly, - ), e.g., () mój, a mother, lô! (fem.), beloved.
13. It should be noted, once for all, that when Kasmiri is written in the Persian character, the greatest carelessness is exhibited in the use of 1 (a or ) and (i and e). These signs are continually, and capriciously, used, one for the other. The author has as a rule followed as nearly as may be the capricious spelling of Np., and I have throughout endeavoured to correct it in the transliteration.
14. Consonants. - The letters ch and chh have occasionally developed into a new sound ts, and tsh, pronounced as written. This has already been noted by the author. Tsh is to be pronounced as ts + h, not as t + sh. It is represented in the Persian character by E. A similar change occurs in Marathi.]
[Note by Translator on the Phonetio Laws of Kasmiri. 16. Some of the changes, both of vowels and of consonants, which are common in Kâśmiri, will be now to students of other Indian languages. The following remarks, partly condensed from those of Dr. Bühler, will tend to make them more intelligible: -
(1) The vowels i , e (6) are frequently confused. One is often written for the other Tis often pronounced as e, and é as i ori. So also there is a similar confusion between u. ú.o and 6.
(2) A medial a or e usually changes to u or o, under the influence of an original following 1. Thus karun to do, for *karanu ; hostu, an elephant, for hastu. The oblique form is hasti, in which the a is preserved, because there is no original following u. Again, vyolu, fat, for *vyetu, fem. viet or vyet.
(3) Similarly, a medial i before an original final u becomes yr, and the original u becomes". Thus, nyúlu, blue, for #nilu; but oblique nili. So also dyúthu, seen, for difhu; but feminine dichh, or dichh , in which there is no original final 16.
(4) In the formation of feminines, and in the conjugation of verbs, and also occasionally in declension, the following consonantal changes often oocur: - k becomes ch 2
e. g., holou, or hokhu, dry, fem, hoch or hochh. kh becomes chh S g becomes jor d, e. g., srugu, cheap, fem. sruj; longu, lame, land, or lanj. | becomes ch, e. g., (sot", cut, fom. tsach.

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343
!h becomes chh, e. g., byúlu, seated, fem. bíchk. t becomes ts, e. g., sotu, silly, fem. sæts. th becomes tsh, e. g., mothu, anointed, fem. matsh. d becomes 2, e. g., thodu, high, fem. thax. a becomes j, e. g., lodu, bailt, fem. laj or las. → becomes fi, e. g., kurts, alone, fem. kuni.
2 becomes j, e.g., wózulu, red, fem, wózaj. (5) The following vowel changes occur in declension and conjugation. Some have been already described above :
a becomes a in certain feminine nouns, e. g., xifrat, a favour, pl. ni'mats (regarding
the change of t to és, see above), and in forming feminines, e. 9. khar, an ass,
khar, a she-ass. a becomes o in verbs, e. g., pakar, to go, Aorist poleu.
becomes a in certain feminine nouns, e. g., gal, a sheep, pl. gabi. á becomes ô in feminine monosyllabic nouns and in forming the feminine of adjectives,
e. g., rát, night, pl. röts; ásánu, easy, fem, ásóri. á becomes 6 in verbs, e. g., márun, to kill; aor, moru. i, see e. i becomes u in verbs, e. g, chirun, to squeeze ; aor. chúru. a becomes a in masc, nouns, e. 9., kokur, a cock, dat. Teokaras.
(often confused with o, q. v.) becomes , e. 9., 10 sulu, red, fem. wózaj. u becomes , e. g., kuru, red, fem, kúr. u bocomes e, e. 9., loôtær, a pigeon, fem. Tôter. a becomes o, e. g., hunt, a dog, pl. honi. a becomes 6, e. 9., krurt, a well, pl. kröri. á (sometimes written 8) becomes o in certain feminine nouns, e. g., leur, daughter,
pl. kóri. i and become yu or in verbs, e.g., hekun, to be able; aor. huku. ē becomes yu ord in verbs, e. g., phêrun, to turn; aor. phiru. o (often confused with 1, q. v.) becomes ?, e. . bodu, big, fem. bad. o becomes e, e. g., vyotu, fat, fem, oyet; adoru, damp. fem, ader. o becomes to in verbs, e. 9., wothun, to rise ; aor, wuthu. ô (sometimes written a) becomes , e. 9., mô!u, thick, fem. ma!. 6 becomes a, e. 9., t8ôngu, a lamp, instr. pl. tsángiu. 6 becomes 8, e. 9., khônkhu, one who speaks through his nose, pl. khönkhi; ,
beloved, fem. ô!. ô becomes 1 in verbs, e. 9., sốzun, to send, aor. sizu. ô becomes & in all feminine nouns, e. g., dòr, a beard, pl. déri; also in certain masc
pl. forms, yu becomes i, o. g., phyuru, a drop, dat. phiris. yu becomes i, e. g., nyúlu, blue, fem. nij. Sometimes also, å, e. g., apazyúru, false,
fem. apazôr. With reference to the above it must be remembered that i is often pronounced e, and 0, 0, and vice versa.
(6) The soft aspirates gh, dh, dh, and bh have almost completely disappeared, the corresponding unaspirated letters being substituted for them. Thus, guru, a horse, for ghuru, Prakrit ghóds, Skr. ghôļakah; bôi, a brother = Hindi bhái. The soft aspirate jh has become softened to %, e. g., bôsun, to hear, cf, Skr. budhya-le, Pr. bujjha-i.
(7) As in other Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, the cerebral has almost completely disappeared, and n is substituted for it. Thus, kan, the ear, Pr, kauno, Skr, karnah.]

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B. THE VERB.
18. Kasmiri verbs are quoted in the Infinitive form; thus, wys karun, to do, to make.
The infinitive is, properly speaking, of a shortened form of the Noun of Action in as ang. The Root, or Verbal Stem, is always the same as the 2nd person singular of the Imperative; thus, kar, make. 17. As regards form, Verbs are either -
(1) Primitive, as s karun, to make; or (2) Derivative, that is either - (a) Causals, like ugas mokalávun, to release (from uko mokalun, to be
free); and Double-Causals, like , Le máranávun,to cause to slay (from
who marun, to die, Causal u le marun, to cause to die, to slay). (6) Denominatives, - derived from nouns, e. g., from bod, 10 great,
bodun, 1 to become great, to increase; or (3) Compound, i, e., used in conjunction with nouns like wys hukum karun,
to make an order, to command. In regard to meaning, Verbs are either (a) transitive, or (b) intransitive. Except in tenses formed from the past participle, both are conjugated in the same way. There is thus, properly, only one conjugation,
Formation of Causals. 18. The proper formative of Causals is the syllable I av. This is added either
(a) directly to the verbal stem ; e. g., uşi bachun, to be saved (to remain over anda bove): wyl bachávun, to rescue (from the stem & bach); c?s diun, to give (stem 83.di), causal ugles dyávun. Monosyllabic stems in 1, sh, k, and m insert a enphonic, before av: e. g., balun, to be convalescent, wgiel balrāvun (stem Ji bal), milo mashun, to be forgotten wylio mashrávun, to forget; or
(b) more usually to the [oblique) noun of action in a - ang; e.g., wir bozun, to hear, [obl.) noun of action, ás;g bôzang, Causal usuist bôzanávun, to cause to hear; w0! behun, to set, cansal wil behanávun, to give a seat to a person, to ask to sit down. Sometimes both forms occar for the same verb; as in the case of use phutun, to sink, to burst, causal wg tin phuļárun and uglies phufandvun, to cause to sink, to drown, to split (active).
(2) Some verbs merely lengthen the root-vowel; e.g., wwo marun, to die, wjho múrun, to cause to die, to kill; wy harun, to fall, wyle hárun, to let fall. Irregular is womes khas un, to climb; www.lps khasun and 345 khárun, to cause to climb, to lift up, to pull up.
. (It is really the nominative of an oblique base in ang – vide $ 19.1 10 [Elmolie, baud.) (Elmalie badun.!

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345
Some verbs have the same meaning both in the Primitive and in the Causal forms; e. q.. WUF mutsarun and wylo nutsarávun, to open, wyle bagrun and Ogie vagrávun, to divide.
Infinitive (wers) and Noun of Action (Jes pul). 19. [The translator has here considerably altered the author's text, in order to bring it into accord with his subsequent writings, and with the actual facts of the language. At the time of writing this portion of his essay, the author had evidently failed to notice that the Infinitive is, as in other Indo-Aryan languages, & pure verbal noun, having both masculine and feminine
forms, and declined, according to circumstances, in the 1st (masculine), or in the 3rd (femivine). • declension. It is used principally in the nominative, dative, ablative and genitive singular cases. The declension is quite regular", vix. :
(1st declension.) Masc. Nom. w karun, doing.
Dat. S karanas, to or for doing. Abl. as S karare, from doing. Used also as a general oblique basc.
Genitive uss karanuk, of doing.
(3rd declension.) Fein. Nom. wyś karañi, Dat., Abl. 23,5 karani.)
20. The Nominative of the Infinitive can be used as the subject of a verbal sentence; thus, Jeg ++ we gatshun chku zarûr, to go is necessary, it is necessary to go.
The other cases are formed by changing the syllable un to an, and adding the usual terminations. Thus, wys kurun, to make, abl. a'karan-, su La márankvun, to slay, abie
.marandvang مارناوه
The verb wis diun or dyun, to give, has, however, its ablative ásy ding. The following verbs follow us diun in this irregularity :
w peur, to fall. wie cheun, to drink. wj ziun or zyun, to be born. wits kheun, to eat. U niun or nyun, to take, to lead. who heun, to take. w? yun, to come.
E. g., dá yina, from coming, An example of the dative of the infinitive occurs in the phrases comúns kkenas Id'iq, fit for food ; pl3 comes . 18nanas tâm, till the harvest (lit., reaping) (Matth. xiii. 30). So also after other prepositions which govern the dative, such as ,aji andar, in; Mi nish, to.

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[The ablative appears very commonly, and is frequently used as a mere oblique base, like the Hindustani oblique infinitive. Its uses are as follows.]
(a) As complement to a verb, whose sense is in itself incomplete, e.g., wis diun, to give, permit; thus, was dij ning diun, to permit to take.
(6) Governed by prepositions which take the ablative; such as sy blá khôtra, bápat (= sy babat), or dość mokhe, on account of ; di pata, after; wit bônthay, before ; . sét, with ; amy rust, without; sy varðy, stymo savôy, except ; quayo mứjib, according to. E. g., dá dis dupana pale, after speaking (i. e., after he, she, they, etc., had spoken); data din sa khôtsaną mokha, on account of fear.
(6) With loss of the final a in composition with cái, vaqtą or 8;, rizi, at the time of e. g., tij, wyo maran vaqtą,12 at the time of dying ; %jy wer' gatshan vizi, at the time of going (i. e., as he, she, they, etc., went). But we have also dass dies kheną vaqta, at the time of eating [and dj, dhimgi prasani (fem.) wizi, at the time of travail).
(d) To form the Passive, vide $$ 137 and ff. In this case the final a becomes a. Thus, was marana (not márana) yun, to be killed.
The genitive of the Infinitive is usually formed by the adjectival suffix s uk (fem. E-ạch). (198) ; e. g., cu s karanuk, fem. cu s karanach, of doing ; pš visha máranuk hukum, an order to kill; lo márangch himmat, the intention of slaying.
21. [The feminine form of the infinitive belongs to the third declension. Its nominative hence ends in w ani, and all its oblique cases in diani. Thus, wer karun, to do, fem. us karañi, abl. fem djs karani. It is used when the object of the verb is feminine ; thug wyspa hukum (masc.) karun, to give an order ; but was wai nazar karañi , to do seeing, to watch
SL susti gatshi na kurani, laziness will not go to be done, i.e., one should not be lazy. Here Tarani is feminine in agreement with susti. Note the force of the infinitive equivalent to the Latin participle in -endus. This is common, both in the masculine and in the feminine. Karani is equivalent to facienda. So also jo det går akhir chhu marun in thu cud one must die (i. e., lit., it is to be died, moriendum).] The oblique fominine infinitive, is used
(a) when it is goverued by feminine prepositions ; e. 9., 8;, dimet parsani vini, at the time of travail;
ni maran. We also
13 According to Math, xiii. 30, the word should be wyo marañi (Una), not And the expresion dão, asiyo maranaki (dat. of gonitive) vayte.

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(6) after wéi lagun, in the meaning of .ti buyin to'; e. g., did 25 ptami log dapani, he began to speak.]
The Noun of the Agent (lalo pur). 22. This is formed by the addition of the syllable J, vól to the oblique form of the noun of action of verbs like wis diun (see abov«). Thus, Joe's dina-võl, a giver ; Jesias lehena-vôl, an eater (also written Joi'cios); pl., JT mo dinavőté ; fein., sg. şi sís dinavoji or winTuis, dinavôjeřá, pl. dælgió dinaviji, or digigos, sinuvijeni. In the case of other verbs the final vowel of the noun of action is elidol buiore the Js, vól; thus, wjgw sózun, tu sond; Jogj, sózanvól, a sender. The fom. sg. in nöji is an old form. The usual form at tho prese at day is that in vöjeni.
23. Another form of the noun of the agent is formed by suffixing us a vun to the stein of the verb. Thus,.wjon sôzun, stem jymo sôi, hence wyjymo sôz-a vun, foin. wgjy sos-arani; pl. wgjo sóc-avoni, fem. digj siz-smi. The verb conjugatod liko wysdyun (see abore, insert an euphonic v before the aoun; thus wys dyun, stem os di, hence ugg di-v-avun.
24. Both these verbal nouns of the agent can be used with a future signification ; e... w? yun, to come, ws: yi-v-avun, one who will cons, that is, who is destined to come, or who nay be expected to come.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS 08 BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.E., 1.0.3.
(Continued from p. 331.) Light. - Light, the scatterer of the terrors that people the dark, is the chief of guardians. Dions.sos is the light and life of the World :100 Gautnmn is the light of Asia : Amitaba Buddha is the infinite light: Jesus is the light of the World : the Light of Heaven and of Earth is Allah. A red ray of light from the right eye of Amitiba brought into life Padmapani, and a blae ray of light from his left eye formed Tår.., the enlightener. A beam of light from Padmapani, the great pitiful, becomes incarnate in the Dalai Lama,
The Guardian gives forth a light. In the great temple at Tyre Melkarth was adored in the form of a luminous stone. It is because the spirit of light lives in them that the diamond, the pearl, the ruby, the crystal, and other clear gems enjoy a worldwide worship as scarers of disease, terror and other forms of evil. Rays of glory issue from the body of Surya. The babe Krishna brightened the dungeon in which he was born. Balder was so fair of face and so shining that a light went forth from him. The face of Moses shone so brightly that he had to wear a veil. In Tibet, the images of Buddha have a glowing halo or nimbus, and
100 Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. 1. p. 235. 1 Brown's Great Dionnyak Myth, Vol. I. p. 353. • Inman's Ancient Faiths, Vol. I. p. 101.
1 Schlagintweit's Brelihism in Tibet, pp. 81, 88. 3 Wilkin's Hiwlu Mythology, p. 27. . Edda in The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 308.

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those of the fierce tutelary demons have a faming halo. The Lana god is born with a halo of glory.? A flame-like process issues from the crown, or through the sature, of the Ceylon Buddha. In India, the guardian king shares with Buddba the glory of a nimbus. In Greece, the victin, or the god in the victim, shone. From the three Persian youths, who were sacrificed to Dionysos Omestes, before Salamis (B. C. 480), a bright flame blazed. In the guardian Brahmaņa fire burns. "If there is no Gre," says Manu, to "let the worshipper place the offering in a Brahmao's hand, for the priests say, "Fire is a Brahman'." Again! Manu says:-"An offering in the fires of a Brahman's month, which are kindled by austerity and knowledge, frees from misfortune even froin great sin." From the early Egyptian Etruscan and Roman oncircling cloud the guardian's gleam became localised into the Christian nimbus or head circle, and again, in the form of tho Martyr's aureole, went back to the vesica piscis, enveloping the whole figure.12 That light was the source of the guardian virtue of the Egyptian good-spirit, the hawk-headed snake Chneph, appears from the Egyptian saying: "When Chnepl opens his eyes the land is flooded with light; When Chnepl closes his eyes the land is hid in darkness."13 During the centuries before and after the Christian era a mighty flood of Sun-worship spread over A sin, Egypt and Europe under the influence of the religions of Mithras Serapis and Christ. It is as the greater and the lesser lights that the Sun and Moon have earned universal worship. The Accadians or early Babylonians (B. C 3000) worshipped the sun as fires and hold tire to be one of the chief of guardiaus. This faith lasted into later Babylon, where Bel or Morodach was the orderer of good for man, the healer, the scarer of evil spirits. 10 The Tibet Lama, gazing at the rising sun, says: --" The glorious One has arisen ; the Sun of happiness bas arisen; the goddess Marichi has arisen ; keep me, goddess, from the eight terrors, - robbers, wild beasts, snakes, poisons, weapons, fire, water, and precipices.17 When the days lengthen with the northing san, when the nights brighten with the waxing moon, evil influences are driven from among men. With a sonthing sun and a waning moon the guardian power weakens, and the danger from evil spirits again presses. The horror reaches a climax when, as among the Mexicans, unless some mystic le-birth of light comes to his aid, at the end of one of his cycles of fifty-two years, the sun will rise no more and evil spirits will destroy mankind. 19 The light by the woman in child-birth, by the youth at baptism, by the bride and bridegroom at marriage, by the sick, by the dying, and by the dead : the light at the tomb, the lamp in the place of worship, the feasts of lights, of lanterns, and of candles, shew how at every crisis in the life of the individual, at all seasonal changes that endanger public health, the guardian virtue of light puts to flight evil influences. So Herrick in his charm-song:10 "Light the tapers here to fright far from lience the evil sprite." A lamp is an essential offering to the images in a Tibetan Buddhist temple 30 So in the statue of St. Genevieve of Paris (509) an impplies a bellows to blow out the saint's candle, and a demon tries to quench the lantern of St. Gudala of Brussels (712).31 When an Australian tribo passes into a strange land, they kindle bark and sticks to clear and parify the air, 23 that is, to scare the local spirits. When
strange prow is wrecked on the island of Timorlaut, between Timor and New Guinen. the natives burn the boat to scare the foreign deinons.23 In the procession of Isis, the Egyptian priest cloansed a boat with an egg, salphur, and a lighted torch.34 The Japanese bogse is purified by fire.25 The ancient Greek signal for battle was the throwing of torches in
6 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibst, p. 837. Op.cit. p. 86.
& Op. cit. p. 343, n. 4. • Plutarch's Themistocles, xiii.
10 Manu, Vol. III. p. 13. 11 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 98. 13 Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 1399, 1899, 1401.
13 King's Antique Gems, p. 364. 16 Op. cit., pasnim.
15 Lenormant's Chaldean Magic, p. 219. 16 Op. cit. pp. 60, 61: 184-186; Budge's Babylonian Life and History, p. 128. 17 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 218.
18 Mayer's Mexico, p. 129. 19 Hesperides quoted in Story's Castle of St. Angelo, p. 214. 20 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, pp. 425-427. 31 Mrs. Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art, Vol. II pp. 778, 779. 93 Frazer's Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 168.
25 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 187. # Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. p. 194.
Japanese Manners, p. 339.

