Chanakya Explored in Jaina Literature

Author(s): Nalini Joshi
Publisher: Firodaya Prakashan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/007699/1

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* Chanakya : Explored in the Jaina Literature by Dr. Nalini Joshi (Professor, Seth H.N. Jain Chair) With a Foreword by Dr.P.G.Lalye (Retired Professor & Head, Dept. of Sanskrit, Osmania University, Hyderabad) Seth H.N.Jain Chair Firodia Publications University of Pune The correct transliteration of is Canakya. May 2014 I

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II Chanakya : Explored in the Jaina Literature Written by : Nalini Joshi (Professor, Seth H.N.Jain Chair) Assistant Editors Kaumudi Baldota (Nanawati Fellow, Seth H.N.Jain Chair, UOP) Anita Bothra (Research Fellow, Seth H.N.Jain Chair, UOP) Publisher : Seth H.N.Jain Chair Firodia Publications (University of Pune) Available at: Sanmati-Teerth 844, Shivajinagar, B.M.C.C. Road Firodia Hostel, Pune 411004 Phone No. (020) 25671088 All Rights Reserved First Edition : May 2014 For Private Circulation Only Price : Rs. 500/ D.T.P. Work : Ajay Joshi Printed by : Kalyani Corporation, 1464, Sadashiv Peth, Phone : 2441405, Pune. 30

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III FOREWORD It is a highly astonishing event in the cultural history of India that the Arthasastra of Kautilya has left obvious and indelible impressions on the literary genre of the Jaina works. It's curious to think of polity-leden Arthasastra influencing the mythology and the cultural ethos of Ancient India. This view did receive certain adequate attention from the Brahmanic and Jaina scholars. Fortunately Dr. Mrs. Nalini Joshi has undertaken this momentous task of studying the influence of the Kautilya's Arthasastra on many Jaina Narrative works. She has taken laudable efforts for exploring almost all the Jaina works and tried to find out the interaction of both the thought-ferments of India. With her deep study in Sanskrit works on polity and propound erudition in the Jaina varieties of Prakrit texts, Dr. Joshi has brought out the salient specialities of polity developed in the Arthasastra and numerous Jaina Prakrit texts. She has specially considered certain texts like the drama Mudraraksasa, depicting Kautilya as a shrewd strategist. In some of the works, Kautilya is

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IV referred to as Kodillaya and it is mentioned that his book (i.e. Arthasastra) was a part of a syllabus. In the works like Nisitha-curni and Avasyaka-curni, various incidents in the life of Canakya are described. In the Avasyakaniryukti, Canakya's parinamiki-buddhi is highlighted. Jinadasagani has given a short life-sketch of Canakya and Candragupta. Similarly there are general observations on different stories dedicated to Canakya. The commentaries written by the Jaina authors exhibit their deep study of the text of the Arthasastra. In Haribhadra's Upadesapada there are certain dvaragathas throwing light on the character of Canakya. Among the eminent Svetambara writers Ratnaprabha, Hemacandra and Municandra are noteworthy. Harisena's Brhatkathakosa is specially cited. Some Digambara authors like Somadevasuri in his Nitivakyamsta and the other authors like Sricandra and Prabhacandra have been cited by Dr. Nalini Joshi. She has quoted the views of some other Jaina scholars also. From this extensive survey, it becomes amply clear that the learned author has analysed almost all concerned Jaina texts systematically, with a view to gather information about Canakya. Canakya's shrewdness and strategy are particularly focussed by the Brahmanic authors but with a comprehensive look on the Jaina views, Dr. Nalini Joshi rightfully quotes : "A certain respect and honour towards Canakya is seen in the Jaina literature due to his strict governance, selfless service, detached world-views and sublime death."

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V She has touched new or hitherto untouched points successfully and has opened a new chapter in the Jaina literature. Dr. Nalini Joshi's work is highly commendable for making a study of the unstudied aspects of the Jaina literature and that of Kautilya. I extend my best wishes to Dr. Nalini Joshi for further exploration and systematic study of important Jaina texts. Dr.P.G. Lalye March 2014 Pune

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VI PUBLISHER'S NOTE & PREFACE 'Seth Hirachand Nemchand Chair in Jain Philo Literature, Logic and Culture', was established on 17/07/1976 in the University of Pune. Late Prof. S.S.Barlingay exerted a lot for establishing the Chair and naturally it was attached to the Department of Philosophy. Due to various reasons the Chair was defunct and produced only two-three small publications over the years. The Chair was revived in 2007 under the Vice-Chancellor of Shri Ratnakar Gaikwad and Dr. Narendra Jadhav. The concerned University authorities continued the same policy about the Chair and helped a lot to fulfil the aim of the Chair viz. "To promote and spread the Jainological Studies by Research, Popular Activities and Publications." Firodia Publications' is a wing of Seth H.N.Jain Chair which was specifically created to publish books on various Jainological topics. We are very much glad to publish the 11th book under Firodia Publications titled - "Chanakya : Explored in the Jaina Literature" which is the outcome of a research project

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VII undertaken by the Jain Chair. When we cast a glance on the list of publications given on the back-page of this book, we immediately come to know that almost equal importance is given to the academic work and the popular writings. The research-oriented publications are in English and the Jainological writings for a novice are purposefully written in Marathi and Hindi. The two post-doctoral research assistants of the Jain Chair, viz. Dr. Anita Bothara and Dr. Kaumudi Baldota had presented their research papers in Marathi and Hindi in various prestigious conferences. We are planning to publish the collection of the research-papers in Hindi, in the near future. It is noteworthy that four of our publications are available on the website viz. "jainaedu@gmail.com" and we are getting world-wide encouraging response of the concerned viewers. The work of uploading the rest of the publications is persued by our experts. The present book is dedicated to the thorough quest of Canakya in the whole Jaina literature. The seed of the subject was sown in my mind before nearly ten years ago, when I was engaged in preparing word-slips for the comprehensive dictionary of Prakrits. The seed of the subject germinated when we undertook the project under the auspices of the Jain Chair in 2011. Literally hundreds of references were gathered, scrutinized, debated, discussed and translated by our research team. Final plan of the book was made in August 2013. The finished product is presented in the form of

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VIII this book - "Chanakya : Explored in the Jaina Literature". It is our solemn duty to provide the rationale for a reader to go through this book. The distinctive features of this book can be enumerated as Canakya alias Kautilya is an interesting personality for * any educated and cultured Indian. * Kautilya and his Arthasastra is studied worldwide by the Orientalists, Sanskritists, Historians and experts in the science of Polity. * Hindu Puranas and ancient Pali texts have preserved very little personal data of Canakya's life while the Jaina literature is really flooded with stories, narratives, legends and myths about Canakya. The biography of Canakya from his birth to death is documented in the Jaina texts. Some of the scholars have opined that, "The Buddhas and Jainas generally despise Canakya'. This opinion is totally wrong in the case of Jainas because the sense of awe and regard about Canakya is seen in the Jaina literature from the 3rd century A.D. upto 15th century A.D. * Kautiliya Arthasastra is a part of Magadhan literature and the authentic history of the Jaina canons is closely connected with Magadha. * * * The Jaina connections of the famous Sanskrit political drama Mudraraksasa are explored and exploited in one of the

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chapters of this book. IX The Svetambara and Digambara biographics of Canakya are compared with critical remarks. * Each and every Jaina reference is originally documented, translated and brought under proper scrutiny. * The Jaina code of conduct for monks and householders are revisited from the viewpoint of Kautiliya Arthasastra. We can increase the list of the salient features in various ways but in nutshell, we can say that, the legendary history of Canakya preserved by the Jainas will open up new vistas for the scholars of Kautilyan Studies. NALINI JOSHI May 2014 Pune

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x Contents Page No. Chapter 1 : Introduction 15 Chapter 2: Canakya : Reflected in the Brahmanic Sources 27 Chapter 3: Interpretation of the Mudraraksasa from the Jaina Perspective Chapter 4: 47 Canakya : Revealed through the Jaina Literature 171 Chapter 5: From the window of Arthasastra 227 Chapter 6: Concluding Remarks Bibliography 241

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION [1] How my attention was drawn towards this subject ? [2] The rationale behind the present exploration [3] The starting point of the authentic history of India Travel-accounts of the foreigners and the discovery of the Arthasastra [4] Whether Kautilya is the author of the Arthasastra or not? [5] Decreasing popularity of the Arthasastra in the brahmanic literature

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION [1] How my attention was drawn towards this subject ? While preparing the articles for Prakrit-English-Comprehensive-Dictionary, a joint and giant project was undertaken by Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute and Sanmati-Teerth a Research Institute, it came to my notice that in ancient and medieval literature of the Jainas, copious references about Canakya are found in the form of stories, incidents, parables, analogies, narratives, examples and biographies. The number of references was really overwhelming. I felt it necessary to go deeper in the subject for bringing out the exact connection between the Jaina tales of Canakya and traditional brahmanical tales in the broader light of the present version of Kautiliya Arthasastra. Though Canakya is famous as Kautilya and Visnugupta, the Jaina authors have mostly preferred the name 'Canakya'. At three to four places it is suggested clearly that these three names identify the one and same personality. The Kautiliya Arthasastra is a science of polity. It is of course a excellent blend of Politics, Economics, Ethics as well as History. This world-famous treatise is extensively studied by Orientalists, Indologists and Sanskritists all over the world. The Kautiliya Arthasastra contains 15 adhikaranas and 150 adhyayas. It is a practical guidebook for a sovereign king. There is no need to describe the greatness and all-time-relevance of the Arthasastra. It is noticed that almost each finance budget of India, when tabled into

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3 the parliament, necessarily contains suitable quotations from the Kautilya's Arthasastra. It is really a paradox that very little information about the personality of Canakya is found in the Hindu and Buddhist sources. Eaxctly opposite is the position in the Jaina literature. It is full of stories, narratives, examples and illustrations of Canakya. [2] The rationale behind the present exploration : When we fathomed the whole Jaina literature and explored each and every reference to Canakya, one fact become crystal-clear to us that the Jainas tell many new things about Canakya which are not told in the Brahmanic and Buddhist literature. Generally a high regard, praise and honour about Canakya is seen in the Jaina literature. In the meantime, a sentence written in the introduction of the Kautiliya Arthasastra by B.R.Hivargaonkar startled me. He says, "It is noted in the Brahmanic, Buddhist and Jaina literature that Kautilya was the amatya of the king Candragupta. A sense of disregard and reproach towards Canakya is seen in the Buddhist and Jaina literature, while the Brahmanic sources praise Canakya." Further on, Mr. Hivargaonkar defends his view as follows : "He himself being a brahmin, possesses very staunch and strict views against pasandins. Naturally the Bauddhas and Jainas despise Canakya and Brahmanic texts praise Canakya." (Introduction p.22) We cann't say anything about the Buddhist texts at this juncture but it is really surprising and amuzing that a reputed scholar like Hivargaonkar had passed a remark about the Jainas without going into the scruting of the Jaina references. In the same introduc

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tion he says that, the Nandisutra mentions the text of Kautilya as a 'kutila-nitisastra' in which the negative attitude of the Jainas towards Canakya is reflected. (Introduction p.4) The other reputed scholar Durga Bhagvat has tried to bring out the Buddhist connections with the Arthasastra but has totally neglected the Jaina references which are enormous in number. The same attitude of negligence about the Jaina sources is seen in the introduction of the Mudraraksasa written by Dr.R.D.Karmarkar (Introduction p.13-14). He has mentioned the Buddhist sources of Mudraraksasa in a bit detailed manner but had said nothing what the Jainas have documented. In his mind, he might have thought that the Jainas repeat the same things what the Buddhists say. Thus an upright attempt has been made in this book to underline and examine all the Jaina sources of Canakya and the Arthasastra with the hope to remove away the previous misconceptions. [3] The starting-point of the authentic history of India : It is a known fact that the authentic history of India is reconstructed by the historians from Alexander's invasion to India. Though the antiquity of Magadha is traced by the Indologists right from the Rgaveda, the Sisunagas, Nandas and Mauryas are the hallmark dynasties noted in the authentic history. Yuan Chwang's travelaccounts (629 A.D.) display a picture of Mauryan empire and particularly mentions Chandragupta (I), as a great emporor. Nothing is written about Canakya by Yuan Chwang, a politician of prevading genius who was the prime minister of the great empire. When Yuan Chwang's book was translated, it was read, studied and almost devoured by all the students and scholars of Indian History.

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[4] Travel-accounts of the foreigners and discovery of the Arthasastra : The discovery of Canakya's Arthasastra is a great event much greater than the discovery of Yuan Chwang's travel-accounts in western countries. Shamshastry discovered a manuscript of the Kautiliya Arthasastra in 1909 and he published it in the same year. Shamshastry, T.Ganapatishastri, Dr. Jolly Meyor, Dr. Winternitz, Father Zimmerman, Mr. B.R.Hivargaonkar, Dr. R.P.Kangle, Dr. D.R.Bhandarkar were the great pioneers of the Kautilyan studies. Dr.Jolly and Dr. Winternitz claimed that the Kautiliya Arthasastra is not authored by Kautilya, the prime minister of Candragupta. According to them, "Kautilya' is an imaginary personality and not an actual master in polity. Sombody collected all ancient thoughts on polity and wrote down the treatise using the pen-name of Kautilya in the 3rd century A.D. However, Dr. Jolly admitted that there are some legends about the fabulous minister who was looked upon as the master and creator of the art of polity. The above-mentioned inference was based on the travel accounts of Megasthenese, who was a Greek ambassador in the court of Candragupta and who actually resided at Pataliputra. The absense of Kautilya's name in his travel-accounts actually led Dr. Jolly to the conclusion that Kautilya was an imaginary personality. Mr. B.R.Hivargaonkar and some other scholars have criticized this view. This is not a place to note down all the arguments in the debate. But in nutshell, we can say that ultimately the Indian Indologists have established that the main core of Kautiliya Arthasastra is written by Kautilya (Canakya/Visnugupta) approximately in the fourth century before the Christian Era.

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Several reasons can be enumerated why Megasthenese might not have mentioned Kautilya and his Arthasastra. His travel-accounts are not available in lucid, homogenius form. At many places the text is corrupt as well as concise and scattered. After all his writtings are not historical books and are based on inadequate information. Dr. Shwanbek, the editor of 'Megasthenis Indika' specifically says that, "Though some portions of his accounts might have written on the basis of first-hand information, but many of the accounts seem to have documented by using secondary sources and are not totally acceptable on its face-value." (alfestu 372f2017, fed illa , Kaal, p.23-24) Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastry was a well-known Indologist and a scholar of great repute. He wrote an extremely important book entitled 'Magadhan Literature in 1923. At that time, an enthusiastic team of Indologist was working on the Kautilya's Arthasastra with full vigour. Sastry had noted down the comparison between Yuan Chwang's India and the India reflected in the Kautilya's Arthasastra. It will not be out of place to quote the full passage from Sastry's book. The passage is as follows - Yuan Chwang came to India in 629 A.D. and remained here for sixteen years. Kautilya was a native of India, bred up and born here, and he flourished about a thousand years before Yuan Chwang. Yuan Chwang was a mere traveller, at best a devout pilgrim. But Kautilya was a politician of prevading genius and he was the primeminister of a great empire. Yuan Chwang was interested in Buddhism only and that in its higher phases. But Kautilya was interested in everything Indian. Yuan Chwang was a religious man and looked at Indian society from the religious point of view. Kautilya

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7 was an administrator and a man of the world. His interest in India. was that of an administrator and a patriot. Yuan Chwang's account of India was partial and one-sided, that of Kautilya thorough and many-sided. (Magadhan Literature, Lecture III, p.49) [5] Whether Kautilya is the author of the Arthasastra or not? : The authorship of the Kautiliya Arthasastra can be confirmed from the text itself. It is noted in the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the book that Kautilya alias Visnugupta has composed this sastric text. There is no valid reason for disbelieving the texual reference about it's authorship. At the end of the first adhyaya of the first adhikarana it is told that - sukhagrahaNavijJeyaM tattvArthapadanizcitam / kauTilyena kRtaM zAstraM vimuktagranthavistaram / / "Kautilya prepared this sastric treatise which is easy to understand, in which technical words are used with specific meanings and the lengthy details are avoided to make it concise." At the end of the tenth adhyaya of the second adhikarana Kautilya says sarvazAstrANyanukramya prayogamupalabhya ca / kauTilyena narendrArthe zAsanasya vidhiH kRtaH / / "Having followed all sciences and having observed practice also, the rules of drawing up writs are framed by Kautilya for the benefit of the king." This ascribes the authorship to Kautilya but it does not name the king for whom it was intended. The remark of Kautilya suggests that this science of polity is useful for any king as such. The piece of information is given by Dandin (approximately the 6th century

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8 A.D.) in the eighth chapter of his famous work Dasakumaracarita in the following words adhISva tAvat daNDanItim / iyamidAnIm AcAryyaviSNuguptena mauryyArthe SaDbhiH zlokasahasraiH saMkSiptA / 'Read dandaniti. This has just now been presented in an abridged form extending to 6000 slokas by acarya Visnugupta for the benefit of Maurya.' According to the Arthasastra, the author is Kautilya, but in the Dasakumaracarita, it is mentioned that the Arthasastra was written by Visnugupta. But they were not two different persons. Because at the end of the fifteenth adhikarana of Kautiliya Arthasastra, the author himself says dRSTvA fayfaufa bahudhA zAstreSu bhASyakArANAm / svayameva viSNuguptazcakAra sUtraM ca bhASyaM ca / / "Having seen discrepancies in many ways on the part of the writers of bhasyas on the sastras, Visnugupta has himself written both the sutra and bhasya." Thus with the help of all these references we can conclude that kautilya and Visnugupta must be the one and the same person. But was the author really the prime-minister of Candragupta in the 4th century B.C. ? This doubt is cleared with the help of the verse noted down in the tenth adhyaya of the second adhikarana of Kautiliya Arthasastra. It runs thus yena zAstraM ca zastraM ca nandarAjagatA ca bhUH / amarSeNoddhRtAnyAzu tena zAstramidaM kRtam / / "This sastra has been made by him who, under provocation, quickly rescued from chaos the science of polity and of war, as well as the earth from the hands of the Nandas." While searching the legacy of Kautiliya Arthasastra in the - -

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9 brahmanic sources, the landmark-treatise of Kamandaka i.e. the Kamandakiya Nitisara carries utmost importance. From the traditional information about Kamandaka, we know that he was the disciple of Canakya and presented a short version of the Kautiliya Arthasastra in poetrical form. Putting aside the controversy of Kamandaka's date we have to admit that he is an sncient authority on polity and is more explicit in giving us an account of the Arthasastra and its author. He says yasyAbhicAravajreNa vajrajvalanacetasaH / papAta mUlataH zrImAn suparvA nandaparvataH / / 1.4 // ekAkI mantrazaktyA yaH zaktyA zaktidharopamaH / AjahAra nRcandrAya candraguptAya medinIm / / 1.5 / / nItizAstrAmRtaM dhImAnarthazAstramahodadheH / samuddadhre namastasmai viSNuguptAya vedhase / / 1.6 / / "Salutation to Visnugupta, the veritable providence, powerful like thunderous fire, by whose thunder-like rites, fell root and branch the mountain like Nanda dynasty firm in all its political strata ; who like Karttikeya in valour, single-handed, procured by dint of his statesmanship the whole earth for Candragupta; who from the ocean-like science of polity churned out, so to say, the nectar of polity." When we observe the legacy of Kautiliya Arthasastra we find a compact and neat version of the Arthasastra i.e. the Nitivakyamrta of Somadevasuri, a Digambara Jaina monk of the 10th century A.D. The details are given in a separate chapter of the present book. [6] Decreasing popularity of the Arthasastra in the brahmanic literature: Now we will see the impact of the Kautiliya Arthasastra and

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10 kautiliya-niti which is reflected in the brahmanic literature, of course in a brief manner. From this brief sketch we come to know, 'How the popularity of the Kautiliya Arthasastra decreased serially ?? At the end of this brief survey we will discuss the reasons of the decreasing popularity and how this valuable treasure of knowledge, was lost in darkness uptill its discovery in 1909 A.D. In the Vyakarana-Mahabhasya of Patanjali it is quoted that Maurya kings were greedy of wealth and gathered ample wealth with a lot of devices to fill their treasure. In the dramas and one-act-plays of Bhasa, who is the oldest among the available Sanskrit dramatists, the shadows and reflections of the terms, ideas, motifs and points enumerated in the Kautiliya Arthasastra are found in frequent manner. Two of his dramas viz. the Pratijna-yaugandharayana and the Avimaraka are full of the terms and devices used by Kautilya. Scholars have pointed out the parallel references from Bhasa's Pancaratra and Abhiseka also. From the literature of Kalidasa, particularly from the Raghuvamsa and the Sakuntala, it can be well-inferred that Kalidasa might have gone through the Kautilya's Arthasastra thoroughly. But the famous verse of Kalidasa which he put into the mouth of Sakuntala, throws light on the fact that Kalidasa does not carry full regard or honour towards Kautilya. Sakuntala says sarcastically, 'parAtisandhAnamadhIyate yaiH vidyeva te santu kilAptavAcaH / ' In this remark it is reflected that the Arthasastra was regarded at that time as a science of deceitful means and studied by cunning persons. If we place Banabhtta, famous for his "Kadambari, after Kalidasa, the same attitude towards Kautilya is seen. In his excla

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11 mation, for at dei hiyd 191 244-81142T HU: 34GER:', it is implied that the ministers always suggest crooked ways to their lords oferta 372f4a, gif maa, tadH (?), p.26). In the same book, Banabhatta describes Canakya as nrsassa, krura and nirghrna (i.e. malicious, cruel and pitiless) (Solferta 3792114, af rad, dhi (?), p.4). Though in the works of Dandin and in the Pancatantra, the references to Kautilya are found, we cannot draw a conclusion that they possess a background of thorough study of the Kautiliya Arthasastra. At the very beginning, the pancatantrakara enumerates the sastras as, a FITOT HOICIA, 378f91FaIO AURUCIA, kAmazAstrANi vAtsyAyanAdIni / ' If we carefully study Visakhadatta's Mudraraksasa, a totally political play dedicated to Canakya-Candragupta and Raksasa, we come to know Visakhadatta's deep study of the Arthasastra, but at the same time, it creates adverse impact by his famous terminology, Hilferu: goosufa: l'. Canakya's egoist remarks, the impropriety in addressing 'vrsala' to the king Candragupta, the pseudoconflict with Candragupta in the third act and so many other things are quite eloquent to suggest the growing disregard toward Canakya's intelligent crookedness. More details are given in a separate chapter written on the Mudraraksasa. The growing impact of smoti literature, particularly the Manusmrti (Manava-dharma-sastra) and the Yajnavalkya-smrti were the last blow on the studies of Arthasastra. The Kathasaritsagara and the BIhatkathamanjari depicted Canakya as a well-versed brahmin in the rites of magical lores. Silently the important topics of the Arthasastra, lost their popularity and negative side came forward.

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12 The topics like gudha-purusa-praaidhi, yoga-vamana, upa-japa, apasarpa-pranidhi, durga-lambhopaya and para-ghata-prayoga gained popularity and over-shadowed the practical and ethical values of the Arthasastra. Canakya's Arthasastra is evidently an important part of Magadhan literature. Magadha's connection with sramanic culture is a proved historical fact. The Nandas were pro-Jaina. Sakatala, the minister of the last Nanda was a Jaina layman. That is why his son Sthulabhadra accepted the Jaina dikna and became the chief monk of the whole Jaina samgha. The brahmanic traits of Canakya are quite clear though the Jainas depict him as a layman or a monk. Candragupta seems to be pro-Jaina. Otherwise he would not have allowed the first conference of the Jaina Canons at Pataliputra. Brahmanic sources depict Candragupta as a sudra. Some say that he was born from Mura dasi. In the Mudraraksasa, Canakya calls Candragupta, literally hundreds of times as vrsala. Candragupta's son Bindusara was probably a pro-Jaina king and his grand-son Samprati was surely a Jainized king. Bindusara's son, king Asoka was certainly a Buddhist king. Thus due to the sramanic connection of Magadha, the staunch brahmanic dharmasastrakaras might have a concealed rage against Canakya because he was a mentor of pro-Jaina Candragupta who was a sudra by birth. Dharmasastrakaras always give importance to'dharma purusartha'. Canakya gave equal importance to dharma-artha and kama. Though Canakya was favourable to the traditional system of varnasrama, his views are comparatively mild and fair. Canakya proclaimed, "ZTERIJMUHT TH: l' While the Smtitikaras proclaimed,

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13 'dharmAnulomo vyavahAraH / '. Slowly the religious and ritualistic views of smrtis, particularly of Manu and Yajnavalkya gain popularity over the secular, ethical and practical nature of the Arthasastra. Yajnavalkya omitted many technical parts of the Arthasastra, related to kingdom and inter-state relationship etc. He concentrated on acara, vyavahara and prayascitta. Hence the study of the smstis become a regular part of syllabus and the popularity of the Kautilya's Arthasastra decreased. Though Yajnavalkya has taken a lot from Kautilya, still his treatise surpassed the Arthasastra.

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CHAPTER 2 CANAKYA: REFLECTED IN THE BRAHMANIC SOURCES 15 [1] The Mahabharata (Adiparva) [2] Rajarsi Canakya in the Skandapurana and the Matsyapurana [3] Canakya's single-line references in the Visnupurana, the Vayupurana and the Matsyapurana [4] The story of Canakya in the Kathasaritsagara [5] The Brhatkathamanjari of Ksemendra [6] A brief review of Canakya's personality in the brahmanic sources

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17 CHAPTER 2 CANAKYA : REFLECTED IN THE BRAHMANIC SOURCES When we start to fathom the Indian literature for getting the information about Canakya (Kautilya/Visnugupta), we have to take a start from the brahmanic literature. Canakya's being a brahmin, his tuft of hair, his well-versedness in vedavidya, his intellectual brilliance, short-temperedness and vindictive nature comes forward immediately. His monumental work Arthasastra also reflects his brahminhood. Thus we will start our quest from the brahmanic sources. In the present chapter, we will deal with the Canakya-references in the Mahabharata, some important puranas and two Sanskrit-collections of narratives viz. the Kathasaritsagara and the Brhatkathamanjari. [1] The Mahabharata (Adiparva) : In the appendix of the Adiparva, Kautilya is referred to by Vidura, the most eminent nitikara in the galaxy of the personalities in the Mahabharata. The verse is viduro dhRtarASTrasya jAnansarvaM manogatam / kenAyaM vidhinA sRSTaH kauTilyaH kapaTAlayaH / / ityevaM cintayan prAjJo --- Mahabharata, Adiparva (Appendix) 85.10.2 Here, Kautilya is described as the abode of deceitfulness' by the great intelligent thinker Vidura. When we search the next part of the text with the expectation of some Canakya-narrative, we are disappointed. In the critical edition of the Mahabharata, prepared by

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18 BORI, this portion is excluded because anachronism is evident in this case. In the later version of the Mahabharata, some writer might have added it spuriously probably when the disregardful attitude towards Canakya came in vogue i.e. after 8th-9th century A.D. One observation is noteworthy that when the last samskarana of the Mahabharata was in vogue, the Ardhamagadhi Jaina canons were prevalent in oral tradition. None of the old Ardhamagadhi canons contains any reference of Canakya. This fact supports the view that the above-mentioned reference of Canakya in the Mahabharata is certainly spurious and carries no weightage. In the 59th adhyaya of the Santiparva, four arthasastrakaras are mentioned viz. Visalaksa, Bahudanti, Bshaspati and Usanas (or Sukra). These names are quoted in the Kautiliya Arthasastra as purvasuris. In continuation with these ancient thinkers of the Arthasastra, somebody might have added the name of Canakya in the Mahabharata. [2] Rajarsi Canakya in the Skandapurana and the Matsyapurana : In the 155th adhyaya of the Revakhanda (5), the Skandapurana mentions the greatness of suklatirtha. It starts with this verse - 3&0104491 751 AMR-14 14: l'Once upon a time, there was a king born in Iksvaku dynasty, who was religious and whose name was Canakya. It is mentioned at the end that he went to the suklatirtha and donated cows, gold and land with great benevolence. Afterwards, he obtained siddhi at this place. The Matsyapurana refers the same story in the following words - zuklatIrthaM mahApuNyaM narmadAyAM vyavasthitam / cANakyo nAma rAjarSiH siddhiM tatra samAgataH / / Matsyapurana 192.14

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19 When we read this story of Canakya, it immediately comes to our mind that though the similarity of name is there, this sage-like king of Iksvaku dynasty is not in any way connected with the arthasastrakara Canakya, who was a brahmin prime-minister of Candragupta Maurya. However, Harisena, the famous Digambara Jaina author of the Brhatkatha has incorporated these details of the Skanda and the Matsya-purana in his Canakya-muni-kathanakam. Surprisingly enough, Harisena mentions, 'cakAra vipulaM rAjyaM cANAkyo nijabuddhitaH' (Brhatkathakosa, Canakyamunikathanakam, verse 71) in which he says that Canakya (?) ruled over the country for a long time with his great intelligence. The impact of the above-mentioned puranas was so deep on Harisena, that according to him Canakya (?) went to Krauncapura and attained siddhi by embracing samadhi-marana. (Brhatkathakosa, Canakyamunikathanakam, verse 84) The threads of the story of Canakya-rajarsi are skillfully woven in the depiction of Harisena's Canakya-narrative. It is not only Harisena to mix the two different tales but Pt. Mahadevshastri Joshi in his Bharatiya-samskrti-kosa had done the same thing. He quotes, 'The reference of the Matsyapurana probably tells us about the last days and death of this great person.' This is the classic example of creating a new legend by blending various details with added imagination! [3] Canakya's single-line references in the Visnupurana, the Vayupurana and the Matsyapurana : Almost every scholar engaged in Canakyan study, has invariably mentioned that we find the references of Canakya in the puranas and specially in the Visnu, Vayu and Matsya-puranas. But when

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20 we actually go through them, we are completely disappointed. Visnupurana starts with the history of Magadha by mentioning Sisunaga dynasty. Afterwords it mentions Nandin, Mahanandin and Mahapadmanandin. It treats Mahapadma as a ksatriya born from a sudra. It is noted that Mahapadma and his sons ruled for hundred years. Here enters the brahmin Kautilya, who killed the nine Nandas and who installed Candragupta Maurya on the throne. It is told that ten Mauryan kings will rule the country for 173 years. The whole history of these dynasties is presented by using future tense. The same accounts are repeated in the Vayu and the Matsya - puranas. (Visnupurana, Amsa 4, adhyaya 24, verses 20-32 ; Vayupurana, Khanda 2, prakarana 61, verses 188-192 ; Matsyapurana, 272.21). Thus the puranic sources provide no additional information or legends except a single line that Canakya was a brahmin and he concecrated Candragupta Maurya on the throne of Magadha. [4] The story of Canakya in the Kathasaritsagara : We find the story of Canakya in the Katha', in a slightly developed form than that of the puranas. This story book, lit. 'the ocean of narratives' is written in the 11th century A.D. by a sanskrit scholar Somadeva. Though Katha' is included in the brahmanic literature, it is in real sense 'secular'. Though the sanskrit version is done by Somadeva, originally the legends and tales were gathered by Gunadhya in one of the oldest Prakrit language, Paisaci. Gunadhya is related to the Satavahana kings. So the date of his Baddakaha (Bthatkatha) goes to the 2nd_ 3rd century A.D. In fact it was the treasure of legends from which the Hindus, Jainas and Buddhists had drawn a lot. The Vasudevahindi, one of the few Prakrit classics, owes much to the Baddakaha.

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21 Concerned puranas are generally interested in giving the detailed lists of Nanda and Maurya dynasties. Passing references of Canakya are found in them. The Katha is in real sense the first source documenting legendary history of Canakya. The story in the Katha (1.5.114) can be summarized in the following manner - In Patalipura, Nandas were ruling. The last among them was Yogananda. (A short story is given why he was called 'Yogananda'.) Sakatala was his minister. For some reason, Sakatala wanted to take revenge on Yogananda. (The details are given inbetween the story.) On one occasion, he saw a brahmin named Canakya who was digging kusa grass upto its root because the grass pricked the sole of his foot. Sakatala thought that he was a proper person to retaliate Yogananda. He invited Canakya in the palace of Nanda for sraddhabhojana. Canakya occupied the seat of honour (agrasana). The seat was actually reserved for a brahmin called Subandhu. Sakatala reported the situation to Nanda. Nanda told Sakatala that Subandhu will adorn the seat and none other. Sakatala reported this message to Canakya and requested to vacate the seat. Due to this insult, Canakya became furious. He abruptly loosened his tied tuft of hair and exclaimed, 'Within seven days I will destroy Nanda and then only I will tie down my tuft of hair.' Nanda was overpowered by anger. Without giving him a chance to take any action, Canakya ran away. Sakatala, as if waiting for this opportunity, gave shelter to Canakya in his house. Sakatala made all the arrangements for Canakya's practice of black-magic (krtya-sadhana). The black-magic started showing it's effects on Nanda by creating inflammatory fever. Within seven days Nanda died.

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22 After the death of Nanda, Sakatala killed Nanda's son Hiranyagupta and made Candragupta the king, who was in true sense 'a son of a previous Nanda' (purvanandasuta). Sakatala persuaded Canakya and made him Candragupta's chief-minister because he knew that Canakya is bright like Bihaspati. Having completed this intended task, Sakatala went to forest. Thus he overcome the grief of the death of his beloved sons and led a peaceful spiritual life. Some Observations on the Kathasaritsagara : * The main focus of this story is on Sakatala. Canakya's appearance is secondary. * It provides more data about Canakya, in comparison with the puranas. * Sakatala and Subandhu are not mentioned in the puranas. * The references of sraddha and sikha confirm the brahmanatva of Canakya. * In the Jaina narratives it is told that, Subandhu was revengeful to Canakya, but the reason is not given. With the help of the Katha we find the missing link in the Jaina narratives. * The story of Sakatala is very popular in the Jaina tales but the relation between Sakatala and Canakya is not established in the Jaina tales. * The impact of this story is evidently seen in the Canakya-muni katha of Harisena but he might have taken the story from the Prakrit version of the Katha' because the date of Harisena is the gth-9th century and the date of the Katha' is the 11th century A.D. * The Svetambara Jaina writers have told that Sakatala was the minister of the last Nanda and he had two sons named Sthulabhadra

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23 and Sriyaka. Later on Sthulabhadra became a Jaina monk and was the leader of the Jaina samgha. It is depicted in the Kathasaritsagara that Sakatala's sons were killed in the dry well where Nanda had put the whole family of Sakatala as a punishment of some offence. These details are not in congruence with the Jaina tradition. Therefore the whole Sakatala-account is given by Harisena as a story of Kavi (or sometimes Kavi), who was also one of the ministers of Nanda. In the Katha, it was Sakatala who installed Candragupta on the throne and persuaded Canakya to become his minister. In the Brhatkathamanjari and also in the Jaina sources, Canakya himself installed Candragupta on the throne and became his chiefminister. * The Katha regards Candragupta as 'purvanandasuta' and suggests his 'ksatriyatva'. * According to the Katha, Canakya killed Nanda by some occult practices of black magic. This is the main point of difference in the Brahmanic and the Jaina sources. This action of Canakya described in the Katha belittles the bravery of Candragupta and political tacticks of Canakya. [5] The Brhatkathamanjari of Ksemendra (10th century A.D.): In the 10th century, Ksemendra, a Kashmirian brahmin wrote the sanskrit version of Gunadhya's Baddakaha. But the later version of Somadeva i.e. the Kathasaritsagara surpassed the Manjari due to its poetic values. So we have also dealt with the Kathasaritsagara first and then the Brhatkathamanjari. The story of Canakya presented in the Manjari is brief than the Kathao. The story of the Manjari, basically describes the episode of

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24 Vararuci and Sakatala. Canakya's reference is found in four verses (214-217, guccha 2, ch.1). The details are almost same as that of the Kathadeg but the only difference is, it is Canakya who installed Candragupta (a purvanandasuta) on the throne and not by Sakatala. Canakya's ministership is not mentioned in the Manjari. In nutshell, both the Kathao and the Manjari had gone a step forward than that of the puranas in the case of Canakya, but the importance is given to Sakatala. It is noteworthy that none of these authors have mentioned that the Arthasastra was written by Canakya. [6] A brief review of Canakya's personality in the brahmanic sources: * In the travel-accounts of the Greek ambassador Megasthenes and Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang, Candragupta is mentioned with high regards but Kautilya or Canakya is not mentioned. Due to this, a team of scholars of Indology advocated that Kautilya is a mere myth and the Arthasastra was written by some other per son, in the 3rd_4th century by using the name of Kautilya. * After the discovery of the Kautiliya Arthasastra, a team of Indian scholars exerted a lot to prove the fact and it is now an established fact that the present Kautiliya Arthasastra is written by Kautilya alias Canakya alias Visnugupta around the fourth century B.C. Some changes or interpolations might have done after wards but the main core is same. * There are two later versions of the Arthasastra. One is the Kamandakiya Nitisara of the brahmanic tradition and Somadeva's Nitivakyamsta written by a Jaina scholar. * The above mentioned three versions do not throw much light on the personal accounts of this genius.

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25 * The Visnu', Vayu' and Matsya-puranas have majorly documented the history of the Nanda and the Maurya dynasties while describing the legendary history of Magadha. Canakya and Candragupta are mentioned but not a single piece of information is given about Canakya's personality. * In the dramas of Bhasa and in the literature of Kalidasa, some sutras, terms, terminologies and details in polity are mentioned here and there. The treatment given to Canakya and his Arthasastra by Bana and Dandin is not taht of full regard because they highlight Canakya's crookedness and shrewdness. The pancatantrakara's reference is brief and formal. * The decreasing popularity of the Arthasastra due to the rise and popularity of the smotis, particularly the Manu and the Yajnavalkya, went to such an extent that this landmark work rested in dark ness for many centuries. ' The Mudraraksasa of Visakhadatta popularized the phrase 'kauTilya: gabeaufa:'. Canakya's personality pictured in this drama creates a confused and debatable sketch of Canakya. The details of Canakya's birth and death are missing in this drama because the dramatist has chosen a particular part of Canakya's life. But it is certain that he has gone through deeply the text of Arthasastra. The Mudraraksasa, the only political play of this genre, is studied and edited by many Sanskritists and Indologists. A lot of research work is done with many perspectives. So far to my knowledge, nobody has brought out the Jaina-connections of this play. Even the eminent scholar like Dr. R.D.Karmarkar had not paid any attention to the Jaina sources. In the introduction of his edition we find the title as - 'The Buddhist and Jaina Sources of the

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26 Mudraraksasa'. But we are disappointed because not a single reference is given with any appropriate citation. (Mudraraksasa, Ed. R.D.Karmarkar, Introduction, pp.13-14) Thus in the next chapter, an attempt has been made to reconsider the Mudraraksasa from the Jaina perspective. //////

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27 CHAPTER 3 INTERPRETATION OF THE MUDRARAKSASA FROM THE JAINA PERSPECTIVE [1] Rationale of the topic [2] The Jaina characters in the play [3] Canakya's character in the Mudraraksasa [4] Brahmanatva of Canakya [5] Canakya's tuft of hair [6] Srtict laws of Canakya [7] Wisdom of Canakya [8] Canakya's address to Candragupta [9] Conflict between Canakya and Candragupta [10] Use of Prakrits in the Mudraraksasa [11] Main theme of the Mudraraksasa [12] Some minor similarities [13] Critical Comments

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CHAPTER 3 INTERPRETATION OF THE MUDRARAKSASA FROM THE JAINA PERSPECTIVE [1] Rationale of the topic : In the galaxy of Sanskrit dramas, the Mudraraksasa of Visakhadatta, is the unique political play, dedicated to the historical personalities, viz. Canakya and Candragupta Maurya. The date of the Mudraraksasa is vastly discussed and debated by various sanskrit scholars as well as historians around the world. The approximate date of this play can be ascertained as the 7th-8th century A.D. The cross-references found in the Avasyaka-curni and the Nisitha-curni are full of Canakya-Candragupta-narratives and myths. This fact supports the above-mentioned inferred date of the Mudraraksasa, because important curnis were written by Jinadasagani in the 7th century A.D. The popularity of the the Mudraraksasa was so wide-spread that at modern times, many Indian authors have written the fictions dedicated to Canakya and Candragupta with the help of the lifeaccounts pictured in the Mudraraksasa. For example, in Marathi literature, the 'Candragupta' of H.N.Apte, the 'Nopanirmata Canakya' of R.C.Dhere, the life-account of Canakya documented in the 'Bharatiya-samskrti-kosa' and the novel 'Arya' written by Vasant Patwardhan - all of them have basically relied upon the Mudraraksasa. We are quite sure that the same fact is true about the legendary histories written in all Indian regional languages. When we go through the editions of the Mudraraksasa, it is found that the esteemed scholars have mentioned the Buddhist and

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30 the Jaina sources about Canakya and Candragupta in a very brief manner in their prefaces and forewords. The Buddhist sources are discussed in a little detailed manner but a total injustice is done to the Jaina sources though they are ample in number and cover the major life-accounts of Canakya and Candragupta. Therefore, at present, an attempt has been made to interprete the Mudraraksasa from the Jaina perspective, by writing a separate article. [2] The Jaina characters in the play : (a) Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka : In the plot of the Mudraraksasa the role of Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka carries a certain weight. The name "Jivasiddhi' is a compound of two padas viz. "jiva' and 'siddhi which connote certain philosophical background of the Jainas. Jivasiddhi means a person who is trying to attain liberation. "Ksapanaka' is a nude (Digambara) monk who has achieved a certain spiritual progress. All the Sanskrit scholars of the Mudraraksasa unanimously agree that Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka is a "Jaina Bhiksu'. Of course he is a spy appointed by Canakya for getting the information from the camp of Amatya Raksasa. Jivasiddhi is not a real Jaina monk. Canakya's friend Indusarma assumes a disguise of a Jaina monk. Canakya is sure that a Jaina monk can win trust of Amatya Raksasa who is totally loyal to the last Nanda king Dhanananda. From the inscriptions of Kharavela at Orissa, it is confirmed that Nandas have taken away the idol of 'Jina' from Kalinga. Taking into consideration all these Jaina connections, we come to know the propriety of the character of Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka in the play. No other classical sanskrit play than the Mudraraksasa

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31 possesses such a character. If we examine the dialogues of Jivasiddhi from the languagepoint-of-view, we can designate it as the specimen of Magadhi Prakrit. Every now and then Ksapanaka says, '373E-CIUT MUTHIH' or Hraunferri uffavte HETI Doului2. Jivasiddhi greets others many a times with the specific greeting, 'dhammasiddhI hodu sAvagANam''. Amatya Raksasa addresses Jivasiddhi as 'bhadanta"4. Thus the role played by Jivasiddhi in the play is quite noteworthy. in the first act, Canakya himself refers the importance of the role of Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka. 5 The fourth and fifth acts are full of the dialogues between Raksasa and Jivasiddhi. Jivasiddhi suggests a proper muhurta to Raksasa. It is remarkable that in the early history of the Jaina monastic conduct, it is depicted that the Jaina monks were well-versed in fortune-telling. (nimitta, sakuna etc.) We can conclude that the role of Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka is quite eloquent to throw light on the intimacy of the Jainas to the history of Canakya-Candragupta and especially Amatya Raksasa alias Subandhu. (b) Candanadasa : It is not directly told in the play Mudraraksasa whether the chief city-merchant Candanadasa was a Jaina householder or not. In the narrative literature of the Jainas, generally the merchant class and especially the nagara-sresthin is always depicted as a Jaina person. The Jaina tales have pictured vividly that Canakya gathered ample wealth from rich merchants to fill up the treasury of Magadha. Actually Candanadasa is a manikarasresthin i.e. chief of the jewellers. We find the term "manikara' in the ancient Ardhamagadhi text

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32 Jnatadharmakatha.' Candanadasa and Amatya Raksasa are very close friends. As Jivasiddhi being a Jaina monk was reliable for Amatya, like-wise Candanadasa might possibly a Jaina house-holder, is equally reliable for him. Amatya handed over the responsibility of the protection of his family to Candanadasa. The name of Candanadasa's close relative is Dhanasena', which is again a typical Jaina name. In the fifth act, the monologue of Candanadasa carries some suggestions about his being a Jaina. Candanadasa speaks in Sauraseni and uses the term carittabhanga-bhiru for himself.S 'Caritra' is a peculiar Jaina term connoting 'right conduct'-one of the Jaina triratnas. The verse 'mottuna amisaim" is in Maharastri Prakrit and the references of 'strict vegetarianism' and 'avoiding meat' also point at his being a faithful Jaina. (c) Sarvarthasiddhi : Amatya Raksasa is very eagar to install Sarvarthasiddhi on the throne of Magadha. He is a person having the lineage of Nandas. Very surprisingly, 'sarvarthasiddhi is the name of a supreme heavenly abode (anuttara devavimana) in the hirarchy of the Jaina heavens. Secondly, sarvarthasiddhi is the oldest famous commentary of Pujyapada (5th century A.D.) on the well-known philosophical Jaina text viz. the Tattvarthasutra of Umasvami, a resident of Kusumapura. Amatya Raksasa's quest for Sarvarthasiddhi is a really strong Jaina connection while considering the Mudraraksasa. [3] Canakya's character in the Mudraraksasa : Though the names Visnugupta and Kautilya are used at some places in the play, the name "Canakya' is continued through the

