Story Of Rama In Jain Literature

Author(s): V M Kulkarni
Publisher: Saraswati Pustak Bhandar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022775/1

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THE STORY OF RAMA
IN JAIN LITERATURE
VM Kulkarni
SARASWATI PUSTAK BHANDAR Ahmedabad

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No work of Indian literature bas perhaps enjoyed a greater popuarity in India down to date than the Rāmāyana of Vālmīki. There are many forms of the story of Rama in later Hindu works. The Jains too have their versions of the story of Rāma. This volume studies all the noteworthy Jain versions with reference to the Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmiki, their areas of agreement and divergence. It also presents a literary evaluation of these versions. It could justifiably be claimed that this is the first ever comparative, comprehensive and critical study of the Jain versions as presented by the Śvetambara and Digambara poets in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Apabhraíśa languages.
Rs. 200/

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SARASWATI ORIENTAL STUDIES NO-3
THE
STORY OF RAMA IN
JAIN LITERATURE
(AS PRESENTED BY THE SVETAMBARA AND DIGAMBARA
POETS IN THE PRAKRIT, SANSKRIT AND APABHRAMSA LANGUAGES)
BY
V.M. KULKARNI, M. A., Ph. D.
Formerly Director, Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of Indology, Patan (North Gujarat) and Professor and Head of the Department of Sanskrit (and Prakrit), Elphinstone College, Bombay, and Director of Languages, Maharashtra State, Bombay
SARASWATI PUSTAK BHANDAR
AHMEDABAD-380 001

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Published by : SARASWATI PUSTAK BHANDAR 112, HATHIKHANA, RATANPOLE, AHMEDABAD-380 001 (INDIA)
Also can be had fromPARIMAL PUBLICATIONS 27/28 SHAKTI NAGAR, DELHI-110007 (INDIA)
© Copyright with the Author First Edition : 1990 Price : 200.00
Printed at : Parijata Printers, Ahmedabad and Graphic Print Art. Delhi

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DEDICATED
TO MY PROFESSORS THE LATE K.V. ABHYANKAR THE LATE A.N. UPADHYE
AND A.M. GHATAGB

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We gratefully acknowledge that the present volume is based on the thesis which was
accepted for the award of the Ph.D. degree of
the University of Bombay in the year 1952.
Publishers

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THE STORY OF RAMA IN JAIN LITERATURE

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Preface
Nature and Scope of the Theme : The present work reproduces in the main the thesis which I submitted to the University of Bombay in 1952 for the Ph. D. degree in Sanskrit. The thesis is entitled "The Story of Rāma in Jain Literature”-as presented by the Svetāmbara and Digambara poets in the Prakrit, Sanskrit and Apabhramsa languages. No work of Indian literature has enjoyed a greater popularity in India down to the present day than the Rāmāyana of Valmiki. It is truly a popular epic, as it has become the property of the whole of India and has tremendously influenced the thought and poetry of the nation for more than 2000 years. For centuries the story of Rama has remained alive in India and it continues to live among all grades and classes of people. Everyone is familiar with the characters and stories of the great epic. Teachers of the various religious schools refer to it and draw upon it to propagate religious and moral doctrines among the people. The story of Rāma occurs in the Mahabhirata and the Purinas such as Brahm 1, Padma, Garuda, Nārada, Bhāgavata, Agni, Skanda, Vāyu and so on. We have, further, the AdbhutaRāmāyana, Adhyātma-Rāmāyaṇa, and Ananda-Rāmāyaṇa. Many eminent Sanskrit poets including Bhisa, Kilid isa, Bhavabhūti and Rajashekhara have again and again drawn the material for their poems and plays from the Ramayana and worked them up anew. There are the Buddhist forms of the Rāmāyuna (e.g., Dasaratha Jātaka) and Jain forms of the story of Rama also exist - well-known among them are the paima-Cari ya of Vimala Sūri, the Padma-Purina of Raviseņa, the Uttarapurāņa of Gunabhadra, and the Trişaspisalākā pur uşa-Carita of Hemacandra. Versions of the Rāmāyana are found in the principal languages of India such as Hindi (e g., Rima-Caritamanasa of Tulasidasa) Bengali (e.g. Kittivāsa-Rāmāyana) Kashmiri (Kashmiri Rāmāyana), Marathi (e.g., Bhāvārtha Rämäyana), Gujarati (e.g., Rāmāyaṇa-sira), Tamil (e.g. Tamila-Rāmāyana by Kambana), Telugu (eg, Dvipūda-Rāmāyana), Kanarese (e.g., Pampa-Rāmāyana) and others. It has been translated into almost all modern Indian languages and other languages of the world such as English, German, French, etc. Then there are the forms of the Rāmāyana that are known 10 exist outside India such as the one in Java and China.

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Celebrated scholars both of the West and the East such as Dr. Jacobi, Sri D.C. Sen and many others have dealt with the Ramayana in the spirit of critical scholarship. They have raised and answered a number of questions, e.g.. of its date, its recensions the historicity of Rama, the nature of the authorship-single or multiple the various forms that the story has taken where it has travelled (and it has travelled widely) Valmiki's indebtedness to others for the outline and the details, the foreign origin, the genuine and the spurious in the Rāmāyaṇa and so on. A comparative study of all the forms of the Rama story-the Hindu, the Buddhistic and the Jain and the forms available outside India is indeed too vast a subject for a thesis like this. To bring the subject-matter within moderate compass I have confined it to a critical and comparative study of the Jain forms of the Rima story available in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramia, and to an investigation of their interrelation and of the origin and development of the Jain forms of the story of Rima, which are definitely later in relation to the Ramayana and the great epic Mahabharata attributed to Vyasa.
Some scholars have dealt with the subject of the present thesis, but only with a few isolated aspects and that too partially. Rightly, therefore, Winternitz remarks in his History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, (p. 494, f.n. 3) "It is very desirable, however, that a careful comparison of all the Jinistic adaptations of the Räma legend be
made".
The method of study and approach to the problem: As the story of Rama occupies a very prominent place in the Mythology of the Jains, I have first set forth the nature of Jain Mythology and its salient features in comparison with the Hindu Mythology as a proper background for the study of the present problem. Then every one of the original Jain Raniyaas is studied thoroughly and critically in separate chapters. Attention is specially drawn in the footnotes to iaformation of cultural value offered in the work, such as references to customs, beliefs, etc. and to motifs of stories, striking subhāṣitas and stylistic merits of the work. As far as possible these notes are comparative and critical. The study of each work is prefaced with an the life-history, date and other works, if any, of the poet. As the Pauma Cariya is the earliest extant Jain poem dealing with the story of Rama, it is studied exhaustively.
Then I have studied the versions of Rāmāyaṇa based on the Paumacariya only in their deviations from it so as to avoid repetition. The Rama-story given by Gunabhadra is markedly different from that of Vimala. It is compared with Vimala's story and an attempt is made to trace the sources of its remarkable differences, The version of Ramayana given by Puspadanta is then treated as it is based on Gunabhadra's. The Rāmāyaṇa versions of Sanghadisa and Harise a are then dealt with fully as they show remarkable divergences with the works of Vimla and Gunabhadra. In the case of other Jain works that casually deal with the Rima story only a few general remarks are offered. In conclusion, I have dealt with the interrelation of the Jain forms of the Rāma story and traced the origin and development of Ramayana in Jain literature, discussing the mutual relation of the Jain tradition and the tradition represented by Valmiki.

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Although this is not the first study of the Rāma story in Jain Literature it claims originality in :
(a) a critical and comprehensive study of the original Jain Rāmāyaṇas, (b) an all-embracing review of the various aspects of the problem which has
been only partially dealt with by other scholars, (c) the bringing out of the inter-relation of the various Jain versions and a com
parative study of the two representative versions of the Jains' with Valmiki's
Ramayana, (d) the treatment of the problem with Jain Mythology as the background, and (e) a literary appreciation of the Jain versions.
When the views of other writers are accepted and restated, some additional evidence is brought forward in support of them and when the conclusions of other scholars are not accepted, I have offered reasons for rejecting them which appear convincing to me.
In preparing the manuscript for the present work I have revised the thesis in many points in the light of many constructive and valuable suggestions made by Dr. Alsdorf. I have rearranged the matter of the different chapters, and treated the question of Vimala's date an i the languige of the Pa imacarya at greaterl ength. I have discussed more elaborately the version of Gunabhadra to find out how far it is dependent on Vālmiki or the Hindu Riniyari in general or whether it does not also contain an independent Jain tradition. I have added to the thesis the chapters treating the important versions found in the Vasudevahindi the Cauppannamaha-purisacariya, the Kahávali and the Yoguśīstra-svopajña-vrtti of Hemacandra. It is hoped these changes and additions will enhance the value of the work.
An author is seldom satisfied with his work, much less several years after he has finished it. There is no doubt that, if I were writing this book now, it would be pretty different. Yet, such as it is with all its limitations, I still consider it very useful and slimulating.
I am happy to acknowledge a heavy debt of obligation to my Guide, Prof. K.V. Abhyankar, M.A. I find it difficult to express in words iny gratitude to him. I wish I could express adequately how much I owe to my teachers Dr A.N. Upadhye M.A., D.Litt, and Dr. A.M. Ghatage, M.A. Ph. D. They have been a perennial source of inspiration to me since they initiated me into the study of Prakrit languages and literature. I derived valuable benefit from personal discussions with all the three teachers on the various aspects of the subject of this work, and their suggestions and criticism while the work was in progress, were very welcome to me. I am indebted to all the predecessors in the field and I Tender grateful thanks to them. I offer my

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thanks particularly to Dr. Hamm, who kindly went through my thesis and made valuable suggestions to improve it. Finally, I am happy to record my thanks to Sri Ashvinbhai B. Shah and Shri Hirabhai Shah of Saraswati Pustak Bhandar, Ahmedabad for undertaking to publish this volume, and to Shri K.L.Joshi of Parimal publications Delhi for the deccent priting of it.
V.M. Kulkarni
5. Suruchi Society, Dixit Road Extension, Vile Parle (East) Bombay : 400057 6 July, 1989.

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Contents
Page
Chapter 1 Introduction : The Character of Jain Mythology
1. Religion and Mythology 2. The Definition of Mahāpurāņa 3. The Origin and Development of Jain Mythology 4. The Sixty-three great Figures of Jain Mythology 5. The Extent of Jain Mythology 6. The Subject matter of Jain Mythology 7. A Comparison with the Hindu Epics and Purāņas 8. The Distinguishing Features of Jain Mythology
9. The Rāma Story in Jain Mythology Chapter II Paümacariya of Vimalasūri
Cantowise Summary of 118 Cantos Paümacariya : A study :
1. The Date of Vimalasūri 2. Vimala-sūri's Life 3. Vimala Sūri's Works 4. Vimala Sūri's Sect 5. Vimala Sūri as Poet 6. The Form of Paümacariya 7. The Title Pauma Cariya 8. The Extent of paüma-cariya 9. Vimala-Sūri's Aim in writing Paüma-cariya 10. Vimala-Sūri's Conception of Rākşasas and Vänaras 11. Characterisation in Paüma-cariya 12. The Language of Paüma-cariya 13. Metres in Paüma.cariya 14. Glimpses of Social and Cultural Life as reflected in
Paümacariya

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104
104
108
Chapter III Padma-Purāna of Ācārya Ravişeņa
1. Ravişena's Personal History 2. A Comparison of the titles of the Epics 3. Extent, Form, etc., of the two Epics 4. Cantowise Summary of Padmapurāņa dispensed with 5. General Remarks
101 Chapter VI The Rāmāyana Version of Sanghadāsa (as found in his Vasudevahindi)
Introductory Remarks Sanghadāsa's Version of the story of Rāma A Comparison of Sanghadāsa's Rāmāyaṇa with Valmiki's Rāmāyana and Vimala's Paümacariya The result of the Comparison of these three versions
113 His own contribution
114 Critical appreciation
114 Chapter V The Rāmāyana Version of Gunabhadra (as Found in his
Mahāpurāna) Uttara-Purāņa of Gunabhadra 1. Personal Account and Date of Jinasena and Gunabhadra (a) Jinasena's Works
115 (b) Gunabhadra's Works 2. Summary of the Contents of Gunabhadra's Rāmāyana 117 3. Gunabhadra's Rāmāyana : A Critical Study
(i) A Comparison of the Uttara Purāna and the Paümacariya 128 (ii) Outline of the Rāma Story Common to All the Jain Forms
132 (iii) Name, Extent, Form, Language, Metre and Style of the two Versions
133 (iv) Characterisation
134 (v) Why Gunabhadra did not follow his Digambara Predecessor-Ravişena ?
135 (vi) The Relation of Gunabhadra's Version with the Daśaratha Jātaka and the Adbhuta Rāmāyana
137 Chapter VI The Ramayana Version of sijācārya (as Found in his Cauppanna
Mahāpurisa Cariya) Introductory Remarks
140 Rāma-Lakşmana-Caritam : Summary A Comparison of the three Versions of Silācārya, of Vālmīki and Vimala 142 The Relation of Silācārya's Version to the Vessions of Välmiki and Vimala Silācārya's Influence on Hemacandra ?
144 Chapter VII The Rāmāyana Version of Ācārya Harişena (as Found in his
Brhatkathākośa)
143

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145
170
1. Personal History and Date of the Author 2. Summary of the two Rāmāyaṇa Kathānakas Rāmāyaṇa-Kathānakam
146 The Tale (of the Innocene] of Sitā
148 3. A Critical Study of the two Kathānakas about Rāma
148 (i) A Comparison of Harişena's Version with those of Vimala and Gunabhadra
148 (ii) Vālmiki Rāmāyana and Harişeņa's Version
150 (iii) Purpose of the Kathānakas
151 (iv) Literary Appreciation
131 Chapter VIII The Rāmāyaṇa Version of Pușpadanta (as found in his Mahāpurāņa) 1. Personal History and Date of Puşpadanta
152 2. "Sandhi'-Wise Summary of the Contents
154 3. Puspadanta's Rāmāyana : A Critical Study
168 (i) General Remarks
198 (ii) Puspadanta's Contribution to the development of Rama Story
169 (iii) An Estimate of Puşpadanta as a Poet Chapter IX The Rāmāyana Version of Dhaneśvara Sūri (as found in his
Satruñjaya Māhātmya) 1. Personal History and Date of Dhaneśvara
171 2. Nature and Contents of the Work
172 3. An outline of the Rāma-story as told by Dhaneśvara
172 4. Critical Remarks
178 (i) His style and Poetic Ability (ii) Additions
179 (iii) Modifications
17 (iv) Omissions
179 Chapter X The Rāmāyana (Version) of Bhadreśvara (as found in his Kahāvali) Introductory Remarks
180 Bhadreśvara and Vimala Bhadreśvara's narrative-its differences with Paūmacariya Bhadreśvara's Contribution to the development of the Story of Rāma
183 Literary Estimate
185 Chapter XI The Ramayana Version of Ācārya Hemacandra (as found in his
Tri-șaști Salākā-Puruşa-carita) 1. His Life and Date
187 2. His Works
187 3. Summary (Canto-wise) of the 7th Parvan treating of the Rāma Story
189
178
181
182

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4. Hemacandra's Rāmāyana: A Critical study
(i) Its Relation with the Works of Vimala and Ravisena (ii) Hemacandra's Contribution to the development of the Rama Story
(iii) Appreciation of Hemacandra as a poet and story-teller Chapter XII Sitä Rāvana Kathanaka of Acarya Hemacandra (as found in his Commentary to his own Yogalästra
Yogasastra Version and Trişați-falaka-puruşa-carita Version: A Comparison
The Inter-relation of the two Versions
Sita-Ravana-Kathanaka as a narrative poem
Chapter XIII The Origion of the Story of Rama In Jain Literature The different Jain Forms of the Story of Rama: Their Interrelation
II The Origin of the Räma Story In Jain Literature
1. The Problem
2. The Tradition regarding the Origin of the Pauma-Cariya Scrutiny of this tradition
202
(c) Ravana depicted as noble and grand.
8. The Digambara Version of Guṇabhadra
202
3. The Version of Rama Story attacked by Vimala Sūri
4. Vimala Suri's Indebtedness to Valmiki's Rāmāyaṇa
5 Vimala Suri's Aims in the Paumacariya
(a) Removing of exaggerated and incredible elements (b) Realistic Interpretation
(c) Ridding the Story of divine elements
(d) Elevation
(e) Purging the Story of Rama of its Brahmanical atmosphere (f) Creating of Jain atmosphere in its place
(g) Propagation of the special doctrines of Jainism
(h) Consideration of some of the changes not covered by general
discussion
Omissions
Additions.
(i) Vimala's Conception of the Raksasas and the Vanaras 6. Sen's View about an independent Southern legend of Ravana 7. Sen's view regarding the Southern independent Ravana legend examined
(a) The narrative method.
(b) The elevated notion about the Vanaras and the Raksasas in
the Jain Rāmāyaṇa
205
211
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9. The relation of Gunabhadra's version with the Dasaratha Jataka and the Adbhuta-Rāmāyaṇa
10. Outline of the Rama story Common to all the Jain forms
Chapter XIV The Development of the story of Rama in Jain Literature (i) Pauma-cariya-a model for later (Jain) poets
(ii) The Vasudevahindi version not later than 609 A.D.
His (Sanghadasa's) own contribution
(iii) Padmapuraṇa of Ravisena (678 A.D.) Ravisena's Contribution to the story of Rāma
(iv) Upades'apada of Haribhadrasûri (700-770 A.D.)
(v) Paumacariu of Svayambhudeva (middle of the 8th century A.D.?)
(vi) Cauppanna-mahapurisa-cariya of Silācārya Silācārya's Influence on Hemacandra?
(vii) Uttarapurana of Guṇabhadra (9th century A.D.)
Gunabhadra's Contribution to the story of Rama Gunabhadra's influence over later writers.
(viii) Brhatkathākoša of Harisena (931-32 A.D.)
(ix) Mahapurna of Puspadanta (965 A.D.)
(x) Kahavali of Bhadresvara (11th century A.D.) (xi) Yogasastra-svopajña-vṛtti and
(xii) Trisasi Salakāpuruşa-Carita of Hemacandra (12th century
(A.D.)
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245
(xiii) Satrunjaya-Mahatmya of Dhanesvarasuri (14th century A.D.) 245 (xiv) Punyacandrodayapuraṇa of Krspadása (1528 A.D.) (xv) Ráma Caritra of Devavijayaganin (1586 A.D.) (xvi) Laghu-tri-şaşti of Meghavijaya (17th century A.D.) Jain influence on the later Hindu Rāmāyaṇas The Jain Rāmāyaṇas in comparison with the Välmiki's Rāmāyaṇa
245
247
247

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CHATER 1
INTRODUCTION: THE CHARACTER OF JAIN MYTHOLOGY
1. RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY
Religion and mythology are always intimately connected with each other. Works on mythology clothe with flesh and blood, the bony framework of spiritual truths and ethical code as set forth in sacred literature. Without such a body of flesh and bone, the mere life-force of the sacred texts cannot function with effect. It is of course, equally true that without such life-force the mere mass of flesh and bone will decay. The Purānas popularize the truths taught in the sacred books by presenting them in relation to individual men and women and to the events of their lives. They explain, illustrate and inculcate the moral principles stated in them,
2. THE DEFINITION OF MAHA-PURANA
Jinasena, the author of the Adi-Purāna, says : "I shall describe the narrative of 63 ancient persons, viz., the (24) Tirthakaras, the (12) Cakravartins, (9) Baladevas, (9) Ardha-Cakravartins (i, e, Vasudevas) and their enemies (i, e., Prativāsudevas). The word Purāna meant 'old or ancient narrative'. It is called 'great' because it relates to the great (personages), or because it is narrated by the great (Tirthakaras, Gañadharas or Ācāryas) or because it teaches (the way to supreme bliss. Other learned men say that it is called Purāņa because it originates with an old poet and it is called great because of its intrinsic greatness. The great rșis called it a Mahapurāna as it relates to great men and teaches (the way to) supreme bliss". And he adds that "the Mahā -Purāņa is regarded "Ārsa' because it was composed by rşis,
Sukta' as it expounds truth and 'Dharma-śāstra' as it declares Dharma. It is also looked upon as Itihasa, Itivștta, or Aitihya or Amnaya as it contains many stories about 'Iti-ha-āsa' (- 'so it has been' i. e., 'traditional history'). Thus according to Jinasena, Purāņa and Itihāsa are synonymous terms. A Țippaņa-kāra of Puspadanta's
1 तीर्थेशामपि चकेशां हलिनामर्धचक्रिणाम् । त्रिषष्टिलक्षणं वक्ष्ये पुराणं तद्विषामपि ॥ पुरातनं पुराणं स्यात् तन्महन्महदाश्रयात् । महद्भिरुपदिष्टत्वात् महाश्रेयोऽनुशासनात् ॥ कविं पुराणमाश्रित्य प्रसृतत्वात् पुराणता । महत्त्वं स्वमहिम्नव तस्येत्यन्यनिरुच्यते ॥ महापुरुषसम्बन्धि महाभ्युदयशासनम् । महापुराणमाम्नातमत एतन्महर्षिभिः ।।
- Jinasena. M. P. I. 20-23 2 ऋषिप्रणीतमार्ष स्यात् सूक्तं सूनृतशासनात् । धर्मानुशासनाच्चेदं धर्मशास्त्रमिति स्मृतम् । इतिहास इतीष्टं तद् इति हासीदिति श्रुतेः । इतिवृत्तमथैतिह्वमाम्नायञ्चामनन्ति तत् ॥
- Jinasena. M. P. I. 24-25

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Story of Räma in Jain Literature
Mahāpurāņa, however, makes a distinction between the two, saying that Itihasa means the narrative of a single individual while Purāņa means the narratives of 63 great men of the Jain faith. The Kauțiliya-Arthasastra (I. 5) in its definition of Itihasa enumerates 'Purāņa' and 'Itivștta' as belonging to the content of Itihāsa. As Itivștta can only mean a “historical event', Purāņa probably means 'mythological and legendary lore'.
3. THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF JAIN MYTHOLOGY
It is believed that Jainism is comparatively of a later origin. Jain works speak of 24 Tirthakaras. A majority of eminent scholars however, accept that Mahavira and Pārsvanatha (and Neminātha too, according to a few,) were historical personages and they consider the rest of the Tirthakaras to be mythical figures. 4 Jainism received great impetus under Mahāvira's religious leadership. A few centuries after the Nirvāņa of Mahāvira, the Jains felt the necessity of having their own mythology which would provide an excellent means for reaching popular thought and propagating their own views, ideals and doctrines. To meet the requirement the religious teachers and masters of Jainism invented myths, accepted popular legends with necessary modifi. cations and borrowed the most popular stories from the Hindu Mythology-adapting them so as to make them suitable vehicles to convey the truths of their own religion, philosophy and ethics. Jain Mythology centres in the personalities of sixty three great figures. The material for their lives is found partly in the Kalpa-sūtra and, in its basic elements, in the Tiloyapannatti and Avaš yakabhașya. These lives have assumed a definite pattern, though the extent of details and poetic descriptions etc., differ from author to author. The names of all the Tirthakaras are handed down with a multitude of details. "Yet the minutiae are precisely the same for each, with changes of name and place, and with variation as to the details of complexion and stature, as well as the designations of the attendant spirits, who are a Yakşa and a Yakşini, of the ganadhara (leader of disciples), and of the Arya (first woman convert)." A minor alteration here and there is remarkable : thus the 20th Tirthakara, MuniSuvrata and twenty-second, Arişta-nemis are said to have been of the Harivamsa,
3 Puşpadanta-M. P. Vol. I, P. 9. The definition of Purāņa found in the Hindu Purānas may be noted here :
सर्गश्च प्रतिसर्गश्च वंशो मन्वन्तराणि च ।।
वंशानुचरितं चैवं पुराणं पञ्चलक्षणम् ॥ The Brahmavaivartapurāņa, however, says that the five laksaņas are only for the Upapurāņas, while Mahapuräņas ("the great Purāņas") have "ten lakşaņas" including "praise of Vişnu and the gods individually". The Bhāgavata-Purāņa likewise mentions
"ten laksanas" of the Purāna in two places (II. 10.1 and XII. 7. 8 ff.) 4 Jacobi. Winternitz, Glasenapp, to mention a few only. 5 The word 3faf occurs in Rgveda I. 89. 6, but it has nothing to do with the Jain
Tirthakara,

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Introduction: The Character of Jain Mythology
and not like all the others, of the Ikşvāku family; such alterations we find in a few cases regarding the place where some Tirthakaras attained Moksa or perfect knowledge or the posture at the time of final release. But for the most part the Jain narratives include precisely the same miracles in regard to the birth and other events in the lives of the Tirthakaras.
The Jain tradition traces the origin of the Puranas to Lord Mahāvīra himself; and provides a succession of teachers through whom they were handed down, some of whom cannot be said to be historical personages. The traditions as recorded in the different Purāņas of the Śvetāmbaras and the Digambaras differ considerably and are conflicting. It is possible that the origin is traced to Mahāvīra in order to invest the Purāņa concerned with sanctity and authority--in the present state of our knowledge we cannot summarily brush aside their claim that they were given in the Pūrva texts which are irretrievably lost to us - but this much we can say that 'strings of names' (Nāmavali), such as are found in the Tiloyapannatti, were contained in the Pūrvas and their oral exposition from his teacher was received by Vimala. Sūri who composed the earliest extant Jain epic-Purāna-the Pauma-cariya-written according to his own statement 530 years after the Nirvāna of Mahāvira.
Modern scholars like Jacobi, Glasenapp and Winternitz hold that the mythology of the Jains is to a great extent derivative. The Mahabharata attributed to Vyāsa and the Rāmāyana of Valmiki-these two epics of the Hindus were very popular and had made a deep impression on the lives of millions of people in the land. Again some of the oldest Purānas, which tradition attributes to Vyāsa, must have been widely prevalent in those days. Especially the exploits of Rāma and of Krşna were such as made the Hindus look upon them as the Avatāras of God Vişnu. The Jain writers, coming later, may have wished to make a popular appeal to rival the influence of Brahmanical works on the masses and therefore could not ignore the great heroes -Rāma and Krşna-and their lives. It was thus natural for the Jains to adopt the Rama story and the Krsna-legend and to give them a Jain background and atmosphere.
Besides adopting the legends of Rama and Krşņa they incorporated a large number of popular legends in their mythology in order to propagate Jain virtues. These legends have their counter-parts in Hindu and Buddhist literature : e. g., the well-known legends of Bharata, Sagara - the descent of Gangā and the destru. ction of 60000 sons of Sagara-Brahmadatta, Śrenika and Rşyaśộnga. They also introduced a number of purely Jain legends in their mythology. To this category belong the biographies of the first 22 Tirthakaras (for the last two are historical ones), of some of the Cakravartins and some of the 27 heroes (Baladevas etc.). Not only the Tirthakaras themselves but other holy men too have been glorified in their works by the Jains, e. g. Sālibhadra, a famous legendary hero, Jivandhara, who is celebrated

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Story of Rama in Jain Literature
first in the Uttarapurana and then in many later works in Sanskrit and Tamil, Yagodhara, Karakandu, Nagakumāra and Sripāla, Thus we have the Jain Mythology built up out of considerable borrowings from the Hindu epics and mythology, popular legends from the common stock of Indian literature and pure Jain legends created to give Jainism a background of ancient tradition and to propagate Jain virtues of Ahimsa, Satya, etc.
4 THE SIXTY-THREE GREAT FIGURES OF JAIN MYTHOLOGY
Sixty-three Salaka-Pürusas: As already remarked it is mainly the lives of the sixty three excellent men (Salākā Purusas) that form the subject matter of Jain mythology. These prominent personages are classified into five groups: (1) 24 Tirthakaras, (ii) 12 Cakravartins-sovereign rulers of the world, (iii) 9 Baladevas, (iv) 9 Vasudevas and (v) 9 Prativasudevas.
Now let us first give a clear idea as to what these words signify. The word Salākā. puruşa is taken to mean by all as 'Pravara-purusa', 'Uttama-puruşa' or 'Mahapurusa" i.e., great or eminent or prominent personages. But how the word came to be equated with Mahāpuruşa is not properly explained by any writer. The commentary on Abhidhänacintamani III. 364 explains thus: 'Salakāpuruṣaḥ puruşeşu jātarekha ityarthab', meaning thereby probably-"Those who are marked, characterised, distingui shed (by 'Mukti') from amongst the people at large", Saläkä means, a small bamboo stick' which a Buddhist monk used as an identity badge, Salaka-puruşa would probably mean "legitimised, characterised men" so that Salaka-puruşa and Laksana -purua are synonymous, Abhidhanarajendra, however, explains the term differently. The interpretation of the word as 'Men characterised by Mukti-liberation' seems to be more correct. Another meaning may be suggested here. In ancient days lines. were drawn for counting 'number'. So Salaka-puruşa were those distinguished men whose number would be counted by drawing lines.
The word Tirthakara or Tirthankara means 'saviour', 'spiritual guide', 'one who shows the way to cross the ocean of worldly existence', or to follow tradition, one who establishes the four-fold order of the Jains consisting of (i) 'Sadhu', (ii) Sadhvi, (iii) Śravaka and (iv) Śravika. The two words, viz., Jina and Arhat are often used as synonyms of Tirthakara. Jina means "one who subduing love or hatred towards samsära, has been liberated" and Arhat - one who deserves to be honoured and worshipped (by even Indra and other gods etc.). Tirthakaras are the prophets
6 For example of the title of. Silācārya's work - "Caupanna-mahapurisacariya" or the word 'Uttama-purisa' used in this connection in the "Samavāyānga".
7 Winternitz (Hist. of Indian Lit. Vol. 11, p. 505) translates it as "which form as it were lines of demarcation among the monks".
8 कस्यचिद् वस्तुनोऽनेकभेदज्ञापनार्थ कोष्ठकरेखासु २४ तीर्थंकराः १२ चत्रिणः ९ बलदेवा: ९ argèar: e sfaurgèarifa aquafez garagear: 1

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Introduction : The Character of Jain Mythology
of Jainism, they promulgate dharma and by their precept and example help their followers to attain mukti.
The word Cakravartin or Cakrin means one who rules over the six Khandas of Bharata-varşa'. He possesses a wondrous Cakra (Disc) whereby he is called a Cakrin'. Dr. Ghatage gives the explanatory gloss as :
“The classical Indian idea of a Cakravartin is that of a universal monarch, a paramount ruler. Vedic literature knows the word Sam-rāt but Cakravartin comes into vogue only in the later parts of the epics. In the popular literature such rulers are also assigned to the Vidyādharas, semi-divine beings, as in the case of Naraváhana-datta, the son of Udayana and the hero of the Brhat-Katha. The original meaning appears to be a king, whose chariot-wheel meets no obstacle in his conquests.
With the Buddhists the Cakravartin got associated with a disc, a jewel, which precedes him and procures for him success. He represents the secular authority as the Buddha does the spiritual power. It is said of Buddha 'F#77 Tafaa'. The Jain idea of a Cakravartin is similar and he is said to win 14 rainas, including the disc. These ideas are all developments from the popular identification of the carka with the disc in the hand of Vişnu, a solar symbol. There are twelve such universal monarchs in Jain Mythology. They have further created the category of Bharatārdha-cakravartins who rule only half the Bharata country, and who are having the nine Vasudevas with them.
Scholars have explained the word maar in different ways. Wilson considered it to mean one who abides in (aaa) a large territory called a *. Kern takes वर्तिन to mean वर्तयति 'who rules'. Senart regards him to be one who owns a चक्रवाल while Jacobi thinks that 7 here stands for the political term H039."
The word Baladeva (also Balabhadra) or Haladhara or Halin is used for the elder step-brother of Nārāyana or Vasudeva, who is a mighty human king ruling over three parts of the earth. For example, in the story of Rāma, Padma (another name of Rāma) is the Baladeva and Lakşmana is the Narāyana or Vasudeva; and Ravana who is antagonistic to Väsudeva is called Prativasudeva.
According to one tradition there are 54 great men only, as it does not count the Prativāsudevas in the list of 'Uttama-purusas'. This tradition is recorded in the Samavāyanga-Sūtra and Silacārya too speaks of 54 great men.
It is to be noted that all these 63 Salaka-Puruşas are "great men and are bereft of any divine element. In the Hindu Mythology Nārāyana is an epithet of Vişnu Krena and Balabhadra or Baladeva (or Balarama) is the name of the elder brother of Krsna, Nārāyaṇa is the supreme God and Baladeva too is sometimes regarded as

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
an incarnation of the serpent Seșa and sometimes as the eighth incarnation of Vişnu. And so also the Hindus regard Rāma as the Nārāyaṇa and Lakşmaņa as the incarnation of Ananta (the serpent Sesa). Now the Jains agree with the Hindus in regarding Krşņa as Narayana and Balarama as Baladeva; they however, invert their order in the case of Rāma and Lakşmaņa whom they regard as Baladeva and Narā. yaņa respectively. It appears they deliberately introduced this change for the sake of uniformity-for in the case of Balarama and Krena the elder brother is Baladeva and the younger one Nārāyaṇa and it is not unlikely that the name "Rāma' was to some extent responsible for his being regarded as Baladeva.
With these preliminary remarks we now take up a detailed consideration of these five groups of great men of Jainism :
The Twenty-four Tirthakaras : Besides the 24 Tirtharkaras beloging to the present age, Jain Mythology takes account also of a past and future age and to each of the aeons are assigned 24 Tirthakaras. And further, they are said to be born in ten different regions of Jain cosmography such as Bharata-Kșetra, Haimavata-Kşetra and the like. Thus we have in all 720 Tirthakaras. The 24 of the present seon are, however, described with great details. Their biographies follow a uniform pattern. The lives of the two famous Tirthakaras-Pārsva and Mahāvira are described in Jain works with a wealth of detail and in the case of others only remarkable events are recorded. As a rule, in the case of each Tirthakara, the following particulars are mentioned.
(1) The previous births, (2) the name of the heavenly region from which he descends, (3) his parent's names, (4) birth-place, (5) Nakşatra' or the Zodiacal sign of his birth, (6) his height, (7) his colour, (8) his age, (9) the tree under which he obtains Kevala or perfect knowledge, (10) his place of Nirvāṇa, (11) the number of his ganadharas or chief disciples, and of sadhus, sādhvis, śrävakas and sravikas, (12) the Yakșa and Yakşini that wait upon him, (13) the interval between him and his predecessor and (14) the periods of time during which he lived as a householder, etc., and the date of his Niivāna. The names of 24 Tirthakaras are :
1. Rsabha, 2. Ajita 3. Sambhava, 4. Abhinandana, 5. Sumati, 6. Padma-prabha, 7. Supārsva, 8. Candraprabha, 9. Puşpadanta, 10. Sitala, 11. Sreyāṁsa, 12. Vasupjūya, 13. Vimala, 14. Ananta, 16. Santinātha, 17. Kunthu, 18. Aranātha, 19. Malli, 20. Muni Suvrata, 21. Naminātha, 22. Nemi (or Arişta-nemi), 23. Pārsva and 24. Mahavira. Excepting the last two or three) who are historical persons, others are from the sphere of Jain Mythology.
The twelve Cakravartins are the sovereign rulers over six parts of the Bharata country. Like the Biographies of the Tîrthakaras, those of the Cakravartins too follow a uniform pattern. As a reward of the good Karman done in the previous births or as a result of 'Nidāna' (an evil resolution to utilise the merit of ones'

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Introduction : The Character of Jain Mythology
penance to get the desired object in the next life) they are born as Cakravartins in the dynasty of the Ikşvaku, etc. They expand their empire on the strength of their superior valour. They are handsome mighty heroes; defeating their enemies they rule over the Bharata country-when gods descend from heaven, they bestow encomium on them and coronate them as "Emperor”. They rule for a very long time over the country-enjoying pleasures in the company of women and the glory due to an Emperor. What is extraordinary about them is their possession of 14 'ratnas' and 9 ‘nidhis'. The ratnas or gems are : 1. Cakra (disc), 2, Danda (a staff), 3. Khaďga (sword), 4. Chatra (Parasol) 5. Carma (Marvellous hide), 6. Mani (jewel), 7. Kākiņi and 8. Senāpati, 9. Gșhapati, 10. Vārdhaki, 11. Purohita, 12. Gaja (Elephant), 13. Ašva (Horse) and 14. Strı (woman). The 'nidhis', which they possess, are, according to some, a work treating of nine lores while according to others, treasures kept in Caskets. Their names are : 1. Naisarpa (inansion), 2. Pānduka (food-grains), 3. Pingalaka ornaments), 4. Sarvărathaka (14 jewels), 5 Mahāpadma (other jewels), 6. Kāla (astrology), 7. Mahākāla (mines of metals and gems), 8. Mänavaka (the art of war) and 9. Śarkha (Poetry, dramatic sciences and music). We do not get an exact idea about the nature of 9 ‘nidhis'.
The names of the twelve Cakravartins are :
1. Bharata, 2. Sagara, 3. Maghavan, 4. Sanatkumara, 5. Šāntinatha, 6. Kunthunātha. 7. Ara(ha)-nātha, 8. Subhauma, 9. Padmanabha, 10. Harişeņa, 11. Jayasena and 12. Brahmadatta.
Of these, the names of Bharata, Sagara, Maghavan and Brahmadatta are celebrated in Hindu Epics and Purānas.
The 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas and 9 Prativāsudevas : Baladeva, Vasudeva and Prativāsudeva are great heroes, born as contemporaries. Baladeva and Vasudeva are step-brothers and Prativāsudeva is antagonistic to them. The complexion of Baladeva is white and he wears blue garment. His banner is emblazoned with a palm-tree. He possesses four Āyudhas : 1. Dhanus (Bow), 2. Gadā (Mace), 3. Musala (Pestle) and 4. Hala (Plough). According to Digambara tradition he has all these except the first for which they substitute 'Ratnamāla'. His birth is indicated by four dreams which his mother sees.
Vasudeva, also called Nārāyana or Visnu, is the younger step-brother of Baladeva. He plays a very active role in the narrative and may be looked upon as the hero of the story. It is he who finally kills the Prativasudeva. He is rather hot-tempered whereas his elder srep-brother is very pious and gentle by nature. His is a dark complexion and he wears a yellow garment. He bears on his chest the sign of Srivatsa. He possesses a white parasol and chowries and his banner is marked with the figure of 'eagle'. He possesses seven Āyudhas : 1. a Pāñcajanya conch, 2. Sudarsana (Disc), 3. Kaumodakı-mace, 4. Sārnga bow, 5. Nandaka sword, 6, Vanamālā,

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Story of Rama in Jain Literature
a garland of wild flowers and 7. Kaustubha jewel. According to the Digambara tradi. tion he possesses all the seven except the last two for which they substitute Danda and Sakti. From the number of Ayudhas and also from the number of dreams - 7 according to the Svetambaras and 5 according to the Digambaras - which appear to his mother and announce his birth, it can be seen that the Jains represent him to be more powerful than his elder step-brother.
Prativasudeva is a mighty hero, no doubt, but he is portrayed as a tyrant. His birth is announced by 1-4 dreams, dreamt by his mother. Baladeva and Vasudeva are deeply attached to each other and for one reason or the other the two entertain hostility to the Prativāsudeva, who is an Ardha-Cakrin - one who rules three parts of the earth. In the war it is Vasudeva who kills the Prativāsudeva; the latter after death, sinks into hell as a result of his sinful deeds. Vasudeva then becomes an Ardha-Cakrin, enjoys the pleasures of kingdom for a long time and after death goes to hell as a result of 'himsa' that he has committed in war etc., and to counteract which he has not performed tapas after entering the ascetic order. After the death of Vasudeva, Baladeva finds no joy in Samsára, enters the ascetic order, practises austerities and finally obtains heaven or attains to Nirvāṇa.
The nams of these heroes are : Baladeva Vasudeva
Prativasudeva 1. Vijaya Triprsta
Ašvagriva 2. Acala Dviprsta
Taryka 3. Dharmaprabha Svayambhū
Meraka or Bhadra 4. Suprabha Puruşottama
Madhu-Kaitabha 5. Sudarsana Puruşasimha
Nisumbha 6. Ananda Pundarika
Balin 7. Nandana Datta
Prahlada 8. Padma (Rama) Lakşmaņa
Rāvana 9. (Bala-) Rāma Krşņa
Jarasandha From amongst these heroes we note that some are glorfied in the Hindu Mythology and the Epics, e.g., the 8th and the 9th sets of Baladevas, Vasudevas and Prativasudevas. Thus these 63 great men form the backbone, as it were, of Jain Mythology. From the schematic treatment of the lives of these heroes we note that the Jair Mythology 'has all the appearance of a purely constructed system'. At the same time it must be admitted that the heroes of the Rāmāyaṇa and of Kșsna-story may not have been absolutely fictitious characters. Reputed and eminent scholars of the Hindu Epics and Purānas do hold that Rama, Krşna etc., may have lived as actual human beings,

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Introduction: The Character of Juin Mythology
5. THE EXTENT OF JAIN MYTHOLOGY
The narrative literature of the Jains is very vast in extent and varied in scope. The Purapas, the Maha-Puranas, and the 'Caritras' together form one of its main types. They are written in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Apabhramśa. They treat of the biographies of the 63 Eminent Men (Salaka Purusas) that is to say the 24 Tirthakaras, and their contemporaries, the 12 Cakravartins or rulers of the world and the 27 heroes 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas and 9 Prativasudevas of antiquity. These works are usually called Puranas' by the Digambaras while 'Caritras' by the the Svetambaras. The Maha-Purana contains the lives of all the 63 prominent personalities, whereas a Purana or Carita generally deals with the life of a single Jina or some other hero. 10 The number of these works is very large and a few of them are very wide in their scope, while others confine themselves to narrow limits.
Winternitz, in his History of Indian Literature, briefly reviews the well-known Digambara Purapas (Padma-Harivathśa-, Trisestilaksana-, Maha and Uttara-Purana) and Svetämbara Caritas like Hemacandra's Trişaşți Šalaka-purusa Carita. 12 The Jains adopted almost all the favourite popular themes from Brahmanical and general Indian Literature to offer their coreligionists all that they could find elsewhere too. They also created poems of their own, which were to serve the Jain Community as a substitute for the great epics Ramayana and Mahabharata.
6. THE SUBJECT MATTER OF JAIN MYTHOLOGY
Besides the lives of the sixty three great figures the Puranas expound various topics such as the 'Anaditva' of the universe, the origin of different races, genealogies. and accounts of kings, the duties of a Sravaka ard of a Śramana, philosophy, ethics, metaphysics, criticism of the cult of animal sacrifice and of the priestly religion. No single work treats of all these subjects but, taken collectively, they may justly be described as a popular encyclopaedia of Jainism representing all phases, religious, philosophical, historical, and cultural. The Puranas claim to expound also the four subjects which comprise all human endeavour - Dharma (righteousness), Artha (wealth), Kama (love) and Mokṣa (liberation). Certain Puanas claim to give a 'history of the world' and present at the same time an encyclopaedia of all that is edifying to the picus Jain and that is worthy of his study. Thus, for example, the Adi-Purana des
9
10
11
12
13
2
9
See Dr. Upadhye's Introduction to Bṛhatkathakola, and Winternitz's History of Indian Literature Vol. II.
For example, the Mahapurana of Jinasena aad Gunabhadra or the Trişaşti-Salakāpuruşacarita of Hemacandra and Parsvanatha-Caritra, of Bhävadeva Suri.
Vol. II. pp. 486-519.
For a list of the works giving the various Jain versions of the amayana see below.
See, e. g., Pc. 118.111.

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10
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
cribes the Samshäras! 4, which acccn.pany the life of an individual from conception to death, the interpretation of dreams, and short treatises on town planning and the duties of the warr0r16 and the art of governing (Nīti)11 - besides ornate descriptions of cities, mountains, rivers and the like in accordance with the rules laid down by Alamkarikas for a Mahakāvya. The same Adi-Purāņa mentions eight topics or subjects which a Purāņa ought to deal with : (i) the universe (Loka), (ii) the country with its mountains, sea etc., - (D. śa), (iii) the city or capital (Pura), (iv) kingdom (Rajyam), (v) the life of a Jina which acts as a ford to cross the ocean of Samsāra (Tirtha) (1i) giving of alms and donations and austerities (Dana-tapas), (vii) the four conditions of existence such as hells etc., and (viii) the fruit of 'punya' and 'papa', the highest reward being ‘inokşa'.'s
7. A COMPARISON WITH THE HINDU EPICS AND PURĀŅAS
The Mahabharata and the Rāmāyana and some of the oldest Puranas are undoubtedly older than the Jain Purānas. And these served the Jains as a model - though not a perfect one - in composing their epics about Rāma, Krsna and Purāņas of the 63 prominent personalities. Broadly speaking the Jain Purāṇas and the Hindu Epics and Purānas treat of a large number of common subjects including biographies of Rāma, Kpsa, crigin of the universe, dissolution and recreation of the universe, the divisions of tine assigned to Manus (Kulakaras), ancient royal genealogies, and accounts of perscrs mentioned therein; religious instruction, the four Puruşarthas, viz., Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Moksa, the Tirthas and the benefits which they confer on pilgrims, medicine, architecture, astrology, gramo ar, tle rights and duties of a king, gnomic sayings both on morality and on worldly wisdom and the like.
The method of presentation adopted by the Jairs is the same as that of the Hindus. The legends of the Tirthakaras and others are presented in the style of ornate epic following the compileis of the Hindu Putānas. Each Pu:āņa is constructed as a discourse delivered by some person of authority to one or more hearers?': the subjects are expounded, oiten in the form of question and answer and not always methodically; and into the ratration are woven stories and discourses uttered by other pursors. These Puānas are mainly in verse. Like the Hindu Epics and Purāņas which afford us insight into all asp.cts and phases of mediaeval Hinduism, the Jain Puranas too constitute a popular encyclopaedia of mediaeval Jainism - religious, philosophical, historical, social and cultural
14 15 16 17 18 19
Chs. 38-40. Ch. 41. Ch. 16. Ch. 42. J. M. P. 4. 3. e. g., Gautami expound, the Paüml-cariya to king Srenika on the his request.

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Introdutcion : The Character of Jain Mythology
8. THE DISTINGUISHING FEATURES OF JAIN MYTHOLOGY
The Hindus have got besides the 18 Purānas proper, an equal number of secondary works of the same class called Upapurāņas, the Jains bave nothing to correspond to these Upapurānas. While the Hindu Purāņas are primarily an extension, amplification and illustration of the spiritual truths stated in the Vedas in the form of injunctions and commards, the Jaina Purāṇas criticise and condemn the Vedic cult of animal sacrifice and the priestly religion, and amplify and illustrate the Jain ethics, the duties of a Jain householder, and of a Jain monk; in unequivocal words they condemn the incredible legends and coirgs of the Hindu Putānic deities; they illustrate the inexorable law of Karman that governs every one's destiny and there is no place for any god bestowing favours and meting out punishments. There are, however, a few stories and incidents in which sen. i-divine or Leavenly (to be distinguished from the liberated) beings come to the rescue of Jain devout souls at crucial moments in their life. Exceptional sanctity is bestowed on life and Ahimsa is the highest moral principle guiding all human affairs. Siamanic id: ology is always kept in the forefront. Tirthakaras and munis are introduced who give discourses on Jain ethics, dogmatics and shilosophy, preach the worthlessness of worldly pleasures and inculcate love for liberation. The principal heroes and important personages are shown to have accepted the duties of a Jain householder or entered the a cetic order and in the end attaining to heaven or liberation. Whereas the heroes o! the Hind'u epics move in an entirely Brahmanical atmosphere in the Jain Purāņas the dharna preached by the Jains is everywhere very much to the fore. No doubt the Hindu epics and Purāņas speak of belief in transmigration and refer to past births but in the Jain epics and Purāņas the past and future lives of the heroes are told with a great wealth of detail. Whereas the epics and the Puranas of the Hindus regard Räma and Kysa as human beings who walked the earth eiling their supreme divine glory - incarnations of God Vişnu and glorify the trinity of Brahn:ā, Vişnu and Mahesa and many other cetjes, the Jain Purānas en ply the stories of their divine elements - to them Rāma and Krsna are no divine ir carnations and gods such as Indra etc., do not shine prominently in their mythology. It is the 63 Salākā-Puruşas that are celebrated in the Jain epics and Purāņas. Trese Salākā-Puruşas include the Tirthakaras whom the Jains venerate and worship as the Hindus do their gods - theoretically the Jains refuse to recognise gods and although their Jinas bear the app atar.ce of deities on account of the irresistible Brabmanical influence, the Jinas are still tereft of the power of creation and destruction of the universe, of punishment or forgiveness of sins. Although all the Vedic gods do not retain their prominent position in the Brahmanical Epics and Puranas still a few of them such as Indra, Agni, Varuna, the Sūrya etc., hold important positions. The Jain urānas do refer to a few Vedic deities such as Indra, Varuna, etc., but they do not occupy places of supreme importance - they are subordinated to the great Tirthakaras. Some of the godlings mentioned in the Rgveda are termed as a class of Vyantaras and given comparatively greater prominence.