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front of the army by men called Fire-bearers, priests of Ares.26 An undying lamp tended by widows burned in the Pretaneum at Athens.97
In the eighth century, Bede (730 A. D.) remarked that the Christian Church had done well to change the lastrations which used to scatter the evil influences of angracious February for the lights, which in Rome so brightened the churches and the city, that the day of St. Mary came to be known as Candlemas, the feast of lights. But the Candlemas procession of lights has a direct origin in the Roman and Greek walking round the fields carrying torches and candles in honour of Februa and Ceres, a rite which still continues in France.29 The old Slav and German guardian Swanto Wit or Holy Light, whose worship lasted till the ninth century, was then Christianized into the worship of St. Vitus, the boy-martyr of Rome, to whom, in Germany, the fiery sun-wheel is still set a-rolling in Midsummer dances.30 In the eighth century, in Germany, to jump over a Need Fire, kindled by rubbing dry wood on St. John's Eve, kept off ill-luck and fever.31 The practice of lighting bonfires from a flame kindled by rubbing wood is still observed on St. John's Eve in Russia.32 In Ireland, on the 21st June, fires were lit, and every member of the family passed through the fire to get good fortune in the coming year. 33 In Scotland, at the beginning of this century, the money presents of boys and girls to the schoolmaster on Candlemas Day were known as bleezes or blases, a memory of earlier candle gifts to the priest,84 In the Western or Latin Church, Christmas as well as Candlemas was called the feast of lights on account of the number of candles that burned at the feast.36 On Christmas mornings, in North-East Scotland, fire and juniper were burned.36 In the North of England (1825), each family had a Yule Candle lighted in the evening and set on the table. A piece of the candle was kept to secure luck.37 In Scotland, on the last night of the year, fire is carried round houses, fields, and boats for luck, that is, to scare evil.98 A third Christian festival of lights was Easter Eve. Constantine the Great (A. D. 330) turned the sacred vigil into the light of day, hanging lamps everywhere and setting wax tapers, as big as columns, all over Byzantium. In the fifth century, one special wax taper was solemnly blessed as a type of Christ's rising from the dead.39 Fires were lighted on Mayday and on St. John's Day (June 24th), and the lantern was one of the many guardian influences on spirit-haunted Halloween (October 31st). Fires lighted on the Transylvanian hills in South-East Austria, on June 24th, guard the flocks from evil spirits.40 In North-East Scotland, the children, who danced round the Mayday bonfires, used to shout:-"Fire blaze and burn the witches,"41 A medieval legend says fires were kindled on St. John's Eve to scare the dragons of pestilence.12 In Forfarshire and in the Isle of Man, sick cattle have to walk over lighted peat or to pass between two fires. In England, in 1783, the Roman Catholics used to light bonfires on the hills on All Saints' Night, the Eve of All Souls. In Brittany, the fragments of the torches burnt on St. John's Eve are kept as charms against thunder and nervous diseases. The
* Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 79.
7 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 131. 2 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 998.
* Napier's Polk-Lors of Scotland, p. 181. 80 Baring Gould's Strange Survivals, p. 247. After the death of Charles the Great (A. D. 814) the people of Rugen gave up the worship of the foreign Christian Vitus and wont back to the worship of their local Suanto Vita, who was apparently both Sun-god and God of War. This idol continued a centre of worship till after the middle of the twelfth century. Elton and Powell's Saxo-Grammaticus, pp. 392-396.
31 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. pp. 606, 617 ; Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 810, 15 15. For the same belief in nineteenth century Sussex, see Folk. Lore Record, Vol. I. p. 38.
52 Ralston's Russian Songs, p. 240.
33 Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary : xv." Beltein." Hone's Every Day.Book, Vol. I. p. 849. According to the Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 97, bonfires are burnt in Ireland on June 23rd. If a bone is burnt in them, to leap through the stoke cures barrenness in man or in beast.
N Napier's Folk-Lore of Scotland, p. 181; Folk Lore Record, Vol. I. p. 103. 25 Notes and Queries, 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 379.
* Gregor's Polk-Lore of North-East Scotland, p. 159. 31 The Denham Tracts, Vol. II. pp. 25, 26.
38 Mitchell's The Past in the Present, p. 144. 59 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 595.
Nineteenth Century Magazine, No. 101, p. 135. 1 Gregor's Folk-Lore of North-East Scotland, p. 167. 1 Folkard's Plant-Lore, p. 489. 5 Cumming's In the Hebrides, p. 218.
Gentleman's Magazine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 7. *5 Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 156.

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Egyptians held a feast of lamps at Sais in honour of the goddess Neith.18 The ancient Cha.l. deans, under the mystic name of lao, adored the physical and intellectual light. The Yezedis. or modern Sabeans, bold a festival of lights in honour of Sheikh the Sun at Midsummer, when the men and women pass their right hands through the lights carried by the priests, rub their brows, and touch their lips. Both the Chinese and the Japanese have their feasts of Lanterns." Tibetans hold a light-feast in early December.60 The Canton river gods are worshipped with an accompaniment of hundreds of fire crackers.51 The Hindu worships light with wise wonder and with thankful heart. His holiest gayatrí prayer is : "Let us think the worshipful Light, may it lighten our souls." According to another text Fire comes as a dear friend : in his presence men sit as in a parent's house. The palas-fed fire, kept in a strict Brâhman's inner room, is the Garhapatya or House-guardian,52 Besides his Diwali or lamp-feast, the Hindu dances and sings at Dasahra (September October) round a garbu or lamp housed in a clay or wooden case drilled with holes. On many great religions nights, both Hindus and Muhammadans lighten their temples and shrines. In India, the evening twilight, dreaded by Hindu gods, is male safe and pure from the approach of the evil Yoginis or Fire-fiends by the arti or waving of Jumps and flaming camphor.63 Similarly, the Shâns of Southern China, once a year, with gongs and trumpets and with flaming torches, drive out the twilight fire-fiends.54 At it Rajpût court, at lamp light, all rise and salute, a practice which was adopted by the Emperor Akbar.56 In the early Christian Church, lamp-lighting was the occasion of a service of prayers and praise. The rosy-fingered dawn drives away evil spirits and bringe health.66 "Demons." says the Tibetan proverb, “cannot move except in darkness."57 In Western India, lamps are waved round the sick, and flaming camphor is held in front of the faces of the possessed. The lighted candles of the Christian altar, for which the Greek, the Roman, and the Jewish ritual furnish precedents, find a further parallel in the lighted candles on the altar table of the Chinese emperor.68 Of gaardian lights at child-birth, an example is given in the chapel of the Bologna University, where, in the fresco of the birth of the Virgin Mary, a woman holds a lighted candle close to the mother's face. Pericles mourns that his wife died in child-birth at se without fire and without light.co In Ireland, no fire should be given out of a house in which a woman has been lately confined.61 The poet Herrick (1650) refers to "the tapers five that shew the womb shall thrive."62 In eighteenth century Scotland, women in child-birth were. purified or sained by being crossed by a fir-candle.63 In Brazil, when a girl comes of age, and has to loave her hammock, she rides on the back of a female relation, carrying a live coal to keep evil influences from entering her body,64 In rural Scotland, Rosses describes how --
"A clear burnt coal in the hot tonga was talon Frae out the ingle-mids for clear and clean, And through the corsy-belly 6 latten fa
For fear the weeane should be ta'en awa." In the Scottish Highlands, & live peat was carried sun-wiso round the mother and unbatised child to keep off evil spirits. And the newly baptised child was handed thrice across the
46 Herodotus, Vol. II. p. 62; Wilkinson's Egyptians, 2nd Series, Vol. II. p. 308. 47 Brown's Great Dionysiak Myth, Vol. I. p. 56.
48 Hislop's Two Babylons, pp. 171-173. 49 Kidd's China, p. 302; Japanese Manners, p. 67.
se Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 511. 61 Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 120. 62 Mrs. Manning's Ancient India, Vol. I. pp. 13, 86 (n. 3), 90. 48 The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 179. 84 Tarikh-i Badaunt in Elliot's Musalman Hintory of India, Vol. V. p. 631. 55 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 226. 06 Rig Veda, 1. 48, Wilson's Works, Vol. I. pp. 129, 298 (note). 07 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 495.
68 Compare Middleton's Conformity between Popery and Paganism, PP. 144, 145; Howorth's Mongels, Vol. I. p. 635. 59 From MS, Notes.
60 Pericles, III, 1. 61 Folk-Lore Record, Vol. IV. p. 108.
~ Poems, Vol. I. p. 56, Ed. 1869. 63 Dalyoll's Darker Superstition of Scotland, p. 184. 4 The Golden Bough, Vol. II. p. 231. 66 Ross's Helenore.
66 Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary, k. v., Corsy-belly = the infant's first shirt folded across the belly : Napice's Folk-Lore, p. 30.

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fire.67 Fire was carried before the Roman emperor, and, in the provinces, before the magis trates.68 Sacred fire was carried before the kings of Asia.co
in South-East Africa, Mashona boys greet the new-born moon by throwing lighted brand into the sky.70 In England, the birth-day cake is guarded by lighted candles, one for each your of the life of the hero of the day. Compare the Greek cakes to the lonely Full Moon callert amphiphontes because lighted candles were set round them.71 The fourth century Christian had baptismal lights. In a. D. 500, when certain Jews were baptized at Auvergne, candles blazed and lamps Rhone.72 At the baptism of Theodosins the Younger (A. D. 401), so many carried lights that the stars might be supposed to be seen on earth.73 Light was used to keep evil from the unbaptised. In the Hebrides, until it was christened, a flaming torch was three times a day carried round the new-born child.74 So the body of the baby-daughter of the Scottish king was swathed in fine linen and laid in a gilded casket with salt and a light.75 The Egyptian bride was escorted with torches and songs.76 At Roman weddings, many wax tapers were lighted at noon.77 In the fourth century, when nuns offered themselves to be veiled, they passed among the blazing lights of the neophytes as if to become the brides of Christ. One of the leading rites in the early Christian marriage was the wedding-pom. wben, with torches, lanterns and singing, the bride was led to the bridegroom's house.To At Japanese wedding, it is not lawful to snuff the candles.80 The Chinese bride is carried into her husband's house over a pan of live coals,81 The Scottish bride, on entering her husband's house, is given a pair of tongs to stir the fire.82 The Mongol bride is carried thrice round a fire, and is then led to her husband.83
The Greeks, except the Athenians, had their fanerals by day, for during the night furies and evil spirits were abroad. At the funeral, though it was day and thongh they buried and did not burn their dead, the mourners carried torches. A lighted lamp was also placed with the dead in the vault,84 a practice which was continued by the Christian buriers in the catacombs at Rome and by the placers of candles in Middle Age Christian coffins.85 The early object of these funeral torches is shewn among the Greenlanders, where a woman waves a fire-brand behind the corpse, and tells it not to come back, and by the Siberian Chuwashes who fling i red hot stone after the corpse to bar the soul's retorn.96 The Jews burna candle at the head of the dead.97 In every section of the early Christian Church, lights, both stationary and processional, were used at funerals. The lights round the body of the sun-worshipping Constantine (A. D. 340) made a show such as the world had never seen.99 At Chrysostom's funeral (A. D. 438), the mouth of the Bosphorus was covered with lamps.80 At the death of Justinian (A. D. 585), mournful bands carried funeral torches.s0 At Paris (A. D. 585), King Guntram buried his grandson with the decoration of innumerable candles.91 In the north of Scotland, a candle or two used to be burned near the dead.92 A light is kept burning when a dead Pârsi has been laid ont.93 A lighted candle is set near the Corean coffin. The Andaman islanders kindle a fire on their dead chief's tomb to keep off evil spirits.05 The burning of lamps and other lights at tombs is common to Hindus, Musalmans and Christians. "I'm sure," says Herrick, “the nuns 67 Cumming': In the Hebrides, p. 101.
Adam's Roman Antiquities, p. 144. 6 Ammianus Marcellina, A. D. 300, xxiii., 6, Yonge's Translation, p. 336. 70 Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 411.
11 Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 181. 12 Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 995-96.
73 Op. cit. p. 993. - ** Elworthy's The Evil Eye, p. 64.
75 Napier's Folk. Lore of Scotland, p. 34. 76 Eber's Egyptian Princess, Vol. II. p. 358.
77 Pater's Marius the Epicurean, Vol. I. p. 248. 78 St. Ambrose (374 A, D.) in Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 995. 79 Op. cit. p. 1109. 10 Titsing's Japan, p. 207.
81 Kidd's China, p. 324. 82 Gregor's An Echo of Olden Time, p. 119. Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 391. 84 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. II, pp. 192, 193 : Vol. II. p. 231; Baring Gould'e Strange Survivals, p. 31. 85 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 814. 86 Moncure Conway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 53. 87 Illustrated Dublin Journal, Vol. I. p. 164; Moncure Conway's Demonology, and Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 4. * Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 993. 9 Op. cit. p. 996.
* Op. cit. p. 995. 91 Op. cit. p. 995.
93 North Scotland, p. 139.
95 Notes on Parai Customs. # Ross's Corea, P. 330.
96 Reville Les Religions des Peuples Non Civiliats, Vol. II, p. 164.

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will have Candlemas (that is a show of lights) to grace the grave."98 At several Christian tombs in western Europe, the lamp gave a perpetual light.84 Within the tomb of the magician, Michael Scott, burns a wondrous light to chase the spirits that love the night.99
No Hindu, Musalmîn or Roman Catholic temple or shrine is without its light. In Babylon, in Rome, in Jerusalem, and in Egypt, during the performance ofreligions rites, candles were burned.90 Russian churches are full of lighted tapers and candles, 100 The Christians of Western Europe, in the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries, burned candles and lamps before their sacred images and pictures, "the visible light being a symbol of the gift of the divine light." Lights and incense were also burned before the elements, the life-giving cross, the holy gospels, and the other sacred ornaments. The St. Petersburg Russian peasant of the present day, having for the good of his body invested five farthings in his hot bath, for the benefit of his soul invests a like sum for a taper to be set before the shrine of some favourite saint. The Tangusians, near lake Baikal in Siberia, burn wax tapers before their gods ; in the Molucca islands, wax tapers are used in the worship of the Nito; in Ceylon, wax candles are burned before Buddha. "The earliest known form of Venus or Aphrodite is in Paphos, & ball in a pyramid surrounded by burning torches. Among the Greeks a sudden or unusual splendour was lucky; darkness was unlucky. The rites to the gods of the under-world were performed at night. As in the Catholic Church the water of Baptism is parified by dipping a candle into the font, so it was with the classic Greeks. The holy water at the entrance to the Greek temple, which was sprinkled to purify all who came in, was consecrated by putting into it a burning torch from the altar. The torch was used because light purifies all. So a priest parified the newly launched Greek ship with a lighted torch, an egg, and brimstone. In Middle-Age Europe, magicians and heretics were burnt alive in order that the fire might scare the devil that possessed them.10 This remedy was at one with popular witchcraft cures. In a 1603 witch trial, an old woman stated she had burned alive one hen because a witch had possessed all her hens, and in the same trial, a farmer stated he had burned a pig alive, and thereby scared the witch's familiar.11 In much more recent times, in Cornwall, the father of an overlooked, that is, of a bewitched child, went to the witch's house, tied the witch down, piled furze in front of the door, fired it, and passed the witch-possessed child over the furze flames.12 Before their sacred images, the Chinese keep burning candles and joss sticks.18 As has been noticed, Hindus scare the dreaded yôginís, or twilight hags, by waving flaming camphor in front of their yods. If a Hindu goes out in the dark he repeats charms, touches his amulets, and carries a fire brand to keep off evil spirits.14 If a Scottish Highlander has to pass through a church yard he will carry a live coal. 15 In Ireland, a live coal keeps fairies and other evils away at night.16 In North Scotland (1800), a live coal is dipped into the water in which a newhorn child is washed. 17
The Hindu belief, that the waving of lights cures sickness and that flaming camphor is specially helpful in driving evil spirits out of the possessed, finds a parallel in the Christian girl, who (A. D. 587) expelled a sickness by holding in front of her a burning candle, and in a man, who, recovering from an agne, held lighted candles in his hands all night long 19 Similarly, oil from a lamp burning in a Church at Ravenna cured the eyes of two believers.19 In Germany, fire was struck out of a flint on erysipelas. And the cattle were 96 Poems, Vol. II. p. 323, Ed. 1869.
97 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 997. » Sharpe's Witchcraft in Scotland, p. 27. 99 Middleton's Conformity between Popery and Paganism, xxi. Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 139. 100 An English woman in Russia, p. 198.
Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 997. ? Op. cit. pp. 612, 613, 819.
3 St. James's Budget, 9th December 1888, p. 10. • Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 283. 5 Ency. Brit, aphrodite.
Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 394. 1 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 207.
Op. cit. Vol. I. pp. 260, 261. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 132. 10 See Sharpe's Witchcraft in Scotland, p. 20. 11 Op. cit. p. 211. 12 Black's Folk-Medicine, p. 69.
13 Moncare Conway's Demonology and DovitLore, Vol. I. p. 74. 14 Lenormant's Chaldean Magic, p. 39.
18 Cumming's In the Hebrides, p. 227. 16 FolkLore Record, Vol. IV. p. 117.
17 Gregor's An Echo of the Olden Time, p. 90. 18 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 997. 19 Op. cit. p. 817.
.