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33 whole play as a speaker of his dialogues. Likewise, in the Jaina literature mostly the name Canakya (Canakka, Canikya, Canakya) is found and references to Kautilya and Visnugupta are very few. [4] Brahmanatva of Canakya : The Mudraraksasa depicts the brahmanatva of Canakya by calling him arya"), batu", brahmana, bhatta!?, upadhyayal and Visnugupta.!4 Visakhadatta never uses a term or epithet which is suggestive of his being a Jaina. In the Jaina literature, the Svetambaras depict him as a sravaka and the Digambaras especially Harisena presented Canakya as a Jaina monk leading a group of 500 sadhus which is glaringly an exaggeration. [5] Canakya's tuft of hair : The point connected with the brahmanatva of Canakya is the reference of his long, black tuft of hair. Among all the brahmanic legends about Canakya, the main legend is of his vow to destroy Nandas completely. It is told that at the end of the vow he released his long braided tuft. When Canakya completed his vow and consecrated Candragupta on the throne of Magadha, he again tied his tuft. In the Mudraraksasa, the incidents are presented in a different manner. Canakya is not ready to tie his tuft until he manages to install Raksasa on the seat of chief-minister (Amatya) of the king Candragupta. The dreadful description of his long black tuft occurs in the first act of the Mudraraksasa. He compares his released tuft with a black, poisonous female serpent which is suggestive of the crooked and cruel means of Canakya to fulfil his target. He exclaims - nandakulakAlabhujagI kopAnalabahulaloladhUmalatAm /

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adyApi badhyamAnAM vadhyaH ko necchati zikhAM me I 34 (Mudra, Act 1, verse 9, p.8) At the end of the play, when helpless and blackmailed Raksasa accepts the chief-ministership of Candragupta, Canakya ties his tuft with the following remarks pUrNapratijJena mayA kevalaM badhyate zikhA / - (Mudra, Act 7, verse 17, p.310) The Jaina authors are not ready to highlight Canakya's brahmanatva and are interested in depicting Canakya as a sravaka. Therefore the incidents of releasing and tieing of tuft are absent in the Jaina references. In the Avasyaka-curni the reference of tuft is totally absent. In the Parisistaparva of Hemacandra, the verse related to sikha (tuft) is added in the footnote. Almost all the Jaina biographies have quoted one Sanskrit verse in which Canakya's oath (or vow) is expressed. The verse runs thus - kozena bhRtyaizca nibaddhamUlaM, putraizca mitraizca vivRddhazAkham / utpATya nandaM parivartayAmi, haThAd drumaM vAyurivogravegaH / / AvCu.(I) p.563 We have tried our best to locate this oft-quoted verse in the brahmanic literature viz. the Kathasaritsagara, the Puranas and the play Mudraraksasa. Unfortunately this verse is untraceable in the brahmanic sourses. Thus the Jaina reference becomes important. [6] Strict laws of Canakya : For maintaining the law and order situation, Canakya and Candragupta are very strict. Ample examples can be quoted from the play in this connection. The following references truely depict the strictness of the kingly orders -

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35 1) 5Ghzoted carpet alaselea mafia - Mudra", Act 1, p.36 2) Rafal Gufufafa: - Mudra", Act 1, p.40 3) fab4410g 34751451 - Mudra', Act 2, p.96 4) trafaud carey gud - Mudra', Act 3, p.112 5) 44 ald-44151|2|9a: - Mudra', Act 3, p.132 6) E-GJUHA 37514&heleda - Mudra", Act 4, p.176 7) plggi Tropfited UGG21444854fa - Mudra", Act 5, p.212 The discussion about 'a mistake' (aparadha) and "law-breaking' (ajnabhanga) is found at length in Nisitha-curni while prescribing rules for monks and nuns. It is declared that law-breaking is more serious than a mistake or error. A narrative of Canakya is quoted in the Nisitha-curni, as an example of this rule. It is mentioned that when the particular villagers disobeyed Canakya's order, he taught them a lesson by setting fire to the whole village. The cruel act of Canakya is defended by the curnikara. A comment is made at the end that, the rules laid down by the Jinas are like the strict orders of Mauryan kings. They should be followed faithfully otherwise severe punishment in the form prayaschittas, would be given. 15 Thus, the appreciation of the strictness of Candragupta and Canakya is found in the Mudraraksasa and in the Jaina narratives. [7] Wisdom of Canakya : Sharp intellect is the prominent feature of Canakya. All the shades of buddhi i.e. intelligence, wisdom, power of reasoning etc. are present in Canakya. In a true sense, he is a genius. In the Mudraraksasa, it seems that he is very much aware about what type of intelligence he possesses. He enters in the first scene with the words -

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36 'kauTilya: kuTilamatiH sa eSa yena krodhAgnau prasabhamadAhi nandavaMzaH / ' Mudra', Act 1,verse 7, p.8 In the 25th verse of the first act Canakya says, glaista hu '44' i.e. 'Let everything else leave me except my intelligence.' According to the Jaina epistemology, intelligence is fourfold. Autpattiki is inborn ; vainayiki is the knowledge which we get through the instruction by guruseva; karmaja is acquired skill and parinamiki is the wisdom which one gets through the life-long experiences. The Avasyaka-curni depicts various incidents in the life of Canakya as the examples of parinamiki-buddhi. A bit underestimation is seen in the AvCu. Haribhadra, the literary mayestro of the 8th century depicts Canakya as a possessor of threefold intellect i.e. autpattiki, vainayiki and parinamiki. 16 Though the Jainas have high regards for Canakya, according to them the epitome of intelligence is Abhayakumara, of course, a prominent personality in the Jaina his tory. Canakya in the Mudraraksasa is kutila-mati i.e. an adept in all crooked ways. In fact Canakya and Raksasa are both intelligent conspirators but Canakya is always one-step-ahead. Both of them respect each other. In short we can say that Canakya in the Mudraraksasa is extremely sharp, scheming, crooked, confident and to a certain extent, arrogant. [8] Canakya's address to Candragupta : In the whole drama, he addresses Candragupta as vrsala i.e. an epithet showing the lower caste of Candragupta. From the Jaina perspective of Canakya, it is shocking and almost impossible that every now and then he refers the low birth of

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37 Candragupta. The Jaina references are mostly found in the form of narration, giving very little scope for dialogues. The epithets used for Candragupta are 'vatsa' or 'rajan' and not a term like 'vrsala' showing disregard towards Candragupta. it is irrational, illogical and not at all convincing that the intelligent and towering person like Canakya addresses the emperor in such a reproachful manner. [9] Conflict between Canakya and Candragupta : The psudo-conflict (Ketaka-Kalaha) between Canakya and Candragupta which is depicted in the third act of the drama, has no scope in the Jaina literature. Some scholars suggest that there is a possibility of true conflict between Canakya and Candragupta due to the identity crisis of both the personalities in the last lapse of the life of Canakya. We do not find neither true conflict or pseudoconflict between Canakya and Candragupta in the Jaina references. The Svetambaras depict a conflict between Bindusara, the son of Candragupta and Canakya. The conflict was deliberately created by Subandhu (most probably the Jaina counterpart of Amatya Raksasa) and the conflict terminated into the terrible death of Canakya. Like Visakhadatta, the Jainas also wish to depict Canakya as one-stepahead of his enemy. Therefore with a great conspiracy, Canakya managed to end the life of Subandhu. [10] Use of Prakrits in the Mudraraksasa : Prakrit languages are profusely used in the Mudraraksasa and it is very amusing that Canakya-Candragupta narratives are available in the Jaina Prakrit literature from the 4th century A.D. upto the 15th century A.D. The Prakrits used in the Mudraraksasa are mainly Magadhi, Sauraseni and Maharastri. Other sub-dialects are also employed

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38 occasionlly. Sixteen characters of the Mudraraksasa speak in Prakrit. The snake-charmer Ahitundika specifically mentions that he is a Prakrit-poet." Amatya Raksasa mentions the verse of the snake-charmer as a 'gatha'. The relation of Prakrit and Jainism is very close. The Jainas have created a huge literature in all types of prakrit. Especially Canakya-narratives are scattered over in the Prakrit literature. [11] Main theme of the Mudraraksasa : At the very outset, it should be noted that the main plot and the happenings in the Mudraraksasa, are absent in the Jaina literature. The imaginary name Raksasa never occurs in the Jaina references. But we can find the reason behind the name Raksasa with the help of the Jaina stories. The Jainas say that Subandhu (or Subuddhi), a minister of Nandas, was waiting for a long time to retaliate upon Canakya. Ultimately he succeeded in setting fire to Canakya. Due to this brutal act, one can call him Raksasa - having a demonic mentality. There are two versions of the Subandhu episode in the Jaina literatue. Some narratives connect Subandhu with Bindusara while others (especially the Digambaras) say that the minister of the Nandas, viz. Subandhu fleed away from Pataliputra and became a minister of a king of a southern country. When Canakya became a Jaina monk and wandered towards south with his samgha, Subandhu recognized him and put him to death. The main plot of the Mudraraksasa consists of various means and ways undertaken by Canakya to persuade Raksasa by hook or by crook, for being a minister of Candragupta. All these conspira

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39 cies are not noted in the Jaina references. The Jainas might have thought that it is impossible to imagine Subandhu to work for Candragupta because he was totally loyal to the Nandas. Considering the revengeful mindset of Subandhu, there is a logical possibility that Subandhu may retaliate Canakya and specially Candragupta after being a chief-minister of the Mauryan kingdom. In nutshell we can say that though the Mudraraksasa is a successful political play, it's uniqueness left no impact on the later Jaina narratives. From this we can conclude that the legendary material available for the Jainas about Canakya was different than that of the brahmanic literature and its antiquity starts before the Christian Era. [12] Some minor similarities : (a) Pataliputra : Pataliputra bears an important position in ancient history of Magadha and is closely connected with the history of the Nandas and Mauryas. Naturally, we find often references of Pataliputra in the Mudraraksasa and in the Jaina literature. The names Pataliputra, Kusumapura and Puspapura are randomly used in the Mudraraksasa and also in the Jaina narratives. The Prakrit versions of Pataliputra viz. Padaliputta and Padaliutta are found in the Prakrit portions of the Mudraraksasa. Pataliputra possesses a certain important position in ancient history of the Jainas, because the first conference of Ardhamagadhi canons was held at Pataliputra in the regime of Candragupta Maurya. It is noteworthy that the first Jaina Sanskrit philosophical text the Tattvarthasutra of Umasvati was written at Kusumapura. (b) Canakya's parnakuti : In the 15th verse of the third act of Mudradeg the simple hut-type residence of Canakya is described. Here,

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40 a person (i.e. Kancuki) admires the desireless and detached outlook of Canakya. Particularly the reference of dried cow-dung-cakes and dried grass are noteworthy from the Jaina perspective. The Jaina authors admire Canakya due to his selfless attitude and detached views. Hemacandra rightly says, '18 While describing the death of Canakya, Hemacandra has noted down the following verse dhUpAGgAreNAnilAsphAlitena prodyajjvAle drAkkarISasthale tu / dAruprAyo dahyamAno'pyakampo mauryAcAryo devyabhUttatra mRtvA // (Parisista-parva, Sarga 8, verse 469) The oldest Digambara reference of the Bhagavati Aradhana had mentioned that Canakya was burnt by Subandhu at gobbaragrama. He tolerated all the pains with calm and composed mind. 19 The Bhagavati Aradhana mentions gobbara-grama while the word 'gomaya' occurs in the description of parnakuti in the Mudraraksasa. (c) Parvataka and Visakanya: Reference of Parvataka and his death caused by Canakya by employing a visakanya - these incidents are common in both the Mudraraksasa and the Avasyakacurni in almost the same manner. The episode of Malayaketu is totally absent in the Jaina references. (d) Canakya's power of observation : Canakya's unique skill of minute observation is noted down in the second act of the Mudraraksasa. It is described that Canakya suspected the danger to Candragupta's life by minutely observing a line of ants (pipIlikApaGktim avalokya) coming from the hollow places of the broad walls of Candragupta's palace.20 In the Avasyaka-curni, it is told that a person called Naladama

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41 was killing ants by deeply digging the ground because the ants had done harm to Naladama. By observing this act of Naladama, Canakya thought that, he was a proper person for finding out and killing the harmful persons of the Nandas. The Avasyaka-curni notes down the account briefly, in the following manner - tidaMDI bAhiriyAe NaladAmaM muiMgamAragaM daThThe Agato, raNNA saddAvito, diNNaM ArakkhaM, vIsatthA katA, bhattadANe sakuDuMbA mAriyA / (AvCu. (II) p.565) (e) Canakya : A kingmaker or a shadow-king? When we think of the relation between Canakya and Candragupta with the help of the Mudraraksasa, it is quite clear that Canakya is really dominating minister. His supremacy is crystalclear. Canakya says that Candragupta's kingdom is 'sacivayatta' i.e. dependent upon ministers." The preceptor-disciple relationship between them is mentioned.22 Candragupta expresses his inability to transgress Canakya's words. 23 Not only in the third act dedicated to pseudo-conflict but at other places also the supremacy of Canakya is quite evident. The strict orders of Canakya are mentioned in the 6th act.24 In the 7th act which is the climax of the drama, the dramatist gives a specific art-direction to the character of Candragupta - viz. rAjA cANakyamukhamavalokayati ie the king looks at the face of Canakya. The truth of Canakya's supremacy is openly told in the Avasyaka-curni. The astrologer says to Canakya's father that, 'He will be a shadow-king'. 25 Many a times Canakya stops Candragupta by merely raising his eyebrows.26 Canakya openly says in front of a group of merchants that, 'The king is under my thumb' ( a). The preceptor-disciple relationship between Canakya and Candragupta is also noted down in the AvCu. Hemacandra uses the

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42 word 'mauryacarya' at the end of the biography of Canakya. The highest exaggeration is seen in the Harisena's Bihatkathakosa. It is told that actually Canakya became a king and ruled the country for many years.28 [13] Critical comments : If we try to know the biography of Canakya from the brahmanic sources, the Puranas, Brhatkathamanjari and Kathasaritsagara, it provides scanty information. Many scholars have tried to understand Canakya with the help of his monumental treatise Kautiliya Arthasastra. Some other scholars prefer to study the Mudraraksasa of Visakhadatta for the better understanding of Canakya. Here, we have tried out best to interprete the text of Mudraraksasa from the Jaina viewpoint. We hope that they are unexplored up till now and will throw new light on the Mudraraksasa. Though the Mudraraksasa is a political play, it is full of poetic values and rich with imaginative power. But we think that before writing such a play, the author Visakhadatta might have gone through thewritten and oral material available to him. If we assume the date of Visakhadatta as the 7th-8th century A.D., we know that the stray references in the Digambara literature and the Svetambara references in the Avasyaka and Nisitha-curni were available to the author. At least ample oral Prakrit narratives of the Jainas were prevalent in the society. Through these Prakrit legends he might have come to know the last phase of Canakya's life, particularly his sad death. Visakhadatta has chosen a particular part of Canakya's life in his drama. But if we supply the data before the author with the Jaina narratives, we immadiately come to know why he has chosen

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43 the name Raksasa for Amatya Subandhu. The names of Jivasiddhi Ksapanaka and Sarvarthasiddhi are definitely connected with the Jaina environment. The Jaina concept of Canakya's being a bimbantarita raja is reflected in the third act of the drama titled 'pseudo-conflict'. Thus we have to admit that the Mudraraksasa, observed from the Jaina viewpoint, reveals many new things which are not studied before. It is noteworthy that with a single exception of the Jugaijininda-cariya, the Mudraraksasa had left no impact on the Jaina literature up till the 15th 16th century. It is very interesting to note that, in the colophone of the Nisitha-curni, it is told that, "This curni is written by Visakhagani'. It is very curious to know that the Nisitha-curni is full of Canakyanarratives and it appreciates the strict rules of Canakya. The other coincidence is also noteworthy. The Digambara sources tell us that Candragupta was re-named after his initiation as 'Visakhacarya'. In the Jaina narratives and the Mudra', extreme regard for Canakya's political wisdom is seen. Both the sources honour Canakya for his selfless attitude in spite of his shrewd methods. The Mudradeg highlights a particular portion in the political life of Canakya and Candragupta, in such a manner that it acquired a unique position in the galaxy of classical Sanskrit dramas. The Jainas are interested in giving the whole biography of Canakya, full of various dramatic incidents but they never tried to write a drama, which is of course a difficult form of litera ture. If a curious reader wishes to know more about Canakya, he can

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knew it by going through the Jaina sources. particularly, the tragic end of Canakya and Subandhu (viz. amatya Raksasa) depicted in the Jaina literature, satisfies the readers by leading them to the logical end of the story. It is a particular tendancy of the Jainas that they never prefer loose ends in the philosophy and even in the narratives. Note: The references of Mudraraksasa are given from the edition of Dr. G.K.Bhat. The abbreviation of Mudraraksasa is 'Mudra" in the present article. 44 List of References - 1) Mudra Act 5, p.192 2) Mudra Act 4, p.186 3) Mudra Act 4, p.186 4) T&TH: bhadanta aparaiH sAMvatsarikaiH saha saMvAdyatAm - Mudra' Act 4, p.188 5) cANakyaH sa mayA kSapaNakaliGgadhArI nandavaMzavadhapratijJAnantarameva kusumapuramupanIya sarvanandAmAtyaiH saha sakhyaM grAhito vizeSatazca tasmin rAkSasaH samutpannavizrambhaH / - * Mudra Act 1, p.18 6) tattha NaM rAyagihe NaMde NAmaM maNiyAraseTThI parivasai | Nayadhammakaha, adhyayana 13, p.72 7) Mudra Act 1, p.38 8) Mudra Act 6, p.286 9 ) candanadAsaH - mottUNa AmisAI maraNabhaeNa tiNehiM jIantam / vAhANaM muddhahariNaM argi ant 114 ft || Mudrao Act 7, verse 3, p.286 10) Mudra Act 1, p.22 11) Mudra Act 2, p.78

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12) Mudra Act 1, p.20 13) Mudra Act 1, p.20 14) Mudra Act 1, p.44 15) NisCu. Part IV, p.10-11 45 16) Upadesapada-tika Part I, verses 42,44,50,128 17) pAuDakavI ahaM / Mudra Act 2, p.68 18) Parisistaparva, Sarga 8, verse 201 19) Bhagavati Aradhana, verse 155 20) Mudra Act 2, p. 80 21) Mudra Act 3, p.126 22) cANakyaH - ziSyeNa svairarucayo na niroddhavyA: / Mudradeg Act 3, p.126 - 23) na zaknumo vayamAryasya vAcA vAcamatizayitum / Mudra' Act 3, p.142 24) ajjacANakkANattI Mudra Act 6, p.254 ajjacANakkAdesaM Mudradeg Act 6, p.266 25) ettA va biMbaMtarito bhavissati / avCu p.563 26) cANakkeNa bhiguDI katA, Niyatto / avCu. p.565 27) avCU. p.565 28) cakAra vipulaM rAjyaM cANAkyo nijabuddhitaH / Brhatkathakosa story 143, verse.71 //////

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46

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41 CHAPTER 4 CANAKYA : REVEALED THROUGH THE JAINA LITERATURE [1 ] Introduction [2] References of Canakya in the Svetambara literature (A) 44 references in tabular form (B) Translation, explanation and observations on each reference [3] References of Canakya in the Digambara literature (A) 13 references in tabular form (B) Translation, explanation and observations on each reference

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48

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49 CHAPTER 4 CANAKYA : REVEALED THROUGH THE JAINA LITERATURE [1] Introduction : When we consider all the brahmanic sources alongwith the Mudraraksasa, we come to know that we get a meager information about the special features of Canakya's personality, the incidents of his life, his relationship with Candragupta and his contribution in the governance of the Magadha kingdom. When we cast a glance to the entries given in the kosas like the Marathi Visvakosa or the Bharatiya-samskrti-kosa, they quote brahmanic sources like the Puranas, the Kathasaritsagara, the Mudraraksasa and some unknown legends without giving their exact literary sources. Generally they relie on the fanciful and imaginary novels like the 'Nspanirmata Canakya' of Dr. R.C.Dhere or the 'Arya' authored by Shri Vasant Patwardhan. The eminent scholars like Durga Bhagvat and Mr. B.R.Hivargavkar had given only one or two passing references from the Jaina literature, which are poorly interpreted by them. Without going into a deeper search, Mr. Hivargavkar says, "In the Brahmanic, Buddhist and Jaina literature, it is noted that Kautilya was a prime-minister of Candragupta. The Brahmanic books praise Kautilya while a kind of disregard and censure is seen in the Buddhist and Jaina literature. A harsh attitude towards pasandas (heretics i.e. the Jaina and Buddhist monks) is seen in the Kautiliya Arthasastra, naturally the Buddhists and Jainas have expressed a disdainful and contemptuous attitude towards Canakya." (Hivargavkar, H II, p.22)

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50 A pet model of the scholars of the first half of the last century is seen in this remark. They generally assume that, 'Since the Jainas and Buddhas are heretic sister systems, they possess the same view on certain points' - which is not true in every case. The other method of these scholars is to use the phrase - 'The Buddhas and Jainas' in which the antiquity of the Jainas is totally neglected. As noted in the prologue of this book, we have limited our scope to the Jaina literature. With a Cursury look to the Buddhist literature, one can know immediately that there are very few tales and narratives about Canakya in the Buddhist literature while the whole Jaina literature, both the Svetambara and Digambara, is literally flooded with the references to Canakya, from the 2nd century B.C. to 15th century A.D. From the language-point-of-view, we find the references in Ardhamagadhi, Jaina Maharastri, Jaina Sauraseni, Sanskrit and Apabhramsa i.e. in all the languages adopted by the Jainas through several centuries. In the introduction of the Mudraraksasa, the reputed scholar Dr. R.D.Karmarkar had noted the Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina sources of the play. (Introduction of the Mudraraksasa, R.D.Karmarkar, pp.1314) It is queer that he had noted down four Buddhist sources and had completely ignored the Jaina sources. It is a solemn duty of a true academician to highlight the neglected part in a certain area of research and to give justice to it. With this honest intention, we fathomed the whole available Jaina literature and classified it considering the century, language, author, title of the book and the gist of the references. The legacy of the Canakya-narratives is divided into two parts. At first, the Svetambara references are presented in a tabular form and then the Digambara

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51 references are tabularized in the same manner. Both the tables are supplied with the summary of each reference with some important critical remarks. [2] References of Canakya in the Svetambara. Literature : (A) 44 references in tabular form The serial order mentioned in this chart is likewise : Serial No. - Century - Name of the Language - Title of the Work - Name of the Author - Reference Number - Gist of the Reference. Language - abbriviations used : AMg. = Ardhamagadhi ; JM. = Jaina Maharastri ; Skt. = Sanskrit. 1. 3. 1st-2nd ; AMg. ; Anuyogadvara ; Arya Raksita ; sutra 49 ; The name of the book viz. 'Kautiliya', included in the list of the popular heretic texts. 3rd_4th ; Old JM. ; Avasyaka-niryukti ; Bhadrabahu ; Niryuktisamgraha, p.93 ga.51 ; Name of Canakya in the list of examples given for parinamiki-buddhi. 3rd 4th ; Old JM. ; Pinda-niryukti ; Bhadrabahu ; ga.500 (single verse) ; Reference suggestive of a short story about mystic powers of a monk. 3rd 4th ; Old JM. ; Ogha-Niryukti ; Bhadrabahu ; ga.418 (single verse) ; A rule of conduct prescribed for a monk. 4th-5th ; JM. ; Upadesamala ; Dharmadasa-gani ; ga.74, 150 ; Passing references of Canakya and Candragupta. 5th ; AMg. ; Nandisutra ; Devavacaka ; ga.80 (single verse) ; Name of Canakya in the list of examples given for parinamikibuddhi. 4. 5. 6.

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5th; AMg.; Nandisutra; Devavacaka; sutra 41; The name of the book Kautiliya, included in the list of heretic texts. 5th; JM.; Atura-Pratyakhyana II (Prakirnaka); ga.23 (single verse); Death of Canakya. 5th; JM.; Bhaktaparijna (Prakirnaka); ga.162 (single verse); Death of Canakya. 5th; JM.; Maranavibhakti (Prakirnaka); ga.479 (single verse) ; Death of Canakya. 10. 5th; JM.; Samstaraka (Prakirnaka); ga.73,74 (two verse); Death of Canakya. 11. 5th; JM.; Aradhanapataka (Prakirnaka); ga.824 (single verse) ; Death of Canakya. 12. 6th; JM.; Vyavaharabhasya 7. 8. 52 9. 1.91 (716) (single verse); Destruction of the enemies by Canakya. 6th; JM.; Vyavaharabhasya; 1.132 (952) (single verse); Dandaniti of Kautilya. 6th; JM.; Vyavaharabhasya; 10.592 (4420) (single verse); Death of Canakya. 13. 6th; JM.; Nisitha-bhasya; ga. 616, 4463, 4464, 4465, 5137, 5138,5139; These gathas are connected to the rules of the Jaina monastic conduct. 14. 7th; JM.; Avasyaka-curni; Jinadasa-gani; p.156 (single line) ; The Arthasastra written by Kautilya. 7th; JM.; Avasyaka-curni; Jinadasa-gani; p.281 (short story) ; Praising of heretics. 7th; JM.; Avasyaka-curni; Jinadasa-gani; pp.563-566; Full biography in brief manner.

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53 15. 7th; JM.; Nisitha-curni Part II; Jinadasa-gani; p.33; A story concerned to the rule prescribed for a monk. 16. 7th; JM.; Nisitha-curni Part III ; Jinadasa-gani; pp.423-424; A story concerned to the rule prescribed for a monk; Reference of the severe drought. 17. 7th; JM.; Nisitha-curni Part IV; Jinadasa-gani; pp.10-11; A story concerned to the strict orders of the Maurya king. 7th; JM.; Nisitha-curni Part IV; Jinadasa-gani; p.395 Total verses 3 (in prasasti); Nisitha-sutra written by Visakhagani. 18. 7th; JM.; Acaranga-curni; Jinadasa-gani; p.49 (a single line); Wife of Canakya, Destruction of the Nanda-dynasty. 19. 7th; JM.; Sutrakrtanga-curni ; Jinadasa-gani; p.166 (a brief reference); The Arthasastra written by Kautilya. 7th; JM.; Sutrakrtanga-curni; Jinadasa-gani; p.167 (a brief reference); Collecting money in deceitful manner. 20. 7th; JM.; Dasavaikalika-curni; Jinadasa-gani; pp.81-82; The remaining biography of Canakya in continuation with the Avasyaka-curni, in brief manner. 21. 8th; JM.; Avasyaka-tika; Haribhadra ; p.342; An example of pasaka (in brief). 8th; JM.; Avasyaka-tika; Haribhadra; p.405; Advice given to Candragupta (in brief). 8th; JM.; Avasyaka-tika; Haribhadra; p.423; The Arthasastraan example of vainayiki buddhi (in brief). 8th; JM.; Avasyaka-tika; Haribhadra; p.428; Example of parinamiki-buddhi (in brief). 8th; JM.; Avasyaka-tika; Haribhadra; pp.433-435; A short biography of Canakya imitating the Avasyaka-curni.

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54 gth ; JM. ; Avasyaka-tika ; Haribhadra ; p.817 (short story) ; Praising of heretics. 22. 8th ; JM. ; Dasavaikalika-tika ; Haribhadra ; p.435 (short story) ; Collecting wealth from merchants. 23. 8th;JM.;Upadesapada;Haribhadra ; ga.17,42,44,50,128,139,196 ; Various stories suggested in brief manner. 24. gth; JM. ; Kuvalayamala ; Uddyotana ; Passing reference of the Arthasastra. 25. 9th ; Skt. ; Acaranga-tika ; Silanka ; p.100 (single line) ; Wife of Canakya ; Destruction of the Nanda-dynasty. 26. 9th ; Skt. ; Sutrakrtanga-tika ; Silanka ; p.169 (single line) ; Deceitful means to gather wealth. 27. 9th ; JM. ; Dharmopadesamala ; Jayasimha ; Two short stories, p.129,138 ; (i) Gathering wealth from merchants (ii) Death of Canakya and Subandhu. 28. 11th ; JM. ; Katha-kosa-prakarana ; Jinesvara ; pp.176-177 ; Duties of a king without naming Kautilya's Arthasastra. 29. 11th ; Skt. ; Sthananga-tika ; Abhayadeva ; p.281 (single line) ; Examination of various monks. 30. 11th ; Skt. ; Samavayanga-tika ; Abhayadeva ; p.55 (single line) ; Kautilya-sastra causing harm to the beings. 31. 11th ; Skt. ; Jnatadharmakatha-tika ; Abhayadeva ; p.12 (single line) ; The Arthasastra - a book for creating wealth. 32. 11th ; JM. ; Uttaradhyayana-tika (Sukhabodha) ; Nemicandra ; pp.57-69 ; Selected stories of Canakya. 33. 11th ; Skt. ; Ogha-niryukti-tika ; Dronacarya ; p.152 ; Short reference of strict orders of Canakya.

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55 34. 12th ; JM. ; Vyavahara-tika ; Malayagiri ; pp. 76-77 ; Story of Naladama, destructing favorite persons of Nanda. 35. 12th ; JM. ; Yugadi-jinendra-carita ; Vardhamana ; pp.50-55 ; Whole biography of Canakya - a part of Kunala-katha. 36. 12th ; JM. ; Visesavasyaka-bhasya-tika ; Maladhari-Hemacandra ; tika on ga.464; Secret script developed by Canakya. 37. 12th ; JM. ; Upadesamala-tika ; Ratnaprabha ; pp.354-363 (total gathas 182); Whole biography of Canakya with author's remarks in-between. 38. 12th ; JM. ; Upadesapada-tika ; Municandra ; pp. 109-114 (to tal gathas 178) ; Whole biography of Canakya. 39. 12th ; Skt. ; Upadesapada-tika ; Municandra ; p.154 ; Complete faith of Candragupta on his guru - Canakya. 40. 12th ; Skt. ; Parisista-parva ; Hemacandra ; Sarga 8, pp.77-86, ga. 194-469 ; The longest biography of Canakya with rich poetic values. 41. 12th ; Skt. ; Abhidhana-cintamani-namamala ; Hemacandra ; ga.853-854 ; Noted by scholars as synonyms of Canakya. 42. 13th ; JM. ; Tarangalola ; Nemicandra-gaai ; ga.853 ; Passing reference of the duties of a female messenger. 43. 14th ; Skt. ; Pinda-niryukti-avacuri ; Ksamaratna ; p.92, tika on ga.500 ; Incident during severe drought at Pataliputra. 44. 14th ; Skt. ; Vividha-tirth-kalpa ; Jinaprabha ; Ch.36, p.69 ; A Kalpa (chapter) dedicated to Pataliputra. Passing reference of Canakya.

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56 [B] Translation, explanation and observations on each reference : [1] The Anuyogadvara of Arya Raksita is the late Ardhamagadhi or old Jaina Maharastri text. Traditionally Arya Raksita belongs to the 1st-2nd century A.D. It is mentioned in the 49th sutra of the Anuyogadvara that, # kiM taM loiyaM bhAvasuyaM ? jaM imaM aNNANiehiM micchAdiTThIhiM scchNdbuddhi-mivigppiyN| JET-ARE TAPI for too olfsgi-----a a agi d i Here, kodillaya is certainly the treatise of Kautilya which is designated as 'laukika bhavasruta' (viz. worldly or conventional scripture). It is mentioned that all these scriptures are composed by ignorant heretics with the help of their fanciful imaginations. A sense of disregard is explicitely seen in this expression. But we have to interprete it in the light of the 'naya-theory'. From the viewpoint of niscaya-naya (spiritual outlook) the above-mentioned texts are less important than the ganipitaka, containing the eleven angas constructed by the Jinas. Still, from the viewpoint of vyavahara-naya (popular outlook) the enumeration of laukika bhavasruta is done. Devavacakagani is aware of the fact that it is not proper to dismiss the popular texts totally. So one additional comment is seen in the Nandisutra regarding these texts. Some scholars have interpreted the word 'kodillaya' as 'kutilasastra' i.e. 'a text written by a cunning person'. But when we observe the list, we realize that it is certainly a syllabus of fromal education at that time. The word kodillaya refers to the Kautiliya Arthasastra, a text containing economics, politics and ethics together. This is probably the oldest Jaina reference of the Kautiliya Arthasastra noted down in the early centuries of Christian Era.

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57 [2] The Avasyaka-niryukti of Bhadrabahu (2nd) is an old Jaina Maharastri text which belongs to the 3rd or 4th century A.D. Bhadrabahu says - khavage amaccaputte cANakke ceva thUlabhadde a / --------- ----------------- pAriNAmia-buddhIe evamAI udAharaNA Niryukti-samgraha, ga.51 (p.93) Here Canakya is mentioned as an example of ParinamikiBuddhi, i.e. the intellectual capacity or wisdom acquired by experi ence. The examples and stories connected with parinamiki-buddhi are explained at length in the later texts. Many of the texts present a lot of Canakya-episodes as the examples of parinamiki-buddhi. The sense of appreciation and regards towards Canakya is quite evident in these examples. We know that the Kautiliya Arthasastra is really a treasurebook which illuminates various aspects of human life in general and a miraculous blend of contemporary political thoughts, economy and socio-moral values in particular. We can easily conjucture that it is the essence of Canakya's life-long experience of good governance. It is sure that Bhadrabahu (II) had appreciated his text i.e. Kautiliya Arthasastra by including him in the examples of parinamiki-buddhi. It seems that Arya Raksita had a little hesitation to quote the text of Kautilya, but Bhadrabahu appreciates his wisdom wholeheartedly along with the revered Jaina monk Sthulabhadra, a contemporary of Canakya. [3] The Pinda-niryukti of Bhadrabahu (2nd) is an old Jaina Maharastri text written in the 3rd 4th century A.D. The gatha runs as

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follows cunne aMtaddhANe cANakke pAyalevaNe joge / mUle vivAhe do daMDiNI u AyANa parisADe / / 58 ga.500, p.91 b (pothi form) The first line of this gatha is connected with one incident in the life of Canakya. Two young disciples of a Jaina acarya used curna (fine powder) to disappear temporarily for the naked eye. Canakya realized the device and forced them to appear in front of the common eyesight. (comm. cUrNenAntarddhAne'dRSTikaraNe cANakyaviditau kSulla nidarzanam / ) This story is explained in three bhasyagathas of the Pindaniryukti. Further on, this account found place in the Nisithacurni and in the life-history of Canakya presented in the later storyliterature. Ksamaratna (14th century A.D.) had written a full story while explaining this gatha, in his Pinda-niryukti-avacuri. We will give our comments on the story when we come chronologically to the 14th century A.D. It is noteworthy that the Jainas have imbibed not only the name of Canakya but have carried forward the tales about Canakya in their commentarial literature. [4] The Ogha-niryukti of Bhadrabahu (2nd) is an old Jaina Maharastri text written in the 3rd-4th century A.D. The concerned portion of the text is uggahakAIyavajjaM chaMDaNa vavahAru labbhae tattha / gAravie pannavaNA tava ceva aNuggaho esa / / ga.418, p.152 (pothi form)

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59 The commentary of Dronacarya (11th century A.D.) helps a lot to understand the text properly. It referes to the strict orders of Canakya, prohibiting the disposal of excreta and urine in the populated area. The commentary runs like this - "TEFY YETIGSU afghafa , TTISET H21C3: , 7 a ted: YfUE: , da: focalfart: Hala 1 --- Je autosta fot31 - ' kAiaM na vosirai tato adoso / ' ayamitthaMbhUtastatra vyavahAro labhyate , tata: colici a frusia "? The above-mentioned niryukti is of utmost importance because it is directly connected with the rules of monastic conduct. The chedasutrakara Bhadrabahu (Bhadrabahu I) was most probably a contemporary of Canakya. "The similarities between the chedarules and Canakyan rules'-is a big interesting topic for a researcher. The present niryukti-gatha and it's commentary is really helpful to establish the connection of the both. Later on the rule of paristhapana-samiti or utsarga-samiti was included in the daily routine conduct of a monk. The Tattvarthasutra, the highly honoured Jaina philosophical text of the 4th century A.D. explains utsarga-samiti in the following manner - *Correct disposal of excreta means depositing stools, phlegm, spit, urine somewhere not occupied by mobile or immobile life-forms.' (Tattvarthasutra, ed. Nathmal Tatia, 9.5) [5] The Upadesamala of Dharmadasagani is a text written in old Jaina Maharastri during the 4th-5th century A.D. The book deserves the first and the foremost position in the long list of didactic books, written in the Jaina tradition. It contains542 dvaragathas in which 70 narratives are interwoven. The 150th dvaragatha of Upadesamala says -

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luddhA sakajjaturiA , suhiNo'vi visaMvayaMti kayakajjA / jaha caMdaguttaguruNA , pavvayao ghAio rAyA / / The context of this gatha is altogether different. The author says, "Nobody should trust even one's own son." For this he gives the example of Srenika (Bimbisara) and Kunika (Ajatasatru). It is known that Kunika put his father Srenika in the jail and afterwards killed him treacherously. One more example of treachery is given in the above- mentioned gatha. It is mentioned that, "The greedy and impatient persons who are very much eagar to achieve their goal, deceive their own kinsfolk. See, how the guru of Candragupta killed king Parvataka by treacherous means.' The concerned dvaragatha provides enough scope for the commentator to give the full biography of Canakya. Taking into consideration the tone of disregard reflected in this dvaragatha, the commentator Ratnaprabha describes the deceitful and cunning nature of Canakya by giving a lot of examples from Canakya's life-story. Ratnaprabha belongs to the 12th century A.D. So, when we proceed to the 12th century-references chronologically, we will give more details of his story with critical remarks. At present, when we think over the above-mentioned dvaragatha, three things are sure that - (i) Canakya is mentioned as the guru (preceptor) of Candragupta. (ii) With the help of king Parvataka (Puru or Selyucus ?) Candragupta overpowered the kingdom of Magadha. (iii) It was Canakya, who advised Candragupta to kill Parvataka in order to become a sole king. Jinadasagani, the author of the Avasyaka-curni, has incorpo

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61 rated these facts in his Canakya-katha, but his perspective is different. He depicts these facts as the examples of Canakya's "parinamikibuddhi', in which a tinge of appreciation can be guessed. [6] The Nandisutra of Devavacakagani is written in later Ardhamagadhi or old Jaina Maharastri during the 5th century A.D. The concerned passage runs thus - se kiM taM micchasuyaM ? micchasuyaM jaM imaM aNNANiehiM micchaddiTThIhiM sacchaMdabuddhimativiyappiyaM, taM jahA - bhArahaM rAmAyaNaM haMbhImAsurakkhaM koDillayaM -----cattAri ya vedA saMgovaMgA , eyAI micchaddihissa micchattapariggahiyAI micchasuyaM , eyANi ceva sammaddihissa sammattapariggahiyAI sammasuyaM / ahavA micchaddiTThissa vi sammasuyaM , catal? 447237107377 | (sutra 72 (1)) In this passage, the mithyasrutas (heretic scriptures) are enumerated. According to the author of Nandi (i.e. Devavacakagani) the following heretic scriptures are full of falacies and free-willed imaginations. The texts are the Bharata, the Ramayana --- the book written by Kautilya (i.e. the Kautiliya Arthasastra) --- the four Vedas with the angas and upangas. But in the same passage, it is clearly mentioned that if they are studied by a person having samyaktva (enlightened worldview or right faith) then the same sastras become samyaksruta i.e. source of right knowledge. Almost all Indologists and particularly experts in the Kautilyan studies, interprete this passage with the presumption that the Jainas possess a sense of reproach about Canakya and censured his treatise as a mithyasruta. When we see the weightage given to the Canakya-narratives in the Jaina literature, we come to know that the Jaina acaryas are very well conversent with the text of the Arthasastra and have

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keenly documented the floating legends of Canakya whenever they got the opportunity. The other noteworthy thing is, when Jainas pictured Canakya or Kautilya as parama-sravaka, his treatise becomes a samyaksruta automatically. Thus it is not proper to interprete the passages describing mithyasrutas in the Anuyogadvara and the Nandi on its face-value, but a deeper insight is necessary. [7] The Atura-pratyakhyana (II) is an old Jaina Maharastri text, enumerated under the old prakirnakas. This anonymous text is probably included in the traditional 45 Ardhamagadhi canons during the 5th century A.D. The 23rd gatha of the prakirnaka mentions - eso (evaM) suhapariNAmo cANakko payahiUNa niyadehaM / uvavanno suraloe, paccakkhAyaM mae savvaM / / The religious minded person, who has accepted the willful death (sasthara) exclaims, "Canakya allowed to burn his body, remaining in the pure state of mind (or soul). Due to this noble act, he was reborn in the heaven. Likewise, I will also abandone all my attachments." The prakirnaka and mostly all of the old prakirnakas deal with pandita-marana (i.e. the death of wise persons). Canakya's unpurturbed mental state, unparallelled power of endurance and detached view towards life at the last moment of his life are highly appreciated and praised in the prakirnakas. The same regard is seen in one of the oldest Digambara text named the Bhagavati Aradhana.

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[8] The Bhakta-parijna is a prakirnaka text written in old Jaina Maharastri during the 5th century. The 162nd gatha of this text runs - pADaliputtammi pure cANakko nAma vissuo AsI / savvAraMbhaniyatto iMgiNimaraNaM aha nivanno / / 63 From this single verse, we learn that Canakya belonging to Pataliputra was very famous at that time when this text was written. Many legends about Canakya were in vogue in the society. The narratives were handed down from generation to generation. The adjective suggest that though Canakya was active in politics throughout his life, at the fag end of his life, he completely abstained from violence. His death is described as fs-f14'. In this type of death, a person never takes any help of others for his upkeep. The gaatha suggests that the death of Canakya might have happened nereby Pataliputra. The same gatha is found in Samstaraka-prakirnaka. The sense of regard towards Canakya is evident. [9] The Marana-vibhakti is also an anonymous prakirnaka written in old Jaina Maharastri around the 5th century A.D. Gatha 479 gives the details as follows gobbara pAovagao subuddhiNA NigghiNeNa cANakko / daDDho na ya saMcalio, sAhu dhiI ciMtaNijjA u / / The information given in this verse can be analysed in the following manner - We find more details about Canakya's death than that of the previous prakirnakas. * 'Subuddhi' was extremely pitiless and he burnt Canakya in alive state.

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64 * This incident took place at the village 'gobbara'. * The death of Canakya is designated here as 'WP1444' or YIG419147. * His unperturbed mental disposition is the ideal for every monk. * The name 'gobbara' reminds us a place, where lord Mahavira once resided during his varsavasa (i.e. a stay during the rainyseason). * We can connect the adjective fejut' to the personality of "T&TA', depicted in the drama Mudraraksasa of Visakhadatta. This verse almost matches with the verse quoted in the BhagavatiAradhana, a revered Digambara work of the the 4th century A.D. [10] The Samstaraka prakirnaka quotes two gathas about Canakya's death, gatha 73 is similar to Bhakta-parijna. Gatha 74 runs in the following manner - aNulomapUyaNAe saha se sattuMjao (? sattU jao) Dahai dehaM / so vi taha DajjhamANo paDivanno uttamaM aTuM / / His (Canakya's) enemy put fire on him in the disguise of performing puja. He endured all the pains afflicted on him and attained that which is extremely attainable' (i.e. heaven or libera tion). * Here, the name of Canakya's enemy is not given but one more detail is provided that he approached Canakya to adore, but actually he put fire on him. [11] The Aradhana-pataka prakirnaka repeats almost the same details about Canakya's death with very few new details. It is told in the 824th gatha that - kiM na suo cANakko saDDho guDhe subaMdhuNA daDDho / iMgiNimaraNapavanno dhIro calio na jhANAo / /

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We can summarize the verse as follows - * The words for 7 931' suggest the oral tradition of the Canakya narratives. * Canakya is called 'HE' i.e. a Jaina householder. * The horrific incident happened in a cow-pen ('TE'). * Subandhu put fire on him. * His death is designated as 'sts- UT. * Canakya's outstanding courage ("') is honoured. * At that time Canakya was in deep meditation. Thus, the prakirnakas provide the details of Canakya's death. Each reference tells something new. On this background it is queer that the brahmanic (or Hindu) sources have kept a mum about the death of Canakya. [12] The Vyavahara-bhasya holds an important position among the traditional commentarial literature on the Jaina canons. It is conjunctured that the three famous bhasyas viz. Kalpa, Nisitha, Vyavahara are probably written during the 4th-5th century A.D. in Arsa Prakrit or in old Jaina Maharastri. The authors are unknown and the bhasya texts are found mixed with the niryuktis. All the bhasyas contain myths, legends, hearsays and popular stories alongwith the rules and regulations of the monastic conduct. In the original gathas of the Vyavahara-bhasya, three references are found which are concerned to Canakya. Without the help of Malayagiri's commentary (12th century A.D.) it is impossible to understand the brief and passing references. We will discuss the whole stories when we will reach up to the 12th century of this survey. At present, only the bhasya-gathas are mentioned with a brief summary.