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
9. THE RĀMA STORY IN JAIN MYTHOLOGY
The threc principal characters of the Rāma legend are drawn from among the 63 Salākā-purusas. They are Padma (Rāma), Laksmana and Ravana who form the 8th set of Baladeva, Vasudeva and Prativasudeva. Of all the 27 heroes they enjoy supreme popularity and Balarama, Krsna and Jarāsandha stand next to them in popularity. That the Rāma story is nost popular with the Jains can be seen from the number of works which treat of it right from the first century down to 17th century AD. We give below a list of important works which sing of the glory of Rāma :
1. Paüma-cariya of Vimala Sūri (4 A.D. or 62 AD) 2. Vasudevahindi of Sanghadaa (not later than 609 A D.) 3. Padmapurāņa of Ravişena (678 A.D.) 4. Paüma-Carjü of Svayambhū (middle of the Sth cenrury A.D. ?) 5. Caupannamahāpurisacariya of Silācārya (868 A.D.) 6. Uttarapurāna of Gunabhadra (9th century A.D.) 7. Bịhat-Kathākośa of Harişeņa (931-32 A.D.) 8. Mahāpurāņa of Puspadanta (965 A.D.) 9. Kahā ali of Bhadreśvara (11th century A.D.) 10. Yogaśāstra-svopajña-vítti of Humacandra (latter half of the 12th century A.D.) 11. Trişastišalakāpuruşacarita of Hemacandra
-do- ) 12. Satruñjayamābātmya of Dhanesvara (14th century A.D.) 13. Punyacandrodayapurāņa of Krşnadāsa (1528 A.D.) 14. Rāmacarita of Devavijayaganin (1596 A.D.) 15. Laghutrişaştisalakāpuruşacaritra of Meghavijaya (second half of the 17th
century A.D.) The Dhurtākhyāna of Haribhadra (750 A.D.) and the Dharmapariksā of Amitagati (1014 A.D) casually treat of the story of Rāma. The work of Svayambhū is not yet published in full. The works of Krsnadāsa, Devavijaya and Meghavijaya are not accessible to me.
Jinaratnakośa notices some other Jain works which treat the subject-matter of the Rāmāyana :
1. Siyācariya of Bhuvanatunga Sūri. 2. Rāmalakkhanacariya of Bhuvanatunga Sūri. 3. Padmapurāņa by Somasena. 4. Padmapurāņa by Dharmakirti.

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Introduction : The Character of Jain Mythology
5. Padmapurana by Candrakirti. 6. Padmapurāņa by Candrasāgara. 7. Padmapurāņa by Śsicandra. &. Pacmapurāņa (also known as Ramadevapurāna) by Jinadāsa, pupil of Sakala
kirti (the author follows Raviş na's Padmapurana in his work). 9. Padmapurāna (also krown as Rāmāyana) by Pampa. 10. Cāmundarāyapurāņa (also called Trişuşti-Salākā Purana or Trișașt Purāņa)
by Cāmundarāya (pupil of Jinasena) in Kanarese language. 11. Trişasti mahāpurana (also called as Trişastiśalākāpurāņa or Mahāpurāņa) by
Mallisena (pupil of Jinasena). It is in Sanskrit. It was composed in 1077 A.D. 12. Trisast lakṣaramahāpurāna (or simply Mahāpurāņa) (or Laghumahāpurāņa)
by Candramuni. 13. Trişastišalakāpuruşacaritra (in Sanskrit prose) by Vimala Sūri. 14. Trişussalākapuruşacarita (Gadya) by Vajrasena. 15. Trişaşsa sti by Āsādhiara Pandit (in 1236 A.D.) 16. Dvisardhāpakāvya (also called Rāghavapāņdaviya) by Dhananjaya, a Digani
bara writer. 17. Mahāpuruşacarita (also called Dharmopadeśaśataka or Upadeśaśataka) in five
cantos by Merutunga (pupil of Candraprabhasūri of the Nāgendra Gaccha). 18. Mahāpuruşacarita (in 8790 Prakrit Gātkās) by Amrasūri. No MSS. are
known so far. 19. Raghuvilāsanāțaka by Rāmacandra (pupil of Hemacandra). 20. Raghavābhyudayanāțaka by (
do ). 21. Saptasandhānamahäkävya (a small poem in nine cantos, in which every verse
is capable of seven interpretations connected with the seven great persons - five Jinas, Kịşņa and Rāma) composed in 1704 A.D. by Meghavijayagani
(pupil of Kępāvijaya of the Tapā Gaccha). 22. Sita-Carita (in Prakrit) anonymous. 23. Sita-Caritra (in Prakrit) anonymous. 24. Sītā-Caritra by Sānti Sūri. 25. Sita-Caritra by Brahma Nemidatta. 26. Sita-Caritra of Amaradása. 27. Sitā-Caritra (a Kāvya in four cantos containing 95, 99, 153 and 209 stanzas
respectively). 28. Sitā-prabandha (in Sanskrit) anonymous.

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Story of Rama in Jain Literature
29. Sītāgātaka (also called Maithili-Kalyāṇanāțaka) by Hastimalla, son of
Govindabhatta. 30. Trișașțisāra by Harişena, pupil of Vajrasena.
These works noticed in the Jina-Ratna-Kosa probably do not contain any new remarkable features but repeat in their own language what the older Jain writers have already said. This long list of unpublished works is given here only to indicate the tremendous popularity of the Rama legend with the Jaias.
With this background of the character and extent of the Jain Mythology and its distinguishing features from the Hindu Mythology we now turn to the study of the Jain Rāmāyaṇas, accessible to us.

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Chapter II
PAÜMA-CARIYA OF VIMALA SŪRI
Paümacariya is the earliest Jain work dealing with the story of Rāma. It is written in Prakrit' and in the Aryā metre. The life of Padma - another name of Rāma is told here in 118 Cantos, of which the first 35 are cal'ed Uddesas and the rest Parvans.? As this epic forms the basis of many poems by later Jain poets we give here a detailed summary of its contents. CANTO I :
The poet opens his work with the customary benediction. He pays homage to Tirthankaras and other ver erable ones such as the Ganadharas etc. He then discloses his intention of describing the 'Life of Rāma' as handed down by tradition. He mentions the seven topics that constitute bis Purāņa. They are (1) Origin of the Universe, (2) Origin of the various dynasties, (3) Rāma's departure to the forest, (4) War between Rära and Rāvana, (5) Birth of Lava and Ankusa, (6) the various existences, and (7) Emancipation from the cycle of birth and death. Then he sets forth the synoptic contents." (Table of Contents ) CANTO II :
The country of Magadha, the city of Rajapura and the king Srenika are de: cribed at length. Then follow's a short description of Mahävira's life. Once Mahavira,
1 Modern scholars designate the Prakrit of the Pc as Jain Māhārāştri. 2 Why the poet uses two words for 'a canto' and not one consistently we cannot say. 3 The poet repeatedly stresses the point that the story he is telling, is handed down by tradi
tion right from Lord Mahavira. See e. g., the following verses: 1. 10, 29, 31, 33, 90; and see also Pc. 118, 102.
We will, later on, discuss the significance of this tradition. 4 The nature of and definition of Purana according to the Hindus and the Jains we discuss
under General Remarks. 5 Instead of reproducing these synoptic contents we give at the end of summary of each
canto the title in translation) which is eloqucnt of its contents. 6 This account does not speak of the transference of the foetus from the womb of Devananda,
a Brahmana lady to that of the qucen mother of the royal household. Nor does it mention whether Mahāvira was married. This significant fact would indicate that Vimal was a Digambara.
v. 65 of this canto tells us that Prthivi, Jala, Agni, Vayu, Vanaspati are Sthāvara (immobile). It is in accordance with the Digambara view. Accordirg to the Svetambaras Pịthivi, Jala, and Vanaspati alone are Sthāvara.
v. 30 speaks of Mahavira, when he obtains, 'Kevala-jñāna as free from 8 kinds of karmas'. This is very extraordinary! Normally, we are told, only 4 Ghati-Karmas are annihilated on this occasion.

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
on Gautama's request gave a sermon upon Jiva and Samsāra on the Vipula hill in the presence of gods etc.? Among those present was king Sreņika. When the king had returned home, he dreamt about the Jina, and the next morning he made the following reflection :
"I entertain grave doubts regarding the popular Rāma story. How is it possible that the mighty demon (Rākşasa ) heroes were killed by the monkeys (Vānaras ) ? And the Rākşasas with Rāvana at their head, who were of noble descent are described as meat-eaters ! Aga'n it is said that, in spite of all disturbances, Kumbhakarna s'ept for six months and then after waking up, devoured elephants and the like and then again slept for six months. Then again it is said that Indra, the lord of the three worlds, was taken prisoner by Rāvana. If we believe this accourt we might as well as believe that the lion is killed by a deer and the elephant by a dog. These Rāma stories are indeed full of absurdities and lies. The king naturally desired to sce the Jina with a view to obtaining enlightenment on such matters of doubt. (Srenika's Reflection )
CANTO III :
The king with his retinue repairs to Gautama; and expresses his desire to hear the true story of Rāma in view of the perverted account given by the teretics. For example, they say that Rāvana the demon, was routed by Monkeys; that Rāma pierced a golden-deer with his arrow; that he killed Valin treacherously to favour Sugrīva and Tārā; that Rävaņa put Indra in prison; that Kumbhakarna slept for half a year; that the Monkeys constructed bridge across the great sea.' He, therefore, requests Gautama to instruct him correctly regarding the 1f: of Rāma. Gautama declares his willingness to impart to the king what Mahāvira himself proclaimed. 10 For, Rävana was neither a demon nor a flesh-eater. All th s which bad poets relate about Rāvana is indeed false,"11 Gautama declares his intention to instruct the king first as to place and time and then as to the lives of great men.
The narrative begias in a true Purina style, 12 with a description or the universe and the life history of Rşabha, the first Tirthankara, who lived in the Golden Age,
harman's der General Rama story Prion or
7 This is how a Digarabara narrative opens, whereas the work of a Svetāri bara poet begins
with Sudharman's address to Jambu ! 8 vv. 106-117. Under General Remarks that follow the summary we take up a critical discu
ssion on the recension of the Rāma story presumed by these questions. 9 We shall discuss later on in what recension or recensions of Ramayana we get such
statements. 10 vv. 8-14. 11 sa le faqa', iz FT II III. 15 12 The poem calls itself a Purāņa in the opening (I. 32) and concluding (CXVIIL UI) Cantos.

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when there were only three castes, Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and Sūdras. The origin of the Vidyadharas, a kind of demigods is related. Nami and Vipami due to Indra's favour founded their kingdom on the ranges of the Vaitādhya mountain. (Description of the region of the Vidyadharas.)
CANTO IV :
Canto IV relates the wanderings of Rşabha and his obtainment of perfect knowledge. The battle between Bharata and Bahubali is described; and the origin of the Brāhmaṇas13 during Rşabha's period is related. The capto at the close informs us of Rşabha's nirvāna. (The topics of the arrangement of the things in the world, Rşabha and the origin of Brāhmaṇas )
CANTO V:
Canto V speaks of the origin of four great families -- Iksvaku, Soma, Vidyadhara and Harivamsa; it parrates the story of Ajita, the second Jina with all manner of preliminary stories and of Sagara;14 it also describes the history of the Rakşasa dynasty of Lankā-dvipa. It is interesting to note the etymology of the word Rakşasa. 16 (The Topic of the Dynasty of the Räkşasas. ) CANTO VI :
Canto VI tells the story of the Vānara dynasty. On the Vānąradvipa there was the city of Kişkindhi. Srikantha, at the instance of the Lord of Lankā ruled over it. Srikantha found there troops of Vanaras whom he held in regard. The arches of gates, banners and the like were decorated with the paintings of Vānaras who were looked upon with veneration by the kings in the family of Srikantha. The Vidyādhas a race of Srikantha came to be called Vanaras owing to
13 vv. 115-17 of the previous canto speak of the origin of the three castes - Ksatriyas. Vaisyas
and Sūdras. It is said there that Rşabha was the author of the threefold order of castes according to their varying functions. And y. 79-84 of this canto speak of the Brāhmaṇas. Note why the Brāhmaṇas are so-called
मा हणसु पुत्त एए ज. उसभजिणेण वारिओ भरहो ।
तेण इमे सयल च्चिय वुच्चति च माहणा लोए ॥ As against this we are told in the Hindu scriptures (e. g., see Manusmộti Ch. I. v. 87 ff.) that the four castes are created from the mouth, arms, thighs and feet of the creator and that of them the Brāhmaṇas are the highest. The account given here, demonstrates the
profound antagonism of the Jains towards the Brahmanas. 14 The story of Sagara and his 60000 sons, told here, is very much different from the one
given in the Valmiki's Rāmāyana ( Book I. 38-44). 15 वखंति रक्खसा खलु दीवा पुण्णेण रक्खिया जेण ।
qui ft Aliut #gali FC 11 - V. 257

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
this badge of Vănaras. 16 The canto, further, relates the fight between the Vidyadharas on one side and the Vanaras and the Rākşasas on the other, the defeat of the latter, their shelter in the Pātāla-Lankā, the revenge taken by the sons of the defeated heroes, and finally the entering into ascctic order of the heroes and their followers. ( The topic of Entering the Ascetic Order of the Raksasas and Vāparas.)
CANTO VII :
Canto VII treats of Indra, the overlord of the Vidyadharas, of Soma, Varuna, Kubera and Yama, the guardians of the universe, of Vaiśramaņa (who is distinct from Kubera, a cousin of Rāvana) and the birth of Ravana, his sister Candranakhā, and his brothers Bhanukarņa and Vibhișana. Rāvana and his brothers acquire enormous magic powers by virtue of penance.1? v.v. 135-145 give the names of these different lores. These are: (1) Ākāśa-gāmini (the power to travel in the air), (2) Kāma-dayini, (3) Kamagāmi, (4) Durnitārā, (5) Jagat-Kampā, (6) Prajñapti ( esoteric knowledge), (7) Bhānumālini, (1) Laghimā (power of assuming excessive lightness at will), (9) Animā (power of becoming as small as an atom), (10) Manas-stambha-kāriņi (the power to cast spell on others ), (11) Akşobhyā (unconquerable will), (12) Saṁvāhini, (13) Suradhvamsi, (14) Kaumāni, (15) Vadha-Kāriņi, (16) Suvidhânā, (17) Tamorūpå, (18) Vipulākari, (19) Dahanī, (20) Subhadāyini, (21) Rajorūpā, (22) Dina-rātri-vidhāyini (the power by which day and night can be produced at one's will), (23) Vajrodarī, (24) Samaksști, (25) Ajarāmarā, (26) Visamjñā, (27) Jala-stambhani (power of making oneself water proof), (28) Agni-stambhani (power of making oneself fire-proof), (29) Giri-Dāriņi, (30) Avalokani (power to see through all things), (31) Aridhvamsi, (32) Ghorā, (33) Vijā, (34) Bhujangini (the power to live upon air ), (35) Varuni, (36) Bhuvanā, (37) Dăruni, (38) Madanāśini, (39) Ravi-tejā, (40) Bhaya-janani, (41) Aiśāni, (42) Jaya, (43) Vijaya, (44) Bandhani, (45) Varahi, (46) Kuţilakņti ( the text separates the two words as 'Kudila' and Kitti'), (47) Vātodbhavā, (48) Sakti, (49) Kauberi, (50) Sankari, (51) Yogesi, (52) Bala-mathani, (53) Candāli, (54) VarşiniThese lores Rāyana acquired. And the lores acquired by Bhānukarna are: (1) Sarvarha, (2) Rati-vặddhi, (3) Akāśa-gāmini, (4) Jțmbhani, (5) Nidrāņi and by Vibhișaņa : (1) Siddharthā, (2) Aridamani, (3) Nirvyāghātā, (4) Kha-gāmini. Rāvana was not a ten-headed monster. He was called 'Dasa-mukha' because his face reflected in the
16
The interpretation of the 'Vānaras' as Vidyadharas with monkeys as their badge is obviously realistic.
17 In this canto we are told of the severe austerities which Rāvana and his brothers practise.
They all stand heroically all the horrible and dreadful upasargas caused by the Yakşa-chief of Jambüdvipa. 'This tapas invests them with a spiritual glory and grandeur which is at once striking. Especially Rāvana proves the most heroically calm of the brothers when he faces the heart-rending apparitions. He remains motionless (like the prince among mountains ) deeply absorbed in his yogic contemplation. This shows his high character and a
ssion worth c anoneths wonderful command over passion, worthy of a prince of ascetics.'

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Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Suri
nine gems of the wondrous string of pearls which his mother hung around his neck. 18 ( Acquisition of magic lores by Rāvana )
CANTO VIII :
Canto VIII tells us of Rāvana's marriage with Mandodari, the daughter of a Vidyādhara king called Maya. He, on one occasion marries by Gandharva form of marriage 6000 Vidyadhara damsels. Kumbhakaiņa marrjes Taditmājā, daughter of Mahodara - the king of Kumbhapura, Vibhişaņa the daughter of Vīra, the king of Jyotiḥprabha. Mandodari gives birth to two sons Indrajit and Meghavāhana. As Kumbnakarņa violated the territory of Vajśramana, the lord of Lankā, there was a hard battle between Rāvana and the lord of Lankā; the latter was routed. Vaiśramaņa accepted asceticism. Rāvana took possession of the wondrous Puspaka Vimāņa. On his way to Lankā he paid homage to the Jinālayas on the Sammeta' mountain." These Jinālayas were constructed by Harişeņa, the 10th Cakravartin.20 There he captured an elephant-jewel whom he named Bhuvanālamkāra. The canto relates Rāvana's fight with Yama whom he deseats Yama seeks Indra's shelter. Indra bestows on him the kingdom of 'Suraggiya' and leaves the matter there. Rava!a then enters in all pomp and glory, the city of Lanka. This canto specifically mentions that Kumbhakarna was really a pious man and that the heretics have misrepresented him in their accounts.21 (Rāvana enters the city of Lankā.)
CANTO IX :
Rāvana sends a messenger to Valin, the lord of Kişkindhi asking him to salute him (Rāvana) and offer his sister in marriage to him. Vālin owing to his vow of not saluting any one except the Jinas refuses to accede to his request. Rāvana invades Kişkindhi. Välin, although a match for Ravana takes to asceticism putting his brother Sugrīva on the throne. Sugriva complies with Rāvana's request. Once Rāyana's aerial car is found to be stopped on the Aştāpada mountain owing to the presence there of the monk Valin; Rāvana, enraged, lifts the mountain with a view to throwing it down along with Vālin in an ocean. In order to protect the Jain shrines Vālin presses with his thumb, the mountain down, Gods are pleased at Valin's performance.
18 .... gorunt quan 9 AISEA TIETTI 11
रयणकिरणेसु एत्तो मुहाइ नव निययवयणसरिसाई । हारे दिहाई फुडं तेण कयं दहमुहो नाम ।।
This is clearly a realistic interpretation of the epithet of Rāvana who in the Rāmāyaṇa (III. 9 f.) of Valmiki is a ten-headed monster and is therefore called Daśagriya 19 See v. 138 : 993 Halantat fa759914913Tall
दीसंति पुत्त एए जिणालया रयणविच्छुरिया ॥ . 20 Note : vv. 143-210 give his life-story, 21 Read vv. 58-60.

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Story of Râma in Jain Literature
He then withdraws the pressure. Rāvana, who is now free, pays homage to the monk, and sings the glory of the Jinas. Dharana, the lord of the Nägas is pleased with Rāvana's devotion and bestows on him an Amogha-Vijaya Sakti. The canto concludes saying Valin attained Liberation. ( Valin attains Nirvana )
CANTO X :
Tărâ was the daughter of a Vidyādhara King. Sahasagati, a Vidyadhara prince and Sugriva seek her hand in marriage. Knowing from a monk that Sähasagati's span of life was short, Tārā's father gives her in marriage to Sugriva. Angada and Jayapanda are born of her. Sāhasagati, who is consumed by passion of love for Tarā, now begins to attain a lore for changing one's form. Rāvana sets out to conquer all the world. Kharadūşıņa, the lord of Pājala-Lankā, and Sugriva accompany Rāvana in his march. Rāvana comes across the river Narmadā, enters it to have a bath. Now there was a king, Sahasrakirana by name, of Māheśvara. He, with his 1000 ladies was enjoying water-sports in that river. His water sports come in the way of Rāvana who was worshipping the idols of Jinas on the bank of the river after he had finished his bath. Knowing this Rāvana sends his army to punish the guilty. His army was, however, defeated. Ra/ana then himself marches against the king, defeats him and takes him prisoner. A monk, who was the father of Sahasrakirana in his grhasthā śrama, intervenes and tells Rāvana to free him. Rāvana agrees to his request. Rāvana is prepared to look upon Shasrakirana as his brother and offer him his sister-in-law, called Svayamprabha. He declines and enters the ascetic order. He sends a message to Anaranya, the lord of Ayodhyā, informing him, of his dikșa. He too, entrusting the kingdom to his son, called Dasaratha, enters the order. (March of Råvana and Sugriva and entering the Ascetic order by Sahasrakirana and Anaranya.)
"CANTO XI :
Ravana establishes sovereignty over the whole world; and being a great devotee of the Jinas, he restores ruined Jain shrines.93 The canto tells of the Origin of
22 In this canto we are told that Kharadüşana abducts Candranakhā; Ravana on knowing it is
entaned, wants to kill the ruffian, Mandodati interventes in the interests of her sister-in-law and Rāvana is paeified. Kharadusana driving away Candrodara, a Vidyadhara who ruled over Patala-Lankā, usurps that kingdom. Now after the death of Candrodara, his pregnant wife with no shelter left, wanders in forests. She gives birth to a son called Viradhita. This Viradhita - later on we are told in canto 45, vv. 1-4-goes to help Laksmana, and with the áld of the two brothers hie wins back his kingdom of Pātāla-Lankā. Vālmiki (in Aranya
kända) tells of Virādha a man-eating giant that was killed by Rāma. 23 "Ravana defeats and makes the kings his vassals, and not kills them. Kings seldom die at
his hands. Unlike the Rāvana of Valmiki this Ravana has great reverence towards Jain ascetics. He restores ruined Jain-shrines and stops animal sacrifices. All this certainly demonstrates his dobility and largeness of heart.

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Animal-sacrifice. 24 A Brāhmana had a son Parvata and two pupils, Narada and prince Vasu. Once hearing the words of a sadhu that one of them would go to hell, the Brāhmana turned a monk. One day thereafter there arose a dispute between Närada and Parvata as to the true meaning of 'Aja'. The former thought that 'Aja' means the 'Yava corp (three years old )' while the latter held that it means 'a goat'. Parvata however agreed to accept the explanation given by Vasu as true. He sent his mother to Vasu, who was now king, to persuade him to take his side. The next day they all went to Vasu's Durbāra. He told a lie to support Parvata, whereupon he entered hell. Parvata practised 'blame-worthy ascetic practices' (Kucchiya-tavam), died and was born as a Rākşasa, and in the guise of a Brāhmaṇa he introduced animal-sacrifices. Now, once, king Marut was performing animal sacrifice. Narada declares to him that the sacrificial acts should be interpreted in the spiritual sense : "The sacrificial animals which are to be killed, are the passions and the senses, the sacrificial fee, which is to be paid, is truth, forbearance, and ahiṁsā, right faith, conduct and selfcontrol are the gods Brahma and others; the reward (to be expected ) is (not heaven, but ) nirvāna; those, however, who really slaughter sacrificial animals, go to hell like hunters after their death.” At this the Brāhmaṇas get enraged and beat Närada. Rāvana goes to his rescue. He beats the Brāhmaṇas, sets free tbe sacrificial animals, breaks the sacrificial arrangements, and enjoins on the Brāhmaṇas not to perform such sacrifices. At Narada's instance he stopped beating the Brāhmaṇas; king Marut seeks Rāvana's favour; he offers his daughter in marriage to Ravana. In the end the canto tells us how people everywhere accorded a hearty welcome to Ravana.2 5 (Destruction of Marut's animal-sacrifice and Love of the People towards Rāvana.) CANTO XII :
Ravana offers his daughter, Manorama in marriage to Prince Madhu of Mathură, whom an Asura had given as gift a wondrous Sūla (Indrabhūti narrates the previous life-history of Madhu to satisfy Sreņika's curiosity). Conquering the whole world within eighteen years Ravana goes to Astăpada mountain with a view to worshipping the Jinas. The canto then describes the fight between Ravana and Nalakūbara, the Lokapala. With the help of Uparambhā, the wife of Nalakübara, who falls in love 24 "The animal sacrifices of the Brahmaņas are based on the Vedas. According to Jain tradi
tion, the Vedas were at one-time based upon the doctrine of Ahimsa and became perverted later on through the personal rivalry between the two teachers Parvata and Nārada at the time of king Vasu. It holds that animal-sacrifices were introduced later on. 'Curiously this story occurs in the Mahabharata also and the same king Vasu was responsible for the mischievous interpretation introducing animal sacrifice.
The Jains, like the Buddhists, are bitterly opposed to bloody sacrifices, In many Jain works we find that the animal sacrifices are condemned and that they interpret these sacria fices spiritually. One whole chapter, 'The True Sacrifice (Uttaradhyayana, Chapter XXV) is directly written against the Brāhmaṇas. This story of the Origin of the Sacrific.' is found in the Vasudeva-hindi (Anäriya-veduppatti, pp. 189 ff.).

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with him (Rāvana ), he is able to take Nalakübara prisoner. Ravana exhorts Up2. rambhā to enjoy pleasures in her husband's company and thus keep up her chastity.23 He sets her husband free.
Rāvana then goes to Vaitādhya mountain. Then follows the description of a fight between Rāvana and Indra, the lord of the Vidyadharas. Ultimately Indra is defeated, taken captive and is brought in triumph to Lankā. 2 8
(Rāvana's march towards Vaitadhya mountain; Taking prisoner of Indra and his entrance in Lankā)
CANTO XIII :
Sahasrara, Indra's father, goes to Linkā and requests Rāvana to release Indra. Rāvana sets him free on condition that In Ira daily carries out the job of sweeping Lanka clean etc. Indra is not happy at his release. Once he meets a monk called Nirvāna-san zama. Indra requests him to tell him about his previous life. The monk narrate; to him his past births. In one of those births he was born as Taditprabha, the king of Sūryāyarta. There was then another king by name Anandamálin, who ruled over Candravarta. Once they attended the svayamvara of Ahalyā, who chose Anaadamālin as her husband. Taditprabha (i. e. your soul) entertained enmity towards Anandamālin for this reason. Later on Anandamalin became a monk. You recognized him and molested him. As a result of that you suffered this humiliation at Rāvana's hands. Indra, learning this, places Viryadatta, his son, on the throne and turns a monk. Destroying all Karman he attains to bliss. (Indra attains Nirvāņa)
CANTO XIV :
Rávaņa visits Jain shrines on the Meru mountain, where the gods are paying homage to Anantavirya, who has obtained perfect knowledge and he hears the sermon of the latter upon karman, dāna, the duties of monks and the duties of householders. Thereupon Rāvana takes the vow that he would not enjoy (lit. seek) another's wife,
25 Vide vv. 77-81. 26 Note : vv. 105-107 describ: Rāvana's handsome figure. This description of Ravana is in
sharp contrast to the one given by Valmiki.
vv. 108-110 show that Rāvana was a model king and at that a very popular one. 27. This incident of Uparambha shows Rāvana in favourable light. Although she offers herself
to him, he regards her as his Guru for she teaches him a wondrous Āsālikā lore. Note his words: ... aa qualeat fáa, 7 athai là qrafi | XII. 576
391141 HE TH' TE HTI XII. 69 a 28 Note that Rāvaņa defeats Indra, the overlord of the Vidyadharas and not that Indra, the
lord of gods !

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howsoever beautiful she might be nor his own if she be disinclined towards him, (Religious sermon by Anantavirya.)
23
CANTO XV;
This sermon is also responsible for the conversion of Hanumat, the son of Pava nañjaya who, in turn, is the son of Kirtimati and Prahlada, the king of Adityapura on Vaitaḍhya mountain. Mahendra, the Vidyadhara king of Mahendra-nagara had offered his beautiful daughter, Anjanasundari by name, to Pavanañjaya in marriage. (Wedding of Anjana-sundar! with Pavananjaya.)
CANTO XVI:
Pavananjaya abandons his wife suspecting that she secretly loved another youth Vidyut-prabha. The canto then tells of the fight between Ravana and Varuna. Kharadûşana is taken captive; Ravana seeks shelter in Fatala-Lanka; from there he sends. word to all his tributory princes and thus intends to mobilise his forces again. Pavanañjaya sets out to help Ravana. On his way he comes across a lake where he sees a female cakravaka bird suffering the terrible pangs of separation from her mate. Pavananjaya at once remembers the sad plight of his wife deserted for a period of twenty-two years. He puts his minister in charge of the army and with a friend of his returns to Añjana's mansion. There he tenders his apology to her and the two enjoy love sports. Next morning Pavanañjaya starts to join his party. Finding Añjana nervous as she fears conception, he hands over to her his signet-ring. (Enjoyment of pleasures by Pavanañjaya and Añjar..)
CANTO XVII :
Finding Anjana to be pregnant, her mother-in-law, who is not prepared to believe. her account drives her out of her house; the people at her paternal home too repudiate her. She enters a dense forest; meets a monk called Amitagati. He narrates the past lives of the soul in her womb and predicts that her son would be a great pious hero. He also tells of Anjana's past life. In that life she had thrown out of her house an idol of Jina and that this sin of hers is responsible for her present misery.30 In due course Añjana gives birth to a son. A Vidyadhara, who proves to be her maternal uncle meets her and consoles her. Then they all leave that forest and wander through the sky. The child falls on a mountain-slab but is unhurt. They, then, all enter Hanuruha city. The child's birth-day ceremony is celebrated with great pomp by the Vidyadharas. The child that broke the mountain-slab
29 जइ वि हु मुरुवयंता परमहिला तो वह न पत्येमि ।
नियया वि अप्पसण्णा विलया एवं वय मज्झ || Canto XIV. v. 153.
30 Such motifs are frequently made use of by Jain authors with a view to bringing out the greatness of Jainism.

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by its fall was appropriately named Srisaila. He was also called Hanumat as he was accorded a warm reception in the city of Hanupura.81 (Birth of Hanumat.)
CANTO XVIII :
Now, Pavanañjaya goes to Varuna, makes peace with him and gets Kharadüşaņa released. Ravana is pleased with him. He returns home. He is impatient to meet Añjana. He comes to know of Anjana's sad plight. He makes a determined effort to find her out. Ultimately he is united with Añjana and their son Hanumat.97 (Union of Pavapañjaya and Añjana.)
CANTO XIX :
Canto XIX tells of Ravana's fight with Varuna. Hanūmat is an ally of Råvana Hanūmat has some heroic exploits to his credit. Rāvana takes Varuņa prisoner. Later on he takes pity on Varuna and sets him free. 3 3 Through Rāvana Hanūmat receives a thousand wives. Now, without any rival, Rāvana rules over the whole world and obtains a cakra and danda-ratna - the symbols of sovereignty over the entire earth. [Ravana's sovereignty (lit. kingdom). ]
CANTO XX :
Canto XX treats of the Jinas, the rulers of the world, the Baladevas and Väsudevas. 34
(The Proclamation of the Tirthakaras and others.)
CANTO XXI :
Canto XXI tells us of the life of muni-Suvrata; in the same dynasty (Harivamsa) is born Janaka as the son of Vasavaketu and Ilā. The canto further describes the Iksvaku dynasty wherein are born Vijaya, the lord of Saketa, his sons Vajrabāhu and Purandara; Vijaya and Vajrabahu become monks. Purandra now becomes the king. Kirtid hara is born as a son to him. He, in due course, becomes the ruler, enjoys the kingdom for some years, places his son called Sukošala on the throne and himself accepts asceticism. (Proclamation of the greatness of Suvrata, Vajrabahu and Kirtidhara.)
31 Vide vv. 120-21. 32 v. 49 and 51 give the etymology of Srisaila and of Hanumat in a slightly altered form as
compared with vv. 102-21 of Canto 17. 33 Rāvana on finding that the city of Varuna was being plundered to the great misery of the
people there, stops his Raksasa warriors from doing so and feeling pity for them sets their
ruler Varuna (and his son) free! 34 vy. 97-98 indicate that Malli, Aristanemi, Páráva Mahavira and Väsupūjya renounced Sam
Sāra as kumāras. This reference, where Malli is one of the 'kumāra-siba's (for acc. to the Digambaras Malli was a male Tirthankara) and Mahāvīra is said to have not married, is favourable to the Digambara authorship of the epic.

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CANTO XXII :
Canto XXII relates the greatness of Sukošala who accepts dikşa. In that Ukşvāku dynasty of Säketa, is born, after a long succession of kings, Anaranya. He has a wife called Pythvi She gives birth to two sons Anantaratha and Daśaratha. Anaranya with his elder son accepts asceticism, after placing Dasaratha on the throne. Dasaratha marries Aparājitā (better known as Kausalyā), the daughter of king Sukošala and his wife Amstaprabhā. He also marries Sumitia, 3s the daughter of king Subandhu-tilaka of the city Kamalasankulapura. (Birth of Dasaratha and the greatness of Sukošala )
CANTO XXIII :
Once Nārada comes to Daśaratha and informs him that while he was wandering in Purva-vidcha he heard an astrologer saying that Ravana would meet his death at the hands of Dasaratha's son, the daughter of Janaka being the cause of their fight; Vibbişana in order to remove danger to Kāvana's life intends to kill Dasaratha himself. Nārada informs Janaka also. Both the kings run away and wander in disguise. The ministers keep ready their replicas made of clay. Vibhişana arrives at Ayodhya, kills the supposed' Dasaratha and ignoring Janaka returns home (Lanka' ). (Vibhisana's vow)
CANTO XXIV :
King Dasaratha wins Ka keyi, the daughter of King Subhamati, who ruled over Kautukamangala town in the North. Others who were present at the svayamvara are enraged at Kaikeyi's choice and fight against Dasaratha. In the fight Kaikeyi conducts the chariot of her husband and thus receives a boon from him which she keeps in reserve. (Obtainment of a Boon by Kaikeyi.)
CANTO XXV :
Dasaratha's three wives give birth to four sons Padma (better known as Rama ) is born of Aparajitā, Lakşmana of Sumitrā; Bharata and Satrughna are born to him by Kaikeyi. They are handed over to a teacher to train them in the art of throwing missiles etc. In due course they become expert in arts ard science of war. (The topic of the four brothers.)
35 Her name is mentioned in the text as Kaikeyi. We, however, stick to the well-known namo
Sumitrā to avoid confusion. 36 The poet very skilfully introduces here the prophecy about Rāvana's death. Vibhișana,
alarmed at the prophecy, intends to kill Dasaratha and thus remove the prime source of danger to Rāvana's life. Alas! poor Vibhişana ‘kills' the clay image only (and not Dasaratha) and thinks he has removed the source of danger to Rāvana's life. Here destiny deceives him!

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CANTO XXVI:
A king Cakradhvaja had a daughter Atisundara who eloped with a fellow-student called Madhupingala, the son of a Purohita. The couple lived together in Vidarbha. Once, a prince Kundala-mandita, enamoured of her, took her away. Madhupingala wandered in search of her and then became a monk. Kundalamandita lived in an inaccessible fort and began to invade the territory of king Anaranya. A vassal of the king, however, took Kundalamandita captive. The king after some time released him. He wandered in order to obtain his father's kingdom. But on his way he met his death. The soul of a Des1 and of this Kundalamandita are, as a result of karman conceived in the womb of Videtà, the wife of Janaka. Meanwhile Madhupingala is dead, and born as a god. He knows by his avadhi knowledge that his enemy, Kundalamandita is conceived in the womb of Videha. When she delivers a son and a daughter, the god immediately takes away the boy and then leaves him in a garden, from where a Vidyadhara, called Candragati takes him up and adopts him as his son. He named the son as Bhamandala. The daughter of Janaka is named as Sita and grows to her youth. (Birth of Sita and Bhamandala)
CANTO XXVII :
The country of Janaka was once invaded by the Mlecchas.3 Janaka sought the help of Dasaratha. Rama persuaded his father to allow him to go against the Mlecchas. Then Rama accompanied by Lakṣmaṇa and his army left Ayodhya to help Janaka. There ensued a fierce fight between the Mlecchas and the armies of Rama and Janaka. Rama defeated the Mlecchas to the great rejoicing of Janaka. Being pleased with the valour of Rama, Janaka decides to offer in marriage his daughter, Sita to Rama. (Description of the defeat of the Mlecchas)
CANTO XXVIII :
Once Narada went to the mansion of Sita with a view to seeing her excellent beauty. Seeing him Sita was frightened and ran away to the inner apartment. Närada who was following her was insulted by the door-keepers and officers. Getting angry Narada decided to bring Sitä into difficulties. He went to Ratha-nupura, the capital of Vidyadharas; there in a garden he drew the figure of Sha Bhamandala was enamoured of the maiden in the picture when he had a look at it. Narada made it known to Bhamandala that the maiden in the picture was no other than Sitä. Having come to know the lovesickness of his son, Candragati managed to bring Janaka there. He asked Janaka to give Sitä in marriage to Bhamandala. Janaka refused as Sita was already betrothed to Rama. Candragati proposed that Rama should marry
37 vv. 5-8 speak of Ardha-barbara country (lying to the North of Kailasa Mountain), peopled with Mlecchas and their ru'er 'Ayaramga' and of Kamboja, Suka and Kapeta countries inhabited by Sabaras. Mayuramala was the capital of Ayaramga, the king of barbarians. He with his army of Kiratas starts plundering Janaka's territory.

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Sità only if he strings the Vajrāvarta bow and not otherwise. Being a captive Janaka agreed to the proposal. The Vajrāvarta bow was then brought to Mithi'ā and preparations for the Svayamvara of Sitā were made. The Vidyadhara and other kings were present on that occasion. All the kings tried to string the bow but in vain; Ráma, however, strung the bow with great ease; and won Sitā. Lakşmana too bent the bow. The Vidya dharas offered eighteen maidens in marriage to him. Bharata was very sorry at Rāma's valour. Kanaka, Jagaka's brother arranged a svayamvara of his daughter Subhadrā, at the instance of Daśaratha. Subhadrā chose Bharata as her lord. Then the weddings of Rāma and Sita, of Bharata and Subhadrā were celebrated in great pomp. (Acquisition of the gem-like bow by Rāma and Laksmana.)
CANTO XXIX :
Performing the ablution (abhişeka) of Jina idols, Daśaratha sends the sacred water to his wives. The principal queen, however, does not receive it, feels slighted, intends to hang herself. Dasaratha surprises her by his visit. She tells him her grievance. Just then the chamberlain brings the sacred water and pours it on the head of the queen. She is pac fied. The king demands an explanation of the chamberlain who excuses himself on the ground of oldage. That comes to the king as a warning that he too is ripe to say farewell to worldly things.98 Once a monk called Sarvabhūtasarana arrives there. Daśaratha listens to his religious discourse. (Dasaratha's disgust with worldly life and Arrival of the monk called Sarvabhūtasarana.)
CANTO XXX :
Bhamandala who is deeply in love with Silā starts for Säketa; on the way he sees the Vidarbha town, recollects his past birth and knows that Sitā is his sister. He then explains the whole mystery to Candragati, who gets disgusted with sansara, becomes a monk at the hands of the monk Sarvabhūtasarana. Next day Daśaratha goes to the park to pay homage to the monk. From him he learns the whole story of Bhamandala.38 To the rejoicing of all they all embrace each other. Dasaratha informs Janaka who comes there with his retinue. The parents' joy knows no bounds when they meet their long lost son. (Reunion of Bhāmandala with his parents.)
CANTO XXXI :
Sarvabhūtasarana narrates various past births of Daśaratha. Hearing the account of his previous lives Dasaratha decides to enter the ascetic order. He orders his ministers to make preparations for Rāma's abhişeka. Bharata is enlightened at Dasaratha's resolution to become monk. Kaikeyi but feels very sorry. She is about to lose
38 Similar motifs responsible for causing 'vairāgya in a person are frequently met with in Jain
literature. 39 Psycolog cally it is quite possible that a brother who is, from the very beginning, brought
up separately might fall in love with his own sister - being unaware of the circumstance that the girl whom he loves is his own sister !

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her husband and son who desire to take to asceticism. She wishes to keep back her son, and hence requests the king to grant her boon. She wants him to bestow the kingdom on Bharata Dasaratha agrees. He sends for Rama and Laksmana and puts before them his dilemma: "Kaikeyi has asked the kingdom for Bharata. Bharata intends to retire from samsara. In his absence Kaikeyi would die. I would be known in history as a liar if I don't grant her boon." Rama requests him to keep his promise. Dasaratha and Rama persuade Bharata to accept the throne. Rama, Sa and Laksmana take their leave of all and start from the palace to lead a forest life. People follow them and refuse to go back home. At night Rama and party stay in a Jain temple. Mothers of Rama go there and meet them. They meet Dasaratha, who is bent on becoming a monk. (Dasaratha's resolution to accept asceticism.)
CANTO XXXII :
At midnight when all people are asleep Rama and party leave the temple and go out of the city. They come to a fort and a river Bhima. Taking their leave of the warriors that follow them, Rama and party cross the river. Seeing them on the other side of the river the warriors return. On their way back they meet monks in a Jain temple. Some of them become monks and the rest accepting the duties of layman return to Saketa and report to Bharata that Rama and party have gone to a forest. At this Bharata grieves. Dasaratha, on account of separation from his sons, places Bharata on the throne and himself becomes a monk. Although an ascetic he still bears love for his son. Once, however, he realizes his mistake and purifies his mind. As a result of their sons' going away to another country and the dikṣa of their lord, Aparajita and Sumitra are extremely grieved. Kaikeyi and Bharata go to bring back Rama, who politely refuses their request and there in the forest he places. Bharata on the throne. Rama and party start towards the South, Bharata returns and rules the kingdom. He meets a Jain monk Dyuti in a temple and in his presence takes a vow to renounce the world as soon as Rami returns home and he governs as a pious Jain layman without giving himself up to pleasures. (Dasaratha's taking to asceticism, Rama's departure, and Bharata's rule.)
CANTO XXXIII :
Rama and party reached a settlement of ascetics. After a night's stay there they resumed their journey to reach Citrakuta. Thence they go to the country of the Avanti where suddenly they see a desolate tract of land. Rama asks Laksmana to find out some place of rest for Sica who is fatigued. Lakṣmaṇa proceeds accordingly and sees a large deserted city and a man in it. Laks nana gets the man to Rama. Rāma asks him as to why the country is deserted and desolate. The man tells Rāma all about it. Simhodara. Emperor of Ujjain attacked Vajrakarna, his vassal, king of 40 It should be noted that Kaikeyi in putting forth her demand is actuated by a n b'e motive. Motherly love proves too strong and she chocses to retain her son with her than her husband. Again, it deserves to be noted that she makes no demand for Rama's banishment into forest.

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Dasapura, and laid waste his territory for no other fault than his ardent and unflin. ching devotion to Jainism. 1 Rāma plays the part of the Defender of Faith (Jainism) in this episode, since he sends Lakşmana to rescue Vajrakarna and succeeds in bringing about reconciliation between the haughty and intolerant Simhodara and the pious Jain layman, Vajrakama. Lakşmana is offered in marriage many princesses by Simhodara and other kings; but he promises to marry them only aster regaining the kingdom of Rama. Then Rāma and party resume their journey at dawn, leaving behind in grief the people of Daśapura. They arrive at Kūpavarda and take shelter in a garden outside it. (Episode of Vajrakarņa. )
CANTO XXXIV :
Lakşmana goes to lake to fetch water for Sită. Prince Kalyanamálin (really, Princess Kalyānamalini ) sees him and falls in love with him. Kalyanamālin tells the party her tale and wl y she has to prove in man's attire. She entreats Rama to secure the release of Vālik bilya, her father, from the tonds of Rudrabhūti, the chief of the Kāgonanda Mlecchas. Lakşmana promises her to secure her father's release before long. After a three days' stay there, Rāma resumes his journey. They come to the Narmada. Crossing that river they get to a Vindhya-forest. They behold a Mleccha army and defeat it. The Mlecchas run to their chief, Rudrabhūti, who comes to the battlefield himself, but vanquished by Lakşmana, he sues for mercy. Rāma intercedes for the release of Valikhilya. Rudrabhūti, accordingly releases and conducts him to Rāma. Valikhilya praises Rama for his kindness. Rāma then resumes his journey. (Episode of Vālikhilya.)
CANTO XXXV :
Rama and party come to a dreary tract of land through which flows the river Tapti. Next day they come to the residence of Kapila in Arunagrama. He turns out Rāma. He is pupished by Laksmana but saved by Rāma. Rāma resumes his journey. Being drenched by rain-water they take shelter under a Nyagrodha tree. Půtana, a Yaksa chief, creates Ramapuil for Rāma and party. Kapila sees Ramapuri; he is told of Rama's charity. He goes there and adopts Jainism. Returning home he tells bis wife of his conversion. His wife has, however, already adopted Jainism. Kapila and his wife go to Rāmapuri. At the sight of Lakşmaņa Kapila takes fright and tries to run away, but is called back by him. Kapila pays his homage to Rama and party and expresses his regret for having once ill-treated them. Rāma consoles and honours Kapila. He attains to good fortune by the grace of Rama. Kapila in the end accepts asceticism. (Episode of Kapila. )
41 He accepts the duties of a Jain householder and resolves not to salute any one excepting
(the Jinas and) Jain monks (v. 49). This resolve of Vajrakarna strongly reminds us of a similar resolve made by Valin.

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CANTO XXXVI :
Pütana bestows gifts on Rama and party then winds up the 'Rama-puri'. Rāma and party cross the forest and reach Vijayapura. There was a king Mahidhara who had a daughter Vanamāja. She was in love with Lakşmaņa. The king learning of Lakşmana's departure to forest decides to offer her in marriage to a prince of Indranagara. Vanamäla would rather die than marry any one else except Laksmana. Under the pretext of worshipping the Vanadevatā she goes out to the region where Rama was sojurning. At night she attempts suicide but Lakşmaņa saves her. Lakşmaņa reveals his identity. They all then meet. Mahidhara is happy at the meeting of Laksmana and his daughter. Rāma and party were taken to the city. There they stayed enjoying king Mahadhara's hospitality. (Vanamalā. )
CANTO XXXVII :
King Ativirya in order to conquer Bharata seeks the help of Mahidhara. Rama and party who have an under:tanding with the king leave for the capital of Ativirya. A Jain goddess whose temple Rāma has visited promises to help him in his mission. She turns them all into beautiful women.'? Now Rāma and others, thus disguised, visit the royal assembly; and the dancing girl ( who is really Rāma ) impresses one and all with her performance. She exhorts the king to accept Bharata's sovereigoty. Ativirya is enraged at this, wants to kill her. She, however, holds the king by his hair and tells him that she would set him free on condition that he accepts Bharata's sovereignty. Rāma takes him to the Jain temple. At the word of Sita, Lakşmaņa sets Ativirya free. He is, however, enlightened. Placing Vijayaratha on the throne Ativirya accepts asceticism. ( Ativirya's Entering the Ascetic Order.)
CANTO XXXVIII :
Vijayaratha gives his sister Ratimālā in marriage to Lakşmaņa and Vijayasundari to Bharata. Then Rāma and party go to the town Kšemāñjali. There Lakşmaņa withstands the five powers ( Saktis) of king Satrudamana and thus wins his daughter Jitapadmā. (Narrative of Jitapadmā)
CANTO IXL :
Rāma and party cross a forest and reach Vamśa-sthala town near Vamsagiri. There they find people running hither and thither. They learn that a very terrific sound is heard on the mountain-peak and people taking fright are running to seek king's shelter. Rāma and party go to the mountain. There they free two monks called Deśabhūşaņa and Kula-bhūsana from their upasarga (calamity) caused by their former enemy. The monks obtain perfect knowledge. One of the monks narrates
42 It is indeed very strange tat we are told Icre of Räma and others being transformed into
women in order to humliate king Ativirya and avoid himsa).

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their previous life and the cause of the upasarga. [Narrative of Desabhüsana and Kulabhusana (who obtain perfect knowledge). ]
CANTO XL:
Then Suraprabha, the king of Vamsasthala invited Rama to visit his capital. But Rama refused. At the behest of Rama the king built many Jain temples on the Varsa-mountain, and therefore the mountain came to be known as Rama-giri. Then Rama and party left for Dandakaranya. (Episode of the Râmagiri mountain.)
CANTO XLI :
Rama and party reach Dandaka forest and the river Karṇa-rava. While staying. there, once two monks called Trigupti and Sugupti arrive there. Sitä offers them. alms. At that time a bird falls at the feet of the monks. Trigupti then narrates the previous birth of that bird in which he was born as a king called Dandaka. Sugupti tells his own story to enlighten the bird; and a ks Stta to look after that bird. They ramed the vulture Jajayus. That Jatayus lived with them practising Dharma. (Episode of the bird Jatayus.)
CANTO XLII :
Rama and party move about in a chariot offered them by gods. They enter deep inside the forest and come across the river Krauñca-rava. That particular region of the forest is so very attractive to them that Rama thinks of inviting his relations to live there. Then the rainy season sets in and the party lives there happily. (Stay at the Dandaka-forest.)
CANTO XLIII :
Once Laksmana sees a sword (called Suryahasa) hanging near a bamboo-grove. He takes it and tries it on the grove from which falls the head of Sambuka, the son of Candrapakha, who was practising austerities to win some lore. Candranakha comes there and makes a search of the murderer of her son. When she finds Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa there, she falls in love with them instead of getting angry with them. She requests Rama to accept her as his wife. Neither Rama nor Lakṣmaṇa pays heed to her entreaties. She thereupon goes back to her city Patala-Lanka. [Slaying of Sambúka (the son of Kharadûṣaṇa). ]
43 The Uttarakanda of Valmiki's Ramayana, tells the story of the ascetic Sambuka, belonging to the Sudra caste, whose head Rama strikes off; for this act Rama is commended by the gods, because a Sudra should not take it upon himself to practise asceticism. It is a truly Brahmanical legend with an exaggerated tendency. "Vimala takes up this incident and c'everly manages to achieve his own ends. Sambūka is represented as the son of Candraṇakha wife of Khara and sister of Ravana-killed unwittingly though by Laksmana. But its consequences are disastrous ending in the abduction of Sitä by Ravana. Vimala has made this incident the central point in the plot of his story and fro n artistic point of view this change is creditab'e".