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driven through the holy Need Fire to keep off sickness. German mothers put their children in the oven to cure fever, and lay in an oven a child who does not grow to drive out of him the dwarfing spirit of the elderling 20
As regards lights at festivals, according to Bede (A. D. 730), the English practice of keeping a candle burning all through Christmas Day goes back to fore-Christian times, when, on the eve of the winter solstice, the Saxons used to light great candles and kindle the Yule Clog.21 Lighted candles were also used ceremonially by the Germans before they became Christian.22 In Ripon, in Yorkshire, on the Sunday before Candlemas Day, all the afternoon the collegiate church is (1790) ablaze with lighted candles.23 In Rome, after sunset on Shrove Tuesday, everyone carries a lighted taper and tries to blow out his neighbour's light.24 Daring Easter-week the Pope worships a cross of fire over St. Peter's tomb.25 According to the Greek Christians, on Easter Day in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in Jerusalem, a magic light from above kindles the candles.26 According to the traveller Coryate, in 1614, except the Latins, all Christians in Jerusalem at Easter prayed that the Holy Ghost might come from heaven in the visible form of fire. After great processioning the Patriarchs of the Greeks and Armenians went into the sepulcure. A priest passed into the grottoe. After a quarter of an honr he came forth with his tapers lighted. So great was the rush to get a light that the priest was nearly stified.27 At Durham, the great Easter candle, called Paschal, was lighted by flint and steel with a consecrating rite, and from it all other candles were kindled.28 So it is with the Paschal taper carried before the Pope, parts of which are kept as charms.20 In Transylvania, on Easter Eve, witches and demons are abroad. Every man must attend the midnight service and hold a lighted wax candle. Afterwards, if what is left of the caudle is lighted during a thunderstorm, it will keep the fiend lightning from striking the house.30 In London, on Midsummer Eve (June 24th), and on the Eve of St. Peter and St. Paul (June 28th), every man's door was sbaded with green birch, long fennel, St. John's wort, orpin, white lilies and the like ornaments with flower garlands. Glass oil-lamps were kept burning all night, covering the branches with hundreds of lights.31 So, among the Circassians, the holy pear-tree is hung with candles.32 At the hottest time of the year the grove of Diana at Nemi, near Rome, was lighted by a multitude of torches.33 In Rome, before the Church was eclipsed by the Italian Government (1869), an illumination took place when a new Cardinal was appointed.34 At the crowning of the Eastern Christian Emperors and at the throning of the Pope, a wisp of flax is lighted and burnt before the eyes of the enthroned.36 At the feast in honour of the dedication of the temple by Judas Macabæns (B. C. 160), the Jews lighted one candle the first day, and one more each day till seven were lighted.36 A lamp was always burning in the Jewish tabernacle; a lamp still barns in the Synagogue.37 The prophetic stones on the High Priest's breast-plate were called Urim or Lights.38 The undying fire on the altar of Solomon's temple couched like a lion and shone like the sun. Its solid pure and smokeless flame consumed alike the wet and the dry.39 In the fore-Christian Jowish catacombs at Rome, on each place for a body, is scratched the image of a seven-branched candle-stick.co When an early Christian Church was consecrated twelve candles were lighted.1 At the Japanese lantern feast, lighted lanterns are launched on water to ascertain the fate of dead friends. 3 At the Chinese feast of lanterns, on the fifteenth of the first moon, that
20 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. pp. 1162, 1 183. 21 Notes and Queries, 5th Series, Vol. X. p. 483; Gentleman's Magazine Library, " Popular Saperstitions," p. 4. 91 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 616. Gentleman'. Magarine Library, "Popular Superstitions," p. 3. 24 "Carnival" in Ency. Brit. Xth Ed. * Hislop's Two Babylons, p. 225. 26 From MS. Notes.
27 Coryate's Crudities, Vol. III. "Extracts." 28 Hone's Everyday Book, Vol. 1. p. 496. 29 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 1564. 29 The Nineteenth century, No. 101, p. 134. 1 Strutt's Sports and Pastimes, p. 830. 32 Frazer's Golden Bough, Vol. I. p. 73. $5 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 5. 34 Ency. Brit. " Carnival," p. 98. 55 Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 458. 36 Cornhill Magazine, December 1886. 37 Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. III. p. 1398.
Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 1600. » Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 54.
** Smith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 300, 1944. 41 Op. cit. p. 430.
49 Japanese Manners, p. 67.

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is about March, all hang lanterns in front of their houses.43 The Chinese have passed from the stage of scaring the dreaded dead to the stage of pleasing the beloved dead. In Canton, during the yearly festival for the unmarried dead, after dark, boats glide down the river a mass of lanterns. In front and at the sides of the lantern boats are small fire boats. In the front fireboat a gong is beaten to attract spirits. In the big lantern boat priests chant hymns and throw burning paper clothes and paper money into the river. The paper clothes and paper money are supposed to be refined by fire so as to be useful to the naked craving unwed ghosts who float on the water. Oil lamps in clay vessels are drawn after the lantern boat to serve as guides to the spirits.
For more than 300 years after Christ, the use of ceremonial candles, torches and lamps in Christian Churches was not general. Tertullian ( A. D. 205 ) and Lactantius ( A. D. 303) scoff at the use of lights by day. The early gods,' they say, 'need lights because being of the earth they are in darkness. Let us not blaze,' says Gregory of Nazianzen (A.D. 373), like a Greek temple at holy moon. The ceremonial use of lights in connection with Christian worship is supposed to have begun with the placing of a light on the tombs of martyrs and with the illumination of churches on high days. By the eighth century the blessing of the lamps and candles on Easter Eve was a widespread ceremony. The font was baptized with lights, and the early converts, after baptism, held a lighted candle. Lights were kind led when the Gospel was read, and lights were carried at funerals and hang over graves. Candles and lamps were also lighted before pictures and images, and were presented as a thank-offering on recovering from sickness. 45 Other early fire rites were forbidden. In A. D. 680, a council penalized the kindling and the leaping over fires in front of workshops and houses at the time of new moon. 56
Few people have shewn a more marked trust in light as a guardian against evil spirits tban the Mexicans. The chief Mexican dread is the great day at the end of the cycle of fifty-two years, when the sun may rise no more, and man may be left a helpless prey to evil spirits. To prevent man's rain, the only hope of the Mexican priesthood was by raising a new light or fire to scatter the evil influences that might prevent the sun from rising. To raise a new fire on the evening before the dreaded day, the gods, that is, the priests in the garments of the gods, leaving their shrines and temples, marched forth to a hill-top. And, when the kindly influences of the Pleiades were at their strongest, on an altar on the hill-top, the chief priest slew a human victim and on a wooden shield fastened to the victim's chest kindled fire by rubbing. From the New Fire a great pyre, on which the victim was laid, was kindled, and from the pyre-flame torches were lighted, and the New Fire was borne speedily by special runners over the whole land. The dawn and the sunrise of the next morning shewed that the virtue of the guardian light lad prevailed. The gods marched back to their shrines, the temples were cleansed, the people dressed in festive garments, Light had routed evil and saved Mexico from rain.7
The above examples illustrate the working of two leading religious laws; that the Guardian is the squared fiend, and that the Guardian needs guarding. Though so great a guardian, light, like fire, has failed to free itself from its early shadow, the fiend-element, known to the Hindus as the hideous iron-tusked Kravyâd 48 that underlies its guardian nature. To the Egyptian fire was a wild boast. The Hindu and the Shân agree that the blaze of camphor and the flare of torches are required to scare the twilight fire-fiends. To the Hindn the morning sun is Vishņu the preserver, but the midday sun, the terror that walketh at noon-tide, is Mabâdêy the destroyer. So the lesser lights that inlay the floor of heaven, though grouped by faith into guardian shapes, shoot baneful glances at mankind which have to be soothed by the star which rules the moment of each man's birth. With the Greeks and Romane, *Kid's China, p. 302.
" Mrs. Gray's Fourteen Months in Canton, p. 212. 45 Sunith's Christian Antiquities, pp. 993-998. 46 Grithm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 626; Moncure Conway's Demonology and Devil-Lore, Vol. I. p. 67. 17 Mayer's Mexico, p. 129.
8 Wilkin's Hindu Mythology, p. 23. 9 Wilkinson's Egyptians, 2nd Series, Vol. II. p. 463.

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St. Elmo's or St. Erasmus' fire, the electric fire balls that settle on ships' rigging in a storm, wore the genial guardians Castor and Pollax. Lightning, on the other hand, was a fiend defiling what it struck, to be driven away in classic fashion by a hiss or in early Christian fashion by the sign of the cross, by prayer, and by the sprinkling of holy water.60 Under this Application of the principle of Dualism lies the great law of religious development, the guardian is the squared-fiend, a phase of early belief which is alive and orthodox in the Defenders of the Faith, Tutelary Demons, or Guardian-Fiends who play so leading a part in Tibet Buddhism,61 Again, the above examples illustrate the law, the Guardian needs guarding. The position and surroundings of the Guardian, weli housed, tended with care, treated with honour, make the Guardian a apecially tompting lodging for the hosts of unhoused wandering spirits. So, when the Chinaman, and also the Tibetan Lima, has prepared all parts of the image with elaborate care and ritual, when the scalpture is completed, he has an anxious formula to prevent the entrance of a wicked spirit into the sacred image.5% By the use of the spirit-scares, spirit-traps, spirit-scapes, and spirit-prisons, known as ritual and decoration, priests and worshippers do much to guard the Guardian from the trespass of unclean lodgers. However complete the theory, however sleepless the practice, these precautions cannot fail to fall short of perfection. In annoyance at intrusion, it may be stained by the spirit of the intruders, like the sun shorn. of his beams at the close of day and at the opening of winter, like the Leader whose guardian .force ebbs till it is lost in death, the Guardian ceases to guard. So, when the sins of the Hebrews were forgiven, that is, when the haunting evil spirits were scared, the High-priest's breast jewels shone bright. When the sins were not forgiven, that is, when the air remained heavy with evil influences, the gems became black.53 From the recurring dangers of seasonal fiend-swarms, from the sudden blow of the plague demon, a young fresh untarnished Guardian can alone save man. The necessity of a new or a renewed Guardian explains the practice, perhaps even the name, of the Celtic and German Need Fire: it explains the fire kindled through a crystal ball at the Eleusinian mysteries ;54 it explains the Catholic flint-lighting at Easter, and the Catholic blessing of candles : it explains the Mexican and Peruvian re-birth of the sun. The early experience that, through failure of his guarders to guard him, the Guardian spirit dwindles and dulls through the housing of evil influences is recorded in the magical phase of early religion. According to Reginald Scott, the success of the ceremonial use of fire by the Middle-Age European exorcist was made doubtful by the chance that evil influences had taken their abode in the guardian fire. Before using fire, says Scott, let the exorcist repeat these words: "By Him that created heaven and earth and is God and Lord of all I exorcise and sanctify thee, thou creature of Fire that immediately thou banish every phantom from thee.”55 The belief, that the aged out-of-date guardian not only ceases to guard but becomes a fiend-home, is shewn in Herrick's Ceremony on Candlemas Eve :
"Down with the rosemary and so
Down with the bays and mistletoe, Down with the holly ivy all Wherewith ye dressed the Christmas hall, That so the superstitious find No one least branch there left behind : For look how many leaves there be Neglected there, maids, trust to me,
So many goblins you shall see."56 50 Potter's Antiquities, Vol. I. pp. 382-384 : Vol. II. p. 172; Smith's Christian Antiquities, p. 992.
61 Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet,' pp. 363-365. Besides, in Tibet, the idea, that the guardian is the squared fiend, is familiar in the Indian DurgA and Biva and in the Greek guardian.fory of the Medusa. Even the Mother, the
est of guardians, is pestilence among Hindus and madness among Romans and English: "How this Mother swells up towards my heart." King Lear, Act II. Scene IV.
69 Emerson's Masks, Heads and Faces, p. 184; Schlagintweit's Buddhism in Tibet, p. 205. - Emanuel's Diamonds and Precious Stones, p. 28.
* Op. cit. p. 23. 66 Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 480. Compare the Christian exorcism of water, salt, and oil before their use in sacred offices. Smith's Christian Anitquities, p. 653. Details of the kindling of Need Fire in Scotland, as late as 1810, to stay murrain are give in Napier's Folk-Loro, p. 84. Horno's Hosperidas, p. 203.

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Like the re-birth in the Need Fire and in the Flint-spark, like the Mexican and Peruvian renewal of the youth of the Sun at the close of his span of fifty-two years, the Dalai Lama, for the good of man, sacrifices his yearning for absorption, and, by certain signs, shews in the body of what babe he has been pleased to endure the penalty of re-birth. So the Guardian spirit of the dying king passes either into the king's son, or, through some sacramental channel, enters the body of the chosen successor. The king is dead; long live the king: the Guardian is dead; the Guardian lives.
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.
No. 40.- bhya the Learned Fool (a Noodle Story). In the town of Mânâmadurai, in the Pandiyan country, there lived a young Brâhman. named Ebhya, who was a fool. He was married to & girl in Madura. Ebhya was a learned man, as he thought, in his own way, and like Sakara, in Südraka's play, conld always quote Sanskrit verses and rules, as authority for all his actions. He wished to see his wife. He therefore started for Madura. On his way, he saw the dead body of an ass lying neglected in the way.
“What," thought he, "this was a living being. It had no friends in this world. There is no one now to bury it or cremate it, and it is, therefore, lying thus neglected in the dead stage of its existence. If I do now the meritorious action of cremating this dead ass I obtain the boon of having performed asvamédha (horse-sacrifice). For does not the sage say :
Andthaprētasariskáram aávamédhaphalaih bhavét. The cremating of an ownerless dead body is equal to the performance of a horse
sacrifice. Why should I not thus in an easy way obtain that? What have I to do here? It is not much. Fuel is easily obtained in the jungle. I have only to carry the dead ass to a good distance in the jungle, away from the common path."
Thus thinking, Ebhya lifted up the dead animal and essayed to carry it into the jungle He struggled hard. It was a very heavy weight. But then, how could merit be obtained without exertion and trouble ? Alas, the weight was more than his strength could bear, and he did not know what to do. The merit, however, must be obtained, for he had found out the easiest way of attaining it. A horse-sacrifice is a very costly thing which only monarchs may attempt; whereas without any such cost, and by merely collecting the fuel necessary in the wood, and by cremating a dead ass he could now attain that merit.
The wisdom of Ebhya was never at fault, and he at once found means for getting out of his new difficulty. The utterance of the sages that the head is the important member of the animalbody rushed into his mind :
Sarvasya gátrasya sirah pradhanam.
The head is the chief of all parts of the body. He praised his memory and his ready wit, and at once with a small knife he severed the head of the dead ass from its trank. And having now secured the head he proceeded on his way to reach a spot in the jungle where the cremation could take place without nuisance to travellers. But for this he had a long way to go and the severed head became a repulsive thing

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to carry. But the undertaking was nevertheless not to be given op. So he quoted to himself another saying and it ran thus:
Sarvéndriyánáni nayanan pradkánam.
The eye is the chief of all the senses. Under this rule, tbhya laid down the head and pulled out its two eyes only, and proceeded on his journey. Soon he reached a lonely part of the wood, where he cromated the eyes of the ass with all the formalities of a funeral rite. Thus by an easy way and at no cost but that of a few dried sticks, which the woods sapplied him with, he obtained the. merit of a horse-sacrifice.
According to the Hindu rales, a person who has performed a funeral rite is affected with pollution for ten days. So Ebhya, without any mark on his forelicad and with his locks untied, and with other marks of mourning, entered his father-in-law's house just at evening time. The first relation he met was his mother-in-law in the court-yard of the house. She was just finishing her evening bath in that part of the house, as she did not expect any body then, and had by mistake left the outer door ajar instead of bolting it. Ebhya ran up suddenly to where she was bathing, and falling on the ground paid his respects to her according to the Hinda way of the namaskára, for does not the rule say -
Drishtamátram namaskuryát évakrúti ávasuram eva cha.
Worship your mother-in-law and your father-in-law soon as yon see them. Under this authority the son-in-law did his duty. He did not care for the occasion, time, and place. The strict rules were to him venerable anthorities, and he rigidly observed them. His agitated mother-in-law first took him to be an impolite young man, and then toned down her opinion at the stupidity which she soon discovered in him. Thus, with this introduction our hero entered his wife's house.
After thus paying his respects to his wife's mother, Ebhya went to a big hay-stack in the middle of the court-yard, and, mounting it, sat on the top of it, for he had heard the rule that people on elevated places are always respected
Uchchaih sthánéshu půjyanté.
They worship those placed on high. So to extract respect he chose that spot. His brothers-in-law, for he had three such relations, soon returned home, and their mother directed their attention to her son-in-law on the top of the hay-stack.
« Our namaskaras (respects) to yon, O son-in-law ? When did you come down? Why do you sit there ? Descend, please," said they, and after thus receiving the respect he thought due he came down. But he did not mingle with the company. He stole up to a corner of the hall, and stood apart.
"Why do you thus stand aloof P Come near, please," said the brothers-in-law.
"I am polluted," was the reply, and this was given out with all the sincerity of a mourner with low voice and dejected face. Not wishing to extract the cause of the mourning from his own mouth, the brothers-in-law went in and asked their mother whether she knew anything about it. She was not able to enlighten them, but gave them enough of information to make them all suspect that something was wrong with the brain of her son-in-law. The brothers, not believing his statement entirely, approached Ebhya, and asked him to be more plain. Ebhya then narrated the details of his journey. But, as it was his first visit they did not like to displease him. So they mildly tried to convince him of his foolishness, and though he was beyond conviction he went through the formality of mingling with his wife's relations. Grand preparations were then made in the house to feed the newly arrived guest.
"Is there anything that you specially like which we should order to be cooked?" asked the brothers.