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[A] Vyavahara-bhasya 1.91 (716): 66 naMde bhoiya khaNNA Arakkhiya ghaDaNa geru naladAme / muIga geha DahaNA ThavaNA bhattesu kattasirA / / It is specifically mentioned here that for the welfare of the society how Canakya completely eradicated the trouble-shooters who were pro-nandas. Taking into consideration the noble purpose behind Canakya's ruthless measures, a sense of regard towards Canakya is seen here. Malayagiri gives the full account at length by using the sources documented in the Avasyaka-curni. [B] Vyavahara-bhasya 1.132 (952): bhaMbhIyamAsurukkhe, mADharakoDiNNa (? lla) daMDanItI / atha'laMca'pakkhagAhI, erisayA rUvajakkhA tu / / Though the full meaning is not clear, it is sure that this gatha refers to the science of dandaniti employed by Kautilya i.e. the Kautiliya Arthasastra. It is noted that in the regime of Kautilya there was no scope for bribary and his attitude was impartial. The tone of admiration towards Canakya is quite clear in this gatha in spite of some ambiguity in it. [C] Vyavahara-bhasya 10.592 (4420) : paDiNIyayAe koI, aggiM se savvato padejjAhi / pAdovagate saMte jaha cANakkassa va kase / / 9 Pandita-marana of Canakya is highlighted here by designating it as padapopagamana. It is mentioned that how Canakya's enemy put fire on him. It is told that one should remember the courage of Canakya when one accepts samthara. We have already seen that the same thing about Canakya's death is repeatedly told in the prakirnakas.

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Thus, the Vyavahara-bhasya throws light on the three major things about Canakya - (i) His harsh measures to eradicate enemies. (ii) His impartial attitude reflected in his sastric work on 67 dandaniti. (iii) His horrific death with his extra-ordinary power of endurance. [13] The Nisitha-bhasya is one of the oldest triad of bhasyas, viz. Kalpa-Vyavahara-Nisitha belonging to the 4th-5th century A.D. It is written in Arsa Prakrit or Old Jaina Maharastri. According to the tradition, Samghadasagani is the author of this bhasya who is of course different from the author of the Vasudevahindi. The number of bhasya-gathas is 6703, which are divided into 20 uddesas. In the Nisitha-bhasya, there are three sets of bhasya-gathas which contain the seeds of the Canakya-narratives. These suggestive stories are further elaborated in the Nisitha-curni. Therefore, at this place, we will only enumerate the references in a brief manner. (A) Nisitha-bhasya, gatha 616: NAsA muhaNissAsA, pupphajiyavadho tadassitANaM ca / AyAe visapupphaM, tabbhAvitamacca diTTaMto / / The bhasya is connected with certain monastic rule in which smelling of live flowers are strictly prohibited for monks, due to many reasons. In the second line of the verse, it is told that there is a famous story of Canakya the prime-minister who anointed the brich-leaf with some poisonous fragrance. The detailed story is given in the curni. It is noteworthy that while prescribing the code of conduct to the monks and nuns, the bhasyakaras, every now and then remem

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ber Canakya. (B) Nisitha-bhasya, gathas 4463 ; 4464; 4465 : jaMghAhINe ome , kusumapure sissa jogarahakaraNaM / khuDgadugaM'jaNasuNaNaM , gamaNaM desaMta osaraNaM / / bhikkhe parihAyaMte , therANaM ome tesi deMtANaM / sahabhojja caMdagutte , omoyariyAe dobballaM / / cANakkapuccha , iTTAlacuNNa dAraM piheu dhUmo ya / dissA kuccha pasaMsA , therasamIve uvAlaMbho / / The connected Nisitha-sutra prescribes atonement to a monk who enjoyes the food not by begging alms but by stealing the food in invisibly by enchanting some occult mantra. The bhasyakara immediately remembers the same situation in the history of CanakyaCandragupta. He describes in a brief manner, the story of the preceptor Susthita and his two junior disciples. The curnikara elaborates the story with interesting details and appropriate conversa tions. It seems that, the severe drought in Magadha, led the Jaina acaryas to formulate new rules for the monks and nuns. (C) Nisitha-bhasya, gathas 5137; 5138 ; 5139 : muriyAdI ANAe , aNavattha paraMparAe thirakaraNaM / micchattaM saMkAdI , pasajjaNA jAva carimapadaM / / avarAhe lahugataro , kiM Nu hu ANAe gurutaro daMDo / ANAe cciya caraNaM , tabbhaMge kiM na bhaggaM tu / / bhattamadANamaDate , ANaThThavaNaMba chettu vaMsavatI / gavisaNa patta darisite , purisavati sabAlaDahaNaM ca / / The main topic of discussion in the Nisitha-sutra is - "Whether 'a fault' is more serious or breaking a particular order' is more serious offence ?'' The word 'muriya' is Candragupta Maurya. It is

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69 told that in the reign of Candragupta, 'ajnabhanga' is the most serious offence. It is mentioned that Canakya punished the whole village by putting fire to them because they didn't follow the written order of the king. The whole story is given at length in the Nisitha-curni. Thus there are total seven gathas in the Nisitha-bhasya which are connected to the rules of the Jaina monastic conduct. All of them reflect the high appreciation of the strict law-code laid down by Canakya. [14] The Avasyaka-curni of Jinadasagani-mahattara carries a special position when we ponder over the Canakya-references found in the Svetambara Jaina literature. Traditionally the authorship of almost all the curnis is given to Jinadasagani and it is told that he belongs to the 6th - 7th century A.D. The Avasyaka-curni and the Nisitha-visesa-curni written in mixed Prakrit are highly praised by the scholars of Indology. These two treatises are literally a rich mine of minute details encompassing all the contemporary cultural features of India. At three places, Jinadasa has mentioned Canakya in the curni. (i) Av Cu (Part I) p.156 : Passing reference of the Kautilya's Arthasastra and its origin. (ii) Av Cu (Part II) p.281 : Praise of the heretics by Canakya and its after-effects described in a small narrative. (iii) Av Cu (Part II) pp.563-566 : Except two major incidents describing the last lapse of Canakya's life, the whole biography of Canakya is noted down here in a brief manner. All the happenings are dpicted as the examples of 'parinamiki-buddhi.' (i) Av Cu (Part I) p.156 presents the whole biography of Rsabhadeva. It is described that how the first Tirthankara introduced 72 arts for

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70 men and 64 arts for women. One of these art was 'dandaniti'. The carnikara comments - 'atthasatthA koDillayamAdI tadA uppannA / ' It is remarkable that though the curnikara has given credit to Rsabhadeva, as an originator of dandaniti he is fully aware that it is Kautilya who has presented the Arthasastra in its final shape. The concerned reference removes all the doubts whether Kautilya or Canakya has authored the Arthasastra or not. (ii) Av Cu (Part II) p.281 presents a small narrative in the following manner - "parapAsaMDapasaMsAe - pADaliputte cANakko, caMdaotteNa bhicchuyANaM vittI hAritA, te tassa dhammaM kaheMti, rAyA tUsati, cANakkaM paloeti, Na pasaMsati tti Na deti, tehiM cANakkabhajjA olaggati, tIe so karaNaM kArito tehiM kahite bhaNati - tubbhehiM pasaMsitaM, so bhaNati - mae pasaMsitaM aho savvAraMbhapavannA kiha logavattiyAvaNagANi kareMti tti, pacchA Thito, kato erisagA ? tamhA Na kaatvvaa||" The same narrative is given in the Yugadi-jinendra-carita of Vardhamana (12th century A.D.) which is a classical book written in Jaina Maharastri. With the help of Yugadi's story, the Avasyaka story can be freely translated as - "The subject of the story is 'praising the heretics' (i.e. one of the five transgressions of samyaktva). Canakya was at Pataliputra. Candragupta stopped the charity grants of the livelihood of the medicants. They delivered religious surmon to Candragupta. The king was happy. Candragupta looked at Canakya. He was not satisfied and impressed. He didn't praise the heretics. Candragupta offered no donations to them. The ascetics approached Canakya's wife and requested her to persuade Canakya in favour of them. When they again presented their surmon in the court, Canakya exclaimed, 'Wellsaid !' The king releived their grants and offered them a lot more. On the next day Canakya asked the king, "Why so much

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71 generosity ?' The king said, 'You have praised them.' Canakya explained, 'My intension was not that. These mendicants are always engaged in various sinful acts like violence and non-celebacy. How can they carry on their business of professing ethical values to the people ?' With this explanation the king again stopped the grants. Canakya was able enough to bring the things on right track. But how many people have this ability ? Therefore it is better to refrain always from the praise of the heretics." Interpretation of the Narrative : According to the Jaina tradition, Canakya was a Jaina householder. Therefore it is depicted in this story that he was against the non-Jaina ascetics. Some of the modern interpreters of the Kautiliya Arthasastra claim that Canakya's view about the Jaina and the Bauddha bhiksus was harsh. They want to depict Canakya as a re-installer of vaidikaarya-dharma. We think that both these views carry extremism. When we have a deeper view in the Kautiliya Arthasastra, we know that though Canakya is a bit partial to the srotriya brahmins, his attitude towards all types of ascetics, mendicants or monk-class, is the same. He did not allow any householder to accept dikna in the young age without the permission of his family-members because the deserted families become the liability of the king and become a burden to the government-treasury. A punishment is prescribed for such type of mendicants. One more thing is told that such wandering monks should work as informers or spies for the good of the state. In nutshell, we can say that if we remove the Jainification from the story, the truth remains that Canakya was against the

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72 charity in the name of religion, when it becomes a liability to the royal treasury. Canakya prohibits such charities particularly when the economy of the state is in crisis. In some of the Jaina narratives it is told that the financial position of the Maurya kingdom was not well at that time. (iii) Av Cu (Part II) pp.563-566 presents almost the whole biography of Canakya excluding the last phase of Canakya's life. Here the whole original story is divided in suitable parts and literal English translation of each part is given. At some places while translating, a certain liberty is taken because the language of curni is a bit hard due to the brevity, which is the stylistic peculiarity of the language. The story runs in the following manner Passage 1 : cANakke - gollavisae caNiyaggAmo, tattha caNio mAhaNo, so ya sAvao, tassa ghare sAdhU ThitA, putto se jAto saha dADhAhiM, teNa sAdhUNa pAesu ufs3ii, af? vfuci, uen afefafa, am fafari mA doggatiM jAissaitti daMtA agi, yuii fa 3/4ukuvi onfeci, afe ufurdi - fan hoog ? galefa fadakal bhavissati / - In golla region, there was a village called Canika (? Canaka). There lived a brahmin named Canika. He was a (Jaina) layman. Once, some (Jaina) mendicants resorted to his house. At that time a boy was born to him. The baby had molar teeth right from the birth. Canaka kept the baby at the revered feet of the mendicants. They told, 'He will be a king.' He thought, 'Since the king has to do many sinful activities (knowingly or unknowningly), he may go to hell in the next birth.' With this thought, he filed the baby's molar teeth with a chisel. He told the mendicants what he had done. They exclaimed, 'What else shall we do? In spite of your efforts, he will be a pseudo-king (i.e. a kingmaker)'.

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73 Passage 2 : ummukkabAlabhAveNa coddasa vijjAThANANi AgamiyANi, sovi sAvao saMtuTTho, egAo bhaddamAhaNAo ANiyA bhajjA se, aNNadA kamhI kotue bhajjA se mAtigharaM gatA, keti bhaNaMti - bhAtivivAhe gatA, tIse ya bhaiNI aNNesiM khaddhAdANiyANaM diNNelliyAo, tA alaMkitabhUsitAo AgatAo, savvo parijaNo tAhiM samaM lavati, sA egaMte acchati, tIse addhitI jAtA, gharaM AgayA, addhitiladdhA acchati, NibbaMdhe siTTaM, teNa ciMtiyaM - NaMdo pADaliputte deti tattha vaccAmi, gato / When the boy passed his childhood and became a teen-ager, he acquired mastery over the fourteen branches of knowledge (the veda, the vedanga etc.) The layman (his father) was very happy. From a noble brahmin family he brought wife for his young son. On some occasion, she (Canakya's wife) went to her mother's house. Some say that she went there for the marriage of her brother. Her sisters were married in very rich houses. They came there, adorned with precious ornaments. All the relatives talked with the rich sisters. She secluded herself in a corner. She become depressed and restless. The same mood continued when she came back. Canakya (her husband) insisted her to tell the reason. He thought, 'In Pataliputra the king Nanda gives out ample donations. I will go there.' He arrived there. Passage 3 : kattiyapuNNimAe puvvaNNatthe AsaNe paDhame NiviTTho, taM ca tassa sAlliyAtassa rAulassa satA Thavijjati, siddhaputto ya NaMdeNa samaM tattha Agato bha esa baMbhaNo NaMdavaMsassa chAyaM akkamiUNa Thito, dAsIe bhaNito - bhagavaM ! biti AsaNe NivesAhitti, astviti bitie AsaNe kuMDiyaM Thaveti, evaM tatie daMDagaM, cautthe gaNettiyaM, paMcame jaNNovaiyaM, dhiTThotti nicchUDho, pAdo paDhamo ukkhitto, bhaNati ya "kozena bhRtyaizca nibaddhamUlaM, putraizca mitraizca vivRddhazAkham / utpATya naMdaM parivartayAmi, haThAd drumaM vAyurivogravegaH / / " He went there on the full-moon-day of the month of karttika and sat on the first (foremost) seat. The seats were already arranged -

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74 with some protocol. The seat was reserved for the chief brahmin in the royal court (? : the brother in law of the king). Nanda entered the hall with the siddhaputra (a fortune-teller). He pointed out that, "This brahmin has overshadowed the seats reserved for the persons belonging to the Nanda family.' One female servant approached Canakya and told him, "Sir, please have the next seat.' 'Alright, he said and put his water-pot (kamandalu) on the second seat, his staff (danda) on the third, rosary on the fourth and the secred thread on the fifth seat. Due to this arrogancy, he was expelled from the hall. When he took his first step, he exclaimed - "As the terrific wind uproots a big tree though deeprooted and fully grown with branches, I shall uproot the Nanda family though deeprooted with enormous wealth and a band of servants and extensively spread due to the assistance provided by kinsfolk and friends.'' Passage 4 : Niggato, purisaM maggati, sutaM ca NeNaM biMbaMtarito rAyA hohAmitti, naMdassa moraposagA, tesiM gAmaM gato parivvAyagaliMgeNaM, tesiM mahattarassa dhItAe caMdapIyane Dohalo jAto, so samudANeto gato, tANi taM pucchaMti, jadi mamaM dAragaM deha to NaM pAemi caMda, paDisuNeti, paDamaMDavo kato, taddivasaM puNNimA, majjhe chidaM, majjhaNhaM gate caMde savvarasAlUhiM davvehiM saMjoettA AsaNNe thAlaM bharitaM kataM, saddAvitA, pekkhati piyati ya, uvari puriso ucchADeti, avaNIte putto jAto, saMvaDDati, imo'vi dhAtubilANi maggati / He (Canakya) came out swiftly. Searched for a proper person. He had already heard from his father that he is going to be a kingmaker. Nanda had some peacock-keepers. Having dressed like an ascetic, he went to their native place. At that time, the daughter of the village-head had preganancy-longings to drink the moon. During his alms-wanderings, he went there. The relatives asked his

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75 help. He agreed to give them the solution on one condition. He said, 'If you will give the custody of the child to me, then only I will fulfil her longings. They agreed. An open shade was erected. The top was covered with a cloth. It was a full-moon-night. There was a proper hole in the middle of the shade-cloth. It was midnight. A sweet-dish was prepared and was garnished with all attractive food-articles. The dish was kept exactly beneath the hole. The moon was shining in the middle of the sky with calm splendor. A man, on the roof uncovered the hole for some time. The moon was reflected in the dish. The pregnant daughter drank the preparation. The man covered the hole again. When longings were fulfilled, she was satisfied and delivered a son. The son was growing. At that time he (Canakya) was busy in search of wealth with the help of the science called 'dhatuvidya". Passage 5 : A GRU HH Tufa, run fautht, auch gyffus, pecchati, teNa vimaggito, amhavi dijjatu, bhaNati - gAvIo lahehi, mA mArejja koti, bhaNati - vIrabhojjA puhavI, NAtaM jathA viNNANaM se atthi / to kassati dAraehiM kahitaM - parivAyagaputto esa, ahaM parivvAo, jAmu jA te rAyANaM karemi, alfsen The boy loitered in the play with his friends. He always played a role of a king. The second version of the story is - Canakya returned. He saw the boy donating cows to the supplicants. Canakya said, 'Give some cows to me.' The boy answered, "Take away any of the cows.' Canakya said, 'Don't give me other's cows. The owners will kill you.' He said, "The whole earth is enjoyed by a person who possesses valour.' Canakya thought that the boy was a genius. Some boys approached Canakya and informed that this boy was given to a nendicant. he said, 'It's me. Let us go. I shall make

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76 you a king.' They started their journey. Passage 6 : logo milito, pADaliputtaM rohitaM, NaMdeNaM bhaggo parivvAyago, AsehiM puTThite laggo, caMdautto ya paumasare NibuDDo / imo upaspRzati, saNNAe bha boliyatti, uttiNNA NAsaMti, aNNe bhaNaMti - caMdauttaM paumiNIsaMDe chubhittA o jAto, pacchA egeNa jaccakisoragagateNa AsavAreNa pucchito bha esa paumasare paviTTho, tato teNa diTTho, tato ghoDago cANakkassa allivio, tattheva khaggaM mukkaM, jale pavesaNaTTyAe kaMcuyaM muyati tAva khaggeNa duhAkato, caMdagutto vAhittA caDAvito, palAyA, pucchito - taMvelaM kiM tume ciMtitaMti ? bhaNati dhruvaM etaM ceva sobhaNaM, ajjo ceva jANatitti NAto joggo, Na esa vipariNamatitti / Many people joined them. They encircled Pataliputra. Nanda's people chased the mendicant (Canakya ) and he fleed. Some horsemen ran after Canakya and Candragupta. Candragupta took shelter in a lotus-pond. Canakya stood by the pond sipping water, as if pretending a religious rite. When the horsemen asked him about Candragupta, Canakya told them by sign that he is under the water. They plunged down to search him. in the meantime, both ran away. The other version of the story is - Canakya caused Candragupta to hide in the lotus-creeper and himself acted like a washer-man. Afterwards, a horse-man mounted upon an excellent horse, asked Canakya about Candragupta. He said, 'Oh ! he has just entered into the lotus-pond.' The horse-man saw Candragupta. He kept the horse in the custody of Canakya. Left his sword nearby. When he was engaged in removing his dress, before entering the water, Canakya swiftly picked the sword and cut him into pieces. Canakya called out Candragupta, both mounted on the horse and ran away. Canakya asked Candragupta, 'What do you think at that time when I told about you to the horseman ?' Candragupta said, 'What you have told, will be in my favour only. Sir, it is you who - --

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know perfectly what is beneficial for me.' Canakya realized that he is a perfect man to achieve his goal. He will never misunderstand me. Passage 7 : pacchA chuhAio, cANakko taM ThavettA atigato, bIbheti - mA etthaM NajjejjAmotti, mAhaNassa bahiM Niggayassa poTTaM phAlitaM, dadhikaraMbaM gahAya gato, jimito, aNNattha gAme rattiM samudANaMti, theri ya puttabhaMDANaM vilevitaM deti uNhaM, ekkeNa majjhe hattho chUDho, daDDo rovati, tAe ya bhaNNati - cANakkamaMgalosi, pucchiyaM, bhaNati - pAsANi paDhamaM gheppati / At some other time, Candragupta was hungry. Canakya asked him to stay at a particular place and went elsewhere to arrange food for him. Canakya was anxious and thought, "That, nobody should recognize them.' He saw a brahmin, wandering in the outskirts to empty his belly. (Canakya knew that he has just finished his dinner.) Canakya tore open his belly. Took out the curd-rice. He made Candragupta to eat rice. Once they were wandering in search of food at a village. They saw that an old woman was serving hot gruel to her grandchildren. One of the child put its fingers in the middle of the hot gruel and its fingers were burnt. The child cried aloud. She exclaimed sponteneously, 'Are you mad like Canakya ?' Canakya came forward and asked her the reason. She told, 'First he should have taken the portions around Magadha.' Passage 8 : gatA himavaMtakUDaM, pavvaio rAyA, teNa samaM mittayA jAtA, bhaNati - samaM sameNa vibhayAmo rajjaM, otaventANaM egattha NagaraM Na paDati, paviThTho tidaMDI, vatthUNi joeti, iMdakumAriyAo, tAsiM taNaeNa Na paDati, mAtAe NINAvitAo, paDitaM NagaraM / After this, both went towards the hilly region of the mount Himalaya. Parvataka (Puru or Sellyukus ?) was the king. They became friends. They decided to divide the kingdom into two equal parts after the victory. One city nearby Pataliputra was difficult to

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78 take over. Canakya entered the city in the apparel of a tridandi (a mendicant with a staff.) He inspected carefully all the objects of hindrance in the city. He saw the idols of Indrakumari deities. Due to the occult protecting-power of the deities, they were unable to capture the city. With his yogic power (maya) Canakya removed the influence of the deities and captured the city. Passage 9 : pADaliputtaM rohitaM, NaMdo dhammadevAraM maggati, egeNa raheNa jaM tarasi taM NINehi, do bhajjAto egA kaNNA davvaM ca NINeti, kaNNA caMdauttaM paloeti, bhaNitA jAhitti, tAe vilaggaMtIe caMdaguttassa rahe Nava aragA bhaggA, tidaMDI bhaNati - mA vArehi Nava purisajugANi tujjhaM vaMso hohititti, atigatA, do bhAgA katA / They besieged Pataliputra. Nanda asked dharmadvara (a way to go away). Canakya said, "Take away a chariotful load with you.' He took away two of his wives, one daughter and some precious things with him. The princess cast a glance at Candragupta when the chariot went forward. Her father said, 'Go with him.' When she was mounting Candragupta's chariot, nine spokes of Candragupta's chariot broke down. Canakya said, 'Don't prevent her. (This is actually a good omen.) Your lineage will prosper for nine generations.' All of them entered the city. The city (and the kingdom) was divided into two equal parts. Passage 10 : egA kannagA visabhAviyA, tattha pavvatagassa icchA, sA tassa diNNA, aggipariyaMcaNe visaparigato maritumAraddho, bhaNati - vayaMsaga ! marijjati, caMdagutto ruMbhAmitti vavasito, cANakkeNa bhiguDI katA, Niyatto, do rajjANi tassa jAtANi / Canakya prepared a poisonous maiden (visa-kanya). Parvataka was attracted to her. Their marriage was settled (by Canakya). At the time of the secred rounds of fire, Parvataka perspired. Due to the contact of the perspired hand, the poison of the bride spread in the

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79 body of Parvataka. He was fainting. He said, "My friend Candragupta save me, I am dying.' Candragupta stepped forward to save him. Canakya lifted his eyebrows. Candragupta stopped and became the lord of both the kingdoms. Passage 11: NaMdamaNUsA corigAe jIvaMti, so coraggAhaM maggati, tidaMDI bAhiriyAe NaladAmaM muiMgamAragaM daThTha Agato, raNNA saddAvito, diNNaM ArakkhaM, vIsatthA katA, bhattadANe sakuDaMbA mAriyA / Nanda's men were living around stealthily. Canakya wanted to search and kill them. He was in search of a person who would do this task. Once he saw Naladama, burning the hiding places of ants (or bugs). He told the king that he had searched a proper person. The king called him and provided security for him. Naladama gave assuarance to Nanda's people and invited them for dinner (lunch ?). Afterwards he killed them with their families. Passage 12 : ANAe - vaMsihi ambagA parikkhittA, viparItekate ruTTho, palIvito savvagAmo, tehi ya gAmellatehiM tassa kappaDiyattaNe bhattaM Na diNNaMti kAuM / Once Canakya issued order in the name of some villageheads that they should cut the mango-trees and protect bamboothickets by making compound-wall of mango-wood. The villagechiefs thought over it and carried out the order in exactly the opposite way. Canakya was furious. He ordered his men to set fire on the whole village because in difficult days of his wanderings they refused to give him food. Passage 13 : kosanimittaM pariNAmitA buddhI, jUtaM ramati kUDapAsaehiM, sovaNNaM thAlaM dINArabharitaM jo jiNati tassa, ahaM jiNAmi ekko dAyavvo / aticiraMti aNNaM uvAyaM ciMteti / Later on, Canakya applied his parinamiki-buddhi (i.e. wisdom acquired through experience) to gather wealth for the royal treasury.

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80 First he prepared false (ficticious) dices and invited people to play Dyuta. He declared, 'If the opponent wins, I shall give him a plateful of golden coins. If I win, the player should give me only one coin.' Due to the tricky dice-playing, he always won. He thought that it will take a long time to gather ample wealth. Therefore he wanted to implement other effective method. Passage 14 : nAgarANaM bhattaM deti, majjapANaM ca diNNaM, mattesu paNaccito bhaNati gAyaMto - do majjha dhAturattAo, kaMcaNakuMDiyA tidaMDaM ca / rAyA me vasavattI, etthavi tA me holaM vAehi / / Canakya arranged a grand dinner for the wealthy citizens. He provided a liquor-bar also. When all the rich guests were under the influence of liquor, he started dancing (as if a druncard) and started to sing the self-composed song - "I have two red clothes and a golden pot with a golden staff. But see, the king is under my control. Oh drummers, beat the drums over my success." Passage 15 : aNNo asahamANo bhaNati - gayapoyagassa (bhaddassa, mantharagaie u) joyaNasahassaM / pade pade satasahassA, etthavi tA me holaM vAehi / / A rich guy did not tolerate the song of Canakya and boasted, "If a young one of an elephant walks slowly the distance of thousand yojanas, I can pour one lakh golden coins on each step of the elephant. Such is my wealth. Oh drummers, beat the drums on my riches." Passage 16 : aNNo asahamANo bhaNati - tilaADhagassa vuttassa, NipphaNNassa bahusaitassa / tile tile satasahassaM, etthavi tA me holaM vAehi / / The other jealous person started singing, "If I saw sesame

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81 seeds measuring one adhaka and if I get excellent crops, I can put one lakh golden coins for each sesame. Oh drummers, beat the drums on my riches." Passage 17 : aNNo bhaNati - NavapAusaMmi puNNAe, girinaiyAe ya sigghavegAe / egAhamahitametteNaM, NavaNIteNa pAliM baMdhAmi / / Another rich person came forward and announced, "If a mountain-river, full of water, flows forcefully in rainy season, still I can build a weir of butter which is produced by churning one day's butter-milk. Now beat the drums for me." Passage 18 : jaccANa varakisorANaM, taddivasaM tu jAyamettANaM / kesehiM NabhaM chAemi, etthavi tA me holaM vAehi / / One other rich person added, "I am able to cover the sky with the hair of the young ones of the excellent horses, born on the same day in my stud-farm. Now beat the drums for me !" Passage 19 : do majjha atthi rataNANi, sAlipasUI ya gaddabhiyA ya / chiNNA chiNNAvi rUhaMti, etthavi tA me holaM vAehi / / setusukkillo NiccasugaMdho, bhajja aNuvvaya Natthi pavAso / NiriNo ya dupaMcasato ya, etthavi tA me holaM vAehi / / The another rich farmer added, "I have two excellent species of rice-grain. If we sow the first type, we can reap any variety of rice as per our will. The second type viz. gardabhika is so wonderful that, if we cut it, it grows again and again. So beat the drums for me too." The last one declared, "I possess vast flower-gardens and fruit-farms, having excellent fragrance ; my wife is loyal ; I never go

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82 on tour ; I have no loan at my credit and I possess thousand golden coins. Oh drummers ! beat the drum on my happy (satisfied) life !" Passage 20 : evaM NAUNaM rayaNAI maggiUNaM goTThAgArANi sAlINaM bhariyANi rayaNAI gaddabhiyAdINi pucchito chiNNANi chiNNANi jAyaMti, AsA egadivasajAtA maggitA, egadivasiyaM NavaNItaM maggitaM / esa pariNAmitA cANakkassa buddhI / Thus having known the abundance of wealth of rich persons, Canakya asked for the jewels, the species of grains, the horses born during one day and the butter produced in one day. Thus Canakya filled up the royal food-grannaries and treasury. All these are the examples of Canakya's wisdom-acquired through experience. We observe that the famous curnikara Jinadasagani has given the life-story of Canakya-Candragupta up to this point. From the curnis on Nisitha and dasavaikalika, we know that the curni of Avasyaka contains the whole biography of Canakya up to his death. But in spite of our rigiorous search, we were unable to find it in the AvCu. So, in continuation with the story of the AvCu, the further life-story is added here from the Nis Cu. and the DasaCu. to know the whole biography of Canakya at a glance. The translation is mostly according to the original text with a bit freedom. [15-17] Nisitha-curni of Jinadasagani-mahattara belongs to the 6th - 7th century A.D. The other name of this curni is Nisitha-vesesa-curni. The salient features of this curni are almost like the AvCu. Three important references to Canakya are found in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th parts of the concerned text. All the references are connected with the Jaina monastic conduct. The original textual parts and its summary is given herewith.

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[15] The Nisitha-curni (Part II) p.33 quotes that - 'amacco' cANakko, taduvalakkhito diTuMto, jahA - teNa cANakkeNa yogavisabhAvitA gaMdhA katA subuddhimaMtrivadhAya / idamAvazyake gatArtham / "The brief analogy is about the minister Canakya. It is said that Canakya prepared a fragrant poison by secret method for killing the minister Subandhu. The incident is already given in the Avasyaka." We were unable to trace the full incident in the AvCu., but the Dasavaikalika-curni gives the full story. Critical observations are noted after the text of DasCu, therefore they are avoided at this place. [16] Nisitha-curni (Part III) pp.423-424 Passage 1 : appANaM aMtarahitaM kareMto jo piMDaM geNhati so aMtaddhANapiMDo bhaNNati / tattha udAharaNaM - If one partakes food with somebody remaining invisible to the eyes then it is called 'antardhana-pinda'. Such food is prohibited for a monk. The example for this is as follows - Passage 2 : pADaliputte Nagare caMdagutto rAyA, cANakko maMtI, suThThiyA AyariyA / te ya - appaNA gaMtuM asamatthA omakAle sIsassa sAhugaNaM dAuM taM subhikkhaM ptthveti| tassa ya sIsassa aMtaddhANajogaM rahe ekAMte kaheti / so ya aMjaNajogo dohiM khuDDohiM suto / King Candragupta was ruling at Pataliputra. Canakya was his chief-minister. The Jaina preceptor Susthita, was living there. He was physically unable to wander (as per the monastic code of conduct). Therefore at the time of severe drought, he handed over the group of monks to his immediate disciple and sent the monks to a prosperous region. Before their departure, he imparted a mantra to the chief of disciples in seclusion, due to which one can disappear

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84 for a specific time by applying collyrium to the eyes. Two junior monks overheard the mantra. Passage 3 : tato so gaccho payaTTo jato subhikkhaM / tato khuDyA do vi AyariyaNeheNa paDibaddhA desaMtAo gacchassa osarittA AyariyasamIvaM AgayA / tato te therA jaM labbhaMti taM tesiM khuDDagANaM samatiregaM deMti, appaNA omaM kareMti / Next day the whole group started its journey towards a prosperous region (where one can get alms easily.) The two junior monks returned from the boundary of the nearby place because of the love and regard towards their guru. They started living with the guru. The senior monk (Susthita) started a practice to distribute the major part of the alms among those two monks, leaving a little for himself. Passage 4 : tato tehiM dohiM vi khuDDohiM so aMtaddhANajogo melio, egeNaM akkhI aMjitA bitito Na passati / evaM laddhapaccayA bhoyaNakAle saha raNNA caMdagutteNa bhuMjaMti, jaM raNNo sArIrayaM bhattaM taM te aMtaddhiyA bhuMjaMti, tato raNNo omoyariyAe dobbalaM jAyaM / Then both the junior monks tested the mantra of antardhana. When one of them anointed his eye with collyrium, the other could not see him. Thus, when convinced, they went to Candragupta and started sharing his food at the time of meals. They devoured the food by entering into Candragupta's stomach invisibally. Day by day Candragupta became weaker and weaker. Passage 5 : tato cANakkeNa pucchito kIsa parihANI ? bhaNAti - "majjha bhattaM koti aMtaddhito pakkhivati tti, Na jANAmi / " tato cANakkeNa samaMtA kuDDe dAuM egaduvArA bhuMjaNabhUmI katA / dAramUle ya suhumo iTTAlacuNNo vikkhitto / rAyA aMto egAgI NiviTTho / tAhe khuDDA AgatA, paviThThA aMto / diTThA payapaddhatI cuNNe / Canakya asked, "Why you are looking weak, day by day ?' He replied, "Somebody eats my food invisibally when it enters into

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85 my stomach.' Then Canakya closed all doors of the dining hall and kept open only one door. He scattered some fine brick-powder at the doorsteps. The king ate his food in seclusion. At that time, the two monks arrived. Entered into the hall, leaving their footmarks on the brick-powder. Passage 6 : cANakkeNa NAyaM - pAdacAriNo ete, aMjaNasiddhA / tAhe dAraM ThaveuM dhUmo kato, aMsuNA galaMteNa galitaM aMjaNaM, dilu khuDDAdugaM / caMdagutto picchati - "ahametehiM viTTAlito / " tato cANakkeNa bhaNiyaM - "ete risao kumArasamaNA, pavittaM te etehiM saha bhoyaNaM, tume savvaso apavitteNa ete viTTAlitA / " Canakya realized that those were the footmarks of the anjanasiddha yogins. He closed the doors and filled the hall with smoke. The smoke caused tears in their eyes and the collyrium faded out. The two monks were now visible. Candragupta commented, "These persons defiled me.' Canakya remarked, "These are pious and celibate young sages. It is actually meritorious to share food with them. In fact they are polluted because of your carnality.' Passage 7 : tato appasAgAriyaM cANakkeNa NINitA / therANaM samIvaM cANakko gato - "kIsa khuDDeNa sAraveha ?' tato therehiM cANakko uvAladdho - "tuma paramo sAvago, erise omakAle sAdhUvAvAraM Na vahasi" tti / teNa bhaNiyaM - "saMtA paDicodaNA, micchA me dukkaDaM" ti / gato, khuDDANa ya vAvAraMto pavUDho / je bhikkhU jogapiMDaM , bhuMjejja sayaM ahava sAtijje / so ANA aNavatthaM , micchatta-virAdhaNaM pAve / / Bhasyagatha 4468 The two monks were driven out by Canakya. Canakya went to the senior monk with those two junior monks and asked, 'Don't you have a control over your juniors ?' Then the monk said surcastically, 'You are an excellent layman. In these days of drought, is it not your responsibility to provide them food ?' Canakya said in apologetic

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tone, 'I agree that it is my fault. Please forgive me for my wrong behaviour.' From that day he personally looked after the well-being of the two junior monks. The concerned bhasyagatha of the Nisitha is - "A monk who himself earns the alms by using his yogic powers or enjoyes such food brought by the others, he is the law-breaker of the Jina-sasana and due to this, he deviates from the right faith." [17] The Nisitha-curni (Part IV) pp. 10-12 includes a story in which it is discussed that, 'transgressing an order', is a more serious offence than a mistake'. The concerned text is ettha diTThato muriyAdi / muriyatti moraposagavaMso caMdagutto / AdiggahaNAto aNNe rAyANo / te ANAbhaMge gurutara DaMDaM pavatrtteti / evaM amha vi ANA baliyA / caMdagutto moraposago tti je abhijANaMti khattiyA te tassa ANaM paribhavaMti / cANakkassa ciMtA-ANAhINo keriso rAyA ? kahaM ANAtikkho hojja ? tti / tassa ya cANakkassa kappaDiyatte aDaMtassa egammi gAme bhattaM na laddhaM / tattha ya gA bahU aMbA vaMsA ya / tassa ya gAmassa paDiNiviTThe NaM ANaTTvaNaNimittaM lihiyaM pesiyaM imerisaM "AmrAn chitvA vaMzAnAM vRttiH zIghraM kArye" ti / tehi ya gAmeyagehiM dullihiyaM ti kAuM vaMse chettuM aMbANa vatI katA / gavesAviyA cANak "kiM kataM ?" ti / Agato, uvAladdhA, ete vaMsA rodhagAdisu uvaujjaMti, kIsa bhe chiNNA ?, daMsiyaM lehacoriyaM - "aNNaM saMdiTTha aNNaM ceva karehi" tti DaMDapattA / tato tassa gAmassa sabAlavuDDhehiM purisehiM adhosirehiM vatiM kAuM so gAmo savvo daDDho / aNNe bhAMti - sabAlavuDDhA purisA tIe vatIe choDhuM daDDhA / The purport of the text can be summarized in the following manner - "" 86 - "Here, an analogy of Maurya is given. 'Maurya' means 'Candragupta' who was born in the family of peacock-breeders. This narrative is applicable to the other kings also. They punish the law-breakers severely. Likewise, 'an order' is more important for us.'

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87 Those Ksatriyas who knew about the lower caste of Candragupta, disobeyed his orders. Canakya thought, 'What is the use of this type of king ? How can we strengthen his power ?' When Canakya was wandering in search of food in his bad days, he has not got food in one of the village. There were a lot of mango-groves and bamboothickets in that village. For giving a harsh punishment to the villagers, he sent a written oder - 'Cut the mangoes and make a compound wall to protect the bambooes, as soon as possible.' The villagers thought that there is a mistake in the order. So they cut the bambooes and fenced the mango-groves. Canakya send a man to follow their activities. The man told the truth. Canakya taunted, "The bambooes are valuable. Why do you cut them ?' The villagers showed the fault in the order. He said, 'You are told to do something but you have done it otherwise, so you are worthy to be punished.' Then the whole village was burnt including the children, aged people etc., after having hanging them with their heads down. Some say that Canakya made the villagers inside the compoundwall and put fire on them. Critical Comments: The curnikara compares the strict orders of the Jinas with the strict orders of Canakya. Candragupta's lower caste is highlighted and it is told that the other ksatriyas humiliate him due to this reason. Canakya's method was no doubt inhuman but it was praised by the curnikara because it was beneficial to keep good gover nance. General observations on the story of Canakya in the Avasyaka curni and Nisitha-curni:

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88 * It is the oldest continuous life-story of Canakya found in the Jaina literature, whether the Svetambara or Digambara, documented in a very brief manner. * If supplied with the Nisitha-curni, the story not only reveals the whole biography of Canakya but also the Jaina attitude to look at him. * All the later Jaina narratives are only the elaborations of the episodes documented in the Avasyaka-curni. Even Hemacandra's Canakya-account in the Parisista-parva is not the exception to this fact. 'Golla' is the birthplace of Canakya. If the name designates the region at the bank of the river Godavari, then it supports the view of T. Ganapathi Shastry, that probably Canakya belongs to the southern part of India because, the oldest manuscript of the Kautiliya Arthasastra is found near Trivendrum. This view is not accepted by many scholars. The name of the village viz. Canaka and the name of his father viz. Canika are conspicuously ficticious and imagined after the name of 'Canakya'. On this analogy, some Jaina authors say that the name of his mother was Canesvari. But it is true that the Jaina tradition accepts the name "Canakya' as his first name and has very rerely used his other two names i.e. Visnugupta and Kautilya. * When the incidents are narrated, the AvCu. invariably calls him 3447 alucht but when it refers to Canakya's anthological treatise, it says, '3Trent falfsgenic agi 3449|| \ In the Anuyogadvara and Nandi also, we find the name of the sastra as Jolfsge.

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* The efforts of Canakya's Jainification are not seen in the Avasyakacurni except in the story 'para - pAkhaMDa - pasaMsA'. Though Canakya's father is depicted as a Jaina householder, the brahmanic elements in Canakya are obviously stronger. We find two important references to Canakya's wife in the AvCu. but her name is not given. She belongs to a brahmin family and it is told that she is partial towards brahmin-ascetics. Due to her depressed mood, Canakya approaches Nanda to get reasonable donation. * 89 * Canakya's inborn teeth, the prophecy of the Jaina mendicants, filing of the teeth and his being the king-maker all these details are found only in the Jaina tradition and are most probably fanciful. The famous account of Canakya's insult in the royal palace is almost similar to that of their Hindu or Brahmanic counter-parts but the incident of occupying many seats by keeping his staff, water-pot, rosary etc. is new in the AvCu. No reasonable explanation for this queer act is found in the later Jaina literature. The occult yogic powers of Canakya are reffered to in some incidents but as the Hindusources depict, we cannot designate them as a 'black-magic' (krtya-prayoga). The AvCu. and NisCu. specifically say that Candragupta was not a ksatriya. He was a grandson of a peacock-keeper of the Nandas. The name of Candragupta's father is not mentioned. He was called 'maurya' due to his mother's lineage. It is specially noted down that some people didnot honour Candragupta because of his lower caste. Still it is not depicted anywhere that Canakya disregarded Candragupta due to his being a low-born. Unlike the

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90 Mudraraksasa's Canakya, he never calls him 'vrsala'. The incident of fulfilling the pregnancy-longings of Candragupta's mother is the free-lance display of the curnikara's power of imagination, certainly carved after 'the mirror and the moon' episode of lord Rama's childhood. Canakya's first meeting with Candragupta when he was a teenager, is documented with some other versions. We can guess that there would be some floating myths about this in the soci ety. The story of 'the old lady and hot gruel' is a peculiar Indian motif, oftenly used in the story literature. We find the same motif in the biography of Shivaji maharaja in the later literature. Canakya's political wisdom and Candragupta's bravery, loyalty and power of organization is evident in their joint-ventures to defeat the powerful Nanda kingdom with the help of Parvataka (might be an administrator appointed by Alexander the Great.) All these magnificiant qualities are belittled if we read the Hindu sources carefully, where Canakya kills Nanda by performing the magical rites. The preceptor-disciple-relationship between Canakya and Candragupta is effectfully highlighted in the AvCu. and NisCu. at many places. It leaves no scope for the conflict between them whether real or pseudo, as depicted in the Mudraraksasa. According to the NisCu. it was Bindusara, who dishonoured Canakya, after the death of Candragupta, because of the malicious reporting of Subandhu, the enemy of Canakya. * It is already noted down that all the references in the Nisithabhasya and Nisitha-curni are closely connected with the Jaina

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91 monastic conduct. In fact, we can infer that many of the rules in the cheda-sutras came into vogue due to the strict law-code of Canakya. It can be said that the curnikara was a thorough reader of the Kautiliya Arthasastra because in the interesting story of merchants, the measures implimented by Canakya to fill the royal treasury are obviously taken from the 92nd adhyaya of Arthasastra viz. 'kosa-samgraha'. * It is curious that the curnikara does not throw light on the previous relationship between Canakya and Subandhu. He has not identified him with Sakatala. The horrific story of Canakya's death is almost the same in the Svetambara and Digambara literature. In totally we can say that, the curnikara basically has presented Canakya as an example of parinamiki-buddhi. Though Canakya has implimented harsh measures and deceitful tacticks, it was all meant for the well-being of the king and the kingdom. This genius chief-minister was personally so detached and selfless that the Jainas adore him for his loyalty, and his serene state of mind, at the time of death. [18] The Acaranga-curni is a text which is traditionally ascribed to the famous curnikara Jinadasagani (6th-7th century A.D.) But when we closely examine the language, it resembles the classical Jaina Maharastri than the old Jaina Maharastri. It contains only a passing reference about Canakya and the text does not provide any clue or cross-reference of the Avasyaka-curni. (1) The context of this reference is very peculiar. At the very beginning of the first uddesaka of the second adhyayana of Acaranga

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(I), a long list of close relatives is given mAyA me piyA me bhajjA me iccatthaM gaDhie loe vase patte / 92 Acara. 1.2.1 At the end, it is told that due to the emotional engrossment in these relations, one gets entangled and becomes malicious. Here the curnikara notes down many mythological and historical examples. In the context of 'wife' (bhajja), the author writes 'aNalaMkiyA hasiyatti cANakkeNa NaMdavaMso ucchAdito' (acaranga-curni p.49) Canakya's wife was ridiculed and neglected by the relatives because she was not adorned with jewellery. Considering her anxiety, Canakya went to the king Nanda hoping gracious donations. He was insulted in the court of Nanda and ultimately rooted out the Nanda dynasty. We see that, no new details of Canakya are provided here but a particular incident of Canakya's life is examined here from different viewpoint. The story of Canakya's wife was well-known. The curnikara thinks that his wife was ultimately responsible to instigate Canakya for asking donations to Nanda. And the remote cause of the destruction of Nandas is Canakya's wife and his attachment towards her. When we read the same story in the Avasyaka-curni, we do not feel that Canakya's wife is blamable for the curnikara. It is a subject of debate whether the curnikaras of the Avasyaka and Acaranga are the same or not. But one thing is certain that while explaining scriptural texts, the commentators remember Canakya, every now and then. (2) We find some special features of golladesa in the Acarangacurni. According to Dr. J.C.Jain, 'golla' is the region situated near the

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93 river Godavari. Some customs of golladesa are mentioned. It is told that in the month of caitra, there is cold weather in golla. The slices of raw mangoes are dried in sunshine and a drink called 'ambapanaga' is prepared. The wheel of a potter-man is called 'asavattaa' in this region. (910 Hilera dal sitETH, J.C.Jain, p.213) We are unable to confirm that whether it is the same 'golladesa' where Canakya was born or not, because it is not noted in the Acaranga-curni. The Avasyaka refers golladesa but the above-mentioned description is not documented there. Thus the puzzle of Canakya's birth-place remains unsolved. [19] The Sutrakrtanga-curni which is probably written in the 8th9th century, is anonymous and its language is designated nearer to the classical Jaina Maharastri. (1) While commenting on a gatha (Sutrakitanga 1.8.5), the curnikara quotes Canakya as an example of deceitfulness. The concerned curni says - 'mAiNo kaTu mAyAo kAmabhoge samAhare' - teNa cANakka-koDillaM IsatthAdI mAyAo adhijjati jahA paro vaMcetavvo / tahA vANiyagAdiNo 3401940-D MUGIFE 37701 shfruifa 1 (Sutrakrtanga-curni p.167) Those who want to deceive others, learn the science based on crookedness. Likewise the merchants etc. gather wealth by bribing and treachery General Observations: * Probably this is the first Jaina refeence in which Canakya's censure is explicitly seen. * Canakya and Kautilya, both the names occur in the same sentence. Probably the curnikara might have thought that Canakya is his first name and Kautilya is an adjective which is really meaningful.