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CANTO XLIV :
Candranakhā narrates to Kharadüşana how their son was slain, and she was molested although she has such a mighty husband as Kharadūşana and the emperor Rāvana as her brother. Then Kharadüşana, with his 14,000 warriors, starts out of his capital to fight the two brothers. A messenger is sent to Rāvana asking for his help. A fierce fight between Kharadūşana and Lakşmana follows. Rāvana arrives in his Puşpaka vimäpa rather late. Seeing Sitā he falls in love with her."* By his supernatural lore, called Avalokani, he knows the names etc., of Rama and others. He then thinks to himself : "I will produce sinha-nāda resembling that of Lakşmaņa which will mislead Rāma, who will go to help his brother leaving behind Sitā. I can then abduct Sitā. And Dūşana will kill these brothers.” Accordingly he produces the roar of a lion. Rāma hastens to the aid of his brother leaving Sità in charge of Jațāyus. Rāvana descends from his vimana, takes up Sitā in his arms; when Jațāyus offers resistance, Rāvana crushing his limbs flings him down on the ground. Rāvana gets Sità in his vimāna. Sitā, knowing that she is being abducted, weeps bitterly. With the thought that sooner or later Sitā would accept his love he takes her to Lankā Now Rāma realises that somehow he has been duped. On return he does not find Sitā at his residence. He falls in a swoon, regains consciousness, makes vigorous search for her, comes across the dying Jatāyus, utters that famous namaskara-mantra for the bird's benefit; the bird after death becomes a god. He continues his search accompanied by lamentation; but in vain. Disappointed he returns and sleeps in bis residence. (Rāma's Lamentation at the Abduction of Sitā)
CANTO XLV :
Now Viradhita, the son of Candrodara, who was deprived of his kingdom in Pātāla-Lankā, with his army comes to Laksmana's aid. Killing Khara and other heroes of the Rākşasas they rout the Raksasa army and return victorious. From Rama they learn of Sitā's abduction. Virādhita at Lakşmaņa's instance sends his followers to make a search of Sitä on land, in water and air. Now, Ratnajațin, hearing the piteous cries of Sitā, thought of fighting against Rāvana and thus obliging his lord - Bhāmandala. Rāvana, however, fells him on Kambūdvipa. Virādhita's followers do not find any trace of Sitä and return unsuccessful. Rāma blames his own karman. At Virādhita's proposal they go to Alankāra, the Pātāla-Capital. Sunda with his army gives a fight but is defeated; with his mother Sunda finds shelter in Ravana's Lankā Rāma and Lakş nana stay in Kbaradūşına's palace. Ráma is naturally very upeasy. But saluting the Jjna idol he feels at ease. (Torment at the Separation of Sitā.)
44 Rāvana, although good ctherwise, has weakness for woman. At her very first sight he falls
in love with Sita. He was possibly aware of this weakness when he took the vow of not enjoying pleasures in the company of another's woman who is unwilling (see Canto 14, v. 153). His tragic passion for Sitä brings about the ruin of this otherwise virtuous king !

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CANTO XLVI :
Ravana tries to win Sta with sweet words. Sitä scolds him. Arriving at Lanka he keeps Sua in Devaramana park and goes home. Sitä takes a vow of not taking food until she gets good news about Rama. The news of Duṣaṇa's death throws Lanka into grief. Ravana pacifics Candraṇakha saying that he would take revenge by putting the enemies to death. Ravana then enters his chamber. Mandodari, his principal queen, learns of Ravana's deep passion for Sita. She suggests to him to rape Sitä and thus satisfy his passion. He explains to her how owing to a particular vow he cannot enjoy love-sports with a woman against her will. He asks Mandodal to go and persuade Sita to accept his love. She, accompanied by young women, goes to Sita and tries to persuade her. But Sitä is as firm as a rock. Rāvaṇa comes there personally, makes a fresh attempt to win her love, but to no effect. He then tries to intimidate her with lions etc. created by magic but in vain. Next day Vibhisana comes to know of Sita's misery, exhorts his elder brother to refrain from evil act but Ravana is adamant. He then sits in his car along with Sitā and takes her to an Udyäna on Puspa-giri. He keeps Sita in a part of Padma-udyana covered with Aśoka trees. She is humoured by young damsels but Sita is dejected and indifferent to what happens around her. Ravana is informed of this. He is all the more anxious and love-sick.
Vibhisana holding consultations with the ministers creates by magic a very strong rampart round Lanka (Construction of a Rampart by Magic)
CANTO XLVII :
A sky-rover, Sahasagati by name, took form of Sugriva, the king of Kişkindhi, with a view to seducing Tara, the wife of Sugrīva,15 and thus deprived the real Sugriva of his throne. Sugrīva seeks the help of Hanumat. He comes with his army to his aid. But finding no difference between the two Sugrivas he goes back, then Sugriva knowing of the might of Rama and Lakṣmaṇa secks their aid. Rama assures him that he would accomplish his object but in turn requests him to trace Sitā, Sugriva makes a vow that if he does not trace Sitä within seven days he would burn himself to death. Then he takes the two brothers to Kişkindhi. In the fight Sugriva is wounded by the 'alleged Sugriva'. Rama, unable to distinguish between the two Sugrivas does not use his weapon. Knowing why Rama kept silent Sugriva again challenges the alleged' Sugriva. Rama obstructs him. At Rama's sight the supernatural lore of the sky-rover vanishes, and he regains his original form as Sahasagati. Rama showers arrows on him who falls dead on the ground. Sugriva honours the two 45 This incident of Maya-Sugriva strongly reminds us of the story of Ahalya whose chastity was violated by Indra in the guise of Gautama, her husband. Of course, here Sutara recognises the Impostor before he seduces her.
46 Rama kills the impostor in a straight fight. In the Ramayana of Valmiki, Räma is shown to have slain Välin treacherously which act lowers him in our estimate.
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brothers; and now he is united with his wife Sutārā. Thirteen beautiful daughters of the Vāparapati offer themselves to Rāma but he, devoted to Sitā, does not find happiness in their company. [Narrative of the slaying of Sugriva (the Impostor) ]
CANTO XLVIII :
When Sugrīva forgot his promise Lakşmaņa angrily reminded him. Collecting all Vāparas, he told them to make a vigorous search for Sitā. A Vānara youtb was sent with a letter to Bhāmandala. He is grieved at the news and ready to assist Rāma. Sugriva himself goes to Kambūdvipa, meets Ratnajatin and learns from him about the abduction of Sita by Rāvana. Sugriva brings him to Rama. He narrates to Rāma the whole account of Sitā's abduction. The Vānaras are disheartened to know that Rāvana bas abducted Sitā. They regard him to be really invincible. Laksmana lists the Kct'slā ard thus convinces them that he would kill Rāvana for the monk Anantavirya had predicted tbat he who would list that Kotisila slab would slay Ravana. Next day some old Vāparas advise Rāma not to go on war with Ravana, who is invincible but to persuade Vibbişana, who is very reasonable, whose word Razaņa would honour. It is then decided that Srisaila (i.e., Hanūmat) who is very well fitted for this mission stould be sent to Lankā as an envoy. Hence tbey send a messenger to Hanūmat to get him at Kişkindhi. [ Listing of the Kotisilā Slab (by Lakşpana)]
CANTO IXL :
The messenger meets Panūmat and tells him the whole account. Apangakusumā is grieved at the news of the slaying of Sambūka and Dūşaņa, her brother and father. She is consoled by the ministers. Hanūmat who is glad to hear of the help given by Rāma to Sugriva flies to Kişkindhi to meet Sugriva. Then both of them go to Rāma. kāma then gives a message for Sita and a ring as a sign of his being a true messenger; and he asks him to bring back Sitä's crest-jewel. Saying yes Hanümat flies in a car towards Lanka. (Hanūmat's Departure)
CANTO L:
On his way, Hanūmat comes to Mahendra-nagari, where his grandfather stays. With a view to punishing him for having driven out innocent Añjanā, his mother, while he was still in her womb, he sends a challenge to him to fight. In the fight he overpowers him and his army, and then begs his pardon. Mahendra admires the valour of his grand-son. Hanumat tells him of his mission and requests him to go to Kiskindhi; he himself goes in the direction of Lankā. Mahendra honours Rāma, and then Añjanā and Mahendra meet after a very long time. [ Meeting of Mahendra and his daughter (Añjapā) ]
CANTO LI :
Further on his way to Lanka, Hanūmat comes across three girls who have been practising penance to secure supernatural power. He removes the upasarga of fire in

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their way, caused by their enemy. They obtain the lore Manogāmini which yields itself after six months of successful tapas, praise Maruti for his help and narrate to him their history. 'They would marry the slayer of Sahasa-gati' this is the prediction of a monk. Hanumat directs their father Gandharva, the lord of Dadhimukha, to take them to Rāma. He does accordingly. (The Obtaining of the daughters of Gandharva by Rama)
CANTO LII:
Hanumat's movement towards Trikuța is obstructed by the rampart. He overpowers Asälikä lore and kills Vajra-mukha, the guardian of the rampart. Lankasundari, enraged at her father's slaying, fights with him. But both of them fall in love with each other. He stays there at night and in the morning starts ahead. Lanka-sundari too follows him (Hanûmat's winning of Lanka-Sundari)
CANTO LIII:
Hanumat reaches Lanka, enters Vibhisana's palace and asks him to persuade Ravana to set Sitä free. Vibhişana expresses his helplessness. Then Hanumat goes to Padmodyana where Sita was kept. He offers the ring to her. Sità is very much pleased. Knowing of Sitä's joyous mood Mandodail and other women go to her and ask her to enjoy pleasures with Ravana. Sitä tells them that her joy is due to good news about Rama. Hanumat then tells her the whole account of Rama and Lakṣmaṇa since she was abducted. Mandodari praises Hanumat's valour. Sitä is now sure that Rāma would cross the ocean and put Ravana to death. Hanumat asks her to take food since her vow is fulfilled. Next morning food is brought and Sitä has had her meal. Then Hanumat proposes to her that she should get on his shoulders so that he would take her to Rama. Sitä replies that Rana himself should come there and release her. She offers him the crest-jewel as a token of their meeting. Hearing the news of his arrival Ravana sends Kinkara-army with the order to kill him. He thereupon destroys the park and routs the army. Angered by the destruction of his park Ravana asks Indrajit to produce Hanumat before him. Binding him by the Nagapašas Indrajit produces him before Ravana. Ravana pours curses and abuses on Hanumat. Hanumat warns him that he would bring ruin of his family. owing to his passion for Sita. Rāvana now orders that Hanumat should be paraded through the streets of Lanka and then killed Hanumat getting angry breaks to pieces the Nagapäšas, flies up, breaks portions of Ravana's palace, pulls down the rampart and goes away. Mandodari conveys all this to Sita who is very much pleased to hear it. (Hanûmat's visit to Lanka)
CANTO LIV:
Hanumat returns to Kişkindhi. He and Sugilva meet Rama. Hanûm at conveys to Rama the message of Sitä and gives him the crest-jewel. Rama is happy to know that Sita is all right. But he is anxious to learn that she would perish if he does not hasten to rescue her. Rama and Sugriva with the army of Vanaras commence

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their march towards Lankā in the morning of the fifth day of the dark half of Märgaśiisa. In the course of their march they reach Velamdhara mountain, defeat king Samudra of that region; he offers in marriage four of his daughters to Lakşmaņa. After spending a night there they march ahead in the direction of Lanka Near Lankā there is a Hamsa-dvipa. They defeat king Hansa-ratha and encamp there. Rāma sends a message to Bnāmanda'a (March against Lanka)
CANTO LV:
At the news of the arrival of the Vänara army Ravana mobilises his own. He does not pay heed to Vibl işana's advice to return Sita. Rāvana and Indrajit pour ridicule and abuse on him. Rāvana is so very angry that he desires to kill him. He ultimately asks Vibhișana to leave Lanka. Vibhışana with his army goes to Hamadvipa. Rāma accepts him as a worthy ally. Bhāmandala securing lores joins them. Staying there for eight days Rāma and Laksmana march against Laikā. Rāvana too keeps his forces ready for war. Rāvana's army numbers 4000 Akşauhiņis whereas that of Rāma 1000 Akşauhinis only. (Alliance with Vibhişaņa)
CANTO LVI :
The army of Rākşasas is getting ready. The beloveds converse with their husbands that are about to leave for battle. The armies led by Rāvana and Indrajit march ahead. They meet with evil omens such as the cries of inauspicious birds. Yet for battle they go ahead. (March of Rāvana's army)
CANTO LVII :
Renowned heroes on the side of Rāma start in the direction of Lanka. Wardrums are being beaten. The two hostile armies face each other. In the battle once one side retreats and another time the other side retreats. Nala and Nila kill Hasta and Prahasta respectively. (Slaying of Hasta and Prabasta) CANTO LVIII:
Canto LVIII tells of the previous lives of Nala-Nila and Hasta-Prahasta. As a result of wicked deeds done in previous lives the two, viz., Hasta and Prahasta meet their death at the hands of their adversaries. (Description of the previous lives of Nala-Nila and Hasta-Prahasta) CANTO LIX:
Canto LIX continues the description of battle. In the beginning the Raksasa-army suffers reverses at the hands of Hanūmat. Later on Indrajit leads their side and he biods Sugriva and Bhāmandala by Nāgapāśas and Bhujangapāśas respectively. At this juncture Vibhişaņa comes on the scene and advises Rāma and Lakşmaņa to see that Sugrīva and Bhāmandala are not taken prisoners by the Rakşasas. Angada engages Bhānukarna. Hanūmat, Lakşmana etc., cheer up their army. Now Indrajit comes across Vibhișana. He is as good as father to him. And naturally he does not want

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Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Sūri to fight against him. As he thinks that the two great heroes on Rāma's side would meet death as they are bound by Nāgapāśas and Bhujangapāśas he decides to withdraw from the battle-field. Taking the two heroes with them Indrajit and Meghavahana retire. Now Lakşmana is asked by Rāma to invoke the help of Mahālocana god who had promised them a boon. Laksmana appeals to that gol. The god bestows on Rama and Lakşnaņa various lores, missiles, Hala (plough) and Musala (club), chariots, etc. [ Receiving of lores (and missiles by Rāma and Lakşmaņa)] CANTO LX :
Seeing Lakşmana with Eagle as his banner the Bhujangapāśas vanished. Bhāmandala and Sugriva are set free. The warriors ask Rama how he secured such Vibhūti (superhuman power) in a moment. He replies that these are due to a boon granted by Garudādhipa. ( Reunion of Sugriva and Bhamandala (with Rāma and party) ] CANTO LXI :
In the fight Laksmana takes Indrajit captive and Rama captures Bhānukarna. Rāvana fights with Vibhişana. Lakşmana however, making Vibhişana withdraw, himself fights with Ravana. He strikes Laksmana on his chest with a deadiy Śakti (a missile) whereupon Lakşmana falls in a swoon. Rama then faces Ravana, attacks him severely; deprives him of his chariots six times. As night approaches Rāvana retires to his palace. (Hit of the Missile) CANTO LXII :
Rama is overpowered with grief on account of the grave condition of his brother Laksmana. In grief and despair he asks Sugiiva and other heroes to repair to their own country. He wishes to burn himself to death on a funeral pyre. Jämbavat comforts him. He tells him that if proper remedies are resorted to Laksmana would revive. Then the Vānaras erect three Gopuras (gates) and seven ramparts and guard the doors of that fort created by magic. [ Lamentation of Rāma (on account of his severely wounded brother) ] CANTO LXIII :
Rāvana grieves over the sad loss of his brother Bhānukarna and his sons Indrajit and Meghavahana. Sita is grieved at the sad news of Laksmana's death. But Khecaris cheer her up and tell her that it is not yet definitely known that Laksmana has expired. Then a Vidyadhara, called Candra-mandala, tells Rāma of the means of saving Lakşmaņa. Rama should obtain the ablution-water of Višalya the daughter of King Drona-megha, and sprinkle Laksmana with it so that he would be cured. The previous history of Višalya is then told; it explains how she obtained this wonderful power of effecting cure. (Description of the past lives of Visalia) CANTO LXIV :
At Rāma's instance, Bhamandala, Hanūmat and Angada go to Saketa to bring the ablution-water of Višalyā, They meet Bharata and inform him of their mission.

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King Drona-megha is approached by Bharata and others. He offers Visalya and 1000 maidens in marriage to Laksmana. Then the party with Visalya returns to the battleground. V.salya touches Lakṣmaṇa. The Sakti instantaneously leaves his body. Hanumat catches hold of her. She explains who she is. Hanumat allows her to go. Laksmana regains his consciousness; all are overjoyed at Laksmana's recovery. Lakṣmaṇa then marries Visalya [Arrival of Visalya (on the battle-ground to cure the wounded hero Lak ṣmaṇa)]
CANTO LXV;
Rāvana learns that Lakṣmaṇa is cured. He then consults his ministers as to what he should do to effect the release of his brother and sons. They advise him to return Si'a to Rama and make peace with him. He, however, is adamant. He sends an envoy to Rama with the message that if Rama releases Bhanukarṇa, Indrajit and Meghavahana and that he agrees to Sita's living with Ravana, he is prepared to share his kingdom with him and offer him 3000 virgins in marriage. Rama replies that Rāvana must return Sita and that he cares little for kingdom. The envoy goes on prattling, he is then driven out; he reports to Ravana Rama's reply and the ill-treatment he has received at Rama's assembly. (Visit of Ravana's envoy)
CANTO LXVI:
Rāvana now decides to secure the great lore, called Bahurupa; he sits in front of the image of Santinatha with that object in view. Mandodati by a proclamation asks the citizens of Lanka to observe Ahimsa for full eight days. If any one fails to obey this order, he will be put to death. (Eight-day Festival in the month of Phalguna and Regulating of the life of the people)
CANTO LXVII :
Vibhiṣaṇa advises Rama to capture Ravana who is engaged in meditation. Rama refuses to disturb Ravana in his religious performance. Vänara Kumaras led by Angada enter Lanka with a view to disturbing Ravana in his religious meditation. At the arrival of the Vanaras, the citizens of Lanka are filled with terror. Then the gods from Santi's temple, getting angry rout the Vanara Army. At this gods from other temples are enraged and fight with those gods and defeat them. Then Vanaras again attack. Pūrṇabhadra, the lord of the Yaksas requests Rama to see that his army does not disturb Ravana in his meditation. Sugrīva pacifies him. (Description of gods possessed of right faith)
CANTO LXVIII :
Angada and others again go to Lanka and cause upasarga in Ravana's meditation but to no purpose. Ravana is successful in securing the lore Bahurupa, which is now ready to do anything for him. [Securing of the Lore Bahu-rupā (by Ravana)]

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CANTO LXIX :
Rāvana's wives ccrrplain to him against Angada who molested them. He consoles them saying he would put Sugriva and others to death. He meets Sitā and tells her that he would enjoy her ciscarding his vow of not enjoying another's woman who is unwilling. Sitā requests him not to kill Rāma and Bhamandala, otherwise she would die. She then faints. Then Rāvana thinks that it was bad on his part to have abducted Sita. He would like to return Sitā to Rāma. But it would be misconstrued as cowardice on his pait. He would, therefore, take Räma and Laksmana captive and then offer Sitā to them.4: With this thought he goes to his palace, resolves to kill Sugriva etc He is not deterred by evil omens and is reso ved to carry on fight. (Rāvana's Reflection)
CANTO LXX :
Mandodari appeals to Rävana to hand over Sita to Rama ( as he cannot overpower Rāma and Lakşmana, the Halachara and the Cakradhara (Baladeva and Vasudeva) ) and take to asceticism. Rāvana, however, is adamant. Next morning at the beating of wardrums, all the warriors get ready for war. (Preparations for war) CANTO LXXI :
The two hostile armies meet face to face. A fierce fight ensues. Maya, Ravana's father-in-law encounters with Hanumat, Bhāmandala, Sugriva and Vibbişana. Rāma then overpowers Maya, Ravana rushes ahead to fight with Rāma, Laksmana however, comes forward and he and Rāvana carry on fierce fight. (Fight between Lakşmana and Rāvana)
CANTO LXXII :
In the terrible fight Lakşmana cuts off, after a long struggle, Ravana's head. But owing to that Bahurüpå lore Ravana comes to have double the number of heads that Laksmana cuts off. Ravna ultimately invokes the Cakra (wheel, disc), the symbol of an Ardha-Cakrin. That presents itself before Rāvana. He discharges 47 vv. 30-41 of this Canto reveal to us the intrinsic goodness and nobility of mind of Rāvana. He
is full of remorse for the wrong he did to foor Sitā in separating her, by abduction, fron her beloved husband and the untold misery he inflicted upon her. He hates himself for the sinful deed he has perpetrated, and the stigma he has brought on his good family. Selfrespecting as he is, he resolves to fight against Rāma and Laksmana, conquer them and then
honourably return Sita to them. 48 v. 46-53 refer to various evil omens that indicate Rāvana's ruin and total destruction. Some
of these portents are : The dreadful halo round the sun, the total disappearance of the moon throughout the night, earth-quake, the occurrence of meteor, the dreadful howling of female jackal in the northern direction, the hoarse neighing of horses, the inauspicious trumpeting of c'eplants, the images of deities shedding tears, the cawing of crows, the breaking Cown of huge trees, and the toppling down of mountain-peaks; the drying up of lakes, showers of blood from the sky. In spite of these omens foreshadowing disaster he, full of pride, decides to fight.

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it at Laksmana. It circumambulates Laksmana and mounts his hand. [Manifestation of the jewel (-like) (or the best) Cakra-Disc]
CANTO LXXIII :
Laksmana, the Cakrapani, is Narayana and Rama Baladeva. Vibhigana makes an eleventh hour appeal to Ravana to hand over Sita to Rana but in vain. Now Laksmana hurls the disc at Ravana; it splits open. his chest and he falls to the ground dead. The poet gives the date of Ravana's death as the eleventh day of the dark half of the month of Jyestha."
Sugriva and Vibhisana assure the Raksasa army that began to face at Ravana's death. [Slaying of Ravana (the ten-faced one)]
CANTO LXXIV:
Vibhisina attempts suicide at his brother's death; Rama, however, prevents him from that. Ravana's wives appear on the serne and piteously weep. Rama comforts the weeping Vibhisana. Blamandala tells the story of Priyankara, which enlightens Vibhisana Priyankara-upakhyanam (Episode of Priyankara)]
51
CANTO LXXV:
Kumbhakarna, Indrajit and Meghavahana are released. Rama and Laksmana press them to enjoy royal glory. They decline. Lavana's sons ask a monk, Aprameyabala (i. e. Anantavirya) about their past lives. Hearing the account they become monks. Kumbhakarna, Mã ichi, Mandodari and Candraṇakhã also accept asceticism. (Renunciation of samsara by Indrajit and others)
CANTO LXXVI:
Rama and Laksmana enter Lanka; Rāma anxiously inquires about Sitä who is in Padmodyana. He and Sita are united 2; gods testify to Sita's purity and chastity. Laksmana and others pay their respects to Sita. [ Union of Sita (with Rama)]
49 Canto LXVI speaks of the festival observed in the month of Phalguna; and Canto LXXIII tel's of Ravana's death on the eleventh day of the dark of Jyestha. Now the interval between these two dates does not agree with the actual days taken by the mighty heroes to bring the war to an end.
50 Rama pays compliments to Ravana when he speakes of him as 'Bahu-sastra-panditaḥ'.
51 Th's tale of Priyankara is introduced to illustrate the truth that
जो जत्थ समुप्पज्जइ सो तत्थ रह कुणइ जीवो ।
....A being finds delight in whichever condition of life he is born.' Priyaikara, who is foretold that he would be born as a worm in his latrine, asks his son to kill him when he is so born. Actually, however, when he is so born, he at the sight of h's son runs away to save his life thus providing the truth contained in the line quoted above.
52 It is noteworthy that Rama has absolutely no doubt about Sita's purity ard chastity and he readily embraces her to his bosom. In the Ramayana of Va'miki, Rama, we are told, repudiates Sita on suspicion of infidelity. Poor Sita has to undergo a fire-ordeal to prove her innocence..

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Răma and Sitā, seated on the elephant Bhuvanālamkāra go to Rāvana's palace and pay homage to śāntiràtha. Rāma consoles Sumāli and Vibhisana etc., dwelling on karman and the nature of samsára. At the request of Vibhisana they go to his mansion. There is the sanctuary of Padmaprabha whom they honour. Vibhişına makes all preparations for Räma's Abhiş ka. He, however, declines the honour lest Bharata would feel offended. Laksmana and Råma send for the brides to whom they were betrothed; they arrive, and arc married to.53 Rama and party thus spend happily six years at Lankā.
The Raksasa heroes who took to asceticism attain Nirvāņa. Maya practising penance obtains many supernatural powers. In the end the Canto tells us about the previous life of a king as described by Maya.5. (Lecture of Maya)
CANTO LXXVIII :
Aparajitā laments the separation of Rāma. Nārada going to Lankā informs Råma and Lakşmaņa of the miserable plight of their mothers. Räma tells Vibhisana that he must leave for Sketa. Vibhi ana requests bim to stay on for 16 days. Then messengers are sent to Bbarata. The city of Saketa is decorated to welcome the brothers. (Description of the City of Säketa)
CANTO LXXIX :
Rama and party on the scheduled day start for Säketa in the Puspaka vimana. On Sita's inquiry, Rāma points out to her the different places they had wandered over together. They reach Säketa. Bharata meets Rāma. They all then enter the city, cagerly looked at by the public. The mothers Aparajita etc., are overjoyed at the sight of their sons. (Union of Rama and Laks nana with their mothers)
Han.
53 Rāma, Laksmana (and Hanumat) are married here to many women. According to the
Rāmāyana of Valmiki Hanumat is an ideal Brahmacărin, Laksmana is married to Urmila only and Rāma to Sitā alore; and he is portrayed there as an ideal husband deeply devoted to Sitā. The change introduced by Vimala Süri seems to mar the intensity of love between
Rāma and Sitä and so does not appear to be praiseworthy. 54 vv. 69-70 tell us that a sati like Sita obtains (by virtue of her chastity) heaven, and that
there is considerable difference between man and woman. w. 73-113 give the story of king Srivardhita. He was the son of a teacher called Bhargava. In Vyäghrapura he learns at the feet of a teacher, then elopes with Sila, the daughter of the king of that town; he is pursued by his brother-in-law called Sirhendu. He defeats him and his army, pleases king Kararuha, obtains the kingdom of Potana. Now, after the death of Sukanta, his father, Sinhendu is routed by his enemies, he and his wife escape through an under-ground passage (Suranga : this is one of the test words which make Jacobi assign the epic to a late date.) to find shelter with Srivarchita, On his way he is bitten by a snake; is taken on her shoulders by his wife to Muni Maya by whose grace her husband regains consciousness. Srivardhita is sert for, they all meet. Maya te'ls the king the story of his previous life, and that of his mother's. Maya then flies through the air to some other place,

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CANTO LXXX :
Canto LXXX opens with a description of the glory and prosperity of Sāketa. Rāma erects temples of Jinas and makes the city as lovely as Indra's capital. The people are happy and prosperous. They, however, find one fault with Rāma. They express their disapproval of his having received Sitā back who was abducted and sported with by the lord of Lavka. Such a reprehensible act does not become men who are born in noble Kşatriya families and are proud and have a sense of honour.
Now Bharata is not interested in sanh sāra. Rama comes to know of Bharata's disgust with worldly life through Kaikeyi He requests Bharata to carry on the admi. nistration of the kingdom as before. Sitä and Bharata's wives try to divert his mind by water-sports in a lake. He comes out of the lake and worships the Jinas in his heart Just then the Tribhuvanālamkāra elephant breaks loose destroying everything that comes in his way. He goes to Bharata. He remembers his past birth and decides to act in such a way as to obtain liberation. (Commotion caused by the elephant Tribhuvanālamkāra).
CANTO LXXXI :
Rāma and Laksmana bring that elephant under control and hand it over to the care of the prime minister. The elephant does not take any interest in things of the world This serious condition of his is reported to the two brothers who think their kingdom is not worthwhile without that elephant. (Cause of heart-rending grief of Bhuvarālamkāra)
CANTO LXXXII :
Canto LXXXII tells of the past lives of that elephant through the sage Desabtūşaņa. He further tells that the elephant desires to take to asceticism. (Description of the past lives of Tribhuvanālamkāra)
CANTO LXXXIII :
Canto LXXXIII speaks of the Diksā accepted by Bharata and later on by his mother Kaikeyi. (Initiation of Bharata and Kaikeyi)
CANTO LXXXIV :
That elephant, devoted to Sāyāradharma, becomes a god after its death. Bharata by virtue of his penance attains first perfect knowledge and then liberation, (Bharata's attaining to liberation)
CANTO LXXXV :
Viradhita informs Rama and Laksmana of Bharata's Nirvāņa. They are naturally grieved to hear it. Now kings approach Rāma requesting him to accept the throne. He declines and then Laksmana takes the throne. Rāma appoints Vibhişina as, the lord of Lankā, Sugriva pf Kişkindhi and so on. (Coronation Ceremony)

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CANTO LXXXVI :
Mathura. Rama tells him
Satru hna requests Rama to give him the town o that Maihu, thru er of Mathura, who is in possession of a divine sula is invinci ble Satrughna persists in his demand. Rama then agrees to his request on condition that he overpowers Madhu taking advantage of his loop-hole, viz., when he coes not have his Sula with him. He then marches against Mathurâ and kills Lavana, the son of Madhu. in the battle and overpowers Madhu himsel as he is not having s Śula with him Machu with the obj.ct o practising Sadhu-dharma tears out his hair and engages himself in Dharma-dhyana. After death he is born as a god. (Defeat of Madhu (-sundara ?)]
CANTO LXXXVII :
The Sula goes back to its master, and reports to him the news of Madhu's death at Satrughra's hands. Camara, the god, getting angry starts towards Mathu:& to punish the enemy. He goes to Mathura and creates terrible upasarga to the people there. The Fami'y-deity informs Satrughna of this. He with his army goes back to Saketa. [Upasarga (Calamity, Trouble) caused to Mathura]
CANTO LXXXVIII:
Canto LXXXVIII gives the past lives of Satrughna and Krtäntavadana, his general. [Description of the (past) lives of Satrughna and Krtantamukha)]
CANTO LXXXIX :
Canto LXXXIX tells of the arrival of seven monks at Mathura. Owing to their presence the epidemic of Cholera caused by Camara is rooted out Satrughna with his mother returns to Mathura. The monks ask him to practise true Dharma and see to it that each house in Mathura worships a Jina-idol after installing it therein. This done, there would not spread any disease. Satrughna does so and the city prospers. [Founding of Mathura (by Strughna)]
06
CANTO XC :
Canto XC describes how Laksmana and Kama come to marty Vidyadhafa prin Cesses Manorama and Sridāma respectively. [Obtainment of Manorama (as wife by Lakṣmaṇa)]
55 The Canto contains a prophetic account as follows:
"Here in India after the t'me of the Nanda Kings the Law of the Jinas will become scarce. The number of heretics would swell, the kings would behave like thieves; people would slander the 'sadhus'; bad practices would be the order of the day; people would indulge in himsä, fa'se-hood and thefts; the ignorant people would bestow gifts on the ignorant, censuring the 'sadhus'....".
"Perhaps this refers more special'y to Magadha and the adjoining coutries, where under the reign of the Mauryas, Buddhism soon attained the position of a popular religich, ard must have become a formidable rival of Jainism." See Jacobi: Jainism (E. R. I. Vol. VII).

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
CANTO XCI :
Lakşmaņa conquers a number of Vidyadhara kings. The poct tells us that he had 16000 wives of which eight - Višalya ctc., - are the principal ones. Rama has got 8,000 wives of which four - Sitā and others - are the chief ones. The two brothers establish their supreme rule over the three continents. The canto also gives the names of some sons of Laksmana. (Demonstration of the greatness of Rāma and Lakşmana) CANTO XCII :
Canto XCII narrates Sitā's dream which indicates that she would give birth to two sons, brave and handsome, but also forebodes some impending evil; it further tells of Sita's pregnancy-longing to visit Jina shrines which is fulfilled by Rāma. (Sita's Pregnancy-longing to worshipping the Jina(-idols) ]
CANTO XCIII :
Sita's right eye throbs. She is worried and tells Rāma about it. She is asked to devote herself to Jina worship. Now people approach Rama and declare to him the scandal about Sitā. They report to him that the wicked public finds fault with him for having received Sita back after she had been abducted and sported with by the lord of the Rak Sasas As is the king so are his subjects They, therefore, need not reproach a woman if she is attached to a person other than her husband. Rāma is very sad about this. The model king in him cannot bear the reproach that he is setting a bad example. He feels that Sitā had brought a stigma on his family and fame. He condemns woman kind. H: feels very unhappy and miserable owin; to this evil report about Sitā. (People's Reflection)
CANTO XCIV :
Råma sends for Lakşmana; tells him of the scandal about Sita, Laksma va is furious as he is convinced of Sita's purity and innocence. Rāma holl's that Sitā is a stigma on the glory of his Ikşvâku family. Mightily afraid of infamy he is ready to abandon his innocent wise. Laksmana protests; Rāma argues that the very fact that he received back Sità after she had been abducted is bound to reflect on his character. He also puts forth the plea that Sita during her stay in the Padmodyana must have consented to Rävana's proposal of enjoying love-sports. In spite of Laksmana's protest Rāma orders Krtanta.vadana, the general to take Sita to Jina shrines on Sammeta mountain and then abandon her in a dreadful forest. On their way Sità hears a charming sound, inquires whether it is that of Rāna* but learns that it was the sound of Ganga. They cross Ganga. Kitāntavadana breaks the news to Sitā67, with it Sila breaks down. She is somehow recovered. Full of submission
56 A fine natural touch! 57 Rana hears the ugly goss p and s'ander about Sita. He would rather a bai don Sitä tan
bring a stain on the good name of his family. Laksmana pleas for Sita but in vain.

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to her fate she only sends Rāma friendly greetings, and then falls in a sw009. Awakening ste laments her lot. Now Vajra-jangha, the king of Punda ikap via go s to that side of the forest to capture elephants. Men from his army are su pred to hear the weeping of a woman in that dreadful forest (Banishment of Si!
CANTO XCV :
Vajrajangha, who knows the Svara-Vidyā, infers that the weeping lady must be Sith. His men approach her, convince her of the virtues of their king; she then goes to the king and narrates to him her tale and remarks that this act of rjection does not befit prince Rāma. The king looks upon her as his sister and comforts her. (Comforting of Sitā)
CANTO XCVI :
Sita is taken to Pundarikapura. She passes her time in listening to the religious stories and doing religious duties. Krtāntavadana returns home reports to Rima the scene of the abandonment of Silā and conveys her message to him. She has particularly asked him not to abandon Jina-dharma. Rāma faints; coming to senses he laments, Laksmana consoles him. In course of time Rana forgets his sorrow due to Sita's abandonment. (Rāma's lamentation)
CANTO XCVII :
Sitā gives birth to twin children who are called Anarga-lavana and Madanankuša. 9 They are brought up and are taught by Siddhartha who is very proficient in aits and sciences. The twin brothers become experts in various art and sciences. Their great qualities are described. (Lavana and Ankusa )
CANTO XCVIII :
Canto XCVUI tells of the marriage of Lavanla with Sasicula and of Aikusa with Kanakamala after his fleht with Prthu, the father of Kanakamala. The twins go on conquering countries one after the other. They then return to Pundarikapura. Sitä is glad to see them back victorious. (Conquest of countries by Lava a and Ankus!)
Rāma shrinks from ill fame; it appears that he is tor by feelings of jea'oisy and suspicion against his wife (sec vv. 18-19). Ile orders the commander to banish Sit. Laksmana
ned nors tries to plead for Sita Ramd tells him not to talk to him about that matter ar contradict him. He decrees that Sita shall be banished.
Runa sinks low in our estination. He ba nishes pregnant Sila and that too secretly !
In the Ramayana the unpleasant duty of deserting Sits in the forest is assisgred to Laksmana while here to the commander Kitanta-va dana. 58 ta the Raniyana Valmiki consoles her and gives her shelter in his drama; here it is Vajra
jargha who regards ter as his sister and comforts her in her distress. 59 In the Ramayana the twins are called Kusa and Lava; here Lavani and Anusa.

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46
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
CANTO XCIX :
Nāra a noites th twins to obtan the glory and splendour of Rama and Laksana Sitā unhappy to fin son going to fight thor at ler The Kunāra, in
Si a 11 w gness arch a.ainst Ayodh à, and encamp wit: thur army on the river-bank. Rána sotsis army ready or war Bānandala is informed o this by Vārada He goes to Sitã and taking her with him visits the battlefield.
fight en ues. Rāma encounter Lavana, while Lakşmana Ankusā. [Fight of Lavana and fik śa (with Rāma and Laksmana respecti ely)]
CANTO C:
The fight continus. Lakşmana is helples. Siddhartha and Va ada narrate to im the account of the twins. Rāma is visibly moved to lear the account They approch the twins who salute their elders. Seeing their union Sitā es nack to Panda ikapura. They all then enter Ayodhyā. [Unioa oi Lavana and Ankusi (with Rāma and Lakşmana]
CANTO CI :
Sugiiva and others request Rama to receive Sita back. He agrees on condition that Sila proves her innocence and purity before the eyes of the people Sugriva and others bring Sita to Ayodhyā. Rāma cannot stand her presence; he asks her to stand aside. She gives expression to her righteous indignation. Sitā has to pass through fire-ordeal to prove her purity.
Indra is told of this fire-ordeal by Harinagavesi. He asks him to assist Sita through her ordeal. He accordingly goes to Sita (Arrival of God Hariņaigameşin)
CANTO CII :
A pyre is erected and lighted and Sita paying homage to the Jinas and other dignitaries declares on oath that she is innoceot and pure and rushes into the flames. By virtue of her chastity the flames turn into water and Sitā is unscathed. Now that water rising in volume spreads everywhere; people are afraid and invoke Sita's help. At ter touch the waters become still as those ci a well. Räna apologizes to her and proposes to her to enjoy pleasures in his company. Si ā firmly declares her intention to become nun and tears out her hair. Räma faints. Sitā accepting the ascetic order approaches a Muni. Regaining his consciousness Råma goes in search of Sita, arrives in the presence of that Muni (Sakalabhūşına) where Sita was. Sakalabhūşana delivers a long sermon on Dharma. He predicts that after enjoying the glory of a Haladhara, one day Ráma too would attain perfect knowledge. (Ráma's listening to a religious discourse )
60 The name of this god is spelt sometimes as Harinagavesi (Pc. 3. 103) or Harregamesi
(Antagadacasão p. 12 ) or Harine avesi (v. 74) or occasiorally as Har nakesi (. 70). He is the god wh) commands the foot-soders of Sakra (Indra). The Sk. equivalent given for the Prakrit nane is 'Hariņaiga neşin'.

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CANTO III :
Canto Cill narrates the previous births of Rāma, Laksmana, Sitā, Rāvana, Vibhișana, Sigriva and Vālin through the monk Sakalabhūşına.
In a town there are two merchant-sons, Dhanadatta and Vasudatta. A Brahmin called Yājña alkya is their friend. In the same town there is a merchant Sagaradatta ard his wife is Ratnaprabhā. She gives birth to a son called 'Guna' and a daughter named 'Gunamati'. She is, by her father, betrothed to Dhanadatta but her mother, grcedy of wealth, secretly offers her to a merchant-prince by name Srikānta. Know ing this Yajñavalkya conveys the news to his friend Vasudatta. He gets enraged, attacks the merchant-prince and in the duel both kill each other. After death they are born as deer. Dhanadatta owing to the death of his brother and loss of Guna. mati wanders from one country to another, Gunamati after death is born as a female deer. The two deers kill each other on her account. Dhanadatta in course of his wanderings mects a monk; owing to his sermon he becomes a Sjāvaka; after death he is born as a goj. Descending from there he is born as Jinapadma-ruci in a town called Malapura. Once he teaches an old bull the Pañca-Namaskara formula. The soul of that bull is born as Vrşabha-dhvaja the son of the king of Mahapura He cleverly manages to find out his benefactor in the past birth and the two, possessed of great glory, become pious S:āvakas. After death they are born as gods. The soul of Dhanadatta descends and is reborn as Nayanānanda, a Vidyadhara prince. He becomes a monk, after death is born as a god. Descending he is born as prince S:icandra. He enters the ascetic order, dies and is born as Indra in Brahmaloka. Descending now he is born as Rāma, the son of Daśaratha.
Now we turn to Vasudatta and Srikānta, the merchant prince. In Mrnālakunda there was a prince 'Vajra-kañcu' and his wife Hemavati Tl at Śsikānta is born as Svayambhū of her. That Gunamati, passing through many births is born as Vegavati of a Purobita devoted to Jina-Dharma. This Vega ali once holds up a monk to ridicule but her father checks her. She becomes a Srāvikā The prince Svayambhū is enamoured of her. Her father, however, declares that he won't offer his daughter to a prince of wrong faith. Svayambhū is enraged, kills him, forcibly kidnaps Vegavati and rapes her. Vegavati solemnly says : 'In the next birth I will be the cause of your death since you killed my father and have raped me'. She then enters the ascetic order. She after her death was born as a god and now in the present birth she is born as Sita. Svayambhū after his death wanders in hells, then is born as Prabhāsakunda, a Brahmin boy and later becomes a monk. Seeing the glory of Kanakaprabha, the lord of Vidyadharas, he entertains a (remunerative) desire that by virtue of his austerities he should be able to enjoy in a future birth the glory and prosperity of the chief of Vidyadharas. After death he was born as a god in Sanat-kumāra heaven and descending from there he was now born as Rāvana. That Vasudatta (w:10 was later on born as Sribhūti, as Bhamandala, that Yājňavalkya as Vibhişına, and Vrşabha-dhvaja as Sugti a.

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The Canto then tells of the past lives of Vā'in; the cause of Sita's abductior, viz., Svayambū had passion for Vegavati as a result of that passion he (who is now torn as Ravana) abducted Sītā (the soul of Vegavati); it also furnishes the explanation of Rāvana's death at Lakşmana's hands (viz , the two were enemies of each other in their previous births) and of scandal about Sha (viz., Vegavati (the soul of Sita) had scandalized an innocent monk but later on she had declared that she had told a lie and consequently in this birth Sila came out of the fire ordeal unscathed thus proving her innocence and purityl; that Kộtāntavadana takes to asceticism and Rāma goes to Sita, the nun and pays homage to her. (Sitā’s accepting of Asceticism and Past Lives of Rama)
CANTO CIV :
Canto CIV describes the past lives of Lavana and Ankusa. (Description of the past births of Lavana and Auksa)
CANTO CV :
Sitā practising austerities is born as a Prati-Indra with a span of life numbering twenty-two Sagaropamas. Madhu and Kaitabha practising penance for 64000 yeais were born in Acyuta heaven with the same life period. Descending from ther: they were born as Krsna's sons called Samba and Pradyumoa. The Tirtharkaras have said that a period of 64000 years separates Bhārata and Ramayana. 1 The Canto then relates the narrative of Madhu aad Kaitabha. Incidentally, the Brāhmanas are condemned. (Episode of Madhu and Kaitabha)
CANTO CVI :
At the svayanvara of two maidens, called Mandākini and Candramukhi, Lavana and Ankusa are chosen as bridegrooms. Laksmana's sons are enraged at this. They are pacified and instructed by Rūpamati's son. Then being enlightened, with the consent of Laksmana they become monks at the hands of Mahabala, a monk. [Renunciation of saṁsāra by (Lakşmana's) Kumāras]
CANTO CVII :
Bhamandala enjoys pleasures in his capital. For one reason or the other he postpones his idea of accepting asceticism. Once he is struck by lightning and dies. (Death of Bhamandala)
CANTO CVIII :
Hanumat, with his 1000 wives, enjoys pleasures of senses. Once he goes to Mt. Meru to pay homage to Jinas. On his way back his army is held up on a mountain
61 चउसट्टि सहस्साई वरिसाण अन्तर समक्खाये ।
fargutie AT8 RETTATO0 III
--Canto 105. v. 16.

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Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Sūri
49
as the sun was set. He, reflecting on the transitory nature of saṁsāra accepts Dikmå. His wives being grieved at his separation become nuns. Harūmat in due course attains to Nirvana. (Harūmat's attaining to Liberation)
CANTO CIX :
Rāma, absorbed in plcasures of senses, laughs at Hanūmat and others for accep. ting asceticism. Now, once, Indra gives a talk on samsara, Dharma, and greatness of Jainism and the importance of birth as a human being - to the gods. One god interrupts him pointing to Rāma's case. Thereupon Indra tells him that affection for one's friends and relatives etc., is tl'e greatest hindrance in the realization of Niri Ina. Rama and Lakşmaņa bear abundant and deep love for each other. Lakşmana would certainly die at Rāma's separation. (Conversation between Indra (and a God)]
CANTO CX :
Two gods go to Rāma and Lakşmana to test their affection for each other. At the illusory show of Rāma's death put up by then Lakşmaņa crying ‘alas' dies. The gods are sorry at this, are helpless and return to heaven. Rama hearing the terrible and shocking news goes to Laksmana's mansion; he out of deep love for his brother regards him still to be alive. Hearing of their uncle's death Lavana and Ankusa become monks. At the loss of his brother and his own sons Rāma sinks into profound grief and misery. (Entrance of Lavana and Ankasa in the Grove of Penance)
CANTO CXI :
Canto CXI portrays the lamentation of Rāma, overpowered with profound sorrow at the death of his brother. (Ráma's Lamentation)
CANTO (XII :
Sugriva, Vibhisana and others arrive and try to console Rama in his grief. Vibt işana gives a sermon on the nature of samsara and urges on Rāma to give up grieving for his dead brother. (Vibhișana's Plea to Rāma at his loss of Laksmana)
CANTO CXIII :
Rāma refuses to be reconciled to the idea of Lakşmana's death. He caresses the dead body of his brother.
Hearing of this news Rāma's old enemies such as Vajramali etc., think of attacking Ayodhya. They still rurse enmity towards him for having been deprived of Pātāla-Lanka's rule. They invade Ayodhyā. Keeping Lakşmana's body on his lap Rama takes up his Vajrāvarta bow. Gods now come to his help. The enemies seeing the army o gods there flee away A raic and a hamed of showing their face 19 Vibhișana, the sons of Indrajit and Sunda take to asceticism.