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"Nothing," said Ebhya; "but I wish all vegetables to be flavoured with castor oil, for Dhanvantri-the master of medicine has said that castor oil is the destroyer of windErandatailak vétagħnam."
The dinner time approached. Scented oil to rub on the body and lukewarm water to bathe in were placed in the court-yard, and according to the Hindu custom Ebhya was requested to undergo this happy bath (mangalasnána), and prepare himself for the meal. Refusal would have been regarded as extremely impolite, so Ebhya bathed and had the scented oil rubbed over his body. Now the rule runs :-"praváhábhimukham snanam - bathe facing the current," and how was this to be done in a court-yard with all the water available stored up in a big vessel? But Ebhya would not give up his rules; so he upset the vessel, and running to the end of the yard, where the water would find its outlet, laid himself down on the ground to let it pass over his body. The brothers who witnessed this mad act did not understand him for a moment. They were stupified by these unprecedented actions. But as they had contracted relationship with Ebhya, they merely mildly rebuked him, and gave him fresh water
to bathe in.
At last even the dinner was over and then, at bed-time, his beautiful young wife for the first time was sent into his room. Now the saying is "bháryá rúpavati satruḥa beautiful wife is an enemy." Ebhya saw she was very beautiful, and at once concluded that a beautiful wife must always be an enemy. He looked round him and found a small iron wire with which lamps are trimmed up. He took hold of it and making his wife sit by him he thrust it into one of her eyes. The pain was more than she could bear. She raised a cry and her brothers, suspecting something serious, ran up to the door, which was bolted inside. They knocked, but Ebhya would not open it. He was not going to stop there. He took up the light and gazed at her writhing in pain.
"You are no more beautiful. You are no more my enemy. You are my good friend and chaste wife from this moment," said Ebhya.
"Open the door for God's sake," roared the brothers, but Ebhya had not completed his idiotic proceedings. He surveyed his wife a second time. She had still one eye. The saying is "ekakshi kulanasini - the one-eyed woman is a destroyer of the family;" so Ebhya put out the remaining eye also. The doors were now rooted out by force, and the wretched blind girl discovered.
"What hast thou done, thou scoundrel, thou idiot, thou ass?" roared all the people. Ebhya in his own cool way quoted authorities for his actions. They thrashed him from head to foot.
"I am lord of my own wife, and who are you to beat me ?" said Ebhya in reprimand. "Come out, you fool, we will take you to the king," cried they. And Ebhya, not giving up his own rights, said: -
"Very well, proceed; let us go to the king himself, and let me see whether he will deny the rights of a husband over his wife."
Thus they all went that very night to the palace. Everything in the streets, even every dog, was sound asleep. The palace and the harem was reached, and the crowd stopped outside; but Ebhya went on undaunted, for he was a fool, and he had no fear of the consequences of his actions. The swiftness with which he proceeded made it impossible for the guards to oppose him without disturbance, and a disturbance in the harem premises was dreaded. The king, if disturbed in his rest, would come down heavily upon the disturbers. So Ebhya, unarrested, entered the very inner rooms of the palace. The queen was sitting there in silence, and with his royal head on her right thigh the monarch was sleeping soundly. Even the air feared to blow hard there, for such was the dread the king inspired. Silence reigned. Ebhya,

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undaunted, placed his head on the queen's left thigh, and, stretching his body in a direction opposite to that of the king, fell asleep. What could the poor queen do? If she spoke and thus distarbed her lord in his sleep she would verily lose her head. But the monarch's sleep was soon disturbed ; our hero was a great snorer. The king rose up in a great fury, and a strange spectacle met his sight. A man asleep on the king's own bed with his head in the queen's lap! He gave a push to the impertinent head, and Ebhya rose up.
“How came you to dare this impertinence ?” asked the king. Ebhya came out with his long story, and the crowd of people, which had collected, caused the king to go outside. He now grasped the whole position,
"But what made you sleep in that posture ?" roared the king. Undaunted, Ebhya replied: -"Yathd rdja tatha prajáh: - as is the monarch so are the subjects. You slept in that posture, and so I did under the authority of that rule."
The monarch's anger was changed into laughter. Even the fierce king pitied the helpless idiot, who was so ready with his misapplied quotations. And thus ends the story.
NOTES AND QUERIES. TELUGU SUPERSTITIONS.
4. Emaciation follows the touch of the house. 1. Tit Paing continuously for three or four broom, while used in sweeping ont the house, 80 days and the female members of a Telugu family
in Telugu houses every body is asked to keep out are thereby prevented from leaving the house for
of the way of the broom while the house is being marketing, a small female child is sent out naked
swept out. into the rain with a burning piece of wood in her 5. If it rains steadily for three or four days, hand, which she has to shew to the rain. The a man throws a piece of steel at the god of the rain is then supposed to cease.
rain to make him kindly disposed and stop the 2. If a man suffers persistently from intermittent fever for a long while which he cannot 6. "Never spit on ordure: it will give you shake off, le must hug a bald-headed Brahman sore throat," say the Telugas. widow at the first streak of daylight. He is then
7. If a puppy runs between the legs of a cured.
child, it will suffer from dog-worms (kakku 3. If a man suffers from ophthalmis, he
nattala). sbould watch the reflection of his face in a pot full of oil belonging to an oil-seller, if he wishes to
Such superstitions must and do constantly fail, be cured.
but they are as popular as ever all the same. The repeated failure of these specifics has had
M. N. VENKETSWAMI. no effect on their universal popularity.
Nagpur, C.P.
rain.
BOOK-NOTICES. Aparlambiyadharmasdtram, Aphorisms on the Sacred other works of its own class, and among the other
Law of the Hindus, by Apartamba, ed. by Dr. G. writings attributed to the same author, its age BÖHLER, C. I. E., 2nd edition, revised. 2 parts,
and origin, style and language, have been amply Bomb. 1892, 1894.
discussed by Prof. Bühler in the introduction to The first edition of the present work, published
his translation of Apastamba, in the second volume in 1868 and 1871, was an editio princeps, and has
of the Sacred Books of the East. I may confine materially aided the progress of Sanskrit scholar
my remarks, therefore, to the main features of the ship in one of its most important branches, the
present now edition of the Sanskrit original of Dharmaldstra, & pastamba's Dharmasatra be
A pastamba's law book and the commentary on it. ing the best and most authentic specimen of the ancient collections of religious and civil laws which The Critical Introduction," which is at least originated in the Brahmanical schools of India. five times as extensive as it had been in the The various important questions concerning the previous edition, contains valuable new informaposition of Apastamba's manual of law among tion, both as regards the work of Apastamba

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himself and of his commentator. To begin with We are looking forward very much to Prof. the latter, the proofs furnished by Prof. Bühler that Bühler's promised full discussion of the lanHaradatta cannot have lived later than about guage of Apastamba. For the present, we are A. D. 1450-1500 are convincing. The question glad to obtain the valuable evidence regarding it, as to his identity with Haradattamisra, the author which he has collected from the quotations conof the Padamañjari, who is quoted by Så yana, tained in A parárka's commentary of the Yajñahas been left open by Prof. Bühler. It has been valkyasmrti, and Yadavaprakasa's Vaijayanti, as answered in the affirmative by Aufrecht in his well as from the various new MSS. used for the Catalogus Catalogorum, s. v. Haradatta, and the notes to the present edition, and from the various Sarvadarkanasangraha reference to Haradatta readings of the Hiranyakefi-Dharmasútra making which is given in the same work (see p. 104 in up the second appendix. Gough's transl.), renders it extremely probable
The new MSS. used are six in number, and the that Sayana-Madhava was acquainted with the
total of the MSS. underlying this new edition writings of Haradatta who must have lived, con.
amounts to thirteen. In the editor's pedigree of sequently, about 1300 A. D. An examination of
these MSS. the Grantha copies occupy the most those references to the opinions of Haradatta
prominent place, and appear to have enabled him which may be collected from Eggeling's Catalogue
to reproduce, as closely as possible, the text settled of the Legal MSS. in the India Office Library
by Haradatta. The interpolations and false read tends to confirm this view. Thus he is quoted in
ings in the other copies seem to be due principally the Prayogapúrijáta, Vidhinapdrijáta, Viramitro.
to marginal notes having crept into the text of the daya, Govindarnava, Smrtikaustubha, and Chatur.
Sútras, and to the influence of Hairanyakesa vimsatimatavgalchayana. The importance of the
Brahmans who substituted the readings of their reference to Haradatta in the Viramitrodaya,
own Dharmasútra for those of Apa stamba's which was composed in the first half of the
Both works were closely related from the first, seventeenth century, has already been brought out as may be gathered from the above-mentioned by Prof. Bühler. Nearly all the other works also
varietas lectionis at the end of the volume under belong to the same century, except Nrsihha's
notice. Prayogapúrijata, in which Haradatta's com
Owing to the new materials used and new prinmentary on the Apastambasútra is distinctly referred to (Catalogue of the T. O., 3, 416).
ciples adopted in preparing the present edition, it Though Dr. Burnell has certainly gone too far in
differs in many places from its predecessor. Most making of Nộsimha an author of the twelfth
of these alterations, however, are important in century (Tanjore Cat., 131), he cannot be placed
point of language only, and consist either of the much later than about 1400 A.D., As an old MS.
substitution of obsolete and ungrammatical forms
for ordinary ones, or of corrections, a certain of his work is dated Sam. 1495; it is true that he
portion of the latter having been first proposed refers to the Pardéaravyákhyd of Madhava, who flourished in the second half of the fourteenth
conjecturally by Dr. Böhtlingk in the Journal of
the German Oriental Society. It may not be out of century. The early MS. in question has been
place here to advert to a valuable essay published noticed in R. Mitra's Bikaner Catalogue, p. 439.
by Dr. Winternitz in the Memoirs of the Vienna The fact that Haradatta is mentioned by an
Academy for 1892 on Indian Marriage Ceremonies author of the early part of the fifteenth century strengthens the supposition that his writings were
in which the language of Apastamba's Grhyasútra not unknown to the most eminent writer of the
has been discussed very carefully, the results latter part of the fourteenth century.
agreeing with those arrived at by Prof. Bühler
for the Dharmasútra. The early date and high standing of Haradatta The second volume of the work under notice, tends to justify the method observed in the present like the first, is not a mere reprint of the previous edition, as indeed in the former one, of giving the edition, the new MSS. used for the extracts fr text of Åpastamba's Satras As established by Haradatta's commentary having suggested a good Haradatta. This method precludes the conjectural
118 method precludes the conjectural many alterations, additions, and omissions. Anemendation of many ungrammatical forms and other new feature of the same volume is the phrases. tempting as it may seem to substitute complete Index Verborun by Dr. Th. Bloch, an grammatically correct forms for the "medley of able and learned pupil of Profs. Windisch and Vedic, classical and Prekstic forms "in the present Bühler. work.
J. JOLLY.
1 The date of the Govinuraava is uncertain.

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ON A RECENT ATTEMPT. BY JACOBI AND TILAK, TO DETERMINE ON ASTRONOMICAL EVIDENCE THE DATE OF THE EARLIEST
VEDIC PERIOD AS 4000 B. C. BY THE LATE PROFESSOR W. D. WHITNEY, OF YALE UNIVERSITY, NEW HAVEN.1 A Ta meeting of the American Oriental] Society nearly nine years ago (October 1885), A I criticised and condemned Ludwig's attempt to fix the date of the Rig Veda by alleged eclipses. The distinguished French Indianist, Bergaigne, passed the same judgment upon it at nearly the same time (Journ Asiat, 1886). Although the two criticisms provoked from Ludwig & violent and most uncourteous retort (see his Rig-Véda, Vol. VI. p. x.), bis argament appears to have fallen into the oblivion which alone it merited.
Within the past year, a similar attempt has been made, independently of one another, by two scholars, one German (Prof. Jacobi, of Bonn, in the Festgruss an Roth, 1893, pp. 68-74) and one Hindu (Bal Gangadhar Tilak, The Orion, or Researches into the Antiquity of the Vedas, Bombay, 1893, pp. ix., 229, 16mo.), working along the same general line, and coming to an accordant conclusion : namely, that the oldest period called Vedic goes back to or into the fifth millennium before Christ-an antiquity as remote as that long recognized for Egyptian civilization, and recently claimed, on good grounds, for that of Mesopotamia also. This is a start. ling novelty; as such, however, we have no right to reject it offhand; but we are justified in demanding pretty distinct and unequivocal evidence in its favor, before we yield it our credence.
The general argument may be very briefly stated thus: The Hindus (as also the Chinese, the Persians, and the Arabs) had a lunar zodiac of 27 (or 28) asterisms, rudely marking the successive days of the moon's circuit of the heavens. Since the establishment of the Hindu science of astronomy, under Greek influence and instruction, in the first centuries of our era, the series of asterisms has been made to begin with Asvini (in the head of Aries), for the acknowledged reason that that group was nearest the vernal equinox at the time. But earlier; in the Brúkmanas, etc., the series always began with Krittikå (Pleiades), presumably because, owing to the precession, that group had been nearest to the equinox: and this was the case some two thousand and more years before Christ. Some two thousand and more years yet earlier, the equinox was near to Mrigasiras, or the head of Orion ; if, therefore, it can be made to appear that the Hindus once began their asterismal system with Mrigasiras, and because of the latter's coincidence with the equinox, we shall conclude that they must have done so more than four thousand years before Christ. Bat the same sum can be worked in terms of months. The Hindu months are lunar, and are named sidereally, each from the asterism in or adjacent to which the moon is full in the given month : bat the seasons follow the equinoxes and solstices d hence the rainy season, for example, began about a month earlier when Aśvini (Aries) was at the equinox than when Krittikê (Pleiades) was there, and about two months earlier than when Mrigasiras (Orion) was there ; and if it can be shewn that the year always commence with a fixed season, and has twice changed its initial month, Mrigaģiras (Orion) will thus also be proved to have been at the equinox at a recorded or remembered period in Hindu
i [I have printed this article from the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society for March, 1894, with the full approval of Dr. Bühler because of the articles already published in this Journal on these subjects. I have done so that scholars in India, who may not otherwise hear of them, may be in possession of this great Oriontalist's views of these questions, though stated with his characteristio vigor and disregard of the feelings of others. - ED.)
His language is a follows: "Anything more completely the opposite (Widerspil) of criticism than the judgment which our, in all points well-considered, discussion of the subject has met with at the hands of Whitney and Bergaigne is not to be conceived. It (the discussion ) is refuted in no single point; the judges do not stand upon the ground of criticism, but upon that of personal and wholly unjustified opposition.” Perhaps nothing different froin this was to be expected from one who could propose such a theory: finding nothing to say in its defence, he was obliged to abuso his critics and impute to them personal motivos.