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94 The anonymous curnikara opines his own view that the merchants etc. have learnt the art of gathering wealth from Canakya. The Avasyaka-curni quotes the story of merchants as an example of Canakya's parinamiki-buddhi, in which a sense of admiration is seen, while in the Sutrakrtanga-curni a sense of reproach is quite evident. (2) Sutrakrtanga 1.8.4 reads satthamege tu sikkhaMtA, ativAyAya pANiNaM / ege maMte ahijjaMti, pANabhUyaviheDiNo // While commenting upon this gatha, the curnikara says ege asaMjatA, na sarve athavA sarve kAraNA astrazAstrANyadhIyate, haMbhImAsurukkhaM koDallagaM bAvattariM vA kalAo suThu sikkhati / (Sutrakrtanga-curni p.177) ------ The tentative translation will be as follows Some householders or unrestrained monks, or (we can say) all, learn astrasastras (i.e. the science of weapons or warfare) for particular reason and who are keen in harming or killing others, learn thesciences like the Hambhimasurukkha (?), Kautilyaka and all the 72 arts (or sciences). General Observations: Here, Kautilya is mentioned as a promoter of astrasastra and not of arthasastra. The curnikara prefers the reading 'atthasattha' because he wants to despise Kautilya (he has not used the name Canakya) for his deceitful activities and violence. It is sure that Jinadasagani is not the author of this curni because these views are totally against the views expressed in the curnis on the Avasyaka, Nisitha and Dasavaikalika. We observe that though Canakya is generally praised for his parinamiki-buddhi and pandita-marana in the previous litera

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95 ture of the curnikara, he is very bold and transparent in his assessment of Canakya. The present curnikara has connected Canakya with the vices like 'maya', 'vancana' and 'pranatipata'. It is noteworthy that the stalwarts like Haribhadra, Silanka, Abhayadeva, Malayagiri, Jayasimha and even Hemacandra have not paid any attention to the views expressed in the Sutrakrtangacurni and have retained the same position that of Jinadasagani. [20] (1) The Dasavaikalika-curni (pp.81-82) quotes that, 'The whole story of Canakya is given in the Avasyaka-curni up to the death of Candragupta and the coronation of Bindusara.' Immediately after this remark, the rest of the story of Canakya upto his death is told. Passage 1 : naMdasaMtIo ya subaMdhU nAma amacco / so cANakkassa padosamAvaNNo chiDDANi maggai, aNNayA rAyANaM viNNavai, jahAvi tumhehiM amha vittaM (? cittaM) na deha tahAvi amhehiM tujjha hiyaM vattavvaM, bhaNai - tumha mAyA cANakkeNa mAriyA, raNNA dhAtI pucchiyA, AmaMti, kAraNaM na pucchiyaM / Subandhu was the minister of the Nandas. He was very much jealous of Canakya and always awaited the opportunity to slander Canakya in front of the king Bindusara. Once Subandhu approached Bindusara and told, 'Sir, though I am not in your service (or though you do not pay attention to me) it is my duty to tell the truth which is beneficial to you. See, Canakya has killed your mother.' Bindusara asked the old wet-nurse. She said, 'Yes'. He did not ask the reason or background. Passage 2 : keNavi kAraNeNa raNNo ya sagAsaM cANakko Agao, jAva diTThi na dei tAhe cANikko ciMtei, ruTTTo, ahaM gayAUtti kAuM davvaM puttapottANaM dAUNaM saMgavittA ya gaMdhA saMjoiyA, pattayaM ca lihiUNa sovi jogo samugge chUDho, samuggo causu maMjUsAsu chUDho, tAsu chubhittA tato gaMdhovvarae chUDho, taM bahUhiM khIliyAhiM sughaTTiyaM karettA

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96 davvajAyaM NAivaggaM ca kamme niyoettA aDavIe gokule iMgiNimaraNaM abbhuvgo| For some other work, Canakya came to Bindusara. Bindusara didn't pay attention to him. He thought that the king is displeased with him. It is better to give up the ministership and go elsewhere. Having distributed the wealth to the sons and grandsons, he collected some poisonous aroma, wrote a letter and he kept that letter fragrant into a pouch. He put that pouch inside four big chests. He kept the biggest chest in a room (lit. a fragrant-hall). The room was tightly closed by driving several nails into the door. Having done proper arrangements of his wealth and having appointed the relatives for the supervision of the work, he accepted voluntary death (inginimarana) in a cow-pen near a forest. Passage 3 : raNNA ApucchiyaM - cANakko kiM karei ? dhAtI ya se savvaM jahAvattaM parikahei, gahiya-paramattheNa ya bhaNiyaM - aho mayA asamikkhiyaM kayaM, savvaMteuraorohabalasamaggo khAmeuM niggao, diTTho ya'NeNa karisi majjhe Thio, khAmio sabahumANaM, bhaNiyaM caNeNaM - nagaraM vaccAmo, bhaNai - mae savvapariccAgo kautti / The king asked the old wet-nurse, 'What had Canakya done at that time ?' She told him about all the true events. (This episode is noted down in the commentary of Dharmopadesamala, which is translated hereafter). When Bindusara knew the facts, he exclaimed, 'Oh ! what a blunder I have done !' With the harem and army he marched towards Canakya to confess his blunder. He saw Canakya meditating in the cow-pen, sitting between the dried cow-dungs. The king apologized and said with a great honour, "Sir, let us go to the capital.' Canakya replied, I have abandoned all the worldly things.' Passage 4 : tao subaMdhuNA rAyA viNNavio - ahaM se pUyaM karemi, aNuyANaha, aNuNNAe dhUvaM DahiUNa tamhi ceva egappadese karisassovariM te aMgAre pariThavei, so ya

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97 karIso pallito (? palitto), daDDho cANakko, tAhe subaMdhuNA rAyA viNNavio cANakkassa saMtiyaM gharaM, mama aNujANaha, aNuNNA gao / Subandhu requested the king, 'I will honour him. Please give me consent.' After getting the consent, he went to that place where Canakya was. He put some fragrant sticks (dhupa) on blazing charcoal. Secretly put that fire inbetween the heap of cow-dungs. Thus Canakya was burnt in the blazing fire. Subandhu requested the king, 'Sir, please permit me to inspect Canakya's house which is near to my residence.' The king permitted him to do so. He went to Canakya's house. Passage 5 : paccuvekkhamANeNa ya gharaM diTTho apavarago ghaTTio, subaMdhU ciMtei - kimavi ettha, kavADe bhaMjittA ugghADiyA jAva samuggaM maghetagaMdhaM sapattayaM pecchai, taM pattayaM vAei, tassa ya pattagassa eso attho - jo eyaM cuNNaM agghAti, so jai hAti vA samAlabhai alaMkArei sItodagaM vA pibati mahIe sejjAe suyai jANeNa gacchai gaMdhavvaM vA suNei evamAdI aNNe vA iTThA visayA sevai jahA sAhuNo acchaMti tahA so jai na acchai to marai / - While inspecting his house, Subandhu saw an inner apartment which was tightly closed. Subandhu thought, 'Something is hidden here.' He opened the door, opened the chests and at the end saw the fragrant pouch accompaning a letter. He read out the letter. The meaning was like this - "Whosoever smells this powder and then bathes, adorns oneself, drinks cool water (unboiled water), sleeps on elevated bed, goes by cart, hears music or enjoyes the other sensual pleasures, will die immediately. But if he observes the rules of monastic conduct, he will not die." Passage 6 : tAhe subaMdhuNA viNNAsaNatthaM aNNo puriso agghAittA saddAiNo visayA bhuMjAvio mao ya, tAhe subaMdhUvi jIvitAsAe akAmo sAhU jahA tahA acchai, kiM subaMdhU tahA akAmo ato sAhU bhaNNai ? evamabhuMjamANo kAme saMkappasaMkiliTThattA

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98 cAgI na bhaNNai / For examining the predictability of the letter, Subandhu made some person smell the powder and enjoy the sensuous pleasures. The person died immediately. Thus out of compulsion, Subandhu led the life of a monk. But can we say that Subandhu was a real sadhu? Of course not. In the same manner, if a person helplessly abandons the pleasures and sorrowfully remembers those in his heart, then it is not considered as true renunciation. [20] (2) The Dasavaikalika-curni, which ismost probably authored by Jinadasagani (6th-7th century A.D.) supplies the reader with two valuable references of Canakya. (1) Samannapuvvayam' is the second adhyayana of Dasavaikalika. Its second verse is - vatthagaMdhamalaMkAraM, itthIo sayaNANi ya / acchaMdA je na bhuMjaMti, na se cAi ti vaccaI | "One who does not enjoy clothes, perfumes, ornaments, women, beds etc. due to helplessness or compulsion, is not in real sense a self-disciplined monk.' While commenting on the verse, the curnikara has given the story of Bindusara-Subandhu and Canakya. The main purpose of this story is to highlight the deceptive monkhood of Subandhu. But it is so closely connected with Canakya that the curnikara describes the tragic end of both Subandhu and Canakya in a very elaborate manner. We have already translated the story and given our comments on the story because in fact, it is the extention of the story given in the Avasyaka-curni. (2) The second reference of the Dasavaikalika-curni is connected with one of the variety of katha, i.e. arthakatha. The curni says -

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99 "atthakahA jA atthanimittaM kahijjati sA imAe gAhAe aNugaMtavvA / taM jahA - favull-f444491311 --- 3772TCHET | 11 |93 Il" The word uvaya (upaya) is explained as - gang fa gri - facait a1277061, a Hot G7115 ---' The stories in which the measures of gaining wealth are described is called upaya. In this context, the curnikara remembers Canakya. The story of gathering wealth for the royal treasury is mentioned here. The cross-references of the Avasyaka-curni and Haribhadriya-tika are given by the editor. He mentions - 3419.7.95 565 ; hAribhadrIya TIkA-patra 435. We have already translated the story given in the Avasyakacurni, however we can observe that - While enumerating the varieties of katha, arthakatha is invariably mentioned. When the Jaina writers comment on arthakatha they immediately remember Canakya's Arthasastra and the measures adopted by Canakya to create or gather wealth. We cannot claim that arthakathas given in the Jaina literature are true stories. But it is quite sure that they have studied the Arthasastra minutely, have chosen some seeds or motifs and developed them in full narratives with their unique power of imagination. The overall impact of Canakya and his Arthasastra is thus seen through the Dasavaikalika-curni. [21-23] Canakya : Quoted by Haribhadra (8th Century) Haribhadra was an all-rounder genius. He had equal proficiency in Sanskrit, Jaina Maharastri and Apabhraisa. Through his writings he encompassed various subjects and various forms of literature viz. Astronomy, Cosmology, Didactics, Ethics, Eulogy, Narratives, Yoga, Canonical commentaries, Philosophy, Metrics and Biography (Carita). His contribution to the Jaina literature is unparalled.

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100 His impartial attitude and love for learning without any sectarian bias has brought him a good name in the Jaina and non-Jaina circles. Basically being a brahmin by birth, he might have studied the Arthasastra in his educational career. We find the reference to Canakya in his commentarial and narrative literature in various context. [A] References in the Avasyaka-tika and Dasavaikalika-tika (i) Avasyaka-tika p.342 A small incident is noted down here in the form of an anology for explaining the rereness of human birth. In the Avasyaka-niryukti 832, ten drstantas are enumerated, among which 'pasaka' is mentioned. The short story is 'pAsaga' tti, cANakkassa suvaNNaM natthi, tAdhe keNa uvAeNa viDhavijja suvaNNaM ?, tAdhe jaMtapAsayA katA, kei bhaNaMti - varadiNNagA, tato ego dakkho puriso sikkhAvito, dINArathAlaM bhariyaM, so bhaNati-jati mamaM koi jiNati so thAlaM geNhatu, aha ahaM jiNAmi to egaM dINAraM jiNAmi, tassa icchAe jaMtaM paDati ato Na tIrai jiNituM, jahA so Na jippai evaM mANusalaMbho'vi, avi NAma so jippejja Na ya mANusAto bhaTTho puNa mANusattaNaM / The analogy of pasaka can be explained thus - Canakya had no gold (in the royal treasury). He thought, 'How can we gather gold ?' He prepared gambling-dices having peculiar magical power. Some say that he obtained the dices as a boon from a deity. He trained a clever person. Filled up a big plate with deenaras (golden coins). The trained person said, 'If somebody wins, I will bestow on him the whole plate. If I win, I will take only one golden coin.' The clever person had a full control over the dices. Therefore it was impossible to defeat him. As the possibility of his defeat is very low, likewise when a person looses his human birth, it is almost impossible to obtain the same birth again. -

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101 Observations : * The same story is given in the Avasyaka-curni but in a very brief manner. Haribhadra quotes the same story with a slight elaboration in different context to explain the extreme importance of human birth. * The words 7s Huifa' indicate that, there were different oral versions of Canakyan tales in the society. * It is very interesting to note that in the 77th adhyaya of the 3rd adhikarana of the Kautiliya Arthasastra, the rules and regulations of the dice-play (dyuta) are mentioned. According to Kautilya it was the privilege of dyutadhyaksa to produce the authorized dices. It seems that the details of the concerned adhyaya are used in the narrative as a motif. If it is true, then it throws light on the minute study of the Kautiliya Arthasastra among the circle of the Jaina acaryas. (ii) Avasyaka-tika p.405 An incident is quoted here as an example of vimarsa. This word has several meanings and almost all meanings are applicable in the present case. It is about deliberation, consideration, examination, impatience and dramatic change. The text is - aing - EGUH INIT MUUT 4f07317 - Yrferifa kiMpi karejjAsi, susIso ya kira so Asi, aMteure dhammakahaNaM, uvasaggijjaMti, aNNatitthiyA ya viNavA, NicchUDhA ya, sAha saddAviyA bhaNaMti - jai rAyA acchai to kahemo, aigao rAyA osario, aMteuriyA uvasaggeti, hayAo, sirigharadidrutaM khei| The story is so concise, that the exact meaning is not clear. It is not found in the Avasyaka-curni. Hemacandra elaborates this story in the Parisista-parva (Sarga 8, gathas 415-435, p.85). With

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102 the help of Hemacandra we can summarize the story in the following manner Canakya advised Candragupta, 'Do something good for the life hereafter.' Candragupta was an obidient disciple. The heretics deliver religious sermon in Candragupta's harem. There was a peep-hole in the wall between the preaching-hall and harem. When Candragupta left they gathered around the hole and peeped into the harem. Knowing the lack of control of the heretics Canakya managed to spread fine brick-powder on the floor near the hole. he showed the foot-marks of the heretics to Candragupta. Candragupta ordered to drive them away. They left brazenly. Canakya invited the Jaina monks to preach. They preached and observed the rules of celebacy strictly. They didnot indulge into the shameful act of peeping into the harem. Candragupta accepted them as gurus after their tough examination. From that day he became aloof from the heretics. (iii) Avasyaka-tika p.818 Here, Haribhadra presents a small story of parapasandapasamsa (i.e praising the heretics) exactly in the manner of the Avasyaka-curni (pp.817-818). It has been already translated and commented upon previously. While reflecting on Haribhadra's story, we can see that - * Canakya is depicted as a Jaina householder while Candragupta originally believes in the brahmanic tenets. * The opinion of Canakya was important to Candragupta during decision-making. * Canakya's wife was in favour of the heretics. She was strong enough to lodge a complaint against the injustice done to the heretics.

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* The reference of Canakya's wife is important because it is very rare. The reference is not found in the Hindu and Buddhist sources. 103 The effects of Canakya's Jainification are incessantly seen in the previous and the present story. * If we go through the details about the ascetic-class in the Kautiliya Arthasastra, we see that Canakya's attitude is overall strict to the ascetic-class and at some places he is leanient to the srotriyabrahmins. Exactly contrary situation is seen in the above-mentioned story which is really hard to digest and provides scope for implanted Jainification. It is depicted here that Canakya was not only the guru of Candragupta in politics but guided him in the religious matter also. This anecdote is emplyed by Hemacandra to describe the conversion of Candragupta from the brahmanic faith to the Jaina faith. Whether it was intended by Haribhadra or not is a dubious matter. It seems that Haribhadra wants to focus on the examination or consideration part of the story. * The motif of 'spreading the fine brick-powder' is explicitely picked up from the Nisitha-curni. (iv) The Dasavaikalika-tika contains a passing reference to Canakya while explaining a dvaragatha of the Avasyaka-niryukti. jahA The concerned sentence is - uvAe tti dAraM diTThato cANakko, 'be majjha dhAturattAI' evamAdIhiM cANakkeNa uvAehiM dhaNovajjaNaM kataM / (Dasavaikalika-tika p.435) The story of Canakya's dhanoparjana for the royal treasury was famous in the oral tradition of Jainas and the Jaina writers oftenly quote the story probably imitating the Avasyaka-curni. Haribhadra has quoted the same story here in a brief manner. ------

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[B] References in Upadesapada The Upadesapada is a didactic work of Haribhadra written in Jaina Maharastri, which is a collection of traditional narratives presented in 1039 dvaragathas. These dvaragathas contain hundreds of stories in a very brief manner. Municandrasuri has written a voluminous commentary on these dvaragathas in the 12th century A.D. At this place only the dvaragathas are mentioned with their numbers and subjects, which are connected with the anecdotes of Canakya. The numbers of gathas are - 7; 50; 139; 196. (i) Upadesapada, gatha 7 104 jogiyapAsicchiyapADaramaNadINArapattijUyammi / jaha ceva jao dulaho dhIrassa tava maNuyattaM / / Here, the analogy of pasaka is indicated to explain the rareness or infrequency of human birth. The short story is documented in the Avasyaka-tika (p.342) by Haribhadra. (ii) Upadesapada, gatha 50 khamae amaccaputte cANakke ceva thUlabhadde ya / nAsikkasuMdarINaMda vaira pariNAmiyA buddhI / / Two gathas (No.49-50) are dedicated to enumerate the famous personalities possessing parinamiki-buddhi (wisdom acquired through experience). Canakya is one of them. In the Avasyaka-tika (pp.433-435), Haribhadra has written the life-story of Canakya up to the incident of filling the royal treasury, following the curnikara, without any major changes. (iii) Upadesapada, gatha 139 - cANakke vaNagamaNaM moriyacaMda taha theri rohaNayA / uvayAratthaggahaNaM dhaNasaMvaraNaM ca vinneyaM / /

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105 The whole life-story of Canakya from birth to death is indicated here with few key-words. Municandra, the commentator of Upadesapada, elaborates the biography in total 178 gathas. (iv) Upadesapada, gatha 196 jaha ceva caMdauttassa vibbhamo savvahA Na cANakke / savvattha tahetassavi etto ahigo suhagurummi / / The content of the gatha can be summarized as - When a disciple has a complete faith in his preceptor, he becomes a recipient of immense spiritual progress. For explaining this fact, the example of Canakya and Candragupta is given. And it is noted that due to the impeccable faith in Canakya, Candragupta enjoyed the royal prosperity. On the whole, we can say that the reverence for the both, Canakya and Candragupta, is seen even in the short and suggestive dvaragathas of the Upadesapada. [C] Satirical reference in the Dhurtakhyana Haribhadra's satirical work Dhurtakhyana (Dhuttakkhana) is enumerated among the few celebrated classics in Jaina Maharastri Prakrit. We do not find any direct reference of Canakya in this small poem (khanda-kavya) but it is worth-seeing how Haribhadra describes Khandapana, 'the lady don' among the five hundred rogues. He says aha bhaNai khaMDavANA vihasaMtI atthasatthaNimmAyA / buddhI ahiabuddhI dhutte tulleuM vayaNamimaM / / Dhurtakhyana 5.1 (p.24) "Taking into consideration all the narrations of the rogues (dhurtas), Khandapana, the creator of the Arthasastra, the most intelligent lady-rogue started her narration with a cunning smile on her face."

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106 When Haribhadra paints a picture of an intelligent, shrewd and crooked lady using deceitful means to acquire wealth, he immediately remembers Canakya and says ironically that (as if) she is the composer of the Arthasastra, a science of polity. Indirectly Haribhadra has highlighted the aspects of shrewdness and crookedness in the personality of Canakya. General Remarks on Haribhadra's Canakya : * Haribhadra is very keen on depicting Canakya as a Jaina house holder. * He emphasises the skill of Canakya to gather wealth. * According to Haribhadra, the pair of Canakya-Candragupta is the pair of ideal guru-sisya. * Haribhadra might have minutely studied the Kautiliya Arthasastra during his formal education. * He highlights Canakya's parinamiki-buddhi again and again but the part of Canakya's death is missing in his writing. * In spite of the satirical attitude reflected in the Dhurtakhyana, generally the sense of appreciation is seen through all the refer ences found in Haribhadra's literature. [24] The Kuvalayamala of Uddyotanasuri is a grand novel written in classical Jaina Maharastri during the gth century A.D. This text is written in campu style and is full of rich cultural data. We find the references of Canakya in this text, in the following manner (i) " a upr Jun 22701377 37791-416-Y? , --- firardovifa galut delocolas aluc42215 7 1" (Kuvalayamala, p.56 - lines 27-28) "There, in the city of Varanasi people were wealthy and munificient. Young people were instructed in various arts and sciences as well as the sciences composed by Canakya etc."

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It is noteworthy that Uddyotana's reference is very specific. In the 8th century, the study of Canakya's Arthasastra was in vogue along-with the other Arthasastras. (ii) At another place, while describing 16 types of desi dialects, Golladesa is referred to in the following manner tattha ya (haTTamagge) pavisamANeNa diTThA aNeya - desa - bhAsA - lakkhie desa - vaNie / taM jahA - 107 kasiNe NiThura-vayaNe bahuka - samara - 1 'aDDe' ullavaMte aha pecchai gollae tattha / / "When he entered the busy market-streets of the city, he saw the merchants of various regions speaking their dialects. They were mentioned as - People of golladesa were black, harsh-speaking, excessively passionate, combative and brazen. They were repeatedly using the word 'adde' in their conversation." If we presume that golla is the region around the river Godavari, then we can ascribe Canakya as a 'daksinatya'. The Svetambara writers generally have accepted golladesa, as the birthplace of Canakya. In that case the Digambara accounts of the arrival of Canakya to daksinapatha, at the end of his life, cannot be negeted totally. In nutshell, the Kuvalayamala's references to canakya-sastra and golla are both important for exploring Canakya in the Jaina literature. [25-26] Silanka's Views about Canakya Silanka, famous for his 'Cauppanna-maha-purisa-cariya' has written two Sanskrit commentaries on the first two anga canons (viz. the Acaranga and Sutrakrtanga) in the 9th century A.D. (i) Acaranga-tika runs as - - bhuMjae alajje ya /

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108 bhAryAnimittaM rAgadveSodbhavaH, tadyathA - cANAkyena bhaginIbhaginIpatyAdyavajJAtayA Hypefur alleda 7-Gifts Gantefyuunda 1918-comes an ART I (Acarangatika p.100) The point of discussion is - 'How the feelings of attachment and aversion are created while interacting with our dear ones ?' For explaining the point, the example of Canakya and his wife is given. In the above-mentioned passage, many incidents are noted briefly viz. humiliation of Canakya's wife by her sisters and their husbands ; Canakya's arrival to the court of Nanda for getting donation ; his insult in the palace and his revenge on Nanda. Silanka follows the Avasyaka-curni in this small passage but the context and presentation is different. Secondly, he uses the word Canakya in Sanskrit, following Harisena, a Digambara acarya. (ii) In the Sutrakstanga-tika, we find one-line comment on Canakya. 7911 EURTHERIUT RI Joelfcousetuig-TefH 1 (p.169) According to Silanka, Canakya intends that one should employ deceitful means to acquire wealth. "With the help of Silanka's passing remarks, one cannot know his exact attitude towards Canakya. The revengeful nature and deceitful means of Canakya are looked at with a sense of reproach." [27] Canakya : From Jayasimha's outlook The Dharmopadesamala with vivarana is a collection of traditional narratives written with new prespective during the 9th century A.D. The dvaragathas and stories both are written by the same author, Jayasimha. Two stories of Canakya are found in this text. Both the stories start with dvaragathas. The stories are not new because the author himself has given references of the Avasyakaniryukti-curni-tika and Upadesamala. But it is the contribution of

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109 Jayasimha to provide new context and new outlook to the old stories. (i) Dharmopadesamala, dvaragatha 40 (p.129) is as follows - hiyayagayaM sabbhAvaM givhijjA tayaNurUva-ciTThAhiM / jaha giNhai cANakko vaNiyANaM naccamANANaM / / "For knowing the truth, hidden in the minds of others, one should behave and act like them to win their belief. The example of Canakya is revealing because he made the merchants to dance and knew the details about their real financial position." A sense of appreciation is clearly seen in the above-mentioned dvaragatha. The story of merchants is presented at length with a few changes after this dvaragatha. We have already seen that Silanka disregards Canakya for his deceitful means to gather wealth. Jayasimha looks at the episode from a different angle and praises him. (ii) Dharmopadesamala, dvaragatha 50 (p.138) is as follows - bhAvaM viNA kareMto muNi-ceTuM pAvae mokkhaM / aMgAramaddao viva ahavA vi subaMdhu-sacivo vva / / "One who observes the monkhood outwordly and does not enhance the spirit of religion in his mind, will never attain liberation. Their are two examples. One is that of angara-mardaka and the second is of the minister - Subandhu." After quoting this dvaragatha, a story containing forty lines is given. it covers the last part of the life of Canakya and Subandhu. Canakya's death is designated as ingini-marana. It is noted that like an excellent Jaina householder, he distributed and donated his wealth to'Jina-sadhu-samgha-sramana-brahmanas'. We do not find the reference of his wife, sons, grandsons or other relatives. The detached attitude of canakya is highlighted.

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110 The story of Subandhu - after the death of Canakya, is focused by Jayasimha because Jayasimha wants to unveil the pseudo-monkhood of Subandhu. Remarks : Thus, from the both stories, it can be guessed that Jayasimha possesses a feeling of honour and regard towards Canakya. In the first story the author wants to highlight Canakya's great skill of mind-reading and in the second story, Canakya's detached and selfless attitude towards life. [28] The Kathakosaprakarana of Jinesvarasari, a collection of narratives written in the 11th century A.D., is a Jaina Maharastri text, which represents Canakya in a unique manner. Muni Jinavijayaji has written a studied introduction to the Kathakosao. Jinavijayaji has located textual references given by Jinesvara from Ayurveda, Dhanurveda, Natyasastra, Kamasastra and particularly the Kautiliya Arthasastra (Intro.pp.123-124). The Sundaridattakathanaka of the Kathakosa' provides a lot of details by paraphrazing the actual words of Kautilya in Jaina Maharastri Prakrit. The related passage can be quoted at this place, as a specimen. The text runs as follows(i) "kiM rajjaM sukaraM kAurisehiM ? --- niyakalattassa vi na vIsasiyavvaM / niyayaputtANa amacca-sAmaMtANa parikkhaNaM kAyavvaM / kari-turaya-vejja-paumatAra-mahAsavai-dUyasaMdhiviggahiya-pANihariya-mahANasiya-thaiyAvAhaya-sejjavAla-aMgarakkhAiyANaM caDDaNA kAyavvA / paDirAINa ya pahANamaMtiyaNa-sAmaMtabheyaNaM viheyaM / ---avi ya - paDirAyagohavavaeseNaM kUDalehakaraNeNaM suvaNNapesaNabhUmivilaMbheNa ya niyamaMtisAmaMtA parikkhiyavvA / puttA vi maMtIhiM sAmaMtehiM ya guttamaMttehiM bhANiyavvA, jahA - rAyANaM geNhiya tumaM rajje ThAvemo tti / --- sukaTThANesu vaNijjArae pesiya laMcAdANeNa suMkabhaMga kArAviya kAraNiyA parikkhiyavvA / iccevamAi savvattha avissAso kAyavvo / --- aMba ! jo rajjasiriM pAliuM samattho so pavvajjaM pi pAliuM smttho|" (pp.176177)

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111 We can locate almost each sentence of this passage in the Kautiliya Arthasastra, particularly in the first adhikarana and more precisely in the adhyayas from 8 to 20. A queen is persuading her son to accept kinghood. The prince explained to her as to why he was reluctant to become a king. He says, "One has to rear a feeling of constant disbelief while ruling a country. At every moment you have to be cautious. You have to put spies on almost each and every important person. Oh mother, I think, one who is able to govern a country, can observe the monkhood very easily." The above-mentioned passage reflects the author's acquaintance with the Arthasastra and also his regard for Canakya, who guided the king Candragupta and accepted detached life, at the end of his life-span. (ii) In the Sundaridatta-kathanaka, a merchant named Sagara, highlights the importance of the Arthasastra, because charity, enjoyment and religious ceremonies are related to the financial condition of a person. Sagaradatta's thoughts remind us the famous Canakyasutra, viz. 'arthamUlau dharmakAmau / ' (iii) Jinesvara, in his another text viz. the Pancalingi-prakarana mentions, "A kind-hearted person should not study Canakya, Pancatantra, Kamandaka etc. because these treatises encourage deceitful activities, treachery, breach in trust and so many bad things." (Kathakosa", Introduction p.56). To sum up, we can say that, instead of giving Canakyanarratives, Jinesvara prefers to paraphrase the actual text of the Arthasastra which is his unique way to follow the legacy of Canakya in the Jaina tradition.

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[29-30-31] Abhayadeva's understanding of Kautilya and the Arthasastra 112 Abhayadeva was a versatile literary personality of the 11th century A.D. Among his vast literature, his commentaries on nine canonical texts are important, due to which he got the epithet - 'navangi tikakara'. Like his predecessors Abhayadeva has not repeated the famous Canakyan tales. His references about Canakya and his Arthasastra are occasional and brief. The language is Sanskrit. (i) Commentary on Sthanamga 4.4.361, p.281 Context: A monk endures various kinds of troubles (upasargas) afflicted upon him by human beings, gods and animals. The mancreated upasargas are further divided into four kinds. The third subvariety is vimamsa (troubles created during discussion or consultation). Abhayadeva quotes theexample in the following words "vimarSAdyathA cANakyoktacandraguptena dharmmaparIkSArthaM liGgino'ntaHpure dharmmamAkhyApitAH kSobhitAzca sAdhavastu kSobhituM na zakitA iti / " "Canakya advised Candragupta to test the religiosity of heretics (brahmin ascetics) and (the Jaina) monks. Candragupta kept all the monks in the vicinity of his harem. Heretics were agitated due to the rise of erotic feeling in their minds while the Jaina monks remained unpurturbed." Abhayadeva quotes this story on the line of the Avasyakacurni but very briefly and in the different context of parisahas. Hemacandra documents this incident in his Parisista-parva in the elaborative manner. Abhayadeva depicts Canakya as a Jaina lay votary and proves the superiority of the Jaina monks after proper examination. Abhayadeva here wants to glorify Canakya for his impartial justice based on sufficient evidence. -

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113 (ii) Commentary on the Samavayanga 30 ga.26, p.55 Abhayadeva explains the word 'kathadhikatanani" as follows'kathA - vAkyaprabandhaH zAstramityarthastadrUpANyadhikaraNAni kathAdhikaraNAni - kauTilyazAstrAdIni prANyupamardanapravarttakatvena teSAmAtmano durgatAvadhikArikatvakaraNAt, kathayA vA kSetrANi kRSata gAmasUyatetyAdikayA adhikaraNAni tathAvidharUpANi / " The purpose of this long sentence is to establish the relation between the Jaina technical term 'adhikarana' and the fifteen adhikaranas (chapters) of the Kautiliya Arthasastra. According to the Jaina terminology 'adhikarana' means the base or support of various acts of violence. In fact, many times this word is used as a synonym of violence (himsa). Abhayadeva knows that various adhikaranas (chapters) of the Arthasastra are written to encourage the subjects in farming, cattle-breeding etc. According to the Jaina notions, all these activities incurr violence and therefore all are 'sinful activities'. Abhayadeva looks at the Kautiliya Arthasastra as a science which creates trouble to the earth, vegetation, animals etc. He adds that one who follows this science, causes durgati to one's self. From the context, it is clear that Abhayadeva negates the study of the Arthasastra for monks and nuns by giving the etymology of the word 'adhikarana'. We have to understand that Abhayadeva does not intend to extend this rule to the lay-votaries which owe to the merchant-class, whose traditional vocations are kRSi - gorakSa-vANijya (i.e. farming, cattle-rearing and commerce). (iii) Commentary on the Jnatadharmakatha, 1.15, p.12 Abhayadeva quotes "arthazAstre - arthopAyavyutpAdagranthe kauTilyarAjanItyAdau / " Here, Abhayadeva describes prince Abhayakumara who was well-versed in various sastras. In the long list of sastras he enumer

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114 ates the Kautilya's Arthasastra, which is a treatise on polity and which encourages to create and increase wealth. The word 'TG-CAICI suggests that at the time of Abhayadeva (i.e. 11th century A.D.) there were many treatises on polity among which the Kautiliya Arthasastra was probably the first and foremost. Conclusive Remark : Thus, after the scrutiny of the Canakya-references given by Abhayadeva, we come to know that, for him, the study of the Arthasastra is necessary for a good governance and the prosperity in the mundane life but for a monk, who is engaged in the spiritual progress of the soul, there is no need to study the Arthasastra because it is full of adhikaranas (means of violence). [32] The Sukhabodha-tika of Nemicandra alias Devendragani is a reputed commentary on Uttaradhyayana. The explanations are given in Sanskrit while the concerned traditional stories are written in Jaina Maharastri prakrit, during the 11th century A.D. This book is widely studied by the Indian and foreign scholars of Prakrit. Two references are found in this commenatry. (i) Commentary on Uttaradhyayana 2.17 It records some of the important details in the life of Sthulabhadra. The narrative starts from the history of the rise and fall of some important cities in the Magadha kingdom. The details are given in the following manner - "'In ancient times, Ksitipratisthita city was prosperous. When it's glory perished, Canakapura was settled. After that Rsabhapura became glorious, then Rajagtha, then Campa and then Pataliputra. Sakatala was the minister of the 9th Nanda." Though Hemacandra has written the whole Sakatala-Sthulabhadra narrative in the gth canto of the Parisista-parva on the same lines of

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115 Sukhabodha, still the history of Magadhan cities is the unique feature of Sukhabodha. Though the sources are taken from the Avasyaka (DET KETRI 39ky - p.31) the history of the above-mentioned cities is absent there. (ii) Commentary on the Uttaradhyayana 4.1 At this place, Devendra notes the ten traditional examples of the rareness of the human birth, given in the niryuktig etc. While explaining 'pasaga', viz. dices, the story of the miraculous dices produced by Canakya is mentioned. Though the small episodes of pasaga was sufficient, Devendra could not resist the temptation to give the life-story of Canakya. Thus he copied the first half of the Canakya-narrative. The story is a mere repetition, still it is noteworthy that Devendra has passed a favourable remark about 'canakya-niti, which is not found in the Avasyaka-curni or even in the latter literature. When Parvataka was about to die, Candragupta came forward to save him. Canakya stopped him by raising his eyebrow. Devendra remarks - cANakkeNa bhiuDI kayA imaM nItiM saraMteNa "tulyArthaM tulyasAmarthyaM, marmajJaM vyavasAyinaM / arddharAjyaharaM bhRtyaM, yo na hanyAtsa hanyate / / " (Sukhabodha-tika p.58b) It means, "It is almost a rule in the politics that if one does not kill a person (lit. servant) who has equal wealth and strength, one who knows the secrets, who is industrious and who is the master of the half of the kingdom, then it is likely to be killed by him at the earliest opportunity." The above-mentioned verse quoted in the defence of Canakya

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116 is sufficiently eloquent in depicting the soft attitude of the author towards Canakya. [33] The Oghaniryukti-tika includes a passing reference of Canakya on niryukti ga.418 in which the strict orders of Canakya about passing excreta and urine are mentioned. The commentary on Oghaniryukti is written by Dronacarya in the 11th century A.D. We have already discussed this reference in the 4th number of this chapter. So, the reader may go through the details given at that place. [34] The Vyavahara-bhasya-tika of Malayagiri written in the 12th century A.D. holds a peculiar position among the chedasutras because it contains the narratives of the revolutionary personalities like Arya-Raksita, Arya-Kalaka, king Satavahana, anarya king Murunda, the versatile monk Padalipta, amatya Canakya, thief Rohineya, muni Visnukumara and many others. The term vyavahara carries multiple meanings viz.daily routine, behavior, work, dealing, trade, commerce, legal dispute or procedure etc. But especially in the Jaina monastic conduct, the term designates nine or ten types of prayascitta (expiation or atonement). When a monk (or nun) transgresses a general rule of conduct, it is compulsory for him (or her) to expiate properly. Context : Vyavahara-bhasyagathas from 715 to 718 (continuous numbers) and the concerned commentary of Malayagiri, is dedicated to the topic of 'pravacana-raksa' i.e. 'protection of the preaching of the Jinas and the fourfold samgha'. It is told that one should adopt sober ways to make the king favourable to the pravacana. As far as possible hot discussions should be avoided. A monk can use his miraculous powers, chants or powders etc. to persuade the king. In spite of this, if the king does not change his merciless and malacious

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117 attitude towards pravacana and samgha, then he should be uprooted with the help of others. While commenting gatha 716, the story of Canakya and Naladama (name of a weaver) is given by Malayagiri. In the Avasyaka-curni, the story is given in a brief manner. Malayagiri gives the narrative in a very elaborate manner. The summary of the story is - Nanda was driven away by Canakya. Candragupta was installed on the throne. After some time, the followers of Nanda created nuisance by theft and robbery. They bribed the policemen and continued their anti-king acts. Canakya was in search of a reliable and faithful person to curb their activities. He saw Naladama who was busy in burning the holes of insects because his son was bitten by the insects. Canakya appointed Naladama to teach a lesson to the followers of Nanda. Naladama followed the advice of Canakya. He called all of them for dinner with their families and cut off their heads. While commenting on ga.91, Malayagiri says - "tadevaM yathA cANikyena nanda utpATito yathA naladAmnA matkoTakAzcorAzca samUlA uccheditAstathA pravacanapradviSTaM rAjAnaM samUlamutpATayet / --- te sarve zuddhAH YHTYEN TAUT sqacara li" (Vyavahara-bhasya p.77) Observations : * At first, we feel that it isvery odd that a monk, who observes a complete vow of non-violence, is preached here to retaliate a king by employing ruthless measures. But when we think of the situational difficulties, it seems natural and practical (vyavaharya) from the point of view of pravacana-raksa (survival of the Jaina faith). * Malayagiri has categorically pointed out that if a monk is involved in eradicating a king who is completely adverse to the pravacana, he is not liable to a blame or stigma. Further, it is noted that if he dwells

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118 at the royal residence more than two or three days, he should expiate cheda or parihara. * For the bhasyakara and Malayagiri, Canakya and Naladama are so praiseworthy that they are represented here as the idols for monks. In nutshell, we can say that Canakya is admired here for the purity of his intentions in spite of his harsh and ruthless measures of administration and thus confirms the relation between chedasutras and canakyasutras. [35] The Yugadi-jinendra-carita written by Vardhamanasuri is also known as Adinatha-carita. Vardhamanasuri was busy in his literary activities during the 11th century A.D. In this book, the whole lifehistory of Canakya is found at length (pp. 49-55). Context : King Samprati of the maurya dynasty is adored in the Jaina history. According to the Jaina tradition, he was a complete Jainized king. Therefore the Jaina writers thought that it is necessary to narrate the complete history of mauryas while depicting Samprati. In the present text, Vardhamana started Kunala-katha (Kunala - the blind father of Samprati) with the life-sketch of Canakya-Candragupta. Language and Style : The big narrative is written in the classical Jaina Maharastri. Vardhamana's style is very lucid, properly embellished with alamkaras and decorated with crisp dialogues. It is written mainly in prose but Sanskrit and Prakrit verses are used inbetween to maintain the interest of the readers. The details of Canakya-Candragupta are taken from the curnis on Avasyaka and Dasavaikalika. It seems that Vardhamana knows the narratives of Canakya written by all his predecessors viz. Haribhadra, Jayasimha and specially the non-Jaina dramatist Visakhadatta.

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119 Some observations on Vardhamana's Canakya-katha : Probably this is the largest prose narrative written in JainaMaharastri. An attempt has been made by Vardhamana to depict the whole continuous biography without topic-wise division like - parinamikibuddhi, rareness of human birth, gathering of wealth for the royal treasury, ajnabhanga etc. In his story, every episode seems to be the natural culmination of the previous one and the springwell of the next one. Although the brahmanatva of Canakya is clear, every possible occasion is exploited to hammer the sravakatva of Canakya, from start to end. Especially the nine verses put in the mouth of Canakya after the acceptance of ingini-marana, throw light on the well-versedness of Canakya in the Jaina religion. In the last verse it is noted that due to the pandita-marana, Canakya was reborn in the heaven. * * In this context, it is quite surprising that Vardhamana has omitted the incidents of (i) praising the heretics and (ii) the account of famine and two disciples of Sussthitacarya. Probably he has not gone through the Nisitha-curni. Vardhamana repeates the verse kozena bhRtyaizca --- from the avasyaka-curni. 'tulyArthaM tulyasAmarthyaM --- is the verse, which is quoted by Vardhamana as well as by Devendra in the Sukhabodhatika. Both the works are contemporary. * In the present narrative, Canakya addresses Candragupta: 3 ! vRSala ! svatantra iva lakSyase, nedaM kartavyaM'. This sentence reminds us of the drama Mudraraksasa of Visakhadatta. The vocative frequently used for Candragupta by Canakya is 'vrsala'. It seems that Vardhamana is acquainted with the Mudraraksasa. The Avasyaka

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curni notes that Candragupta was born in the caste of mauryaposakas, which is a lower caste. Therefore Vardhamana has chosen the word 'vrsala' for Candragupta imitating Visakhadatta. Subandhu-Canakya - episode is written at length. In the last monologue, Canakya's repentance is expressed in peculiar Jaina terminology. It is noted that Canakya begged for forgivance for all except Subandhu. Canakya's death is designated as 'anasana' or 'ingini-marana' a perfect religious death according to the Jaina norms. Vardhamana has not added his disregardful comments anywhere in the whole biography of Canakya. Canakya's good governance is appreciated. Nowhere his kautilya (crookedness) or maya (deceitfulness) is despised. The author's perception about Canakya can be truely described in Vardhamana's own words maimAhappaM so cciya cANakko dharau jIvalogammi / 120 Long live the fame of Canakya in the world, the brilliant one! [36] The Visesavasyaka-bhasya-tika of Maladhari Hemacandra is a text written in the 12th century A.D. While commenting on the word 'subahulivibheyaniyayaM', which occurs in gatha 464 of the Visesavasyaka-bhasya. The commentator says tatra subahvayo yA etA aSTAdaza lipayaH zAstreSu zrUyante, tadyathA / taha animittI ya livI cANakkI mUladevI ya / In this passage, total eighteen scripts are enumerated. Canakyiscript is one of them. Dr. Hiralal Jain has made an effort to explain all these scripts with the help of Yasodhara's commentary on the Kamasutra. About the canakyi-script Dr. Hiralal Jain says - bhUyalivI - haMsalivI

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"In kautiliya (or canakyi ) script, the letter ksa () is added at the end of each word. Short and long vowels are mutually exchanged. Anusvaras and visargas take place of each other. The tradition of canakyi and muladevi script is very old and people used them for a long time." (bhAratIya saMskRti meM jainadharma kA yogadAna, p.286) In the Ardhamagadhi text Samavayanga, a list of eighteen scripts is given but canakyi and muladevi scripts are not mentioned. It is noteworthy that in the narrative literature of the Jainas, Muladeva is a famous personality like Canakya. Thus, the rarest reference of canakyi-script preserved by Maladhari Hemacandra is really valuable. [37] The Upadesamala-tika of Ratnaprabhasuri is a didactic text full of narratives written in the 12th century A.D. The dvaragathas are written by Dharmadasagani and the commentary is written by Ratnaprabhasuri. We find two references of Canakya in this text. The first one is a passing reference and the second one is the full lifeaccount of Canakya given in a very different context with the author's remarks inbetween. (i) Upadesamala-tika p.347 line 3: 121 aho mahilA pagaIe ceva cANakkavaMkabhAvaM visesei / While describing the natural deceitful attitude of womanfolk, Ratnaprabha comments, 'Oh a woman instinctivly surpasses the crookedness of Canakya very easily.' The author's sweeping remark throws light on his attitude towards womankind in general and towards Canakya in particular. (ii) Upadesamala-tika Dvaragatha 150, pp.354-363 Context of the Dvaragatha : In the 149th dvaragatha, Dharmadasagani discusses the reliability of one's own son through the example of Srenika and Konika.