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
Now the two gods Jaţäyus and Kftäntavadana adopt various artifices and suceeed in convincing Räma that Laksmana had expired. He then performs the funeral rites of his dead brother. He thereafter asks Satrughna to take over the kingdom as he himself wants to take to asceticism. Satrughna, however, declines. (Arrival of Celes: tial friends, the gods) CANTO CXIV :
Rāma then installs Angaruha (son of Lavana) on the throne. Vibhișana, Sugriva too act accordingly. Rāma accepts asceticism at the hands of Muni Suvrata. All other heroes follow Rama. Now Råma all alone wanders about, acquires Avadhi knowledge and passes his time in the study of scriptures. (Renunciation of samsára hy (Muni) Baladeva) CANTO CXV :
Once, Muni Rāma enters Syandanasthali to break his fast; the people of that place shower love on him and pressingly invite him to go to their houses to break his fast. The policemen are forced to keep order. Mupi Rāma, without accepting food, goes to the forest. [Agitation caused in the course of (Rama's) begging tour] CANTO CXVI :
Now Rāma takes a vow of not to enter any town Now a king goes to that forcst, ercamps on the bank of a lake, Rama goes there, alms is offered to him. He accepts it. That gift of alms is praised by gods in heaven. (Praise of the gift of pure alms) CANTO CXVII :
In the course of his wanderings Rāma goes to where that Kotisilā was. Standing on it he obseries Platin ā. Now Indra (the soul of Sitā) goes there. He with a view to be in a position to enjoy pleasures in Rāma's company causes Upasargas, tut Rāma is undisturbed, ard attains perfect knowledge. Gods go there to celebrate that event. That Indra (formerly Sītā) too participates in the celebrations. Rāma advises him to give up attachment and practise Dharma. [Acquisition of perfect knowledge (by Rāma)] CANTO CXVIII :
(Sitā-) Indra goes to hell to enlighten Laksmana. He asks him to observe right faith and returns. He then once meets Rāma and inquires of him of the fortune of Dasaratha and his wives who, he informs him, are born in heaven. Lava and Kusa would obtain Nirvăņa. The Canto then tells the story of Bhāmandala, and about the future lives of Laksmana and Ravana. These last named two heroes in duc course, after wandering through some births, would obtain Nirvana. Sitādeva too would attain liberation along with the Arhat - Induratha (the soul of Råvana).
Living for a period of 17,000 years Rāma obtains Mokşa. (Rāma's attaining 19 Nirvana)

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(B. PAUMACARIYA: A STUDY
THE DATE OF VIMALASUR
In the subscription to the Paumacariya Vima asu gives the date o the comp.e tion of the work as 30 AV Two different dates are given or the year o Nirvana of Maha 1a (1) The traitio al date, namely B.C an. 1) the cate fixed by Jacobi, viz.. 47 BC They indicate two iff rent date of the completion of t Paumacariya. VIZ., 4 A.D and 64 A.D. Tat is to say, according to poet Vimalasuri's own statement the Paumacariya was written in the first century A.D."
Jaco however, holds that the Paumaeariya was a much late age. In nis paper called "Sonic ancient Jain Works" he observes. "As it (the Paumacariya gives a lagna in which some plants are given under their Greek names the book, for example, must have been written after Greek astrology had been adopted by the Hindus, and that was not be:ore the 3rd century A.D. Therefore unless the passage which contains the lagna is a later audition the cook itsel: may be placed in the 3rd century AD or some what later." In another place he speaks of its age
1
पंचेव य वाससया, वीरे सिद्धिमु गए,
दुसमाए तीसवरिससंजुत्ता ।
तओ निबद्ध इमं चरियं ॥ XVII. 103
2 Leumann consider, the date 4 A.D. as unassailable (Winternit:: A History of Indian Literature. Vol. I, p. 514, f.n. 1, and Vol. II p. 478, f.n.). Winternitz accepts 64 A.D. as the date of the composition of the Paumacariya (Ibid, Vol. 1, pp, 513. 514 with f.n. 1, and Vol. II, p. 477 with f.n. 3. p. 478 and p. 479). Pandit Hargovind Das Sheth assigns this work to the first century A.D. (Paia-Sadda-mahaunavo. Vol. IV, Introduction. p. 13), Pandit Premi accepts the date given by Vimalasuri as correct (Jain Sahitya Aura Itihasa, revised edition 1956' p. 91). Dr. Jyotiprasad Jain appears to, be in favour of the date as recorded by the poet himself (Srimad Rajendrasuri Smaraka Granth Vimalarya Aura Unaka Paumacariyam, pp. 444-445). Prof. C. V. Abhyankar refutes some of the arguments against an eary date for the poet: The occurrence of words like Dinara. Surunga and the like which betray the Roman and the Greek influence on India "can at the most make us disinclined to put a writer (who uses these words) before the beginning of the Christian era". The astronomical date are probably not genuine. The argument based on the influence of later poets and playwrights on Vimalasuri he rebuts thus: "The descriptions of the seasons, water-sports, hells, and amorous gestures Lave been more or less conventional ones, ever since the time of the earliest Indian epics, and similarity of thought and expession in this matter can never be a criterion for the fixing of the dates of any two writers whose writings show much resemblance in those matters". On the strength of the primitive language, archaic forms and the old matters." On the stren of the old metres he assigns the work to the first century A. D. (Forward to Pama-Cariyam (Chs. 27-28, edited by Sri S. C
Upadhyaya, Ahmedabad, 1934).
3 Modern Reivw, December 1914.
Encyclopaed'a of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VII, p. 467,

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Story of Rūma in Jain Literature
as 'perhaps of the third century A.D.' In another place still he writes : "Since the word 'oinăra', 'lagna', 'Yavana' and Sakas are mentioned in the work itself the latter must have been composed earliest in the second or the third century A.D.” In the introduction to Parisistaparvan he writes: "For Vimalasūri, author of Prakrit poem Paumacariya, states at the end of his work to have written it in 530 A.V. The date, if interpreted as a regular Vira date is ioconsistent with the author's statements in cxviii. 117-118. He gives his spiritual lineage : Raju, Vijaya, and Sūri Vimala who belong to the Nājlakulavamśa. The latter is no doubt identical with Nāji sāhā which according to the Therāvají, was founded by Vajra's disciple Vajraena Vajra having died about 575 A.V., Vajrasena may be confidently placed in about 580-600 A.V. As Vinala was a member of the Nāili he was removed from its founder by an uncertain number of generations. He therefore cannot have lived before the later part of the 7th century A.V., and thus it is certain that his date 530 is not a regular Vira date. In the common Vira era starting from 526 B.C. the year 530 corresponds to 4 A.D. But the Paumaeariya was written in a much later age. For in it the Yavanas and Sakas are mentioned not as newly settled in India, but as living there since time immémorial, the são é holds good with dinära".
5 Inroduction to Bhavisattakahā (German) 1918, Translatien by Dr. Ghosal, Journal of the
Oriental Institute, Baroda, June 55, Vol. IV, No. 4, pp. 363-65. 6 Bibliotheca Indica Work No. 96 (Calcutta. 1832), edited by Jacobi, p. XIX. Keith (A His
tory of Sanskrit Literature, p. 34 p. 40, f. n. 2), Woolrer (Introduction to Prakrit, 1928.
. 83). Glasenapp (Jain Dharma, p. 118,-A Gujarati Translation of Jainismus, Jain Dharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bhavnagar), Dr. Upadhye (Introduction to Pravacanasāra-p. XXIII, and f. n. 1 thereon, R. J. Sastramalā, Bombay 1935, and Introduction to Paramätma-prakāśa, n. 56. 1. n. 1, R. J. Sastrama'a, Bombay 1937), Dr. Ghatage (ABORI, Poona. Vol. XVI. 1934-35 : Narrative Literature in Jain Māhārāştri, p. 30; Progress of Indic Studies. BORI. Silver Jubilee. 1942, Poona : "A Brief Sketch of Prakrit Studes", p. 169; Sarcha Satabdi Commemoration Volume : A Locat ve Form I Paum cariya) follow Jacobi in dating Vimalasuri.
Prof. Laddu and Gore appear to be of two minds regarding the date of Vimalasůr. They Assign him "to a period between the latter half of the first century B. C. and the first half of the first century A. D." or "To somewhere between the latter Lalf of the second century A. D. and the first half of the third century A. D." (Paumacariya of Viinalasuri. Cantos 33-35, Poona, 1941 Introduction pp. viii-ix). Shri S. C. Upadhyaya assigns V.mala
Birl to the seventh century A. D. on the basis of the influence of other poets and writer on him (Paumacariyam, Chs. 27, 28, Ahmedabad, 1934). He, however, subsequently changed, his view and defended the date 530 A. V. as correct (Jainācārya Sri Ātmārāmji Janmaatabdi Grantha : Mahakavi Vimalasuri ane temanu Racelur Paumacariya-an article in Gujarati b. 100-123, 1935 Principal Chaughule and Vaidya place Vima'asuri in the second century
D) (Paumacariyam, Chs, 27-28, 1934 Cnaugule. Chs. I-IV 1936. Chaugule and Vaidva. Chs. 33-35, 1941. Principal V. M, Shah too places Vima'asuri in the second century AD. Paumacariya, Chs. I-IV, 1936, Surat). Dr. U. P. Shah casually suggests that it would be preferable to understand 530 A. V. as 530 V. S. (Śrimad Rājendrasuri Smāraka Grar. tha : Praeina Sahitya men Mudrāsambandhi Tathya, p. 539, an article in Hindi.)

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53
Muni Jinavijayaji' thinks that probably the work is not so ancient as it claims to be. He believes with Jacobi that Vimala's date 530 is not a regular Vira dale a that Vimalasuri is not later than the 3rd century AD
K. H. Dhruva was inclined to assign the Paümacariya to the preiod between 678 A D. and 778 A.D. He fixed the upper limit 678 A.D. on the ground that toe Paümacariya was, according to him, a Prakrit rendering of Ravişena's Padmacarita Purāņa 1078 A.D.). The lower limit is unassailable as Kuvalayamā ā (778 A.D.) mentio..s Vinaia. Dhruva advanced a few more arguments for dating it so late as that (1) Vimaa. sūri's use of some metres of comparatively later ongin such as Gahui, Sarabha ana Aryāskandhaka, (ii) the employment of Sragaharā at the end of a canto and of Yamaka in Giti and of the poet's own name Vimala as a key-word or catch woru in the concluding stanza of every canto, and the (111) comparatively modern Prakrit of Vimalasūri.
Pandit Paramanand Jain Shastrio points to the use of the word Siyambara (= Svetāmbara, Canto XXII 78 ) by Vimalasūri and opine; that its use suggests a late date. He fiods resemblance between four gāthās from Faumac.riya and the Carittapähuda (ard also one gathā, with slight variation, common to th: Paumacariya and the Pravacanasāra). He shows the great resemblance of ideas between some gathās of the Paumacariya and the Sūtras from the Tattvārthasūtra (Digambara recension in particular). He quotes the line an faqas gaaf glas Pc. CXVIII v. 102 (d) and interprets it to mean that the poet Vimala has versified the Sūtras from the Tattyārthasūtra.1 °He, therefore, holds that Vimalasūri must have flourished after Kundakunda and Umālāti.
7 In a personal discussion which I had with him recently he expressed this op nion. 8 Jain Yuga, Vol. I, rart 2, 1981 V.S. (pp. 68-69) and Vol. I, part 5, 1982 v. s. (pp. 180-182). 9 Anekanta (Kirana 10-11), 1942 : Paumacariyaka Antah-Pariksana, np. 337-344 (f. n. Büla
sudhara on p. 352). This article is quotec in full in the Hindi Introduct on to Padmapurana, Vol. I, Bharatiya Jina-pisha, Käsi, 1958, without correcting the mistake referred to in the
foot-note on p. 352 ! 10 This interpretation of the word 'Suttasahi an' is indeed extraordinary ! The expression
*Suttasahisar' in this stanza has nothing to do with the Tattvārthasūtra. In the opening canto the poet Vimalasuri describes the source of his work as the words of Lord MahaVira himself (Read in this connection, Paumacariya, I. 8-10, 13, 29-31, 33 and 90 and the title of the first Chapter 'Sutra-vidhana' and CXVII. 118), The word sutra in the title "Table of Contents", means 'Contents'. That the expressio.2 'sutta-sahiyam' means in accordance with the sacred texts (37=31117A) is quite c'car if we read t.e fo'low'ng Latha :
.
gaigarako (oata'?), 159 NIETE 91935014 faHST 947 e or faa 11 -Pc. I. 31

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1 eno ot
ay
11
33
Pas
The various arguments advanced by Jacobi and others for rejecting the date work its f and assigning im to a much later period. ny sume up as Oi Ows XX The wo.us Yavanas. Suka dina a a alo uāua a are mentioned the work ( It gives a lagna in which some e given under their Greek ames (m) The word 'Siyamba a' (Sk Stan Dad in rele. nce to a Jain muni occurs in th work (1) There is re-embla .co itas, thought, and words between the work and Carittapahuda and between the work and the Tait arthasutra (v) The work presents some compa atively mode n mens and the author's own name as a key wor. (v) The work contains a number o vulgarisms which oresha, ow t e Apabhiamś stage (vi) The work a Prak: t dering. in an abridged torni, o the Sanskrit Padmacarita An asty VII te Nalakulavamsa, to which Vimalasūri belonged. is identica with the Nai Saā whic was founded by Vajrasena (58, 600 A V.).
54
in
Let us now examine these arguments one by one. As regards the me tion o Yavanas it may be noted the word Yauna, meaning the Greeks, is found used in the Mahabharata. XII. 207-43 and that the earliest use of the Sanskritized form Yavana can be traced in the Aṣṭadhyayi of Panini (circa 5th century B. C.) and that of the Prakrit form Yona in the Inscriptions of Aśoka. It is a historical fact that "the people of Uttarapatha at least had direct knowledge of the Greeks as carly as the sixth and fifth centuries B. C. It is not improbable that officers of Greek and Indian origin in the service of the Achaemenian Government as well as merchants of the empire belonging to both the nationalities often met one another at the metropolis and the provincial headquarters... The conquest of North Western India in 327-325 B. C. by Alexander and the foundation by the Macedonian king of such cities as... Alexandrial peopled partially by some of the Greek followers of the Conqueror, must have led to an intimate association between the Yavanas and the Indians....11 Again, says Saikar, "As early, however, as the time of Patanjali's Mahabhagya the Yavanas as well as the Sakas found a place in the Indian Society as 'aniravasita' (pure) Sudras while the Manusamhita regards them as degraded Kyatsiyas.... The Mahabhiya and the Manusathhità appear to speak of the Greeks of Bactria and Afghanistan who established themselves in India in the early years of the second. century B. C. In fixing the age of Man.usm.fti (200 B C to 200 A.D.) Keita remarks: "The former limit arises from the mention of Yavanas, Šakas, Kambojas, and Pahlavas, showing that the work was written when the frontiers were no longer. safe from invasion...."13 As regards the words 'cintra' (the Latin denarius) and 'Surunga' (Greek Syrinx, an underground passage) Keith observes that they suggest
11 The Age of Imperial Unity (Bharatiya Vid, a Bhavan, Bombay), p. 102.
12 Ibid., p. 103.
13 A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 441.

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a date not before the second century A.D. 1. His statement, however, is by no means beyond dispute. The term 'Suranga' occurs in the Arthaśāstra. As shown above the Indians were in contaet with the Greeks centuries before the Christian era. They may have borrowed the word surungă from them. Regarding the word 'dinara' we must not forget the fact that trade and commerce was regularly going on between India and Rome from even before the second century BC. It is reasonable, therefore, to belive that the gold coin dirāra must have been very familiar to the Hindus (especially from Western India) since that time.
Regarding the argument based on the Greek influence, we must rememter that Jacobi himself qualifies his statement regarding the passage thus "Unless the passage which contains the lagna is a later addition."15 He appears to have entertained doubt regarding the genuine character of the passage. Prof. Abhyankar writes about this passage thus : "the astronomical data found in the book are very inaccurate and if they are taken as genuine they would be a proof of the ridiculously poor knowledge of astronomy on the part of the autl or who has felt no hesitation in placing Venus and Mercury at a distance of more than 60° and 120° from the sun."16 The passage is not quite essertial in the context and probably is an interpolation, Even if it is accepted as genuine it need not necessarily suggest a late date. For Jacobi's view about the perid when the Hindus adopted Greek astrology is not incontestible. Dixit'? holds that the Zodaic names Mesa and other words current in India round about five hundred years before the Šaka or the Christian era and the names of week days about a thousand years before these eras started. Prof. Abhyankar's believes in the identity of Minarāja or Minendra, the author of the Yavana-Jätaka and King Menander (150 B.C.) and adds that the date of King Menander (about 150 B.C.) also well agrees with the date which can be assigned to tle work on strength of internal and external evidences."
The word 'Siya mtara' (Svetān bara) used in the work appears not to have the later connotation which it acquired after the great schism of the Jain community into Svetāmbaras and Digambars. In fact, the absence of the word Digambara in the whole of the work, the presence of some beliefs and details of dogma which are in agreement with the Digambara tradition (and Ravişena's use of the work as the basis of his Padmacarita (or purūna) clearly suggest an early date for the work when sectarian prejudices had not as yet developed.
14 Ibid., pp. 65, 248, 445 for dināra and pr. 28 and 460 for surunga. 15 "So ne Ancient Jain Works" - Modern Review, 1934. 16 Foreword to Paumacariyam (Chs. 27, 28) edited by Sri S.C. Upadhyaya. published by R. P.
Kot' ari and Co., Gandhi Road, Ahmedadd, 1934. 17 Baratiya Jyot şaśāstra (OP, 139, 511). by S. B. Dixit. Aryabhūşaņa Press, Poona. 1931.) 18 The Upadeśa-sūtra of Jaimini (p. 87) edited by Prof. K. V. Ab iyankar, Gujarat Vidyasabra,
Ahmedabad, 1951.

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There is striking resemblance between the Paumacariya and the works of Kundakunda and Umāsvāti as pointed out by Pandit Paramanand Jain. This kind of resemblance regarding doctrinal details, however, does not necessarily or invariably indicate the borrowing by one from the other but it only proves their common heritage. If there is striking resemblance between two Kävyas, it suggests that one has borrowed from the other unless both have drawn upon the same source. Regard. ing matters of doctrinal and ritualistic interest if there is resemblance between a Kävya and other puthoritative works and when their dates are incontestible it is reasonable to infer that the poet has borrowed from the authoritative texts and not the other way. The Paumacariya being a Purāna-Kavya includes matter of doctrinal interest. If the dates of the authoritative texts were definitely and decisively known to be earlier than that of the Pauma ariya one could have argued for its indebtedness to them in regard to these points of doctrinal interest. Bnt their dates are disputed by scholars. It stands to reason, therefore, to say that the Paümacariya embodies ancient traditions and beliefs of the Svetămbaras and the Digambaras, their common heritage before they parted ways. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the gātlā "Jam annāņatavassi" etc. (Canto 102, v. 177] from the Paumacariya which has a parallel in Pravacapasāra, III. 38 is also found in the sacred works of the Svetāmbarasl' such as Marana-Samădhi ete. The BỊhatkalpa Sūtra reads this gātha as follows:
जं अन्नाणी कम्म, ग्ववेइ बहुयाहिं वासकोडीहिं ।
त नाणी तिहि गुत्तो, खघेइ ऊसासमेत्तेण ।। As regards the use of metres of comparatively later origin by Vimalasūri, we must always bear in mind that it is not always safe to judge the age of a work on the evidence of retres only. Again, if we believe in Jacobi's hypothesis that “In the early centuries A.D. there existed a large literature in Prakrit, probably popula epics, which have been lost to us, and of which the Paumacariya is the only remnant”20 it follows that in the absence of works belonging to that early period we are not in a position to judge correctly whether a particular metre is old or not. If Professor Dhruva places the work in the 7th or the 8th Century AD. on the basis of metres, Professor Abhyankar holds that "The work can be said to be old enough on the strength of the language, the grammatical forms and the metres. The peculiar Giti varieties and one or two old metres which are governed by Mātrās and not by Ganas show that the work belongs to a period immediately after the period of the Agama works."21
Regarding the use of the poet's own name Vimala - as a key-word it is easy to see that it does not necessarily speak of the modernity or antiquity of the work.
19 Cf. Pancavastuka, v. 564, Saristārkaprakirņaka, v. 115 Maranasamadhi, v. 935, Bţiatkalsa
sūtra (Part 11. 1170, p. 361 edited by Muni Sri Caturvijayaji and Punyavijayaji. 20 "Some Ancient Jain Works" - Modern Review, December 1914. 21 Foreword to Paumacariyam (Chs. 27 & 28) edited by S. C. Upadhyaya, Ahmedabad, 1934.

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In rega:d to the language of the Paumccoriya it is very surprising that Prof. Dhruva should describe it as 'modem'. Jaco ii notes the peculiarities of the language of the Parmacarija, "the oldest Kavya in Jain Mahārāştri that has come down to us" and observes that “It is therefore a primitive and not yet grammatically refined Prakrit.""? Dr. Ghatage, while discussing the relation between Ardhamāgadhi and Jain Mālārāștii, remaiks "Tlc verous N uis and narratii e works like Paumacariya, Vasudevahir di and others may be taken to present the archaic form of JM. (Jain Mālārāştii). the language of the non-canom el bocks of the Svetāmbara writers."2 3 The work does present a number of vulgais ms which foreshadow the Apabhraṁsa stage. Jacobi analyses and illustrates the arisms of various nature that appear in the Pa umacar ya.2He, however, does not rescribe the language of the Paümacariya as Modern on the strength of the Apabhi msa vulgarisnis. In this connection it is pertinent to reproduce Dr. Ghatago's obserwion:
"In this context, it must be clearly under 'ood that this so called Ap (Apabhramsa) influence originates from the spoken langua (in all probability the mother tongues of the writers) and traces of it can be de cfed even in the Amg. (Ardha-Māgadhi) caron (acchal m U. 22.16) and the older ths in JM. (Jain Māhālāștrī)."25 It is, therefore, ot legitimate to inter from thibsence oi' early Apabhramsa works and the fact of Apabhramsa not being moal by Bharata in his Nātpašāstru and of the Apabhu mśa language or dialect not be seated ci by Vararuci's Prakrit-Prakāśa, that works bowing Apabhrama infuence ti ust be late.
The hypothesis that the Paii macarija . an abridged edition in Prakrit of Ravisena's Padn acarita (-Purāna) in Sanskrit ..been refuted by Pandit Premi.26 He has advanced a number of arguments, soro! which are thoroughly sound and convincing, and established that the woik of Ra şena is an enlarged edition in Sanskrit of the Prekrit Paüm acariya A few more auments may be adduced here in support of Pandit Premi's view :
Ravişena clearly siаics that his work is based on a written Rāma-Kathā7 whereas Vimalasuri states that the Rāma-sty before him was handed down by oral
22 "Some Aicient Jain Works"- Modern Revie, December, 1924. 23 Introduction to Kahāņaya Tigain (p. 62), Ko hapur, 1951. 24 Introduction to Bliavisattakahā (Translate from the original German by Dr. Ghosal) :
Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Ju 55, Vol. IV- No. 4 (pp. 36-365). 25 Introduction to Kahanaya - Tigan, p. 63, Koihapur.
Many MSS o the Vikramor asiyaning ude Apabhrara verses in the 4th Act to be recited by King Pururavas, who is love-lors d'un matta'. There is a controversy regarding their feuineness as well as regarding the a c of Kalidasa. These Arabhramsa verses cannot,
therefore, be of any use in the present cont... 26 Jain Satya Aura Tuhasa (second edition, 6): Pada acarita Aura Paumacaria, pp. 89-91. 27 Alasare F: 15942f 1 555*1 R911: TH TNHH 11
998 mra: #få aalsezatan i fe 7 1 9114 suara: 11 I-vv.41-42

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
tradition and that it was only 'Nāmā valiyanibaddham'18 and thus indicates that for the first time he gave it a literary shape composing it in the Gathā metre."
Ravişena's work has a very distinct Digambara stamp. If the Paumacariya were later there is no reason why its author should retain only some Digambara traits and in some other cases introduce Svetāmbara traits.
Ravişena displays his great dialectical skill and arguments ability and high proficiency in philosophical erudition, as for example, when he launches a vigorous and spirited attack against the Vedic sacrifice, the creation theory etc. If this highly important. portion of the text were before Vimalasūri, he would have certainly incorporated this criticism in his Purāna-kāvya and enhanced its value. His silence in this regard is very significant and probably suggests tbat in his days he had not felt the need of rebutting the opponent's point of view by resorting to dialectics.
The horoscope of Hanūmat as given in the Paunacariya is astronomically not correct, whereas the one found in the Padmapurāna: 2 is astronomically correct. This clearly proves that Ravişena has corrected the obvious error found in the Paumacariya that was before him.
The arguments (for late dating) so far considered have not much force behind them and one cannot seriously challenge the date given by the author on their basis; the last argument based on the identity of the Nāila-kulavamsa and 'Naili Sāhā' is, however, very weighty and highly plausible. Jacobi has absolutely no doubt in his mind regarding the identity. Pandit Lalchand B. Gandhi believes that Nājla-gaccha and Nagendra gaccha (and Nāili Sāhā) are, possibly identical. 33 The writers of “Jaina Paramparāno Itihāsa hold that the two are identical.34 In his celebrated work called "Vira Nirvana Samvat aura Jain Kala-ganana" Muni Kalyana Vijayajı supports the view that Nāila Kula, Naili Sahā, Naila gaccha and Nagendra gaccha or Kula are all identical, although he points out that the equation Nāila = Nāgendra is not 28 नामावलियनिबद्धं, आयरियपरंपरागयं सव्वं ।
वोच्छामि पउमचरियं अहाणपुदिव समासेणं ।। -1-8 29 galgaranta, 15 TETE 91935579
faqat qafi eo fh11 -1-31 एय वीरजिणेण रामचरियं सिद्धं महत्थं पुरा, पच्छाऽऽखडलभूइणा उ कहियं सीसाणं धम्मासय । भूओ साहुपरंपराए सयल लोए ठियं पायड,
CFI fansur yatafai illas II CXVIII-IC2 30 Padmapurāņa, Parvan XI, vv. 164-251. 31 Paumacariya, Parvan XVII, vv. 106-111. 32 Padmapurana, Parvan XVII, vv. 360-377. 33 Jain Yuga, Vol. I, part 2 (pp. 68-69), Asvina 1981. 34 Jain Paramparāno Itihasa, Part I (pp. 305-410), by Tripuți Mahārāja, Ahmedabad, 1952.

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in accordance with grammatical rules." In a recent letter written to the present writer, however, he unhesitatingly accepts Jacobi's dating of the Paumacariya (about the end of the third century A.D.). Jacobi's hypothesis regarding the age of the Paumacariya finds strong support from Munisti Kalyanavijayji, who writes in his letter 7:
59
"An error has crept into the Gatha giving the date of the work through the carelessness of some scribe. The expression in the present text of the Gāthā must have originally read as तिसयवरिससंजुत्ता. Due to scribal error the syllable य from तिसय may have been left out and subsequently on noticing the metrical flaw fae may have been corrected to a." This emended text would give 274 A.D. as the date of the Faumacariya. "The age of the work could not", he asserts, "be earlier than the third century A.D., as it mentions 'lagra', etc., contains repeated exhortations to the people to perform the worship of the Jina-images, and 'Abhişeka' (ablution) and lays down that the people should consecrate Jina-idols in each and every house and con: demns the loose practices of Jain monks. These references better fit in with and indicate the Gupta age and not the first century of Vikram Samvat."
Although it is hard to persuade oneself to agree with Muniśrt Kalyāṇavijayajl regarding his emendation, as it indicates an extremely unusual way of giving the date. of a work, his arguments based upon the 'Astavidha Puja, Abhiş:ka, Jina-PratimaPratisthapana, etc., are weighty and confirm Jacobi's late date for the work.
2. VIMALASURI'S LIFE
It is, indeed, a misfortune that we have no biographical records of our wellknown ancient poets, playwrights or writers in other fields. The lack of reliable personal life-history produces a sense of something missing. All that Vimalasūri chooses to tell us is stated in the colophon of his Paümacariya. He gives his spiri tual lineage He was a pupil of Vijaya, who was the joy and glory of the Näilakulavama. Vijaya, in his turn, was a pupil of Rahu, who had mastered the doctrines of his own faith as well as those of his religious adversaries. It is clear that Vimalasuri like his teacher belonged to the same Nailakulavamsa. Munisti Kalyanavijayaji informs me that The Naila-Kula (vamsa) continued to be known as Nagila-kula or Nagendrakula up to the twelfth century (V S.). From that time. onwards it continued under the name Nagendragaccha and it altogether disappeared from the fifteenth century (V.S.). It appears from references in the exegetical works on the Sutras that the monks belonging to this Kula were somewhat of independent 35 Nagaripracāriņi Patrika (page 707), Part X, No. 4, Käsi. Samvat 1986.
36 Letter (in Hindi) dated 9th September, 1959.
37 Ibid., paragraph 2. The English translation of the original Hindi passages is free, but brings out his point of view correctly.
38 The use of the expression 'Dharma'abha' and the allusion to restoration of ruined Jain shrines also point in the same direction.

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nature. They introduced some new practices as a result of which they lost caste with the orthodox kulas like the Kotika sometime in the cighth century after Mahavira's Nirvāņa. This probably explains why Vimalasūri or succeeding Ācāryas of this Kula do not find mention in the Pitt us and the absence of independent pattāvalis or Guryāvalis of their own. The colophon a'so intorns that Vimalaxūri wrote his Raghava-Carita (the same as Padma C a, Jain Rāmāyana) after having heard the lives of Nājāyaṇa(here Lakşmana and Badeva(here Rāma) as described in the Pūrvas.39
The Puspikā at the end of the work describes Vimalācārya as the 'Praśişya' (pupil's pupil) of Rāhu a ventalle sun to the Nā:lavamsa, a man of great soul and a Pürvadhara (one who possesses the knowledge of Pūrva texts). The statement that Vimalasuri was a Pūrvadhara admits o: neither refutation nor proof. The name of Vimalasūri does not find mention in the traditional list of Purvadharas. The Svetāmbara tradition, however, states that the pūrvadharas flourished for a period of about a thousand years after the Nirvana of Lord Mahavira.
From the graphic description of the ounding of Mathurā (Canto LXXXIX) and the strong influence of Jainism suggested therein one gets the impression, and it is an impression only, that Vimalasūsi may have been intimately connected with Mathurā. Further, one may not be far wrong i: 0.1 were to infer from the poet's vivid and glorious description of the Jina-pujā, the Jinābhişeka and the Jina andana-bhakti 39 118 119 17:41, 29471641 HII
विजओ य तस्स सीसो, नाइलकुलवसनदियरा । सीसेण तस्स रइयं, राहवचरियं तु सू रविमलेन । 51 787
fait 413' 11 -CXVIII. 117-118. Incidentally it may be noted liore that the word 'al' in the atove verse is nisunderstood by some. Sri S. C. Upacha a takes it incant(at np. 100, 104, 109, 117 in his article referred to above. It is so insun erstood by Dr. Joti prasa da Jain too (sce his paper referred to above, p. 439). The word is an equivalent of Sanskrit Hii (an epithet of Balarāma) and stands for Baiadcvi or Balabhrt, Haladhara, the elder (step-) brother of Nārāyaṇa (or Vasudeva). Thus in the present context Narayana and Siri stand for Laksmana and Rāma. According to Jyotiprasad Jain the woris i gent F
a (meaning the life of Sri Narayana, that iş. Krsna-Carita or Harivamsa!) suggest that Vimalasuri had composed his Harivamsa before his Paumacar ya. It is quite clear that he entirely misunderstood the whole point. Here Vimalasuri points only to the trustworthiness of the source of his Paumacariya. His staterent that Svayan.bhu pays homage first to Vimalasüri (as ancient poet) and then to Ravişena is open to coubt. The name Vimalasuri is nowhere mentioned in the passage concerned. if he has in mind the identity of 1990 and कीर्तिधर, the अनुत्तरवाग्मिन् he should have have the point explicit and given his reasons
for the identification. 40 in the introduction to the Paumacariya Vimalasuri states :
एवं परंपराए परिहाणी पुव्वगंथ-अस्थाणं ।
A150 913H1T', 7 9707 TEE 11-1.11 The word CTETT, however, does not necessarily indicate total gxtinction.

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Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Sari
(Canto XXXII) that Vimalasūci was probably a 'Caityavāsin' or at least under the influence of Caityavāsins.
Vimala sūri : The Scholar : Paumacariya reveals that Vimalasüri was very well acquainted with the Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmiki and some other early versions of it. On the analogy of the Paümacariya one may safely infer that his Harivamsa-cariya, if ever found, would reveal his deep acquaintance with the Bhärata epic. The description of Rāvana's marvellous palace and the adventures of Vānara warriors (Pc. LXVIII.5-15) strongly reminds one of Yudhisthira's palace built by Mayasura and Duryodhana's adventures in it (Sabhāparvan). In his extant work he displays sound knowledge of the cosmography, ontology, mythology, religion and ethics of the Jains. Some cantos reveal his good acquaintance with the Kamasutra, the Arthasastra and Yogaśāstra. Certain descriptions in the Paumacariya remind us of similar passages in the Agama works. Although he is indebted to Vālmiki, he is not a slavish imitator. He has given prominence to the Vidyadharas, added some beautiful romantic episodes and displayed originality in the conception of his characters like Rāvana, Kaikeyi and Vālin. Vimalasüri's Rāvana is eminently a tragic hero. He refers to Vedic sacrifices and to the Vedas with their angas, but these references are not sufficient to attest his knowledge of the Vedic texts or the ritual of the Brāhmaṇas. Nowhere does he show bis acquaintance with the Upanişads unlike Ravişenācārya. The horoscope of Hanumat, if accepted as genuinely his work, would reveal his poor knowledge of Astrology. He was conversant with the science of omens and dreams. From the poetic portion of the Paümacariya one may legitimately infer that he was conversant with some early works dealing with Poetics and Metrics, He knew many plants and creepers that he mentions by name in the Paümacariya. From his reference to the Gāruda and the seven Uragavegas (XV. 45-48) it appears he was acquainted with the Garuda śāstra dealing with charms against snake-bites which is noted in the Sthānānga.
3. VIMALASURI'S WORKS
Next let us consider the works he wrote. A didactic poem, called Praśnottaramāla'l or Vimala-Praśnottaramālā or simply Ratnamālikā is attributed to Vimala. Haridasasastri is of opinion that this Vimala is identical with the author of the Paumacariya. In the closing verse the author is called simply Sitapataguru, ie., "the teacher clad in white.” The two Svetāmbara commentaries, one by Devaprabha (1186 A.D.) and the other by Devendra and Manibhadra (1373 A.D.) ascribe the
41 This small yet highly important didactic poem is claimed by Buddhists and Brāhmaṇas as
belonging to their writings. See Winternitz : A History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp.559-560, Dr. Jyotiprasa da Jain : Studies in the Jaina Sources, Chapter IX. Haridāsa Šāstri (Indian Antiquary, 1890, 378 f.); Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, 2nd edition, p. 68 f.; J. F. Fleet in Indian Antiquary 33, 1904, 198 ff.

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work to V.mala (-onlia) Sūrį. It is now generally accepted that king Amoghavarsa (or his court poet) who reigned in the 9th century wrote this poem.
The works known for certain to be Vimalasūri's are the Paümacariya"? and the Harivamsacariya. The Paumacariya is the work of concern to us at present, and is studied exhaustively further on. The Harivarisa-Cariya is, however, unfortunately lost. But the fact of Vimalasūri's authorship of this work is attested by Kuvalayamāla.4 3 Uddyotanasūri pays a very handsome tribute to Vimalasūri and his Harivamsa in these words :
वुहयण - सहस्स-दइयं हरिवंसुप्पत्तिकारय पढमं"।
Eh afcui f arafa 9 (aftas 9. v. 1.) fa ll As the Harivanía of Vimalasūri is lost, it is not possible to know definitely what its contents were like and what version of Harivamśa it presented. Pandit Premi thinks that it would be no wonder if Jinasena's Hariva mía (A.D. 783) like the Pudmacarita (of Ravişena) were found to represent (on discovery of the Manuscript of Harivamsa) an extended recension of the Harivansa in Sanskrit.Another plausible surmise is that Svayambhu's Ritthanemicariu 6 may be a slightly modified recension of Vimalasūri's lost work, just as his Paunacariu is a modified recension of Vimalasūri's Prakrit Paumacariya. These are, however, only conjectures. A very close and comparative study of the Svetāmbara and the Digambara works dealing with the subject matter of Harivamsa may help us to form some idea of the nature and contents of the lost work of Vimalasūri, the earliest Jain work of its kind. The main topics dealt with in it may probably have been the Dynasties of Yadavas, the Kurus, the great war between the Kauravas and the Pandavas, the aftermath of war, the 42 The hypothesis of Prof. K. H. Dhruva that probably there were two Vimalasūris - the
earlier one, belonging to the first century A.D., who was the writer of the Rāghavacariya and the later one, belonging to the 7th century, who was the author of the Paumacariya, has been shown to be untenable by Prof. K. V. Abhyankar who observes : "Theories about two writers of the same name require to be based upon two separate works of similar names being actually available with differences in style, expression and method".
See Introduction, pp. 7-8, and Foreward, pp. iii-iv, to Paumacariyar, Chapters 27 and 28,
edited by S. C. Upadhyaya, R. P. Kothari & Co., Gandhi Road, Ahmedabad, 1934. 43 Kuvalayamala, Part 1 (p. 3. 1. 29), edited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Singhi Jain Granthamala
(No. 45), Bhāratiya Vidyabhavana, Bombay 7. 44 Pandit Premi trans'ates : ... 944 au 3177 17397
azal war (Jain Sahitya Aura Itihasa, 2nd edition, pp. 113-114). Dr. Bhayani construes the word *Padhamain' differently when he says: "Uddyotanasuri refers - Paranomatically to Vimalasûri as first author of Harivamsa". Paumacariu, Part I (p. 16, f.n. 4), edited by
Dr. H. C. Bhayani, Bharatiya Vidyabhavana, Bombay 7. 45 Jain Sahitya Aura Itihāsa (p.114), 2nd edition, 1956, Hindi-Grantha-Ratnakara (Private)
Limited. Bombay. 46 This surmise is put forward by D. Jyotiprasad Jain in his paper referred to above. The
colophon of the work reproduced by Pandit Premi (p. 216) and Dr. Bhayani (p. 117) does not meation any writtea work, un'iko in thclic of his Pin ariu, as its source.

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destruction of the city of Dvaraka and the tragic end of Krsna, the renunciation of the principal characters and their past births.
63
4. VIMALASURI'S SECT
Let us now proceed to discuss and determine, if possible, the sect to which Vimalasuri belonged. That he cannot be described as a fanatical follower of any one. sect is evident from his Paumacariya. At the end of his Paumacariya he gives his spiritual lineage but does not tell us whether he belonged to any particular sect. Most probably in the early centuries of the Christian era it was not felt necessary by writers to give such details. It might appear rather impertinent on our part to make any further inquiry regarding his sect when he himself is silent about it. However, as inquiries have already been made in this direction by scholars, it will not be altogether irrelevant to discuss Vimalasûri from this aspect.
The Paumacariya of Vimalasüri is a work of high antiquity dealing with the Rāmāyaṇa from the Jain point of view. It is, therefore, no wonder if its author ist equally claimed by both the sects as one of their own. As a solution to this baffling problem an interesting hypothesis has been put forward that probably Vimalasûri belonged to the Yapantya Sangha. A careful investigation of the Paumacariya from this point of view reveals that some beliefs and dogmas are in harmony with the Svetämbara tradition whereas some others, with the Digambara tradition. A few statements in the work are mutually contradictory.
Beliefs and Dogmas which are in agreement with the Digambara tradition* :
(i) The author states that king Śrenika put the question
about the story of Rama to Gautama, one of the principal disciples of Mahavira. This way of introducing a story is a peculiarity of the Digambara wiiters.
(ii) The author does not speak of Mahavira as married.50
47 For example, Pandit Premi, Muni Mahārāja Amaravijayaji Dr. Upadhye and Dr. Jain, Pandit Paramanand Jain Sastri. Jacobi unquestioningly accepts the Svet ämbara authorship of the work (Some Ancient Jain Works, Modern Review, 1914). Glasenapp also takes the author to be a Svetambara (Jain Dharma, p. 118).
48 See for the treatment of this aspect of the question Pandit Premi's Jain Sahitya Aura Itihasa, pp. 98 (2nd edition), pp. 283-285 (1st edition); Pandit Paramanand Jain Sastri Anekanta, year 5, Kiranas 10-11, pp. 337-344 (with f.n. on p. 352 Bhulasudhara); Dr. Jain and Dr. Upadhye Sampadakiya, pp. 5-8, and Prastavana (Pandit Pannalal Jain) to Padmapurāṇa, Vol. I, Bharatiya Jñanapitha Kasi; Muni Mahārāja Amaravijayaji: Jain Yuga; Vo!. I, Part IV, Märgasirṣa 1982, pp. 133-137.
49 Cf. Pc III. 7-13 (and I.34).
50 Cf. Pc. 11.28-29, III.57-58. Pandit Da'asukhabhai Malavania, however, points out that this tradition of Mahavira not having married is found in the Sthän änga, Samavayanga and Bhagavati texts; the other tradition of his having married is well-known since the days of Kalpasūtra (see his Sthan anga and Samaväyänga (in Gujarati) p. 330).

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(iii) The Paumacariya states that Malāvira was conceived in the womb of
Trisala 1 and that there is no reference to the event of 'the transference
of foetus'. (iv) The work states that there are five 'Sthavara-kāyas'. 69 (v) There are, according to the Paümacariya, fourteen Kulakaras. 53 (vi) The author gives Samādni-maraña as the fourth Sikşāvrata (XIV. 115).
Nowhere in the Svetāmbara canon this tradition is found. But this tradition
is commonly found in the Digambara works of Kundakunda and others. (vii) The Paumacariya at CII.145 speaks of 'anudiks'. This acceptance of 'anudiks'
is not supported by any Agama text of the Svetambaras. Many Digambara
works like Satkhandägama, Tiloyapannatti, etc. support this statement. (viii) Rşabha, while entering the ascetic order, is described as discarding garments
(III.135-186). Bbarata is also described as discarding garments when he
accepted the ascetic order (LXXXIII.5), 54 (ix) The number of Narakas given in the Paumacariya (CII.67) closely agrees
with the recension of the Tati vārtha thigamasutra, preserved by Ācārya Pujyapāda. The Svetāmbara recension does not have the corresponding Sūtra. The same is the case with the names of the fourteen rivers listed in the Paümacariya (C II.107-108) and with the statement that the division of time into Utsarpini and Avasarpiņi exists only in the Bhārata and the Airavata kşetras
(regions) and not in the remaining Kșetras (III. 33, 41).55 Beliefs and Dogmas that are in close agreement with the Svetāmbara tradition :
(i) In the Introduction (I.10) Vimalasūri states 58 ;
53
52 Cf. Pc II.65 and CII.93. Pandit Premi drops this reference in his revised edition. Sthānānga,
482 speaks of six kinds of souls. The sixth is called trasa by implication, the other five are Sthāvara. The Daśavaikälikasūtra preserves this tradition (see Chapter IV). Sthānänga, 164 and 393 preserve two different traditions, namely, the Sthāvaras are three or five. Pc. 111.50-56. According to Glasenapp (Gujarati translation, p.270), the Digambara tradition recognises fourteen Kulakaras. Jambūdvipaprajñapti, Vaksaskāra, speaks of fifteen Kulakaras, the last one being Rşabia, there is some divergence between these rames found in the Paumacariya as regards the order of their meation; and instead of Yaśasvi we have Payananda in the Paumacariza. There is similar divergence from the list contained in the
Tiloyapannatti. 54 These references, howevar, do not necessarily suggest the 'Digambaratva', as held by Pandit
Paramanand Jain Sastri. 55 This argument for the D'gambara authorship of the Paumacariya cited by Pandit Parama
nand Jain Sastri is not convincing for we come across corresponding passages in the sacred
works of the Svetāmbaras on which Vimalasūri may have drawn. 56 In this connection read the following gatha as well :
तो अद्धमागहीए, भासाए सव्वजीव हियजणणं । जलहरगंभीररवे, कहेइ धम्म जिणवरिंदो ।।

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Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Sari जिणवरमहाओ अस्थो, जो पुद्धि निग्गओ बहुवियप्पो ।
सो गणह रेहि धरिउ, संखेवमिणो य उवइहो ।। Munisti Kalyanavijayaji takes this as an important reference in favour of the Svetämbara authorship as it agrees with the Svetāmbara belief regarding
the character of Jina's speech. (ii) The Paumacariya (11.26) refers to the extraordinary feat of 'Meru-Kampana'
by his thumb by the Jina just in sport; on account of this fact gods gave
the Jina the name Mahavira. 57 (iii) The Paumacariya (11.36-37) describes that Lord Mahāvira after obtaining
per ect knowledge wandered from piace to place enlightening 'Bhavya' souls and arrived at the Vipula mountain. According to Dr. Hiralal Jain and Dr. Upadhye this statement favours the Svetambara authorship. The Digambara tradition states that Malāvira observed silence for sixty-six days
and then reaching Vipula mountain preached his first discourse. (iv) The Paumacariya (I1.33) refers to the supernatural power (atibaya), viz., of
Mhālia's treading lotuses placed in front of him by gods.98 (v) Pumacariya (11.82) gives 20 as the number of Jina-kāranas, 59 which agrees
with the number of Jina-kāranas given in the Nāyādhmmakahão, VIII. 1-2. (vi) The Paumacarija (III.62, XXI.12-14) gives 14 as the number of dreams
dreamt by Marudevi and Padmāvati, the mothers of Rşabha and MuniSuvrata (the Jinas) respectively. 60
It deserves special attention that the gāthā 12-997 etc. (XXI. 13) is in
complete agreement with the Nāyādhammakahão, I.1. (vii) The number of the wives of Bharata, the Cakravartin, is given as 64000
in the Paümacariya (IV.58); similarly the number of the wives of Sagara,
the Cakravartin, is given as 64000 in the Paümacariya (V. 168). 61 57 Acārya Ravişena (II. 76) too describes this supernatural feat. It should not, therefore, be
regarded as a peculiarly Svetāmbara belief. Ācārya Gūnabhadra, however, records a different tradition regarding the marvellous feat which was responsible for the name Mahavira
(Uttara urāna, LXXIV. 289-295). 58 Ācārya Raveşena (II. 98) refers to this ‘atisaya' of Lord Mahāvira. It should not, therefore,
be considered as a peculiar Svetämbara feature. 59 Ācārya Kavişena (11.192) gives the number as 16. The Tattvärthadhigama-sūtra, however,
gives 16 as the number. So this statement is not very significunt in the present context. 60 Ācārya Ravişena (II. 123, f, XXI.13f) gives the number of dreams as 16.
It should be noted here that the Paumacariya specifically gives the number of dreams as 14 (XXI. 12.14). Pandit Premi's argument (based on the number 15) that Paumacariya preserves a tradit on quite different from that of either Svetāmbaras or Digambaras proves, therefore, untenable. It should also be noted that Ravişeņa gives 'Minayugala' in place of 'Dhvaja', adds
Simhasana after 'Sagara', and makes Vimana' and 'Bhavana' as two separate dreams. 61 Ācāra Rav şena (IV. 66 v. 247) states the rumber of wives to be 96000.

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(viii) The Paumacariya (V. 54-61)
describes the sight of a bed of lotuses that withered in a very short time as the cause of Ajitasvamin's Vairagya; the Tiloyapanṇatti (IV. 608) mentions the fall of a meteor as the cause of bis Vairagya. The Paümacariya gives 99991 as the number of Sådhus in his fold; the Tiloyapanṇatti (IV. 1092) gives this figure to be 100000. The Paumacariya gives the number of his 'Saha-diksitas' as 10000 whereas the Tiloyapanpatti (IV.669) gives it as 1000.
(ix) The Paumacariya (XXI.22)63 states that Muni-Suvrata was filled with Vairagya at the sight of the autumnal clouds that were disappearing. The Tiloyapannatti mentions 'Jätismarana as the cause of Vairagya'.
(x) The Paumacariya (V. 154) sets forth the names of 9 Baladevas. The names and the order in which they are mentioned are in agreement with the Svetämbara sacred works."
(xi) The Paumacariya (LXXXIII.12) states that Kaikeyi attained to Uttamarh siddhipadam', that is, liberation. This statement is very favourable for proving the Svetambara authorship The value of this statement is, however, considerably lost on account of the presence in the text of two contradic tory statements (XCV.26 and CXVIII.42).65
(xii) The Paumacariya (LXXV. 35-36; CII. 142-144) gives 12 as the number of Kalpa regions. Acarya Ravisena (LXXVII.63, CV.166-168) gives the number of Kalpas as 16. As both the traditions are preserved in the Tiloyapanṇatti (Mahadhikara 8, vv. 120-121, and vv. 127-128) this number of Kalpa regions cannot be regarded as a point of difference of dogma between the
two sects.
(xiii) The Paumacariya (XVII. 42, LXXXIX, 18, 36) uses the term 'Dharmalabha' to indicate the blessings given by a Sadhu. According to Munis Kalyanavijayaj this practice well accords with the Svetambara tradition. The Digambara Sadhus give their blessings to their devotees by saying 'Dharma-Vrddhi'.
62 Acarya Ravişena (V. 66-73) partly agrees with Vimalasūri. Vimalasuri mentihns 12 years as the interval of time between Ajitasvamin's Dikṣā and Kevalajñāna; Acarya Ravişeņa gives il as 14 years (as against 12 years gfven by Vimalasuri and TiloyaDannatti).
63 Acarya Ravişena agrees with Vima'asuri on this point. So this statement is not of much significance in the present context.
64 Acarya Ravişena dose not give the names of Baladevas in the corresponding passage; nor does he mention these names in Canto XX as expected. The list given in the Tiloyapanṇatti (4. 1411) shows some divergence as regards the order of mentioning the names as well as regarding few names too.
65 Acarya Ravişena does not refer to Kaikeyi's Mukti or Svaragaprapti in the corresponding passage (LXXXVI. 25-27). He, however, states in XCVIII. 39 and CXXIII. 80 that she atteained to heaven
66 In his letter to the present writer referred to above.