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history. And this, in one of the two alternative methods, or in both combined, is what our two authors attempt to demonstrate.
Professor Jacobi sets out by finding in the Rig Veda the beginning of the year to be determined by that of the rainy season. And first he quotes a verse from the humorous hymn to the frogs, R. V. vii, 103, 9, usually rendered thus : "they keep the divine ordering of the twelve-fold one (i. e., of the year); those fellows do not infringe the season, when in the year the early rain has come": that is to say, the wise frogs, after reposing through the long dry season, begin their activity again as regularly as the rains come. Jacobi objects that dvadasa, rendered "twelve-fold," means strictly “twelfth," and ought to be taken here in this its more natural sense; and he translates : "they keep the divine ordinance; those fellows do not infringe the season of the twelfth [month];" inferring that then the downright rains mark the first month of the new year. But doadaéá does not in fact mean "twelfth "any more naturally than "twelve-fold;" its ordinal value, though commoner, especially in later time, is not one whit more original and proper than the other, or than yet others; and the proposed change, partly as agreeing less with the metrical division of the verse, is, in my opinion, no improvement, but rather the contrary; and no conclusion as to the beginning of the year can be drawn from it with any fair degree of confidence. This first datum, then, is too indefinite and doubtful to be worth anything.
Next our attention is directed to a verse (13) in the doubtless very late stryd-hymn in the tenth book (x, 85), where, for the sole and only time in the Rig Veda, mention appears to be made of two out of the series of asterisms, the Atharva-Veda being brought in to help establish the fact. The subject is the wedding of the sun-bride, and the verse reads thas: "The bridal-car (vahatu) of Surya hath gone forth, which Savitar sent off ; in the Magha's (R.-V. Agha's) are slain the kine (i. e., apparently for the wedding-feast); in the Phalguni's (R.-V. Arjuni's) is the carrying-off (R. V. carrying-about: viváha 'carrying-off' is the regular name for wedding)." The Maghå's and the Phalgani's are successive asterisms, in Leo, Maghå being the Sickle, with a Leonis, Regulus, as principal star; and the Phalguni's (reckoned as two asterisms," former" and " latter" Phalguni's) are the square in the Lion's tail, or p, 4, 8, and 93 Leonis. Now, as Prof. Jacobi points out, the transfer of the sun-bride to a new home would seem plausibly interpretable as the change of the sun from the old year to a new one; and hence the beginning of the rainy season, nearly determined as it is by the summer solstice, would be with the sun in the Phalguni's ; and this would imply the vernal equinox at Mrigasiras (Orion), and the period 4000 B. C. or earlier,
There is evidently a certain degree of plausibility in this argument. But it is also beset with many difficulties. The whole myth in question is a strange and problematic one. That the moon should be viewed as the husband of the asterisms, whom he (all the names for “moon" are masculine) visits in soccession on his round of the sky, is natural enough; but that the infinitely superior sun, made feminine for the nonce (stryd instead of súrya), while always masculine else, should be the moon's bride, is very startling; nor indeed, is it anywhere distinctly stated that the moon (soma) is the bridegroom, though this is inferable with tolerable confidence from intimations given. Surya is repeatedly said to go (vs. 7d) or go forth (vs. 120) to her husband (and only vs. 38 to be carried about:" but for Agni, not Soma), or to go (vs. 10d) to her house ; while any people who had gone so far in observation of the heavens as to establish a system of asterisms, and to determine the position of the sun in it at a given time (no easy matter, but one requiring great skill in observing and inferring), must have seen that it is the moon who "goes forth" in the zodiac to the sun. The astronomical pazzle-headedness involved in the myth is hardly reconcilable with the accuracy which should make its details reliable data for important and far-reaching conclusions. The kine for the feast, too, it would seem, must be killed where the bride is, or when the sun is in Magbê; then if the wedding-train starts when sun and moon are together in the Phalgupis, which would be ten to fifteen days later, how do we know that they do not go and settle down in some other asterism,

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further on? And are we to suppose that the couple move and start their new life in the rains ? That is certainly the least auspicious time for such an undertaking, and no safe model for the earthly weddings of which it is supposed to be the prototype. On all accounts, there is here no foundation on which to build important conclusions.
Nor shall we be able to find anything more solid in Prof. Jacobi's next plea, which is derived from the proscriptions of the Grihya-satras as to the time when a Vedic student is to be received by his teacher, and to commence study. Sankhiyana sets this at the season when the plants appear: that is to say, at the beginning of the rains; and it is pointed out that the Buddnists also fix their season of study and preaching in the same part of the year. But Pâraskara puts the initiation of the student at the full moon of the month Srâvana, which ('Sravaņa being B, a, y Aquila) would have been first month of the rains in the second millennium before Christ; while Gobhila sets it, alternatively, in the month Bhadrapada, which would have occupied the same position more than two thousand years earlier, or when the vernal equinox was at Orion. The author further points out that the Ramayana (a comparatively very late authority) designates Bhadrapada as the month for devoting one's self to sacred study; and that the Jains (whom one would think likely to be quite independent of Brahmanic tradition) do the same. The reason for fixing on this particular season Prof. Jacobi takes to be the fact that "the rainy months, during which all out-of-doors occupation ceases, are the natural time of study;" and then he makes the momentous assumption that the designations of Sråvaņa and Bhadrapada can be due only to traditions from older periods, when those months began the rainy season respectively. On this point cautious critics will be little likely to agree with him. If the systematic study (memorization) of Vedic lore began as early as 4000 B. C, and could be carried on only in-doors, and so was attached closely to the in-doors rainy season, we should expect to find it attached throughout to the season, and not to the month, and especially in the case of the Jains : that these also abandoned the rains is one indication that the consideration was never a constraining one. And the orthodox Vedio student did not go to school for a limited time in each year, but for a series of years of uninterrupted labour; and on what date the beginning should be made was a matter of indifference, to be variously determined, according to the snggestions of locality and climate, or other convenience or to the caprice of schools, which might seek after something distinctive. I cannot possibly attribute thu smallest value to this part of our author's argumentation,
Weare next referred by him to the connection established by several of the Brahmaņas between the Phalguni's (,, etc., Leonis) and the beginning and end of the year. The Taittirya-Sarkkitá (vii. 4, 8) and the Panchavissa-Brákinara (v. 9, 8) say simply that “the full-moon in Phalguni is the mouth (mukha, i. e., beginning ') of the year;" this would imply a position of the sun near the western of the two Bhadrapada's (a Pegasi, etc.), and determine the Phålguna month, beginning 14 days earlier, as first month. The Kushitaki- Bráhmana (v. 1) makes an almost identical statement, but adds to it the following : "the latter (eastern) Phalgu's are the month, the former (western) are the tail :" and the Taittiriya-Bráhmana (i. 6, 2) virtually comments on this, saying that "the former Phalgunt's are the last night of the year, and the latter Phalguni's are the first night of the year." The SatapathaBrahmaņa (vi. 2, 2, 18) puts it still a little differently:"the full moon of Phalguni is the first night of the year - namely, the latter one; the former one is the last [night]." All this, it seems, can only mean that, of two successive (nearly) full-moon nights in Phalguni, the former, when the moon is nearer the former Phalguni, is the last night of one year, and the other the first night of the next year; and the only conclusion to be properly drawn from it is that the full-moon of the month Phålguna divides the two years. But Prof. Jacobi, by a procedure which is to me quite unaccountable, takes the two parts of the statement as if they were two separate and independent statements, inferring from the one that Phalgana was recognized by the Brahmaņas as a first month, and from the other that the summer solstice was determined by them to lie between the former and latter Phalguni's - as if the sun in the Phalguni's entered

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into the question at all, and as if the Brahmanas ever made any pretence to such astronomical exactness as would be implied in their drawing the solstitial colure between the former and the latter Phalguni's! What they have really done is bad and blundering enough, but quite of a piece with their general treatment of matters involving astronomical observation. For it is senseless to talk, in connection with the full moon in Phâlguna, of a year-limit between the two Phalguni's; if the definition would fit the circumstances in a given year, it could not possibly do so in the year following, nor in the year after that, nor ever in two years in succession. All that we have any right to infer from these Brahmaņa passages is that they recognize a reckoning of the year (among others) that makes it begin in Phâlguna ; and this might be for one of a great many reasons besides the occurrence of the solstice near that group of stars fonr thousand years before Christ. In fact, all inferences drawn from varying beginnings of the year, in one and another and another month, seem to me helplessly weak supports for any important theory. With their customary looseness in regard to such matters, the ancient Hindus reckoned three, or five, or six, or seven seasons (rita) in the year; and there was no controlling reason why any of these might not have been given the first place the vacillating relations of the lunar months to the actual seasons adding their share to the confusion. Of course, any given month being taken as first, the ancient four-month sacrifices, of primary importance, would be arranged accordingly.
Professor Jacobi even tries (though with becoming absence of dogmatism) to derive a little support from the names of the two asterisms which, with the vernal equinox at Mrigasiras (Orion's head), would enclose the antumnal equinox, namely Jyeshtha eldest' before the equinox, and Mala 'root' after it: the former, he thinks, might designate the "old" year, and the latter be that out of which the new series springs and grows. But how should jyeshtha, * oldest' or 'chief,' ever come to be so applied ? The superlative is plainly and entirely unsuited to the use; and an asterism does not suggest a year, but only a month; and the asterism and month just left behind would properly be styled rather the " youngest," the most recent, of its series. If we are to determine the relations of the asterisms on such fancifal etymological grounds (after the manner of the Brahmanas), I would repeat my suggestion, made in the notes to the Súrya-Siddhanta, that Müla (tail of the Scorpion) is 'root' as being the lowest or sonthern most of the whole series; that Jyeshthi (Antares, etc.) is its “oldest" branch, while in Visakha divaricate' (a and B Libræ it branches apart toward Sváti (Arcturus) and Chitra (Spica); this is at least much more plausible than our author's interpretation.
Finally, after claiming that these various evidences "point unmistakably" (untrüglich) to the asserted position of the equinox at Orion in the oldest Vedic period, Prof. Jacobi goes on as follows: “ The later Vedie period has applied a correction, consisting in the transfer of the initial point to Ksittika (the Pleiades); and this very circumstance gives their determination a real significance; it must have been nearly right at the time of the correction." Here he seems to me to be wanting in due candor; I cannot see that he has any right to make such a statement without at least adding a caveat: " provided the system of asterisms was really of Hindu origin and modification," or something else equivalent to this. Donbtless he cannot be ignorant of the discussions and discordance of opinion on this subject, nor unaware that at least some of those who have studied it most deeply hold views which would deprive his statement of all value. If the asterismal system were limited to India, there would be much less reason for regarding it as introduced there from abroad - and yet, even in that case, some would doubtless have been acute enongh to suspect a foreign origin. But it is found (as was pointed out above) over a large part of Asia ; and the only question is whether it was brought into India or carried out of India. What possible grounds bas Prof. Jacobi for regarding its Indian origin as so certain that the opposing view has no claim even to be referred to ? The eminent French astronomer Biot thought that he had proved it primitively Chinese, by an array of correspondences and historical evidences alongside of which our author's proofs of a remote

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antiquity for the Veda make no show at all. Other scholars - e. 9., Sédillot - have been as confident that the system had its birth in Arabia. Weber and I, on whatever other points we may have been discordant, agreed entirely, some thirty-five years ago, that it must have been introduced into India, probably out of Mesopotamia ; nor, I believe, has either of us seen any reason for changing his conviction since. And I know of no modern scholar whose opinion is of any value that holds and has endeavored to show the contrary. Nothing in the Rig Véla nor in the Brakmanas, and nothing in the later Saiskřit literature, tends in any degree to give us the impression that the ancient Hindus were observers, recorders, and interpreters of astronomical phenomena. On the contrary, their treatment of such facts (we have already seen an instance or two above) shews the same looseness and heedlessness that is characteristic of the Hindu genius everywhere in its relation to objective truths, to successive historical occurrences. That no hint of the existence of a planet can be found in the Rig-Tecla is enough by itself to shew that the Hindus of thint period had not devised an asterismal system. A late hymn or two, and passages in the Brahmanas, shew the recognition of a year of 360 days, divided into 12 months of 30 days each, beside a system of lunar months, which would give a year of only 354 days : what their relation to one another, how their differences were reconciled, and by what method either reckoning was kept in unison with the true year, no one knows. The earliest so-called " Vedic" astronomical manual (vedlinga), the Jyotisha, whose first object, seemingly, it ought to be to give rules on such points, is mostly filled with unintelligible rubbish, and leaves us quite in the lurch as regards valuable information. And when, not long after the beginning of our era, the Hindus had borrowed from Greece a true astronomical science, the product of long-continued and accurate observation, they at once proceeded to cast it into an artificial form, founded on assumed and consciously false data, adapting it to parely closet use, with exclusion of further observation : taking in as part of the data a grossly inaccurate determination of the positions of certain selected "junction-stars" (yogutári) of the asterisms, which positions they called Thruva fixed,' thus virtually denying the precession. That such observers and reasoners as these shonld have been capable, some four or five thousand years before Christ, of determining, or believing themselves to have determined, the position of the summer solstice as between B and 8 Leonis lacks to my mind any semblance of plausibility. Instead of shifting the beginning of the asterismal series from Mrigasiras (Orion's head) to Ksittika (Pleiades) in the later Vedic period, I hold it as alone probable that they received the system from abroad with Krittika at its head, and would probably have retained it in that form until the present day but for the revolution wrought in their science by Greck teaching. When the beginning was shifted from Kșittika to Asvini (Aries), it was for good reason, and owing to the change of position of the equinox; but the credit of this belongs to the Greeks, and not to the Hindus.
If Prof. Jacobi's main argument is thus wholly destitute of convincing force, neither can we attribute any greater value to the supporting evidence which he would fain derive from the mention of a polar star (dhruva, lit. 'fixed ') by the Gfihya-Sutras, solely and alone as something which a bride is to be taken out and made to look at on the evening of her weddingday. For such observers, and for such a trifling purpose, any star not too far from the pole would have satisfied both the newly-wedded woman and the exhibitor; there is no need of assuming that the custom is one handed down from the remote period when a Draconis was really very close to the pole, across an interval of two or three thousand years, during which there is no mention of a pole-star, either in Véla or in Brih mana.
The success of the author of the other work here considered in establishing his kindred thesis is, as will readily be inferred, no better. Mr. Tilak is not by profession a student of Indian antiquity, nor of astronomy, but a lawyer - a pleader and lecturer on law in Poona. He was, as he states, led to his investigation by coming upon Krishna's claim in the Bhagavail. Gita: "I am Margasirsha among the months," ascribing to it an importance and authority wbich, considering the late date and secondary origin of that episode of the Mahabharata,

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Western scholars would be far from endorsing. The investigation is carried on in an excellent spirit, with much and various learning, and with commendable ingenuity; it assembles many interesting facts, and makes some curious and attractive combinations ; but, as appears to me, its arguments are in general strained, its premises questionable, and its conclusions lacking in solidity. A book larger than his own would be needed to discuss fully all that the author brings forward ; nothing more can be attempted here than to excerpt and comment upon leading points, in such a way as to give a fair impression of his strength and his weakness.
Mr. Tilak's main object is, as already intimated, to establish that the asterism Mrigasiras (lit. deer's head') with its surroundings, or the constellation Orion with its neighbours, was a great centre of observation and myth-making in the earliest time, even back to the period of Indo-European or Aryan unity - and this, not only because of its conspicuons beauty as a constellation, but also, and principally, for its position close to the vernal equinox in the fifth millennium before Christ : somewhat, it may be added, as the equal or superior prominence of the Great Bear is due in part to its character as a constellation, and in part to its place near the pole.
To this central point of the value of Orion we are conducted by a well-managed succession of stages. After a general introductory chapter, on which we need not dwell, the second is entitled "Sacrifice alias the Year;" and in it begin to appear the misapprehensions to which reference has been made above. That there is a close relation between natural periods of time and the sacrifices is a matter of course : the morning and evening oblations depend upon the day; the new-moon and fall-moon ceremonies, upon the natural month; the four-month or seasonal sacrifices, upon the recognized seasons; and so, when the round of the year had made itself plain, there were established rites to mark its recurrence. But Mr. Tilak appears to hold that the year was fixed and maintained by and for the sake of the great sattra (session') or protracted sacrifice that lasts a whole year. Unmindful of the fact that every ceremony of more than twelve days is called a sattra, and so that there are sattras of a great variety of lengths, even year-sattras for variously measured years, and (at least theoretically) for series of two or more years; failing also to see that they are, all of them, the very superfetation of a highly elaborated sacrificial system, implying orders of priests, accumulated wealth, and, one may even say, regulated city life - he views (pp. 13-14) the year-sattra as a primitive IndoEuropean institution, the necessary auxiliary to a calendar. "Without a yearly sattra regularly kept up, a Vedic Rishi could hardly have been able to ascertain and measure the time in the way he did. ... The idea of a sacrifice extending over the whole year may be safely supposed to have originated in the oldest days of the history of the Aryan race." Then, in order to trace back into the Rig Veda a recognition of the two ayanas courses') or halves of the year, the northern and the southern - those, namely, in which the sun moves respectively northward and southward, from solstice to solstice, or else (for the word has both varieties of application) on the north and on the south of the equator from equinox to equinox - he determines that meaning to belong to the Vedic terms devayana and pitriyána : and this is and utter and palpable mistake; the words have no such valne; devayána occurs a dozen times, usually as adjective with some noun meaning 'roads,' and never signifies anything but the paths that go to the gods, or that the gods go upon, between their heaven and this world, to which they come in order to enjoy the offerings of their worshippers; and pitsiyaņa, occurring only once, designates in like manner the road travelled by the Fathers or manes, to arrive at their abode. There is, in fact, nothing yet brought to light in the Rig Veda to indicate, or even intimate, that in its time such things as ayanas and equinoxes and solstices, regarded as distances and points in the heavens, had ever been thought of ; everything of the kind that the author of Orion thinks to find there is projected into the oldest Veda out of the records of a much later period. And these two fundamental errors are enough of themselves to vitiate his whole argument.