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122 In the present dvaragatha he says - luddhA sakajjaturiA , suhiNo'vi visaMvayaMti kayakajjA / jaha caMdaguttaguruNA , pavvayao ghAio rAyA / / "The person who is greedy and very much anxious to fulfil his motive it is seen that after the fulfilment of his purpose, he betrays even his close friend. See ! how the preceptor of Candragupta (i.e. Canakya) killed the king Parvataka by treacherous means !". The present dvaragatha provides sufficient clue to the commentator to despise various deeds of Canakya. Following this guideline, Ratnaprabha presents the whole biography of Canakya with his own critical remarks in total 182 gathas. The language is Jaina Maharastri with the occasional use of Sanskrit and Apabhramsa. It will not be out of place if we provide some examples for understanding Ratnaprabha's viewpoint. (a) During his wanderings with Candragupta, Canakya tore up the belly of a brahmin to get curd-rice to feed Candragupta who was extremely hungry. Dharmadasa exclaims, HECHIEFHBTT GHT, I Hottes de tefte 13 I (p.357 ga.60) None other than Canakya will dare to perform a sin of brahmahatya i.e. killing a brahmin of one's own caste! (b) Canakya's ungrateful nature is censured in the episode of Parvataka, in harsh words. The author remarks - (tatrApi mitrottame) / kauTilya: kuTilAM kriyAmiti daghau dhigdhikkRtaghnAn jnaan| (p.358 ga.86) "Parvataka was their best friend (who contributed a lot to acquire the kingdom). Still the crooked Kautilya acted treachously to him. Down with such ungrateful persons !" (c) While commenting upon the episode of grama-daha (burning the village) Ratnaprabha exclaims - '371: Jej s y ftabat'

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'What a great taste in merciless acts!' And he further adds, 'so'yaM kaTukuTilamaternirvivAdaH pramAdaH' (p. 359 ga.98) i.e 'It is certainly a serious offence of that crooked Canakya.' Observations : 123 Though Ratnaprabha uses a lot of pejorative phrases to describe Canakya, it is surprising that he depicts the end of Canakya in the traditional manner. It is noted that Canakya accepted inginimarana after a great lament of repentance. jaha jaha karIsajalaNeNa tassa dhannassa Dajjhai deho / taha taha palayaM pAvaMti, kUrakammAI kammAI / / (p.363 ga.175) "As the body of the blessed one (i.e. Canakya) was burnt by the blazing fire in the cow-dungs, all his cruel deeds slowly disappeared." The author further adds, 'Due to the pure meditation and equanimity of mind, Canakya acquired heavenly realm of birth.' Thus in spite of all the cruel, ungrateful and crooked acts undertaken by Canakya throughout his life, Canakya stands as an iconic figure to Ratnaprabha due to his noble death! [38-39] The Upadesa-pada-tika of Municandra is a collection of narratives written in poetical form during the 12th century A.D. The narratives suggested in the dvaragathas by Haribhadra are expounded in Jaina Maharastri Prakrit by Municandra. (i) Dvaragatha 139 contains the life-story of Canakya in nutshell. Municandra spares 178 gathas to document it (pp.109-114). Each and every incident noted down by all the previous writers is included in this biography. In the story-line, nothing is new. Therefore literary translation of gathas is avoided. The noteworthy points of this story are - " * Every opportunity is exploited to depict Canakya as a Jaina house holder from start to end. Even the voluntary death of Canakya is

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124 designated as an outcome of his parinamiki buddhi. * The legacy of the traditional verse viz. Ista pita ---' is retained. * Municandra's large narrative is not simply a collection of scattered accounts but he has joined each incident to the next one with a great skill. The description of the fierce war between Candragupta and Nanda, is Municandra's new addition. He might have thought that it is necessary to highlight the valour of Candragupta and parvataka. It adds a new measure to the traditional character of Candragupta as a 'puppet-king'. * Generally Municandra avoids to pass his own remarks inbetween the story but at the horrific incident of grama-daha he remarks bAraniroheNa palIviUNa gAmo sabAlavuDDho so / Get GraEASTIUTUT AM464100 II (p.111 ga.89) "Canakya, the evil-doer, closed all the gates of the village and with his puffed-up crooked intellect, burnt the whole village including children and old persons." * At the incident of famine, the Nisitha-curni documents the name of the preceptor as 'Susthita', but Municandra gives the name as "Sambhutavijaya'. * Municandra specifically mentions that Canakya was the 'sasanapalaka' i.e. the actual administrator, through Candragupta was a throned king, Municandra's Canakya gives his word to Sambhutavijaya to take care of the pravacana i.e. the religious order of the Jinas in Candragupta's kingdom. (ga.128) * The author depicts Canakya as an expert surgeon. Canakya saved the foetus of the queen by a precise cut on her belly. (ga.134) The exaggeration is quite clear in upgrading Canakya as a skilful

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125 surgeon. When Canakya decided to accept voluntary death, Municandra says, 'He distributed his wealth among his sons, grandsons and relatives.' This reference is not reliable because the author has not mentioned elsewhere about Canakya's family except his wife. * The incident of the death of Canakya caused by Subandhu, the exminister of Nanda is presented by Municandra in a slightly different manner. The author says 7 0 734 fa fuz ydyfamfuri au eat | cANakkeNa pesunnakaDuvivAgaM muNaMteNa / / (p. 114 ga.160) After having realized the false allegation of Subandhu, Canakya kept mum and told nothing to the king because he knew that parapaisunya (slandering others) is enumerated among the 18 papasthanas. The word 'adhikarana' used in the gatha 170 consists a pun because it is used in the sense of 'violent acts' as well as in the sense of 'chapters of the Kautiliya Arthasastra'. * From this long narration, it is evident that Municandra possesses high regards for Canakya and looks at his death as an essence of his parinamiki-buddhi. Municandra further adds that due to his repentance and the true meditation of pancaparamesthin, all the sinful acts of Canakya burnt away slowly along with his body. (p.114 ga.170-171) (ii) While commenting upon the 196th dvaragatha of Upadesapada, municandra explains - "As Candragupta acquired the excellent prosperity in the form of kingdom, due to his firm faith on his guru Canakya, likewise a true loyal disciple acquires hundred times more glory in the form of his spiritual upliftment due to his firm faith in

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126 his spiritual preceptor." Thus Canakya and Candragupta both are the idols for the Jaina tradition. [40] The Parisista-parva of Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.) is famous by the name - 'Sthaviravalicaritram'. This treatise, written in Sanskrit holds a peculiar position among the legendary histories (viz. prabandhas) written by the Jaina authors. In 'Trisastisalakapurusa-caritra', Hemacandra has documented the history of the powerful or most aptly the "illustrious' Jaina personalities. In the present work, he has documented the biographies of the 'sthaviras', viz. Jambusvami, Prabhava, Sayyambhava, Yasobhadra, Bhadrabahu, Sthulabhadra, Sambhutavijaya, Arya Mahagiri, Arya Suhasti, Vajrasvami and Arya Raksita in 13 cantoes (sargas). The Parisista-parva is closely connected with the political history of Magadha. While describing the biographies of Bhadrabahu and Sthulabhadra, Hemacandra takes into account the royal dynasties viz. the Nandas and Mauryas. Hemacandra has given a deep thought to all the available material whether oral or written about Canakya, the kingmaker. The Avasyaka-literature is his main source still he has not negelected the latter narrative and didactic literature. Canakya-carita, written by the Svetambara acarya Hemacandra, is the first and authentic biography written in the classical Sanskrit. The actual Canakya-account starts from the 194th verse of the eighth canto and ends at the 469th verse of the same canto. The episode of Subandhu extends upto the 13th verse of the ninth canto, where the Canakya-story really ends. Comparative remarks on Hemacandra's Canakya-katha : (1) The Golla region, Canaka village, Cani brahmin are the same like the Avasyaka-curni. The name Canesvari, Canakya's mother is

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127 added, which is most probably imaginary one. (2) The prophesy of the baby-boy was told by a sadhu in the AvCu. Hemacandra presents it in a more Jainized way. He says, 'SIRAH tyta: ufatnya aga' - The knowledgeable Jaina monks reside for some time at the house of the householder Cani (8.195) (3) The sravakatva of Canakya is described very effectively, in the following manner cANakyo'pi zrAvako'bhUtsarvavidyAbdhipAragaH / 19Toda a H ea: UGTI (8.200-201) The layman Canakya was well-versed in all vidyas. He possessed contented attitude due to his being a layman (a Jaina householder). (4) Name of Canakya's wife is not mentioned in the AvCu and PariP. The incident of her insult due to her poverty is described at length in the Pari-P. Canakya's decision to approach Nanda at Pataliputra for getting some donation is same in both of the texts. Silanka's perception is a bit different. In the Acaranga-tika he presents this incident as an example of raga-dvesa i.e. Canakya's attachment towards wife and hatred towards the king Nanda. (5) The episode of Canakya's insult in the court of Nanda is almost same. The AvCu mentions the specific day as the full-moon-day in the month of karttika. Hemacandra ignores the day. The 'siddhaputra in the AvCu is the 'Nanda-putra' in the Pari-P. In both of the texts, Canakya was actually driven away by a female-servant (dasi). (6) The famous verse quoting Canakya's oath viz. 301917 yppee -- -' etc. is not literary quoted by Hemacandra. He paraphrases the same purport in the following manner - sakozabhRtyaM sasuhRtputraM sabalavAhanam / tray-koff heralfa 544 11 (8.225)

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128 (7) The often-quoted incident of sikhamocana (unfastening the tuft of the hair) is absent in the AvCu. Hemacandra has not included it in the main Sanskrit text but it is given as a foot-note by quoting one Sanskrit and one Prakrit verse. (8) Canakya's quest for a proper person to retaliate upon Nanda is mentioned briefly in the AvCu and Pari-P. It is not clear in both of the texts whether the daughter of the mayuraposaka of Nandas was pregnant due to Nandas or not. Candragupta's birth in the low-caste is told in a suggestive manner without any comment. (9) The fulfilment of the pregnancy-longings and the birth of Candragupta is described at length by Hemacandra. (8.230-8.239) (10) A number of episodes are documented in the Pari-P according to the AvCu uptill Candragupta becomes a sovereign king after the death of Parvataka. At this particular juncture, Hemacandra mentions the exact date of Candragupta's coronation in the following verse - evaM ca zrImahAvIramuktervarSazate gate / 408400||2gfelch ArsTSH04: 11 (8.339) "Thus after 155 years after Mahaviranirvana, (i.e. 372 B.C.) Candragupta became the king.' The exact date is not given in the AvCu and thus throws light on Hemacandra's sense towards historicity and provides important literary evidence for the date-fixation of Candragupta's coronation. Hemacandra's attitude towards chronology is really worthy of appreciation. (11) The incident of appointing a guard for the vigilance of Nanda's followers is same in the AvCu and Pari-P. (12) The episode of grama-daha is repeated with a slight elaboration. In the Nisitha-curni it is presented as an example of ajna-bhanga

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129 (disobeying the orders) and Canakya is praised for his strictness. Hemacandra avoids to pass his personal comments on the varied cruel acts of Canakya. (13) Two instances are given to exhibit Canakya's efforts to increase the royal treasury. The incident of kuta-pasaka (fake-dices) is mentioned in the AvCu as an example of Canakya's parinamiki-buddhi. In the Pari-P it is just an episode in the flow of narration without any title-tag. In the Dharmopadesamala and Upadesapada-tika, the example of kuta-pasaka is told to underline the rareness of human birth. The second instance in which Canakya instigates the merchants to disclose their wealth is very popular in many Jaina storybooks written in Jaina Maharastri. The Dharmopadesamala quotes this story as a device to know the real intention of the people. Almost all other writers present the story as an example of parinamikibuddhi. In the Pari-P Canakya is praised for such brilliant ideas to increase the royal wealth. Hemacandra exclaims cakre samarthamarthena tena mauryaM caNiprasUH / dhiyAM nidhiramAtyo hi kAmadhenurmahIbhujAm / / (8.376) "Canakya made the Mauryan kingdom financially very sound. The prime-minister, having such brilliant ideas is like a kamadhenu for the king". (14) The severe famine of twelve years and the story of acarya Susthita is narrated at length in the NisCu to explain a rule for a Jaina monk. In the Pinda-niryukti-bhasya also the story is presented to prohibit antardhana-pinda. The Pari-P dedicates 37 verses (i.e. 8.377 upto 8.414) to narrate the story. Every now and then Hemacandra emphasizes the laymanship of Canakya. (15) Hemacandra thinks that the story of para-pasanda-pasamsa can

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130 be employed to highlight the inclination of Candragupta towards heretics and Canakya's firm faith on the Jaina religion (8.415 upto 8.435). At the end of this story Hemacandra specifically mentions that, "When the king saw the detachment of the Jaina monks and attachment of the heretics in sensual pleasures, he was practically converted to the Jaina faith." The AvCu presents this story in brief. The role of Canakya's wife is important in the AvCu, but it is dropped in the Pari-P. The Avcu wants to convince that one should not praise the heretics even out of courtesy. It creates a breach in faith which is told as a transgression of samyaktva. Vardhamana in the Yugadi-jinendra-carita and Abhayadeva in the Sthananga-tika have presented this story in the same context of samyaktva. Hemacandra goes a step forward and describes Candragupta's acceptance of the Jaina faith. (16) The scattered details of Canakya's life are thus gathered and properly presented by Hemacandra in the Pari-P. He mentions Candragupta's death as 'samadhimarana' but the date and other details are not given. The story of Bindusara's birth is documented in short. It is mentioned that Subandhu was appointed as a minister by Canakya with the consent of Candragupta. Subandhu's ministership was continued in the regime of Bindusara. After the sad demise of Candragupta, Subandhu conspired against Canakya due to jealousy and vindictiveness. Subandhu become successful in creating ill-feelings and disregard towards Canakya in Bindusara's mind. When Canakya grasped this attitude of aversion in Bindusara, he decided to retire from his position as a prime-minister and accepted the vow of voluntary death (anasana) after distributing his wealth etc. to the needy people.

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131 In spite of Bindusara's efforts to persuade him, Canakya remained stable in his vow. At the end, Subandhu deceitfully set fire on Canakya. With a great determination, Canakya endured the severe pains and embraced death with a great courage. He acquired 'devagati in the next life. In the ninth canto, the story of Subandhu is seen extended up to the 13th verse. Canakya's life-account in the Pari-P ends here. The narrative of Canakya, Subandhu and Bindusara is quoted in the NisCu in different context than that of the Pari-P. It is prescribed in the Nisitha-sutra that, "A monk should not smell and enjoy the sacitta gandha and if he smells, a punishment is there in the form of atonement." The example of Subandhu is given who smelt the poisonous birch-leaf kept in a box by Canakya and became a monk unwillingly. In the Dharmopadesamala, this story is presented in a different context. The writer wants to teach a lesson that, "If renunciation is outwardly imposed upon somebody, it is futile because one cannot attain spiritual progress by observing vows out of compulsion." The same story is found in the Upadesapada-tika and Upadesamala-tika in Jaina Maharastri with the comments of the authors inbetween. The regardful mention of Canakya's religious death is noted in various prakirnakas like the Aturapratyakhyana, Samstaraka, Bhaktaparijna, Maranavibhakti and Aradhanapataka. Canakya's death is designated as anasana, ingini and prayopagamana. Salient Features of Parisista-parva: Systematic collection of Prakrit narratives presented in 288 San skrit verses. Authentic Svetambara version of Canakya-biography. Historical importance due to mentioning two important dates (corona *

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tion of Candragupta and death of Bhadrabahu). * No direct contact between Bhadrabahu-Sthulabhadra and Canakya Candragupta. Abrupt end of Candragupta at Pataliputra. Death of Canakya near Pataliputra. Mention of 12 years famine at Magadha. * Bhadrabahu's journey towards Nepal and not towards the south. * Repeated use of the same name 'Canakya' (not Kautilya or * * 132 Visnugupta). Purposeful use of the Jaina terminology to underline Canakya's laymanship. Constantly emphasizing the brahmanic features of Canakya. Absense of the most favourite myth of 'unfastening the tuft'. Hemacandra's acquaintance with the Mudraraksasa can be guessed from the Subandhu episode. No direct mention of Canakya's Arthasastra, Bhadrabahu's Chedasutra or the first Pataliputra-vacana of Svetambara canons. Comprehensive rating of Canakya reflected in the Parisista-parva: The Avasyaka and Nisitha literature presents Canakya with the sense of extreme regard. In the later texts, particularly in the Upadesapada-tika and Upadesamala-tika, Canakya's deceitful nature, crookedness, anger and vindictive nature is mentioned and commented upon. At very few places, hemacandra mentions Canakya as nistriMza (ruthless 8.268) ; dhUrta ( rouge 8.300) and ugradhI (furious 8.455). But when we see Hemacandra's Canakya in a broad perspective, a profuse use of honourific epithets is seen every now and then. Hemacandra's sense of extreme regard can be sensed through his conclusive remark dAruprAyo dahyamAno'pyakampyo mauryAcAryo devyabhUttatra mRtvA ( 8.469) *

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133 [41] The Abhidhana-cintamani-namamala of Hemacandra (12th century A.D.) is a lexicon dedicated to the proper-nouns of famous personalities. This Sanskrit work provides valuable information about Canakya in the following verse - vAtsAyane mallanAga: kauTalyazcaNakAtmajaH / GIFHSS: afatestament fabricants & Tea : 11 853 ||| According to Hemacandra, these eight proper-nouns are synonyms. It means Hemacandra has mentioned seven other names of Canakya. He has personally chosen the name 'Canakya', still in the course of narration he has used the names - 'caniprasu' and *canakatmaja' for metri-causa. In the Pari-P none of the other names are employed. In the self-commentary of the above-mentioned verse, Hemacandra provides us the etymology of each name with the concerned grammatical rules. The detailed scrutiny of each word is a vast subject of research. At this place, we will neglect the grammatical part and try to gather the additional information provided by Hemacandra. Hemacandra has enumerated three popular names of Canakya in the concerned verse. Therefore, whatever the modern thinkers opine, at least for Hemacandra, it is certain that Kautilya, Canakya and Visnugupta are the names of the same person. Some Indologists like A.B.Keith mention that, 'According to Hemacandra, the kamasutrakara Vatsyayana is none other that the arthasastrakara Kautilya. Actually it is not clear in the citation quoted by Hemacandra that by the name Vatsyayana he intends to mention kamasutrakara. If we accept the etymology of dramila as 'dramile deze bhavo drAmila:', then the birthplace of Canakya is modern Tamilnada. In that case the word "golla-visaya' mentioned in the most of the Svetambara

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134 texts can be interpreted as a region around the river Godavari. We can locate the word 'adde' mentioned in the Kuvalayamala in Tamil language. It is a very supportive fact that the old manuscripts of the Kautiliya Arthasastra are in the Tamil and Telugu scripts. The Digambara writers hold the view that Canakya came to the southern region in his last days. So, for conjucturing the south-Indian origin of Canakya, Hemacandra's present citation is favourable. A peculiar physical feature of Canakya is noted in the name 'amgula'. The citation can be interpreted in two ways - (i) One, who is benefit of one fingure. OR (ii) One, having deformity in one of the fingures. The myth about the teeth of Canakya is repeated in many of the Svetambara texts. But the deformity of his fingers is noted only in the present citation. If we generalize the myths into Canakya's ugly appearance, it contradicts the reference of Kamandaka where he says that Canakya was 'darsaniya'. Thus the riddle of Canakya's physical appearance remains unsolved. Hemacandra uses the word 'Kautalya' (not Kautilya) and mentions - kuTo ghaTastaM lAnti kuTalA: kumbhIdhAnyA: teSAM apatyaM kauTalyaH / In this etymology, he follows the Kamandakiya Nitisara. Some scholars think that it is a ficticious etymology. If we suppose the ficticiousness for a time being, still one fact remains that Hemacandra is totally against the word 'Kautilya' which indicates the crookedness of Canakya. It seems that Visakhadatta's famous terminology color: gofessura:' was not acceptable to Hemacandra. While explaining the word Canakatmaja, Hemacandra introduces Canakya's father as a 'rsi'. The peculiar word underliness the brahminhood of Canakya's father and raises question-mark on his

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135 laymanship. This contradiction provides scope for the elements of Jainification in the case of Canakya's father and to some extent Canakya also. The name 'mallanaga' is explained thus cAsau nAgazca mallanAgaH - which means - "Who is like a wrestler as well as like an elephant in eradicating 'nine' (or 'the new') Nandas." Hemacandra's etymologies of the names and 'viSNugupta' do not provide any noteworthy information. Thus, Hemacandra's explanatory citation of the Abhidhanacintamani provides valuable information about Canakya which we do not get from the Hindu puranic sources and not even from the other Jaina sources. - [42] The Samksipta-tarangavati-katha (Tarangalola) is technically a khandakavya written in the classical Jaina Maharastri by Nemicandragani during the 13th century A.D. We have already seen that in the Kathakosaprakarana of Jinesvara, the paraphrase of some of the kautilyan sutras is found at particular places. Likewise, in the Tarangalola, wherever the situation ariese, Nemicandra quotes the concerned part of the Arthasastra in his own words. It is mentioned by Nemicandra in the introductory verses of the poem that his book is based on the romantic and miraculous poem Tarangavatikatha of Padalipta (2nd-3rd century A.D.). The references to the Arthasastra and Arthasastrakaras might have occured in the text of Padalipta who is always enumerated among the list of the 'prabhavaka acaryas' in the Jaina tradition. Nemicandra describes a female messenger in the following manner -

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136 to bhaNati atthasatthammi vaNNiyaM suyaNu satthayArehiM / cait yfya-cat a Els tough forecche Il ga.853 11 "Oh young lady, it is told by the sastrakaras in the Arthasastra that when a female-messenger is humiliated, she becomes unable to fulfil her given task successfully." This verse and the next two verses actually describe the same content expressed in the 16th adhyaya of the 1st adhikarana of the Kautiliya Arthasastra titled, 'Sending a messenger and his performance.' These type of references exhibit the well-versedness of the Jaina authors in the pan-Indian sastric knowledge and at the same time, shows the deep-rootedness of Kautilya's polity in the medieval history of India. [43] The Pindaniryukti-avacuri of Ksamaratna is a Sanskrit commentary written on the Pindaniryukti with bhasya during the 14th century A.D. The story of the severe drought and Susthita acarya with his two disciples, is repeated in this avacuri (ga.500 - bhasya 35,36,37 ; p. 91). This small story is actually the literal Sanskrit version of the story quoted in the Nisitha-curni. Slight differences can be enumerated as - * Canakya is designated as a 'mantrin' and not as an 'amatya'. * The author is not very keen to depict Canakya as a Jaina house holder. The Jainification is almost absent in the whole story. * The use of hybrid Sanskrit vocabulary is quite noteworthy. viz. 2 (two junior monks), facilea (contaminated), Hrafesit (freed) etc. [44] The Vividha-tirtha-kalpa of Jinaprabhasuri holds an important position among the prabandha literature of the Jainas. The

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137 mythological and legendary history of 40 places of pilgrimage in India is documented in 40 chapters (kalpas). Jinaprabha has used both the languages i.e. Sanskrit and Prakrit (Jaina Maharastri). This fourteenth-century-text is widely studied by Prakritists, Sanskritists and particularly by Orientalists due to its historical importance. We get the reference to Canakya (Jinaprabha refers his name as 'Canikya') in the 36th chapter entitled 'Pataliputra-nagara-kalpa'. Since Canakya is supposed to be a historical personality and the history of Jainism and Canakya is related with Magadha and particularily with Pataliputra, we gather a lot of information from Jinaprabha. But we become totally disappointed when we find only two passing references to Canakya in this chapter. Jinaprabha documents one-line-story as below - ____ tatraiva ca cANikyaH sacivo nandaM samUlamunmUlya mauryavaMzyaM zrIcandraguptaM Ralfagfggryfard 1 (p.69) "There, Canikya-the minister completely uprooted Nanda. The great Candragupta of the mauryan dynasty was installed upon the throne by him." After this, Jinaprabha has enumerated Candragupta's successors very briefly in a single line. Samprati's contribution to Jainism is underlined. The story of femine is repeated here in a brief manner. The only remarkable thing is, among all the names of Canakya, Jinaprabha has used the name 'Visnugupta', which is very rare in the Jaina tradition. We can conclude that during the 14th century A.D., the Canakyanarrative was on the verge of disappearance from the horizon of the svetambara literature.

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138 [3] References of Canakya in the Digambara literature: (A) 13 references in tabular form The serial order mentioned in this chart is thus - Serial No. - Century - Name of the Language - Title of the Work - Name of the Author - Reference Number - Gist of the Reference. Language-abbriviations used : JS. - Jaina Sauraseni ; Skt. = Sanskrit ; Apa. = Apabhramsa 1. 3rd ; JS. ; Bhagavati Aradhana ; Acarya Sivakoti ; ga.1551, one verse ; Death of Canakya. 3rd ; JS ; Bhagavati Aradhana ; Acarya Sivakoti ; ga.2070, one verse ; Names of Sakatala Vararuci & Mahapadma-nanda. 2. 4th ; JS. ; Mulacara ; Vattakera ; Passing reference to Kautilya's book as a heretic text. 3. 6th ; JS. ; Tiloya-Pannatti ; Acarya Yativrsabha ; 4.1481, one verse ; Initiation of Candragupta. 10th ; Skt. ; Brhatkathakosa ; Harisena ; Story no.143, Total 85 verses ; Whole Biography. 10th ; Skt. ; Nitivakyamota ; Somadeva ; Abridged version of the Arthasastra. 6. 11th ; Apa. ; Kahakosu ; Sricandra ; Sandhi 50, kadavakas 11 18 ; Short Biography. 7. 11th ; Skt. Mulacara-tika ; Vasudevanandi ; Two-fold explana tion of the word kautilya-dharma. 8. 11th ; Js. ; Gommatasara (J.) ; Nemicandra ; one verse ; The names of the heretic texts. 9. 12th ; Skt. ; Punyasrava-katha-kosa ; Ramacandra-mumuksu ; Story no.38 ; Selected incidents from the whole biography.

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10. 13th; Skt. ; Aradhana-katha-prabandha (Kathakosa); Prabhacandra; Story no.80, pp.212-217; Short version of Harisena's story. 11. 14th-15th; Apa. ; Bhadrabahu-Canakya-Candragupta-kathanaka ; Raidhu; kadavakas 8,9; Small part of a short poem having total 28 kadavakas. 12. Canakyarsi-katha; Devacarya; Manuscript noted in Jinaratna 139 kosa. 13. 16th; Hindi ; Hindi commentary on Punyasrava-katha-kosa ; Pt. Daulatram Kashaliwal ; pp.155-157; old Hindi translation. (B) Translation, explanation and observations on each reference [1] The Bhagavati Aradhana (Aradhana/Mularadhana) is probably the oldest Jaina Saurasei treatise of the Digambaras, documenting the death of Canakya as a religious or voluntary death called padopagamana. A list of distinguished persons with the brief accounts of their voluntary death is given in several verses i.e. from ga.1534 up to ga.1553. ga. 1551, runs thus goTThe pAovagado subaMdhuNA gobbare palividammi / ujjhato cANakko paDivaNNo uttamaM aTThe | "Even if set on fire by Subandhu at gobbara-grama, in that blazing condition at a cow-pen, Canakya accomplished the ultimate aim of human life (i.e. acquired higher heaven or liberation)." Comments: The horrific end of Canakya is documented along-with the name of his rival Subandhu. -

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140 * The Svetambara texts contemporary to the Bhagavati Aradhana are the Anuyogadvara and the Niryuktis (Avasyaka, Pinda' and Oghao). These texts highlight the intellect of Canakya and some other details but Canakya's death is not mentioned. * We get the reference to Mahapadma-nanda and his two ministers named Sakatala and Vararuci in the 2070th verse of the Bhagavati Aradhana. The sucide of Sakatala is treated there as a religious death. This information matches with the details given in the Kathasaritsagara. Commentators of the Bhagavati Aradhana do not throw light on both the verses (No.1551 and No.2070) hence we get little information about Canakya. [2] The Mulacara of Vattakera is a Jaina Sauraseni text written during the 3rd 4th century A.D. The Digambaras treat this text as an authentic guidebook of the monastic conduct. A stray reference to Kautilya occurs in the 257th ga. of the Mulacara in the following manner - koDillamAsurakkhA bhAraharAmAyaNAdi je dhammA / hojja va tesu visuttI loiyamUDho havadi eso / / "The religion preached in the book of Kautilya, in the texts dedicated to the well being of a human (i.e. ayurveda) as well as the texts like (Maha) Bharata and Ramayana is of course based on misconceptions (laukika-mudha) and common people are misguided by these texts." (Further on, disregard towards the vedas is shown in the next verse.) Comments : * Vattakera has cautioned the monks against the mithya-srutas (false scriptures of the heretics).

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141 * The same attitude is seen in the contemporary Svetambara texts viz. the Anuyogadvara and Nandi. Vattakera and his commentator is totally against the study of these texts and particularly against the writings of Kautilya while nandikara has smoothen his tone and advises to the monks to read it with samyak-drsti (enlightened world-view). * The commentator Vasudevanandi (Vasunandi ?) belonging to the 11th century A.D., has explained the verse fully and harsh com ments are passed. [3] The Triloka-prajnapti of Yativrsabha is a Jaina Sauraseni text which is enumerated under 'karananuyoga' and is written inbetween the 5th century A.D. and 8th century A.D. The text is divided into nine mahadhikaras (i.e. chapters). The 148th gatha of 4th mahadhikara runs as follows - mauDadharesuM carimo jiNadikkhaM dharadi caMdagutto ya / tatto mauDadharA duppavvajjaNeva geNhati / / "Among the crowned kings, Candragupta was the last one, who was initiated in the tradition of the Jinas. Further on, none of the crowned king accepted such dikna." Observations : * In the Triloka-prajnapti, Candragupta is mentioned and we find no reference to Canakya or Kautilya. * Many scholars have suggested that this Candragupta is not a Mauryan king but a king belonging to the Gupta dynasty. * If this text belongs to the 6th - 7th century, the authors of the curnis and tikas of the Ardhamagadhi texts might not have failed to mention Candragupta Maurya's dikna-ceremony. Even Hemacandra, an alrounder genius possessing certain historical sense describes

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142 Candragupta Maurya's death in a very simplified manner. He says - bindusAre prapedAne vayo manmathavallabham / samAdhimaraNaM prApya candragupto divaM yayau / / Pari-pa, sarga 8 verse 444 This reference confirms that Candragupta Maurya has not taken diksa and has not moved towards south as depicted by Harisena. Hemacandra never associated this Mauryan king with the first Bhadrabahu. [4] The Bshatkathakosa of Harisena is the oldest collection of the narratives available in Sanskrit which is written during the 10th century A.D. Harisena is a Digambara writer who collected 157 traditional narratives of the famous historical personalities. In these narratives he has given the full life-accounts of Bhadrabahu, Vararuci, Svami Karttikeya etc. These narratives are written in poetical-form. It seems that Harisena has got the inspiration from the Bhagavati Aradhana in which the names of the personalities are referred to in a brief manner. The 143rd tale is titled as, "Canakya-muni-kathanakam' (pp.336338) in which Canakya's whole biography is documented in 85 Sanskrit verses. As the main source of the Svetambara narratives of Canakya is the Avasyaka literature, likewise Harisena's Canakyamuni-katha is the spring-well of the legacy of Canakya in the Digambara literature. Here, an attempt has been made to give literal translation of each verse of Canakya-katha accurately as far as possible. Afterwards, the sailent features of this narrative are noted in comparison with the Svetambara accounts of Canakya.

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143 Canakya-muni-kathanakam (1) pure'sti pATalIputre nando nAma mahIpatiH / suvratA tanmahAdevI viSANa(?)dalalocanA / / Once upon a time, Nanda was the king of Palaliputra. Suvrata was his chief queen, having the eyes like lotus petals. (2) kavi: subandhunAmA ca zakaTAkhyastrayo'pyamI / samastalokavikhyAtA bhUpaterasya mantriNaH / / There were three famous ministers of the king viz. Kavi, Subandhu and Sakata. (3) asminneva pure cAsIt kapilo nAma mAhanaH / tadbhAryA devilA nAma cANakyastatsutaH sudhIH / / In the same city, there was a mahana (? brahmin) called Kapila. Devila was his wife and Canakya was their son, who was intelligent. (4) vedavedAGgasaMyukta: sarvazAstrArthakovidaH / samastalokavikhyAtaH samastajanapUjitaH / / Canakya was wellversed in the vedas, vedangas and in different sastric texts. Due to his intelligence and learning, he became famous and adorable to the people. (5) nIlotpaladalazyAmA pUrNimAcandrasanmukhI / yazomatiH priyA cAsya yazovyAptadigantarA / / Yasomati was his wife, having a lustre like a blue lotus, possessing a moon-like face and whose fame was spread over far and wide. (6) kapilasya svasA tanvI nAmnA bandhumatI parA / vidhinA kavaye dattA mantriNe kapilena sA / / Bandhumati was the sister of Kapila. She was given in marriage to the minister Kavi with a proper religious ceremony. (7) pratyantavAsibhUpAnAM kSobho nandasya bhUbhujaH / kavinA mantriNA sarvo yathAvRtto niveditaH / /

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144 One day the minister Kavi told the king Nanda about the actual facts of the agitation and outbreak of the negihbouring kings against him. (8) kavivAkyena bhUpAlo nando mantriNamabravIt / pratyantavAsino bhUpAn dhanaM datvA vazaM kuru / / Having thought over the report of Kavi, Nanda suggested Kavi to pacify the agitated kings by offering handsome amount of money. (9) narendravAkyato'nena mantriNA kavinA tadA / vitIrNaM lakSamekaikaM rAjJAM pratyantavAsinAm / / As per the suggestion of the king, Kavi distributed one lac golden coins to each of the agitated negihbouring kings. (10) anyadA nandabhUpAlo bhANDAgArikamekakam / papracchedaM kiyanmAnaM vidyate madgRhe dhanam / / On another occasion, king Nanda asked his treasurer confidentially, 'Oh, tell me how much wealth is there in my treasury ?' (11) nandavAkyaM samAkarNya dhanapAlo jagAvamum / bhANDAgAre dhanaM rAjanna kiMcidvidyate tava / / After having heard the querry of Nanda, the treasurer told the fact that there is nothing left in the treasury. (12) pratyantavAsibhUpAnAM kavinA tava mantriNA / narendra dattameteSAM tvadIyaM sakalaM dhanam / / He added, "Oh king, Kavi, your minister has given out all your wealth to the negihbouring kings.' (13) nizamya tadvaco rAjA putradArasamanvitam / andhakUpe taka vegAnmantriNa nidadhau ruSA / / After having heard the report, the king was enraged and gave immediate orders to throw the minister into an old hidden well, along-with his family. (14) ekaikaM sakalaM tatra zarAvaM bhaktasaMbhRtam / dIyate guNayogena kavaye hi dine dine / /

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145 The king ordered his servants to provide the meal to Kavi in the earthenware plate, on each day. (15) atrAntare kaviH prAha kuTumbaM nijamAdarAt / andhakUpasamAsaMgaduHkhasaMhRtamAnasaH / / (16) vairaniryAtane yo hi samartho nandabhUpateH / sa paraM bhojanaM bhuktAM zarAve'tra sabhaktake / / In the meantime, Kavi, who was extremely hurt due to the seclusion in the well, addressed his family with a great concern, "Whoever among you is able to retaliate the enmity of the king Nanda, should take this platterful of meal daily.' (17) kavivAkyaM samAkarNya tatkuTumbo jagAda tam / tvameva bhojanaM bhuMkSva zarAve saudanaM drutam / / After having heard the speech of Kavi, the family-members exclaimed unanimously, "Sir, you should immediately start to dine the rice-plate in order to bring the desired effects.' (18) uktaM kuTumbametena kavinAsannavartinA / andhakUpAntare khAtvA bilaM tattaTagocaram / / (19) tattaTasthaH prabhuJjAna: zarAve saudanaM tadA / evamuktvA bilaM kRtvA kavistasthau rUSAnvitaH / / Kavi explained his whole scheme to his near and dear ones. He told that he intend to dig an opening at the other end of the burrow and it is possible for him if he has a meal every day. Thus he carried out his scheme, nurturing great fury in his mind. (20) varSatrayamatikrAntaM tatrasthasya kaveH sphuTam / jIvanaM cAsya saMjAtaM mRtamanyat kuTumbakam / / In this manner, three years of Kavi's life elasped. At the end, all his family-members passed away and his life was spared. (21) kiMvadantIM takAM jJAtvA kave: kopAruNakSaNaiH /

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146 pratyantavAsibhi: bhUpairveSTitaM nandapattanam / / When the negihbouring kings knew the hearsay about Kavi, they furiously beseiged the capital-city of Nanda. (22) smRtvA kaveH kSaNaM rAjJA nandenAyamudAradhIH / __pAdayoH patanaM kRtvA kUpAduttAritaH punaH / / When this calamity occured, Nanda immediately remembered his intelligent minister Kavi. The king saluted his feet and rescued him from the well. (23) kSamApaNaM vidhAyAsya nandenAyaM pracoditaH / varaM brUhi mahAbuddhe prasanno'smitava sphuTam / / Nanda asked Kavi to forgive him and told him, 'Oh intelligent one, I am pleased. I offer you a boon. please express your wish, I will fulfil it.' (24) nandasya vacanaM zrutvA kavirUce narezvaram / svahastena mayA dravyaM dAtavyaM te na cAnyataH / / Having heard Nanda's boon, Kavi told king Nanda, I will surpervise all the transactions of the treasury. It is my privileage to give out the wealth from the royal treasury and of none others.' (25) nizamya vacanaM tasya bhUbhujA mantriNa: kaveH / pratipannaM sabhAmadhye bAlavRddhasamAkule / / The king accepted the condition of the minister Kavi, in the assembly full of (the ministers as well as) children and elderly persons. (26) anyadA bhramatA'nena kavinA dravyamicchatA / darbhasUcIM khanan dRSTazcANAkyazcAtra saMgataH / / Once Kavi was wnadering here and there, thinking about the means of gathering wealth for the royal treasury. Suddenly he saw Canakya (Canakya) who was deeply engrossed in digging out the root of the needle-like grass.

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147 (27) dRSTvA'muM kavinA pRSTazcANAkyaH svapuraH sthitaH / bhaTTa kiM kAraNaM darbhasUcIM khanasi me vada / / When Kavi saw Canakya in front of him, he asked, 'Oh brahmin, why are you digging out this darbha grass ?' (28) kavervacanamAkarNya cANAkyo nijagAvamum / darbhasUcyA'nayA viddho vrajan pAde sutIkSNayA / / After having heard the words of Kavi, Canakya answered, "The sharp point of this darbha grass pierced my foot.' (29) pazya pAdamimaM bhinnamanayA rudhirAruNam / zeSatonmUlayAmyetAM darbhasUcI narottama / / 'Oh gentleman, see my bleeding foot. I am going to dig this sharp grass upto its root.' (30) avAci kavinA bhUyazcANAkya: khinnavigrahaH / khAtaM bahu tvayA vipra paryAptaM khananena te / / When Kavi saw Canakya completely fatigued with exertion, he said again, 'Oh brahmin, you have dug it sufficiently. So now stop it.' (31) kavivAkyaM samAkarNya cANAkyo nijagAvamum / tadAgrahasamudbhUtavismayavyAptamAnasaH / / Canakya was surprised at Kavi's insistence and said his mind was averwhelmed by wonder and he exclaimed (32) mUlaM nonmUlate yasya tatkiM khAtaM bhaved bhuvi / sa kiM hato narairajJaizchidyate yasya no ziraH / / "What is the use of the digging unless the thing is completely uprooted ? Foolish are those persons who intend cpmplete destruction of a man and still do not cut his head off.' (33) yAvanmUlaM na cApnoti darbhasUcyAH kRtAgrasaH / bhUyo bhUyaH prabandhena tena yAvat khanAmyaham / / 'Unless I reach theroot of this wretched grass, I will dig again and

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again.' (34) nizamya tadvacaH satyaM nandasya sacivaH kaviH / dadhyau svacetasi spaSTaM vismayAkulamAnasaH / / When Kavi heard that passionate utterances (of Canakya), first he wondered and ascertained in his mind clearly about the personality of Canakya. (35) nandabhUpAlavaMzasya samarthasya mahItale / nAzaM kariSyati kSipraM eSa ko'pi mahAnaraH / / 148 This great person is quite capable to destroy quickly the whole dynasty of the Nanda kings, who are mighty on the earth. (36) cintayitvA ciraM tatra sabhAmadhye janAkule / zlokamekaM lilekhemaM kavirvismitacetasA / / Greatly amazed at his revelation, kavi wrote a verse thoughtfully, on the central pillar of the court of Nandas, always bustled with people, in an astonished mood. (37) nareNaikazarIreNa (? zakyamekasahasreNa) nayazAstrayutena ca / vyavasAyena yuktena jetuM zakyA vasundharA / / A person wellversed in the science of polity and having great resolve with efforts, is able to win the whole earth with the help of a thousand warriors. (38) anyadA'yaM vilokyAtra zlAkamekaM vicakSaNaH / lilekha nijahastena cANAkyo dhIramAnasaH / / (39) nareNaikazarIreNa nayazAstrayutena ca / vyavasAyena yuktena jetuM zakyA vasundharA / / Once Canakya saw the verse (written on the pillar). The witty and courageous Canakya wrote another verse with his own hand (carrying out a slight important change). 'A person alone, wellversed is able to win the whole earth.'