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Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Suri
(xiv) The Paumacariya (CII.181) defines a Samyak-drsti person as one who has
full faith in the nine padárthas such as Jiva etc. The Paumacariya nowhere makes a reference to the seven tattvas. Pandit Fulacandra Jain Sāstri appears to hold that this tradition of nine Padārthas is more commonly found among the Svetämbaras. 7
These references in the Paumacariya point to three logical probabilities : (i) The work was composed sometime before the division of the Jain community into two sharply antagonistic sects. Or, (ii) The work is the product of a writer who flourished after the sharp division, but who was motivated by a spirit of compromise and rapproachment between the two sects. Or, (iii) Vimala belonged to the Yāpaniya Sect.
Pandit Premi's hypothesis that Vimala sūri was probably of the Yāpaniya sect has certainly an air of plausibility as the work shares the Svetāmbara and the Digambara peculiarities. He argues that Svayambhū (678-960 A.D.) who belonged to the Yapaniya sect did not follow the Rāna story, preserved by Gunabhadra, but followed that of Vimalasūri (through Ravişena) while composing his Paümacariü. If Vimalasūri was of the Yapıniya sect and if the Paünacariya was long preserved, as Pandit Premi argues, by the Yāpaniya sect it is hard to believe why Svayambhū, himself a Yapaniya should not give the Paü nicariya as his source. He mentions Ācārya Ravişena as his fountain source. This could be explained on the ground that Svayambhū was more fascinated by the story of Vimalasū i than by the one preserved by Gunabhadra.
The second hypothesis does not stand critical examination. If the author were moved by a spirit of compromise, he should have dealt with the fundamental points of difference such as 'Acelakatva', 'Stri-Mukti', Kevali-Bhukti, the Agama-prāmānya etc.
It would thus seem more reasonable to accept the first hypothesis that the work was composed sometime before the division of the Jain community into two antagonistic sects occurred. The fact that a radical Digambara like Ravişeņa followed the story of Vimalasūri, concealing his source, is significant. It suggests that prior to Ravişeņa the work of Vimalasūri was looked upon as the common property of both the sects. When the differences between the two sects began to assume a serious character, Ravişeņācārya may have felt the need of writing a Padma-carita, entirely in harmony with the Digambara tradition. If it is insisted that a specific religious denonination be given to Vimalasūri, it would be more correct to describe him as a Svetāmbara writer rather than as a Digambara writer, for the following reasons :
(i) The Nāilakulavamsa is generally identified with the Nāji Sāhā and the
Nagendra Gaccha. The Nandisutra describes the Svetāmbara Ācārya Bhūi67 Anekanta, year 5, Kirana 1-2, : Tattvärthasūtraka Antahpariksaņa (p. 51). This argument
based on the absence of any reference to the se: en tattvas and on the allusion to the nine padarthas however, is not at all weighty.

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dinna as 'Nājlakulavam anandikara'. Vimalasūri describes his own teacher Vijaya by the same epithet. As far as it is known the Nāilakulavaṁsa does
not find mention in any Digambara work. (ii) The use of the word 'Siyambara' to denote a Jain Muni and use of the
word Siyambara or Seyambara four or five times, without any special sectional colour by Vimalasūri, coupled with their expulsion by Ravişenācārya
in his Padmacarita favour the Svetambara authorship. (iii) The language of the Paumacariya is Jain Māhārāștri, which is used by the
Svetāmbara writers for their non-canonical works. No Digambara work is so far known to have been composed in the Jaina Māhārāştri.
5. VIMALASŪRI : AS POET
Vimalasuri calls his work a "Purāņa" in the introduction (Canto 1 32) and at the end (Canto CXVIII. 111). His real aim is edification and instruction. He is full of burning enthusiasm for the Jain faith. He writes with an eye to the liberation of mankind by means of Jaioism. He delights in singing the glory and greatness of Jainism. The Paumacariya is to him only a means to propagate the doctrines of his faith. He is primarily a preacher and only secondarily a poet. Naturally, he touches on the various aspects of Jain ethics, philosophy, dogma, mythology, cosmography, the dreadful consequences of killing and of the eating of flesh, the gruesome torments of hell, the worthlessness of this worldly existence, the denigration of women, the doctrine of Karma, the past and future births of various characters figuring in the narrative, and thus renders his work open to the charge of the extreme difficulty in making anything picturescue out of the dry and scholastic Jaina tenets and the somewhat narrow views of life prevalent in Jain circles" (A history of Sanskrit literature, Keith, P.295) or that it is "of the type of respectable dullness" or that "it does not attain the level of literature". Jacobi observes that "it (the Paumacariya) has very little poetic value". This observation of Jacobi is true only so far as this portion of the work is concerned. It is, howrver, extremely unfair to Vimalasuri to condemn the whole work as poetically worthless.
It is equally unjust to Vimalasūri to institute any comparison between him and Vālmiki, the Ādikavi whose Rāmāyana is a popular epic and ornate poetry at the same time. It is idle to compare him with Kálidāsa, Bharavi or Magha. Their Mahakávyas are chiefly meant to give pleasure, whereas the Purānas like the present one are mainly intended to serve the purpose of instruction. A close and careful study of the Paumacariya shows that we cannot claim for Vimalasūri rich poetical genius of high descriptive powers. It is, indeed, very difficult to point to any single canto in the whole work which is poetically of high merit. We, liowever, come across many pretty and beautiful descriptions of towns, rivers, mountains, seasons, water-sports, love-scenes, etc. in the work which demonstrate that Vimalasuri is capable of some

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Paum.t-Cariya of Vimala Sūri
moderately good poetry. The attention of readers is particularly drawn to the descriptions of the water-sports at Canto X.36-44, of the rainy-season at Canto XI. 119, of the evening at Canto XVI. 46-54, of Sita at Canto XXVI. 98-102, of old age at Canto XXIX. 21-28, of the winter season at Canto XXXI. 41-47, of the Vanarawarriors visiting the marble palace of wondrous beauty at Canto LXVIII. 5-15, of the fire-flames produced on the occasion of Sita's fire-ordeal at Canto CII. 7-12, and of the cremation ground at Canto CV. 52-61. These descriptions will bear out the statement made above regarding Vimalasuri's poetic abilities. Vimalasuri shows his high proficiency in the expression of pithy observations on life, religion and morals. He ever and ever again flings at the reader beautiful 'Subhāşitas' touching various aspects of human life. Only a few of them may be referred to here : Canto I. 17-27 dealing with various limbs of the human body : Canto IV. 26, 50, LXXV. 18, LXXXVI. 60, CIII. 52, 72, CVIII. 38, CXIII. 71, CXVII. 42 dealing with 'dharma' : III. 46-47 with 'dana'; CII. 177 with knowledge, XII. 81; LXII.22, LXV.30, LXXIII. 17 vith good men; XXXV. 66 with the importance of wealth; III. 123-125, LXXVII-15, CVI.41-42 with the nature of worldly existence; LXXVII 13, CV 39-40, CX.11 with the karma doctrine; CIII. 73 CVI. 38, CVIII. 31, CXVIII. 107 with the pleasures of senses; LXXIII. 14, and CVIII. 25 with Death; LXXXXIV. 80-84 with the lot of a servant; and XVII. 33-34, LXIX. 39, LXXXXIII. 35--36 with women.
Vimalasuri fings at the reader some good arthāntaranyāsas' too such as : (i) किं वज्जसूइभिन्ने, न रियइ तंतू महारायण । -1-13b (ii) नक्खेण जं विलुप्पइ तत्थ य परसूण कि कज्ज । -XII. 101b (iii) नह' हियं च भद्दे ! न सोइयव्वं वुहजणेण" । -XXX. 35 (iv) तुल्लावत्थाण जए, होइ सिणेहो नराण नियब पि । --XLVII. 5 (v) पत्ते विणासकाले, नासइ बुद्धी नराण निक्खुत्त । -LII. 138b (vi) कि दिणयरस्स दीवो, दिज्जइ वि हु मग्गणहाए । -LXX. 27 (vii) कि रासहस्स सोहइ, देहे रइया विजयघटा । -LXXI. 54 (viii) मरणंताइ हवंति वेराणि 1 | -LXXV. 1 (ix) सग्गसरिसो वि देसो, पियविर हे रणसण्णिहो होइ। -LXXVII. 42a (४) भिच्चस्स जीवियाओ, कुक्कुरजीयं वरं हवइ । -XCIV. 80 (xi) सव्वस्स वि कोउयं सरिसं । -C. 53d
68 Cr मणौ वज्रसमुत्कीर्ण सूत्रस्येवास्ति मे गतिः । -Raghu I. 13b 69 Cr गतं न शोच्यम् । 70 Cr विनाशकाले विपरीतवुद्धिः । 71 CE ATTEJA at for 1 -Rāmāyaṇa, VI. c 112 v. 25 72 Cr गृह तु गृहिणी विना कान्तारादतिरिच्यते ।

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(xii) जेह राया तह पया सव्वा ' | CV. 106d (xiii) जायस्स धुवं मरणं | CVI. 26a He uses a few proverbial and colloquial expressions occasionally : (i) न य गेहम्मि पलिते, कूवो खम्मइ सुतूरमाणेहि ।
धाहाविए ण दम्मइ, आसो च्चिय तक्षणं चेव । -V. 249 (पज्जलियम्मि य भवणे, कूवतलायस्स खणणमारम्भो ।
अहिणा ददृस्स जए, को कालो मंतजवर्णमि ॥ -LXXXVI. 60) (ii) ...वेज्जन रिंदाण मित्तपुरिसाण । आहाणओ य लोए, एयाण फुड' कहेयव ।। -XII. 17 (iii) कि वा तुसेसु कीरइ, तंदुलसारम्मि संगहिए । -XII. 138 (iv) दुसह हवइ समक्खं चिय उन्भवे जणवयस्स ।
गयवेयणं तु पच्छा, जणम्मि एसा सुईभमई ।। -XXVI. 239 (v) तो दहाहस्स नाम, पियरस्स फुड न गेण्हामि । -LXXXVI. 9 (vi) को सयल जणस्त इहं करेइ मुहबंधणं पुरिसो। -XCIV. 70b (vii) वीरपुरिसाण भोज्जा, वसुहा कि एत्थ विद्ध हिं । -XCVIII. 22 (viii) रयणं तु पुहइमोल्लं, दिन्नचिय सागमुट्ठीए । -CIII. 110 (ix) असमिक्खियकारीणं पुरिसाणं एत्थ पावहिययाणं ।
सयमेव कयं कम्म, परितावयरं हवइ पच्छा || -CX. II (४) सलिले मंथिज्जते सुटु वि न य होइ नवणीयं ।
सिकयाए पीलियाए, कत्तो च्चिय जायए तेल्ल ॥ -CXIII. 33 (xi) बालग्गकोडिमेत्त, दोस पेच्छसि परस्स अइसिग्ध ।
मंदरमे पि तुमं, न य पेच्छसि अत्तणो दोसं ॥ -CXIII. 40 (xii) सरिसा सरिसेसु सया, रज्जति सुई जणे एसा। -CXII. 41b
He is very fond of paraphrasing proper names for example, Bhanukarņa=BhānuSravana, Ghana-vāhana = Megha-vāhana, Akhandalabhūti=Indra-bhūti, Vajrakarna = Kuliśa śravana, etc.
He uses a very large number of Desi words with a view to making Prakrit more readily intelligible to the common people. As the work was of a religious and propagandistic nature and meant for a large number of readers and the masses (lokabhogya'), he did not hesitate to use the non-Prakritic forms and idioms - so-called vulgarisms from the popular speech of his days - Apabhramba. He is very fond of onomato
73 cr यथा राजा तथा प्रजा । 74 Cr जातस्य वि ध्रुवो मृत्युः । -Bhagavadgita. II. 27a 75 cr संदीप्ते भवने तु कूपखननं प्रत्युद्यमः कीदृशः। -Rhartrhari. Vairagyasataka. 75 76 cr खलः सर्षेपमात्राणि परच्छिद्राणि पश्यति ।
आत्मनो बिल्वमात्राणि पश्यन्नपि न पश्यति ॥ -Bharata I. 3069 17 Cr अतिरभसतानां कर्नगामाविपत्तेर्भ पति हृदयदाही शल्यतुल्यो विपाकः । .
Bhartxhari, Nitisataka, 95cd

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poetic word's too (For illustrations see the Section on the language of the Paumacariya below).
71
The figures of speech which are commonly met with in this work are Upama and Rūpaka. Some other figures which we come across in the work are Utprekṣā, Atisayokti and Arthäntaranyasa. Anupräsa and Yamaka are found to be rarely used. Vimalasuri, no doubt. delineates the sentiments in the narration of the principal story and in the romantic episodes that he has added. The fact, however, remains that his supreme interest lies in the development of Varragya that kads the various characters in the story to the renunciation of worldly life ard acceptarce of Jain order.
Vimalasuri's style is lucid and fluent and, wherever necessary, forceful. The Purana portion of the work, although otherwise important, makes extremely dull reading, but the style of this portion of the work too is quite simple and easy. In the course of his narration when he chooses to give poetic descriptions we come across comparatively long compounds but they are not difficult to understand.
Vimalasuri devotes 106 pages out of a total of 335 pages to narrating the background of the principal narrative. This certainly detracts from his merit as a story-teller. He increases the bulk of the story by adding many legendary stories and romantic episodes; some of these, e. g., the episodes of Bhamandala and V.tasugrīva, are indeed quite beautiful. He claims at the end of his work that his Paumacariya is 'Visuddha-laliyakkharaheujuttam' and 'Akkhānesu vivihesu nibaddha-attham'. This claim is partially just and legitimate as the language of the work is not pure and chaste but shows many unprakritic forms and idioms. Jacobi rightly observes that the work "is very fluently written, in an easy epic style". Uddyotanasüri pays a handsome. tribute to Vimala as follows :
जारिसय विमलंको विमल को तारिसं लहइ अत्थ । अमयमइया च सरसर दिया
This high compliment Vimalasuri richly deserves.
| Kuvalasanmala
6. THE FORM OF THE PAUMACARIYA
The narrative literature of the Jains is vast in extent and varied in scope.80 It is generally divided into four broad categories as follows: (a) the Puranas and the Mahapuranas, (b) the Caritras, Kathas and Akhyānas, (c) the Prabandhas and (d) the Kathakosas. We are here corcerred with the first category only as the work. under study calls itself a Purana (1.32, CXVIII 111). The term Puana originally meant nothing but 'Purāṇam Akhyānam', i. e., 'old narrative'. Then in the course
78 CXVIII. 101
79 Some Ancient Ja'n Works, Modern Review; December 1914,
80 See Winternitz: Hisrory of Indian Literature, Vo'. II (pp. 475 onwards); Dr. A. N. Upadhye Introduction to Bhatkathakola (pp. 17-30).

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of time it came to denote 'a species of literature comprising works of religious and didactic contents in which were collected ancient traditions of the creation, the deeds of the gods, heroes, saints, and distant ancestors of the human race, the beginnings of the famous royal families ard so on. The term Purāna is defined in Hindu literature as followss1
A Purana treats of five subjects : (1) Sarga, 'Creation', (2) Pratisarga, 're-creation', i.e, the periodical annihilation and renewal of the worlds, (3) Vamsa, account of the genealogy, viz, of the gods and the Rsis, (4) Manvantaras, 'Epochs between the Manus -the great periods, each of which has a Manu or primal ancestor of the human race, and (5) Vamsanucarita, the history of the dynasties whose origin is traced back to the sun (solar dynasty) and the Moon (lunar dynasty)'. The Brahmavaivartapurūna, however, says that the five 'iakşınas' are only for the 'Purānas' and the 'Upapuranas', while tle Maiipuranas (the great Puranas) have ten laksanas' including praise of Vişnu and the gods individually. 5 ? Vimalasuri does not define either Purana or a Malāpuiāna. Among the Jaina authors, Jinasena is probably the first to define Purana and Mahapurana. Says he : "I shall describe the neirative of sixtythree ancient persons. viz., the (24) Tirthanikaras, the (12) Cakravartins, (9) Baladevas, (9) Ardha-Cakravartins (i.e., Vasudevas), and their (9) enemies tie., Prativasudevas). The word Purāņa means old or ancient narrative'. It is called 'great' because it
81 सर्गश्च प्रतिसर्गश्च वंशो मन्वन्तराणि च ।
वंशानुचरित चैव पुराणं पञ्चलक्षणम् || -Matsyapurina LXV. 63 82 एत द्रुपपुराणानां लक्षणञ्च विदुर्बुधाः ।
महताञ्च पुराणानां लक्षणं कथयामि ते ।। सृष्टिश्चापि विसृष्टिश्चेत् स्थितिस्तेषाञ्च पालनम् । कमणां वासना वार्ता चामूनाञ्च क्रमेण च ।। वर्णन' प्रलयानाञ्च मोक्षस्य च निरूपणम् । उत्कीर्तन' हरेरेव देवानाञ्च पृथक् पृथक् ।। दशाधिक लक्षणञ्च महतां परिकार्तितम् । संख्यानञ्च पुराणानां निबंध कथयामि ते ।।
Srimad Bhagavata-Mahāpurana likerise mentions the ten topics of a Mahapurāna as follows :
अत्र सर्गो विसगश्च स्थान पोषणमूतयः । मन्वन्तरेशानुकथा निरोधो मुक्तिराश्रयः ।। -Skanda II, Achyia 10, v. 1
and
सर्गोऽस्याथ विसर्गश्च वृत्ती रक्षान्त ाणि च । वंशो वंशानुचरित संस्था हेतुरपाश्रयः ।। दशभिलक्षणैयुक्तं पुराणं तद्विदो विदुः । केचित्पञ्चविधं ब्रह्मन् महदल्पव्यवस्थया !! -Skandha XII, Adhyāya 7. vv. 9-10

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concerns the great (figures), or because it is narrated by the great (Tirtharikaras, Gaṇadharas, Acaryas) or because it teaches the way to supreme bliss. Other learned scholars say that it is called Purana because it originates with an old poet and it is called great because of its intrinsic greatness. The great Rsis called it a Mahapurana as it relates to great men and teaches the way to the highest bliss 83 Further he adds that the Mahapurana" is regarded as Ass because it was composed by Rsis, Sūkta' because it expounds truth and 'Dharmasa,tra' because it declares Dharma. It is also looked upon as Itthāsa, Itivṛtta, or Aitihya or Annaya as it contains many stories about 'Iti-ha-asa' (-'so it happened', i e., 'traditional history")."
Thus according to Jinasena Purana and Itihasa are synonymous terms. The Tippanakara of Puspadanta's Mahapurana, mokes, however, a distinction between the two, saying that Itihasa means the narrative of a single individual while Purana means the narratives of sixty-three great men of the Jain faith.86 In its definition of Itihasa Kautilya Arthašastra (1.5) enumerates Puana and Itivrtta as belonging to the content of Itihasa. As Itivṛtta can only mean 'a historical event' Purana probably means 'mythological legendary lore'.
The Hindu definition of Purana (or Mahapurana) is applicable only partly to the work of Vimalasuri. He speaks of seven Adhikaras (subjects, topics) as constituting his Patimacariya, viz (1) The eternal nature of the Universe which was never, created, (2) the origin of the dynasties, (3) Rama's departure to the forest, (4) War between Rama and Ravana, (5) The birth of Lava and Ankusa, (6) the liberation from worldly existence, and ( 7 ) The various cxistences (past as well as future). 2
83
। सीधेशामपि चक्रेशां हलिनामर्थचक्रिणाम् । त्रिषष्टिक्षणं वक्ष्ये पुराणं तद्विषामपि ॥ पुरातनं पुराणं स्यात् तन्महन्महदाश्रयात् । महद्भिरुपदिष्टस्वात् महायोऽनुशासनात् ॥ कवि पुराणमाश्रित्य प्रसृतत्वात् पुराणता । महस्व स्वमहिम्नैव तस्येत्यन्यैर्निरुच्यते ॥ महापुरुषसम्बन्धि महाभ्युदयशासनम् । महापुराणमाम्नातमत एतन्महर्षिभिः ।।
ādipuräna I-20-23.
84 ऋषिप्रणीतमार्थ स्यात् सूक्तं सुनृतशासनात् । धर्मानुशासनाच्चेदं धर्मशास्त्रमिति स्मृतम् ॥ इतिहास इतीष्टं तद् इति हासीदिति श्रुतेः ।
73
इतिवृत्तमचैतिद्यमानाञ्चामनन्ति तत् II-Xcipurtina 1 24-25
85 पुराणमितिहासाख्यं यत्प्रोवाच गणाधिपः । Xcipurava 1. 26a
86 See Puspadanta's Mahapurana (edited by Dr. P. L. Vaidya) Vol. I (p. 9).
87 टिइससमुप्यत्ती परथावरणं कुसुम्पत्ती ।
निव्वाणमणेयभवा, सत्त पुराणेत्थ अहिगारा ॥
10

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Out of these seven topics, Rama's departure to the forest, the war between Rāma and Ravana and the birth of Lava and the Kusa (Ankusa) are peculiar to a Rama Carita or Purana. The remaining four topics are some of the general features distin guishing Jain Puranas. A study of the contents of the Palmacariya reveals that it describes, though briefly, the lives of the Tirthamkaras sabha, Ajitanatha, Munisuvrata and Mahavira, and of the sovereign rulers Bharata, Sagara and Harisena, besides mentioning the names of the sixty three great figures, their places of birth, their parents, their span of life. their respective trees, places of liberation, etc. It describes also the fourteen Kulakaras, the Kalpa-Vrksas, the duties of a Jain monk, the horrers of hell, the joys of heavenly worlds, the Jina-puja, the Jinabhiseka, the Jinavandanabhakti, the origin of the four castes, the condemnation of Vedic sacrifice and of the Brahmanas, the dreadful consequences of killing and of the eating of meat. Most of these topics are generally found to be dealt with in all the Jain Puranas. None of the definitions of a Purana or Mahapuräna given above covers fully these various topics. The Adipurana attempts to cover some of these topics when it lays down that a Purana ought to deal with the eight topics or subjects. given below:
74
(1) The Universe, (2) the country with its mountains, sea, etc., (3) the city or capital, (4) the kingdom, (5) the life of a Jina which acts as a ford for crossing the ocean of Samsara, (6) liberality, munificence and austerities, (7) the four conditions of existence such as hells, etc., and (8) the fruit of Punya and Papa (meritorious deeds and sinful deeds),
Although the Paumacariya is undoubtedly a Purana, it answers some of the salient features of a Mahakavya. The subject-matter is the lives of great figures of antiquity. The work is composed in Cantos (Uddeśa, Samuddeśa or Parvan); it is chiefly in the Arya metre but as the definition of an epic requires, the concluding stanzas of each canto are composed in a variety of metres. He interweaves his name (Namamudra) in the closing verse of every canto. It contains many descriptions of towns, mountains, seasons, the rising and s. tting of the sun and moon, water-sports, love-sports, separation, marriage, battles and the triumphs of the hero. It is embellished with figures of speech such as Upama, Rūpaka, Utprekṣā, Arthäntaranyasa,
88 लोको देशः पुरं राज्यं तीर्थ दामतपोऽन्ययम् ।
पुराणेष्वष्टधाख्येये गतयः फलमित्यपि ॥
In the article called Jain-Purana (Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara, Vol. V111, part I, p. 4, June 1941) Pandit K. Bhujabali Sastri mentions the eight topics of a Jain Purana according to the view of Pampa, a great Kannada poet :
(१) लोकाकार - कथन ( २ ) देशनिवेशोपदेश (३) नगरसम्पत्परिवर्णन (४) राज्यरमणीयकाख्यान (५) तीर्थमहिमा समर्थन (६) चतुर्गतिस्वरूपनिरूपण (७) तपोदानविधानवर्णन (८) तत्फलप्राप्तिप्रकटन
It is very obvious that Pampa's source is Jinasena.

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15
etc. in the poetic portion of the work. The principal sentiment is that of renunciation and quietude, although in some cantos the sentiments of Srngara, Vira, Karuna, Hāsya, Bibhatsa, and Adbhuta, are portrayed. The style of the work is, on the whole, fluent and in descriptive passages only reveals long compounds. In short, the Paümacariya may be rightly and justly described as partly exhibiting the features of a Purāna and partly of a Mahākāvya.
7. THE TITLE PAÜMACARIYA The present work is known as Paümacariya. The poet mentions this title in his work, not always but frequently.s9 The title means 'The Life of Padma' (-anott er name for Rāma). Rāma was so called because he was 'Paümuppaladalaccho' (possessed of eyes as lovely as the petals of a lotus) and 'Viyasiya-vara-paurna-sarisamuham' (having a face like an excellent blooming lotus).90 In the course of the work the
89 ... चरियं वोच्छामि पउमचरियं... । (I,8),
को वणिऊण तीरइ नीसेस पउमचरियसंबंध । (1.9), अह पउमचरियतुगे, वीरमहागयवरेण निम्मविए । (1.29); सुत्ताणुसार-सरसं रइयं गाहाहि पायडफुडत्थं । विमलेग पउमचरियं संखेवेणं निसामेह ।। (1.310 पउमस्स चेहियमिण..... (1.33) एयं अहमरामदेवचरियं (1.90) पउमचरियमि एत्तो (II,105) पउमचरियं महायस, अहयं इच्छामि परिफुडं सोउ । (III.8) ..महइमहापुरिसाण य चरियं च जहकमं सुणसु । (III.17) एवं राहवचरियं पुरिसो जो पढइ सुणइ भावियकरणो। (CILL175) एयं हलहरचरियं निययं जो पढइ सुद्धभावेणं । (CXVIII,93) दुब्भासियाई... । नासंति पउमकित्तणकहाएँ दूरं समत्थाई । (GXVIII,97) एयं रामारविंदचरियं तु सुर्य समत्थं, नासेइ दुग्गइपहं...। (CXVIII101) एयं वीरजिणेण रामचरियं सिट्टे महत्थं पुरा । CXVIII.102) ...इमं चरिय । (CXVIII.103) एयं राहवचरिय.. । (CXIII.114)
...रइयं राहवचरिय.. I (CXVIII, 118) 90 अबराइया कयाई, गुरुभारा सोहणे तिहिमुहुत्ते ।
पुत्त चेव पसूया, वियसियवरपउमसरिसमुहं ॥ जम्मूसवो महतो तस्स कओ दसरहेण तुट्टेणं । नामं च विरइयं से, पउमो पउमुप्पलदलच्छो ।। -(XXV. 7-8.

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poet often refers to Pauma as Rama, Rähava, Ramadeva, Siri, Halahara, etc. It is, therefore, obvious that the various names Rahavacariya, Ramacariya and Halaharacariya used in the work stand for the Paumacariya and by no stretch of imagi nation can we ever speak that the Rahavacariya was a work quite different from the Paumacariya of Vimalasûri. Professor K. H. Dhruva, however, appears to have advanced this highly fanciful hypothesis of two separate works called Rabavacariya and Paumacariya to suit his late dating of Paumacariya based on grounds of 'late" metres and 'modern' Prakrit.
No doubt, the poem deals with the life-story of Rama, but it also deals with the life of Laksmina ani Raani at great length. That is Vimalasûri presents to his readers the lives of three of the great figures (viz, the 8th Baladeva, Nārāyaṇa or Vasudeva, and Pratina ayana or Prati-väsu leva). Although Laksmana and Ravana are, with Rama, Šalaka-purusas, they are spiritually inferior to him for he alone at the end of his life here attains Nirvan and the other two sink in hell. This consideration might have weighed with the post when he named his work as Pau nacariya. In the popular story of Rani, he being the first and foremost hero, the work ist naturally named after him (e.g, the Ramayana); and it is not unlikely that this factor too might have influenced the poet in calling his poem Paumacariya. As the date of the Padma-purana of the Hindus is not known definitely we cannot say thai thi name Padmapurāṇa might have influenced Vimalasuri in naming his Purana dealing with the life of Rāma.
8. THE EXTENT OF THE PAUMACARIYA
The Paumacariya is divided into 118 chapters or cantos, the first thirty-five of which are called Uddeśas (Uddeśakas, or occasionally Samuddeśakas) and the rest Parvans. In the extent of individual cantos there is great disparity: the shortest is the 60th canto with nine stanzas only and the longest is the eighth with 286 stanzas. Comparatively speaking, the cantos in the first half of the poem are longer whereas those in the second half are shorter. The total number of stanzas compri
From these stanzas embodying the circumstance or factor responsible for the name Pauma it will be evident to the readers that the following statement of Dr. Jyotiprasad Jain is absolutely erroneous :
महाराजा रामचन्द्र का मुनि अवस्था का नाम पद्म था, अत: जैन परंपरा में रामकथा का पद्मचरित या पद्मपुराण नाम ही रूढ हुआ ।
-(-Vimalarya Aura Unaka Paumäcariyai, P. 438).
91 See Introduction (pp. 7-8) to Paumacariyam (Cha. 27 and 28), edited by Sri S. C. Upadhyaya. 92 Why the poet uses two words for a chapter' or 'a canto' and not one consistently we cannot say.

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sing the work is 8651.03
9. VIMALASURI'S AIM IN WRITING THE PAÜMACARIYA
Vimalasuri holds that the Rāmāyaṇa stories (of the Hindu poets) are most certainly lies; he thinks that the absurdities which are related regarding the life of Rāma. Rāvana, Kumbhakarna and others are not worthy of belief, and that the poets who composed Rāmāyaṇa were liers. " + Through the mouth of Sreņika and Gautama the poet gives expression to all this :
"How is it possible that the great Rākşasa heroes, though very strong, were killed by the Vānaras (monkeys)? It is reported in the popular scriptures that all ther Rākşasas led by Rāvana used to eat meat and drink blood and marrow, and that Rāvana's brother Kumbhakarna used to sleep for six months without a break; even though his body would be crushed by big elephants and his ears filled with pot-fuls of oil he would not wake up; he would not hear the sound of drums beaten near him nor would he get up from his bed if the period of six months was not over ! When he got up, being overpowered with fierce hunger he would devour whatever would be near him at the time, such as elephants and buffaloes. Having filled his belly by devouring gods, men, elephants and the like he would again go to bed for another six months. ...". Again, it is said that Indra, when defeated in battle by Rävaņa, was bound in chains and taken to Laikā. How can anyone take Indra captive-Indra who rules over Jambūdvipa with its gods and men ? One would be reduced to heaps of ashes at the mere thought of attacking him, who has Airāvata, the elephant-jewel and Vajra, the thunderbolt at his command ! At that rate we might as well affirm that the lion is overcome by the deer, the elephant by the dog ! Further, it is reported that Rāma during his sojurn in the forest killed a (wondrous) golden deer and that (at Kişkiodhā) Rāma treacherously killed Välin in order to oblige (his ally) Sugriva and win (Su-) Tārā for him (Sugriva). It is also said that the Vānaras constructed a bridge across the ocean."95
It is with a view to removing all such absurdities, inconsistencies and incredible elements found in the popular Rāmāyana stories that Vimalasuri undertakes the composition of the Paumacariya. It is the poet's intention to present faithfully the
93 The U glāta to tie Bharanazar edition gives the total number to be approximately
9000 sta zas (Āsanna-ana-sahasre-Sloka-pram tam ). Pandit Premi states the total number of Verses to be 10000 Anustu) Slokas (Jain Sahitya Aura Itihasa, p. 89 of the revised edition ) Professors Gore and Laddu remark in their edition that the poem contains more
than 9000 stanzas. This statement needs to be corrected. 94 अलिय पि सव्वमेयं, उववत्तिविरुद्धपच्चयगुणे हिं ।
a acela gitar, gálat fiscal SIT 11 -II 117 95 c. Canto 11.105-117, 111.8-15 (and VII.58-60).

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life of Rama as was proclaimed by Lord Mahavira himself. That the poet is intent on the propagation of the teachings of the Jinas is evident to every reader of the Purana or Carita. In the concluding portion of his work Vimalasuri exhorts his readers (or heaters) to practise the Dharma as expounded by the Jinas:
78
बहुए किं व फीरड़, अच्यो भणियम्वरण लोयम्मि । एकपयामि विभाह रमह सवा जिणवरमयमि ॥ जिणसासणागुरता होऊांग कुणह उत्तमं धम्मं । जेण अविग्यं पावह, बलदेवाई गया जस्थ ||
CXVIII 112-113
It is thus very clear that Vimalasüri aims mainly at propagation of Jain Dharma through his Paumacariya.
10. VIMALASURI'S CONCEPTION OF RAKSASAS AND VANARAS
Vimalasûri's conception of Raksasas and Vanaras is markedly different from that of Valmiki's. The Raksasas are not man-cating demons with fearful and hideous appearances. Nor are the Vanaras animals having long tails living on fruits etc., and using their nails and teeth as their wepons. They are, in realiy, a race of the Vidyadharas, "A class of beings endowed with many supernatural qualities, if not human. beings in the correct sense of the term. Beastly and uncouth behaviour and appearances are not therein attributed to them. On the other hand, they are depicted as having been highly civilized, who, far from killing and devouring all animals that they could obtain, strictly adhered to the vow of Ahimsa." dharas at Lanka came to be called Rākṣasas after the Vidyadhara hero named Raksasa." The author gives also another explanation as to why the Vidyadharas were Rākṣasus:
The dynasty of Vidyagaeat and celebrated
रक्त रक्खसा खलु दीवा पुष्णेण रक्खिया जेग । ते चिय खयराणं, रक्खसनामं कथं लोए ॥ - V. 257.
96 तो भणइ गणहरिंदो, सुणेहि नरवसह दिन्नकण्णमणो । जह केवलीण सिहं अहमवि तुम्हें परिकहेमि ॥
न य रक्खसो त्ति भण्णइ, दसाणणो णेय आमिसाहारो ।
अयि ति सत्यमेयं भर्गति जे कुकइणो मूढा 11 111. 14-15
97 "Tradition about Vanaras and Rākṣasas" -Chakravarti C in I. H. Q. Vol.I(1925).
98 ए तु महावंसे, बोलणे मेहवाहणो जाओ ।
रक्खससुओ महया, मणवेगाए समुध्यन्तो ||
तरस य नामेण इमो, रक्खसवंसो जयभिम विक्खाओ | V. 251-52.

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The Vidyadharas of Kişkindhipura received the name of Vanaras because of their custom of wearing the pictures of monkeys as symbols or totems on their banners and crowns." 99
This conception of Vimalasuri about the Raksasas and the Vanaras is born of the growing spirit of rationalism of his age. The fanciful and highly exaggerated poetic descriptions of the Rākṣasas and the Vanaras given in the popular Rāmāyaṇa stories were unacceptable to Vimalasûri, a champion of rationalism. He, therefore, portrays the Rākṣasas and the Vänaras as Vidyadharas, possessed of supernatural powers and are thus, capable of the heroic exploits attributed to them. He gives a realistic interpretation of the epithet of Ravaṇa when he writes: Ravana's mother hangs around his neck a wondrous necklace of Ratnas, in which his face is reflected nine times, hence his epithet of Daamuka "The man with ten faces" (VII 95-96) :
1
सो जणणीऍ पिगद्धो, कंठे बालस्स वरहारी || रयणकिरणेसु एतो महाइ नव निययवयणसरिसाई । हारे दिट्ठाई फु, तेण फुढं दहमुहो नामं ॥
11. CHARACTERISATION IN PAUMACARIYA
Vä'mlki's Rāmāyaṇa is generally regarded as one of the most beautiful and moving of all stories in literature. One very important factor contributing to its greatness and beauty is its unique characterization. The story of Rama presented by Vimalasuri agrees only partly with Valmiki's Ramayanu and considerably differs from it on account of the many omissions, additions and modifications effected by him. These changes powerfully affect the characterization in Paumacariya. Consideration of space prevents us from undertaking here a review of the characters of the important men and women that play a conspicuous part in the story. We rest content by pointing only to some of the more noteworthy aspects of the characterization in Paumacariya. Vimalasûri's aim at elevating his characters is very obvious. According to the Valmiki-Rāmāyaṇa, Kaikey! is a selfish, greedy and intriguing
99 जं जेस्स हवइ निययं नरस्त लोगम्मि लक्खणावयवं । तं तस्स होइ नामं, गुणेहि गुणपच्चयनिमितं ॥
79
खग्गेण खग्गधारी धणुहेण धणुधरो पडेण पडी । आसे आसवारो हत्थारोहो य हत्थीणं ॥ इक्खूण य इक्खागो जाओ विज्जाहराण विज्जाए । तह वाणराण पैसो वाणरचिपेण निव्वडिओ ||
,
वाणरचिचेण इमे छत्ताइनिवेसिया कई जेण । विज्जाहरा जणेण युवतिहु वाणरा तेणं ॥ VI. 86-89

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woman. Rāma kills Välin treacherously and is guilty of killing Sambūka. Rāvana is a tyrant, an oppressor of mankind violently obstructing sacrifices, and he abducts women. Vālin is a usurper, and unlawfully takes possession of his brother's wife and kingdom. Vimalasüri takes a very sympathetic view of these characters and attempts to clear them of blame. He represents Kaikeyi as a mother par excellence who is prepared to let her husband accept asccticism but desperately tries to retain her loving son. She does not demand Rāma's exile. Vālin, a mighty Vidyadhara hero, though capable of inflicting a crushing defeat on Rāvana, voluntarily appoints Sugitva to the throne and himself becomes a monk. This account acquits Valin of the shameful charge of liing with his brother's wife, and Rāma of the charge of treacherously slaying Välin, who had done no harm to him. Lakşmana kills Sambūka by accident and this exonerates Rāma completely from the guilt of slaying a may who, though a Sūdra, was a Tapasvin. Rāvana is a pious and devout Jajn. He restores ruined Jain shrines. As far as possible he avoids H msa, whenever he has to fight. In his world-conquest he is shown to have subdued his enemies whom he later on sets free and restores to them their kingdom. His only weakness is his passion for Sita. Vimalasūri is probaby the first post to represent Ravana as a hero eminently suited to a great tragic play of the western type. The poet presents Kumbhakarna and other Rākşisa heroes as very pious souls devoid of all the ugly and ferocious traits attributed to them in the Vālmiki Rāmāyaṇa. Another remarkable aspect of the characterization in the Pau macariya is to be seen in the large number of wives of some principal characters. According to Vimalasūri, Rama, Laksmana and Hanumat had 800), 1600) ani 1000 wives respectively. Sagara and Harişana, two sovereign rulers had each 64000 wives. Rāvana at a tim: had married 6000 wives. Vimalasūri probably believed that the greater the number of wives a person has, the greater is his glory ! According to Vālmiki's Rāmāyaṇa Rāma was devoted and fait'ful to his only wise Silā, Laksmana was married to Urmilā only and Hanu. mat was celibate. One more noteworthy aspect of the characterisation in the Paumacariya is that all the principal characters in the Paü macariya barring Lakşmaņa (and Rāvana) are pious Jain laymen who retire from the world at the end and become Jain monks and attain to liberation or heaven. Lakşmaņa is shown to have suak into hell after death for having failed to adopt Jain Dharma. Kaikeyi, Sitä. etc., become Jain nuis. Again, in Valmiki's Rāmāyana Rāma is the central figure but in the Paü nacariya Laks nanı plays a leading part. It is he, not Rāma, who kills Rāvana.
12. THE LANGUAGE OF THE PAÜMACARIYA100
The language of the Paümacariya is Prakrit. Jacobi points out some of its peculiar features and remarks : "It is, therefore, a primitive and yet grammatically 100 The Paümacariya is the oldest Prakrit Kavya preserved to us. It is, therefore, linguist:cally
of very great importance. A full grammatical analysis of the whole work is a desideratum. In writing this small section on the language of the Paümacariya I have made full use of

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81
refined Prakrit."101 Tris Prakrit is designated by Jacobi and others as Jain Māhārāştri, the language of the non-canonical books of the Svetāmbara writers. The various Nijjuttis and narrative works like Paumacariya, Vasudevahindi and others represent the archaic form of Jain Māhārāştri. Haribhadra's Samarādityakathā represents its classical form in which it comes nearest to pure Māhāsāstri and shows some influence of Sanskrit. The stories of Devendra in his commentary on Uttaradhyayanasūira and the anthology Vajjālagga show its late form.:02 In the introduction to Bhavisattakalā Jacobi states that the Paümacariya, which was composed before the appearance of literary Apabhramsa, contrins many Apabhramśas (vulgarisms-the words of the vulgar speech which have penetrated into the literary Prakrit). He classifies 'Apabhraíśa' forms into three groups. The first consists of forms which also occur in the Ap. language as a regular feature, like the gerund in -evi, the pronoun Kavana or the negative particle navi. The second comprises linguiistic peculiarities, which are analogous to Ap. : (i) Besides the genuine infinitive in -un and - ium there occur also for them the absolutives in-Una, and -iUņa, which is also the case with Ap. gerun is in -eppi, -eppinu, -evi, eviņu. (ii) The Loc. plu. in - esu appears for the Inst. plu. and vice versa. In Ap. both the cases sound alike : Ap. narahi, narchi (iii) the Acc. sg. of the stems in a. i (i), ū (u), ends in am, -im, um according to grammar, but the MSS often show for them ā, i, ū, irregularly and without agreement among themselves The reason for interchange is to be sought in this that in the popular speech as in Ap. the stems referred to sound alike in the Nom, and the Acc. (iv) Forms of the pronominal base etad in the Fem. : The Nom. sg. often ends in a short 'a' instead of a long one, e. g., esa Puri (35, 31 f. 46), esa thji (39.62) esa kahā (38.5) and in the Acc. sg. instead of eyam also esa is used, e. g, esā dehi suyā (98 7). In Ap. in the Nom. and Acc. the same base in the Femis eha; possibly the older popular speech had for it the word 'esa' in the Nom. and Acc. which the poet has accepted in Prakrit. The third group consists of those vulgarisms which seem to be the predecessors of the forms usual in Ap. Such a form is najjai ( = jñāyate ). This word frequently occurs in the Paümacariya to express an Upamā or Utpreksā, and is the forerunner of the Ap. nāvai ( which originated from navvai in Prakrit, and Hemacandra informs us that navvai and najjai can be used for jñāyate). 103
Dr. Ghatage critically examines the Loc. forms ( in -su ) in Paümacariya. He shows how in a few cases the Loc. Pl. form is used for other cases, e. g, (i) for
Jacobi's remarks about it and of Dr. Gratage's Introduction to Kahāņaya-Tigam and his
paper : "A Locative Form in Pauma-car.ya". 101 Some Ancient Jain Works, Modern Review, December, 1914. 102 Introduction to Kahanaya-Tigam. 103 Introduction to the Bhavisattakahā (Translated from the Orginal German by Dr. Ghosal),
pp. 363-65, Vol. IV, No. 4, (June 55), the journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. 11

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the Acc. of the OIA to denote the object of verbs implying motion towards. (ii) for serving the function of the Abl. and (iii) for the regular Genitive, and further adds that 'All these usages are rare and only show how the Prakrit syntax was losing the precision of the OIA stage'. He shows also how in a large number of cases the form in -su is used as Inst. pl., as Loc. sg. and pl. He explains the anomalies as follows: "The real cause of all such anomalies can only be the habit of the writer due to the current usage of his mother tongue or the language of his daily intercourse. The spoken language of the writer must have a usage in which the three forms of the Inst. plu., the Loc. sg. and plu. were indiscriminately used and this fact has led the writer to take the same liberty in the literary language also in which he has chosen to write his epic."104
In the introduction to the Bhavisattakaha Jacobi writes that one MS. of the Paümacariya offers a number of orthographic peculiarities which rest upon the phonological features of Ap. namely, the change of the intervocalic m to nas lized V, which the MSS represent as MV or V. The said MS of the Paumacariya often writes jāmva, tāmva for Pkt. jāva, tāva ( Ap. jāma, tāma, jāva, tāva ), almost always savara for samara and conversely Ramana and Rāmvana for Rāvana and only once Nemāla for Nevāla. For Hanumā demanded by grammar, the MSS of the Paumacariya show Hanumo, Hanuvo, Hanuo, which suppose Hanuvo according to the characteristics of Ap.
Mahārājasri Punyavijıyaji has noted a few more cases : emva, Tavalitti (Tâmralipti), nivisa ( nimisa ), Harinagavesi ( -gamesi ), panāvemi ( 18.99 ), Vajjasamaņa ( =vajraśravana = Vajrakarna, XXXIII. 147) and Parimio ( = Parivștah, V. 218, XXXVII. 14).
A few striking features of the language of the Paūnacariya are noted here below:
(i) Disagreement in number: 'Bhogabhilāsiņo aham (XIV. 108). (ii) Unwarranted insertion of ma (a Sandi-consonant ): Chattamattha
mādie (XIV-131). (iii) Non-doubling of a consonent : Anathante (XIV.134). (iv) The word Kailasa is spelt as Kavilāsa (IX.51). (v) False analogy: Dulalam (on the analogy of Sulaham: CVI.24), dukaya
(on the analogy of Sukaya; CXVIII.109), Soggai (CII.193) (vi) Use of G:n. for the Abl. : Imassa dukkhassa moium amhe (CXVIII.27);
Bhogānam viratto (XXI 74); for the Acc. : Rāhavassa sāhei (XLI.6). (vii) Uninflected forms: Vāyā me dehi (CX.8), Datthūža siddhapadi. (CVIII 17).
101 A L
ive Forn In Pau nacariya, Sárfa Satabdi Conmemoration (pp. 57-61 ).

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(viii) Use of weak bases like Sāhava (XXX. 30), Gurava (CXIII.14), Kurava
(CXVIII83), 'Aha bhanai Sāhavo' (LXXIV.41). (ix) Direct corruption of Sanskrit forms : Janayanti (CXIII 28), Sidhilāyai
(CXI 21), Sidhilibhūyassa (LIII. 24), Pabhāsayanto (CVIII.33), Lilāyanto (CVIII.2), Cintayantassa (CVII.9), Gavesayanto (XLVIII 39). Va-śruti : Rovantihim (CX.36), Bhuvantarammi (CX 31), Khevam (=Khedam, XCVII.23).
A future form pavisseham (VIII 191 is regarded by some as a peculiarity of the archaic stage of Jain Māhārāştri It is, however,
possible to read the text as 'Pavisse ham'. (xi) In one place we find the use of saha with the Loc. : Karemi mahilāsu
saha neham (CVIII.39).
Vimala sūri uses simultaneously many synonymous words where one of them would do e. g., Cadakkasarisovamehi (VII.29), Mohandhayāratimira (IX.90), Somasasivayanam (XVIII.27), etc.
Vimalasuri's language shows also many onomatopoeic words and their Multiplicatives : Gumagumagumanta (IL. 40). Chimachimachimanta (XXVI.48), Kadhakadhakadhenta (XXVI 50), Cadacadacadanti (XXVI.51), Khanakhanakhananti, Kanakanakananti, Madamadamadanti ( XXVI 53 ), Kilikilikilanta, duhuduhuuhunta (XCIV.94.41, 43). Ghughughughughughenta (CV.59), etc.
Vimalasůri uses profusely Desi words, such a; Cumpalaya (XXVI.8)), hakkhuvai (XLIV.39), ghattai (LIII. 148). Savadahutta (LVI.22) Vipparaddha (LIX 50), bokkiya (LIX 54), Caddiya( III.83), Dhāhāvia (V.239), āyallaya (V1.162), purahutto (LXXI.52), Sayarāha (LXXXVIII.10), tattilla (XCIV.14), ābhitta (LXXI.22) and many others.
From this survey, though very brief, the readers will get an idea about the language of the Paü nacariya which represents ai archaic form of Jain Mähārāşții.
13. METRES IN THE PAUMACARIYA
The Paümacariya is chiefly written in the Āryā (or Gáthā) metre, which is the real metre of Prakrit poetry. Jacobi pays a high compliment to Vimalasūri for his command of the Gathā when he says "The Gathās conform to the nicest rules of metrics, not only those rules which are given by writers on metrics but also one which we have found by analysing the Gāthās of classical Prakrit works like Hala, Setubandha, etc."105 In Canto LIII. 79 Vimala sūri uses the Dandala with 84 syllables
105 Some Ancient Jain Works - Modern Review, December, 1914.
It is, however, to be noted that metrical exigency forces the poet on many occasions, to

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in each line; and in the same canto in the middle he employs the Pañca-camara (vv. 107-11a). Io Canto XXVIII.47-5) be uses the Galitaka06. Varśasthavila, Sarabha (or Sarabha)107 and Toțaka respectively.
He uses a variety of metres for the closing verses of the various cantos as shown below : Giti
: 16,109 9610'(embodying Yamaka) Gahini! 10 Or Gāhini
: 116 Or Gathini Skandhaka!!! :48, 79, 102, 103, 108, 110, 111, 112, 114, 117. Āryāskandhaka'!? : 115 Galitaka
: 52113
lengthen or shorte a vowel, to nasalize or denasalize a letter or to use verse-fillers. Here are given below only a few examples : (i) Lengthening of a vowel : XXXIU.32 Tour, XXXIII.101 , XXXV.13 HIŠ
XXXVII.37 पेच्छम, XLI.23 साहरेमी, LXXVI.26 निसेवसू, etc. (ii) Shortening of a vowel : XXXIII.1 5750 (for 751), XXXV.31 C# (for Tal?),
XXXVIII.32 TET (for TTT). (iii) Nasalization : 1 (for * ) in XXXU1.44, XXXIV,4, etc. Tag ( nasalization
and metrical protraction of 7) in XXXV.68, XLIV.20, XLVII.39, etc. (iv) Denasa lization : ga (for qi) in XXXIV.28. (v) Verse-fillers : in I.14, CXIII.29, in LXI11.16
In addition to these, we find that some lines involve the flaw called yatibhanga, e. 8.,
XXXV.73b, CXVIII.119a. 106 The normal Galitaka has 21 Mátrai ji a quarter and is characterized by Yamaka at tne
end. För t're doinition of Gilitaka ani its varieties read Hemacan dra's Chandonuša sana,
IV.17f. 107 For th: definition of Sarabhı or Sarabia, 522 Prakrit-Painzalam, pp. 494-496, Bibliotheca
Indica edition, Calcutta, 1900, 103 Hore oiwirdi tie fiz 1133 stan) for the chacluding verses of the corresponding cantos.
Thus the figure 16 represents Canto XV1.90. 109 In XCVI.49, the first quarter is metrically defective as it contains 14 Matras instead of 12. 110 For the definition of Gahiņi (ni or Gathini (according to Hamacandra) see Prakrit-Pain
galam, pp. 126, 127 (edition noted above). 111 For the definition of Skandhaka, see Prakrit-Paingalam, pp, 129-130. 112 The first half or the verse has 27 Matrās, the second half, 32 Mātrās. 113 This verse presents 23 Matras in the first quarter and 22 Maträs in the other three quar
ters, and is taken here as a variety of Galitaka (with 22 Matras).