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The next chapter (III.) is entitled “The Krittikas." Over its main thesis — namely, that in the earlier time the asterismal system began with Ksittikê (Pleiades) instead of Ağvini (Aries) - we need not linger; that is conceded by everyone, and has been suff:ciently set forth above : together with, it is believed, its true explanation. The (as concerns this point) crucial question respecting the origin of the systein Mr. Tilak barely mentions in his Introduction (p. 6 ff.), declining to enter into any discussion of it: and, from his point of view, not without reason; for if he is in a position, as he claims, to prove that India had a yet earlier system beginning with Mrigasiras (Orion), he has demonstrated the Hindu origin, in spite of all that has been said and can be said against it. A considerable part of the chapter is taken up with a full quotation, accompanied by translation and discussion, of two parallel passages from the Taittiriya and the Kaushitaki Brahmanas, respecting the times of consecration for the year-sat tra, Four different times are prescribed in succession: the last quarter in the month Magha, the full-moon of the following month Phâlguna, the full-moon of the next succeeding month Chaitra, and four days before the full-moon (i.e., doubtless, of Chaitra : but some native authorities regard MAgha as intended : see Weber, Nakshatras, ii. 343); objections are raised to the convenience of the first two, and the others (virtually one) are approved as acceptable. If, now, this sattra were, as Mr. Tilak assumes and fully believes, a counterpart of the year, established in primeval times on competent astronomical knowledge, for the purpose of keeping the calendar straight, and accordingly adapted precisely to the movements of the sun ; and if its vish uvant or central day (with 180 days of ceremonies in a certain order preceding it, and 180 days of the same in a reverse order following it), were attached necessarily to an equinox, because the word vishuvant implies an equal division of the day between light and darkness; and then if there were no way of explaining the series of alternative beginnings excepting by recognizing two of them as conservative traditions from times that fitted these astronomical conditions - then, and only then, we could use them as sufficient data, inferring from them the positions of the equinox, and hence the epochs, at which they were successively established. But all these necessary conditions appear to be wanting. Weber, in his essays on the Nakshatras (ii. 341 ff.), quotes and expounds the same Brahmana passages in full. He demonstrates yet other allowed seasons for beginning the year-sattra, out of the KdushitakiBrahmana itself and out of the Satras. So far as any preference is shewn in connection with the incidence of the vishuvant-day, it is for the solstice instead of the equinox And the texts which set forth the different dates side by side are plainly unaware of any deeper reason for the choice of one instead of another. In short, there is nothing to be fairly inferred from these quoted passages except that considerable diversity prevailed in practice, and was allowed, as regards the time for commencing the sattra, and that the element of astronomical exactness did not enter into the case at all. How, indeed, should it do so, when the date was attached to any one of the constantly shifting lanar months? No fixation expressed in such terms could ever be accurate two years in succession. If there had been among the primitive Indo-Europeans, or among the earliest Hindus, science enough to establish such a rite by a certain sidereal position of the sun, there would have been enough to keep it there, without transference to an ever oscillating date.
The next chapter is called " Agrahayana;" and is devoted to a learned and ingenious argument to prove that, as the word agrahayana means beginning of the year, and is recognized As a name for the month Margabirsha (with the moon full near Orion), that month must have been at one time regarded as first of the twelve (or thirteen). This may be freely granted, without at all implying that the asterism Mrigasiras (Orion's head) was ever first of the asterismal series, and for the reason that it lay nearest to the vernal equinox. The extended and intricate discussions into which Mr. Tilak enters as to the relation of agrahayana and its' derivatives, agrahdyani, etc., as laid down and defended by various native lexicographers and grammariang, are rather lost upon us, who value far more highly a few instances of actual and natural use in older works than the learned and artificial lucubrations of comparatively modern Hindu

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368
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1895.
savants; that agruháyana itself designates the asterism Mrigasiras, and so profes it to have been first asterism of a series beginning and ending with the year, is by no means to be credited, in the absence of any passages exhibiting such use, and against the evidence of all the analogies of asterismal nomenclature.
In the following chapter, the Antelope's Head," we come to the very centre of our author's position. By the name antelope's or deer's head (mrigasiras) has been generally understood the little group of inconspicuous stars in the head of Orion, constituting one of the series of asterisms, while the brilliant star a in his right shoulder constitutes another, called Årdra ('wet'): the whole constellation of Orion has been viewed as the antelope (mriga); and, correspondingly, the neighbouring Sirius is named mrigavyddha deer-hunter,' while the three stars of Orion's belt, which point jast in the direction of Sirius, are the "three-jointed arrow" (ishus trikandá) shot by the hunter. Mrigasiras, as so understood, is in itself an insignificant group, and we have some reason for wondering why the bright y, Orion's left shoulder, was not selected instead; but the general constellation is so conspicuous that anything standing in a cleårly definable relation to it might well be regarded as sufficiently marked; and, at any rate, the identity of this group as the asterism is established beyond all reasonable question by the circumstance that it is accepted as such in the two other systems, the Chinese and the Arab. Mr. Tilak, however under what inducement, it seems difficult to understand desires to change all this, and to turn the entire constellation of Orion into a head, with what we call the "belt" running across the forehead at the base of the horns. By so doing he cuts loose altogether from the traditional asterismal systems, makes up an unacceptable constellation with some of the brightest stars omitted, regards the deer as shot through the top of the skull with the arrow, as if this had been rifle-ballet. All this, though our author values it so highly as to make his frontispice of it, is to be summarily rejected. If the Hindus of the Brahmana period saw, as they plainly did, & deer (mriga) in Orion, it should be enough for us that the asterismal system adopts its head as one member; the establishment of the deer itself might be as much older as there is evidence to prove it. Mr. Tilak tries to find something relating to it in the Rig Veda, by pointing out that the dragon slain by Indra is more than once spoken of there as a “wild beast" (mriga : this is the original, and in ancient times the only, meaning of the word); and that, as he claims, Indra cuts off the head of his foe the . dragon; but here, as nearly everywhere that he appeals to the Rig-Véda, his exegesis is faulty; two of his three passages speak of "splitting " (bhid) the head, and the other of " crushing" (sam-pish) it; no cutting off is alluded to; and all attempts to find in the earliest Veda a severed head of a mriga, in whatever sense of the word, are vain. If, as he asserts, there are Hindus at the present time who point out the belt of Orion as the asterism Mrigasiras, that can be nothing more than a popular error, substituting for one group of three stars another and brighter one in its vicinity, and easily explainable of a people who have long been notoriously careless as to the real identity of their asterisms.
Then the author goes on to find in the the Milky Way, near by, the river that separates this and the other world, and in Canis Major and Canis Minor the two dogs that guard it on either side, and the two dogs of Yama, and the dog of the Avesta, and Sara mà, and Cerberus, and the dog whom (R.-V. i. 161, 13: see below) the he-goat accused of waking up the Ribhus - all very ingenious and entertaining, but of a nature only to adorn and illustrate a thesis already proved by evidence possessing & quite other degree of preciseness and cogency. We are taught to regard the deer, the hunter, and the dogs as originally Indo-European, the dogs having been later lost (from the sky) by Hindu tradition, and the hunter (as distinguished from the deer) by Greek tradition. Throughout the discussion, the treatment and application of Rig Veda passages is far from being such as Western scholarship can approve; and the same is the case with the final conclusion of the chapter, that "the three principal deities in the Hindu mythology can be traced to and located in this part of the heavens" - the trio being Visbņu, Rudra, and Prajapati.

Page #379

369 DECEMBER, 1895.) DATE OF THE EARLIEST VEDIC PERIOD. -
The sixth chapter, “Orion and his Belt," continues the same argument, and with eridences to which we must take equal exception. Agraháyana and its derivatives are again brought forward for explanation, and its hayana is made out to come probably from ayana, with an indifferent h prefixed (for which various supporting facts are adduced, as hiny and inv) and the vowel lengthened ; and thus agrahāyani is identified with igrayani, the sacrifice of first fruits while the latter is further on identified with the name Orion. The number of the planets is found to be “fixed at nine" (with anticipation, it is to be inferred, of the discovery of Uranus and Neptune), since there are nine grahas or dips' of liquid oblation at the sacrifice (the common name of a planet being also graha). The sacred thread of the Brâh mans comes from Orion's belt as its prototype; and the belt, staff, and antelope's skin of the Brahmanic pupil commencing bis Vedic study go back equally to Orion's trappings. The chapter has no direct bearing upon the main question of the work, and these details are quoted only as illustrating the degree of the author's prepossession in favor of his theory of the immense importance of Orion. And the first part of chapter VII., “Ribhus and Vrishakapi," is of the same character. It is suggested that the means - turiyena brahmana (R.-V. v. 46, 6), by the fourth prayer' which the sage Atri employed successfully in bringing the eclipsed sun back into the sky, was perhaps a quadrant or some similar instrument. Planets are recognized in brihaspati, in óukra and manthin, and in vena, both vena and bukra ( = cypris) being names of Venus - and so on. Then the principal part of the chapter is devoted to the discussion of a couple of obscure legends from the Rig Veda. At i. 161, 13, we read thus: “Having slept, se Ribhus, ye asked : Who, O Agohya, bath awakened us ?! The he-goat declares the dog to be the awakener; in a year thus to-day bave ye looked out (i. e., opened your eyes);" and iv. 33, 7, says that the Ribhus slept twelve days as guests with Agohya. If, now (as has been suggested also by others), the Ribhus are the divinities of the season (which is reconcilable with some of their described attributes, though by no means with all); and if Agohya, lit. "the unconcealable one,' is the son; and if the twelve days of recreation are the twelve that must be added to the lunar year to fill it out to a solar one (one, unfortunately, of 366 days, which neither Vedic tradition nor astronomy sanctions); and if “in a year" (savivatsare) means distinctly at the end of the year' (which might be if the sleep had been of a year's length, but is far less probable, if not impossible, supposing it to have been of twelve days only) - then the dog that roased them (or, at least, was accused of having done so by the hegoat, whom Mr. Tilak this time interprets to be the sun), presumably in order to recommence their duties at the beginning of a new year, may have been Canis Major (although this is nowhere called a dog in Hindu tradition, the Hindus, as we saw above, having lost that feature of the original Indo-European legend); and this would imply the sun's start upon his yearly round from a vernal equinox in the neighbourhood of Orion, at four to five thousand years before Christ. Doubtless it will be generally held that a conclusion depending on so many uncertainties and improbabilities is no conclusion at all. If it were already proved by sound evidence that the Hindus began their year, at the period named, from an observed equinox at that point in the heavens, then the interpretation of the legend offered by our author might be viewed as an ingenious and somewhat plausible one; but such an interpretation of such a legend is far too weak a foundation to build any belief upon.
As for the Vishakapi Hymn (R.-V. x. 86), the use made of it in the chapter seems utterly fanciful and unwarranted. Of all who have attempted to bring sense out of that strange and obscure passage of the Rig Veda, no one is less to be congratulated on bis success than Mr. Tilak. His discussion of it is only to be paralleled with the endeavour to extract sunbeams from cucumbers, and does not in the least call for examination or criticism in detail. Nor need we spend any words upon the final chapter, "Conclusions," in which the theories and suggestions of the work are gathered and presented anew, without added evidences, in their naked implausibility. Our own conclusion must be that the argument is wholly unacceptable, and that nothing has been brought forward, either by him or by Jacobi, that has force to change the hitherto current views of Hindu antiquity.

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370
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1895.
.
III. -
VII.
BOOK-NOTICE. THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT.
1892, called the first portion A, of the MS. I A BRIEF account of the progress made in the originally consisted of 33 leaves, but two of these publication of this important work, under the
(Nos. 20 and 21) are missing, and two others (the editorship of Dr. Hoernle, may interest our
16th and 17th) are the merest fragments. It is a readers.
medical treatise, originally in sixteen chapters, of
which the two last are wanting. It differs from In Vol. XXI. of this Journal, pp. 29 and fol
Part I., in being a series of prescriptions for various lowing, Dr. Hoernle commenced an interesting diseases, while the former partakes more of the series of papers dealing with the contents of this
nature of a materia medica, and describes the ancient manuscript. It will be remembered that
nature and effects of various druge. From the he said:
introductory verses we learn that the work is "It consists of not less than five distinct
called the Ndvanttaka, and that the contents are portions.
as follows:" The first portion consists of 31 leaves. It Chapter I. - Formulas for powders. contains a medical work. # # * I shall
11.-
the various kinds designate it by the letter A.
of clarified butter.
medicated oils. "The second portion, to be called B, which
IV. - Miscellaneous formulas. immediately follows the first portion, consists of
V. - Formulas for enemas. five leaves, and forms a sort of collection of
VI. -
tonics. proverbial sayings. * * *
-
gruels. «The third portion, C, consisting of four leaves,
VIII. -
» aphrodisiacs. contains the story of how a charm against snake
IX. -
» collyriums. bite was given by Buddha to Ananda. +
X. -
, hair-washes.
, XI. - The modes of using chebulic my"The fourth portion, D, consists of six leaves.
robalan. It * * * * appears to contain a similar
.. XII. -
bitumen. collection of proverbial sayings to the second
,, XIII. -
,, plumbagoportion, B.
root. "The fifth portion, E, which also consists of „ XIV. - The treatment of children. five leaves, contains another medical treatise • . XV. -
barren women. » XVI. -
women who
have children The first part of Dr. Hoernle's edition appeared in 1893. It included the whole of the fifth portion It will be seen that out of a total of fifty-one called E above. This is an incomplete medical
leaves, thirty-six have been disposed of in these work, and consists, so far as we have it, of
three fasciculi, and we may congratulate the 131, verses, written on five leaves of the US. The
Editor on his coming within sight of the complemethod of editing this, as well as the other por.
tion of his task. tions of the MS. is, first to give a transcription of the text in Roman characters, with critical foot- This is not the time for criticizing the way in notes; next to give the translation, illustrated which this task is being accomplished, nor was it with copious annotations, and finally to give fac- our purpose, in undertaking this note, to do so. simile plates of the MS., accompanied, leaf by But we cannot conclude without expressing our leaf, with a line for line transcription in the admiration at the learning and perspicuity exhiDêvanagari character.
bited on every page, and at the style in which the
work is being brought out by the Government TŁe second part has appeared in two fasciculi :
of India. the first published in 1894, and the second in the present year. It contains what Dr. Hoernle, in
G. A. G.

Page #381

INDEX.
........
177
.
..... 179
..........212.
..... 243
Abbu the potter, story of, in the Koți and Bigara = Hissar District ......
...... 49 Channayya Legend .......... ............. 151 baithak, ceremony of, explained .................176f. Acha Machamma, mother of a "duck" child. 118 Bal Mik Rishi, = Valmiki ........................ 220 Achhal, mother of Arjun and Sarjun, 52; B&lmikji, father of Lal Bêg, 177; is a recol. sister of Rani Bâchhal, 50; supplants
lection of VÅlmiki .............. Båchhal .............................................. 50f. Balu the washerman, story of, in the Köţi and Aditya Rama, an inscription of, edited ......279f. Channayya Legend ................................ 151 Age of the Rigveda, Prof. Weber on a cer- B&ļu Senva, a hero of Beideruļi Legend ...... 115
tain passage proposed as a "key-stone" for Bannaya of Palli, a hero of the Köti and determining the ........
Channayya Legend .......... Aghanasini River, an origin of the ............ 234 Basinga, a god ........... agrahayana, the term discussed ............... 367f. bathing, ceremonial of Hindus, is for scaring Alphabet, principles to be ohserved in mak.
evil spirits ......................................... 29 ing researches into the origin of an, Beideruli, a Bhůta...................................... 115 289:- Bactrian, Bactro-Pali, Indo-Bac- bell-ringing object is to scare spirits ......... 121ff. trian are synonyms for Kharósh thi, 286:
bells, us spirit-scarers, 121ff.; Dhammachêti's, Kasmiri, 339f.:- Kharoshtht ......285.4., 311ff. at Rangoon.......................................... 332 Ammavaru, goddess of small-pox ............... 244 belts being circles are spirit-scarers ............ 130 Amar Sinh, Raja, his connection with Goga, Bhagwân (=God) has to be interceded in
52; refuses his consent to Gaga's marriage order to give a miraculous son ............... 51
with his daughter ............. ............... 53 Bhattaraka Tiruvadi, a temple manager, anthropomorphism in folk-tales.................. 298f. the title discussed .................
256 Anuradhapura, a list of shrines at, in 15th Bilva Tirtha, story of the ........................240f.
century A. D. ....................................... 331 Birmana Baidya, a hero of Koţi and ChanApastamba, his Dharmasútra, edition of, nayya Legend, 119f.; grants the field at
noticed, 359: his language discussed......... 360 Hanidotti Bail to Deyi Baidyati's children, Aramaic Alphabet, the origin of the Kharôsh
120; death of Deyi Baidyati at his house... 142 thi, 288 : letters used by the Persian, blood is a spirit-scarer because it is a tonic
287; use of, by Hindus, origin of ............ 287 and a cure for certain diseases, 124f. ; is arches, as half circles, scare spirits ........... 132 "life" and hence a spirit-scarer, 125 : (red). Arjun, first cousin to Gagå .....................
mark on the forehead of unwidowed women Arringal, its situation discussed, 282; Rants
and other Hindus is a spirit-scarer ......... 125 of, the term discussed ........ ................2814. black, is a spirit-scarer, 156; as a spiritAryadharmaprakásiká, the, of Mandikal scarer ................................................159f.
Ramasastrin, noted .......... ............... 724. Bower Manuscript, notice of the ............... 370 ashes, as "spirit-drivers"........................... 63 Brahms of Kemmulaje, a Bhata, story of ...2138. Asöka Inscription, condition of, notes on the. 137 | Brahma Alpbabet, the paramount Alphabet of astronomy, Hindu capacity for accurate, dis
India, 247; notes on Dr. Bühler on the, cussed
246f.; origin discussed, 247f.; derived Asuras play with Kumarkye ....................1177. directly from the Phoenician Alphabet, Attavar Daiongula, a Bhůta, 113ff.; story of, 113ff. 246 :- its relation to the Kharðshthf ...... 286 aureole, the martyr's, is a guardian spirit ... 348 Brahma Bhata, the, of the Billavar country, avarice, punishment of, in folk-tales ............ 301 113: list of heroes of the legend of the......114f. Avasyaka, Prof. Leumann on the Jaina ...... 138 Brahma Lipi = the Brahma Alphabet ........ 246 ayanas, Tilak's views on the two, criticised... 366 Brahma Tirtha at Mañjpuri...............
......... 241 bread is a spirit-scarer ..
.......... 126 Bachhal, Räni, mother of Goga, 49; was the breath of the guardian spirit scares evil spirits 127
daughter of Kanwar Pal of Bijnor, 49; Brihaspati, Code of, Strehly's translation of,
gives miraculous birth to Gågå ............... 50f. noted.......................... ............... 69 Bachhfå, Gaga's horse .............................. 51 brooms have special power of spirits, 127; Bactrian Alphabet = Kharðshthi ............... 286 origin of witches riding on ..................... 127 Bactro-Pali Alphabet Kharoshthi............ 286 brotherhood, a form of swearing
...
58
*
...
99
177