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149 (40) imaM likhitamAlokya kavi: zlokaM manoharam / cANAkyopari saMtuSTazcetasAzcaryamIyuSA / / Kavi saw the new verse written in an attractive manner by Canakya. The verse was a pleasant surprise for Kavi (which confirmed his conjencture about Canakya's ability.) (41) anyadA bhAryayA sArdhaM cANAkyo'tra nimantritaH / kavinAzcaryayuktena tadagRhaM sa gato'zitum / / At another time, Kavi invited Canakya for meal at his house along with his wife. Canakya went there wondering why he was invited. (42) tato'pi kavinA tena cANAkyasya gRhAjire / dInArA bahavaH zIghraM nikSiptAstaM parIkSitum / / Moreover, Kavi buried abundant dinaras (golden coins) in the courtyard of Canakya very swiftly (in the meantime) to test him. (43) yazomatyA gRhItAste dInArAH svagRhAGgaNe / AdAya tAn purastuSTA jagau cANAkyamAdarAt / / Yasomati took those dinaras which were buried in their courtyard. With a feeling of satisfaction, she addressed Canakya ardently - (44) dadAti kapilAM nando brAhmaNebhyo mana:priyAm / tadantikaM pariprApya gRhItvA''gaccha tAmaram / / "Nanda donates attractive brown cows to the brahmins. Please go to him and bring the cow as soon as possible.' (45) bhAryAvacanamAkarNya cANakyo nijagAda tAm / tvadvAkyata: pragRhNAmi gatvA tAM kapilAmaham / / After having heard the request of her spouse, Canakya said to her, 'I will go and bring the cow only to respect thine wish.' (46) tatsaMpradhAraNaM zrutvA kavimantrI kutUhalAt / idaM nivedayAmAsa nandasya prItacetasaH / / (47) bahudugdhasamAyuktaM mahArAja samujjvalam / gosahasraM pradehi tvaM mAhanebhya: subhaktitaH / /

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After knowing the decision, Kavi - the minister, told Nanda anxiously when Nanda was in a good mood that, 'Your excellency, I suggest you to donate thousand cows, having abundant milk and lustre, to thousand brahmins, in charity, with a mind full of devotion (which is a meritorious act ). ' (48) kavivAkyaM samAkarNya nando'pi nijagAda tam / 150 gosahasraM dadAmyeva brAhmaNAnAnaya drutam / / Hearing Kavi's request, Nanda declared, 'Quickly invite the brahmins, I will give them thousand cows.' (49) tatazcANakyamAhUya narendravacanAdaram / kavirnivezayAmAsa pradhAnAgrAsane tadA / / Immediately after Nanda's order, Kavi invited Canakya and caused him to sit on the chief and foremost seat. (50) upaviSTaH sa cANakyo darbhAsanakadambakam / kuNDikAbhirbRzIkAbhI ruddhvA tasthau nRpAntike / / Canakya sat on the seat meant for Nanda and occupied many darbhasanas (seats made up of darbha grass) with his water-pot, sacred staff etc. (51) tato'yaM kavinA prokto bhaTTanando jagAvidam / tadarthamAsanaM caikaM muJca viprAH samAgatAH / / Kavi told Canakya, "The king Nanda has arrived. please vacate one seat for him and see, all the brahmins have entered the hall." (52) tadvAkyato vihAyaikaM viSTaraM sa dvijaH punaH / ekaikamAsanaM muktaM bhUyaH prokto'munedRzam / / On his (Kavi's) request, the brahmin ( Canakya ) vacated one seat and sat on the next. In this way Canakya vacated the seats one by one. (53) bhaTTanando vadatyevaM bhavantaM bhaktitatparaH / agrAsane paro vipro gRhIto bhUbhujA mahAn / /

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151 (Kavi sent somebody to Canakya and he said,) 'king Nanda regards you a lot but this seat is reserved by the king for a great brahmin.' (54) bhava rAjagRhAd dUre nirgatya tvaritaM dvija / __ gatvA bahirgRhadvAre tiSTha tvaM susamAhitaH / / (The person continued,) 'Oh brahmin, leave this palace immediately and wait patiently for your turn at the door place.' (55) nizamya vacanaM tasya cANakyo raktalocanaH / jagAd kartikAhastastaM naraM paruSasvanaH / / When Canakya heard this humiliating message, his eyes became red with anger and keeping a pair of scissors in hand exclaimed in a harsh tone, addressing that person in a loud voice (so that all would hear)(56) idaM na yujyate kartuM bhavato nyAyavedinaH / bhojanArthaM niviSTasya tvadgRhe mannirAsanam / / 'Oh king, since you are the well-versed in the laws, it is not proper on your part to banish me from the royal palace, when I have already occupied a seat to dine.' (57) ardhacandraM gale datvA cANakyo dhATito'munA / tannimittaM ruSaM prApya nirgatastadgRhAbahiH / / / He (Nanda or Nanda's servant) turned out Canakya seized by the neck. Burning with insult and fury, Canakya left the palace. (58) nandavaMzakSayaM zIghraM vidadhAmi visaMzayam / evaM vicintya cANAkyo nijagAda vaca: sphuTam / / 'I will definitely ruin the Nanda dynasty'-Canakya thought and exclaimed loudly (59) yadIcchati naraH ko'pi rAjyaM nihatakaNTakam / tato madantike zIghraM tiSThatu prItamAnasaH / / 'One who wants to rule a kingdom, devoid of enemies (lit. thornless) he should quickly stand by my side, delighted at heart.'

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152 (60) cANAkyavacanaM zrutvA naraH ko'pi jagAvidam / ahamicchAmi bho rAjyaM dIyatAM me drutaM prabho / / After having heard Canakya's speech, some person (came forward and) told, 'Sir, grant me the kingdom quickly since I long for it.' (61) nijahastena taM haste samAdAya tvarAnvitaH / cANakyo roSasaMpUrNo nijagAma purAdaram / / Canakya immediately held his hand and angrily went elsewhere from the city. (62) vAtavegaM samAruhya turaGga prItamAnasaH / __ avAhayattakaM zIghraM cANAkyo nijalIlayA / / Canakya being delighted at heart, caused the person to mount a horse, swift as wind and carried him away with his expertise in horse-riding. (63) jaladurgaM pravizyAsau vArdhimadhye sudhIradhIH / rAjyamanveSayaMstasthau cANAkyaH kRtanizcayaH / / Canakya, the brilliant one, entered with him into a sea-fort, situated in the middle of an ocean, waiting for a suitable opportunity to acquire kingdom, with a great resolve. (64) evaM hi tiSThatastasya nareNaikena vegataH / pratyantavAsibhUpasya niveditamidaM vacaH / / When Canakya was staying there, one person (spy) of the neighbouring country (of Nanda) promptly informed his lord in these words - (65) jaladurge mahAnekaH samudrajalasaMbhave / tiSThati prItacetasko naranAga: subuddhimAn / / 'At the sea-fort in the middle of the ocean, there stays an intelligent and distinguished person (resembling an elephant), calmly waiting (for an opportunity).' (66) pratyantavAsibhUpo'pi nizamyAsya vacaH param / ninAya taM nijasthAnaM cANakyaM matizAlinam / /

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153 After getting such valuable information, the neighbouring king led Canakya, possessing great intelligence, to his own country. (67) parvatAntaM pariprApya bhUpAH pratyantavAsinaH / bhaktaM pravezayAmAsurdhanaM ca sakalaM tadA / / The neighbouring kings brought Canakya (and the other person) in the hilly region (or to the king Parvataka). They provided all necessary things like food, wealth etc. to him. (68) tato'mI nandabhUpAlaM bhUpaiH pratyantavAsibhiH / upAyairbhedamAnItAstasthustadveSamAgatAH / / Then he (Canakya) created discord among the ministers of Nanda by using all deceitful means, with the help of the neighbouring kings. The ministers became malicious to Nanda. (69) pratyantazatrubhUpAlainando daNDaM prayAcitaH / ayaM vakti na taM nUnaM dadAmi bhavatAM karam / / The neighbouring kings asked for heavy fines to Nanda. Nanda said (arrogantly,) 'I will not give you the taxes.' (70) tato'bhinandabhRtyAnAM mantrabhedaM vihAya ca / nirdhATanaM chalenaiSAM bhrAntisaMbhrAnticetasAm / / (71) svena nandaM nihatyAzu supure kusumanAmani / cakAra vipulaM rAjyaM cANAkyo nijabuddhitaH / / Then Canakya created a breach of counsel among the persons appointed by Nanda. The confused and perplexed ministers were driven away by Canakya with deceitful means. Afterwards he himself killed Nanda in Kusumapura (i.e. Pataliputra) and ruled over the vast empire for many years with his great (administrative) talent. (72) kRtvA rAjyaM ciraM kAlaM abhiSicyAtra taM naram / zrutvA jinoditaM dharmaM hitvA sarvaM parigrahaM / / (73) matipradhAnasAdhvante mahAvairAgyasaMyutaH / dIkSAM jagrAha cANAkyo jinezvaraniveditAm / /

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154 After having ruled the kingdom for a long period, he consecrated that person (i.e. candragupta) as a king. When he heard the preaching of the Jinas, he abandoned all his possessions and with a completely detached mind, accepted vows of monk which are proclaimed by the Jinas, from a preceptor having deep insight (or intellect). (74) viharan gatiyogena ziSyANAM paJcabhiH zataiH / vanavAsaM pariprApya dakSiNApathasaMbhavam / / (75) tata: pazcimadigbhAge mahAkrauJcapurasya saH / cANakyo gokulasthAne kAyotsargeNa tasthivAn / / Wandering in a natural course with his five hundred disciples, he (Canakya) arrived at a place called vanavasa, which was situated in the southern region (daksinapatha). In the westward direction of vanavasa, there was a city called Mahakrauncapura. In the cowhouse of that city, Canakya stayed in kayotsarga meditation. (76) babhUva tatpure rAjA sumitro nAma vizrutaH / tatpriyA rUpasaMpannA vinayopapadA matiH / / Sumitra was the famous king of that city. Vinatamati was his charming wife (queen). (77) mantrI subandhunAmAsya nandasya maraNena saH / cANakyopari saMkrudhya tasthau tacchidravAJchayA / / Subandhu, the previous minister of Nanda, who was angry at Canakya and seeking the flaws of Canakya - (78) tataH krauJcapurezasya mahAsAmantasevinaH / subandhurbandhusaMpanna: samIpe tasya tasthivAn / / Having approached the king of Krauncapura, who was a refuge of many eminent feudatory kings, Subandhu lived there with his kins men. (79) atha krauJcapurAdhIzaH zrutvA munisamAgamam / mahAvibhUtisaMyuktastaM yatiM vandituM yayau / /

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155 Once, the king of Krauncapura got the news of the arrival of the sages. With a great paraphernlia, he went there to salute him. (80) cANakyAdimunIn natvA sa tatpUjAM vidhAya ca / mahAvinayasaMpanno viveza nijapattanam / / He bowed down to Canakya and all the other sages and performed puja. With a great respect in his mind, he came back to his city. (81) tato'stamanavelAyAM yatInAM zuddhacetasAm / __sAgniM karISamAdhAya tatsamIpe'pi roSataH / / (82) vidhAya svena dehena pAparAzerupArjanam / mahAkrodhaparItAGgaH subandhurnarakaM yayau / / At the time of sunset, Subandhu went towards them angrily and kept burning cow-dungs around the pure-minded ascetics. Thus, encompassed with a great fury, Subandhu acquired a heap of evil and entered the fierce hell. (83) cANakyAkhyo munistatra ziSyapaJcazataiH saha / pAdopagamanaM kRtvA zukladhyAnamupeyivAn / / The revered sage Canakya along with his five hundred disciples, accepted wilful death, engaging himself in sukladhyana, the supreme type of meditation. (84) upasarga sahitvemaM subandhuvihitaM tadA / ___samAdhimaraNaM prApya cANakya: siddhimIyivAn / / Canakya endured the troubles created by Subandhu at that time. He accepted samadhimarana and attained liberation. (85) tata: pazcimadigbhAge divyakrauJcapurasya sA / niSadyakA munerasya vandyate'dyApi sAdhubhiH / / At the western part of the divine Krauncapura, there exists one platform created in the memory of this sage (Canakya) even now, which is adored by the monks.

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156 Some observations on Harisena's Canakya-narrative : * As the Avasyaka-curni is the main source of the Canakya-narra tives in the Svetambara sect, likewise Harisena's Canakya-munikathanakam is regarded as the main source by all the later writers of the Digambara sect. * Before Harisena, we find some passing references of Canakya in the Digambara literature but Harisena's Canakya-katha containing 85 Sanskrit verses is the first and foremost biography of Canakya. * Harisena, being a brahmin by birth, uses mostly the brahmanic sources viz. the Skandapurana, Matsyapurana and Kathasaritsagara (probably the early version of the Kathasaritsagara) with some changes. * Influence of the main theme of Visakhadatta's Mudraraksasa is not found in Harisena. * Harisena uses both the words Canakya and Canakya according to the requirement of the metre. * The details of Canakya's mother, father and residence are differ ent in Svetambara literature. The incidents of Canakya's childhood are completely dropped. His brahminhood and teachership is highlighted * Canakya's sravakatva is not explicitly told by Harisena but sug gested by using the word 'HEH:'. It is really startling that he abruptly became a Jaina muni in the last phase of his life. The Jainification of Canakya depicted in the Svetambara literature, though superimposed, is more logical and convincing because Canakya's laymanship is focused and described by creating three or four stories. * Harisena always prefers the name 'Canakya' (or 'Canakya'). He has never mentioned his name as 'Visnugupta' or 'Kautilya' and

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157 had not underlined the crookedness or wickedness of Canakya. When broadly comprehended, it would be seen that the 'kutilamatitva' of Canakya/Kautilya is noted down by the Svetambaras and Digambaras after the 12th century A.D. We have already observed that, in the brahmanic literature the signs of disregard for Canakya's is seen from the 11th-12th century onwards, when the dharmasastras overpowered the legacy of the Arthasastra. The various small incidents noted down in the Avasyaka and Nisitha-curnis about Canakya, are totally neglected by Harisena. He had not incorporated these small accounts in his biography. Three reasons can be given for this - (i) He should have thought that these accounts are fanciful, artificially created and added wilfully to Canakya's biography by the Svetambara writers. (ii) He neglected the stories totally because of the strong secterian bias against the authenticity of the Svetambara literature. (iii) He was not ready to accept the relationship of guru-sisya between Canakya and Candragupta Maurya depicted in the Svetambara literature. In his Canakya-muni-katha, Harisena had never mentioned Candragupta Maurya, instead he mentions :' by using the pronoun in third person singular. In the 'Bhadrabahu-kathanakam' (Katha No.131; p.317 of Brhatkatha), Harisena presents a story of Bhadrabahu (probably the second Bhadrabahu famous as the niryuktikara) and Candragupta, probably a 'gupta' king and not a 'maurya' king. The Candragupta belonging to the gupta dynasty, accepted diksa and was renamed as Visakhacarya. He went to daksinapatha along-with Bhadrabahu (IInd). In the Bhadrabahu-kathanaka, not

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158 a single reference to Canakya is found. The Harisena's Canakya is totally a different personality having no connection with the Candragupta and which is more close to brahmanical puranas, who personally killed the king Yogananda by black magic, ruled over the kingdom for a long time, accepted munidiksa and obtained liberation by voluntary death. Harisena never mentions that Canakya has written a treatise on polity. In fact the reference to Kautilya's Arthasastra is found in Tiloyapannatti (Trilokaprajnapti) - a revered ancient Jaina text written by Yativrsabha, a renowned Digambara sage. Therefore it is likely that Harisena might have regarded Kautilya as a different person than Canakya - who become a Jaina muni and came to south. * The whole Svetambara tradition presents Canakya as an example of parinamiki-buddhi. Harisena shows the sense of extreme regard towards Canakya by using the terms like f: (v.3); naranAgaH subuddhimAn (v.65) ; cANakyaM matizAlinam (v.66) and cakAra vipulaM Ag: (v.71) etc. Harisena praises the intelligence and wisdom of Canakya in general without using the terminology of the fourfold buddhi. It is natural because the Digambaras never explain the Jaina Epistemology in the terms of fourfold buddhi. * Harisena is successful in portraying the image of Canakya as a brave revolutionary, expert in the skills like horse-riding, a political visionary who manages the chief of the neighbouring countries with great wisdom and an able administrator having good governance. The image of Canakya portrayed by Harisena is not seen in the Svetambara literature because they treat him as a bimbantarita-raja while Harisena depicts him as an actual king.

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159 [5] Canakya : Reflected in the Nitivakyamota - (An abridged ver sion of Arthasastra) When we go through the chronology of Canakya-legacy in the Jaina literature, we have to take a big halt at the Nitivakyamrta of Somadevasuri written in the 10th century. The legacy of Nitivakyamsta is aptly quoted by R.Shamashastri in the introduction of his edition of the Kautiliya Arthasastra. He says, "somadevasUriNA nItivAkyAmRtaM nAma nItizAstraM viracitaM tadapi kAmandakIyamiva kauTilIyArthazAstrAdeva saMkSipya saMgRhItamiti tadgranthapadavAkyazailIparIkSAyAM nissaMzayaM jJAyate / '' Somadevasuri is a Digambara writer having supreme command on Sanskrit language. He has written the Yasastilaka-campu, one of the prestigious campukavyas which exhibits his mastery over the classical Sanskrit. Somadeva's second available work is the Nitivakyamsta. In spite of being a Jaina monk, his keen interest in the science of polity (Arthasastra) is noteworthy. He is a thorough scholar of anviksiki and dharmasastras. Though Somadeva's work is the abridged and simplified version of the Kautiliya Arthasastra, it is remarkable that he neither imitates nor Jainifies the revered work of Kautilya. Generally he has followed the sutra-style of Kautilya. We can locate many such sutras from the Nitivakyamsta which are similar to the Kautilyan sutras. Interested readers may go through the similar sutras quoted in the introduction written by Pt. Nathuram Premi.? Somadeva has selected the ethico-religious part of the Arthasastra and presented it in a unique way to guide any common Indian as such. Though he has followed the traditional system of varnasrama, unlike the Manu and Yajnavalkya smstis, the brahmin-focused and brahmin biased viewpoints are moderated and softened so skilfully

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160 that it becomes an ethical-value-based text, ideal for day-to-day guidence. Its uniqueness is evident from the very beginning. The initial benediction is dedicated to the kingdom or nation. He says atha dharmArthakAmaphalAya rAjyAya namaH / In spite of being a Jaina monk, he written three chapters on the three purusarthas, viz. dharma, artha and kama. He has woven the chief Jaina tenets of samata and ahimsa so beautifully in the sutras that the general appeal becomes universal. He says, 'udurdy fe u4a1 sarvAcaraNAnAM paramAcaraNaM' ie equality to all living beings is the best way of conduct. About non-violence, his sutra runs like this 'na khalu bhUtaguhAM kApi kriyA prasUte zreyAMsi' i.e. one who harms the living beings, his actions do not create any good or merit for him. Although he has treated the topics like swami, amatya, janapada, durga, kosa etc. on the lines of Kautilya, the brilliance of his genius is seen in the topics like - divasanusthana, sadacara and vyavahara. With this explanatory background we will scrutinize the specific references of the Arthasastra and Canakya, imbibed in the Nitivakyamrta and its commentary. The observations can be enumerated in the following manner - * Neither Somadeva nor his commentator have expressed the debt of Canakya or Kautilya directly. At the very outset, Somadeva mentions that for acquiring the jitendriyata (control over one's senses) one should study the Arthasastra i.e Nitisastra (Ethical science). Though in this aphorism, direct reference of Kautiliya Arthasastra is not given, Somadeva certainly intends to highlight the ethical side of the Arthasastra.3 * In the third aphorism of mantrisamuddesa, Somadeva says, "If a =

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161 great person install a stone, it becomes a god. If it is so, then what about a human being ?"4 The author Somadeva immediately remembers Canakya and Candragupta. he says, 7211 alirud fasul-IGHLAIG fechnisfq foties ar 4: 4464914' - i.e. It is heard that though Candragupta was not the ligitimate heir of the throne, he acquired the seat under the patronage of Visnugupta." The word '377ri' employed in this aphorism is very peculiar. We can infer that, at Somadeva's time, the heresay and legends about Canakya and Candragupta were prevalent. Up to the time of Somadeva, ample narrative-data about Canakya was available even in the Jaina tradition. According to this data, Candragupta was not eligible to adorn the throne. The commentator provides more information. He identifies 'Visnugupta' with 'Canakya'. he quotes one verse as mahAmAtyaM varo rAjA nirvikalpaM karoti yaH / ekazo'pi mahIM lebhe hIno'pi vRhalo yathA / / Nitivakyamsta comm. on 10.4 In this verse the word 'qed is of course qu' - which is used literally hundreds of times in the drama "Mudraraksasa'. According to the commentator, Candragupta is 'Hif choice and HR is a lower caste. * One more reference to Canakya is found in the 13th chapter of the Nitivakyamrta. It says, 'zrUyate hi kila cANakyastIkSNadUtaprayogeNaikaM nandaM Handfa l' (sutra 14) "It is heard that by sending a sharp-witted and shrewd messanger, Canakya killed one of the Nandas." This particular incident told by Somadeva is important because this legend is not available in other written narratives of the Jainas. The Kathasaritsagara mentions that Canakya killed Nanda and his

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162 sons by applying black-magic while living at the residence of Sakatala." The same story is given in the Brhatkathamanjari. The Svetambara sources have not painted Canakya as a killer of Nanda. In the chapter dedicated to amatya, it is noted that the minister having revengeful disposition, creates calamity. Two examples are given that of Sakuni and Sakatala. In the Kathasaritsagara (lambaka 1), it is told that Sakatala, the minister of Nanda who was displeased by some reason, ultimately chose Canakya to retaliate Nanda. Harisena, the Digambara writer, tells the same story in his Brhatkathakosa but he uses the name 'Kavi' instead of 'Sakatala'. (Chapter 143, h4) * In the chapter vyavaharasamuddesa, it is noted in the 38th sutra that, 'sa sukhI yasya eka eva dAraparigrahaH ' -i.e. 'The householder can live happily if he has one wife.' For explaining the sutra, the commentator quotes two and half verses of Canakya (Canikya). The purport of the passage is - "When there are two wives in a house, there is always quarrel and conflict. That man is happy and enjoys heavenly pleasures who possesses one wife, three issues, two ploughs, ten cows, five thousand golden coins and who daily performs Agnihotra rites." The concept of happy life is noted by Canakya, according to the commentator. It reflects the thirstless and contented attitude of Canakya towards life. The high regard for Canakya is seen in almost all the Jaina references about Canakya. It is due to his wisdom, his aspirations for the betterment of the people, his strict and just attitude and his ideas about contented life. * In nutshell we can say that the Nitivakyamrta of Somadevasuri is itself a tribute to Canakya, given on behalf of the Jaina tradition. All the anusrutis, legends and narratives preserved in the Jaina

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163 tradition, might have inspired Somadevasuri to revive the Kautiliya Arthasastra in the form of an ethical guidebook without bringing any elements of Jainification. The easy, lucid and communicative style of the sutras adds more value to the coarse subject. While exploring Canakya in Jaina literature, the Nitivakyamrta is an unavoidable stop. List of References 1) Introduction of Nathuram Premi to Nitivakyamrta, p.5 2) pp.6-7 3) arthazAstrAdhyayanaM vA / Nitivakyamrta 1.9 4) mahadbhiH puruSaiH pratiSThito'zmApi bhavati devaH kiM punarmanuSyaH / Nitivakyamrta 10.3 5) Nitivakyamrta 10.4 6) Kathasaritsagara, Lambaka 1, verse 122-123 [6] The Kathakosa (Kahakosu) of Sricandra is a famous collection of narratives written in Apabhramsa during the 11th century A.D. Sricandra has selected certain gathas from the Bhagavati Aradhana, in which traditional narratives pertaining to famous personalities are suggested in few words. The narrative of Canakya is given as an example of an ascetic, who endures the troubles afflicted by the enemy with great equilibrium of mind and attains heavenly abode (Kahakosu pp.508-512). Sricandra generally follows Harisena's Sanskrit Kathakosa. In the case of Canakya-muni-katha, Sricandra's main purport is Harisena's narrative, still we can enumerate the changes and peculiarities of Sricandra in the following manner - * Like Harisena, he mentions three ministers of Nanda viz. Kavi (sometimes Kavi), Subandhu and Sakatala.

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164 The brahmanic elements in the personality of Canakya are highlighted and his sravakatva is not mentioned. Sricandra is not satisfied with the vague reference to Candragupta in the story of Canakya. Unlike Harisena, he says tA rajjatthiu naMdaho kerau, caMdaguttu nAme dAserau / puTThihe laggau taM leppiNu dhaNu, gau cANakku NaMdamAraNamaNu / / (p.511) Thus according to Sricandra, Candragupta was a dasiputra of Nanda (as suggested in the Avasyaka literature) and had an ambition to be a king. At one place, Sricandra uses the name 'Sasigupta' for 'Candragupta' which is a peculiarstyle of the classical Apabhramsa poetry. Unlike Harisena, Canakya offers the kingship to Candragupta and becomes his chief-minister. This is probably the effect of the concept of 'bimbantarita raja' seen in the Svetambara narratives. There is no direct reference of Canakya's Arthasastra and his strict discipline. Still in the following lines Kahakosu mentions Canakya's mastery over polity appaNu paDigAhiu maMtittaNu ciMti desu ko suhi pariyaNu / (p.511) Subandhu's hatred and enmity towards Canakya is described at length very effectively. The death of Caanakya is ascribed as samadhimarana. In spite of Canakya's monkhood and his hearty repentance, Sricandra is not ready to offer him 'siddhigati'. He says dhIradhIru guruguNahi~ gurukkau, gau savvaTTaho muNi cANakkau / / (p.512) "The sage Canakya, who was extremely courageous and virtuous, attained the supreme heavenly abode sarvarthasiddhi." In nutshell, we can say that Sricandra's attitude is more logical and convincing than that of Harisena. He has done justice to the great personality of Canakya by corporating some of the Svetambara *

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165 elements. But following the footsteps of Harisena, he has not given the full life-account of Canakya in a detailed manner. [7] The Commentary on Mulacara was written by Vasunandi (? Vasudevanandi) in the 11th century A.D. While commenting upon gatha 257, he had written a lot about 'laukika' texts of heretics which are based on misconceptions and preach violence. He criticizes Kautilya alias Canakya in the following mannerkoDilla-kuTilasya bhAvaH kauTilyaM tadeva prayojanaM yasya dharmasya saH kauTilyadharmaH ThakAdivyavahAro lokapratAraNAzIlo dharmaH paralokAdyabhAvapratipAdanaparo vyavahAraH / AsurakkhA-asavaH prANAsteSAM chedanabhedanatADanatrAsanotpATanamAraNAdiprapaMcena vaJcanAdirUpeNa vA rakSA yasmin dharme sa AsurakSo dharmo nagarAdyArakSikopAyabhUtaH / athavA kauTilyadharmaH, iMdrajAlAdikaM putrabandhumitra pitRmAtRsvAmyAdighAtanopadezaH cANakyodbhava AsurakSaH madyamAMsakhAdanAdyupadezaH / ityevamAdikA asaddharmapratipAdanaparA ye dharmArateSu yA bhavedvizrutirvipariNAmaH etepi dharmA ityevaM mUDho laukikamUDho bhavatyeSa iti / / This passage can be summarized thus - ------ 9 "Absense of straightforwardness is the nature of Kautilya. The science of administration is written by him and is called kautilyadharma. In this popular science, established rules and practices of cheats and swindlers are mentioned. Here, the inclination towards cheating the people is obvious. This heretic text proclaims the absence of life beyond the present life. 'Asurakkha' is that in which the people and other beings are beaten, killed and tormented by using deceitful means for the sake of well-being of one's own. Or 'asurakso dharmo' can be explained as the means or devices used by the so called protectors of the town, village etc. Or we can explain kautilyadharma in which jugglery and tricks are employed to slaughter one's own sons, relatives, friends, father, mother or even master. What type of 'asuraksa' is given by Canakya ? He preached us to eat flesh

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166 and enjoy liquor. He suggested medical treatments to strengthen the sexual ability and to remove the diseases. All such practices create adverse effects and misconceptions in the common people." Observations : This passage exhibits the most severe and contemptuous criticism on kautilya-sastra and asuraksa. In the whole Jaina literature such an open contempt towards Canakya is not found elsewhere. * The author is sure that Kautilya and Canakya are the names of ths same person. He confuses between the 'science of polity' (Arthasastra) and the 'science of life' (Ayurveda) and advances critisism against them by using the same parametres. * He might have gone through the text of Arthasastra which gives importance to three purusarthas (i.e. dharma-artha-kama) and omits the goal of moksa. The Jaina tradition, is totally moksacentred. Hence the strict rules, laws and punishments which were used in the administration are despised by the writer Vasunandi, because such type of violence does not lead oneself to moksa. He totally neglects the fact that the eminent Svetambara and Digambara writers have shown their high regard and honour to Canakya, for Canakya's unparallelled intelligence, detached views, selfless attitude and his forbearance in accepting voluntary death. In nutshell we can say that this is the extreme case of complete misunderstanding and underestimation of the science of polity in the whole senario of Canakya-references found in the Jaina tradition. [8] The Gommata-sara of Nemicandra (Siddhanta-cakravarti) is a Jaina Sauraseni text written during the 11th century A.D. The same gatha "gPPP (Mulacara 257) is quoted in the first part of this text viz. Jivakanda, with a remarkable change. The text reads *

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167 AbhIyamAsurakkhaM bhAraharAmAyaNAdi uvaesA / tucchA asAhaNIyA suyaaNNANetti NaM beMti / / (Gommata-sara (J.)ga.304, p.510) The first word quoted in the concerned gatha of Mulacara is altogether omitted here. Probably Nemicandra knows that Canakya or Kautilya is praised and adored in the text like Bhagavati Aradhana for accepting the sublime way of death, i.e. padopagamana. Therefore while giving the examples of sruta-ajnana (i.e. texts based on ignorance) Nemicandra prefers the variant 'AbhIta' and omits 'kauTilya'. Perhaps, as a royal guru of the Ganga dynasty, he does not want to blame the science of good governance laid down by Kautilya. Though his contemporary writer Vasudevanandi passes several caustic remarks on kautilya-dharma, he calmly omits the controversy by replacing the word. [9] The Punyasrava-katha-kosa is a collection of traditional narratives written in Sanskrit prose during the 12th century A.D. by the author named Ramacandra-mumuksu. The concerned topic is 'Upavasaphala-varnanam'. The title of the 38th story is 'Bhadrabahu-CanakyaCandragupta-katha.' In this prose narrative, the episode of Sakatala and Canakya is described in a brief manner. It was Sakatala who chose Canakyadvija for the destruction of the king Nanda. The incident of the insult of Canakya in the royal bhojanasala (dining hall) is described in short. According to the author, Candragupta was born in a ksatriya dynasty. Canakya and Candragupta jointly uprooted Nanda's kingdom with the help of neighbouring kings. It is clearly mentioned that Canakya made Candragupta the king of Pataliputra. The whole biography of Canakya is not given in this text.

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168 The author is more interested in documenting the story of Bhadrabahu and Samprati (also called Candragupta II). Raidhu, the Apabhraisa poet follows Ramacandra and adds the description of the kings called Kalkis to this narrative. [10] The Aradhana-katha-prabandha (Aradhana-katha-kosa) of Prabhacandra is a Sanskrit text pertaining to the 13th century A.D. As the name suggests, the whole book is written to explain the stories noted in the Bhagavati Aradhana, in a very compact form. The 80th story of this text, documents the Canakya-Subandhu episode in a very focussed manner and ascribes 'prayopagata' death to Canakya. This story is written on the lines of Harisena. The only difference is, it is written in prose-form in Sanskrit. Kavi is invariably mentioned as Kavi. Kavi spotted Canakya to fulfil his purpose to retaliate against the king Nanda. Like Harisena, the author has not disclosed the name of Candragupta. Canakya himself killed Nanda and enjoyed the kingdom for a long period. In the Bhagavati Aradhana, it is told that Subandhu killed Canakya. In the narratives of Harisena, Sricandra and Prabhacandra, it is Subandhu who sets fire to five hundred monks along with Canakya. Prabhacandra exaggerates further and says, "All of them attain Siddhi (i.e. liberation).' One more story about Canakya is found in the Aradhanakatha-prabandha in the context of the rareness of the human birth. He starts the subject with the following words GH tasail 404054 90.21 (p.262) The ten allegorical stories are famous in the Svetambara literature. The pasaka-distanta is always explained by quoting the narrative of Canakya. Prabhacandra explains the drstanta in the same manner but the name of Canakya is replaced by a brahmin called

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169 Sivasarman. In a way, this is a mute consent to the brahminhood of Canakya. The impact of Harisena's story is clearly seen and the details added by Prabhacandra are almost negligible. [11] The Bhadrabahu-Canakya-Candragupta-kathanaka of Raidhu is a small poem containing 28 kadavakas. This small Apabhramsa book pertains to the 14th-15th century A.D. Out of 28 kadavakas, two kadavakas are dedicated to the episode of Sakatala, Canakya and Candragupta. Raidhu is not interested in giving the full life-account of Canakya up till his death. Sakatala and Canakya get acquainted with each other in the incident of digging out and burning the kusa grass. On the request of Sakatala, Canakya agrees to take his daily meal in the royal bhojanasala of Nanda, by occupying the golden seat. On a particular day, Sakatala intentionally changes the golden seat and places a bambooseat instead. Canakya takes this change as an insult and accepts the vow to uproot Nanda from the kingdom. He, along-with Candragupta, joins the enemy-king (Puru or Parvataka) and completely annihilates Nanda. He consecrates Candragupta on the throne of Pataliputra. We do not get any new information about Canakya in this tale. According to Raidhu, the search of Canakya for retaliating Nanda was done by Sakatala and not by Kavi (Kavi) as mentioned by Harisena and Sricandra. From this aspect, his story goes nearer to the Kathasaritsagara. Raidhu depicts the incident in the royal dining hall, more convincingly than his previous writers. According to him, the capital city of Nanda is Patalipura and not Pataliputra. We find a small story of Candragupta (II), the son of Kunala (Nakula ?) in this text, who is the disciple of Bhadrabahu (II) and

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170 who went towards daksinapatha along with Bhadrabahu and other 12000 monks. [12] The Canakyarsikatha of Devacarya is given in the Jina-ratnakosa of Prof.H.D. Velankar, published by Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune. It is found in manuscript-form and probably not published up till now. Detailed information is not given but we can guess that it is a small biography of Canakya written in Sanskrit, probably written by the Digambara acarya (Devacarya), following Harisena's Canakya-muni-kathanakam. We have to take a note of this independent katha because except this book, we do not find separate carita of Canakya in the Jaina tradition. Canakya-narratives are presented either in the form of examples, analogies or incorporated in the life-sketches of Bhadrabahu and Sthulabhadra. [13] A commenatry on the Punyasrava-katha-kosa is written by Pt. Daulatram Kashliwal in the old Hindi during the 16th Century A.D. It is actually the old Hindi translation of the Punyasrava-katha-kosa. The narrative of Canakya is given on pp.155-157. Nothing is remarkable in this old Hindi version but it proves that the legacy of Canakya-narratives was continued in the Jaina tradition from 3rd century A.D. upto 16th century A.D.

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CHAPTER 5 171 FROM THE WINDOW OF ARTHASASTRA [1] The seeds of Canakya-narratives explored in the Kautiliya Arthasastra [2] Some glimpses of the socio-cultural similarities in the Arthasastra and Ardhamagadhi canons [3] Common terminology in the Jaina ethical texts and Kautiliya Arthasastra [5] [4] The Jaina code of conduct (from the perspective of Kautiliya Arthasastra) Re-interpretation of the Jaina monachism in the light of Kautiliya Arthasastra

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172

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173 CHAPTER 5 FROM THE WINDOW OF ARTHASASTRA [1] The seeds of Canakya-Narratives explored in the Kautiliya Arthasastra In the previous chapter, the narratives of Canakya noted in the Jaina literature are translated, scrutinized and compared very carefully. Here we intend to caste a glance at the narratives from the window of the the Kautiliya Arthasastra. At the very outset, it is remarkable that Kautilya presents lists of narratives in his treatise in which some traditional stories are included in an abridged manner. This peculiar style is seen in the 6th, 20th and 95th chapters (adhyayas) of the Arthasastra. In the 6th chapter, twelve such persons are mentioned who were ruined due to the lack of control over their senses. In the 20th chapter it is prescribed for a king that he should not visit his queen's apartment without proper inspection. Seven examples of Bhadrasena etc. are given who were killed by the queens treacherously. In the 95th chapter, six personalities related to the king are mentioned who took the hint from subtlest actions that they are out of favour of the king and immediately left the king. Niryuktikara Bhadrabahu (i.e. Bhadrabahu II) (3rd 4th century A.D.) has developed this peculiar style of presenting the list of traditional narratives in his niryuktis. The examples of parinamikibuddhi are enumerated in the Avasyaka-niryukti 51 (p.93) in which Canakya is included. In the list of Pindaniryukti 500, surprisingly enough, again Canakya is enumerated. Twelve examples of parinamiki-buddhi are mentioned in Nandi ga.74. This peculiar style of quoting dvaragathas is followed by the later Jaina writers in

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the Upadesapada, Upadesamala, 174 Dharmopadesamala, Akhyanamanikosa etc. One observation should be noted that the stories mentioned by Canakya are mostly untraceable in the Brahmanic and Jaina literature. Most of the Canakya-narratives in the Jaina literature are related to the content of the Kautiliya Arthasastra. The Jaina writers might have gone through the text of Kautilya and picked up some motifs which are suitable to convert them into stories, tales, parables, examples and legends. It is really a big job to explore fully the text of Arthasastra from this point of view. At this place, an attempt has been made to trace the connection between the text of Arthasastra and the narrative literature of the Jainas, as a specimen or a sample study. [A] The 23rd adhyaya of Arthasastra informs about the preservation of forest, specially meant for elephants. Kautilya mentions, 'if one wishes to trail a male elephant, the female elephants can do it, if one anoints the path and bushes with the excreta and urine of the elephant.' In the narrative of Abhayakumara, Amradevasuri has used the same motif with a slight change. When Udayana wishes to abduct the famous elephant of king Pradyota viz. Nalagiri, he uses the same method mentioned in the Arthasastra. Udayana fills four big pots with the urine of Nalagiri and the female elephant Bhadravati trails the elephant by smelling the sprinkled urine. By using this device, Udayana and Vasavadatta complete their journey from Avanti to Kausambi. The concerned verses of the Abhayakkhyana are - ussiMghai jAva tayaM hatthI tA hatthiNI pavaNavegA / paNuvIsajoyaNAiM gayA puNo nalagirI patto / /

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to avarA muttaghaDIutappuro pADiyAo jA tinni / tA saMpatto ko biniyapuriM udayaNanariMdo / / 175 [akkhyanamanikosa, Abhayakkhyana ga.243-244 (p. 16)] [B] The 30th adhyaya of Arthasastra is dedicated to the examination of the officials. Three types of officials are mentioned. Mulahara is the one, who devours all the wealth accumulated by the forefathers. Tadatvika keeps the capital safe and consumes the profit completely. Kadarya accumulates wealth by inflicting pains to oneself and others. This motif is seen in the famous Ardhamagadhi-mulasutra text (viz. Uttaradhyayana) in the particular context of 'the rareness of the human life.' Three type of merchants are mentioned which are comparable to mulahara etc. In the last verse it is told that the human life is the capital, divine life is the profit and if we loose the capital, we have to go in the animal kingdom or hell. The concerned gathas are - jahA ya tiNNi vaNiyA mUlaM ghettUNa niggayA / ego'ttha labhaI lAbhaM ego mUleNa Agao / / ego mUlaM pi hArettA Agao tattha vANio / vavahAre uvamA esA evaM dhamme viyANaha / / mANusattaM bhave mUlaM lAbho deva bhave / mUlaccheeNa jIvANaM naraga - tirikkhattaNaM dhuvaM / / (Uttaradhyayana 7.14-15-16) Sukhabodha, the reputed commentary on Uttaradhyayana has developed the story in a very interesting manner. [C] The 48th adhyaya of Arthasastra is about courtezans and harlots. At the end of this chapter, Kautilya expects espionage from them. In the Abhayakkhyana, Candapradyota and Abhayakumara

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176 both have used the ganikas for the abduction of each other. In the 192nd verse of Abhayakkhyana, the ganika says to Candapradyota - taM nisuNiUNa vinavai naravaI camarahAriNI gaNiyA / Aisasu deva ! maM jhatti jeNa baMdhiya tamANe haM / / In verse 260, it is told that Abhayakumara went to Avanti to abduct Candapradyota with two ganikas. gaNiyAo donni ghettUNa sA gao nayarimujjeNiM / guDiyakayAvararUvo rAyaduvArammi AvaNaM ghettuM / pAraddho vavahariuM abhao aha annadivasammi / / [Akkhyanamanikosa, Abhayakkhyana ga.260-261 (p.16)] At the end of this narrative, it is described how Abhaya abducted Pradyota by employing a servant of the same name who acted like an insane person. This motif is seen in the 12th adhyaya of Arthasastra. The other details about ganikas are discussed under the head of 'the socio-cultural and political conditions' in the same chapter. [D] Rules about gambling are found in the 22nd, 77th and 87th adhyayas of Arthasastra. The main theme of the 22nd chapter is - 'How to populate a new village ?' It is told that there should a ban on the plays like gambling. The 77th chapter is totally dedicated to gambling, dices and other crimes. it is suggested that the 'gambling houses' should be run by the government and private gambling should be totally prohibited. In the 87th chapter, it is catagorically mentioned that, 'Fake dices are strictly banned.' A strict punishment is prescribed for such crimes. Kakani dices are authorized for gambling and others are banned. The motif of acquiring wealth by fake gambling is one of the

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177 popular theme in the Jaina narratives of Canakya. The Avasyakacurni quotes this as an example of parinamiki -buddhi of Canakya. Haribhadra employes the short story of kuta-pasaka as one of the ten examples to explain the rareness of human birth.' It is very queer that the Jaina writers do not hesitate to portray Canakya as a law-breaker in the matter of gambling. Or they might have thought that Canakya can be excused because these efforts were made to gather wealth for the royal treasury and not for any personal benefit. [E] In the 80th adhyaya of Arthasastra, eight unforeseen calamities are enumerated. The last calamity is noted as an advent of evil spirits. The implemented measures are described thus - "On some holy day, one should errect a sacred platform under a caitya-vrksa (holy tree). It should be decorated with an umbrella and handmade flags. A goat should be slaughtered for banishing the evil spirit. A brahmin, wellversed in the Atharvaveda should help the concerned person to perform these rites." Exactly the same description is found in one of narratives of Vasudevahindi. At the end of the story, there is a turn according to the Jaina philosophy. A Jaina sage recognizes the goat by employing his spiritual power and tells the sons of the brahmin that the goat is their father. Their dead father is reborn as a goat. The writer comments at the end that the sons of the brahmin accept the vow of non-violence and observe it permanently. Thus, when we scrutinize the motifs of the Jaina narratives and especially the old Prakrit tales, we find that the Jaina writers have utilized the details given in the Arthasastra to teach the Jaina tenets more effectively.

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178 [F] The 44th adhyaya of Arthasastra deals with the duties of the officer who supervises the vocation of thread-spinning. It is mentioned that the wives of errant husbands, the women who are crippled, aged, unmarried ladies and others who are unable to leave the house for earning livelihood, should be given the work of spinning the thread through the female servants serving in the factory. In the Sutrakrtanga-curni, a story of Ardraka-kumara is given at length in the chapter called Ardrakiya (Sutrakrtanga-curni II, p.414 onwards). Once, the wife of Ardraka was spinning the yarn at home. Her son asked, 'Mother, why are you doing this work when my father is here ?' She told, 'Oh my dear son, your father is leaving us very soon. So I am practising to spin.' The innocent son approaches his father and takes twelve rounds with the thread to tie him. Ardraka, the father counts the round and stays at house for twelve more years. This is a remarkable specimen indicating the skill of the Jaina writers to interweave the motifs provided by the Arthasastra in their tales. It also throws light on the social condition of women at that time. [G] The 87th adhyaya of Arthasastra deals with the punishments given to the criminals. The punishments like 'cutting the hands, feet and other limbs' are considered in this chapter. At the end of the chapter Kautilya mentions - "The judge should use the power of discretion before giving the punishments to the convicts. The punishments are of three types - highest, medium or lowest. The punishment depends upon the nature of the crime and the criminal, the reason, intension, time, place, the social and royal status of the criminal and many other things."

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179 In the collection of the Prakrit stories called 'Praksta-vijnanakatha' Shri Vijaykastura-suri mentions the story titled 'FIRHAMAT air fhaal', in which it is depicted that three persons are punished in three different ways though their crime is the same. The content of the 87th chapter of Arthasastra is as if transformed into a story-form in this Jaina narrative. It is noteworthy that the Jaina model of dravya-ksetra-kala-bhava is also very much suitable to develop such type of stories. [H] The Jaina writers have given utmost importance what is told in the 92nd adhyaya of Arthasastra dedicated to the emergency devices used to gather wealth for the royal treasury. The chapter viz. 'kosasamgraha' has inspired the writers to develop Canakya-episodes right from the Avasyaka-curni up to the Parisista-parva of Hemacandra. The most attractive and classic story is presented in the Dharmopadesamala-vivarana. Kautilya notes, "In the case of emergency, the king should ask the citizens to donate. The wealth of heretics, the deva-dravya gathered by people other than srotriyas, the wealth of a widow and naval merchants can be snatched away in a particular situation. The political persons should declare their wealth and should compell the rich persons (merchants etc.) to declare their wealth by hook or crook. Then the treasurer should ask certain legitimate amount from them. But this device should be applied once (adhyaya 92)". We find the exact reflection of this content in the Dharmopadesamala. The Avasyaka-curni presents a story titled 'parapasandaprasamsa' [AvCu (II) p.281] in which it is told that Canakya snatched away the maintenance-amount of the heretics. It is evident that the curnikara has literally quoted it from the text of Arthasastra. The

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180 same attitude towards heretics is mentioned in the 18th adhyaya of Arthasastra. Since the Jaina sravakas owe to the merchant-class, the motif of 'gathering the wealth' might have appealed to them a lot. [I] In the 94th adhyaya of Arthasastra, Kautilya says, "Generally the fire will burn a body or a part of a body, but when a king is enraged he will kill a person along with his whole family." In the Nisitha-bhasya, we find the story of 'grama-daha' in which it is depicted that when the villagers broke Canakya's orders, the village was set on fire by Canakya. It is very interesting that the bhasyakara does not blame Canakya for his cruel act. Likewise the story of the weaver Naladama occurs in the Avasyakacurni and Parisista-parva where Naladama kills the people of Nanda by adding poison in their food. The strict administration of Canakya is admired in spite of the cruel punishments provided by him. Both the narratives are as if the concrete examples of the purport expressed at the end of the 94th adhyaya of Arthasastra. [J] In the 84th adhyaya of Arthasastra, the examination of a person having sudden death is dealt with. The details of the funeral rites are given in such cases. Kautilya says, "A person whether male or female, commits suicide with anger, jealousy or other sinful intentions, or causes others to do so, then his feet should be tied with a rope and a lower-caste person should drag him with rope on the royal highway. His relatives are not allowed to perform the funeral rites like sraddha. One who breaks this rule, would be punished in the same way." When we see the reflection of this rule in the Ardhamagadhi text Bhagavati-sutra, we really get startled. In the 15th sataka (chap

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ter) of this book, the end of Gosalaka's life is described. Gosalaka, the leader of Ajivakas accompanies lord Mahavira in the initial years of his penance, but in the last lapse of Gosalaka's life, he becomes hostile to Mahavira and tries to burn him by his vicious power (tejolesya). When his power rebounds, it becomes fatal to him. When he gasps his last breath he gives orders to his followers as "no khalu ahaM jiNe jiNappalAvI - samaNe bhagavaM mahAvIre jiNe jiNappalAvI taM tubbhaM NaM devANuppiyA mamaM kAlagayaM jANittA vAme pAe suMbeNaM baMdheha, baMdhettA mahApaha-pahesu AkaTTa-vikaTTiM mahayA aNiDDhI-asakkAra - samudaeNaM mamaM sarIragassa nIharaNaM karejjAha, fargal ye 3?ghe kareha / evaM vadittA kAlagae / " ------ ------ * sAvatthIe nagarI 181 ------ (Bhagavati; Sataka 15, sutra 141) "I am not a Jina (the conqueror), not a proper person to be called as Jina. The great ascetic lord Mahavira is in true sense a Jina and fit to be called as Jina. Oh gentlemen, after my death, please tie a rope to my left foot, spit on my mouth three times, drag my dead body on the roads and highways of the city of Sravasti. Dispose of my body unceremoniously." The secterian bias expressed in this passage is quite evident and a subject of a separate article but the Prakrit terminology used in this passage is the exact echo of words used in the 84th adhyaya of the Kautiliya Arthasastra. The 15th sataka of Bhagavati-sutra is designated as one of the oldest specimen of Ardhamagadhi by the scholars. Thus the similarity between the above-mentioned passage and the Kautiliya Arthasastra is useful for the date-fixation of the Bhagavati-sutra. If we accept the upper limit of the eleven angas as the 5th century A.D., we can draw a conclusion that the available version of the Arthasastra was popular among the Jaina circle during the 5th century A.D.