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Indravajra Upendravajra Upajati
Dodhaka Indravamsa Upajātil 14 Vamśasthavila Rucira
: 14, 21, 36, 64, 80, 83, 85, 91. : 49,60 62, 63, 113. : 4. 9, 27, 32 34, 40, 41, 43, 57, 69,
71, 81, 86, 89, 90, 104. : 17, 22, 35, 46, 58, 87, 94. :50. : 31. : 105. : 3, 5, 10, 12, 13, 1925, 37, 39. 42, : 44, 47, 55. 61, 66, 67, 68, 74, 77,
88, 92, 93, 99, 100, 101, 106, 118.115 : 2, 6, 15, 18, 23, 24, 26, 38, 53, 59,
95,116 109. i 29, 45, 54, 56. : 1, 11, 20, 30, 75, 97. : 7, 33, 73, 82, 107.
Malini
65,
Mandākrāntā Sardūlavikridita Sragdhara
14. GLIMPSES OF SOCIAL AND CULTURAL LIFE AS
REFLECTED IN PAUMACARIYA
Apart from its moralising and didactic character Vimalasuri's work is highly interesting to an antiquarian as it gives a picture of contemporary Indian society in general and Jain society in particular. The Paumacariya contains a prophetic account 17 as follows:
"Here in India after the time of the Nanda Kings the Law of the Jinas will become scarce. The number of heretics will swell, the kings will behave like tbieves; people will slander the 'Sálhus'; bad practices will be the order of the day; people will indulge in Himsā, falsehood and thefts; the ignorant people will bestow gifts on the ignorant, ceasuring the 'Sādhus'. ...".
Jacobi interprets this tradition thus : “Perhaps this refers more specially to Magadha and the adjoining countries, where under the reign of the Mauryas,
114 The first half of the verse is in Indravainsa and the second half, in Varsasthavila. 115 The concluding verse of the Canto is really 101 and it is in the Vasantatilaka. The rest
of the verses (102 to 119) forin the colophon. They are in the Arya. 116 The fourth quarter of the verse is metrically defective as it contains 16 syllables. 117 Canto LXXXIX.42-49,

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Buddhism soon attained the position of a popular religion, and must have become a formidable rival of Jainism". 118
86
Vimalasuri gives a very graphic description of the eightfold Jina-paja, Jina bhiseka, Jinavandanabhakti, Jinastuti, the restoration of ruined Jain temples 191, construction of Jain temples, and their existence in every village, town, Sangama (a place where two rivers meet), mountain peak, public square etc. 193 and the images of Jinas made of gold and bedecked with jewelsta and his exhor tation to the people to install the images of Jinas in every house certainly point to a period when some 'Sadhus' had already started residing in Caityas and people had started worshipping idols in their own houses besides those in the public temples. He strongly denoaces Godina, Stri dana, Bhami-dāna and Suvarpadina (which Munis do not accept). while praising Jina the author addresses him as Svayambhu Caturmukha, Visau (or Narayana or Ananta), Sankara (or Rudra) 11 This
118ERI. Vol. VII.
119 Canto XXXII.71-93.
120 Canto V.120-122; Canto XXVIII.46-50; CIX12-13.
121 For example,
कारे जिणहराणं समारर्ण जुण्णभग्गपडियार्ण ।
XI.3a; also VIII. 136-139.
122 For example,
जो जिणवराण भवणं, कुणइ जहाविहवसारसंजुत्तं ।
सो पावर परमसुहं सुरगण अहिदिओ मुहरं ।। XXX11.95
123 Canto LXVI.6-12, especially read:
सो नत्थि एत्थ गामो नेव पुरं संगमं गिरिवरो ।
तिय चच्चरं चउक्कं, जत्थ न भवणं जिणि दाणं ॥ —LXVI.9
124 पंचणरयणमईणे, चिणपडिमाणं सुपुण्णाई | LXVI.116
125 Canto LXXXIX,51-54, especially read:
टायेहि जिवराण घरे घरे देवपडिमाओ ।
।
अगुडपमाणावि हु, जिगपडिमा जस्स होहि घरम्भि तस् भवणाओ मारी, नासिहि लहुं न संदेहो ||
126
XIV.50-53
127 नाह तुमं बंभाणो तिलोयणो संकरो सर्व बुद्धो ।
नारायणी अणतो, तिलोयपुज्जारिहो अरुहा | XV122
।
तु सर्वभू भववं चम्मूहो, पियामहो विण्डु जिणो तियो XXXXV148.9 सो जिनवरो सयंभू, भाणु सिवो संकरो महादेवो | CIX. 12 विण्डू हिरण्णगन्मो महेसरो इसरो रुदो ||

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87
reveals the author's catholicity of outlook no doubt but it also reveals the immense popularity of the Trinity of Hindu gods in those centuries. The author gives a good description and closes on the full-moon day of Āşidha, Kārtika and Phälguna, 198 during these days fasts are observed and the temples of Jinas are decorated, the Jinābhiseka is performed and the images of Jinas are worshipped. He refers to the dispute regarding the processions of Brahma-ratha and Jina-ratha.29 He speaks of Bhavanapā'i devatà attending on the Jina and devas and the Yakşa lords Pūrnabhadra and Mānibhadra attending on the Tirthamkara (Santinātha). 130 The poet's severe condemnation of the Brāhmaṇas and his bitter attack against the Vedic cult of animal sacrifice131 probably suggest that the Bräimaņas had sway over the masses and animal sacrifices frequently performed during the time of the poet His repeated and vehement denuciation of meat-eating 32 probably point to the fact that the habit of meat-eating was prevalent among large sections of the populace. The poet refers to the custom of not eating meat during the eight-day' ftestival. 133
The author refers to Tāpasas (Brāhmaṇas, who have renounced society and live in the woods)'3+ and to Brāhmanas serving as king's priests. to astrologers and dream-interpreters who were in the service of kings. The astrologers were consulted and their advice valued, 13. Belief in good omens and evil portents was widely prevalent. People implicitly believed that dreams indicate coming events.
The author gives a very vivid description of the Mlecchas or Yavanas or Anāryas. 136 He gives a list of many Arya and Anārya Deśa's 137 some of which are easy to identify with some parts of India and bordering countries but some are very difficult to identify.
128 Canto XXIX.I-6 and Canto LXVI. 129 Canto V111.147f. 130 Canto XXXVII.43 and LXVII.28-49. 131 Canto IV.64-90 and XI.6-61, CV.44-46, 132 Canto XX11.83-90; XXVI.33-61. 133 Canto XX11.72. 134 Canto XXXIII 135 Canto V.68 136 te giet 4331Hi, tha#1 af 3771
अबरे तंबयवण्णा वामणदेहा चिबिडनासा ॥ वक्कलपत्तनियच्छा, मणिमयकडिसुत्तयाभरणदेहा ।
91573A fargfafa AL II -XXVII-32-33 137 Read Canto XCVIII.57-67, especially,
आहीरवोय जवणा कच्छा सग-कीरला य नेमाला । वरुला य चारुवच्छी, वरावडा चेव सोपारा ।

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As regards the position of women the author portrays them as socially inferior to men. The repudiation of Anjanāsundari and of Sitä on mere snspicion and public seandal respectively and the treatment meted out to Añjanāsundari by her own parents as described by the poet will illustrate the point. It is regarded as a wonder that a woman should be born in another birth as man (CXVII. 10). The sentiments expressed by Añjanāsundari about her pitiable condition on her being banished by her mother-in-law and her own parents, who did not care to know what the truth was,138 are eloquent of woman's position in Indian society. From the accomplishments of princess Kaikeyil 39 it appears that girls coming from higher strata of society received education. Sita is said to have given advice to Rāma regarding war140 She is described as performing dance. 141 A Carana-Kanyā's wondrous dance in the royal court is described. 1+2 This indicates that the art of dancing was a respectable one is the days of the author. The description of Svayamvaras shows that girls at the time of their wedding were of marriageable age. The two parties of the bride each and the bridegroom valued highly the 'Kulavamsa' of each side 1 +3 The seatiments of Vira-mahilās when their husbands go out to fight (and the response of their husbands as well) are very noble and speak of their high culture. 1 4 4
The Paümacariya while describing Rāvana's bath, refers to fragrant unguents for rubbing and cleaning the body, a bathing stool made of Vaidurya, and pitchers of gold studded with jewels. Musical instruments were played upon while Rāvana waz taking his bath. It describ:s also Rāvana taking his meal. Astaraka, Masūraka, Vetrasana and golden seats are mentioned. The food is said to have consisted of 108 eatables, 64 condiments and boiled rice of 16 kinds.1 4 Elsewhere, the work refers to Näranga, Panasa, Inguda, Kadali, Kbarjūra, Nalikera and food prepared with cow-milk as being offerred to monks. 146 It refers also to Payasa (rice boiled
कसमीर-विसाणा विय विज्जा तिसरा हिडिवयंबट्टा । सूला वव्वरसाला गोसाला सरमया सवरा ।।
आणंदा तिसिरा विय खसा तहा चेव होति मेहलया । सुरसेणा पलूहीया खंधारा कोलउलुगा य । पुरिकोबेरा कुहरा अंधा य तहा कलिंगमाइया । एए अन्ने य बहू लवंकुसेहि जिया देस। ॥
---XXVII.32-33. 138 Canto XVII.32-35; also note CI1.43-46 and CV.64-67 139 Canto XXIV.5-8. 140 Canto XXXVII. 34-36. 141 Canto XXXIX.22. 142 Canto XXXVII.47-59. 143 Canto XCVIII.8 144 Canto LVI.13f 145 LXIX.6-16. 146 XLI.9

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89
in milk), curds, milk and Modakas prepared with molasses and sugar.147 In another place still, it refers to Laddukas (round balls of sugar, wheat or rice-flour, ghee, etc.) and Mandas. 148 Meat-eating is referred to. King Simhasodāsa is said to have been fond of human flesh.149 Lakşmaņa is described as being fond of wine.150
As regards ornaments, it mentions Cūļāmaņi, Santānaka-sekhara, ear-ornaments, bracelets studded with gems, waist-band, pearl-necklace, a signet-ring.161 (In one place it mentions China cloth.)162
It refers to various weapons such as 'Asi-kanaka, Capa, KheďakaVasunandaka, Cakra-Tomara-parasu, patřisa, Mudgara sara, Jhasara, bhindipāla, gadā, sakti, Khurapra, ardha-candra, dhanus, triśūla, kunta, lāngala, kşurikā, 153 and the like and missiles like Varuna, Samirana, Āgneya, Tāmasa, Divakara, Uraga, Garuda, and Vināyaka.154
It refers to the following musical instruments of a martial character : Pagu-Pațaha-Bheri--Jhallari-Kāhala-Timila-Bhambha-Mşdanga-Damaru. Dhakkā, Sankha-Kharamukhi-Hượukka-Pāvaya-Kāṁsyatālika155; Viņā and Vamśa, too, are mentioned. 166
It refers to the code of honour according to which 'Sramaņas, Brāhmaṇas, Cows, women, children and the old people were not to be killed even if they gave offence 157 It states that people, frightened at the invasion of an enemy, used to bury underground their gold, silver, ornaments, etc.168
The descriptions of Magadha, Rajagặha, etc., are more or less conventional hence we make only a passing reference to them.159 Some stray references, which
145 LXIX, 6-16 146 XLI-9 147 CXV.8-10 148 LXXXIV.4 149 XXIJ.74-75 150 CXIII. 74-75 151 111.98-99 152 VIII-273 153 LVII.28-29; LIX.14,23 LXXI.21, etc. 154 LXXI.60-67 155 LVII.22-23 156 LXXXV.19 157 XXXV.15; LXV.30 158 LXIV.10 159 11.1-14
12

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are of interest to an antiquary are given below. The Paümacariya speaks of :
(i) A gem bored by a diamond (Vajra)160 - 1.13b. (ii) The ears of a Jester (Vidūşaka) made out of wood (I.19). (iii) Elephants with their temples decorated with red mineral fluid (sindūra) and
who were adorned with 'Nakşatramāla', and bells (11.39). (iv) A hunter looking upon the sight of a Jain monk as an evil omen (VI.
139-140). (v) Floor-decoration with five coloured powders (Rangāvali : XXIX.2; XL.5;
LXVI 21). (vi) Ornamental drawings (Bhakti) with various mineral metals or fluids
(Dhaturasa 161, XXXIX.3). (vii) A large number of wives of kings. (viii) A large number of supernatural lores (VII. 135-42).
(ix) Kanduka-kiidā (a game with a ball, XV.13). (x) The exact replica of Daśaratha made of clay (Lepya, XXIII). (xi) The celebrations on the birth of a son (XXV.14). (xii) The drawing of life-like pictures on cloth (XXVIII.9). (xiii) Various plants and creepers giving their names (LIII.79). (xiv) Dināra (a gold coin, LXVIII.32), Ratna and Kākini (CXVIII-107), and of
false weights and measures and their use (XIV.26). (xv) Sending a ‘Lekha' (letter, XXXVII.2; LXXVII.45). (xvi) The cremation of Rāvana with fragrant substances like gośirşa, candana,
Aguru, Karpūra, etc. (LXXV.4). (xvii) The remarkable mode of 'Sapatha-grahaņa' by Lakşmaņa (XXXVIII.18);
and by Satrughna as well (LXXXV-9). (xviii) The five Ordeals (Divyas), only four are mentioned by name 1 Tulārohana,
2 Agnipravesa, 3 Pbala-grahaņa, 4 Visa-pāna, (C1.38–39). (xix) The honour done to a Dūta by presenting him Tāmbūla etc. (LXXVIII.44)
and of his being 'Avadhya'. (xx) The Mahābhārata and Rāmāyana. It deserves notice that Vimala sūri knows
Mahābhārata as Bhārata (CV.16). Finally, the author reproduces many Abhānakas and Janaśrutis which appear to have been taken up from the popular speech directly, and have no parallels in Sanskrit literature.
These gleanings (and their interpretation) will enable the reader to get some idea of the social and cultural conditions as reflected in Paümacariya.
160 Mallinātha (on Raghu 1.4) explains : 'Vajrena manivedhakasūciviseşena' (a steel instrument
pointed with a diamond pin). In passing, it may be noted that this verse strongly reminds
one of Raghu 1.4. 161 Mallinātha (on Kumāra 1.7) explains the term as 'Sindūrādidraveņa'.

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Chapter-iii PADMA-PURANA OF ACARYA RAVISENA
1. RAVISENA'S PERSONAL HISTORY
In the year 678 A.D. Ravisena wrote his Padma-Purana. It is composed in Sanskrit and consists of 123 Parvans (Cantos). It is mainly in Anustup metre. The poet observes the convention of introducing a change of metre in the last stanza (or stanzas) of each canto. He skilfully interweaves his name in the closing stanza of every canto of this poem whence the Padma-Purana is technically called the Ravyanka (marked by the word Ravi in a special way.)"
We know very little of Ravişena's life. His spiritual descent as recorded by him. (Canto CXXIII. 167) may be thus shown:
Indra-guru I
Diväkara-yati
1 Arhanmuni
I Lakṣmaṇasena
Ravişena
Ravisena makes no mention regarding his 'sangha', 'gana' or 'gaccha' or his place of birth etc. Pt. Premi infers from the name Ravisena that possibly he belonged to Sena-sangha. No other work he is said to have written. His Padma-Purana (or Padma-Carita) is the first work in Sanskrit as far as Jain Story-Literature is concerned.
1. The edition referred to in our study is that of Pandit Darbari Lala in M.D.J.G. Nos. 29-31 Another edition with Hindi translation by Pt. Pannalal Jain has since been published by Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi 110 001, in three volumes (1977-78).
Regarding the date of the composition of the work the poet says:
द्विशताभ्यधिके समासहखे समतीतेऽर्थ चतुर्थवर्षयुक्ते ।
जिन भास्कर वर्धमानसिद्धे चरितं पद्ममुनेरिदं निबद्धम् ॥
i. e. the work was written 1203 years and a half after the death of Mahavira (527 B.C.). Pandit Nathurama Premi mentions, perhaps inadvertently, V. S. 834 (instead of 734) as the date of composition of this work (See p. 1 of his Prakkathana to Vol. 29).
2. Cf. the Vimalanka-kavya of Vimala; or just as the Kiratarjuniya of Bharavi is Śryanka or Sisupalavadha of Magha is Lakṣmyanka.

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The poem is sometimes referred to as Padma-Carita. There is strong internal evidence to support this alternative title. Although the poet nowhere expressly mentions Padma-Purāņa as the title, in one place he refers to the present work as Purana.s On another occasion he tells us that 'Cestita', 'Carita' 'Karana' and 'Cāritra' are synonyms and hence the history of adventures of Rāma are called 'Rāmāyaṇa'. A study of this work reveals beyond any shadow of doubt that Revişena had placed before him Paüma-Cariya of Vimala as his model while writing the present poem. It is not therefore unlikely that the author had all along in his mind Padma-Carita as the title of the poem.
Even a mere glance at the titles of the cantos of the two works-Paimacariya and Padmapurāna-is enough to show that the Rāma-story, presented by Vimala and Ravişeņa, is identical and that Ravişena who is, chronologically speaking, later than Vimala must have borrowed wholesale from him-unless of course, we suppose that both have based their works on a comman source. (The interrelation between the two works is dealt with at length in the section that follows). Here we give a comparative table of the titles of the cantos of the two works:
2. A COMPARISON OF THE TITLES OF THE EPICS
vy
Padma-Purana
VV
102
Paüma-Cariya 1. सुत्तविहाणो नाम उद्देसो
90 2. सेणियचिंताविहाणो नाम समुद्दे सओ 119 3. विज्जाहरलोगवण्णणो नाम उद्दे सओ 162 4. लोगहिइ-उसभ-माहणाहिगारो उद्देसओ 90 5. रक्ख सर्वसाहियारे उद्देसओ 271 6. रक्खस-वाणर-पन्वज्जाविहाणो उद्देसओ 244
255 339
सूत्रविधानम् श्रेणिकचिन्ताभिधानम् विद्याधरलोकाभिधानम् ऋषभमाहात्म्याभिधानम् राक्षसवंशाधिकारः वानरवंशाभिधानम्
132
406
573
3. Thus Pandit Natharama Premi advocates the alternative title (His Prakkathana to pp.33 part I). 4. e.g. these statements of the poet :
पद्मस्य चरितं शुभम् । I.14, पद्मस्य चरितं वक्ष्ये । I.16. गदितु चरितं शक्तः केवलं श्रुतकेवली । 1.17. चरितं यस्य... तच्चरितं...। 1.18. बुधपंक्तिकमायतं चरितं रामगोचरम् । I.21.
चरितं पद्ममुनेरिदं निबद्धम् । CXXIII.182 5 See v. 44 of the first canto : सप्त पुराणेऽस्मिन्नधिकारा इमे स्मृताः । 6 Canto 123, v. 155:
चेष्टितमनघं चरितं करणं चारित्रमित्यमी यच्छब्दाः । पर्याया रामायणमित्युक्तं तेन चेष्टितं रामस्य ।।

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93
VV
Padma-Purāņa
vv
395
573
223
दशग्रीवाभिधानम् दशग्रीवाभिधानम् वालिनिर्वाणाभिधानम् दशग्रीवप्रस्थाने सहस्ररश्म्यनरण्यश्रामण्यभिधानम् मरुत्तयशध्वंसनपदानुगाभिधानम्।
179
383
इन्द्रपराभवाभिधानम्
376
Ila
113
381
इन्द्रनिर्वाणाभिधानम् अनन्त बलधर्माभिधानम् अञ्जनासुन्दरीविवाहाभिधानम् पवनाञ्जनसंभोगाभिधानम्
227
243
Paüma-Cariya 7. दहमुह विज्जासाहणो उद्देसो
173 8. दहमुहपुरिपवेसो उद्देसो
286 9. वालिनिबाणगमणो उद्दे सो
106 10. दहमुह-सुग्गीवपत्थाणसहस्सकिरण -
अणरण्णपव्वज्जाविहाणो उद्देसओ 11. मरुयजन्न-विद्ध सण जणवयाणुरागो
उद्देसो 12. वेयड्ढगमण-इंदबंधण-लंकापवेसणो
उद्दसओ 13. इंदनिव्वाणगमणो उद्देसओ 52 14, अणतविरियधम्मकहणो उद्देसओ 158 15. अंजणासुंदरीवीवाहविहाणो उद्देसओ 100 16. पगंजयअंजणासुंदरीभोगविहाणो
उद्देसओ 17. हणुयसंभवविहाणो उद्देसओ 18. पवर्णजय-अंजणासुंदरी-समागम
विहाणो उद्देसओ 19. रावणरज्जविहाणो नाम उद्देसओ 20. तित्थयराइभवाणुकित्तणो उद्देसओ 21. सुव्वय-वज्जबाहु-कित्तिधरमाहप्प. ___ वण्णणो उद्देसओ 22. सुकोसलमुणिमाहप्प-दसरह-उप्पत्तिभि
हाणो उद्देसओ 23. विहीसण-बयण-विहाणो उद्देसओ 24. केगईवरसं पायणो उद्देसओ 25. चउभाइविहाणो उद्दसओ 26. सीया-भामंडल उत्पत्तिविहाणो उद्देसओ 103 27. मेच्छ-पराजय-कित्तणो उद्देसओ 28. राम-लक्खण-घणरयण-लाभविहाणो
उद्देसओ
406
हनूमत्संभवाभिधानम् पवनाञ्जनासमागमाभिधानम्
136
रावणसाम्राज्याभिधानम् तीर्थङ्करादिभवानुकीर्तनम् सुव्रत-वज्रबाहु-कीर्तिमाहात्म्यवर्णनम्
141 250 165
सुकोशल-माहात्म्य-युक्त-दशरथोत्पत्त्य. भिधानम् विभीषण-व्यसन-वर्णनम् केकयावरप्रदानम् चतुर्भ्रातृ-संभवाभिधानम् सीताभामण्डलोत्पत्त्यभिधानम् म्लेच्छपराजय-संकीर्तनम् राम-लक्ष्मण-रस्नमालाभिधानम्
141

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Story of Rama in Jain Literature
Paüma-Cariya
Padma-Purana
VV
दशरथ-वैराग्य सर्वभूतहितागमाभिधानम् 116
172
242
196
148
336
6
106
195
104
166
143
236
29. दसरह-वइराग-सव्वभूयसरणागमो उद्देसओ
49 30. भामंडलसंगमविहाणो उद्देसओ 31. दसरह-पव्वजानिच्छय-विहाणो उद्देसओ 128 32. दसरहपव्वज्जा-राम-निग्गमण-भरहरज्जविहाणो उद्देसओ
97 33. वज्जयण्ण-उवक्खाणो उद्देसओ 34. वालिखिल्ल-उवखाणं नाम उद्दसओ 35. कविलोवक्खाणं नाम उद्देसओ 36. वणमालानाम पव्व* 37. अइविरिय-निक्खमणं 38. जियपउमा-वक्खाणं 39. देसभूसण-कुलभूसण-वक्खाणं 40. रामगिरि-उवक्खाणं 41. जडागी -पक्खि-उवक्खाण 42. दण्डगारण-निवास-विहाण 43. सबुक्क-वहणं 44. सीयाहरणे रामविप्पलाव-विहाण 45. सीया-विप्पओग-दाह-पब्धं 46. माया-पायार-विउम्वगं 47. सुग्गीव-पहाण-वक्खाणं 48. कोडिसिला-उद्धरणं 49. हणुय-पस्थाणं 50. महिंद-दुहिया-समागम-विहाणं 51. राघव-गंधव्वकन्नालाहविहाणं 52. हणुव-कन्नालाभ-लंकाविहाण
45
भामण्डल -समागमाभिधानम् दशरथ प्रव्रज्याभिधानम् दशरथ-राम-भरतानां प्रवज्यावनप्रस्थानराज्याभिधानम् वज्रकोपाख्यानम् वालिखिल्योपाख्यानम् कपिलोपाख्यानम् वनमालाभिधानम् अतिवीर्यनिष्क्रमणाभिधानम् जितपद्मोपाख्यानम् देशकुलभूषणोपाख्यानम् रामागियु पाख्यानम् जटायूपाख्यानम् दण्डकारण्यनिवासाभिधानम् शम्यूकवधाख्यानम् सीताहरण-रामविलापाभिधानम् सीतावियोग-दाहाभिधानम् माया-प्राकाराभिधानम् विटसुग्रीववधाख्यानम् कोटिशिलोत्क्षेपणाभिधानम् हनुमत्प्रस्थानम् महेन्द्रदुहितासमागमाभिधानम् गन्धर्वकन्यालाभाभिधानम् हनूमल्लङ्कासुन्दरीकन्यालाभाभिधानम्
169
102
123
151
105
232 148
250
118
85
* As we have already noted before, Vimala, calls the first 35 cantos of his poem as 'Uddesas'
and the rest 'Parvans'. Ravisena throughout names the cantos as Parvans.

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Padma-Purana of Acārya Kriina
Paunia-Cariya
vv
Padma-Purāņa
53. हणुव-लंका-निग्गमणं 54. लंकापत्थाणाभिहाणं 55. विभीसण-समागम-विहाणं
143
24
56. रावणबलनिग्गमणं 57. हत्थपत्थ-वहणं 58. नल-नील-हत्थ-पहत्थ- पुब्वभवाणुकित्तण 59. विज्जासंनिहाणं 60. सुग्गीव-भामंडल-समागम 61. सत्तिसंपायबिहाणं 62. राम-विप्पलाव 63. विसल्लापुव्वभवाणुकित्तण 64. विसल्ला-आगमणं 65. रावणदूयाभिगमणं 66. ... ... .... 66. फग्गुणठाहिकमहो-लोगनियमकरणं
हनुमत्प्रत्यभिगमनम् लङ्काप्रस्थानम्
विभीषणसमागमाभिधानम् 56. उभयबलप्रमाणविधानम् 57. रावणबलनिर्गमनम् 58. हस्तप्रहस्तवधाभिधानम् 59. हस्त-प्रहस्त-नल-नील-पूर्वभवानुकीर्तनम् 34 60. विद्यालाभ: 61. सुग्रीव-मामण्डल-समाश्वासनम् 62 शक्तिसंतापाभिधानम्
100 63. शक्तिभेद-रामविलापाभिधानम् 40 64. विशल्यापूर्वभवाभिधानम्
115 65. विशल्यासमागमाभिधानम् 66. रावणदूतागमाभिधानम् 67. शान्तिगृहकीर्तनम् 68. फाल्गुनाष्टाह्निकामहिमाविधानम् 69. लोकनियमकरणाभिधानम् 70. सम्यग्-दृष्टि-देव-प्रातिहार्यकीर्तनम् 71. बहुरूपविद्यासंनिधानाभिधानम् 72. युद्धनिश्चयकीर्तनाभिधानम् 73. उद्योगाभिधानम् 74. रावण-लक्ष्मण युद्धवर्णनाभिधानम्
116 75. चक्ररत्नोत्पत्तिवर्णनम्
50
67. सम्मद्दिट्टीदेवकित्तणं 68. बहुरूवासाहणं *69. रावणचिंताविहाणं 70. उज्जोय-विहाणं 71. लक्खण-रावण-जुज्झ 72. चक्करयणुप्पत्ति
180
71 69 37
62
+ उभयबलप्रमाणविधानम् is an additional canto in the Padma-Purana for which no corres
ponding Canto is found in the 'model' epic. + शान्तिग्रहकीर्तनम् is an additoral Canto rot found in Vimala's epic. *** Canto 66 of Paüma-Cariya is split up in two by Ravişeņa.
Tne contents of Pc. 69 and Pp. 72 are, although the titles are differently worded, the same.

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
Paüma-Cariya
VV
___Padma-Purana
73. दहवयण-वह-विहाणं 74. पीयकर-उवक्खाणय 75. इंदई-आदि-निक्खमण 76. सीयासमागमविहाणं 77. मय-वक्खाण 78. साएयपुरी-वण्णणं 79. राम-लक्खण-मायाहिं समागमविहाणं 80. तिहुयणालकारसंखोभविहाणं 81. भुवणालंकारसल्लविहाणं 82. तिहुणालंकारपुव्वभवाणुकित्तणं
134
83. भरह-केगई-दिक्खाभिहाणं 84. भरहनिव्वाणगमणं 85. रज्जाभिसेयं 86. महुसुदरवहाभिहाणं
35 76. दशग्रीववधाभिधानम् 42 77. प्रीतिंकरोपाख्यानम्
78. इन्द्रजितादिनिष्क्रमणाभिधानम् 26 79. सीतासमागमाभिधानम्
80. मयोपाख्यानम् 81. साकेतनगरीवर्णनम् 82. राम-लक्ष्मण-मातृ-समागमाभिधानम् 83. त्रिभुवनालङ्कारक्षोभाभिधानम् 84. त्रिभुवनालङ्कारशमाभिधानम्
35 85. भरत-त्रिभुवनालङ्कारसमाध्यनुभवानु
कीर्तनम् 13 86. भरतकेकयानिष्क्रमणाभिधानम्
87. भरतनिर्वाणगमनम् 88. राज्याभिषेकाभिधान विभागदर्शनं नाम 44 89. मधुसुन्दरवधाभिधानम् 90. मथुरोपसर्गाभिधानम् 91. शत्रुध्नभवानुकीर्तनम् 92. मथुरापुरीनिवेशऋषिदानगुणोपसर्ग
हननाभिधानम् 93. मनोरमालम्भाभिधानम् 94. रामलक्ष्मणविभूतिदर्शनीयाभिधानम् 95. जिनेन्द्रपूजादोहदाभिधानम् 96. जनपरीवादचिन्ताभिधानम् 97. सीतानिर्वासनविप्रलापवज्रजङ्घागमना
भिधानम्
98. सीतासमाश्वासनम् 49 99. रामशोकाभिधानम् 29 100. लवणाङ्कुशोद्भवाभिधानम् 73 101. लवणाङ्कुशदिग्विजयकीर्तनम्
88. सतुग्ध-कयंतमुह-भवाणुकित्तणं 98. महुरा-निवेस-विहाणं
90. मणोरमालभविहाण 91. रामलक्खणविभूइदंसणं 92. जिणायणडोहलविहाण 93. जणचिंताबिहाणं 94. सीयानिव्वासणविहाणं
95. सीयासमासासणं 96. रामसोयविहाण 97. लवणंकुसभवविहाणं 98. लवकुसदेसविजयं

Page #115

Pauma-Cariya
99. लवणंकुजुज्झविहाणं
100. लवणंकुससमागमविहाणं
101. देवागमविहाणं
102. रामधम्मसवणविहाणं
103. *रामपुव्वभव - सीयापव्वज्जाविहाणं
104. लबकुपुव्वभवाणुकित्तणं
105. महु-केढभ-उवक्खाणं
106. कुमार-निक्खमणं
107. भामंडल-परलोगगमण विहाणं
108. **हणुयनिव्वाणमण
109. सक्कसंकहाविहाणं
110. लवंकुसतवोवणपवेसविहाणं
Padma-Purana of Acarya Ravişena
111. रामविपलावविहाणं
112. लक्खणबिओगविहीसणवयणं 113. कल्लाणमित्त देवागमणं
114. बलदेवमुणिस्स निक्खमणं 115. गोयर संखोभविहाणं
116. दाणपसंसाविहाणं
117. केवलनाणुपत्तिविहाणं
118. पउमनिव्वाणगमणं
13
VV
74
63
75
03
175
34
114
48
15
50
21 22 2
26
44
23
71
333
34
23
17
46
119
Padma-Purana
102. लवणाङ्कुशसमेतयुद्धाभिधानम्
202
103. रामलवणाङ्कुशसमागमाभिधानम् 97
202
267
248
68
52
173
95
21
99
45
114. शक्रसुरसंकथाभिधानम्
56
115. लवणाङ्कुशतपोऽभिधानम्
64
116. रामदेव - विप्रलापम्
44
117. लक्ष्मणवियोग-विभीषण- संसारस्थितिवर्णनम् 45
118. लक्ष्मणसंस्कारकरणं कल्याणमित्रदेवाभिगमाभिधानम्
119. बलदेव निष्क्रमणाभिधानम्
120. पुरसंक्षोभाभिधानम्
121. दानप्रसङ्गाभिधानम्
122. केवलोत्पत्त्यभिधानम्
123. बलदेवसिद्धिगमनाभिधानम्
8651
104. सकलभूषणदेवागमनाभिधानम्
105. रामधर्मश्रवणाभिधानम्
106. सपरि वर्गरामदेव पूर्वभवाभिधानम्
107. प्रब्रजित सीताभिधानम्
108. लवणाङ्कुशपूर्वभवाभिधानम्
109. मधूपाख्यानम्
110. कुमाराष्टकनिष्क्रमणाभिधानम्
111. भामण्डलपरलोकाभिगमनम्
112. हनुमन्निर्वेदं नाम
113. हनुमन्निर्वाणाभिधानम्
97
vv.
127
62
47
28
76
18
16942
# Canto 103 of Pc is split in two by Ravisena as Cantos 106 and 107 of his poem.
**
Canto 108 of Pc. corresponds to Canto 113 of Pp. whereas Canto 112 of Pp. is an additional
one.

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
3. EXTENT, FORM, ETC., OF THE TWO EPICS
This comparison of the titles of the cantos of the two poems indisputably establishes that Ravişena has placed before him Vimala's Paüma-Cariya as his model, and has adopted almost the same plan of division of the poem into suitable Cantos. We say 'almost' because Ravişena has made a sew alterations and additions in the naming and numbering of Cantos. While Paüma-Cariya has 118 Cantos, the Padma-Purana has 123 Captos. The titles of the corresponding 118 Cantos in the two poems are in agreement with each other notwithstanding slight verbal differences. The additional five Cantos in the Padma-Purāņa are obtained by splitting the Cantos of Paüma-Cariya as shown above. Vimala's work is in Prakrit while Ravişena's is in Sanskrit. The Paima-Cariya is in the Arya metre, while the Padma-Purāņa is in Anuştup metre.? The Padma-Puräna is easily double in extent as compared with the Pauma-Cariya: The longest canto of the Padma-Puräna is the 6th with 573 stanzas and the shortest is the 87th with 18 stanzas, while in the case of Paüma-Cariya, the longest canto is the 8th with 286 stanzas and the shortest is the 60th with only 9 stanzas. The Padma--Purana throughout calls the divisions of the poem as Parvan while the Paüma-Cariya calls the first 35 as Uddesas and the rest Parvans.
4. CANTOWISE SUMMARY OF PADMAPURANA DISPENSED WITH
The story of Rama in Padma-Purāņa is identical with that of Paümacariya. In order to avoid repetition we dispense with the cantowise summary of Padmapurāņa, and rest content by drawing attention to statements of Ravişena which set forth the Digambara tradition regarding the origin of the Rāma story and a few others which deviate from those of Vimalasūri.
(i) In the opening and the closingło cantos Ravişena records the Digambara tradition of the handing down of the story of Rāma from Mahāvīra to Indrabhūti
7 fagot. Tietoa | Pc canto 118 v. 102
And, IEAITE97ag fágfaasa | Pp. canto 123-186 8 The Pc contains about 9000 gāthās while the Pp. has a total of 18023 anustup-ślokas, Pp.
in its concluding stanza gives the total number of its verses as 18023. 9 वर्धमानजिनेन्द्रोक्तः सोऽयमों गणेश्वरम् ।
इन्द्रभूति परिप्राप्तः सुधर्म धारिणीभवम् ॥ प्रभवं क्रमतः कीर्ति ततोऽनुत्तरवाग्मिनम् ।
falad det ågra caucasayga: 11–1.vv 41-42 10 निर्दिष्टं सकलैनतेन भुवनैः श्रीवर्धमानेन यत्
तत्वं वासवभूतिना निगदित जम्बोः प्रशिष्यस्य च ।

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Padma-Purana of Acarya Ravişena
(Gautama) then to Sudharman, the son of Dharini. then to Prabhava, then in to Kirtidhara, the unrivalled orator (anuttara-vägmin) and keeping his text in front of himself Ravisena composed his Padmapurāna.
In Canto IV we come across a remarkable etymology of the word Brāhmaṇa in the course of relating the account of the origin of the Brāhmaṇa caste :
यस्मान्मा हननं पुत्र कार्षीरिति निवारितः ।
ऋषभेण ततो या 'माहना' इति ते श्रुतिम् ।।
The word 'mahana' is not accepted, as already pointed out by Pt. Nathuram Premi, 11 in Sanskrit literature (of course, excluding the present Jain Padmapurana) or lexicons. The word 'Mahana ' ( rather māhana) in the sense of 'Brāhmana' is of frequent occurrence in Jain agama literature of the Svetämbaras and its derivation from Prakrit expression 'mahana' ('Don't kill or strike or beat) is significant, and it is actually offered in Palmacariya in identical context; viz., the origin of Brahmana as मा हसु पुत्त एए, जं उसभजिणेण वारिओ भरहो । तेण इमे सवल च्चिय, बुच्चेति व माहणा लोए ॥
99
Thus this fact leads us to the inference, says Nathuram Premi, that the source of Ravisena's Padmapurana is Pulmacariya.
Canto XI is highly interesting and contains logical and philosophical discussions and citations from the sacred texts of the Brahmanas like the Upanisads and Bhagavadgita and sets forth a vigorous refutation of the creation theory. The canto is far superior to the corresponding one of Vimalasuri and admirably attests to Ravisena's wide scholarship, high education in philosophy and great power of and masterly skill in argumentation.
In canto XXV Ravisena informs us that Aparajitä, Sumitra, Kekaya and Suprabha the four wives of Dasaratha, gave birth to Padma ( = Rāma), Lakşmana, Bharata and Šatrughna respectively. This is a departure from Paumacariya, which mentions that
शिष्येणोत्तर वाग्मिना प्रकटितं पद्मस्य वृत्तं मुनेः श्रेयः साधुसाधिद्धिकरणं सर्वोत्तमं मङ्गलम् ॥
CXXIII 167
does not figure in the list of Acaryas; and we
It may be noted that the name of Kirtidhara know next to nothing about his written text of the Rama-story.
11 Jain Sahitya Aura Itihāsa ( in Hindi, 1st ecn. 1942, 2nd ed. 1956).
12
असूत तनये कान्त्या विशाखमपराजिता । पद्मनेत्रस्य पद्माख्या पितृभ्यां तस्य निर्मिता ।। सुमित्रापि ततः पुत्रमसूत परमयुतिम् । सुलक्ष्मा लक्ष्मणाख्यायां पितृभ्यामेव योजितः || तनयं केकयासून दिव्यरूपसमन्वितम् । यो जगाम महाभाग्यो भुवने भरतश्रुतिम् ||

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Dasaratha had three wives only and that Bharata and Satrughna were born of Kaikeyi.
In Canto XXVIII Padmapuräna relates that two bows Vajrāvarta and Sāgaravarta were bent and strung by Rāma and Lakşmaņa respectively.13 This is a departure from Paümacariya which speaks of only one Vajrāvarta bow, bent and strung by Rāma and Lakşmana on the occasion of Sita-syayamvara.
In this canto itself14 Ravişena gives the name of Bharata's wife as Lokasundari, the daughter of King Kanaka. According to Vimala her name is Subhadra,
Again in this very canto15 Ravişena tells us that Rāma and Lakşmaņa assume of their own the form of dancing girls on the occasion of subduing King Ativirya who posed a danger to Bharata's rule. According to Vimala it is a Jain goddess who turns them into beautiful women (Canto XXXVII.42-45).
In Canto CII Ravişeņa relates that Hanūmat on learning the account of the birth of Lavana and Ankuśa deserted Rāma and came over to the side of these twin brothers16 when the two hostile armies were about to engage themselves in battle. According to Vimala's account Hanūmat remains neutral (Canto XCIX).
In canto CIV Ravişena informs us that it is god Meşaketana, who is deputed by Indra to help Sita out of the fire-ordeal. Vimala's account gives the name of the god as Hariņaigameşin (Canto CI).
सुषुवे सुप्रभा पुत्र सुन्दरं यस्य विष्टपे ।
erfa: 77-yata 7505 aaa il 13 Canto XXVIII. 223-241; v 247 14 The v. no. 263, at the first reading, produces the impression that Suprabha is the name of
Kanaka's daughter (Kanaki) who chooses Bharata as her husband. But Suprabha is the name of Kanaka's wife (v. 258). It would mean, Ravişeņa nods here ! To get over the inconsistency we have to take 'suprahā' as an adjective of Subhadra.
स्थापयित्वा कृती सीतां कृत्वात्मानं च वर्णिनीम् । स्त्रीवेषधारिभिः सार्घ सुरूपैर्लक्ष्मणादिभिः ।। ... Haar gaeet laa: 11 लवणाकुशसंभूतिं श्रुतवानथ तत्त्वतः । adual: 27 agaistaff147 ll -VV 169-170
अवलोक्य ततः सीतावृत्तान्त मेषकेतनः । शक' जगाद देवेन्द्र पश्येदमपि दुष्करम् ॥ 271 Cestaatsaaa.............1 ...Faoi af 12
I
-VV 123

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5. GENERAL REMARKS
(i) The tradition stated : Ravişena records the tradition of the origin of the story of Rāma thus : Lord Mahāvira first delivered the contents of the Padma-Purana to Indra-bhūti Gautama who handed them down to Sudharman who in his turn delivered them to Jambūsvāmin and Jambūsvāmin to Prabhava and thus through a series of disciples it was handed down to Kirti and through him to Anuttaravāgmin. 28 And on the basis of the last named one Ravişena based his Padma-Purāņa.
(ii) Scrutiny of the tradition : Like his predecessor Vimala Sūri, Ravişeņa too traces the origin of the Rāma story to Mahāvīra. It is really very strange that in the tradition recorded he does not speak of the Paüma-Cariya of Vimala Sūri upon which his Padma-Purāņa is based - not only that his Padma-Purāņa very closely follows the narrative in the Paüma-Cariya, canto by canto of course with negligible variations. We have already shown how the Padma-Purāna is an enlarged edition of Vimala Sūri's Prakrit epic in Sanskrit. How is it then that Ravişena omits any reference to the Paüma-Cariya ? There is a logical possibility that the two poems are derived independently from a lost common source. But then logical possibilities, unfortunately, do not carry us very far in historical investigations. We hold firmly to the opinion formed after a close comparative study of the two poems separated from each other by about a few centuries that the Padma-Purāņa is derived from the Paüma-Cariya of Vimala Sūri and very probably sectarian prejudice prevented Ravişeņa a Digambara author from acknowledging his indebtedness to a Svetāmbara work. As we have already pointed out, Ravişeņa has reproduced the narrative of the Paüma-Cariya with some alterations to suit the Digambara tradition. He has studiously avoided the use of the word Svetāmbara from the narrative of Vimala by substituting Digambara or Anambara in its place. The tradition that he has recorded does not give the true souree of this epic. Of course, it may readily be admitted that Ravişeņa might have done this in good faith - or possibly Anuttaravāgmin, the last named one in the tradition upon whose work Ravişeņa has drawn, might have been responsible for not acknowledging his indebtedness to Vimala Sūri's epic.
In this connection it is no longer necessary to discuss the theory that the Paüma-Cariya is an abridged edition in Prakrit of Ravişena's Padma-Purana. It has been thoroughly answered by Pt. Premi (Jain Sahitya aura Itihāsa, pp. 274–276). It is no more even a mere literary curiosity.
18
Anuttaravägmin' is rather a very unusual name. It is, however, possible to take ihe expression 'anuttaravāgminam in the present context as an adjective of Kirti (Kirtidhara). A. N. Upadhye in fact, has construed this way. He has cited Svayambu's line from Paümacariya 'Kittihareņa anuttaravāe' to show that Svayambhū too has taken the expreèssion as an adjective of Kirtidhara (vide Bharatiya Jnapitha edn, Vol. I, Introduction p.22 f.n.1).

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(iii) Ravisena's style and his rank as a poet: Ravisena's work is an enlarged. edition of Palma-Cariya in Sanskrit. Naturally his work cannot claim any originality regarding the unfolding of the story, characterization, conception of the whole epic etc. As far as it is a translation in Sanskrit we must judge his ability to render elegantly Prakrit into Sanskrit. This he has done tolerably well. Being a translation it lacks the perfect ease and spontaneity and grace of the original epic. Being a Digambara writer he has taken the freedom of removing from the original all traces of its being a Svetambara work. The original epic consists of about 9000 verses whereas that of Ravisena is almost double in its extent. The growth in extent is due to the poetic descriptions of various situations, places episodes and expanding of ideas and inclusion of copious Jain teachings etc. These additions of ornate descriptions etc, often interfere with the progress of the story and fail to preserve the beauty and grace of the original. But it must be admitted that on the whole his style is simple and lucid. As may readily be imagined, many words are met with in Ravisena applied in peculiar senses belonging to Jain terminology like 'Samavasarana', 'Samyaktva' 'mithyatva', 'deśana', 'Caitya', 'Sangha", "Nidana", 'Kevala-jñāna', and so on. At places the language of Ravisena betrays Prakritisms. But as a rule his language is chaste, and pure.
102
We may point out here to two descriptions which the poet adds to the original in order to demonstrate how in his hand the epic has grown double in its extent : Vimala Suri describes the love-sports of the couple Pavana and Anjana in vv. 77-79 (Canto 16) whereas Ravisena devotes vv. 183-204 (Canto 16) - here Vimala, with admirable restraint, describes the love-sports in 3-4 verses while Ravisana describes them at length and this description borders on obscenity. Again Vimala tells us of Kaikey's proficiency in various arts in a few verses (Canto 24, vv. 4-8) whereas Ravisena employs a large number of verses (Canto 24, vv. 5-84).
In the portion of ornate descriptions of towns, rivers, mountains and varied situations and episodes which Ravisena has added we get a good idea of his poetic abilities. Here he exhibits distinct power of description and command of language. He shows his profound knowledge of the different arts and sciences and philosophy both Hindu and Jain. A student who is acquainted with Jain philosophy and is sufficiently familiar with the Sanskrit language can very well follow the easy and fluent style of Ravisena. In spite of his indebtedness to his predecessor he may justly be included in the class of second-rate poets, and he deserves cur congratulations for introducing the Prakrit epic to the students of Sanskrit literature in lis lucid and pleasant Sanskrit.
(iv) His open partiality for the Digambara Creed: It is but natural that the poet, who himself is a Digambara, should show his bias for the Digambara Creed. Unquestionably his source was the Svetämbara work. He does not care to acknowledge his debt of gratitude to that great Svetambara poet-Vimala Sūri. He delibera

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tely wipes out all the traces betr ayirg Sietān bara inclinatiors teims ard introduces expressions and ideas eloquent of his own creed and thus marks upon his epic a Digambara stamp.
(v) His contribution to the story of Rāma : Ravişeņa closely follows Vimala Sūri and and reproduces his Rāma story without effecting any remarkable changes. A few points, however, deserve mention in this connection. (i) Wiping out all the Svetämbara traces from the Paüma-Cariya he presents
the Rāma epic with a Digambara colouring. (ii) Besides the three queens mentioned in the Paüma-Cariya he gives Dasaratha
one more queen called Suprabhā and it is she who gives birth to Satrughna. (iii) According to him the clay-image of Janaka also was mistaken for Janaka
and cut off with a sword by the assassins employed by Vibhīşaņa. (iv) Paüma-Carija speaks of only one Vajrāvarta bow that was bent first by
Rāma and then by Lakşmana. According to Ravişeņa there were two bows Vajrāvarta and Sasarāvaita bent by Rāma and Laksmana respectively on
the occasion of Sia's Svayamvara. (v) According to the Puüma-Cariya Bharata's wife was called Subhadra.
Ravişena gives her the name of Loka-sundari. (vi) On the occasion of subjugating Ativīrya who rose against Bharata, Rāma
himself assumes the form of a dancing girl, while the Paüma-Cariya attributes the temporary transformation into women of Rāma and others to
a deity. (vii) Hanūmat remains neutral on the occasion of the fight between Lavana and
Ankusa on one side and Rama's army on the other. This is Vimala's
representation while Ravisena makes Hanūmat side with the twins. (ix) The god who rushes to Siia's help on the occasion of Sitā's fire-ordeal is
called by Ravisena as Meşa-ketana.