Page #382

372
....179f.
*********...............................
Buddha-Charita of Asvaghosha, Prof. Cowell's edition of the. Buddhism, the tradition that it will last 5,000 years, an idle one.......................... .....302f. Buddyanda, an Eḍambar Baidya, 115; story of, detailed ******.***..... ..........145f.
Calicut, a possible derivation for the name... 278 candles, ceremonial, are spirit-scarers ......... 354 canes, as spirit-scarers, 127; used in flagella. tion scare spirits, 127: origin of riding
on.***********
*****************
=
INDEX.
******************
Cham Champå Kamboja = Chandrakanta Târkâlankara, works of, noticed........... Channayya, the Bhûta, 113ff.; his birth, 41; his death . 271
*************
********************
253
.........................................................................
Channayya of Eḍambûr, the history of ......243ff. charm for snake-bite......... ............... 370 Chera-Pandya Alphabet Vatteluttu......... 252 China, origin of name................. 331 Chinadêsa, origin of name ...................................................... 331 Cholapuram, situation of chronology in India, ancient methods of computing, Prof. Weber on .............................................. 179 circles as spirit-scarers. .............................. 128 cloth, its power over spirits, 155; as a spirithome or spirit-prison, 155; as a spiritscarer.............................................153f.
***********
*********.......................
127 302
22
****************
clothes as spirit-scarers ...........153f. coins, inedited, of Ceylon, 332: Indo-Danish, notes on, 22ff.; list of Indo-Danish, in the Royal Coin Cabinet, Denmark, 24ff.; IndoDanish silver, 23f.; Indo-Danish lead, 22f.; Indo-Danish copper, 23: the lead cas of Frederick III... colours, some, are spirit-scarers.................. 156 combs as spirit-scarers. ************ 161 companions of hero, in folk-tales, born at the same time as the hero Congress of Orientalists, Tenth, Notes on the ..136ff. copper, its power over spirits
******************* ******
*****************
*****************
61
coral as a spirit-scarer. corn-baby kern-baby cow, worshipped, because of the value of its urine................................................... cross, the, is a spirit-scarer, 161: as a symbol, worshipped as a spirit guardian, 163; as a symbol, is much older than Christianity, 161 is a general sign of divinity, 163: the sign of the, has not necessarily any connection with Christianity, 161: the guarded, older than Christianity, 161: the ring-topped, older than Christianity... 161 crossed-lines as spirit-scarers, 161: worshipped
as spirit-scarers .................................... 163
*********....
40f.
51
57 161 231
............ 163 165
************ *****
crossing of roads, spirits haunt the crown, the, is a spirit-guardian crua ansata = the ring-topped cross ......... 161 crystal is a spirit-scarer
.........................................................***** 225
***************
168 168
"4
Dalapura = Dalà opposite Rangoon............ 302 dances, circle-, are practised as a spirit-scarer, 167: sun-, are spirit-scarers ...... 1671. Dancing is a phase of spirit-worship, 165ff.; at funerals to house spirits...... dancing-girls in India are scape-goats".. darbha grass is a great spirit-scarer............ 226 Dâru, sister of Kôți and Channayya.212ff. Date of the Buddhist Inscription from Sråvasti, ante, Vol. XVII. p. 61. Dates in inscriptions of the Malabar Era, 258f., 255ff., 277ff., 282., 305, 307f., 338f. Dates of the Saka Era, 1ff.; general list of the, 181ff.: some additional, 211: Irregular, of the Saka Era, 1f., 10f.: from Spurious Inscriptions, 9f.: with correct Jovian years, 4f.: with the Current Tithis, 1f.: with wrong Saka years, 4f.; with wrong months, 5f.; with wrong week days, 7ff.; with wrong tithis, 6f.; with wrong nakshatra, 9: with uttarayana-samkrantis, lf.: with a Krishna
*******************
*********
*****************
************
******************
*****************
************
jayanti days of the week in Inscription of the Malabar Era, Thursday, 278, 307: Saturday, 257; Saturday. dead, worship of the, transferred to the living, in folk-tales ........298f. Dêre, the toll-taker, story of, in the Kôți and Channayya Legend ************ ...............151f. Devadaram Keralavarman =
Vira-Keralavar
man
**********...
Dêvanajiri Ballal, a hero of the Kôți and Channayya Legend, 271: is granted a copper-plate grant by Kôți ************ 271 Devil-worship of the Tuluvas, 113ff., 211ff., 242ff., 267. 116
*******..
***********
76
***.........
=
***************
Deyar Ginde Gili Rama Deyar Deyi Baidi = Mabu Banna! = Deyi Baidyati, 115; mother of Koti and Channayya... 145 Deyi Baidyati (= Baidi) was a "duck-girl," 119; marries Kântauņa Baidya, 119; killed by a cocoanut leaf.... ...141f. Dhammavildsadhammabàt, the work of Dhammavilásathéra Dhammavilasathêra, title of Sâriputtathêra... 302 Dharmasútra of Apastamba, an edition of,
302
noticed, 359f.; Prof. Bühler's edition noted. 66 Dharmasútra of Hârita, Prof. Jolly's translation of the Dhruva, mentioned in Grihya-sútras, as a determinant of the age of the Rig-Vêda.. 365
69
**************......
2
258
283

Page #383

INDEX.
373
... 238 ... 225
..........
168
diamond is a spirit-scarer .......... ........
225 gammadion = the guarded cross ............... 161 diseases evil spirits .............
29 Gandhåra, the home of the Kharôshthi "dog-worms," a disease ......... ............. 859 Alphabet .............
286 dreams in folk-tales ............... ............... 272 Ganipati, a legend of............. drunkenness, ceremonial, discussed, 326f.: garlic is a spirit-scarer ......
at funerals practised to house spirits ...... 168 gateways, arched, scare spirits, 132:-to Bud. “duck"-children ........................... 115ff., 118f. dhist topes scared spirits ......................... 132 ducks, Bhata story of the ......................... 115f. gems as spirit-scarers ...............................347f. dung as a spirit-scarer, 168; is an early me- Giņde Giļi Rama Deyar, a " duck" girl in the dicine .............
Beideruļi Legend, 116f.; mother of Kumadurva grass is a great spirit-scarer ............ 226 riya Bhata; mother of Parimåle Balla!...... 119
glass is a spirit-scarer, 225: the burning,
strengthened the belief in the power of "car-blowing" ceremony is for scaring
glass over spirite .................................. 225 spirits ............................................... 127 gold, its power over spirits ....................... 57 earth is an important spirit-scarer, 215: is a Gorakhnath, his connection with Gaga, 49f.: medicine, 215: "edible" ....
bis power of granting sons ......................50f. Eclambar Baidya, the, a hero of the Koti GośAla Krishņa tt Trivandrum described ... 279
and Channayya Legend. 267f., gives Köți grain is a spirit-soarer, 228; is a spirit-home. 228 and Channayya land at Ekanádka, 267;= Grammar, Notes on Kåśmiri ..................... 337 Köți and Channayya, 115: the legend of granthavdri, household histories in Travan
the, reference to .................................... 115 core ............. ............................... 252 eggs are spirit-scarers, 218; are spirit-homes. 219 grass is a spirit-ecarer because of its medical Ellar Abbe befriends Köţi and Channayya... 142 qualities, 226: suppliants put, in their Era, Kolamba or Kollam, 280 :- Kollam =
mouths to scare the spirit of anger............. 227 Malabar Era, 255; commencement of, dis- Grihyasutra of Hiranyakési, Prof. Kirste's cussed, 281:- Malabar, 253ff. : - Saka, edition, noted, 66f.: Prof. Oldenberg's transDates of the, Iff.; general list of the ...... 181ff.
lation of, noted ...........
....... 67 “ Esoteric Buddhism," attitude of Orien- guardian spirit is a squared fiend, 354 ; needs talists towards ...........
.............................. 138 guarding ....................................... Evil Eye = an evil spirit ........................ 263 Gujjara, the wild hog in the Kôti and Chan
nayya Legend ..........
............. 268ff.
Gaga, a version of the, 49f.; origin of his fate, belief in, by natives of India, instance quarrel with Arjun and Sarjun, 54; kills of tbe ..........
................. 245 Arjun and Sarjun, 56; his quarrel with his feasting is a spirit-scarer, 219; is a spirit
mother, 55; his miraculous death, 56: his housing rite........................................ 219 tomb .................................. feathers, as spirit-scarers...........................
221 fever, intermittent, cure for ....................... "finger of scorn," unlucky ............. 261 hair, efficacy of ........
273 fire, power of, over spirits, 18ff.; scares spirits, Haradatta, his date, 360; his text of Apastam17; sacred among the Hindus, 18; its lead
ba's Dharmasútra ................................... 360 ing place in Hindu ceremonies, 18; Persian Haribbadra, a note en ...............................
65f. worship of ................ .......................... 19 Haribhuña = Labon .............................. 331 flagellation as a spirit-scarer ..................... 64 health-drinking, origin of rite .................. flags as spirit-scarers, 221f.; as spirit-homes ...221f. | Hindus, Muhammadan names of ................ 177 flowers, golden, use of, as spirit-scarers, 223; Hinkiri Bånår, story of, in the Koti and
spirit-homes, 222f.; as spirit-scarers .....222f. Channayya Legend .......... .......... .. 151 foam is a spirit-scarer ................................ 225 Honey, its power over spirits, 259; as a spiritFolktales of the Central Provinces, 244; in
scarer .............................................. 259 Hindustan ........................................... 2721. honeymoon, origin of the term ................ 323 food is a spirit-acarer ............................... 2241. horned human head as a guardian spirit ... ... 261 fruits are spirit-scarers, because the home of Horns as spirit-acarers, 259: as givers of light,
friendly ancestors, 224 ; distribution of betel 2594.: wearing, discussed, 261: = amulets and cocoanuts at Hindu marriages is to scare
in Naples ............... spirits, 224: offerings-original object was house-broom, unlucky ..........
359 to scare, not to please spirits ................ 224 house-warming among Hindus .................
...
56
359
......
321
261
.........
303

Page #384

874
INDEX.
identificntion of hero - branding his wrist, Jacobi's general arguments on the antiquity
273; enemies, branding on the back......... 274 of the Vedie period discussed ...................958. image, worship of, for the original in folk. Jaimini, the Sätras of, publication of the, tales ... . . ................ 299. noted...............
. .... 37 incense as a spirit-scarer, 262; in religious Janardanam = Varkkalai .......................
service, used as a spirit-scarer ............... 262 Járu Kottari, a hero of the Kâți and Chanindecency as a spirit-scarer, 263 : -the male nayya Legend ............ .......... ...... 214f.
and femalo organs great spirit-scarers, Jêwar of Bagara, father of GAga ............... 49 963: -indecent statues and pictures used as Jovian years, dates with ........................... 4f. spirit-scarers, 266f.; indecent figures on Jyêshtha, meaning of the name discussed ... 364 Hindu idol cars and temples are spirit
scarers ................................... .......... 263 Indian Alphabet Brahma Alphabet ......... 246 Kadinankuļam, its situation described ......... 307 Indian Pali Alphabet = Brahma Alphabet... 246 KAli as a disease-demon ............................... 220 Indo-Bactrian Alphabet Kharðshthi ...... 286 | Kalu Naika, a hero of the Koti Channayya Inscriptions from Travancore, edited :
Legend, steals Koți's dagger .................. 271 Cholapuram of Vira Kôralavarnan ......... 253f. Kamboja, the name discussed, 302; CamGósüla Temple, of Aditya Rama ............. 279 bodia, 202; Champa, 302;=Shan States Kadinankuļam of Vira-Rama-Kóralavar
East of the Irrawaddy River .................. 302 man ................ ....................... 307
Kantaņņa Baidya, father of Koţi and ChanKeralapuram of Vira Udaiyamártándavar- nayya, 115: marries Deyi Baidyati............ 119
m an ............................................33411. KAïchikadanga, the home of Koţi and ChanKunangarai of Vira Ramavarman .........284f. nayya ................................................ 115 Manalikkarai of Viri-Ravi-Keralararman.. 308 Kâni Pawa, the chief disciple of Gürakhnath. 50 Padmanabhasvainin Temple of Rama Kanka, a Rishi, 233; Tank, the, at Masjguni,
Kerala varman .................................3051. origin of the .......................................23311. Puravari of Viru-Ravivarman No. 1.......... 258 Kannada-English Dictionary, noticed ......... 83 Puravari of Viru-Ravivaman No. 2. .......... 277 Kantakke, story of, in the Koţi and Chan. Tiruvallam of Vira Kerala varman............ 255f.
nayya Legend............ ..........................152f. Tiruvattar of Vira-Udaiyamártândavar- Kasmiri,-Grammar, notes on, 337: anthorities man
.............277ff. on, 337: the verb in, 344ff. : - language, Varkkalai of Vira-Padmanabha-Mártánda
phonetic laws of the, 312ff.; pronunciation varman............................................. 333 of the ................................................. 340f. Viranam of Viru Keralavarman.............. 283 Katapayddi system of enumeration, described 280 Inscriptions mentioned :
KathakGéa, Tawney's edition of, noticed ...... 275f. at the Apaņēs vara Temple, dated 751 M. E., 282 Katha Upanishad, Prof. Whitney's translaof Kochchadaiya varian .........
tion of ............
........... 33 of Srivallabhadevi...
Kaushitaki Brahmana, a passage from the, at Suchindram ........
its bearing on the discussion of Jacobi and at Suchindram in 106 M. E................... 306 Tilak's views of Vedic Antiquity, 87ff. : text of Vikrama-Chôța Pandyadeva ................ 334
goes to disprove great antiquity to the Inscriptions, Afghan, notes on, 138: -- Asökn's
Vedic period .......................................... 89 in India, Prof. Bühler on the condition of Kausika-sitra, Prof. Bloomfield's, notice of. 33 the. 139:- notes on the condition of the Kemire of Pañja, a hero of the Küti and Asoka, 137:-Kalyaņi, notes on the, 301f., Channayya Legend ............................... 212f. 331f. : - in Kharishthi, situation of the, Kemmulaju Brahmi, a Bhata ....................113f. 286:-alleged, at Mañjguni in Saka St. 831, Kern-baby, the, was a spirit-scarer ........... 231 249:- from Nepal, notes on, 198:-- value keys, origin of the sacredness of................. 60 of the copper-plate, of Travancore, 252:- Kharoshthi Alphabet, 285ff., 311ff. : its Sanskrit at Payàu, their value, 275:-in sis
secondary position, 286; its relation to the languages at Kin-Yong-Koun, N. of Pekin. 140 Brahma, 286; its relative age with the Iravivarma = Ravivarma ..... .....................257f. Brihma, 217: - letters of, in Persian silver iron, the metal possessing the chief power sigloi with Brahma letters, 315; the tenden
over spirits, 57; its power over guardian cies underlying the formation of the signs spirits, 59: scares spirits, 17; origin of the of the, 2891.: borrowed signs in, 289ff.: power of, 8 il spirit-scarer, 58; us a relief vowel system in, 314f.: originals to be in certain sicknesses .........
found in Aramaic inscriptions, 288 - origin
... 334 ...... 334 ..... 334

Page #385

INDEX.
375
****. 278
of the name, 315f.; derived from the LAI Deo. the Red Demon .......................... 272 Aramaic of Akhæmenian Period, 315; LÅl Pari, the Red Fairy ...........................272.
Bynonymous names for....... ................. 286 lamps, their place in Hindu ceremonies, 18:Kilppôrar, the family name of the Rajas of use of, at a house-warming among Hindus. 376
Travancore, discussed, 282: the title dis- Lath Alphabet = Brahma Alphabet ............ 234 cussed ................
...............283f. lead, its power over spirits ....................... 50 Kinnyanna of Edambor, hero of the Koti leather is a spirit-scarer, partly because itsed
and Channayya Legend .................. 244, 268f. for beating, 296 : objects made of, as spiritkiss, ceremonial, its objects .................... 292 scarers, 296f.:- the spirit of the animal to knots being circles scare spirits ................... 131 which the skin belonged passes into it ...... 298 knotting together the bride and bridegroom light as a spirit-scarer, 847; as a guardian among Hindus is to scare spirits
spirit, 354; of the guardian spirit ............ 317 Kochchadaiyavarman, inscriptions of, in Tra- lights at festivals are spirit-scarers, 353 : - vancore, noted ..................................... 334
waving, as a spirit-scarer........................ 352 Kodainallar mentioned................................. 309 "lifting," ceremonial, is a spirit-scarer .......3168. Ko-Jatavarman = Sundara-Chola-Pandya
lime is a spirit-scarer .............................. 316 deva ....................
...... 334
liquor as a god, 317: - as a good spirit, 318; Köļamba Era Kollam Era, 280; discussed..280f. as an evil spirit, 318; as a guardian spirit, Kolidaikkúru, capital of Vênád in the 12th
320, 323: - as a spirit-home, 317ff. :-28 a century, A. D. ........
............ 278 spirit-scarer, 317ff., 323 : - ceremonies to Kolikod = Calicut.....
guard, as a guardian spirit, 320: - as the Komalapattana on the Coromandel Coast not spirit of an ancestor, 317: -- ceremonial,
identified .............................................. 332 i.e., divine, 319: - the religious objects of Konêri-Tirtha, story of the ..................... 238f. the use of, enumerated, 330f.; effect of Kothi Tank, the sacred, at Mañjguni, described 232 drinking ............
............ 320 Koti, the Bhata, 113ff.; his birth, 141, his Lolo MSS., history of the, in Europe ......... 1728. death .........
............ 271
Lolos, written character of the ................. 172 Kol and Channaya, the story of a, 113ff.;
Legend of, 211ff., 242ff., 267 : - were born at Pañjana Bidu in Parima!, 115:
Mabu Banna Deyi Baidya ...................... 115 the ceremony of shaving described, Mahabhdrata, Prof. Holtzmann's book on 114f.: - the story of their gamble, the, noted, 70: Pratápa Chandra Ray's 143f.:--the story of the hog-hunt, 268ff.:
edition, noted ........................................ 69 the story of the Brahman at Ekanádka, Mahâbuildharûpa, the, at Pegu, noticed ...... 339
270:- the story of the battle at Pañja. 270 Mahánkali Abbe of Mala, a Bhota ............... 117 Koți Nigrûni, an Edambor Baidya ............... 115 Mahâvihira, origin of the word .................. 303 Krishna-jayanti, date with a .................... Makayiram = Mrigaśirsha ....................257n. Krittika, observations as to, value in deter- Malai = Malay
........ 301 mining the age of the Rig Veda discussed, Malayadipa=the Malay Archipelago, 301;= 361f.:-the vernal equinox in, not proved, M alayu ............................................... 301 96:- the position of the, as deciding the Malayalam, Archaic, explained .................. 279n. age of the Satapatha Brühmana ............ 245 Malayu = Malay Archipelago...................... 301 Kulikod-Kolidaikkûra ...........
.... 278
Mannlikkarai, its situation described, 308: - Kumara Tirtha of Mañjguni ........
.... 241
inscription at one of the great charters of Kumariye is a Brahmå Bhata, 118; Bhota, son
Travancore .............
........... 308 of Deyar, 117; his game with the Asuras. 117f. Mañjguni Fair, the, described, 231f.:Kunangarai, its situation described ............. 284 Temple, the local tradition of the ............. 211€. Kunvarbai, Narsinh Mehêta's daughter, 73; Majguni.Purina, the, describe:l ..............231. her shrine at Dwarka
.......................... 7+ Manu, Cole of, Strehly's translation of, noted. 68 Kapadêsam = Arringal ........................... 282 Máy Sinh = Nân Sinh ............ ............ .19 Kapukas, the king of the, conquered by Raja- Mârgasirsha, the month, is the beginning of raja Chola, 282:- a queen of the noticed... 282 the year, discussed ............. .........91f.
marriage-relationships in terms of abuse, Lakkhiyapurn = Letkaik on the Rangoon 112: - mireulous gifts at n, in folk-tales,
River'................................................. 302 53:- gods present uti, in folk-talos......... 5?f. LAI Bêg and the Musalman Creed, 332; Marttu = Martana .........................278 11. origin of .... .....
................ 177 Maradesa = Big å ................................ 49