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182 [K] Jnatadharmakatha, the sixth Ardhamagadhi canonical text is totally comprised off narratives and analogical tales. The 14th chapter that of the first part contains a story of Tetaliputra Amatya. When read the story carefully with all intricacies, we feel that the whole story of Tetaliputra Amatya is overshadowed with the lifestory of Amatya Canakya, somehow knowingly or unknowingly. The wicked king; rearing up of a prince by the minister; anointing the prince on the throne; the smooth administration in the initial years; king's changed attitude towards the minister; the minister's childlessness and voluntary death at the end - certainly reminds the reader the story of Amatya Canakya described in the Avasyaka and Nisitha-curnis which is neatly presented in the Parisista-parva. We can find the sources of the story of Tetaliputra in the biography of Canakya in a very elaborate manner, but since it is a subject of a separate research paper, we cannot lengthen the subject at this place. It is also noteworthy that the 10th chapter of Rsibhasita, one of the old Ardhamagadhi text, repeates the same story of Tetaliputra Amatya in an abridged form, where he is called 'nitisastravisarada' i.e. 'wellversed in the science of polity.' - The Jnatadharmakatha is traditionally known as the Mahaviravani. The later acaryas might have thought that they cannot include the Canakyan tales in canonical literature due to the fault of anacronism. Many of the chapters of Jnatadharmakatha are written in the classical Ardhamagadhi which is nearer to the Jaina Maharastri than Arsa Ardhamagadhi. When we grasp the shadow of Canakyakatha in the chapter of Tetaliputra, we can straightly proceed to the conclusion that this chapter is surely an interplotation. [L] In the 14th adhyaya of Arthasastra, (viz. Aupanisadika) contains four adhyayas (146 upto 149). All types of abhicaras, mantras,

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183 rites based on black magic and fatal miraculous powers of medicinal plants are described in this 'adhikarana'. It is told in the beginning that those deceitful means should be employed to preserve caturvarnya and to punish the sinful persons. The writer of the Mulacara (i.e. Acarya Vattakera) openly condemns Canakya most probably concentrating on the 14th adhikarana of Arthasastra. The Nisitha-curni presents a story based on anjanasiddhi (III. 423-424). In the story it is depicted that the two disciples of Susthita Acarya utilized the 'power of disappearing' against Candragupta. Canakya revealed them. At the end of the story, Canakya appologizes the Jaina guru by saying 'micchami dukkadam', which is totally an unbelievable Jainification. One more story of Canakya is given in the Nisitha-curni II. p.33. Here, Canakya retaliates against Subandhu, his enemy, by besmearing fragrant poison to the birch-leaf. It is depicted that Canakya compels Subandhu to initiate. It is observed that the Svetambara writers defend Canakya in spite of his mayacaras when the Digambara texts like Mulacara despise Canakya for the same. Observations : When we look at the Canakya-narratives in the Jaina literature, through the window of Kautiliya Arthasastra, we know immediately that numerous details of the Arthasastra are used as motifs. It throws light on the fact that the Jaina authors have gone through the text of Arthasastra very minutely. But when we think of the authenticity and historicity of the Canakyan tales, we find that they are incredible and not reliable because many of the motifs and details of the Arthasastra are

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184 presented as if they are the actual events in the life of Canakya. The Jainas have created a perfect thought-model to present Canakyan tales. Each and every chapter of the Arthasastra is the outcome of Canakya's parinamiki-buddhi (acquired knowledge through experience). Therefore they imbibed each and every incident in Canakya's own life-story. Thus the Canakyan stories are a perfect blend of legends, myths and superimposed fantacies. The whole biography of Canakya is chronologically adequate and logically sound at many times but we cannot claim that it is factually reliable. [2] Some glimpses of the socio-cultural similarities in the Arthasastra and Ardhamagadhi Canons The oral tradition of the Ardhamagadhi Canons, particularly of eleven main (angas) texts started from the 6th century B.C. and the texts were finalized after approximately one thousand years (i.e. 5th century A.D.). Even though a long rope is given for the time-to-time interpolations, we have to admit that the socio-cultural environment apparently matches with the conditions of the Arthasastra of Kautilya - the unique text on polity available to us at present. - The similarities are so many and so striking, that if we enumerate and document them in an essay-form, it would convert a lengthy article with hair-splitting discussions. Here, an attempt has been made to present some glimpses of the socio-cultural similarities in the both, in a concise form. In this matter, the original Sanskrit words and citations from Arthasastra and the original words and citations from Ardhamagadhi texts are quoted side by side, in devanagari script. The titles of the subject-matter are given in English. English translation of each and every word is not given because we intend to highlight the phonetic similarities between Sanskrit and Prakrit terms.

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For the convenience of the common readers and researchscholars, a simple method is adopted. The socio-cultural references which are more important, are noted and discussed first. Comparatively less important and miscellaneous references are dealt afterwards. 185 Like the previous topics, a sample study is presented here. We can extend the study on these lines, in multiple ways. The remarkable similarities are - [A] Castes : Four principal castes (ie. brAhmaNa, kSatriya, vaizya, zUdra) are mentioned in both which was an obvious fact in the contemporary society. But many of the subcastes were found due to inter-caste marriages and relationships of which are also mentioned with great details and that too without any reproachful attitude, in the Arthasastra and Ardhamagadhi scriptures. The staunch and disregardful attitude towards these sub-castes or so called lower castes is remarkably absent in the Arthasastra and ancient Jaina scriptures. In the 63rd adhyaya of Arthasastra, the various castes originated due to the anuloma and pratiloma marriages are referred to. They are - aMbaSTha, niSAda (pArazava), ugra, vrAtya, kSatya, Ayogava, cAMDAla, mAgadhava, pukkasa, vaidehaka, sUta, kUTaka, vaiNa, kuzIlava, zvapAka and aMtarAla. We can trace many of these inter-castes in Ardhamagadhi texts in the following manner - (i) aMbaTTha (aMbaSTha) : Sutrakrtanga 1.9 (ii) NisAya (niSAda) : Desinamamala 4.35 (iii) 3 (34): Jnatadharmakatha 1.108, p.105 ( edn.); Dhavala (iv) (V) Book 13, p.387-389 () Supasanahacariya 197 (B): Sutrakrtanga 1.8; Uttaradhyayana 1.10; 3.4

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186 (vi) bokkasa (pukkasa) : Uttaradhyayana 3.4 (vii) vaieha, vedeha (vaidehaka) : Sthananga Comm. p.358 (viii) sovAga ( zvapAka ) : Uttaradhyayana 12.1 ; 12.37 [B] The servants appointed in the harem : In the Ardhamagadhi scriptures, a long list of female servants and others is given, who were the persons appointed in the harems of kings and in the harems of rich merchants. A representative list from the Jnatadharmakatha can be given as follows - tae NaM se mehe kumAre--- bahUhiM khujjAhiM cilAiyAhiM vAmaNi-vaDabhibabbari-bausi-joNiya-palhaviya-IsiNiya-dhorugiNi-lAsiya-lausiya-damilisiMhali - Arabi- puliMdi-pakkaNi - bahali- muruMDi - sabari-pArasIhiMceDiyAcakkavAla-varisadhara-kaMcuijja - mahayaragavaMda - parikkhitte--- suhaMsuheNaM vaDDhai / [Jnatadharmakatha 1.1.96 (p.92)] (byAvara edn.) The 12th adhyaya of Arthasastra is dedicated to the appointments of the spies in the royal harem. Herewith, two citations from the 12th adhyaya are noted, from which the similarity with the Jaina scriptures can be easily observed. Kautilya says - 'rasadAH (cArAH) kubja - vAmana - kirAta - mUka-badhirajaDAndhachadmAno striyazcAbhyantaraM cAraM vidyuH / antargRhacarAsteSAM kubja-vAmana-SaNDakAH / zilpavatyaH striyo mUkAzcitrAzca mleJchajAtayaH / ' In the Jaina scriptures, it is seen that all these persons are actually appointed while Kautilya advices to appoint 'rasada' type of spies in disguise of the above-mentioned males and females. ------ ------ While describing the personal security-guards of a king, Kautilya repeates many such names of females and males. He sayszayanAdutthitasstrIgaNairdhanvibhiH parigRhyeta / dvitIyasyAM kakSyAyAM kaJcukoSNISibhirvarSaM varAbhyAgArikaiH / tRtIyasyAM kubja-vAmana-kirAtaiH / (Arthasastra adhyaya 21)

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187 Kautilya uses the word ':' in the 12th, 70th and 146th adhyayas but all the dastes are not enumerated. It is very interesting that the Ardhamagadhi text Prasnavyakarana presents a full list of F and a comment is passed that these people are seen active in violent acts. 'ime ya bahave milakkhujAI, ke te ? saga - javaNa-sabara- babbara- - puliMdaDoMba --- cINa-lAsiya- -khasa-khAsiya- - hUNa- - romaga- - ruru-maruyA cilAyavisayavAsI ya pAvamaiNo / ' (Prasnavyakarana 1.1, p. 23) (byAvara edn.) [C] Festivals : S It is surprising that social festivals are not enumerated independantly in the Arthasastra. In the 80th adhyaya, eight unforeseen calamities are mentioned. Various pujas, homa, bali and svastivacana are referred to for dispelling the calamities. Such pujas are social 'devakaryas'. Certain deities are mentioned which are worth-worshipping viz. Nadi, Indra, Ganga, Parvata, Varuna, Samudra, Draha, Naga and Caityavrksa. The more vivid picture of festivals and pilgrimages is seen in the Ardhamagadhi scriptures. The Jnatadharmakatha mentions ajja rAyagihe nayare iMdamahe i vA khaMdamahe i vA evaM rudda - siva- vesamaNa-na kkha-bhUya - naII - talAya - rukkha - ceiya - i vA ujjANa - ga- girijattA i vA ? (Jnatadharmakatha 1.1.96) ( -nAga edn.) In this passage, 'maha' is a festival and ' jattA' is 'yAtrA' means a pilgrimage or jatra which means 'a local fair'. Almost the same list is found in the Acaranga 2.10.2.3 and Bhagavati 9.33.158 (Ladnu edn.) After going through the lists carefully, one can realize that both the references almost point to the same strata and time of the society.

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188 [D] Deities : When we consider the Brahmanic deities and Jaina deities (i.e. devaloka) it is obvious that the Jaina concept of heaven, the varieties and subvarieties of devas, their Indras and their abodes are very systematically presented than that of the brahmanic (both vedic and puranic) deities. Kautilya refers various deities in the 25th adhyaya in which he deals with the topic ' 91 (i.e. habitating a castle). Kautilya says, "In a middle of the fort-city, the temples of Aparajita (Laksmi), Apratihata (Visnu), Jayanta (Kartika), Vaijayanta (Indra), Siva, Kubera, Asvinikumara, Madira (Camunda) etc. should be built. Vastudevatas should be installed at the proper places in those temples. The idols of Brahma, Indra, Yama and Kartika should be installed at the entrance. At particular directions, particular (ten) deities should be placed." It is known that in the ancient Jaina texts, Kubera is called Vaisramana and Kartikeya is called Skanda. We have already seen that in the list of festivals, Ardhamagadhi books have referred the deities viz. Indra, Skanda, Rudra, Siva, Vaisramana and Mukunda, which are of course the contemporary brahmanic deities. But the philosophical text Tattvarthasutra mentions the five highest abodes of gods. Their names are Vijaya, Vaijayanta, Jayanta, Aparajita and Sarvarthasiddha (Tattvartha. 4.20). The ancient Jaina Sauraseni text Trilokaprajnapti (3171) mentions that Soma, Yama, Varuna and Kubera are four lokapalas and serially protect four directions i.e. the east etc. The Jainendra-siddhanta-kosa gives detailed information of the dik-kumaras, dik-kumaris and dik-pala-devas. The Pratisthasaroddhara, a book dedicated to rituals quote the names of some other deities as Jaya, Vijaya, Ajita, Aparajita etc.

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189 The similarity of the names seen in Kautilyan and Jaina deities is really stunning. [E] The custom of arca : At present, the term "arca' is used as a twin term used with the term "puja". The separate meaning of arca is forgotten and is dominated by the word paja. When going through the studied introduction of the Arthasastra written by Mr. Hivargaonkar, I stumbled at the reference which occured on p.22. He remarks, "The custom of arca for obtaining the wealth is mentioned by Kautilya, in which a beast is sacrificed by the worshipper. Asoka was a staunch follower of non-violence. Therefore the custom might have prevalent during the period of Candragupta and Bindusara because how can Asoka allow this violent act ? Thus it is certain that the Arthasastra is written before Asoka." We can accept Mr. Hivargaonkar's conjecture if it is supplied by some other parallel reference. It is very much revealing that we find the word acca (Skt. arca) in the Ardhamagadhi texts like Sutrakstanga (1.13.17; 1.15.18 ; 2.2.6) and Sthananga (comm.p.19) in the sense of 'body'. The Acaranga 1.1.6 (sutra 140 - Ladnun edn.) quotes in hissa-viveka-pada that afh-370117 34tely defa, 37147 34ffung geld - which means, "Some people kill animals to get the body, some others kill to get the skin' etc. Here, the term "acca' means the 'body'. In the light of the Jaina references, it is quite clear that the custom or ritual called "arca", noted in the Arthasastra which is performed to get wealth is a lower type of 'animal sacrifice'. [F] The meaning of kulaidaka : If we extend this point a little, one similarity between the Arthasastra and the Ardhamagadhi text Uttaradhyayana is notewor

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190 thy. Some debatable words in the Arthasastra are discussed by the Kautilyan scholar J.S.Karandikar after the introduction of Hivargaonkar. The word ' is used in the 137th and 141st adhyayas of Arthasastra. Shamshastry and Ganapatishastri explain it as 'A ram or sheep which is deviated from the flock.' Karandikar has opposed this meaning because it is not in accordance with the context. He is of the opinion that the word means - 'A ram (or sheep) nurtured in a house for the purpose of sacrifice (killing).' The meaning suggested by Karandikar is more appropriate when we suppliment it by the poening verses of the Elaijja (or Urabbhijja) adhyayana of Uttaradhyayana. The verses are - jahAesaM samuddissa, koi posejja elayaM / oyaNaM javasaM dejjA, posejjA visayaMgaNe / / (Uttaradhyayana 7.1) - tao se puTThe parivUDhe, jAyamee mahodare / pINie viule dehe, AesaM parikaMkhae / / (Uttaradhyayana 7.2) The pictursque description of a fat elaya (Skt. ) nurtured in the courtyard of a house, is found in the Uttaradhyayana. It is told that actually it is a waiting period for the ram because as soon as a guest arrives, it is cut into pieces and served to him in a meal. Thus the word 'kulaiDaka' can be explained in the light of Uttaradhyayana, more convincingly. [G] Seven-fold kingdom and four-fold niti : These two concepts are the distinctive core-concepts of the Arthasastra. We expect that we will find it very easily and at many times in the ancient Jaina literature. But to our surprise, these two concepts occur in the Jnatadharmakatha which is comparatively a later canonical text.

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The seven bodies of the kingdom are called 'Prakrtis'. svAmyamAtyajanapadadurgakozadaNDamitrANi prakRtaya: ( Arthasastra-adhyaya 97). Sama, dana (upapradana), danda and bheda are the four devices mentioned by Kautilya to tackle the enemies, neighbouring kings and others. 191 The exact definitions and the nature of these nitis are explained at various places in the Arthasastra. (adhyaya 13; 14; 31) The prince Abhaya, who was the prime-minister of the king Srenika is described in the Jnatadharmakatha in the following man ner - (abhaya NAmaM kumAre) sAmadaMDabheyauvappayANaNIi atthasatthamaivisArae seNiyassa raNNo rajjaM ca raTThe ca kosaM ca koTThAgAraM ca balaM ca vAhaNaM ca puraM ca aMteuraM ca sayameva samupekkhamANe vihara / ------ (Jnatadharmakatha 1.1.15, p.22) ( edn.) The same passage is repeated in the 14th adhyayana of the same text in context of Tetaliputra Amatya. It is already noted that the whole narrative of Tetaliputra carries a close comparison with the life story of Amatya Canakya. [H] Amayta Canakya : We find that four words are repeatedly used in the Arthasastra, very loosely viz. amAtya, mantri, saciva and pradhAna. Their exact designation and hirarchy is not mentioned. Still one fact is clear that Kautilya places amatya immediately after raja. The whole 8th adhyaya 'amatyottpatti' is dedicated to describe amatya. While dealing with mantri and purohita, Kautilya starts with enumerating the qualities of amatya and explains each of the quality catagorically (adhyaya 9). In the 10th adhyaya the touch-stones for examining the amatyas are provided. Taking into consideration the importance given to the

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192 amatyas, the Jaina authors have always referred him as Amatya Canakya. Many of the Jaina prakrit narratives begin with the following words, Yfya EGUT PII 374071] autant l'The Jainas have never called him mantri or saciva. [I] Geographical regions and kingdoms : The Kautiliya Arthasastra is a prominent text of Magadhan literature. The ancient history of Jainism is closely associated with Magadha region and Ardhamagadhi language. Therefore we find a close resemblance between the Arthasastra and the ancient Ardhamagadhi texts in which various geographical regions and kingdoms are noted which were politically important at that time. The Anuyogadvara gives ten synonyms of the word 'skandha' [Anuyogadvara-sutra 58, p.55 (102 edn.)] in which the word gana is the first one. Scholars of Indology say that this word is suggestive of the ganarajyas like licchavi, vajji, malla etc. in ancient India. While explaining the laukika-agamas, Anuyogadvara refers the four vedas with angas and upangas. The commentator of this text mentions four upavedas of four main vedas. According to him the Arthasastra is the upaveda of Atharvaveda. (Anuyogadvara p.412, ouillo edn.) Though Kautilya eliminates the Atharvaveda from trayi, still he preaches people to chant the mantras of Atharvaveda on various occasions. With all this background, there is no wonder if we find the names of various kingdoms which are common in the Arthasastra and ancient Jaina texts. While documenting various myths, Kautilya mentions Paundra, Kosala, Magadha, Avanti, Vanga and particularly king Pradyota of Ujjayini and his son 'Palaka' (adhyaya 95).

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193 The spies called vaidehaka and magadha are certainly related to their concerned regions (adhyaya 12). Kautilya says that Magadha, Paundra, Kasi, Vatsa and Malava are famous for cotton clothes (adhyaya 13) and Kalinga, Anga, Saurastra, Dasarna and Pancanada (Punjab) are famous for elephants. These kingdoms and regions occur in the Ardhamagadhi and old Jaina Maharastri texts for literally hundreds of times. Almost all traditional narratives of the Jainas start with the names of the janapadas mentioned above. [J] Miscellaneous cultural references in brief : i) All the details of ganikas are documented in the 48th adhyaya of Arthasastra. Ganikas and rupajivas (vesyas) are differenciated. Kautilya says that each ganika should note and declear her rate of service. The Jnatadharmakatha mentions that a particular ganika was available at one thousand (golden coins) per day (Jnatadharmakatha 1.3.46). In the Jaina Maharastri narrative literature, the high social and cultural status of ganikas and vesyas is seen frequently. Their roles in the 'crime-world' are painted in the texts like Akkhyanamanikosa, Kumarapalapratibodha and Manoramakatha. ii) The 40th adhyaya of Arthasastra is dedicated to the 'weights and measurements'. The weights and measurements like masa, angula etc. frequently occur in the contemporary Jaina texts. One remarkable thing is, Kautilya suggests to use the standard weights which were prepared in Magadha. Magadha-prastha is referred to in the Anuyogadvara p.230, p.423 ( edn.) iii) Kautilya mentions various types of liquor, wine and alcohol in the 46th adhyaya. The varieties are mentioned as madhu-maireyasura-sidhu etc. The Jnatadharmakatha repeats the same list in the

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194 same order while describing the preparations made for the svayasvara of Draupadi (jnatadharmakatha 1.16.118). iv) A list of wild beasts and animals is seen in the 38th adhyaya of Arthasastra from which human beings get leather, teeth, horns, hair etc. for their use. The same list of animal products are mentioned in the Acaranga (1.1.140 Ladnun edn.), where it is told that this type of violence should be avoided by accepting the vow of non-violence. v) In the 36th adhyaya of Arthasastra, the lists of Heal, arauf, aulaf, Geoliedrf, galiodof, pacaharf, mahaf etc. are mentioned. Majority of the eatable articles are seen in the chapter called foucaun in the 2nd srutaskandha of Acaranga. In some of the cases, we actually get the Prakrit renderings of the Sanskrit words quoted in the Arthasastra. For example, Kautilya quotes - #ahiygasuaared Mcgal mauaf: (adhyaya 36) The Dasavaikalika gives a list of prohibited articles prescribed for a monk in the third chapter. It quotes - sovaccale siMdhave loNe , romAloNe ya Amae / sAmudde paMsukhAre ya , kAlAloNe ya Amae / / savvameyamaNAiNNaM NiggaMthANa mahesiNaM / / (Dasavaikalika 3.8.11) vi) The title of the 32nd adhyaya of Arthasastra is gyako ya i.e. "The examination of the excellent articles which are worthy to deposit in the royal treasury." The whole chapter reveals the ultimate richness of our country by enumerating the varieties of pearls, ornaments, jewels and diamonds, sandlewoods, scents and fragrances, exclusive leathers, wools and decorated woolen articles, silks and silken clothes and cotton of the highest quality. When we go through the minute details provided by the Nisithacurni, we find almost every detail in a very elaborate manner.

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195 Especially, the references of leather-types, sandlewood, wools and blankets are a big surprise for a scholar. It is impossible to note each detail because they are innumerable. At this juncture, it is requested that an interested reader may go through the book of Dr. Madhu Sen titled, 'A Cultural Study of Nisitha-curni.' vii) The 33rd adhyaya of Arthasastra is dedicated to metallurgy in which mines, ores, mints and coins are discussed. The Avasyakacurni provides an important reference in its depiction of Canakya's brief biography. When Canakya conspires with the help of Candragupta and parvataka to snatch away Nanda's kingdom, the first step taken by Canakya was to gather the information about the mines of valuable metals. The Avasyaka-curni says, 'HEGACIUL Huid l'. The important coins mentioned in the Arthasastra (adhyaya 33) are pana, masa and kakani. The references of "pana' as a coin, are very few in the Ardhamagadhi literature but the words avana, avanavihi and avaniya are very common. The frequent use of the words 'HTC' and of count' is seen in the Prakrit narratives. Uttaradhyayana quotes - jahA kAgiNie heuM , sahassaM hArae naro / __ apatthaM aMbagaM bhoccA , rAyA rajjaM tu hArae / / (Uttaradhyayana 7.11) "As one loses thousand to get a kakini, likewise the king lost his kingdom by transgressing his dietary regimen by eating a mango." In the 8th adhyayana, it is mentioned that - jahA lAho tahA loho , lAhA loho pavaDDai / domAsakayaM kajjaM koDIe vi na niTTiyaM / / (Uttaradhyayana 8.17) "As one gains some profit, one's greed increases. I started this work to get two masas but my lust does not end even after getting

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crores.' 196 In the Upadesapada (ga. 545) it is noted that one kakini is equal to twenty cowries. The reference of Kumarapalapratibodha is important because it tells a story about Candragupta, Bindusara, Asoka and his son Kunala. The verse runs as - caMdagutta- paputto ya biMdusArassa nattuo / asogasiriNo putto aMdho jAya kAkiNaM / / (Kumarapalapratibodha p.170) "The great-grandson of Candragupta, the grandson of Bindusara and the son of the great Asoka is a blind begger who is begging a kakini." As the story advances, the other meaning of kakini is explained as 'a kingdom', which is very rarely used in Sanskrit. The Samavayanga provides altogather new information about 'kakini'. In the 14th samavaya (chapter), it is mentioned that a Cakravartin possesses fourteen excellent things in which a precious diamond called kakini is included. Observations : There are numerous socio-cultural resemblances in the Arthasastra and especially in the ancient Prakrit literature of Jainas. A colourful spectrum is presented here which is seen through the window of Arthasastra. On one hand, these resemblances put light on the hidden socio-cultural facts of the Jaina literature while on the other hand, due to this parallelism, the facts of the Arthasastra are confirmed. [3] Common terminology in the Jaina ethical texts and Kautiliya Arthasastra Generally the conduct of householders and monks is covered under the title 'Ethics'. Sravakacara and Sadhuacara contain general and specific rules and its transgressions in the Jaina literature dedi

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197 cated to ethics. Since the Kautiliya Arthasastra is a science of governance and administration, it is expected that each person should follow the rules laid down for him as a citizen, in spite of one's religion. When the Jaina writers codified their acara-samhita, naturally they carefully studied the Arthasastra. The Kautiliya Arthasastra is an important part of Magadhan literature, where Jainism flourished in its initial centuries. Therefore, there is no wonder that we find ample examples of common terminology in both. Here, some important words and expressions are considered with the relevant citations, as a sample study. If the whole data is fully exploited, it can be easily converted into a doctoral thesis. [i] Sasana : The 31" adhyaya of Arthasastra gives all the details of the king's edict i.e. written order. At the very outset it is told that these types of written orders are called 'sasana'. It is a duty of a king to draw such edicts and it is the duty of a citizen to follow it without any breach. Several types of orders are described in this chapter at length. It is seen that the words sasana and jinasasana are very popular in the old Ardhamagadhi texts. It is expected that every Jaina person particularly a monk should follow the strict orders of the Jinas or Tirthankaras because they carry no less importance than that of a king's verdicts. The Sutrakstanga (1.3.69) notes that - evamege u pAsatthA paNNaveti aNAriyA / itthIvasaM gayA bAlA jiNasAsaNaparaMmuhA / / In this verse it is told that, "The Parsvasthas (the followers of Parsvanatha) have detered themselves from the order of the Jinas (Jinasasana) because they are subjected to womanfolk.

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198 The Dasavaikalika expects the calmness and quietness of mind in a monk because it is a natural culmination of the Jinasasana. (311427 7 "TOUT Heali furgui - Dasavaikalika 8.25) The Uttaradhyayana advises a monk to remain unperturbed in any type of adversity because he has heard the order (or preaching) of the Jinas (Uttaradhyayana 2.6). The same text mentions that king Sanjaya abadoned the kingdom and became a member of the realm of the Jinas (Uttaradhyayana 18.19). The word Jinasasana is repeatedly used in the 18th chapter of the Uttaradhyayana. It is very curious to note down the traditional slogan of all the Jainas despite of sects and subsects viz. jainaM jayati zAsanam / [ii] Adhikarana : Kautilya uses the word 'adhikarana' for the chapters in his Arthasastra. There are 15 adhikaranas and 150 adhyayas in the book. Seven different meanings are noted of the word 'adhikarana' in common Sanskrit dictionaries. The word is normally used in the judicial matter or in the grammar. Tattvarthasutra, the Jaina phylosophical text uses the word "adhikarana' in different sense. It says - 3Tfc Tuj salsiat: (Tattvartha 6.8) "The instrument of long-term karmic-flow are both - sencient and non-sencient entities." The later writers simply say that there are 108 varieties of the karmic bondage, viz. himsa (violence). The commentator of Mulacara has located two different meanings of 'adhikarana' and says that, "The adhikaranas (chapters) of Arthasastra are in true sense the instruments of karmic-bondage due to violence involved in it.'

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199 [iii] Vyavahara : The term 'vyavahara' is used literally hundreds of times in the Arthasastra. Normal Sanskrit dictionaries mention eleven meanings of the word 'vyavahara'. We can group the meanings into four catagories. The first one is normal work, matter or affair. The second one is related to conduct, behaviour or action. The next one is related to commerce and trade. The fourth one takes care of legal disputes and legal procedures. Though Kautilya uses the word at different places with different meanings, the word "vyavahara' used in the 58th adhyaya is very peculiar. It is limited to the 'witness' or 'testimony'. In the Jaina literature, we find several meanings of vyavahara, but one meaning is more peculiar and technical which is implied in the word 'vyavaharasutra'. The Kalpa-Nisitha and Vyavahara are the three important ancient Chedasutras written by the 1st Bhadrabahu in the language, Ardhamagadhi. The Vyavahara is a law-book for a monk or nun in which general and specific rules of behaviour are given and atonements are prescribed, in the form of penances, if the rules are transgressed knowingly or unknowingly. When we go through the three bhasyagathas of Vyavahara (viz. 1.91 ; 1.132 ; 10.592), we know immediately that they are concerned with Canakya, his administration and his death. This fact throws light on the connection of the Arthasastra and the Jaina code of conduct. [iv] Pasanda (Pakhanda): The terms pasanda and pasandin (viz. heretics) are used in almost ten adhyayas of the Arthasastra. All the subsects of non-vedic schools are designated as pasandas. The Sakyas (Bauddhas), Ajivakas and Jainas are enumerated among pasandas. The overall treatment

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200 given to the pasandas is very rude and strict. Kautilya keeps close watch on the ascetic class. He is comparatively soft towards srotriya (vedic) brahmins while too harsh towards all pasandas. Kautilya's attitude can be seen thus a) Heretics can be sent to the other states as messengers. (adhyaya 16) b) If necessary, the contribution collected by the groups of heretics can be snatched away and added to the royal treasury. (adhyaya 18) c) The dwellings of heretics and lower castes (candalas) should be beyond the bound aries of the crematory. (adhyaya 25) d) The dwellings of heretics etc. should be properly searched from time to time. (adhyaya 57) e) The heretics and others (i.e. asramavasins) should live together peacefully without creating nuisance to each other. (adhyaya 73) The Prakrit terms 'pasanda' and particularly 'para-pasanda' are seen in the Avasyaka-sutra under the transgressions of samyaktva' (right faith on the Jaina tenets). There is a close connection between the Avasyaka literature and Kautiliya Arthasastra. The first full biography of Canakya is found in the Avasyaka-curni. Probably at that time (6th-7th century A.D.) the legends and myths about Canakya were at the zenith of its popularity. Side by side, the Jaina writers were studying the text (i.e. Kautiliya Arthasastra) carefully. They might have stumbled at the despicable term "pasanda' used for them. Naturally the curnikara presents the story of Canakya as an example of para-pasanda-prasamsa in which Canakya is depicted as a Jaina householder and praises brahmanic ascetics erroneously (AvCu. II, p.281)

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201 This is the natural reflective reaction of the harsh and strict attitude towards heretics depicted in the Kautiliya Arthasastra. Later Jaina authors have avoided the word para-pasanda and have used the word "anya-drsti' (Tattvartha 7.18). Likewise the Jainas created the new word 'mithya-drsti' or 'mithyatvi 'to replace the word "pasanda'. It is noteworthy that the liberal-minded monarch Asoka offered a new measure to the word "pasanda' in his rock-edicts. According to him "pasanda' is 'sect' whether it is one's own or of the others and expects that there should be an equal honor towards 'atma-pasanda and 'para-pasanda'. [5] Tirtha : The term "tirtha' carries a peculiar meaning in the Arthasastra and in the Jaina religion, based on the etymological meaning viz. a passage, way, road, ford or a descent into a river. In the 12th adhyaya of Arthasastra, Kautilya uses the phrase 'aSTAdazeSu tIrtheSu' in which eighteen departments of the government are implied. We find the same meaning of the word in the Ramayana (Hivargaonkar, Introduction p.43). According to Kautilya, mahamatra is the chief of each department and in this sense the person is the tirthakara. In the second chapter of the work "Nitivakyamsta' which is a later version of the Arthasastra, the Digambara writer Somadeva says, "444491RA: Alf44a1aez 9691: l'It is seen that Somadeva includes the officers in the definition of tirtha, who look after the religious matter as well as carry out the legislative, judicial and executive functions of the government. The Tirthankara or Tirthakara is a Jaina Arhat who is a sacred preceptor, who shows the right path of liberation. He is

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202 always called a 'ford-maker' or creator and guide of four departments (samghas) i.e. sadhu-sadhvi and sravaka-sravika. In the Jaina literature we find the words like anyatIrthika (Samavaya 60) tIrthasiddha, 3fff (Sthananga 1) etc. Instead of using reproachful term pasanda or pakhanda, the Jaina texts prefer the word 'anyatirthika' to describe their non-Jaina cult. Thus, the old stock-word 'tirtha' was taken and developed by Kautilya and the Jaina tradition in different directions. [6] Samgha and Gana : In the science of polity, two technical words viz. 'samgha' and 'gana' carry extreme importance. Like the word 'tirtha', these two words are also stock-words used in the brahmanic and sramanic culture with a slight difference. Kautilya uses the word 'samgha' in two senses. In the 14th adhyaya he says, 'tena saMghabhUtA vyAkhyAtAH / ' Here, the groups or corporations of labourers and workers are referred to. But in the 17th adhyaya, when he says, ff:', the word suggests the type of governmental system or polity. The scholars who have studied the ancient literature of Jainas and Bauddhas, opine that the words 'samgha' and 'gana' point out to the free, autonomus, independant republic states of the contemporary political India. (see Hivargaonkar, Introduction p.31-32) The Jainas and Bauddhas have used these words in the constitution of their religions. Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha - these three are adorables in the Buddhism. The Jainas declared that the 'fourfold samgha' is the base of their religious activities. Besides this, like Kautilya, the Jaina texts use the words 'samgha' and 'sreni' which denote the corportations or gilds of skilled workers. In the 8th chapter of Jnatadharmakatha, we find the references of

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203 kumbhakara-sreni, citrakara-sreni etc. [1.8.80 (p.382) od edn. ; 1.8.90 (p.390) Quid edn.]. The Jaina texts like Satkhandagama have used the word sreni which suggests the spiritual status of an aspiror. The doctrine of gunasreni is found elaborately in the Satkhandagama (1st century A.D.) The term 'gana' in the Arthasastra possesses a common meaning i.e. "a group'. Kautilya refers 'ksatriya' and 'sreni' as the examples of samghas (republican states) but he does not recognize it as samgha-rajyas or gana-rajyas. (Hivargaonkar p.32) The reference of Acaranga is extremely important in this matter because it presents a list of the modes of administration. The text runs as - arAyANi vA gaNarAyANi vA juvarAyANi vA dorajjANi vA viruddharajjANi vA / (Acaranga 2.12.1.7) The names of ganarajyas (republic states) are noted by the Indologists by the help of the Greek historians. Therefore the mention of ganarajyas in the Acaranga is valuable. We find the example of dveirajya' (Prakrit-doraya) in the Avasyaka-curni, in which dual kingship of Candragupta and Parvataka is mentioned. The term "gana' is used in the Jaina history for a particular group of monks. There were eleven ganadharas who got instructions from lord Mahavira and divided these religious preachings into eleven anga-granthas. Furtheron, the Jaina mulasmghas were divided into different ganas and gacchas. Here the word gana is used in its narrower sense. Thus the usage of the terms 'gana' and 'samgha' goes back to the ancient political history of Magadha, Anga, Vanga and Kalinga. [7] Danda : There is no need to say that Kautilya is very much cautious

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204 about danda and dandaniti. The 2nd adhyaya opens with the names of fourfold vidyas, viz. anviksiki, trayi, varta and dandaniti. In the 5th adhyaya he says that the fourth one is at the base of the other three vidyas. The 4th adhyaya discusses about tIkSNadaNDa, mRdudaNDa and UTEGUS categorically. In the 13th adhyaya, the four measures to satisfy the dissatisfied ones are told, viz. sama, dana (upapradana), danda and bheda. In the 31st adhyaya, the definitions of these four measures are given. With a great thought-clarity Kautilya says, "Killing (violence), torture (ill-treatment) and snatching away the wealth (fine) is called danda (punishment)". The famous canakyasutras throw light on the importance of danda and dandaniti. The Jaina code of conduct, discusses a lot about danda, arthadanda, anarthadanda, manodanda, vacanadanda, kayadanda, dravyadanda, bhavadanda, and so on and so forth, but witha slight different manner. Danda is violence. Arthadanda is violence with some purpose or reason. Anarthadanda is purposeless violence. The Uttaradhyayana says - daMDANaM gAravANaM ca, sallANaM ca tiyaM tiyaM / ut fure alus Ato , A 3775 H5 II (Utt.31.4) The three types of dandas mentioned here are the inauspicious activities of mind, speech and body which are harmful to one's self and other living beings. Anartha-danda-viramana is the third gunavrata among the 12 vows prescribed for a Jaina householder. This is the vow to abstain from frivolous and harmful activities which do not serve any human purpose (Tattvartha. 7.16). Though the word "danda' is same in the Arthasastra and Jaina ethics, the implications are different. Kautilya's danda is the punishment inflicted by the king to the criminals but the Jainas think

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205 that when we lead an uncontrolled life, we are criminals because we inflict unnecessary punishments to the organisms around us. The Avasyaka-sutra (sutra 80) provides all the details of anartha-danda, which is significient because we have already observed the close connection between the Avasyaka and its literature with Arthasastra. [8] Vrsala-Vrsali Now, we will consider the most debated words 'vrsala' and 'vrsali' in the light of (i) Arthasastra (ii) the drama Mudraraksasa and (iii) its Prakrit equivalents. In the 12th adhyaya of Arthasastra, Kautilya deals with the wandering spies. While describing female-espionage, he says - ufafsohl: --- MICH SEV: --- HEIHEI 37fMESTE I He adds - gael yusi qart 1CIN: 1 In this passage, it is clear that the brahmin female ascetics are called ufafscht:'. Furtheron, Kautilya expects the same duties from the tonsured vrsalis. Many of the Kautilyan scholars translate the word as 'female ascetics of lower-caste (PGT)'. All the translators and scholars of the drama Mudraraksasa think that Canakya addresses Candragupta as 'vrsala' due to his birth in the lower-caste. This hypothesis is not true when we examine the reference of Arthasastra. In the same chapter on espionage, the word 'sramana' occurs which includes all the non-vedic cults. In the 77th adhyaya, we get the reference as - zAkya-AjIvakAdIn vRSalapravrajitAn devapitRkAryeSu bhojayatarazzatyo daNDaH / Here, the word vrsala is used for the monks who are initiated in the Buddhist, Avivaka and other (Jaina) samghas. This is certainly a list of non-vedic (sramana) monks. It is possible that some of them might have arrived from lower-caste but there is no proof that

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206 the word 'vrsala' necessarily means sudra. On the other hand the non-vedic root of them is confirmed by the close examination of the above-mentioned references in the Arthasastra. After the critical examination of the Prakrit words to (ara, vRSin) ; vusI (vRSI) and also busi etc. quoted in the dictionary Paiasadda-mahannavo, we know that this term is used for a 'muni' initiated in a non-vedic tradition. When we go through the citation, TH TH CH3TT', which is repeated in the Sutrakstanga (1.8.19 ; 1.11.15) and Uttaradhyayana (5.18) we come to the final conclusion that the terms vrsala and vrsali are closely connected with the Jaina monks. Observations : In this small article, eight key-words are chosen and brought under the scanner. Each word possesses a basic etymological meaning. Kautilya uses it with the shade of the meaning which is suitable for the writing his treatise on polity. Ancient Jaina texts incorporate the same words with the meanings suitable for their ethical and philosophical framework. These are some of glimpses of our common heritage - called the 'Indian Culture'. We can extend the study with more words like - sfra-3410R ; 3.089 ; TAUN; Joly Roh ; 341914 ; TRER and so on. [4] Jaina code of conduct from the perspective of Kautiliya Arthasastra In this topic we are not going to discuss the whole Jaina Ethics which is distinctily divided into (i) the code of conduct for the Jaina householders and (ii) the code of conduct for the Jaina monks. Jaina Ethics is a wide and independent branch of the Jaina literature which is flourished through centuries and expressed in various old, middle and modern Indo-Aryan languages.

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207 It is already noted that the Ardhamagadhi texts and particularly the anga, mulasutra and chedasutra texts are closely connected with the history of Magadha. Sravakacara (the conduct of householders or laymen) is documented in the anga-text Upasakadasa while Mulasutras and Chedasutras contain sadhuacara. The Avasyaka mentions both the acaras. Whether a sadhu or sravaka, he is basically a citizen of this country. Though the Kautiliya Arthasastra is a comprehensive treatise on Polity, one part of the Arthasastra provides rules of conduct for the citizens and if transgressed, recommends various type of punishments. Almost all the scholars of Kautilyan studies have commented upon Kautilya's attitude towards ascetic class in general and his attitude towards the Jaina and Buddhist monks in particular. While dealing with different topics, Kautilya speaks many times about samnyasi, siddha, tapasa, srotriya, brahmin, parivrajaka, bhiksu, ksapanaka and pasandin. Though he is a little bit liberal and partial to srotriya brahmins, his overall attitude to ascetic class is harsh, practical and full of expectations from them. But it is clear that Kautilya basically treats them as the citizens of the country and expects from them the following of the general rules of conduct with very few exceptions. The fourth adhikarana of Kautiliya Arthasastra titled 'kantakasodhana', deals with the search of criminals and proper punishments are prescribed accordingly. When a person, well-versed in the Jaina Ethics goes through the adhyayas of Arthasastra from seventy-eight upto ninety of the 4th adhikarana, he immediately remembers the Jaina code of conduct, prescribed for an householder (sravaka). Jaina sravakacara is based on vratas (vows) and aticaras

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208 (transgressions). Surprisingly enough, the title of the 90th adhyaya is 'aticaradanda'. A layman is expected to follow the five smaller vows (anuvratas) and to avoid five transgressions of each anuvrata. In each of the five smaller vows, the word 'sthula' is added because a householder is expected to observe the vows grossly, in the perspective of an ideal monk who observes the bigger vow with all the subtle implications. Afterwards three guna-vratas and four siksa-vratas are mentioned in order to stabilize the sravaka in the five anu-vratas. If we see the nature of these seven vratas, they are more or less religious and spiritual. The first five anu-vratas are related to ethics and morality which is expected from every human being irrespective of class, caste or religion. Among these five, the last one is parigrahaparimana i.e. limiting one's own needs or possessions. We cannot generalize the exact scope of this vow. So we can treat it as an ethical principle and not as an ethical rule. The first four smaller vows can be converted into ethical rules if a deep thought is given. Thus with the help of the text Upasakadasa (1st adhyaya), four anu-vratas and its transgressions can be documented in a consolidated form. But since our purpose is to corelate it with the Kautiliya Arthasastra, after documenting each vow and each transgression, the concerned part of the Arthasastra is quoted. 1st Anuvrata : The vow of desisting (abstaining) from gross injury (non-violence) The five transgressions are enumerated as vadha, bandha, chaviccheda, atibhara and bhaktapanaviccheda. (i) Vadha : One should not kill and beat the animal (and also the human being).