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CHAPTER-IV
THE RAMAYANA VERSION OF SANGHADĀSA
( as found in his VASUDEV AHINDĪ) Introductory Remarks : The Vasudevahindi' of Sanghacāsa is a very extensive prose work, interspersed with verses. This work is less popularly styled as Vasudevas carija.” It describes the peregrinations and adventures of Vasudeva, the father of Krşna. It is an early works (not later than A D. 609 ) representing the Jain Counterpart of the Brhat-kathā of Gunadhya.. It is written in Prakrit, which, according to modern scholars, is a specimen of the archaic form of Jain Māhārāştri-the language of the non-canonical books of the Svetāmbara writers. It is indeed unfortunate that we have no information available regarding the life of the author of this great work. Beyond his personal name-Sanghadāsa--and the titles 'Gaņi' and * Vacaka 'we know nothing. The fact that he was a Svetāmbara Jain is impilcitly acceptd by all.
His Vasudevahindi is " a memorable storehouse of a lot of heroic legends, popular stories, edifying narratives extended over many births, and sectarian and didactic tales". Here we are concerned with his Rāmāyaṇa only. His version of the story of Rāma though short is very important as will be clear from the present study.
Sañghadăsa's Version of the story of Rāma Sanghadāsa's version of the story of Rāma is as follows: In the race of king Bali were born Sahasragriva, Pancaśatagriva, Satagriva, Pañcāśadgriva, and Vimsatigriva. Vimsatigriva had four wives : Devavarņini, Vakrā, Kaikeyi and Puspakūtā. Devavaiņini had four sons : Soma, Yama, Varuna and Vaiśramaņa. Kaikeyi had three sons-Rāvana, Kumbhakarna and Vibhișana and two daughters : Trijatā and Sūrpanakha, Of Vakıā were born (four sons) Mahodara, Mahāratha, Mahāpāśa and Khara and (a daughter ) Āśälikā. Of Puspakūtā were born Trisära, Dvisara, Vidyujjihva and ( a daughter ) Kumbhināsā.
As a result of conflict with Soma, Yama and others, Rāvana went out and settled in Lankadvipa. There he mastered the Prajñapti lore whereby the Vidyadhara kings began to serve him. 1 Atmānanda Jain Granthamālā volumes No. 80 and 81-published by Jain Atmānanda
Sabhā, Bhavnagar. 2,3 See Introduction to the Gujarati translation by Prof. Sandesara. 4 The reader is referred to the mastery eassy : 'Eine neve version der Verlorenen Pythaikathā
der Gunadhya-by Dr. Alsdorf; its abstract in Gujarati is giver in Tof. Sercesara's ector. 5 See Dr. Alsdorf's article in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies Vol. VIII. 6 The story occurs in the 14th Section called Mayana galambho : pp. 240-245 of Vasudeva
hiņdi-Prathama-Khandam.

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Once Maya, a Vidyadhara, took with him his daughter called Mandodari and approached Ravana (with a view to offering Mandodari to him in marriage). She had been shown to persons, able to interpret or explain marks as on the body, who had declared that the first child of Mandodari would prove the cause of the annihilation of her family. As Mandodari was very beautiful, Rāvana did not refuse the offer of marriage with her. He married her with the thought that he would desert her first born child and thus save his race.
Now in Ayodhya there was a king called Dasaratha. He had three wives: Kausalya, Kalkeyi and Sumitra. Rāma was born of Kausalya, Lakṣmaṇa of Sumitra and Bharata and Satrughna were born of Kaikeyt. They, with godlike forms, grew up in their father's house.
Mandodari, the principal queen of Ravana gave birth to a daughter. She was put in a box full of jewels. Mandodari then asked a minister to take the box and desert the baby. He took that box to the park of Janaka, King of Mithila. As the ground of the park was being ploughed, he, covering the box with a magical veil. kept it in front of the plough. It was reported to the king that the girl had sprung from a furrow. The girl was handed over to queen Dharini. In course of time she grew up into a lovely maiden and her 'Svayamvara' was arranged by her father-Janaka. From amongst the many princes that had assembied for the Svayamvara, Sltá chose Rama as her husband. Other princes (of Ayodhya) too were given maidens in marriage and with all of them Dasaratha returned to Ayodhya.
Now, once Dasaratha, who was pleased with Kaikeyl for her skill in attending to her relations, had offered a boon to her. She, however, had reserved the right of asking for its fulfilment on a future occasion. Once again, in a fight with a frontier king, King Dasaratha was taken prisoner. Kaikeyl was informed of this and requested to withdraw from the battle-ground. She replied that if the enemy so desired, he could overtake them all while retreating and therefore she would herself resume the fight. So long as she was not defeated, it could not be said that they were routed. Then getting ready she mounted a chariot; with an umbrella held over her she began to fight. Giving the order to kill anyone who retreated, she started attacking her enemy. Then the warriors on her side began to fight heroically. Defeating the enemy she got Dasaratha released. He paid her handsome tributes saying that her exploit was like that of an excellent man, and asked her to choose a boon. She kept in reserve this second boon also.
7.
After many a year, Dasaratha, who had grown old, issued an order for Rama's coronation. Crooked Manthara reported the news to Kaikey! who rejoicing at it gave her a gift of love. Manthara, however, instigated Kaikeyi to demand by way of fulfilment of her two boons, Bharata's coronation and Rama's exile, lest she (Kaikey) would have to walt upon Kausalya and Råma and live at Rama's mercy. Kaikeyl then pressed Dasaratha
Tiraska (ska)rini-Vidya: A kind of magical veil (or spell) rendering the wearer invisible.

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to grant her two gifts. Although unwilling in the beginning, he was compelled to send for Ráma and ask him to act in such a manner as would enable him (Dasaratha) remain true to his word. Rāma accepted Dasaratha's order. Then, Rama, accompanied by Sitā and Lakşmana, set out for leading the life of an exile, causing deep pain to the people; Dasaratha, unable to bear the sorrow caused by Rama's separation, died lamenting piteously for the loss of Rama.
Bharata returned to Ayodhya from the country of his maternal uncle. On hearing the whole account he rebuked his mother. With his relatives he approached Rama, reported the death of their father to him. Rama then performed the funeral rites. Kaikeyi, overcome with repentance, asked Rāma to return to Ayodhyā and rule over it. Rāma politely but firmly declined the offer; and he asked Bharata to carry on the administration and not to reprove his mother-Kaikeyi. Bharata requested Rāma to favour him with his (Rama's) 'Padukas' - sandals. Rama agreed and then Bharata went to Ayodhyā.
Now Rama with Sita and Lakşmana proceeded towards the South and in due course arrived at Vijanasthāna. There, Surpanakha, Rāvana's sister, being enchanted by Rama's handsome form, requested Rāma to enjoy pleasures of sense in her company. Rama replied that he was in penance-grove and would not enjoy the company of another's wife. Sità scolded her for her shamelessness. She then got wild and threatened Sita that she would kill her. With the thought that a woman is not to be killed' Rāma let her go, with her ears and nose cut. She then went to Kharadūşanao and bitterly complained against Rāma for his wicked act. They promised their mother that they would soon take revenge and went to Räma. But Råma and Lakşmana, who were equal to Yama and Varuņa in strength, overpowered and killed Khara and Duşana. Sūrpanakha then approached (her brother) Rāvana and informed him of her maimed nose and the death of her sons and then described to him the wondrous beauty of Sitā whom she thought to be fit for Råvana's harem.
Råvana, enamoured of Sita, asked Marica, his minister, to go near Rama's Asrama and entice the two ascetic heroes away by assuming the form of a golden deer so that he could accomplish his purpose. Mārica did accordingly. Rāvana, disguised as an ascetic, abducted Sita, who had been left alone. The two brothers then went back to their Asrama, but could not trace Sitā. Rāvana was intercepted by Jatayus, a Vidyādhara. Rävana, however, defeated him and went to Lankā via., Kiskindhigiri. Rāma lamented the loss of Sità. Lakşmana said to him: "It does not become you to weep for a woman. If you
Note that the place is called here Vijanasthāna, and not Janasthāna as in the Ramayana of Valmiki. There is confusion regarding "Kharadūşana'. Whether it is one person or two- 'Khara' and 'Dusana' - is not quite clear. Once we have it as referring to 'puttam,' i.e. singular, but at other places to 'rutthā, gayā,' 'nehim, Jujjharta' where clearly Khara and Düsana - two individuals - are spoken of.

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desire to die, why don't you (at least) try to overpower your enemy?" On the way Jatayus reported to them the abduction of Sitā.by Råvana and added that "There is either victory or death for one who fights, but death only for one who is depressed at heart."
Then Rāma and Laksmana in due course arrived at Kiskindhi-mountain. There lived two Vidyadhara brothers called Válin and Sugriva. On account of a woman they had fought; Välin defeated Sugriva, who thereupon with Hanumat and Jambavat- his ministers- stayed in a Jain temple. Seeing Rāma and Lakşmaņa with bows in their hands, Sugrīva was frightened and was about to run. Hanumat cheered him up, met the two brothers. Hanumat and Lakşmaņa in their talk came to know about each other. Then Rāma and Sugriva entered into a pact of mutual help with 'Fire' as witness. Sugrīva assigned to Rama the work of slaying Vâlin after having tested his (Rāma's) strength. The two brothers were exactly alike in form and in their combat Rama could not make out who was Válin and therefore did not shoot his arrow. Sugriva was naturally defeated. Next time Sugriva was made to wear a garland of wood-flowers in order to distinguish him from Välin. Rāma killed Vālin with a single arrow and placed Sugriva on the throne. Hanumat then proceeded to get Sita's tidings. He returned and reported to him the good news of Sita's whereabouts. Then at Rāma's command Sugriva sent Vidyadharas to Bharata. He despatched the fourfold army. It duly reached the seashore. A bridge was built over the ocean. The army crossed the bridge and encamped on Suvela near Lankä. Rāvana ih his (strong army did not care for Rāma.
Now, Vibhisana counselied Rāvana to return Sita to Rama and save their own race but the latter did not accept his advice. Vibhișana then, with his four counsellors, went over to Răma. with Sugriva's consent Rama honoured Vibhişaņa as his follower. Then there ensued a war between the two sides of Rāma, aided by Vibhișaņa, and Rāvana. Everyday Rāma's side grew more powerful. With his principal warriors killed, Rávana began to practise the all-powerful lore called Jválavati. Knowing this, Rama's soldiers entered the city and began to attack; getting wild Rāvana came forth to fight a grim battle. Later on he engaged Laksmana in a single combat. As a last resort he hurled his disc at Laksmana. But that disc did not hurt him at all. Now Lakşmaņa took up that disc and hurled it at Ravana. It cut off Rāvana's head, and went back to Lakşmaņa. The deities showered flowers and declared Lakşmaņa to be the 8th Vásudeva.
Then Vibhìşaņa brought Sita and returned her to Rāma. With Rama's approval he performed Rävana's obsequies, and took Räma, Sitä and others in vimānas to Ayodhyā. Bharata and Satrughna honoured Rāma and with the consent of counsellors and citizens appointed him to the throne. Later on Rama, assisted by Sugriva and Vibhişana, conquered half of Bharata.
Chronologically speaking Sanghadăsa's (Jain) version ranks second. It is, therefore, but proper to examine its relation to the Hindu version and the first Jain version of Vimala. The following comparison will help us to determine this relation :

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A comparison of Sanghadāsa's Ramayana with Vālmiki's Ramayana and
Vimala's Paūmacarlya
Valmiki
Vimala
Sanghadāsa 1. Rävana's genealogy
Bali
Brahma
Sukeda
Sahasragriva
Pulastya
Sumalt
Pancasatagiva
Visravas
Ratnasrava
Satagriva
Vaisravana (Kubera)
(m. to) Kekasi ........ Heti & Praheti (Raksasa kings)
Dasa Bhanu Candra Vibht
mukha karna nakha sana (mn. to) Bhaya
Pańcasatgriva
Vimsatigriva
( m
to)
Vidyutkesa
Valmiki (Continued)
Deva Vakra Katkeyt' Puspa varnini
kūta
(m. to) Salakatankata (Lankåtankata-acc. to Griffith)
Visravas
Sukesa
(m. to) Katkasi
Rāvana Kumbha Vibhi Thjaţă Sürpa
karna sana nakha
(m. to) Devavati
Dasa Kumbha Surpaņa Vibhi griva karna kha sana
Målyavat Sumali Mali
• This is probably a copyist's mistake for Katkast, which name is given to Rāvana's mother both by Valmiki and Vimala and further, Kaikeyi is the name of Bharata's mother even according to Sanghadāsa.
(daughter) Katkast
(Continued in next column

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Sarghadasa
Valmiki
Vimala
2. Mandodarl's Marriage
Prediction by Lakşanajñas that Mandodart's first child would bring destruction on her family - Ravana, enchanted by her charms, marries her with the thought that he would desert the first child born of her.
No such predictionVII c. 12 tells us how Maya offers his daughter to Rävana in marriage and the latter accepts her.
No such predtction. Maya holding consultations with his counsellors offers Mandodari in marriage to Rāvaņa.
3. The birth of Stta
Sita, born of Mandodari and Ravana, was, on account of the prediction, deserted; the foundling was brought up by Janaka and Dhāriņt.
Sita was no common mortal; she had come forth out of the earth- from a furrow made by Janaka while ploughing the field; and hence also her epithet 'Ayonijā'.
Sita,daughter of Janaka and his wife Videhā, born in a perfectly natural manner.
4. Sia's Svayamvara
We are simply told that Sita chooses Räma from amongst many princes as her husband.
Sită to be given in marriage only to the man who could bend a wonderful bow which Janaka possessed. Rāma bent the bow so that with a thundering crash, it broke in two. Janaka gave him Sità in marriage.
The account of the bending of the bow is given but differently (See canto 28).
5. The parentage of Satrughna
(Bharata and) Satrughna born (Laksmana and) Satrughna
(Bharata and

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Sanghadāsa
Valmiki
Vimala
of Kaikeyi (and Dasaratha).
born of Sumitra (and Dasaratha).
Šatrughna- born of Kaikeyi (and Dasaratha).
6. Dasaratha's promising two gifts to Kaikeyi
Once, pleased with her skill in attending to her relations, he offers her one boon and another time, being pleased with her marvellous exploits in a fight with a frontierking, he promises her another boon.
Book II canto 9 tells
Dasaratha wins Kaius that when gods and keyi in the demons fought of old, Svayamvara. The Dasaratha, with Kaikeyi, disappointed kings sped to the war to aid
fight against Indra. He heroically
Dasaratha. In the fought long but at length fight Kaikeyi conducts fell wounded by the de- the chariot of her mon's darts. He fell
husband, who, unconscious, and removed by pleased with her, Kaikeyi from the battle- promises her a boon field and wounded nigh to death, he was by her care restored to health. Well pleased, the great monarch promised to grant her two boons.
7. Manthara's role in the Court-Intrigue
Mantharā instigates Kaikeyi, as in the Välmiki Rámāyaṇa, to send Rāma into exile and get the throne for Bharata by way of fulfilment of the two boons. Sanghadāsa, however, does not speak of any particular period of years for Rama's exile, which according to Valmiki is of 14 years.
Manthară finds no mention in Vimala's account.Kaikeyi seeks throne for Bharata in order to hold him back from entering 'pravrajyä. 'There is no court-intrigue. Rāma voluntarily chooses to lead a forest-life.

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8. Dasaratha's death
On account of profound grief for the loss of Rama, Dasaratha expires.
Dasaratha becomes a Jain monk after Rama's departure to the forest.
9. The Sandals of Rāma
Bharata, unable to persuade Rāma to go back to and rule over Ayodhyā, secures from him his 'Padukās' - sandals, installs them on the throne as symbols of Rama's authority, and rules in Rama's name.
Bharata, on failing in persuading Rāma to rule over Ayodhya, takes a vow to become a monk on Rama's return and in the interval to rule Ayodhyā as a pious Jain householder.
10. The forest where the exiles stay
It is called here Vijanasthăna.
It is named Janasthāna (a part of Dandakāranya).
It is styled as dandakaranya simply.
11. The episode of Rāvana's sister
It is substantially the same in the two stories of Sanghadāsa and Vālmiki.
It is told differently: She is named chan dranakhā--How her son is accidentally killed by Lakşmaņa. her wrath, search of the enemy, love at first sight on seeing Ráma, her amorous advances ignored by Răma, her departure and complaint to her husband-Kharadūşana, etc. (For de

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talls see Cantos 43,44).
12. The name Kharadüşana
Kharadūsana is once spoken of as one individual and at other places, Khara and Dusana-two Individuals are meant. They are called the sons of Surpanakhă.
Khara-name of a demon, half-brother of Rāvana and slain by Rāma; Düşana: name of a demon, one of the generals of Rāvana, slain by Rama.
Kharadūşana is one Individual; he is spoken of as the husband of Candranakha.
13. The golden deer incident.
It is substantially the same in the versions of Sanghadāsa and Vālmiki.
Here it is dropped.
14. Valin episode
This episode of Valin, as depicted by Sanghadāsa. is in agreement with that of Vālmiki.
It is told quite differently. Välin is portrayed as a noble Vidy. adhara who entrusts the kingdom to Sugriva's care and himselfbecomes a monk and ultimately attains 'Nirvåņa (For details see canto 9).
15. Bharata sends army to ald Rāma against Rāvana
No such reference.
This is according to Sanghadása's version.
Bharata helps in securing Visalyā for the wounded Lakşmana (for details see cantos 63-64).

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16. The construction of bridge over the sea
This is described by both Valmiki and Sanghadasa.
This is omitted by Vimala.
17. Vibhlşana's alliance with Rāma
This is common to all the three versions of Sanghadāsa, Valmiki and Vimala.
18. The Vidyā which Rāvana practises to become invincibie in war:
It is called, here, Uvalavatr.
Valmiki speaks of a 'Homa'.
It is called, here, Bahurúpa.
19. Rāvana's death
Rama kills him.
Lakşmaņa kills him with a 'Cakra'
Lakşmaņa kills him with a 'Cakra'.
20. Rama's coronation at Ayodhyā after his triumphant return from Lankā
With this the story of Sanghadāsa comes to an end.
After this coronation we have the whole later history of Rāma.
After the coronation, we have here the later history of Ramathough told differently from Valmiki.
The result of the comparsion of these three versions: This close comparsion of the three versions clearly reveals that Sanghadāsa is, for his version, heavily indebted to the Hindu version represented by the Rāmāyana of Valmiki/the Rāmopākhyāna of Vyäsa. Regarding many principal features of the story (viz., 7,8,9,11,13,14,16,17 and 20), he is in complete agreement with Valmlki. He ends the story with Rāma's coronation
after the Ramopakhyana of Vyása. And it may be noted, in passing, that he does not mention the specific period of years for Rāma's exile- in accordance with Vyasa's version (Compare Vanaparvan, Adhyāya 277 v.26). A few features of the Hindu version he gives in a modified form. For example, he narrates the circumstances that make Dasaratha grant two boons to Kaikeyi in a different way. This may be due to his endeavour to remove the supernatural element from the story. The inference is supported by the fact that throughout the story. Rama etc. are, unlike in Vālmiki, portrayed as human heroes.

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Here possibly he was under the influence of Vimala, who empties the Rämāyana of its supernatural elements. He has again drawn on the Svetambara version represented by Vimala's Paŭma-cariya while describing Satrughna as the son of Kaikeys, and Råvana's death at the hands of Laksmaņa.
His own contribution : Sanghadása's contribution to the development of the story of Rama lies in his description of Mandodari's marriage with Ravana and of the birth of Sita as Ravana's daughter. It appears that Sanghadāsa introduced this innovation in order to explain the mystery of Sita's birth as we find it in the Hindu version. It may be noted here, in passing, that the genealogy of Rāvana, given by Sanghadása only partially agrees with their counter-parts in the Hindu version or the Paūmacariya. Probably he invented the names of Rāvana's ancestors such as Sahasragríva, Pancasatagriva, Satagriva, etc. with a view to making the name Dasagriva not sound strange or fantastic.
Sanghadása's influence is seen in the work of Gunabhadra, who borrows, with slight modification, this account of the birth of Sită and some names of Ravana's ancestors such as Sahasragriva etc.
Critical appreciation : Sanghadäsa presents an abridged version of Válmiki's Rāmāy. aņa (excluding the later history of Rāma)/Vyasa's Ramopakhyana, adding one or two original features and certain Jain traits with a view to transforming it into a Jain story. He attempts the difficult task of reducing the very complex and variegated epic-tale into a simple well-knit story. He fairly well does the feat of reducing the diversified and complex epic-tale into a simple coherent story in two ways. He emphasizes the main story and omits all the Brahmanical myths and legends that have hardly any connection with the main story. He excludes all descriptions of towns, oceans, seasons, mountains and rivers, the rising and setting of the sun and the moon, in short, all scenes of nature and of the charms of maidens. He boldly omits all passages of poetry and worldly wisdom and general morality. And it must be said to Sanghadása's credit that he rightly does so, as they interfere with the progress of the story, which is after all the main thing for the reading public. By this serious literary operation' he gives the narrative the regular form of a connected story; and he adds to his style such qualities as brevity, directness, lucidity and raciness. Lovers of ornate poetry would, however, dub this abridged version as a rather dull story from which all the poetry of the original epic has disappeared. And Välmiki's admirers would, with some justification, allege that the Jain traits introduced by the author disfigure the beautiful story of the original epic. Lastly, it may be noted that Sanghadäsa unlike many Jain writers, refrains from adding sermons to elucidate Jain doctrines.

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CHAPTER-V
THE RĀMÁYAŅA VERSION OF GUŅABHADRA
(as found in his MAHĀPURANA)
UTTARA-PURĀŅA OF GUŅABHADRA 1. PERSONAL ACCOUNT AND DATE OF JINASENA AND GUNABHADRA
The Trişaşțilaksana-Mahā-Purāna-Sangraha, also named briefly Maha-Puräņa, is a work of dual authorship. It consists of the Adi-Purāņa in 47 Parvans, of which 42 are written by Jinasena and the last five by his pupil Guņabhadra, and the UttaraPurāna, which is exclusively the work of Guņabhadra. The Adi-Purana or the "First Purana" gives the life-story of Rşabha, the first Tirthankara, and of the first Cakra-vartin; while the Uttara-Purana or the "Later Purana" narrates the lives of all the remaining Salākā-Purusas- great men of antiquity. This work is a Mahāpurâņa and at the same time a Maha-kavya, or rather an encyclopaedia treating of mythology, ethics, science of politics, Dharma, history of the world from the Jain point of view, and so on.
About the age of these poets we have fairly accurate information. Virasena, Jinasena and Guņabhadra are very well known Digambara writers. These three authors' age and works are discussed at length by Pt. Premi in one of his critical essays and his findings about the age of Jinasena and Guņabhadra seem to be acceptable.
Jinasena II mentions, in the Mangala of his Harivaṁsa-Puräna. Vírasena and Jinasena with praise. This Harivamsa-Purana was completed in 783 A.D. Our Jinasena was probably born in 753 A.D. He completed his commentary Jayadhavalā in 837 A.D. i.e., at the (probable) age of 84; he might have begun writing his Mahä-Puräņa at this age and must have taken at least 5 to 6 years to compose 10000 verses when, leaving his work unfinished, he might have died, say at the age of 90, in 843 A.D.
Guņabhadra was probably 25 years of age when his teacher expired. The Prasasti to Uttara-Puråna mentions that the work was consecrated on the 23rd June, 897 A.D. durir.g the reign of the Rāştra-Küta King Kęsna II Akälavarşa by Guņabhadra's pupil Lokasena. Guņabhadra does not indicate the date when he completed his work. It is possible that he began writing soon after his teacher's death and took about 5 to 7 years to complete it. And it is likely that the ceremony of consecrating the Maha-Pură na occurred after the death of Gunabhadra.
1.
Jain Sahitya Aura Itihasa (Hindi). pp. 497-523.

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As to the personal history of these two writers we know very little. In the Prasasti to Jayadhavala Jinasena introduces himself thus:
He was a pupil of Virasena; although his ears were not bored, they were bored with jñāna-salaka...... he observed celibacy from his childhood, he was not very good looking, nor very wise yet Sarasvati attended on him. He propitiated his teachers with his inborn qualities such as intelligence, gentleriess and modesty.
He was thin physically but not spiritually he was proficient in the Atma-vidya; he spent all his time in the pursuit of true knowledge. And hence he was called 'JñánamayaPinda' - "a mass of consciousness - knowledge. pure and simple“ (a) JINASENA'S WORKS:
He completed the Jaya-dhavala work, left unfinished by his teacher Vírasena. The first 20000 stanzas are from the pen of Virasena while the last 40000 are exclusively of Jinasena's composition.
Another work of his is the Parsvābhyudaya - a lyric poem containing 364 verses in Mandā-kräntā. This minor poem is of great poetic value.
The third work, which he left unfinished, is his Maha-Purana (first 42 parvans only are from his pen). It was completed by his pupil Gunbhadra. This Adi-Purăņa ranks very high as a Maha-Kavya. Gunabhadra pays a very high tribute to this work in the Prasasti at the end of his Uttara-Purāņa.
Hearsay has it that when Jinasena knew that his end was drawing near and he could not finish his Maha-Purāņa, he sent for his two best pupils and asked them to describe a dried up tree standing before them. One said: "Suskam Kāştham tişthatyagre" and the other. 'Nfrasataruriha vilasati Puratah". Jinasena found the second pupil a worthy one who could successfully finish the rest of the work. This pupil was none else than Gunabhadra. (b) GUŅABHADRA'S WORKS :
Besides his Uttara-Purăņa there are two works to Gunabhadra's credit: Atmānuśásana and Jinadatta-Caritra. Atmānusāsana is in the style of Bhartshari's VairāgyaSataka and contains 272 verses. It is composed in very easy and fluent style. Jinadattacarita is a Khanda-Kavya in nine Cantos. It is composed in Anuştup metre. Its story is very fascinating, and its diction and style graceful.
2. Prasasti to Jayadhavala : w. 27-34. 3. w. 17 and 18 and
Sudurlabham yadanyatra ctrådapi subhāşítaṁ - Sulabharh svatrasangrahyart tadthästi pade pade soon

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That our Guņabhadra was a celebrity of his age is clear from a reference to him in Darsana-Sára“. And he held his Guru in uttermost devotion. This is patent from the way he takes up the unfinished work of his teachers. "If my words are sweet it is owing to the greatness of my Gurus. .... these words spring from my heart where my Gurus reside. They would polish my language, I have not to take any trouble". In such words he demonstrates his utmost devotion to his Gurus.
With this preliminary information we come to our immediate objective, viz., a study of the Rama story as given by Guņabhadra in the 67th and 68th Parvans.
2. SUMMARY OF THE CONTENTS OF GUNABHADRA'S RĂMÁYAŅA:
Severed of poetic descriptions and digressions we have the following story of Rama as related by Gunabhadra:
During the period of Muni-Suvrata the 8th Rāma and Kesava, by name Råma and Lakşmaņa, are born:
In Malaya-desa there was a town ratnapura. King Prajapati ruled over it. He had a wife Guņa-Känta. Candracủla was born of them. He was an intimate friend of Vijaya the son of a minister to the king. Both of them were wicked. In that city there was one Kubera. He had a daughter called Kuberadattā. She was betrothed to Sridatta, son of merchant Vaisravana and Gautama. A servant told the prince of Kuberadattâ's wondrous beauty. He and Vijaya decided to abduct her. The merchant community lodged a complaint with the king. The king ordered the Pura-raksaka to kill his wicked son. After
6
D
4. Tassa ya sisso gunavam Guņabhaddo divvapāņaparipunno -
Pakkhovarasumandi mahatavo bhavalingo va co. 5. Read w. 14-17, 18 and 19.
Parvan 67 opens with the story of Harisena, the 10th Cakravartin who flourished in the period of Muni Suvrata, the 20th 1Yrthankara. He was born of Padmanabha (of ikşvāku dynasty, who ruled over Bhogapura) and his wife Afra. His span of life was 1000 years; he was twenty dhanus In height. His father put him on the throne and accepted samyama; he became a Sravaka at the feet of muni Anantavfrya; when his father obtained Kevala-jñana, there appeared in his armoury four 'ratnas' : (1) Cakra, (11)Chatra, (111) asi and (tv) danda and in his srigrha three ratnas : (1) Kakin, (2) Carma and (3) Mani, and in his town four ratnas: (1) Purohita, (2) Gshapati, (3) Sthapati and (4) Camūpati and Vidyadharas bring for him three ratnas from the Vijayårdhamountain : (1) Hasti, (2) Asva and (3) Kanya. And Ganavaddha gods bring for him the usual nine treasures. With the gods he sets out on world-conquest and achieving his ambition returns home. In the month of Kartika he performs, during the eight Nandisvara days, Mahapuja and Upavasa on the last day. Seeing the Moon eclipsed by Rahu he is full of disgust towards Sarnsära, accepts Samyama at the hands of Srinaga and ultimately obtains Sarvärtha-siddhi.

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a grim fight he took the prince captive and produced him before the king who ordered that the prince be hanged. The minister and the citizens pleaded before the king to reduce the capital punishment. The king was, however, very firm. The minister undertook to execute the king's order. He took the prince and Vijaya to a forest, met a Jain monk, Mahabala by name who predicted that the two youths were destined to be Nārāyaṇa and Balabhadra in their third birth. The minister made the youths accept samyama at the hands of Mahabala. They practised severe penance and once near Khadgapura Candracula saw Suprabha Baladeva and Purusottama Vasudeva entering with great pomp the city. Candracula entertained a Nidäna (that he should have a similar fortune in one of his next births). Both the young monks after their death were born as gods Manicula (soul of Candracula) and Svarnacula (soul of Vijaya) in Kanaka-Prabhá-vimana. Their life period extended to seven sagaro-pamas.
Now Dasaratha was the ruler of Varanasi. He had a wife called Subalā. The soul of Vijaya (god Svarṇa-cula) was born of her. He was the prospective Halabhrt (= Balabhadra, Baladeva or Haladhara). The day of his birth was Phalguna-Krsnatrayodasi, Magha Nakṣatra, He was named Rāma. His span of life extended to 13000 years. And the soul of Candra-cula (god Mani-cula) was born of Kaikeyi, another wife of king Dasaratha, on Magha-sukla-pratipad, Visakhā-nakṣatra. His birth was announced by five lucky dreams that came to Kaikeyi. His body was marked with a Cakra. He was named Lakṣmaṇa. these two half-brothers were 15 dhanus in height, possessed of 32 lakṣaṇas and were very powerful. Rama was very fair in complexion like a swan and Lakṣmana dark-blue like a blue-lotus.
Now in Ayodhya there was born king Sagara (of Ikṣváku dynasty) 1000 years after Harisena. In the Svayamvara of Sulasă, daughter of king Suyodhana he insulted prince Madhu-pingala, who becomes an ascetic. After his death he was born as Mahākāla, a Vyantara god. In order to annihilate the race of Sagara who had insulted him he, disguised as a Brahmin made him perform animal-sacrifices. As a result of these animal sacrifices he went to hell and his whole race was blotted out of existence. Dasaratha who was of Ikṣváku dynasty then with his two sons shifted to Ayodhya and ruled over it. There were born to him from two queens Bharata and Satrughna respectively.
Now in Mithila there was a king by name Janaka. He had a wife called Vasudha, and a daughter named Sita. Once Janaka asked his Senapati by name Kusalamati about the performance of a sacrifice that would take him to Svarga as Sagara and others obtained, it is said, Svarga by such a performance of sacrifice. He replied that a sacrifice of that kind would be interrupted by Vidyadharas and Ravana, and added that if Sita were given in marriage to Ráma and his protection sought, they could perform the desired
7. These dreams are: 1) a lake, 2) the sun, 3) the moon, 4) a paddy-field and 5) a lion. 8. Their names are not mentioned in the text.

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sacrifice without any interruption whatsoever. Janaka appreciating his opinion sent a messenger to Dasaratha promising the hand of Sita in marriage to Rama and requesting in return the help of Ráma and Lakşmana in protecting the sacrifice.
Dasaratha on receiving the message consulted his ministers. Agamasāra was in favour of accepting the proposals. Atisayamati was, however, deadly against the performance of animal-sacrifices and he spoke vehemently condemning the institution of sacrifices enjoined by the Vedas and suggested that king Dasaratha should not countenance such a dangerous proposal involving the protection of sacrifice. Mahābala, his Senāpati, however held the view that they were not interested in the religious merit or otherwise occurring from the performance of a sacrifice, but they were certainly in favour of demonstrating the power of the young princes to the people. Dasaratha thereupon asked the opinion of his Purohita who told him that the sacrifice would help the princes win glory as they were destined to be Balabhadra and Närāyana.
Now there was in the city of Nákapura a king called Naradeva. He renounced the world and accepted asceticism at the hands of Ananta, a Ganadhara, practised austerities. On seeing a Vidyadhara king called Capalavega he, however, entertained a Nidāna (that he should enjoy a similar fortune in one of his next births). After his death he was born as a god in the Saudharma heaven.
Now there was a king Sahasra-griva, born in the Vidyadhara dynasty of Nami, who ruled over Meghapura situated on the southern ranges of Vijayardha Mountain. Being driven away by his powerful nephew he went to Lanká and ruled over it for 30,000 years. His son Sata-griva ruled over it for 25000 years, his son Pancasat-griva for 20,000 years and his son Pulastya for 15,000 years. He had a wise called Meghasri; the soul of Naradeva was born of her as Daśánana. He was destined to live for 14,000 years. Once he went out, in the company of his wife Mandodarī and others, for vana-krida'. There in that forest he saw Manimati. She was the daughter of Amitavega, the Vidyadhara lord of Acalaka town on the Vijayārdha mountain. She practising austerities had obtained a Vidya. At the very first sight Daśānana was enamoured of her; he deprived her of her Vidya. She in rage entertained a nidāna as follows: "I will be born as his daughter and bring about his death". After her death she entered the womb of Mandodarí; at the time of her birth there occurred many evil omens such as earth-quake. The sooth-sayers predicted that she would bring about the downfall of Rāvana, who getting panicky, ordered Mārica to desert his new born babe somewhere. Māríca went to Mandodari and informed her of Rāvana's order. Mandodari consented to what he said; she took a box and put her daughter in it along with wealth and a letter. She handed over that box to Mārica and asked him to put it at some safe spot. As she was after all her mother, she was overpowered with emotion on this occasion. Mārica went to a jungle near Mithila,
9. Gunabhadra describes here (Parvan 67, v. 212 ff.) through Atisayamati how the sacrifice of
animals originated at the time of King Sagara.

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While people were testing the ground for constructing houses they found that box raised up by a plough-share. The king was informed of this discovery'. He read the letter inside, came to know the history of the foundling, named the deserted child Sita and entrusted her to the loving care of his wife called Vasudha. The queen secretly brought her up and naturally Ravana did not know that his deserted daughter was alive. When Sità was grown up into a maiden of wondrous charms, Janaka undertook the performance of a sacrifice. Rama and Laksmana with their army arrived there to attend and protect the sacrifice; Janaka welcomed them.
After the successful performance of the sacrifice Janaka Offered Sita in marriage to Rama. After a few days' stay there Rama, whom Dronratha's minister came to take home, went to Ayodhyā. Just then the spring set in. set in.
Now Dasaratha got Rāma married to seven princesses and Lakşmaņa to sixteen including Prthvi-deví.
Once the two brothers-Rama and Laksmana sought Dasaratha's permission to go and stay at Vārāṇass, which belonged to them but remained neglected. Dasaratha out of affection for them was not willing to let them go to Váránasi. They then told him how Lakşmi (Fortune) deserts one who is devoid of Utsaha (efforts or energy to exert oneself), and in a long speech, eloquent of their mastery of Arthaśāstra', they marshalled strong and very convincing arguments with a view to winning his consent. The king was pleased; he, appointing Rama king and Laksmana heir-apparent, sent the two brothers to Varanasi. They kept their subjects pleased by showering on them various gifts and extending honour to them. They protected the virtuous and punished the wicked, and were solely devoted to looking after the welfare of their subjects. 12
Now Ravana was ruling over three continents of Bharata. Once Nārada 13 went to him in his Durbāra and told him that Räma was ruling over Vārānass; and that inviting him at the performance of a sacrifice king Janaka had given him Sità in marriage and that Janaka did not invite him (Ravaņa) at the Svayamvara of Sită of wondrous beauty and added that as he could not bear Rāma's glory he had gone to him (Rāvana). Hearing of the
10. Here the poet treats us with a charming description of Sita. 11. Parvan 68, w. 58-72 bear testimony to the author's knowledge of Artha-sästra. He mentions here
three kinds of Sakti, fourfold strategy (Upāya), the sixfold Policy (guma), and seven elements of sovereignty (prakrti) which are in close agreement with Kautilya's Artha-śāstra (see pp. 261,
74, 263, 257 of that work edited by R. Shamasastry). 12. "Dustanigraha-sistānupalanapravidhāyinau; and 'Prajāpālana-käryaikanisthau' ctc. Parvan 68.
81-83 13. He is called 'Kudhih: his fondness for provoking quarrels is well known to Hindu Mythology. Here
he is approaching Rāvana to start a quarrel.

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ravishing beauty of Sită Răvana fell in love with her. He at first thought of taking that Sita away by force but on Marica's advice he sent Sūrpanakhă to her to know her mind. She quickly went to Väränasi. Rama and Sitā and Laksmana with his wives had gone to Citrakūta for Vanakrida'. There Sitā took offence at Rāma's observation of the beauty of 'Latās' - creepers. He propitiated her.
Now Sūrpanakhā arrived there, assumed by "Rupa-Paravartana' lore the form of a Sthavira and began to move about in the vicinity of the queens. They made fun of her when she inquired of them what religious deeds would bring her similar fortune of enjoying lovesports in the company of Balabhadra like that. Sitā, however, seriously told her that the life of a woman is misery incarnatel4; and that in a woman her chastity alone is praiseworthy. Sūrpanakha knew how impossible it was to win Sitā for Rāvana, went back to Lanka and informed Rāvana of the impossibility of getting Sitā for him ( - of course, willingly). He, then, accompanied by Marica went in his Puşpaka Vimāna to Citrakūta. Marica assumed the form of a golden deer, of course at Rāvana's command. Sità was fascinated by that wonderful deer 5, Rāma pursued it with a view to catching it alive 16. That deer went a long way off and flew in the sky. Rāma was simply bewildered at this phenomenon. In the meantime Rāvana, disguised as Rāma, asked Sità to get in the Palanquin (which was really his Puşpaka-Vimāna) and by his māyā produced the illusion that he himself was riding a horse. He brought her to Lankā, got her down in a park and then discarding ‘māyā told her the true state of affairs. Knowing her fate Sitā fainted. Rāvaņa being afraid of losing his Akasa-gāmini lore!? did not touch that pure and chaste lady. Sitā after regaining her consciousness spoke in noble words of chastity and took a vow of not to speak or eat until she heard of Rāma's welfare. She looked upon herself as a widow' and cast away all ornaments. 18 Evil portents occurred in Lank, such as the appearance of a Cakra in his armoury. 19 The Cakrotpatti pleased Rāvana. His ministers did their best to persuade Rāvana to restore Sitā to Rāma. But he was adamant. He thought that the Cakrotpatti was not an evil omen, but an indication of his becoming
14. Parvan 68. 163-174 vividly describe the miserable and pitiable lot of a woman. All possible
weaknesses to which a woman is liable are listed here.
15. Here we have a fine description of the movements of that antelope.
16. Here the poet gives two beautiful subháşitas : 'Vāme vidhau vidhih' and 'Kutah krtyaparamar
sah strívasikrtacetasām' w. 199 and 202. 17. i.e., the lore which enables one to move through the air. 18. Widows do not put on rich attire or ornaments; they are expected to live a very simple and pious
life after the death of their husbands. This custom of not wearing any ornaments is yet followed
by orthodox sections of the Indian society. 19. The poet uses here a fine simile : ..... Cakram va kalacakravat
Yajñaśālāprabaddhasya vastakasyaiva sädvalaṁ v. 227.

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a lord of Şatkhandas.
Now Rama returned, did not find Sitā, fainted; after a while he came to his senses; he then made a search for her but in vain; he found only a torn piece of Sita's garment. Just then a messenger from Dasaratha arrived there and handed over a letter to Rama. From the messenger he learnt that Dasaratha had a dream in which Rahu had carried away Rohini and the Moon was wandering alone. The dream indicated that Sita was abducted by Ravana. Rāma touched the letter-casket with his head and then opening the casket read the letter inside20. From that letter he definitely knew that Rāvana of Lankā had abducted Sita by deceiving her with the assumed form of Rāma. The letter contained a suggestion that Rama should send an envoy to cheer up poor Sitā. Reading that letter Rāma was enraged with Rāvana. Lakşmaņa, Janaka, Bharata and Satrughna on receiving the news of Sita's abduction approached Rāma and tried to pacify his anger by pouring abuses on Rāvana.21. They suggested that Rama should think out some suitable plan to get Sitā back. At this juncture two Vidyadharas approached Rāma. They are Sugriva and Anuman.22 Sugriva introduced himself and his companion to Rama thus:
"There is a town called Kilakila23 on Vijayārdha mountain. A Vidyadhara king named Välindra was ruling over it. He had a wise by name Priyangu-sundari. She gave birth to two sons Välin and Sugriva. After Välindra, Válin became the king and I, Sugrīva became the crown-prince. He, overpowered by greed, deprived me of my position and banished me; this my companion is the son of a Vidyadhara king Prabhañjana24 and his wife Añjana-devs. He is a mighty hero gifted with supernatural powers. Once he put his right foot on the summit of the Vijayārdha mountain and with his left kicked the sun; then he reduced his form to that of a trasareņu and since then he is known as Aņumān. He is a master of grammar and my most intimate friend. Once we had gone to Sammeda mountain and on its peak called Siddha-kuta we paid homage to the Jina-images. There we met Nārada whom I asked whether I would regain my position. He told me that my desire would be fulfilled if I carry out the mission that would be entrusted to me by Rāma (and Lakşmana), the prospective Balabhadra and Nārāyana. He told me further that
20. The custom of touching the casket (sent by elderly person) with one's head came in vogue by
way of demonstrating one's respect for the elder person. 21. Dasaratha in his letter speaks of Rāvana as māyāvi', 'Khala, 'loka-kantaka', 'nyāya-duraga
and strisu lampatah. Janaka and others call him 'paradārāpahārin', 'paridrogdha', 'durātmā,
Adharmavartanah', 'Akaryakrt', etc. 22. Aņumān, as we will be told shortly, was so-called because once he had reduced his form to that
of a 'trasarenu' 23. Otherwise known as Kiskindha.
24. A synonym of Vayu.

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Rama wanted some suitable person to be sent to Lankā to accomplish their purpose. That is how we came to you." Then Aņumān volunteered to go in search of Sitā carrying with him Rama's signet ring as an 'abhijñana'. He flew through the air over the ocean and Trikūta mountain and reached Lankā.25 Assuming the form of a bee he went in search of Sītā. He went to Rāvana's court and observed his great glory. He did not find Sită there, nor in Rāvana's harem. He ultimately found her seated under Simsipă tree in the Nandana park near Rāvana's Antahpura. Sítá was surrounded by Vidyadharís, expert in the art of winning a woman for Rāvana. Anumat waited for a suitable moment to meet Sitā. At the moon-rise Rāvana with his harem went to meet Sită whom he had abducted; seven days ago. First through a go-between called Manjarikā he tried to know her mind. When she failed to persuade Sitā, he himself appeared on the scene and used sweet language and violent threats alternately to win her26. But Sita was firm as a rock. Rāvana was then enraged. Mandodarī tried to pacify him. If he were to molest a chaste lady like Sitä he would lose all lores such as Akasa-gamini; she begged of him the freedom of Sitā. Replying that she is ‘samam Praņairiyam tyājya', he went away. Mandodari felt that Sita was her own daughter whom she had deserted. She told Sità not to yield to Rāvana's passion even when faced with death. Mandodari's breasts spontaneously oozed milk. Sitā too felt that she had met her own mother. Mandodari begged of her to take food in order to sustain her body, 27 and then left that park.
Now Anumān by his 'Plavaga-Vidya transformed himself into a monkey28, put the guardians of Sita under sleep and approached Sītā. That monkey (Anumăn) saluted her, told her that he was Rama's messenger, and put before her the letter-casket. Sita brushing aside her doubts and hesitation opened that letter, was pleased to hear from Rāma. She looked upon Aņumān as her father. Anumán, however, told her that she was like a mother to him, and that he would have easily taken her away to Rāma but that would not be in keeping with the dignity and honour of Rāma. Rāma would certainly invade Lanka, kill his enemy and thus vindicating his honour he would take her back again. Taking his leave of Sitā he returned to Rāma, reported to him the news about Sitá. Rāma was happy to hear it. Anumān also told him about the 'Cakrotpatti' and the evil omens that had occurred in Lanka.
Now he asked Rāma to find out a means of getting Sītā back. Rāma then appointed Anumān the Commander-in-chief, and Sugriva was given the coronet for sovereignty.
25. The poet treats us here with a fine description of the splendour of Lańkā. 26. Rāvana, it appears in spite of his failure to win Sita, was very expert in the art of love-making. 27. Here is a Subhășita :
Sarvasya sadhano dehastathāhārah susādhanam v. 357. 28. Anuman was really a Vidyadhara; he assumed the form of a monkey and stood before Sitä.
This explains, acc. to Jain Mythology, the reason for the belief that Hanumat was a monkey.

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They all then thought of some plan to win back Sitä from the Lord of Lanka. On Angada's advice? Rāma decided to send Anuman as an envoy to Ravana. He was instructed to meet Vibhiṣaṇa, the plous brother of Ravana and do all that was in Rama's interests. Anuman, accompanied by Manovega. Vijaya, Kumuda, Ravigata and other Vidyadhara Princes left for and soon reached Lanka. He met Vibhiṣaṇa, told him Rama's message and added that a vast army consisting of 508400000 human beings and 35000000 Vidyadharas had gathered round his banner and that he would easily destroy Ravana. He further told him to take him (Anuman) to Rāvana. Vibhiṣana introduced Anuman to Rāvana. Anuman conveyed the message of Rama to Rāvana asking him to return honourably Sitá. Rāvana was very firm. He claimed to possess her by right, as all ratnas, especially a stri-ratna, belong to a king. When Anuman again pleaded for the return of Rama's wife, Rāvana told him that he had abducted Sita as Janaka had given her in marriage to Rama without his consent. Anumän pointed out to him that there was no bravery in abducting a helpless woman. Rāvana was enraged at hearing those words and asked him to clear out. He would let him escape scotfree only because an envoy is not to be killed.
31
Kumbhakarna and other heroes shouted at him. Vibhfşana persuaded him to go away peacefully. Anuman first saw Sitä in that park and then went to Rāma and reported to him the failure of his mission. Rama thereupon mobilised his forces and went to Citrakuta. He spent the rainy season there.
Now once a messenger from Välin came to Rāma and told him that Välin was willing to act as his envoy, humiliate Ravana and bring Sita back on condition that he would stop accepting Sugriva and Antla-putra (1.e. Anuman) as his servants. Rāma then consulted his counsellors. On the advice32 tendered by Angada, Rāma decided to annihilate Valin, the enemy of his ally Sugriva. And with that object in view he sent with that envoy his own with the message that Välin should first give him as a gift his elephant called Mahāmegha and go with him to Lanka and then only he would give thought to his proposal of rejecting Sugriva and Anuman as his servants. Valin was infuriated at that message and threw
29. He says: "There are three types of kings: 1) Lobhavijayah', 2) Dharmavijayah' and 3) 'Asuravijayah'; the first is to be won by 'Dana', second by `Saman' and the third by `Bheda' and 'Dandana'. Rāvana belongs to the third type as he is 'nica' and 'Krurakarmakṛt'. Bheda and 'Danda' should be employed in his case. But better for us not to violate the proper order - 'Krama'. First we should try Saman." This three-fold classification is found in Kautilya's Arthasåstra : read in this connection Book 12 ch. 1 ("Invaders are of three kinds : a just conqueror, a demonlike conqueror, and a greedy conqueror").
30. Mamaiva sarvaratnani striratnam tu viseṣatah v. 416a.
31. See vv. 423 and 424.
32. He says: There are three kinds of kings: hostile, friendly and neutral (Satruh-mitramudasina iti bhupästrayo matah ). Rāvana is our enemy: Välin is the enemy of our friend. It is therefore right to annihilate Välin first.