Page #386

376
Brahma Alphabet
************
*********
Maurya Alphabet medicine, folk......... metals, have power over spirits metamorphosis in folk-tales, demon into a horse 273 Mimaméd, some recent works on the, noted...37f. miracles, some stock, in folk-tales.........51f., 53f. mirror is a sacred symbol because a spirithome
*********...
..............
********....
246
359, 370 57
******
*************.......
***********
months mentioned in inscriptions of Malabar era: Chingam, 253, 277; Dhanus, 280; Iḍavam, 257, 283f., 306, 333; Khumbha, 334; Makara, 255; Mêḍam, 284, 308; Mina 278, 307 "Mra Mra" ("R&m Râm"), a penance...... 220 Mrigasira, its value in determining the age of the Rig-Véda
366
the Shwè'mòdò Pa
Mudhavamahê chêtiya
352
364
*******..
goda at Pegu Mala, meaning of the name discussed muñj grass is a great spirit-scarer. ........... 226 Murka Baidya witnesses the death of Deyi Baidyati
********...
***********...............
*********
INDEX.
....................................
music soothes disease. 167 Music, Oriental, the periodical, noticed......... 904 mutilation ceremonial, an instance of 303
...
***********...
225
=
Nádí.vijñána, note on a new edition of the 180 Nagapaṭṭana Negapatam ..................... 332 Nâgapura, identification of Nagarasi Negrais ................................................... 332 nakshatras, dates with wrong..................... Nafijinâd, extent and situation, defined
9 258
*****.***.
................................................
********************
nanwar, a name of reproach to a son, implying illegitimacy Nárada, Code of, Strehly's translation of, noted.......... Narada at Mañjguni .................................................... Narsingh, worship of, in Kângrâ Nara Sinha Pânrê companion of Gûgå Når Sinh, Raja of Bâgarâ Narsinh Môhêtâ, the Gujarati poet, 73; was a Nagar (Saiva) Bråhman, but turned Vaishnava, 74: his life, 73f.: his marriage, Gujarati poem, 73ff., 100ff.:- his shrine at Junagadh.. Nâvutapattana on the Coromandel Coast not identified
***************
******************
*******
********************
new-moon day is a spirit day Nicobar Islands, Catalogue of objects used by the natives of .....41ff., 106ff., 132ff., 169ff. Nila, Gaga's horse ...55f. nimbus, the Christian, is a guardian spirit 348 Noodle Stories in Madras Nari Shah Bâlâ = La Bêg
*****......
356ff. 177
****...........
****************
***
************.........
69 233f. 176 ******** 51 49
Parakrama-Pandyadêva repairs the Rajendra
....... 334
Chôlêśvara temple at Suchindram Parimâle Ballal, son of Ginde Gili Râma 141 Deyar
51
nut, the marking, its sacredness due to its black color
159
Nyaya, recent works on the........................ 40 Old Malayalam ****************** 255 Old Tamil Alphabet........ .................................................... 252n. Olugunachêri Puravachêri.... .................... 257 ophthalmic, cure for ........
359
Orion, its value in determining the age of the Rig-Véda
74
332 219
Pâdinabha, father of a "duck" child......... 118 Padmanabhas vâmin Temple at Trivandram... 305 Paduma Sêṭṭiyål, a hero of the Attavar Daiyongulu Legend ....................113f. palace records, value of, in Travancore........ 252 ..........168f. pañcligáviá as a spirit-scarer...
*********
******************
273 Pauchphâlâ Rânt lives in China. parúdha, the wind known as the, discussed.. 332 paraja parddha...
332
=
********....
Patiya Chamar, companion of Gaga Payya Baidya, a hero of the Kôți and Channayya Legend ...............213f. Phalguni, full moon in, its bearing on the
question of Vedic Antiquity, 86 ff. :- marks the beginning of a quarter, 91;= beginning of the year, discussed
...89f.
83 pisharadi, a temple manager, the title dia
cussed ....... 256 pools, worship of sacred, is for scaring evil spirits, 29: Râma's, the origin of the........29n. Poor-rate Board in India, an instance of a voluntary......... 246 possession, sin is a spirit, 126; sickness is a spirit, 126: by a Bhúta, 244; - case of, in the Kôți and Channayya Legend prayer, Hindu aspect of Prêmânand, the Gujarati poet Prithivi Raja of Delhi, his connection with Gaga, 49; cause of his attack on Gúgâ...... 54 Proverbs in the Bower Manuscript ............ 370 Pukhraj Pari, the Topaz Fairy....272f. Puravachêri described ************... ............ 257 Puravari-chaturvêdimangalam = Puravachêri ***********..
................ 257
***************
**********....
366
***** ...
152 83 .73ff.
****************
118 51
********..
359
rain, spell for, 359: nakedness to drive away........ ............................................................ Rajaraja Chôla, his victory over the king of the Kapakas, noticed.............. Rajendra-Chôlêsvara, name of a temple, 253; founded by the Eastern ChalukyaChôla, Rajendra-Chôla
282
254

Page #387

INDEX.
........................................
Râma Kengude, the dagger of Kôți and Channayya present by Ellar Abbe Ramayana, Prof. Jacobi's book on the, noted ......70f. red is a spirit-scarer, 156; as a spirit-scarer, 157ff. Ribhus and Vrishâkapi, Tilak's view of the legend of, discussed
***********
................................................................
369
******************
ríce is a scarer of the guardian spirit, 229; is a "scape-goat"
229
142
:
Rig-Véda, Jacobi and Tilak on date of, their general argument stated, 361f.; discussed, 361ff. Ludwig's attempt to fix date of, by eclipses, criticised, 361: X., 85, 13, the value of the verse in determining dates, discussed, 362f.: - date of, value of certain Brahmanas in determining, discussed, 368; of the Grihya-Sútras in determining, discussed, 363;-of Mrigasira (Orion) in determining, 366; observations as to Krittikâ in determining the age of the, their value discussed .......................... .....3641. rings as spirit-scarers, 128; the wearing of, to scare spirits .130f. rivers, worship of sacred, is for scaring evil spirits .... 29 robbers, tale of, scared accidentally by a heroine
*******.. ****************
******************
300
********************
rods, as spirit-scarers, 127; origin of witches riding on 127 ruby is a spirit-scarer .............................. 225 rushes, strewing, was a spirit-scaring custom. 228
Sabz Deo, the Green Demon ................ 272 Sabz Pari, the Green Fairy .................................................272f. Safed Deo, the White Demon ........272f. Saka Era, date of the, lff.; general list of the......... ....................................................... 181ff. Samkranti, dates with Uttarayana.............. Sanda Giddi, a hero of the Kôți and Channayya Legend .....................................................213f. Sanjai, Râja, of Bandi, his connection with
lf.
**********
35
Gaga, 51; father of Gûgâ's wife, Surail ... 57 Sankara, date of, notes on the Sankhya, doctrine of the, Prof. Garbe on the 38 Sanskrit verbs, note on some, 81f.:- MSS., Catalogue of, in the Calcutta Sanskrit College Library, 304; Catalogue of, in the Ulwar Library, 304: Words in Burmese 275 Sanku the oil-maker, story of, in the Kôţi and Channayya Legend ******.................................................. 157 Saontal migrations, Dr. Waddell's notes on the 81 Sapphire is a spirit-scarer ................ 225 Sarjun, first cousin to Gaga.................. ..... 53 Sástras, Surgeon-Major Gupta's notes on sanitary rules in the, noted... ************ 68
377
Satapatha Brahmana, age of the, discussed,. 245f.: said to be dated 3000 B. C. or earlier. 246 Sattra, the great, Tilak's views on, criticised ...................................... 366 Sattras, Prof. Hillebrandt's Essay on the, noted...........
66
saukan mórá, custom of... 220 Sâyina, uncle of Kôti and Channayya, 115;
finds Deyi Baidyati .................................................... 118f. scape-goat, a variant of the ................... 112 Sen-Tamil Current, the term explained ...252n. Shaddarsanasamuchchaya, Prof. Pulle's edition, noted...... Shan Cham
**************************
shoes on the feet of the dead, object of
297
placing...... sickness is a spirit-possession. .................................................. 126 Sinnappa Naikar, a hero of the Kôti and
Channayya Legend .............................. 141 stmurgh, the miraculous bird 274 sin is a spirit possession ******... .......... 126 Sirsa Patan Rêhâr in the Bijnor District... 49 "Six Hundred," the, a former body politic in Travancore.......................................... 285 Siyah Deo, the Black Demon slang, trader's, foreign numerals in ............. Small-pox, note on certain names for the goddess of 140 smells, bad, are evil spirits put to flight by good spirits. .......................................... 262 Sôma, Prof. Weber on.............................177f. Sôma River, an origin of the
272 82
***............................................***
234
son, miraculously granted through intercession of Gorakhnath with Bhagwân (= God), 51-seventh, adventures of the, 272ff.:seven, a story of, 272f.:- - Gorakhnath's power of granting.......... ************... 50f. soul, Hindu beliefs as to the seat of the, Prof. Windisch on the
*********.. *************
"souls' dinner," the . Southern Alphabet: = Brahma Alphabet... spirits, articles used to scare, because they cure diseases, 17ff., 63ff.:- the power of metals over, 57:- spirit-scarers are also evil spirit-prisons or spirit-homes, 155:diseases......
334
.........
spitting, superstition as to Sravishṭhâs, the winter solstice in, the earliest point of the Vedic period.................... 97, 100 Srtbhdshya, Mr. Johnson's edition................ 35 Srivallabhadêva, inscription of, noted Sri-Venkatarama Temple at Mañjguni described Suchindram, inscriptions at, noticed, 334; =Sundara-Chola-chaturvêdi-mangalam... 334 sucking, ceremonial, has same objects as ceremonial kissing. ...................................................... 294
*********......
............................................................................................
************............
*************************
******************.**
******************
*****************
*****************
*********....
65 302
37 219 246
29 359
231

Page #388

878
INDEX.
...
60
.
.............
51
...
34
Buicides, burial of, at cross-roads, on account Upanishads of the Atharva-Veda, books on the 33
of the danger of the spirit to the living ... 164 Upanishadvdkyakobah, Col. Jacob's edition of Sundara-Chöļa-chaturvedi-mangalam = Su
the...............
............ 33 chindram ....................... ..................... 334 | Uppi Banns] =Deyi Baidt ......................... 115 Sundara-Chõla-Påndyadêva, inscriptions of, urine, its power over spirite, 60:- scares noted................
.................. 334 spirits, 17:- its use as a medicine, 60:Sundara Pandya, his incursions into Travan. human, its power over spirits, 61 :- cow's, core .............
.................... 384
as a purifier ...... sun-worship, a development of fire viewed as
guardian spirit ........................................ 248 Surail, Rani, daughter of Raja Sanjai of Vaiseshika, recent works on the ................
Bundi, wife of Gâge, 51:- her doings | Vaishṇava doctrine, Prêmånand and Narsinh with her husband...................................55€. Mêhêta, the two great Gujarati exponents Surjan = Sarjun ........... ............. 53 of the .............................. Sursêna, daughter-in-law to Narsinh Méheta, Vdjapéya, Prof. Weber's monograph on the, a poetess ................
****....... 74
noted. Sata-Vinkyaka = Ganapati ..................... 238 vaļañjiyar, the title, described ................... 285 Suvarnakésinf, story of ...........................239f. Valmiki, a story of .................
220 Svastika the guarded croes...................... 161
Vâmadêva, Prof. Weber on the Legend of the sweat is a spirit-scarer ................................ 225 Two Mares of ........................................... 178 Syanandara, the name, discussed, 279., 306.,
Varkkalai described , 333; Janardanam ... 333 = Trivandram ................
V&auki, his connection with Gaga................ ...... 306
***...... symbol worshipped as a god, instance Vatteluttu Alphabet............
252 of a ..............
............... 176 Vedantasiddhantamuktavali, Mr. Arthur
Venis' edition .......................................... Vedanta Satras, Dr. Thibaut's edition of, with
Sankaracharya's Commentary............. Talukudi, situation described ...................... 257
257 Vedic Antiquity, Jacobi and Tilak on, criti. task, impossible, a variant of the ................273f. cized by Dr. Thibaut, 85ff. :-civilization, temple records, value of, in Travancore ...... 252 antiquity of the, 85ff. : -- Vedio Essays, Tenganad, the locality, discussed ............... 256 Prof. Weber's, noticed, 177f. : - Vedic Thousand-eyed Mother, the, a goddess of texts to prove that the winter solstice coin
small-pox................................................ 244 cided with full moon in the asterism PhalTigumpanagara, the name discussed............ 331 guni, discussed Tilak, Prof. B. G. to accept the views set Vêşad = Travancore ........... forth in his Orion would be to grant a Venkatachala = Venkatedri ...................... 233
Hindu origin to the asterismal system ...... 367 Venkaçadri .................. Tillinga, a god ....................................... 243 | Venkatesa, Vishnu se, is the hero of the Tirumala Yögin, his doings at Mañjguni ...234ff. Mañjguni Purana .................................... 2324. Tirumaleśa = Venkatesa = Vishņu............ 238 Vêtål, origin of the name............................ 128 Tiruvadi, the title, discussed ...
Vikrama-Chôļa-Påndyadêva, inscription of, Tiruvallam, its situation described .......... 255 noted..............
............... 334 Tiruvanandapuram, the name discussed ...... 306 Vinayaka Tirtha at Mañjguni..................... 241 Tiruvattar, its situation described ............ 277 Vira-Iråman = Vira-Rama-Keralavarman, Tithis, dates with current, lf.; dates with
305, 307 wrong ............
............... 61. Vira-Iraman-Umaiyammai, the curious title, Tranquebar, Danish Mint at, 22:-- the lead
discussed ...............................................307. issues of ................
... 22
Vira-Iravi-Kôralavarman = Vira-Ravi-Kêratransliteration, scheme of, fixed upon at the
lavarman ............................................. 309 Tenth Congress of Orientalists ...............136f. Virakêralam = Viranam .............................. 282 Travancore, value of, to the student of Indian Vira Keralavarman, inscriptions of, edited,
History, 250, 252; list of early kings of, 253, 255f., 283f.:- his date discussed ... 254 : 336f.:- Rajas of, inecriptions of the, Viranam, its situation discussed ............... 282
251: - village system of, ancient ............ 310 Vira-Padmanabha-Mårt&ndavarman, inscriptrident, as a spirit-scarer............................. 161 tion of, edited................... .................. 333 trisúla = trident ................................... 161 Vira-Påndyadêva = Vira-UdaiyamártándaTuluvas, Devil-worship of the ..................113ff. varman ...
..............335f.
***......85ff.
****... 254
****.
232
....
.....
......

Page #389

INDEX.
379
Vira-Rama-Keralavarman, inscriptions of, edited ............
................ 305, 3074. Vira-Ravi-Keralavarman, inscription of,
edited ..................................................308f Vira Ravivarman, inscriptions of, edited, 257,
277,284 Vira-Udayamártåndavarman, an inscription
of, edited .......... .................277ff., 334ff. visurgáma, its importance to the Buddhist Church ............
................ 302 VriebAkapi Hymn, the, Tilak's use of it, criticised .........
............... 369f.
wine, among Christiana, ceremonial use of,
327: - as a sacrifice, 828:- origin of the care in making, keeping, drinking, and consecrating, 318: - as a sacrament, 328; not confined to Christianity, 330; a leading
rite in Tibet .......................................... 330 winnowing-fan is a spirit-scarer ............... 230 womb, speaking from the mother's, à stock
miracle, 51, 117; womb, working miracles from the ..
.......
........
.......... 51
water, power of, over spirits, 29ff. ; scares
spirits, 17; spirits fear, 29; spirits cannot pass through, 29:-power of, over diseases, 29ff.: - as a purifier, 29ff. :-holy, belief in, in India, 29:-"forespoken," 82:
"southring ” ........................................ 32 weapons, all, worshipful in primitive religion. 259 whipping flowers, trees and animals as a
spirit-scaring operation....... ............. 65 white is perhaps a spirit-scarer, 156; as a spirit-scarer...................................... 160
............... 160 Wilken's notes of domestic ritual, noted ...... 68
Yajur Veda, Prof. Schroeder notes on the
Kathaka recension of the......... ............. 138 yak tails as spirit-scarers ...... ............ 61 Yêkara Sater, "duck" boy in the Beideruļi
Legend, 116f.: marries Giņde Gili Rama Deyar -.*******
............... 117 yellow, is a spirit-scarer, 156; as a spirit
scarer ...............................................156 . Yoga System, a development of the Sankhya. 39 Yoga River = Bassein River ... ............... 331
ZAhir Diwin = Gaga .............. ZAhir Pir = Gag .................
... .................
57 51

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