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209 Arthasastra : The 88th adhyaya is totally dedicated to the crime titled 'vadha'. Here, crimes related to humans and animals are enumerated. Corporal punishments and fines are prescribed by Kautilya. In the 50th adhyaya, it is mentioned that if one beats or abducts animals, he should be punished by capital punishment. Fine is prescribed for harming animals (adhyaya 76). (ii) Bandha : One should not keep the animal (and human being) tied so as to cause discomfort. Arthasastra : In the 74th adhyaya, it is specifically mentioned that one who deliberately keeps a man or woman tied, a fine of 1000 panas is prescribed. (iii) Chaviccheda : One should not cut or pierce the animal (or human being) in any part of the body. Arthasastra : A whole paragraph on 'chaviccheda' is given in the 76th adhyaya by giving the examples of cutting hands, legs, ears or breaking teeth are mentioned. A severe fine is prescribed. The punishment of fine is extended for the 'chaviccheda' of animals and trees in the same adhyaya. In fact the whole topic on 'dandaparusya' is summarized by the Jaina acaryas in the title of the transgression i.e. chaviccheda. (iv) Atibhara : One should not overload or burden an animal which is un bearable.

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210 Arthasastra : If the bullocks (50th adhyaya), horses (51st adhyaya) and elephants (52nd adhyaya) are overloaded and utilized carelessly, severe fine is prescribed. (v) Bhaktapanaviccheda : One should not underfeed the animal or disturb it during it's feeding. Arthasastra: In the 50th adhyaya, it is mentioned that if an animal dies due to underfeeding, the caretaker should be punished. A proper care should be taken of the calves, old cows and diseased animals. Observations : Many scholars, who have studied the householder's conduct of Jainas, express their surprise that the five transgressions of 'gross non-violence' are majorly connected to animals and not to human beings. This riddle can be solved easily if we read the concerned chapters of the Arthasastra. The Jaina householders generally owe to merchant class (vaisya-varna). Kautilya notes four vidyas among which the third one is varta. He says, 'kRSipazupAlya vANijyA ca vArtA' (adhyaya 4) i.e agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade is called 'varta '. In the 3rd adhyaya, Kautilya says that the vaisyas earn livelihood by these three occupations. Naturally rules and regulations prescribed for pasupalana are important for the Jaina householders of that time. At the advent of time, the Jaina householders concentrated on 'vanijjya' due to many reasons, but in the Ardhamagadhi canonical texts there is equal stress on the occupation of cattle-rearing. The behavioural patterns of the Jainas have changed but the rules of

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211 sravakacara are the same. Thus, there is no wonder that the abovementioned transgressions of gross-non-violence reflect the Kautilyan views on 'pasupalana'. In fact the concept of aticaras is based on the 90th adhyaya of Arthasastra i.e aticaradanda. 2nd Anuvrata : The vow of desisting (abstaining) from gross falsehood. Sthula-mssavada-viramana-vrata is elaborated in two ways. Sahasa-abhyakhyana etc. are the five transgressions which are traditionally known and noted in the Upasakadasa and Avasyaka-sutra. Among these five, four are concerned with personal ethhics but the last transgression is important because of it's social importance. (i) The last transgression is kutalekha-karana i.e. to make false documents. In the 80'h adhyaya of Arthasastra, Kautilya says, "Deporation is the proper punishment for the persons who prepare false agreements.' In the 86th adhyaya, there is a separate paragraph on the clerk (lekhaka) in the court who dabbles with the facts, changes it, adds something new or ministerpretes the documents. A severe fine is prescribed for preparing such type of kutalekha. (ii) A further account of the 2nd anuvrata mentions a number of events in which ambiguous, misleading or deceitful behaviour is likely to occur. However, it is pointed out that such deceitful behaviour is no less a transgression though it is common or natural. Falsehood regarding the engagement or wedding of a girl is known as kanyalika. 89th adhyaya of Arthasastra titled 'kanyaprakrama' takes notice of all the crimes regarding unmarried girls. No doubt, the transgression 'kanyalika' covers all these crimes. Falsehood regarding selling or buying of cattle is called

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gavalika. We can easily connect this transgression to the subjectmatter discussed in the 50th, 51st and 52nd adhyayas of Arthasastra. Falsehood regarding selling or buying of land is bhumyalika. The 64th, 65th and 66th adhyayas of Arthasastra deal with the crimes and punishments regarding immovable properties, sale deeds of land, medows-pastures-cultivated lands and many other land-connected issues. We can claim that the transgression called bhumyalika can take care of all these issues. 212 (iii) Falsehood regarding the deposits is called nyasapahara. Kautilya speaks a lot in this matter in the 83rd adhyaya. He says stena-nidhi-nikSepa-AhAraprayoga- gUDhAjIvinAmanyatamaM zaGketeti zaGkAbhigrahaH / (iv) False-witness (kutasaksi) is the last transgression enumerated under the second anuvrata. In the 81st adhyaya, Kautilya says, 'deportation is the proper punishment for the false witness'. The words 'kuta' and 'gudha' are oftenly used in the 81st adhyaya. All types of falsehood are enumerated in this chapter. Thus we can say that the transgressions of falsehood described in the Jaina sravakacara might have some connection with 81st chapter of the Arthasastra. The following terms and sentences are quite eloquent to endorse this guess gUDhajIvinaM zaGketa / * * 'grAmakUTamadhyakSaM vA satrI brUyAt / kRtakAbhiyukto vA kUTasAkSiNo'bhijJAtA'narthavaipulyena Arabheta / te cettathA kuryuH 'kUTasAkSiNa:' iti pravAsyera n / kUTapaNakArakAH, kUTarUpakArakaM, kUTasuvarNavyavahArI and so on. The word kuta used in the transgressions of the 3rd anuvrata in a very apt manner. 3rd Anuvrata: The vow of desisting (abstaining) from appropriating

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213 that which belongs to others. The crime of 'theft is considered by Kautilya in total six adhyayas (78th, 79th, 85th, 86th, 87th, 88th). At the end of the 78th adhyaya, a noteworthy comment is passed. A long list of specific occupations is given and a caution is given that a king should keep an eye on the concerned person. He says, 'actually we can't count them as thieves but they are as good as thieves. A vigilence is necessary on the merchants, businessmen, artizens, ascetics, flatterers, snake-charmers and magicians.' The title of the 79th adhyaya is, 'To protect the subjects from merchants and traders.' When we go through the minute details, we immediately realise the connection between the transgressions of the 3rd anuvrata and the Arthasastra. (i) The first transgression is stenahsta i.e. buying a stolen good. Adhyaya 86 takes care of this and a severe fine or deathpenalty is recommended. (ii) Taskaraprayoga is encouraging a thief. The crime is noted in the 88th adhyaya and a punishment is prescribed for providing shelter, food, clothing for a thief or even giving advice to him. (iii) The third transgression is viruddha-rajyatikrama which means cheating the state of its dues and all type of conspiracies against the government. All the seditious activities are mentioned elaborately in the 88th adhyaya and the horrific punishments like burning and snatching away one's tiunge are prescribed. (iv) "Cheating in weights and measures'-is the 4th transgression of the 3rd anuvrata of a householder. Kautilya uses the same wording in the 79th adhyaya for which a strict punishment is given. (v) Adulteration and producing duplicate things are mentioned

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214 in the 5th transgression. These two are cognisible offences which are dealt with in the 79th and 81st adhyayas. A long list of articles is given by Kautilya where there is a possibility for adulteration. Observations : We have already seen that the first anuvrata is specially applicable to cattle-breeders. In the same manner, the third anuvrata and its transgressions are categorically mentioned for the merchantclass, which is almost based on the 79th adhyaya of Arthasastra. 4th Anuvrata: The vow of restricting one's sexual life only to one's wife (or one's husband) The last two adhyayas (viz. 89th and 90th) of the 4th adhikarana of Arthasastra deal with all kinds of sexual crimes. In the 89th chapter, the sexual crimes regarding unmarried girls are dealt with. The offence of rape is discussed in the 90th chapter. If we go through the wording of Arthasastra and the five transgressionsof the 4th anuvrata, the reader is astonished due to the striking similarities among them. The five transgressions noted down in the 4th anuvrata are - (i) Sexual enjoyment with a kept woman. (ii) Sexual enjoyment with an unmarried woman or a widow. (iii) Unnatural and perverted intercourse. (iv) Obsession with sexual desire even in relation to one's wife. (v) Interest in match making. The last transgression is to be understood in the total context of the Jaina life. We can keep it aside for a moment because of its particular religiosity but the other four transgressions are described in details with appropriate punishments in the 89th and 90th chapters of Arthasastra.

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According to Kautilya, the following are sexual crimes - 215 (i) Rape on an unmarried girl. (ii) Sexual intercourse without the consent of another's wife or a widow. (iii) Rape on a sex-worker or her daughter without consent. (iv) Unnatural or perverted sexual activities. (v) Raping one's wife without her consent. (vi) Sexual intercourse with animals and birds. (vii) Sexual activities with the idols of gods and goddesses. We can say that these details of the Arthasastra are as if reflected or echoed in the five transgressions of the 4th anuvrata. Especially the sexual intercourse with animals and birds and sexual activities with the idols of gods and godesses are covered under the vow called 'svadarasamtosa'. In the Jaina code of conduct, seven bad habits (sapta-vyasanas) are enumerated with the advice to shun it totally. Two among the seven are vesyagamana and para-stri / para-purusa-gamana, which are sexual crimes from the viewpoint of religion as well as the lawcode of the state. Observations : It is argued that Jaina religion is not an independant religion because it does not owe separate code of conduct than that of the Hindus. Since the Jainas live in the same socio-cultural environment of the Hindus, they might have felt that a separate law-book is not necessary. It is a great contribution of the Jaina law-makers, particularly who codified the conduct of the Jaina householders, to accomodate the state laws into their religious vows and its transgressions. We do not find this type of grhasthadharma even in

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216 brahmanic smstis and dharmasastras. The Buddhist sravakacara in the form of pancasila does not contain minute details as the Jainas have, in the transgressions of vows. It is noteworthy that the sources of the Jaina sravakacara are deeply rooted in the Kautiliya Arthasastra. This is one of the convincing reason, why the Jainas have so much regard and honour towards Canakya alias Kautilya. Ahimsa, Satya etc. are no doubt the universal values which are applicable to all human beings. But the Jaina mentors are not satisfied with preaching the sadharana-dharmas. They have made a successful effort to collaborate the visesa-dharmas by mentioning transgressions of each vow in order to bring it in the domain of practicability. In this process, the Kautilya's Arthasastra helped them a lot. Gunavratas and Siksavratas are based on the distinct religious, philosophical and ritualistic tenets of the Jainas. Thus the whole sravakacara is the unique example of assimilation and iden tity. [5] Re-interpretation of the Jaina monachism in the light of Kautiliya Arthasastra Scholars of Indology always claim that the sramanic traditions in India are basically renunciative in nature. This fact is aptly applicable to the Jaina tradition, which is almost the most ancient so called 'atheist' spiritual tradition. Austerities, penances and meditation are the benchmarks of the renunciative reflections gathered together in the ancient Ardhamagadhi scriptures of the Jainas, which is the first stage of the Jaina literature. We can call it as a preCanakyan stage. Ardhamagadhi mulasutras like the Avasyaka, Uttaradhayayana and Dasavaikalika, represent the second stage of

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217 Jaina monachism in which a separate and systematic code of conduct for the bhiksus and bhiksunis is prescribed. The antiquity of these treatises can also go upto the pre-Canakyan period. The third stage is seen - (i) in the Ardhamagadhi chedasutras (viz. Nisitha, Kalpa, Vyavahara) (ii) in the niryuktis, and bhasyas on mulasutras and (iii) in the Sauraseni texts like Mulacara, Bhagavati Aradhana and Kundakunda's literature. Some of the texts of the third stage are contemporary to Cankya and some are written in the post-Canakyam period. The code of conduct prescribed for the bhiksus and bhiksunis at this stage is nicely carved out and is accomplished with the rules and transgressions. The punishments are provided in the form of various atonements (prayascittas). Chedasutrakara Bhadrabahu is closely connected to the history of Candragupta and Canakya. Thus, this is an interesting task to re-interprete the Jaina monachism with the help of the commentarial literature of Acaranga, Uttaradhyayana, Dasavaikalika and Nisitha. The sadhu-acara is presented in the Sauraseni texts in the form of mulagunas and uttaragunas while Ardhamagadhi scriptures consider it under the five mahavratas, five samitis, three guptis and tenfold dharmas. It is impossible to explore each and every detail of the sadhu-acara in the light of the the Kautiliya Arthasastra. An attempt has been made here to highlight the impact of the Arthasastra on the Jaina sadhu-acara with few important examples and observations. We can enumerate at least thirty references in the Arthasastra where the ascetic class is mentioned by using the terms like bhiksu, sadhu, parivrajaka, siddha, tapasa, ksapanaka, samnyasi, pasandi etc. Some of them are mentioned by Kautilya as asrama-vasins (i.e. residing at one place) and caras or parivrajakas (i.e. wandering from

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218 place to place). We can guess that, the ascetic-class was so noticeable in the contemporary social structure, that Kautilya has no other way than giving a strict code of conduct for the monks and nuns. [1] The general attitude of Kautilya to look at a sadhu is very strict in spite of his being a Brahmin, Buddhist or Jaina. In the 73rd adhyaya, he says, "Any type of misbehaviour will not be tolerated even in the case of a samnyasi. A monk is liable to be punished by a king in the case of any misconduct." If we cast a glance at the second srutaskandha of Acararga, we know immediately that each and every activity of a monk and nun is brought under a scanner. The details can be enumerated as - (i) Pindaisana : Details of acceptable food-articles and alms-begging. (ii) Saiyyaisana : Details of residence (both temporary and during rainy season). (iii) Iryaisana : Details of wanderings and begging tours. (iv) Bhasaisana : Details of speech and communication. (v) Vastraisana : Details of clothing. (vi) Patraisana : Details of the pots and other utensils which are permissible for a monk. (vii) Avagrahaisana: Asking permission of five concerned authorities before utilising the necessary things. (viii) Uccaraprasravana : The rules about urination and excretion. [2] The close connection between the Dasavaikalika and Acaranga (II) is quite noteworthy. The chapters of Dasavaikalika titled Pindaisana, Suvakyasuddhi, Acarapraaidhi, Vinayasamadhi and Sabhiksu describe the same details of Acaranga (II). In fact, we can say that the systematic presentation in prose-form is seen in the Acaranga with some important additions to its prior version named Dasavaikalika.

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219 [3] Kautilya expects from the ascetic class to follow the orders of the state, as they are citizens frist and then the religious and spiritual achievers. The rules laid down by the state are ajnapatras and the same are called 'sasana' (government) in totality. The Jaina acaryas say that the rules laid down by the Jinas are called jinasasana in totality. As various punishments are given for the law-breakers in the Arthasastra, various atonements in the form of fasting are prescribed for the transgressors of the jinasasana in the Nisitha, Kalpa and Vyavahara. [4] If one renounces the world without the permission of the elders and without making proper future provisions for the family, asevere fine is prescribed by Kautilya in the 22nd adhyaya of Arthasastra. In the text called Antakrddasa, Krsna (Vasudeva) proclaims, "Whoever wants to renounce the mundane world, I will take care of his or hers family." (Antakrddasa, Varga 5, p.103, edn.) In one of the chapters of Uttaradhyayana, it is depicted that the two young sons ask permission of their father and mother to enter into monkhood. The parents are not ready to allow the sons to go away like this without fulfilling their duties (Uttaradhyayana, Adhyaya 14). The same discussions are seen in the first chapter of Jnatadharmakatha. [5] In the 77th adhyaya of Arthasastra, it is specifically mentioned that whoever will invite a Buddhist or Jaina monk or a lower-caste person for the meals provided in the deva-karya (festivals of gods) and pitr-karya (an offering to the manes) will be punished by the king. In the Acaranga, there is a strict prohibition for a monk or a nun to enter into a charity-food (samkhadi). The concerned text of Acaranga runs like this

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220 iMdamahesu vA khaMdamahesu vA tahappAre bhikkhU vA bhikkhuNI vA mahAmahesu vaTTamANesu asaNaM vA pANaM vA No paDigAhejjA / (acaranga 2.1.2, p.22, byAvara edn.) The Nisithasutra prescribes atonements for acepting food in a samkhadi (common meals) in the following manner - taM je bhikkhU saMkhaDipaloyaNAe asaNaM vA pANaM vA paDiggAhei sevamANe Avajjai mAsiyaM parihAraTThANaM ugghAiyaM / (Nisitha, Uddesa 3, sutra 14) ------ ------ ------ The Nisithasutra mentions three types of exceptions for the general rules prescribed for a monk. The sentence runs as - nannattha rAyAbhiogeNa vA gaNAbhiogeNa vA balAbhiogeNa vA / (Nisitha, Uddesa 9) Thus it is expected from a monk or nun to honour the law of a king or the law passed in the ganarajya system. [6] In the 73rd adhyaya, Kautilya says, "The hermitage-dwellers and pasandins (Jaina, Buddhist and Ajivaka monks) should live in a ascetic-dwelling (matha etc.)without creating nuisance to others." The Acaranga goes one step forward and says that in such type of dwellings where there is a continuous disturbance due to the coming in and going out of the travellers, the monk and nun should specifically avoid that place. The concerned text is se AgaMtAgAresu vA, ArAmAgAresu vA, gAhAvaikulesu vA, pariyAvasahesu vA, abhikkhaNaM abhikkhaNaM sAhammiehiM uvayamANehiM No uvaijjA / (acaranga II, Uddesa 2) [7] In the 57th adhyaya of Arthasastra, a severe fine is prescribed for evacuation of the faeces and urinating at improper places. The 10th adhyayana of Acaranga (II) is totally dedicated to this topic. Uccaraprasravana-samiti is enumerated among the five

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221 samitis (i.e. proper or careful physical activities). Acaranga says tahappagAraMsi thaMDilaMsi acittaMsi tao fugal furgunta saMjayAmeva uccArapAsavaNaM pariTThavijjA / = (Acaranga 2.10, p.259, edn.) The Uttaradhyayana gives a list of prohibited places where one should avoid to pass the urine etc. (Uttaradhyayana 22.2; 24.18) [8] 'Tenfold dharma' is a famous topic given in the code of conduct of a Jaina monk. The ten points given in the Tattvarthasutra 9.6 are religious and spiritual. The Sthanamgasutra enumerates 'dasavidha dharmas' from the social point of view as well as religious point of view. The Sthananga quotes dasavihe dhamme paNNatte, taM jahA -gAmadhamme, Nagaradhamme, raTThadhamme, pAsaMDadhamme, kuladhamme, gaNadhamme, saMghadhamme, suyadhamme, carittadhamme, atthikAyadhamme / (Sthananga 10.135) The first seven dharmas depict social elements and the last three are connected with the Jaina religion. It is remarkable that Sthananga relates the term sthavira (thera) for the heads of the village, city, state etc., side by side with the senior monks (Sthanamga 10.136). We can interprete the terms like 'kula', 'gana' and 'samgha' more meaningfully in the light of Arthasastra. [9] In the 20th adhyaya, Kautilya states clearly that the womenfolk in the harem should avoid the contact of the shaven-headed or longhaired monks and black-magicians. ------ Nisitha-sutra might have taken notice of this rule in the following manner : je bhikkhU rAyapiMDaM geNhai geNhaMtaM vA sAijjai taM sevamANe Avajjai cAummAsiyaM parihAraTThANaM aNugghAiyaM / (Nisitha, Uddesa 9, p.181, edn.)

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222 It seems that taking into consideration the strict rules of Canakya, the rule-makers of Jainas might have come to the conclusion that it is always better for a monk and nun to beg the food at other places than at the palaces of kings. It is mentioned in the 15th adhyaya of Arthasastra that other than a srotriya brahmin, nobody is worthy to be invited on the occasion of an yearly ritual of a dead person (sraddha). The Nisitha prescribes to avoid agrapinda for a monk (Nisitha, Uddesa 2, sutra 32). The word agrapinda can be interpreted in the light of either a sacrificial rite or a funeral rite. In both of the cases the philosophical and religious background does not allow a Jaina monk to accept such type of food. [10] Cases of defamation are considered in the 75th adhyaya of Arthasastra. Details are provided in this chapter under which circumstances, a faulty person can be sued for the libel. Any kind of slander, using contemptuous language or scornful acts against somebody, disdainful remarks about one's religion, sect, caste, lineage, nation or about one's close relatives, purposeful taunting, despising one's occupation, using abusive or foul language, threatening sombody by using weapons, hands or by using the index finger, satirical remarks against one's physical disabilities, making someone ashmed in his family and society, seeking excuses to support wrong views etc. - are the instances of defamation and punishments are prescribed in the form of fine according to the gravity of the crime. If we closely examine the chapters related to bhasaisana in the Jaina monachism, we really get startled. The above-mentioned adhyaya of Arthasastra is literally reflected in the concerned parts of the Acaranga (II), Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika which de

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223 scribe bhasa-samiti and vacana-gupti. The only difference is of the language. Jaina compilers have presented Kautilya's views about defamation in Prakritized form. The reading of the acaranga [2.4.1, p.181-182, byAvara edn.] goes like this sebhikkhU vA bhikkhuNI vA tahappagAraM bhAsaM sAvajjaM sakiriyaM kakkasaM kaDuyaM NiTTharaM pharusaM aNhayakariM cheyaNakariM bheyaNakariM bhAsaM No bhAsijjA / It is mentioned in the Acaranga and Dasavaikalika that a monk and nun should catagorically avoid the contemptuous language against one's social status and occupation, viz. sebhikkhU vA bhikkhuNI vA No evaM vaijjA - hole tti vA, gole tti vA, vasule tti vA kupakkhe tti vA, ghaDadAse tti vA, sANe tti vA, teNe tti vA / (acaranga 2.4.1, p.181-182, byAvara edn.) One verse from the suvakyasuddhi adhyayana of Dasavaikalika is worth-quoting. It says - ------ ------ ------ taheva kANaM kANetti, paMDagaM paMDage tti vA / vAhiyaM vA vi rogi tti, teNaM coretti No vae / (Dasavaikalika 7.12) The Uttaradhyayana goes one step ahead and gives advice to a monk that he should noteven praise the alms because it shows a monk's lust for food and creates pride in the donor due to the flattery. [11] Rules about crossing the river, sea or lake etc. are discussed in the 49th adhyaya of Arthasastra titled 'navadhyaksa'. Kautilya discusses a lot about the ports, revenue and licences for those who travel through water with a boat or ship. It is specifically mentioned that the licences should be provided free of cost to the brahmins, ascetics, children, old people, diseased persons, ambassadors and

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224 pregnant women. It means that a licence was compulsory for all. In the framework of the monastic conduct, the use of a boat or ship comes under irya-samiti. In the 12th uddesaka of Nisitha-sutra, this topic is discussed. Total 47 bhasyagathas are dedicated to this topic (ga. 4208-4255). Five big rivers are mentioned. The regions viz. Anga, Vanga, Kalinga and punjab are mentioned. It seems that at the time of the Nisitha-bhasya (i.e. 5th-6th century A.D.) travelling by boat was allowed for a monk or nun. The Nisitha-sutra 3.12 quotes, "A monk or a nun is not prohibited to cross the river but if one crosses the river twice or thrice in a month, he or she should undergo a particular atonement." The Samavayanga says clearly that a monk can cross the river once in a month (Samavayanga 21). We find the references of navagamana in the Acaranga and Uttaradhyayana also. (Acaranga 2.3.1, p.156, edn. ; Uttaradhyayana 36.50-54) From the chedasutras, we come to know that crossing the water was not totally banned at that time but now a days, all the Jaina monks and nuns who wander on foot, do not use a boat or ship because it is a type of vehicle. Observations : So far we have seen that all the important rules laid down by Kautilya are skilfully incorporated in the monastic conduct of the Jainas. If we go through the eight-point-programme (esanas) of the Acaranga II, we immediately come to know that all the rules prescribed for a citizen are taken care of. * Close association with the king is avoided as far as possible. * Any kind of friction with the non-Jaina ascetic-class is kept away.

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225 * Kautilya expects two important tasks to be done by the ascetic class - (i) working as a spy and (ii) working as an ambassador. He mentions specifically that the heretics (pasandins ) should be employed to do this work or any other person should do this work in the disguise of a pasandin. Though the Jainas are accomodative in nature, avoid conflicts as far as possible and though they are peace-loving, they are very much keen in observing their strict monastic rules and penances. The development in the Jaina monastic conduct is seen in three stages. none of this stage allows a monk or a nun to be a spy or an ambassador. It is likely that in the course of time, it would have been made compulsory for them to do this work, that is why the chedasutras like Nisitha include a line, ETA FRUMUT TO||1973710 TI OT1937TTU AU l * When a careful scrutiny of all the references of ascetic class in the Arthasastra is done, it is evident that Kautilya is in favour of the srotriya brahmins and harsh toward pasandins. * The frequent references of purohit class, vedavidya, yajnakarma, atharvaveda, unchavstti, daksina, asramavasi, devotsava, pitlkarya, santimantra etc. support the fact clearly that Kautilya owes to the brahmanic tradition and not at all a Jaina householder or a monk. Jainification of Kautilya alias Canakya is definitely superfluous. * A certain respect and honour towards Canakya is seen in the Jaina literature due to his strict governance, selfless service, detached world-views and sublime death. * In the 145th adhyaya, Kautilya says that there should be a complete ban on violence during the important fifteen days of caturmasa.

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226 There is a tradition to quote canakyasutras at the end of Arthasastra. One of the aphorism is - 315HTS&TUTT ETH:'. This quotation might have attracted the attention of the Jaina acaryas while rating the personality of Canakya.

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227 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUDING REMAKRS

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228

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229 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUDING REMARKS The sum and substance of the revelation of Canakya through the Jaina literature can be summarized in few paragraphs with the suitable titles in the following manner - [1] Application of the two-fold methodology : According to the Jaina philosophy a thing, person or incident can be looked at or observed from various facets, attitudes or standpoints. The nature of truth or reality is complex. For the subtler and deeper knowledge, the linear method of observation is less useful. In this book (project) twofold methodology is applied for the better revelation of the complex personality of Canakya. In the initial chapters of the book, all the Hindu (Brahmanic) and Jaina (both the Svetambara and Digambara) references about Canakya are collected, arranged, translated and compared in a detailed manner. Keeping aside the whole comparative data, again the Jaina literature is observed through the window-frame of the reputed text of Canakya (Kautilya) viz. the Arthasastra. The study of each and every aphorism is not the aim of this book. So in the perspective of the original words (and not the translation) of Kautilya, the Jaina narratives, myths, analogies and particularly the Jaina code of conduct appears altogether different. Thus the observations noted in the fifth chapter of this book is the unique outcome of the twofold methodology applied for discovering the deep connections between the Jaina literature and Arthasastra. [2] Magadha-connection of the Arthasastra and Jaina literature : The known confirmed history of the ancient India starts from

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230 the history of Magadha. The Arthasastra is no doubt an important part of Magadhan literature. Likewise the first conference of the Ardhamagadhi canons surely took place in Magadha after the severe famine of twelve years. While describing the lineage of kings before, after and contemporary to Lord Mahavira, many of the important Jaina texts describe serially the king Prasenajita-Srenika (Bimbisara)-Konika (Ajatasatru)- Udayi-nine of the NandasCandragupta (Maurya)-Bindusara-Asoka-Kunala and Samprati. The Jainas necessarily refer Sakatala, the minister (amatya) of the ninth Nanda because he is the father of the revered Jaina acarya Sthulabhadra under whose supervision, the first conference of the Ardhamagadhi canons took place. That is the reason why the political, socio-cultural and religious conditions reflected in the Arthasastra grossly match with these conditions reflected in the ancient Ardhamagadhi canons. [3] Why older Canakya-narratives are in Prakrit ? The sramanic traditions are connected with the region Magadha and the colloquial languages of Magadha i.e. Ardhamagadhi and Pali. The initial history of the compilation of the Ardhamagadhi canons is connected with Pataliputra. The chedasutrakara Bhadrabahu codified the rules of monastic conduct during the reign of mauryan dynasty. The mulasutras and particularly the Avasyakasutra came into vogue during this period. Naturally the commentarial literature, which was in arsa Prakrit, contains the contemporary floating myths, tales and narratives. There was a great awe, fear and regard towards the strict administration of Canakya in the ambience. Following the foot steps of Lord Mahavira, the Jaina acaryas preach their religion through the colloquial languages - Ardhamagadhi, Sauraseni

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231 and Maharastri. A good treasure of oral traditional stories was available for the Jaina authors in Prakrits. Vaddakaha (Bshatkatha) was a great collection of tales in Paisaci by Gunadhya. The Jaina counterpart of Vaddakaha is Vasudevahindi - probably the oldest huge story-collection in India. This is the canvas of Prakrits on which the narratives of Canakya were portrayed with a perfect blend of traditional oral narrations mixed with the power of imagination. It is the unique contribution of the Jaina acaryas who imbibed the story-material in their commentarial literature. It is a different but an important subject to locate the hybrid Sanskrit and desi words in the Arthasastra, which are found in the curni and are connected with the things, ideas and articles of the common people. [4] The first Jaina occurances of Canakya : The oldest Svetambara reference occurs in Anuyogadvara (1st-2nd century A.D.) and the oldest Digambara reference occurs in Bhagavati Aradhana (2nd_ 3rd century A.D.). The points of references differ in both the texts. The Anuyogadvara stamps Kautilyaka-sastra as a mithya-sruta (heretic text). The Digambaras pay homage to Canakya because of his sublime religious death. These two references give two important clues, viz. the non-Jaina character of the treatise and the utter reverence towards Canakya for his exalted way to welcome death. [5] Nandi's unique approach to Arthasastra : Nandikara Devavacakagani went one step ahead. He opened the doors to study Kautilya-sastra for the Jainas by declaring that, "The mithya-srutas become samyak-srutas when studied with the right attitude." The effects of this new attitude are seen in the later

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232 literature of the Jainas. From the 6th - 7th century onwards, Canakyan tales, narratives and analogies are found in the Jaina Maharastri, Jaina Sauraseni and Sanskrit literature. [6] The modes of references in the Svetambara texts : Around 50 references of Canakya are found in Svetambara literature. Somewherer only the name is given. At other places a particular story or incident is given in two-three verses. Curnis present scattered stories or the whole biography in prose-form but very briefly. The commentaries of Upadesapada and Upadesamala contain Canakya's biography in around 200-250 Prakrit verses. Hemacandra's Canakya-katha in Sanskrit is the ultimate collection of all the previous episodes. [7] Canakya's personality depicted in the Svetambara and Digambara texts : Digambaras honoured Canakya mainly for his peaceful and pious death. Digambara-references are approximately one-third in number and scope in comparison with the Svetambara-references. While dealing with Canakya, the Digambara writers throw awfully dim light on the personality of Candragupta. They present Canakya himself as a king or a sage-like-king. Harisena's Canakya leads a big group of 500 ascetics and marches towards daksinapatha. We observe a slow steady growth in the Canakya-narratives of the Svetambaras but in the Digambara literature, Harisena's Canakya-muni-katha is exhaustive and it prevailed over all the later Digambara-tales. Canakya in Sricandra's Kathakosa is more real and convincing than Harisena. The influence of Hindu puranas on Harisena is evident. Though Harisena gives references to Canakya's durga-gamana etc.

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233 still his Canakya and Candragupta do not reveal neither their valour nor their excellence in polity. Canakya-muni's travel-tour towards Krauncapura create a puzzle. Due to this reference, there is a remote possibility of Canakya's being a south-Indian. Because if the golla-desa referred by Svetambaras is the region on the bank of Godavari, there might be a possibility about Canakya to arrive at the birth-place. There could be a connection between these two things the discovery of the manuscripts of Arthasastra in Tamil and Malyalam and the golla-desa being the birth-place of Kautilya. Otherwise, the Svetambaras are confirmed that the death-place of Canakya is a place called gokula-sthana near Pataliputra. [8] The variety of themes in the Svetambara-references : Harisena's Canakya-katha is the most standardised story in the Digambara literature while the Svetambaras present Canakya in multiple ways. They are enthusiastic in imagining, creating and remembering Canakya on different occasions. They have presented Canakya as an epitome of intellect. They have appreciated Canakya's interesting ways of gathering wealth for the royal treasury. His strict orders, rules and punishments are also praised and compared with the jinajnas. [9] The elements of historicity in the narratives : Actually and frankly speaking there is no proof for the historicity of the Canakya-narratives. When we look at the stories from the window of Arthasastra, we feel that the tales are quite logical and mostly match with the cultural details depicted in the Arthasastra. Many of the narratives carry seeds from the Arthasastra, therefore we cannot dismiss the stories as a total display of imagination.

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234 [10] Arthasastra : The spring-well of the code of conduct of the Jainas : When we go through the details of the Arthasastra and particularly with the help of the chapters dedicated to the rules, crimes and punishments, we immediately come to know that the Jaina acaryas have accommodated the contemporary civic rules in the conduct of a Jaina monk and a householder. The similarity between the Canakyan rules for merchants and the Jaina transgressions of anuvratas is really stunning. Monachism found in angas and mulasutras is of prescriptive nature. Bhadrabahu (I), a contemporary of Canakya added punishments in the monastic conduct in the form of various penances during this period. Later on, the study of chedasutras and prayascittas was made compulsory for a bhiksu who desires to lead the samgha. In nutshell, we can say that the duties and rules prescribed for a Jaina householder or a Jaina monk are connected with the Kautiliya Arthasastra and remained the same through the several centuries. It is interesting to note that the description of grhasthasrama and samnyasasrama is not so neatly carved in the brahmanic tradition and gone through several changes during the centuries. [11] The attitude to look at Canakya and the Arthasastra : Though the Arthasastra is enumerated among the list of the books of the brahmanic literature, its overall liberal attitude, secular nature and the pure Polity (rajaniti ) was not appreciated by the latter dharmasastrakaras and smrtikaras. We observe that the high regard towards Canakya and his Arthasastra is slowly diminishing in the brahmanic tradition. In the Jaina tradition the same awe, honour and regard for Canakya and his Arthasastra is seen through centuries.

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235 When brahmanic tradition was revealing the dispassionate attitude towards the text of Arthasastra, by not protecting the manuscripts of Arthasastra in brahmi, sarada or grantha scripts, the Jainas were enthusiastically enagged in creating new stories and protecting oral traditional stories of Canakya in various Prakrits as well as Sanskrit. [12] The Jaina version of the Arthasastra : The Nitivakyamrta of the Digambara acarya Somadevasuri, is the highest homage paid by the Jaina tradition to Canakya's Arthasastra. Having kept aside the typical religious sravakacara, Somadeva prepared a purely ethical code of conduct which was based on the Arthasastra. In the scholarly field, the Nitivakyamrta is enumerated immediately after the Kamandakiya Nitisara, a version of the Arthasastra in poetical form. It is the greatness of Somadeva, that he has the courage to document sravakacara for every human-being after having documented the traditional religious Jaina sravakacara in his Yasastilakacampu. [13] Depiction of the life-story of Canakya : Puranas provide few mechanical details of royal dynasties while describing the kingdom of Magadha. There is only one prominent story of Canakya repeated in the Puranas and Kathasaritsagara. The insult of the brahmin Canakya, his being wellversed in the vedas, his tuft of hair and his revengeful oath in the royal hall is the only important episode. The Kathasaritsagara emphasizes on the black-magic-part of Canakya and does not reveal his intelligence or political skills. In fact, Hindu sources in general do not provide the details of his birth, death and his life - which is full of varied incidents.

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236 Mudraraksasa, the unique political Sanskrit drama provides some details of the personalities of Canakya, Candragupta and their relationship. Of course, it is noteworthy that Visakhadatta had gone through the minute details of the Arthasastra while writing his play. The Mudraraksasa popularized the phrase 'kauTilya: kuTilamati:', but otherwise the playwright prefers the name Canakya, everywhere in the play. The incidents in Mudraraksasa carry a limited time-span. We cannot expect full life-story of Canakya and Candragupta in the Mudraraksasa. If the Mudraraksasa is read in the light of the Jaina background and environment, it will reveal many more facts which are otherwise unexplained. Exactly opposite is the case of the Jaina and particularly of the Svetambara literature. Canakya's mother, father, birth-place, some incidents in his childhood, the prophesy of the child, his marriage, his wife, his journey to Pataliputra for getting wealth in charity, his insult by Nanda, search of a proper person, meeting of Candragupta, his search of golden mines, association with the king Parvataka (may be Sellucus-Sailaukas), seeking the kingdom, Parvataka's death by deceit, well-being of the state, enriching the royal treasury, his strict rules and orders, Candragupta's death, insult by Bindusara, his decision of voluntary death, his retirement in the gokula-grama, his meditation, the revenge of Subandhu by putting fire on Canakya's residence, the calm and peaceful acceptance of death by Canakya and the death of Subandhu caused by Canakya - these are some of the selected details of the Canakyanarratives documented by the Svetambaras and presented in a consolidated form in the Parisista-parva by Hemacandra.

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237 [14] The Jaina-references: Useful in removing many doubts : The Jaina references are valuable because they help the scholars to remove many doubts about Candragupta, Canakya and his Arthasastra. They are - (i) Canakya and Candragupta Maurya both are the histiric personalities. The date of Candragupta's coronation is documented in the Parisista-parva with reference to the year of Mahavira-nirvana. (ii) Canakya, Kautilya and Visnugupta are the names of the same person. Probably 'Visnugupta' is the birth-name, 'Canakya' after the name of his birthplace and 'Kautilya' - no doubt an epithet. (iii) The Kautilya's Arthasastra was an important part of syllabus in the prominent Indian study-centres like Nalanda. (iv) The Arthasastra is not a tentative collection on Polity but a deliberate effort of a genius called Canakya and an epitome of the sastric knowledge combined with the real experiences of his own. That is why the Jainas call the Arthasastra as the ultimate expression of Canakya's parinamiki-buddhi. (v) Canakya-Candragupta-relationship was that of an ideal guru and a faithful disciple. Canakya was really Candragupta's mentor, guide and philosopher. [15] A total justice given to Canakya's personality : When we reflect comprehensively on the personality of Canakya from the Jaina point of view, we observe that - he possesses detached world-views; is deviod of personal vested interests and ambitions; a total 'aparigrahi' by nature and also by having no issues; who distributed all his meager wealth among the relatives before accepting wilful death very bravely; his liberal and practical

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238 views towards society in general ; the importance given by him to a arth and kama in congruence with dharma ; his shrewd political wisdom directed with the aphorism - 314a Ya {15:"; a prominent economist who snatched wealth and prosperity for the well-being of the people ; a psychologist having a power of mind-analysis with the ingita and akara ; a nationalist with a deep insight in the rural and urban areas of India and the last but not the least - an eminent author having a comprehensive grasp to document the wisdom of his predecessors and his own in the form of a monumental treatise the Arthasastra - All these details are available directly from the text Arthasastra as well as from the Jaina literature with a stunning similarity. [16] Excessive Jainification : It is a standard habit of the Jainas to depict all the influential personalities with excessive Jainification. This typical mentality and methodology is seen through the big-sized and still increasing model of salakapurusas. The Jainas went on adding the list of the illustrious personalities at the advent of time. In the same line they proclaimed Canakya as being a Jaina. The Svetambaras portray him as a sravaka while the Digambaras claim that he was a muni leading a samgha of 500 sadhus - which is simply impossible and out of reason considering his strict attitude towards ascetic class. The Jainas have made Canakya to appologize with the traditional phrase - 'micchAmi dukkaDaM'. They have written thestory in which Canakya praises 941905' (heretics). When Canakya accepts religious death with a calm and composed mind, the Jainas have labelled his death as YG474147, 34721 or - by using a particular terminol ogy.

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239 In spite of all the efforts of excessive Jainification, Canakya's brahminhood and vedic legacy is quite evident. We should give a long rope to the Jainas in this matter considering the justice given by them to the personality of Canakya. The last remarks: The full biography of Canakya from the birth to death; his personal characteristics; his contribution to the ancient Indian polity ; his life flooded with hundreds of details and particularly his timeslaught mentioned as the 4th century B.C. - is an apt answer given to the doubts raised by some of the scholars about the authenticity and historicity of Canakya and his Arthasastra by the Jaina tradition. Accepting the limits of the literary sources for establishing the historicity of the happenings, an impartial researcher has to admit that the Jaina-portrait of Canakya is very convincing except the Jainification because they have skilfully filled it in the religio-sociocultural framework of comtemporary India. In other words we can say that Canakya's portrait painted by the Jainas is the solemn homage paid to this great personality. For the last two years, I was deeply engrossed in exploring, discovering and revealing all the conspicuous and hidden details of Canakya documented in the Prakrit and Sanskrit literature of the Jainas, with my enthusiastic and dedicated research team. At the end, it is our confident opinion that the branch of Kautilyan studies will remain always incomplete if we neglect the valuable literary sources of the Jainas. Or, in a more generalised way, we can say that any issue concerned to ancient India should be observed, examined and paraphrased in the broader light of the contemporary literature written

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240 in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali. In the domain of research, one research project is the harbringer of the next research project. May the Almighty bless us to explore many such new aspects of the Jaina studies in the future !! //////

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 241

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242

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243 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. aNuogaddArAI : AryarakSita, saM. puNyavijaya, zrI mahAvIra jaina vidyAlaya, muMbaI, 1968. 2. anuyogadvAra-sUtra : saM.nemIcanda bAMThiyA, zrI akhila bhAratIya sudharma jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, jodhapura, byAvara, 2012. 3. abhidhAnacintAmaNi-nAmamAlA : hemacaMdra, zrI jainasAhityavardhaka sabhA, ahamadAbAda, vi.saM.2032. 4. AcArAMgasUtra (bhAga 1,2) : anu. amalokaRSijI, saM.paM. zobhAcandra bhArilla, zrI amola jaina jJAnAlaya, dhuliyA (mahArASTra)2006 AcArAMga-sUtra (bhAga 1,2) : saM. nemIcanda bAMThiyA, zrI akhila bhAratIya sudharma jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, jodhapura, byAvara, 2010. 6. AcArAMga-cUrNi : samyak jJAnabhAMDAra, rAvaTI jodhapura, RSabhadeva kesarImala peDhI, ratalAma. 7. AcArAMga-TIkA : zIlAMka, Agamodayasamiti mehasAnA, 1916. 8. ArAdhanA-patAkA : paiNNayasuttAI (bhAga 1,2) mahAvIra jaina vidyAlaya, 1987. 9. Arya : vasaMta paTavardhana, vizvakarmA sAhityAlaya, puNe 1980. 10. Avazyaka-sUtra : saM. nemIcanda bAMThiyA, zrI akhila bhAratIya sudharma jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, jodhapura, byAvara, 2011. 11. Avazyaka-sUtra-cUrNi (pUrvabhAga, uttarabhAga) : jinadAsagaNi, zrI RSabhadevajI kezarImalajI zvetAMbara saMsthA, ratalAma, 1928, 1929. 12. Avazyaka-TIkA (pUrvabhAga, uttarabhAga) : haribhadra, Agamodayasamiti, mehasAnA, 1916. 13. oghaniyukti (vRtti) : droNAcArya, Agamodayasamiti, mehasAnA, 1919. 14. uttarajjhayaNANi : jaina-vizva-bhAratI, lADanUM (rAjasthAna), 1997.

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245 29. tattvArthasUtra : umAsvAti, sukhalAla saMghavI, pArzvanAtha vidyApITha, vArANasI, 2007. 30. trilokaprajJapti : yativRSabha, e. en. upAdhye, jaina saMskRta saMrakSaka saMgha, solApura, 1943. 31. dazavaikAlika-sUtra : anu. ghevaracaMdajI bAMThiyA, akhila bhAratIya sAdhumArgI jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, sailAnA, 1983. 32. dazavaikAlika-sUtra : saM. nemIcanda bAMThiyA, pArasamala caNDAliyA, zrI akhila bhAratIya sudharma jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, jodhapura, byAvara, 2011. 33. dazavaikAlika - cUrNi : jinadAsagaNi, zrI RSabhadevajI kezarImalajI zvetAmbarasaMsthA, indaura, 1933. 34. dazavaikAlika (niryukti, cUrNisahita) : zayyaMbhava, prAkRta graMtha pariSada, ahamadAbAda, 1973. 35. dharmopadezamAlA-vivaraNa : jayasiMhasUri, saM. jinavijaya, siMghI jaina graMthamAlA, muMbaI, 1949. 36. dhUrtAkhyAna : haribhadra, saM. jinavijaya, bhAratIya vidyAbhavana, muMbaI, 1944. 37. naMdIsUtra : pArasakumAra, zrI akhila bhAratIya sudharma jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, jodhapura, byAvara, 2011. 38. naMdIsUtra-TIkA : malayagiri, Agamodayasamiti, muMbaI, 1924. 39. niryukti-saMgraha : bhadrabAhu, saM. vijayajineMdra, harSapuSpAmRta jaina graMthamAlA, zAMtipurI (saurASTra), 1989. 40. nizIthasUtra : saM. nemIcanda bAMThiyA, zrI akhila bhAratIya sudharma jaina saMskRti rakSaka saMgha, jodhapura, byAvara, 2009. 41. nizIthasUtra-cUrNi (bhAga 1,2,3,4 ) : jinadAsagaNimahattara, saM. amaramuni, muni kanhaiyAlAla 'kamala', bhAratIya vidyA prakAzana, dillI, 1982. 42. nItivAkyAmRta : somadevasUri, saM. pannAlAla sonI, mANikacandra digambara jaina graMthamAlA, bambaI, 1923.

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