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a challenge to Rama either to fight with him or accept his overlordship. The envoy reported to Rāma how Válin had become a 'Kștrima-satru'. Rāma then sent his whole army with Lakşmana as the Supreme Commandant to Khadira-vana where Lakşmaņa routed the hostile army of Vālin. Then Välin himself appeared on the scene. Lakşmaņa killed him. And then Sugriva and Aņumān got their position back.33 Sugrfva took Rama and others to his capital Kişkindhā. Rāma, Laksmana etc., stayed in a park. Just then the autumn set in. The total strength of Rāma's forces was 14 Akşauhiņis.
Now Lakşmaņa on Jagat-Päda mountain observed seven days' fast and obtained Prajňapti lore. Sugriva too on Semmeda mountain at Siddha-Sila adored Mahavidyās. Then the whole army marched against Lankā.
Now here when Aņumān had left Lankā, Kumbhakarņa and other brothers of Răvana did their best to persuade Rāvaņa to return honourably Sitā to Rama. Vibhişana's words were eloquent of his wisdom. 34 His speech however angered Rāvana. He in a mighty rage banished his brother Vibhîşaņa, who then formed an alliance with Rāma. The vast army of Rāma after many marches (Prayānas) reached the shore of the ocean. Aņumān made a proposal that if allowed he and other Vänara-Princes would go to Lanka, destroy Rāvana's park, burn his capital and thus infuriate him, and added that thus enraged he would come out for fight and then it would be easy to defeat him. Rāma allowed him to have his way. The Vanara-Princes went accordingly to Lankā, destroyed that park, killed the Rākşasa guards there; Ravana was not there but on Aditya-pada mountain to obtain Vidyàs. Ile was guarded by Indrajit - while he (Råvaņa) was observing eight-days'
33. Here is a generalisation :
Sadyah phalati samsevā prāyeņa prabhumäsritā v. 465 34. In the mouth of Vibhîşana the poet puts these words :
Balānamaştamam Rāmam ........... v. 492b Āmananti Purāņajňah .......... v. 493a The poet is guilty of anachronism for the Puranas were composed centuries after the war between Rāma and Rävana. Note: Parastriharanam nāma papam papeşu dustaraṁ v. 484b.
Pranatrapi yasah kreyam satâm v. 487a. and his psychologically correct observations : Atyautsukyamanāpteșu Präpteşu parltoșanam
Bhuňjamāneşu vairasyaṁ visayesu na vetsi kim Here we have Anuprāsa : Bhäsā Vibhişaņāyaivam bhāşamānāya bhisanah v. 495b.

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fast. Vibhisana made a proposal that they should interrupt Rāvana's acquisition of powers and besiege his capital. Rama agreed. 35 Then Sugriva and Anuman bestowed their Vidyas - Garudavähini, Sinhavähini, and Bandhamocani and Hananavāraņi, on Rama and Lakşmana respectively. With the Prajñapti-lore the two brothers created many vimānas' and carried their army across the sea in the open maidan outside Lankā. The Vidyadhara- (Vänara-) Kumāras interrupted Rāvana's vidyā-sadhana'. Rāvana without acquiring Vidyās, with his son Indrajit then went to Lankā. He heard of the siege of Lankā. Ravana then ordered his Commander-in-chief, Ravi-Kirti by name, to beat the war-drums and mobilise Raksasa forces. Then Rävaņa came out of the city to fight the enemy. Rama too was ready to meet the enemy?7. Rāvana and Rāma were mounted on Mahagandha and Anjana-parvata elephants respectively; and Lakşmaņa rode an elephant called Vijaya-Parvata.38 An unheard of war started. 39 Seeing that the Raksasa army was being defeated Ràvana cut off the head of illusory Sitā and threw it before Rāma, who at the sight of it was overpowered with 'moha'. Vibhîşaņa told him, however, that it was all the māyā of Rāvana. Rāma then fought fiercely. Ravana now resorted to MāyåYuddha. Rama and Lakşmapa with their Garudavāhini and Sinhavähini vidyas gave him a very tough fight. The principal heroes on both the sides then were engaged in single combats: Ravana - Rāma, Indrajit - Lakşmaņa, Kumbhakarna - Sugrīva, Ravikīrti - Anuman, Kharadūşana - Nila etc. encountered each other. Indrajit intervened. Rāma however routed him, Rāvana then fought a terrible fight, Lakşmana challenged him. Råvana in the course of the fight discharged his 'Cakra'- disc - against him. It however mounted Lakşmana's hand. With it he cut off the head of Rāvana.
Rāma gave the kingdom of Lanka to Vibhisaņa. Rama and Lakşmaņa became the
35. It deserves our notice that Rama here agrees to the interrupticn of Vidya-sadhana by Rāvana.
It is in the fitness of things that he should do his best to prevent his formidable enemy from becoming almost invincible by the acquisition of lores. In the Paüma-Cariya Rāma is shown to have flatly refused to interrupt Råvana in his religious meditation. There he is portrayed
as a very pious soul. 36. Here we have a striking poetic figure :
Harimairhariraruddhah pasya kāla-viparyayam v.530. Incidentally we may note here that in the text form v.528 onwards upto v.555, the verses are
wrongly numbered thus e.g. v. 429 for v. 529 and so on. 37. Rama is said here to have five-fold army. Normally army is said to be fourfold, consisting of
elephants, chariots, cavalry and infantry: the fifth number here is 'Mahavidyā-samüha' - 'host of
great lores' 38. Then we are told that the horses hailed from countries such as Yavana, Kashmira, etc. 39. A long poetic description is then given in w. 541-611.

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8th Balabhad
and Nārāyaṇa. Now Rama was united with his long-lost queen.40 Then the two brothers went to Pithagiri, where they were coronated. There Lakṣmaṇa lifted that Kotisila. The Sunanda Yakṣa of that place offered him his Saunanda sword. Then we are told of Lakṣmaṇa's world conquest that took 42 years. He became an 'Ardha-Cakrin". Then they entered Ayodhya, were coronated. Lakşmana had 16000 queens including Prthivi-sundari etc., whereas Rama had 8000 wives such as Sita etc. Then the poet describes the glory of Balabhardra and Narayana.
127
Rāma had a (1) 'halayudha', (2) 'amogha' arrows, (3) Kaumudi club and (4) Ratnavatansikā Mālā12 and Lakṣmaṇa had a (1) 'Sudarśana Cakra', (2) Kaumudi gadā, (3) Saunandaka sword, (4) Amogha-mukhi Sakti, (5) Śarnga-bow, (6) Pañcajanya Conch and (7) Kaustubha Mahamani."
They enjoyed pleasures of sense for long. Rama had eight sons, Vijayarāma and others and Lakṣmaṇa had several. Pṛthvicandra and others from his wife Prthivi. Once they paid a visit to Jain monk Śiva-gupta by name. Listening to his sermon Rama becomes a Srávaka. On account of his 'nidāna' Lakṣmaṇa did not accept Samyaktva (right faith). Then they handed over the kingdom of Ayodhya to their sons and themselves went to Varanasi. Once Lakşmana dreamt three dreams: (1) the uprooting of a banyan tree by an intoxicated elephant', (2) the sun eclipsed by Rähu entering the Rasatala and (3) a portion of white-washed royal palace crumbling. He informed Räma of those dreams. The Purohita interpreted the dreams as follows:
The first dream indicated that Laksmana would suffer some incurable disease, the second-the end of worldly enjoyments and the third-Rama's going to the forest.
Rāma then issued a proclaimation that no animal was to be killed, performed worship of the Jinas and gave away gifts.
40. The poet uses striking alamkaras while describing their re-union, read v. 637-638. Here is a subhasita:
Santo vicărănucarah sadā v. 642.
41. v. 649-659 give a description of his Digjaya.
42. See below foot note No. 43.
43. According to Gunabhadra's earlier statement Vasudevas and Baladevas have the following seven and four marks respectively :
Asiḥ sankho dhanuscakram saktirdando gadabhavat
Ratnani sapta cakrese rakṣitāni marudganaih
Ratnamälä halam bhāsvad-ramasya musalam gadă
Maharatnani catvari babhuvurbhavinirvrteḥ U.P. 62, 148-49.
Here instead of 'danda' he mentions 'Kaustubha mahamani' and instead of 'musala', 'Amogha'
arrows.

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Lakṣmaṇa died on Magha-Kṛṣṇa-Amavasya and went to Panka-prabha hell. Rāma put Laksmana's eldest son on the throne, gave the position of Crown-prince to the youngest son of Sita and offered him the kingdom of Mithila as well.
Rama one day accepted Samyama at the hands of Siva-gupta-the Kevalin. Sugrīva. Anuman, Vibhisana etc., and many Kumāras followed Rama by accepting Samyama.
Rama passed 395 years as a 'Chadmastha' and then destroyed the Ghati-Karmas and obtained Kevala knowledge. He lived as a Kevalin for 600 years and attained Nirvana on the 14th day of the bright half of Phalguna.
Sitǎ became an Arylka and in the next birth was born as a god. Lakṣmaṇa in due course would attain Nirvana after passing through many births.44
3. GUNABHADRA'S RAMAYANA - A CRITICAL STUDY
The summary of the contents of Gunabhadra's version at once shows how it is markedly different from the version of Vimala Suri. We undertake a comparison of the two versions with a view to bringing out their exact differences:
(1) A COMPARISON OF THE UTTARA-PURĀŅA AND THE PAUMA-CARIYA
(a) STORY ELEMENT:
Uttara-Purana
1. It opens with the description of the Pärva-Bhavas of Rama. Lakṣmaṇa. Sitǎ and Rāvana. Two of Sita's purvabhavas are described and three each of the rest.
2. 1) Rama's mother is named Subalā. 11) Lakṣmaṇa's mother is named Kaikeyl.
iii) The name of Bharata's mother is not given.
tv) The name of Satrughna's mother is not given.
3. Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa were born at Varanast. Bharata and Satrughna were born at Ayodhya.
4. Ravana's parents are called Pulastya and Meghasri.
5. Ravana's genealogy:
Sahasra-griva
Palma-Cariya
It describes the previous births nearly at the end (Canto 103) of the epic. These births are told differently and their number varies e.g., 8 of Rama's births are given.
Rama's mother is named Aparajita. Lakṣmaṇa's mother is named Sumitra. Bharata's mother is named Kaikey). Satrughna's mother is named Kaikeyl.
All the four were born at Ayodhya.
Ravana's parents are called Ratnaśravā and Kekasi.
Ravana's genealogy: Sukesa
44. vv. 724-31 give synoptic review of the contents of this Rama-Purana.

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Uttara-Purana
Sata-griva Pancasat-grīva Pulastya
(m. to Meghaśri)
Dasanana Kumbhakarṇa Sürpanakha Vibhiṣaṇa.
6. Dasaratha was originally the ruler of Vārānasi; he shifted to Ayodhya only after the death of Sagara and his whole family.
7. Sitä, daughter of Ravana and Mandodari but was deserted by them, Janaka and his wife Vasudha bring up Sita "the foundling.
8. Janaka seeks help of Rama and Lakṣmana for successful termination of his sacrifice and gives a promise to offer Sita in marriage to Rama.
9. After the performance of Yaga, Janaka offers Sitä to Rama in marriage.
10. Ráma and Lakṣmaṇa with the permission of their father go to Varanasi, their original capital that was neglected. 11. At Narada's Instigation Rāvana falls in love with Sitá, sends Surpanakha to Sita as a Dūti, at Citrakuta where Rama etc., had gone for "Vanakriḍā'. Her mission fails; Rāvaṇa with Marica goes in his Puspaka car to Citrakūta.
12. Mărica assumes the form of a golden deer enchants Sitā, takes away Rama to a far off place, flies into the sky. Rāvana disguised as Rāma carries Sitä off in Puspaka vimana to Lanka.
13. It is through Dasaratha's letter that Rāma learns of Sità's abduction by
Palima-Cariya
129
Sumali Ratnaśrāva
(m. to Kekasi)
Dasamukha Bhanukarna Candraṇakha Vibhisana
Pc. speaks of his rule over Ayodhya only.
Sită, daughter of Janaka and his wife Videha, born in a natural way - Sită and Bhamandala are twins.
Janaka seeks the help of Rama for driving out the Mlecchas; Janaka pleased at Rama's heroism in the fight, decides to offer Sită in marriage.
Rāma wins Sitä after bending the divine Vajravarta bow. In addition, we are told of the weddings of Lakṣmana and Bharata. Kaikeyl's demand for the kingdom of Ayodhya for Bharata; and the voluntary exile of Rama and party into the forest. As Candraṇakha's amorous advances were rejected, she incites Kharadûşaṇa to fight with Rama and party on the excuse of 'Sambūka-vadha' etc., Rāvana on getting the news goes in his Puspaka car to the scene of fight in the Dandaka forest and falls in love with Sītā at first sight.
Rāvana himself produces Sinhanäda, Rama goes away to Lakṣmana's help.. Ravana thereizes Sitä, mortally wounds Jatayus who comes to her rescue, and takes away Sitä to Lanka - in his Puspaka
car.
It is through Ratnajațin that Sugriva comes to know of Sita's abduction by

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Uttara-Purāņa
Paūma-Cariya
Rävaņa.
Rävana, Lakşmaņa etc., approach
Rāma after knowing his missortune. 14. Sugriva and Aņumān go to Rāma at
Narada's instance, Anumán volunteers to visit Lankā, flies across the sea, makes a search for Sitā by assuming the form of a bee, presents himself before Sita as a 'Monkey, returns to Rama with the news of Sită.
Hanūmat flies across the ocean in a car, his exploits on the way are told; reaching Lankā meets Vibhisana, then Sitā, destroys the park, kills the troops sent for his capture; Indrajit takes him captive, Rävana wants him to be paraded through the streets of Lanka and then killed; Hanümat effects his escape, destroys parts of Lanka and goes back. It does not report this second visit of Hanumat to Lankā.
15. Anuman is sent as envoy to Rävana
with some heroes he goes to Lanka; meets Vibhişana, who takes him to Răvaņa. His mission fails; he reports the failure to Rama who mobilises his
forces at Citrakūta. 16. Välin sends a messenger to Rama, his
terms for alliance, Rama's counterterms, war between the two armies, Lakşmaņa kills Välin, and restores their lost positions to Sugriva and Anuman. Rama and his army go to Kişkindhā.
17. Laksmana acquires Prajñapti lore by
fasting for a week; Sugriva too adores Vidyas. Then the army marches to Lanka; Vibhişana's quarrel with Rāvana over the question of the return of Sitä, his alliance with Rama, the army reaches the sea-shore, Anuman and others with Rama's permission attack Lankā, decide to disturb Ravana in his austerities for obtaining Vidyās; Sugriva and Anuman bestow their Vidyas on Rama and Lakşmana, they
Välin a devout Jain, in order to avoid blood-shed renounces Saṁsāra, placing Sugriva on the throne. It was MayaSugriva who had deprived him of his kingdom. Sugriva seeks Räma's help. Räma kills that Maya-Sugriva and restores the kingdom of Kiskindhi to Sugriva. It is then that Hanümat is sent to Lanka for getting the news of Sitá, etc. The Vanara army in the course of its march overpowers king Samudra, and King Hamsaratha of the Hamsadvipa, Vibhīşana's alliance with Rama; the preparations for war on both the sides - fight begins. Many Rākşasa heroes are killed, then Rävana attempts Vidyä. sadhana, Rama does not give his consent to the interruption of the Vidyā-sādhana, Rāvaņa acquires ultimately Vidya and fights with double vigour.

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The Rāmāyaṇa Version of Gunabhadra
Uttara-Purana
produce Vimānas through the Vidyas, take the army across the ocean; the Vidyadharas interrupt Ravana's vidya-sadhana'.
18. Ravana cuts off the head of illusory Sitä and throws it before Rama who falls in a swoon. Vibhiṣaṇa tells Rama about Rāvana's trick. Ravana then resorts to Māyā-yuddha. Cases of single combats, finally Lakṣmaṇa kills Rāvana. 19. It is at Pithagiri that Laksmana lifts the Kotisila.
20. Rama obtained the following 'ratnas": 1) Halayudha, 2) Amogha arrows, 3) Kaumudi gada and 4) Ratna-mala; and Lakṣmaṇa 1) Sudarsana Cakra, 2) Kaumudi gadā, 3) Saunandaka sword, 4)Amogha-mukhi Sakti, 5) Sarriga bow, 6) Panca-janya sankha and 7) Kaustubha-Mahamaņi.
21. Rama and Lakṣmaṇa return to Ayodhya after 42 years during which Laksmana completes his world-conquest.
22. Handing over the kingdom of Ayodhya to their sons, they go to Varanasi. 23. Laksmana dreams three dreams indicating that he would suffer an incurable disease and so on......
24. Rāma becomes a monk at the hands of Siva-gupta, Sitá becomes an Aryika.
Pauma-Cariya
131
In Pc. there is no reference to the illusory head of Sita, it however speaks of the capture of Sugriva and Bhamandala, their escape, Lakṣmaṇa's transfixation due to Sakti, the episode of Visalya etc.. which are not found in Uttara-Purana. Lakṣmaṇa lifts the Kotisilă long before they start for Lanka. He does it in order to convince the disheartened Vânaras of his strength to overpower Ravana. Laksmana obtained: 1) Cakra, 2) Chatra, 3) Dhanus, 4) Sakti, 5) Gadā, 6) Mani and 7) Asi (sword).
After six years' stay at Lanka the brothers return to Ayodhyä.
No such reference to correspond to this.
No such reference to his dreams. The test of Lakṣmaṇa's affection for Rama by gods is introduced by Vimala.
Vimala tells us of Sita's repudiation by Räma.... her twin children Lavana and Ankusa, their fight with Rama etc., their union with Räma, Sita's fire-ordeal, her Dikṣā, Räma's grief at it, etc.; (all these episodes are dropped by Gunabhadra).

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TA
(b) OMISSIONS: (i) Gunabhadra omits the account of any attempt on the part of Bharata's mother
to secure the throne for her son. (11) He omits also the account of Rāma's forest-life. (lli) He drops the account of Lakşmana's transfixion by Rāvana's Sakti.
He completely drops Rāma's later history-the scandal regarding Sitā's purity, her abandonment into forest by Rāma, the shelter that she finds, the birth of twin children, their fight with Rāma, etc., -their union with their father Rama, Sita's
fire-ordeal are conspicuous in his version by their absence. (v) The episode of Vita-Sugrīva is left out.
(c) ALTERATIONS: (1) sita was really Rāvana's daughter but on account of evil portents she was
abandoned, found by and brought up by Janaka. (ii) As Råma protected his sacrifice, Janaka gave him in marriage his daughter Sītā.
Rama and party go to the old capital-Vārāṇasi of Dasaratha and not into exile.
It is at Närada's instigation that Rāvana is enamoured of Sitā of wondrous beauty. (v) Rāma learns of the abduction of Sīta by Rāvana through Dasaratha's letter. (vi) Aņumān-Hanūmat-twice visits Lankā-of course on two different missions, (vii) It is the three dreams that come to Lakşmaņa that indicate his death etc.
(d) ADDITIONS: (1) Dasaratha's original capital was Vārāṇasī, later on he shifts to Ayodhyā.
The golden deer incident is an addition by Guņabhadra-of course, this incident is common to Vālmīki's Rāmāyaṇa. Laksmana kills Välin. Rāvana cuts off the head of illusory Sitā and throws it before Rāma who falls in a swoon-of course we have an account of the Magic Head of Rāma to dupe Sitā and the Magic head of Sità (Cantos 31 and 81 respectively) to dupe Rāma
(Hanûmat etc.) in the Valmīki's epic. As these two versions of Vimala and Gunabhadra are representative of all the Jain versions of the Rāma Story - excepting, of course, Harişeņas' version which is nothing but a minimum abridgment of Valmiki's Rāmāyana-we attempt to give here an outline of the Rāma Tale common to all the Jain forms:
(ii) OUTLINE OF THE RĂMA STORY COMMON TO ALL THE JAIN FORMS There was a king called Dasaratha of the Ikşvāku family, who ruled over Ayodhyä.

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He was blest with four princes cailed Rāma, Lakşmaņa, Bharata and Satrughna. Now there was a mighty king named Janaka who ruled over Videha. He had a daughter by name Sită. Janaka gave her in marriage to Räma.
Now there was a mighty king called Rävana who ruled over Lanka. He was fascinated by the wondrous beauty of that princess Sitā. He carried her off by force to Lankā. Rāma was stricken with profound sorrow at his misfortune.
Now there was Sugriva who was deprived of his rightful place in Kişkindha. He sought Rāma's alliance. Rama and Laksmana helped Sugriva regain the kingdom of Kişkindha. Rāma, Laksmana and the army of Sugriva marched against Lanka; Vibhişana, the righteous brother of Ravana, did his best to persuade Ravana honourably to return Sità to Rama, but in vain. He deserted Rāvana and formed an alliance with Rāma. A terrible war was fought between the two hostile armies of Rāma and Rāvana. Finally Rāvana was killed, Vibhísana was made king of Lanka and Rāma was united with his lost queen.
After vindicating his honour, Rāma, with Lakşmana and Sītā returned to his capital. Räma had 8000 queens among whom Sitā and three others were the principal ones. Lakşmaņa had 16000 queens among whom Prthvisundari and others were the chief ones. Răma and Lakşmaņa very deeply loved each other. After Lakşmaņa's death Rama became a monk, practised austerities, obtained perfect knowledge, and in due course attained to Mokşa. Lakşmaņa as he did not accept the path laid down by the Jinas sank into hell. Rävaņa, for his lapse from the code of correct behaviour, had to go to hell. Both of them after passing through many births would attain to liberation. Sità, after leading the life of an Aryikā, was born in heaven, she too would in course of time obtain Mokşa.
According to the Jain version Rāma, Laksmana and Rāvana are the 8th set of Baladeva, Vasudeva and Prativasudeva.
Excepting the number of the queens of Rāma and Lakşmaņa, the killing of Ravana by Lakşmaņa and the Jinistic conclusion this Rāma Tale (which is common to all the Jain forms of Ramayana barring Harişena's story) is basically and essentially the same as found in the Hindu versions of Vyāsa and Välmiki.
Now we turn to other points of distinction between the versions of Rāmāyana of Guņabhadra and Vimala Sûri. (111) NAME, EXTENT, FORM, LANGUAGE, METRE, AND
STYLE OF THE TWO VERSIONS
Uttara-Purāņa
Paūma-Cariya
The Rāma story forms only one of the many Puranas that constitute the Mahā-
The epic mainly deals with Rāmāyaṇa; and does not form a part of a bigger work.

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Story of Rāma ir Jain Literature
Uttara-Purana
Paüma-Cariya
Purāņa. In the title equal prominence is The title rightly includes the name of Padma given to Rāma and Lakşmana, Sita and - Rāma - only as he alone attains in that Rāvana. The whole of the narrative forms very birth the highest goal of a devotee. a part of Parvan 67 and Parvan 68. The It treats of the story in about 9000 verses. verses number just a little over 1200. It is Purana and Kavya at the same time. It reads more like a Purana and less like It is wholly in Prakrit, and the widely used a Kävya. It is entirely in Sanskrit and metre Árya is throughout employed except the metre commonly used is the Anuştup. ing the change of metre at the end. The work The style is on the whole easy yet
is written in easy yet elegant style marked elegant, marked by the presence of oft by ornate descriptions that are very often used alarnkāras such as UpamāUtprekşā, introduced. Rūpaka, Drstānta and Arthāntaranyása.
All these points are rather unimportant if not altogether out of the court-in connection with the present problem.
(iv)
CHARACTERISATION
RĀVAŅA : Ravana is represented as a tyrant
Rāvana is portrayed as a Pravara-Puruşa and wicked and evil-minded person. with only one major weakness - his passion
for Sitä - Rama's wife. KAIKEYİ : Kaikeyi ( who contributes so much Kaikeyi, the mother of Bharata, is to the progress and development of sympathetically represented throughtout action in Ramayana of Valmiki and in the the epic as a noble and loving mother. When Vimala's version) is only once casually faced with 'Sarva-nasa - loss of her husband mentioned as the wife of Dasaratha and and son - she tries to retain her son at mother of Laksmaņa; and then she is as home allowing Dasaratha to become a monk it were completely forgotten, by the poet (she is not guilty of the court-intrigue as we do not find her any more on the in the Valmiki's Rāmāyana.) scene. RĀMA: Rāma is shown on the whole a pious Rāma refused to permit the Vanaras to and righteous soul. He, however, gives go and interrupt Rāvana in his meditation. his consent to the interruption of He kills the Vita-Sugriva. Rāvana's vidya-sadhana. It is Laksmana

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Uttara-Purana:
who kills Välin.
MANDODARİ :
Mandodari is shown to be a noble and sympathetic woman. She does her best to persuade her husband to set Sită free but fails; she then exhorts Sitä not to yield to Ravana's passion. SURPANAKHA:CANDRANAKHA:
Surpanakha plays the part of a Dûti only. She meets Sītā, learns how she is a very chaste lady, reports to Rāvana about it.
Pauma-Carlya:
135
Mandodari suggests to Ravana to enjoy Sītā by force; she acts the part of a Duti trying to persuade Sită to accept Ravana's love.
She falls in love with Rama and makes amorous advances to the two brothers - though one of them had killed her son - Sambúka. Disappointed she incites her husband to fight against the two brothers who had killed Sambuka, and who, she alleges, had molested her.
The two versions of Gunabhadra and Vimala Suri markedly differ from each other in regard to story element, characterisation, etc., as demonstrated above. Further, we may note that Vimala shows that Hanumat, Sugriva and Ravana were relatives, that Hanumat had helped Rävana in his fight against Varuna etc., tells of the later history of Rama'-introduces about a dozen Upakhyanas, gives a detailed history of the dynasties of the Rākṣasas and the Vanaras and the Ikṣväku, narrates the account of Välin and Sugriva differently. It is but right then if we say that the two versions should be regarded as independent forms of the story of Rama.
Vimala Suri starts one school of Jain Rämäyaņa. He is followed by Raviṣena, Dhanesvara, and Hema-candra.
Gunabhadra starts another school of Jair Ramayana. He is followed by Puspadanta (and we may add-on the authority of Dr. Narsimhacar some Kannada Jain poets, who treat of the Räma story in their works, including Câmundaraya-Purana and Punyadrava-Kathāsāra).
Harisena's version as found in the Brhat-Kathakoda represents abridgment of the Hindu epic with only two or three Jain features added at the end.
Why Gunabhadra did not follow his Digambara Predecessor-Ravişena? Ravişena was a Digambara. We expect, therefore, Gunabhadra, a Digambara poet to follow his predecessor. But our expectation is belied. As we have shown above. Gunabhadra's Rāma story is vastly different from that of Vimala Suri (with whose story

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that of Ravişena almost perfectly agrees). So to find an answer to the question raised we may set forth the following logical possibilities: (1) Guņabhadra was not aware of the existence of the epics of Vimala and Ravişena.
Even if he was aware of their existence he did not think the narrative embodied therein to be good enough for his acceptance. He gives the story in some work of his predecessor belonging to his Guru -
Parampară - which work is now lost to us. (iv) He gives literary shape to the oral tradition as handed down by a line of successive
teachers of his Sangha. (v) He gives shape to some local version that was then current.
Now let us examine these logical possibilities:
Gunabhadra flourished in the 9th Century A.D. So it is not likely that he was not aware of the existence of the works of Vimala (and/or) Ravişena; or that he gave literary shape to local version as he is a 'modern writer'compared with the celebrated Hindu poets Vyasa and Vālmiki and the Svetămbara poet Vimala-there must have been current their versions with some slight variations at the time of Gunabhadra. So alternatives (i) and (v) we may dismiss as improbable. Alternative (ii) also may be dismissed as improbable as a man of Guņabhadra's calibre cannot be accused of lack of balanced judgment.. Of the remaining two alternatives it is difficult to say which is more probable. It is quite likely that he embodied in his Purana the story of Rāma as it came to him through ĀcāryaParamparā.
We have some reason to believe however that Gunabhadra may have been indebted to Kavi Paramesthi or Paramesvara. He is said to have composed a Purana glorifying 63 Salaka-Puruşas-celebrities of the Jain Church. Gunabhadra himself says that it was a gadya-kathā and that it was used by Jinasena for his Adi-Purana45. Jinasena calls it Vagartha-samgraha46. Now if Jinaşeņa followed Kavi Parmesvara in composing his AdiPurana it is not unlikely that Jinasena's pupil, who completed his teachers' unfinished
45. Kaviparamesvaranigaditagadyakathă-mātrkam puroscaritam
Up. Prasasti 17. 46. Sa Pujyah ...... Paramesvarah
Vägarthasangraham..... purānam yaj samagrahit
Adi-Purāna I. 60. 47. Cảvundaraya (978 A.D.) in his Adipurāņa declares that the Mahapurāna was composed formerly
(even before Jinasena and Guņabhadra) by Kuci Bhattaraka and Srinandi Muni. 48. See Jain Sahitya aura Itihăsa p. 280.

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Mahă-Purana by adding to it his Uttara-Purāna too, based his Rāma story on that of Kavi Paramesvara. 47
(vl) THE RELATION OF GUŅABHADRA'S VERSION WITH THE
DASARATHA JĀTAKA AND THE ADBHUTA-RAMĂYAŅA In his paper on 'Padma-Carita Aura Pauma-Cariya' Pt. Premi suggests that Gunabhadra describes the birth of Sitā as Rāvana's daughter after the AdbhutaRāmāyaṇa, and the Kingship of Dasaratha over Vārāṇasi and the absence of the Incidents such as Sità's abandonment, the birth of Lava and Kusa, the twin sons of Sita after the Buddhistic Jātaka. 18 Dr. Narasimhachar points to the facts of Sita's birth, her abduction in the precincts of Varanasi, intensely ascetic nature ascribed to the character of Räma, the golden deer incident and remarks that "it seems to be a conglomeration of various legends pertaining to Rāma" and that “It has no unitary source". 49
Now let us examine this question of Guņabhadra's sources. Chronologically speaking Adbhuta-Rāmāyana is very much later than Gunabhadra's Uttara-Purāna. Grierson remarks: "the Adbhuta-Rāmāyana is a comparatively modern work. It is distinctly Sakta in character, exalting Sità above Rāma. It is also an attempt to introduce the terrible cult of Saiva Saktism into the altogether alien soil of Vaişnavism". a u teRāmáyana is later than Adhyātma-Rāmāyaṇa ( 14th or 15th centurys). So it cannot be taken as a possible source of Guņabhadra's Räma story. Again, the way Sita is born according to the story of Adbhuta Ramayana is indeed Adbhuta!
"Rāvana in the course of his conquest comes to the Dandaka forest, summons the Rsis there to submit without resistance, and with this demand, draws from each with the tip of an arrow a little blood, which he collects in a jar.
One of the Rsis is Grtsamada, the father of a hundred sons. His wife has begged from hin that she may have a daughter, and that this daughter may be Lakşmi herself. In order to fulfil her desire, the Rşi has been day by day sprinkling, with appropriate mantras, milk from a wisp of Kusa-grass into a jar, so that thereby it may become inhabited by Lakşmi. He does this, as usual, on the morning of the day on which Rāvana appears, and, before the latter's arrival, goes out into the forest. It is in this same jar that Ravana collects the Rşis' blood. He takes it home with him, and gives it to his wife Mandodari to take care of, telling her that the blood in it is more poisonous than poison itself. She may on no account taste it, or give it to anyone to taste.
49. He suggests the sources possible, viz., Adbhuta Rāmāyana, Dasaratha Jātaka, and Valmiki
Rāmāyana. 50. Rāghavan, V.: "Music in the Adbhuta Rāmāyaņa", Journal Music Academy Vol. 16, p. 66 ff. and
Grierson, G.A. - "On the Adbhuta Ramayana", Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies Vol. IV. pp. 11 ff.

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Rāvana again goes forth on his career of conquest and in Mount Mandāra debauches the daughters of the gods etc. Mandodari seeing them preferred to her, determines to kill herself. With this object, she drinks the contents of the jar of Rşis' blood, which Rāvana has told her is a deadly poison. Instead of dying, she immediately becomes pregnant with Lakşmi, who has been installed in the sprinkled milk by the power of Grtsamada's mantras.
When she finds herself pregnant in the absence of her husband, in fear of his reproaches she sets out for Kuruksetra under pretence of making a pilgrimage. There, freeing herself from the foetus, she burles it in the ground and returns home, keeping the whole affair a secret.
Shortly afterwards Janaka comes to perform a sacrifice at Kurukşetra. In order to prepare the ground for the sacrifice, he ploughs it with a golden plough, and while doing so turns up the foetus, - a girl child. Being warned by a voice from heaven, he adopts her and names her Sitā. After completing the sacrifice, he takes her home, and brings her up."
Lakşmi (Sta) is born as the daughter of Mandodars on account of a curse: "Nárada, while attending a concert in heaven, is hustled aside by Lakşmi's attendants, who are conducting her to her seat. He promptly curses her to become incarnate as the daughter of a Raksasi."
This fantastic birth-story is greatly different from that given by Guņabhadra where Sitā is born of Rāvana and Mandodarí in a perfectly natural way! The Dasaratha Jätaka is definitely older than Gunabhadra's Uttara-Purāņa. But as said in Chapter I, it is a distorted version of the story of Rāma as given in the Mahabharata and the Valmiki Rāmāyana. So merely because the later history of Rama is absent both in the Dasaratha Jataka and the Gunabhadra's version we cannot say that the former is the source of the latter. It is true the jataka speaks of Dasaratha as a ruler of Varanasi, and Guņabhadra represents him as shifting his capital from Vārānasi to Ayodhyā. But this is too slender a thread to connect the two stories. The Jätaka speaks of Rāma and Sità as brother and sister, staying in the Himalaya mountain for years together at Dasaratha's suggestion, and the marriage of Rāma and Sitā - brother and sister! All this is absent in the Jain version. So properly speaking we cannot point to Adbhuta-Rāmāyaṇa and Dasaratha Jätaka as Gunabhadra's source for his Rāma story.
We might account for these divergences in a different way: The birth of Sītā is a mystery according to Vālmīki's Rāmāyana. The Jain poets wanted to give a realistic interpretation of her birth. Vimala straightway calls her the daughter of Janaka and Videhā born in a natural manner. Gunabhadra (or the Acarya who first gave the version found in the Uttara-Purāņa) makes Sitā the daughter of Rāvana and Mandodars. He gives the reason why «Sitā was abandoned by the parents and how Janaka and his wife Vasudhā come across this foundling! This change introduced by the Jain poet has something dramatic about it. A father falling in love with his own daughter, being unaware of the fact that she is his own daughter is psychologically not improbable. And as far as

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139
we know Guņabhadra (or his predecessor whom he follows) is the first poet to represent Sitä as Rāvana's daughter.
Gunabhadra omits altogether the court-intrigue of Kaikeyi by making her Lakşmana's mother. He wants to show, however, the progress of the story. There is no reason to send Rāma and party into exile so possibiy he invents the idea of Vārāṇass being the former capital of Dasaratha; and Rāma etc., with his father's permission go there to look after the subjects there - so long neglected. And he shows the Citra-kūta. as the scene of Sita's abduction by Rāvana.

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CHAPTER-VI
THE RAMAYANA VERSION OF SILĀCĀRYA
(as found in his CAŪPPANNA-MAHĀPURISA-CARIYA) Introductory Remarks :
silācárya (or Silánkācārya) was a pupil of Mānadeva who belonged to the Nirvrtikulinagaccha. He is said to have written commentaries in Sanskrit on the eleven 'Angas' of the Jain Canon. The Cauppannamahāpurisacariya is a work written by him in Prakrit prose interspersed with verses in V.S. 925 (=A.D. 868). It is a little known work. As the title itself indicates, the work deals with the fifty-four eminent men of Jainismthe Salákápurusas. Although it treats of all the sixty-three Great Men it does not, in accordance with the earlier tradition in the Samavāyanga-sútra which knows only 54 "excellent men" (Uttamapurisa) count the 9 Prativasudevas as great or excellent men. This work is a precursor of the later and more famous Trişasti-salaka-purusa-carita of Hemacandra. The fifth part of this Prakrit work gives the life of Aristanemi, which includes the lives of Krsna and Balarama also".
Here we are concerned only with Silācārya's version of the story of Rama. He opens the narrative with verses (1-3) then changes over to prose (about six lines) and again resumes verse form (vv.27). The colophon reads: :gía AargitaTS TIA-FC0चरियं परिसमत्तं ति।
We give below a close summary of this version and then examine its relation to the Rāmāyana of Vālmiki and make remarks regarding the style of the author.
Rama-Laksmana Caritam : Summary There was a city called Ayodhyā. King Dasaratha ruled over it. He had three wives: Kosala, Kekayi and Sumitra. Rāmabhadra was born of Kosala, Bharata and Satrughna were born of Kekayi, and Lakşmana was born of Sumitrā. When Rama was about to be coronated, Kekayi, under some pretext, sent Rāma and Laksmana into exile, and
Cauppannamahäpurisacariam by Acarya Sri Silänka ed by Pt. Amritlal Mohanlal Bhojak, Prakrit Text Society. Ahmedabad Varanasi, 1961, available from L.D. Institute of Indology Ahmedabad, 380 009 Here we have an echo of Kálidasa's thought found in :
दध तो मङ्गलक्षौमे वसानस्य च वल्कले । दहशुर्विस्मितास्तस्य मुखरागं समं जनाः ।।
Raghuvamsa Canto XII. 8

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placed Bharata on the throne. Rāma accepted, with equal pleasure, the exile as he would the coronation. Having accepted the command of his father, Ráma, self-possessed and rejoicing in heart, and accompanied by his wife and Laksmana went to the forest. There in a secluded spot he lived quite happily. He was very happy in protecting his followers Sită and Lakşmana.
There ruled at that time Rāvana in Lankā. He tormented the world, as he possessed the Räkşasi lores. He was also of bad conduct. Hearing the words of Śūrpanakhā, who was punished (by the exiled princes) Rāvana was enamoured of Rāma's wife, Rāvana - who was dragged by the hand of Time and a victim of his own destiny. Having duped the two brother - princes by the cry of the deer- who was really Marica - he abducted Sita who ultimately proved the sole cause of the destruction of his own army, of the Raksasas, and of all his glory.
Realising that they were beguiled by the māyā of the Rakşasas, Rāma and Laksmana were deeply distressed. They were sad at the rape of Sitā; at their lamentation ascetics approached them. They killed the army of Kharadusana, were tormented with the account of Jatayus were at a loss to know what to do; entered into alliance with Sugriva; Rama slew Vali, the Vánara-Chief, of immeasurable strength, who was weaponless, and sent Hanūmat to bring the tidings of Sita. Hanūmat crossed the ocean, went to Lanka, and there in the park called Nandanavana he came across Sitā, who was being consoled by Trijată. Then dismissed by Sitā, he ruined the park, overpowered the lord of the Raksasas, set Lankā on fire and speedily repaired to where Raghava was.
Then knowing well the course of duty before him, Ráma accompanied by Laksmana and the army of Sugriva, set forth in the direction of Lanka. Crossing the ocean he, with his army and that of Vibhîşana, encamped on the Suvela hill' near Lańká.
Now Rāvana, who could not brook the presence of a hostile army led his forces against them. Then there began a war between Sugriva and his army - powerful on
2 3.
4.
Note that it is Rāma who kills Vāli, who was a mighty hero, when the latter was unarmed! Sucela is the reading, v.1. Susela probably a copyist's mistake for 'Suvela'. The couplet here is obscure:
अह रामणो वि परबलमसहंतो नी (-णी-)इ तस्स पच्चोणिं ।
3totarrid T14 (401154, v. 1.) THAT 4075 dci II Then follows a fine verse:
Host fa fou au y a fa che v. 1. fe faz चिट्ठति किण्ण (किंण) दीसइ अहो जियंतेहि अच्छरियं ।।
which reminds us of the famous stanza often quoted in the works of Alar: ka rasastra: न्यक्कारो ह्ययमेव

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account of Vánara-lore-on one side and the Rakşasas - haughty with their own Raksasa lores - on the other. The mighty Vānara heroes overthrew Prahasta, Kumbhakarna and Megha-Ninádas now Ravana began a single combat with Laksmana, which was fierce, dreadfui and in comparable. Ravana (as a last resort) hurled his disc at Laksmana. Approaching Lakşmaņa it settled on his hand. Then with that disc Laksmana cut off the head of Ravana (lit. the ten headed one) who was wicked and cruel. On the death of Ravana, Rama and Laksmana, who got back Sita, placed Vibhisana on the throne of Lankā. Vasudeva, who obtained the jewel of the disc, conquered the earth and Rama acquired merit. Having practised self-control, and destroyed the accumulated Karman he attained to liberation, Laksmana, however, went to hell. Both of them had a span of life, as long as 12000 years; they had a height of 16 dhanus'. Thus is narrated in brief the lifehistory of Rama and Laksmana, which is described at length in works like 'Paumacariya'. Now let us undertake a comparison of the three versions of Silácārya, Valmiki and Vimala with a view to setting the relation of the first with the second and the third :
1.
2.
3.
silácārya Valmiki
Vimala Parentage of Satrughna : He is the son of Kaikeyi and He is the son of Sumitrā and He is the son of Kaikeys and Dasaratha. Dasaratha.
Dasaratha. Circumstances that lead to Rāma's exile : Not mentioned.
The Court-intrigue culmina- Kaikeyl with a view to holting in Rāma's exile - fully ding Bharata back from taking described.
to the path of renunciation and without any ill-will towards Rama demands throne for Bharata; Rāma voluntarily chose to lead
a forest-life. The name of Rāvana's sister : is surpanakha. is Surpanakha
is Candranakha. The golden deer incident : is common to the versions of Silācārya and Valmiki.
Vimala omits it. The overthrow of Kharadusana's army : It occurs after the abduction Khara and Dusana are two It occurs after the abduction of of Sita by Rāvana. We are told separate personalities - slain Sita. But it is Laksmana aided Rāma and Laksmana do the feat. by Rāma before the golden deer by Viradhita, who does the
incident. Vali-episode : According to both Silācārya and Valmiki it is Rama who killed Vālin was a noble Vidyādhara; he Välin.
makes a gift of his kingdom to his brother Sugrīva and himself takes to "pravrajya'; in the end he at
tains 'Nirvāna.' 5. Le. Indrajit
4.
5.
feat.
6.

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The Ramayana Version of silācārya
143
143
Vimala
7.
No reference to Trijatā.
Śilācārya
Valmiki Trijatā's role : Trijatā consoled Sita when A female demon, one of the she was retained as a captive in Raksasa attendants kept by the Nandanavana.
Ravana to watch over Sita, when she was kept as a captive in the Asoka-vātikā. She acted very kindly towards Sitā and induced her companions to
do the same. Rāvana's death : It is Laksmana who kills him It is Rāma who kills Ravana. with the 'disc.
8.
It is Laksmana who kills him with the disc.
Same as in silácarya's account.
9. The condition of Rama and Laksmana after death : Rāma attains Nirvana; Laksmana Rāma to keep his promise to descends to hell.
Time "abandons Laksmana who goes to the river Sarayū, suppresses all his senses, and is conveyed bodily by Indra to heaven.-- Rama enters the glory of Visnu with his body
and his followers." 10. The span of life and height of Rāma : Rama's span of life-12000 years; "Then thousand years Ayo- 16 'Dhanu's height.
dhyä, blest with Rāma's rule, had peace and rest."
17000 years -- span of life. 16 Dhanus--height.
The Relation of Silācārya's Version to the Versions of Valmiki and Vimala : The close comparison instituted above clearly points out that in regard to some features (viz., 3, 4, 6 and 7) Silācārya is in agreement with Valmiki and in regard to some other features (viz, 1, 5, 8 and 9) with Vimala. As regards feature 10, he partially agrees with Vimala. About feature 2, however, we have no clue at all to say whether he agrees with the former or the latter. Silācārya, unlike his distinguished predecessor Sanghadāsa, ends his story with the statement that Rama attained liberation and Laksmana descended to hell. He, however, boldly omits, in accordance with Sanghadāsa, the later history of Rāma as found either in Vālmīki or Vimala. This omission of almost the whole latter history of Rama is not easy to explain. May be, he did not find it interesting enough or sufficiently important to be included in his abridged version. At the end of his version he declares: 'Thus is narrated in brief the life-history of Rama and Laksmana, which is described at length in works like Paümacarlya". From this statement of his it is obvious that Vimala's work was before his mental eye when he prepared this abridged version. He has, however, introduced some remarkable features from Valmiki's version

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directly, possibly because of their popularity in his days or indirectly through Sanghadása whose version also shares these features. It deserves our notice that Silácārya's Ravana is after Välmlki's as he speaks of him in such terms as: yet, and क्रूर Vimala's Rã
मारणेण दूसिओ को ''विज्जागव्विओं' खल
vana is nearly a perfect hero with one defect only, viz, his passion for Sită. He does not count the Prativasudevas, such as Ravana, among the "Uttama' or 'Maha-or 'Salaka' - purusas. Naturally the name Ravana does not find place in the title
-rated,
Silacarya's Influence on Hemacamdra?
Winternitz observes in connection with Hemacandra's work-Trisasti-salākāpurusa-carita' that the Cauppannamahāpurisa-cartya of Silácárya must be taken into consideration while investigating sources which Hemacandra drew upon for his poem (see pp. 505-506). As far as the version of Rāmāyaṇa is concerned, it can definitely be asserted that not Silacarya's but Vimala Suri's Paumacariya is Hemacandra's
source.
Conclusion:
From the preceding discussion it is abundantly clear that Silācārya's version of Rāmāyaṇa is derivative and made up by adding some Jain features from Vimala's version to the original Hindu version represented in the two great epics, and that his contribution to the development of the Rama-legend is next to nothing.
A Critical Appreciation:
Silacarya, like his predecessor-Sanghadäsa gives an abridged version of the Hindu epic-theme, adding some Jain features. His version is, however, inferior to that of Sanghadása. It is careless, inartistic, imperfect and far from satisfactory. He is careless when he describes to us that the army of Kharaduṣana was killed by the exiled princes after the abduction of Sita. He does not feel it necessary to mention the circumstances that led to Rama's exile or why Rama killed the 'weaponless' Välin.
His style is simple and easy; however, two verses are obscure but that is due to the corrupt text. As already pointed out in the foot-notes to the summary, once he echoes Kalidasa's thought and another time the excellent idea as found in the famous stanza --
'न्यकारो वयमेव ..........'
etc. from works on Poetics. He opens his narrative
with two Subhāṣitas:
ण सहइ माणसं इयरा इयरं पि किं पुण महप्पा । णियभज्जागयपरिहवकलंकिओ किं पि ववसेइ ॥ भसणकयत्थो साणो सीहो उण होइ कोइ ओसंतो । णियवीरियानुसारेण पसमणं होइ गस्याणं ॥
The first cleverly suggests the subject of the narrative. From the second it is not quite clear as to what the author wants to alludesto.

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CHAPTER-VII
THE RĀMÁYAŅA VERSION OF ACĀRYA HARIŞEŅA
(as found in his BRHATKATHAKOSA')
1. PERSONAL HISTORY AND DATE OF THE AUTHOR Harişena, the author of this Bphat-Kathākosa, belonged to the Punnāta-samgha. Punnața country was a part of Karņătaka (territory whose capital was Kirtipura, the present Kittura). The ascetic group that hailed from Punnāta and settled down at Vardhamānapura and round about came to be known as Punnāta-samgha there. In the South, originally it was perhaps known as Kittura-Samgha, a name derived from the capital of Punnāta country, which is mentioned in one of the Sravana Belgola inscriptions of C. Saka 622. Besides our Harişeņa, the only author that mentions Bịhat or simply Punnāta-Samgha or -gana is Jinasena, who completed his Harivami sa at the same Vardhamāna-nagara (the present Wadhawan in Kathiawar) in A.D. 783, just 148 years earlier than this Kathākosa.
As to the year of composition the author is quite explicit: he wrote this Kosa in Vikrama Sam. 989 or Saka 853, i.e. about 932 A.D.
The contemporary king was Vināyakapāla of the Pratihāra dynasty. Harişeņa's spiritual ancestry as given by him in his Prasasti is: Mauni Bhattāraka - Sri Harişena - Bharatasena - and Harişena (our author). Harişena speaks of his teacher in these terms: "he was a poet well-versed in different branches of learning, metrics, rhetorics, poetics, dramaturgy, grammar and logic, and was attended upon by the learned." And about himself he writes that he did not possess any (expert) knowledge of grammar, metrics and logic - this is of course his modesty.
No other work of Harlşena has come to light. His Kathakosa (or Treasury of Stories) contains 157 Kathānakas - tales which illustrate the veiled and explicit allusions found in the Bhagavati Aradhana. He tells us that the tales are drawn out, extracted or chosen from the (Bhagavatī) Ārādhanā, perhaps inseparably connected with some Prakrit commentary that gave all these tales. Harişeņa uniformly calls this treasury, Kathākosa. The term Brhat connotes bulk and extent and was probably added later on to the title to distinguish the work from smaller collections of Prabhācandra and Nemidatta. The whole work is composed mostly in Anuştubh metre.
1.
Edited by Dr. A. N. 'Upadhye, M.A., D. Litt., S.J.S. No. 17.

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The chief object of most of the tales is to glorify Jainism and impress on the minds of readers the greatness and power of Jainism and thus propagate the religio-moral ideals upheld by Jainism. These tales are strewn with secular topics which provide instruction and often give entertainment.
With this general information we now turn to the two tales which give the Jain form of Räma Story (Kathānaka Nos. 84 and 89)2. 2. SUMMARY OF THE TWO RÅMÅYANA KATHĀNAKAS
RÅMÁYANA -- KATHÅNAKAM In the country of Vinitâ there was a city called Säketa. Dasaratha ruled over it. He had four Mahādevis (principal wives): 1) Sukosalā, (2) Sumitrā alias Prabhā, 3) Kekaya and 4 Suprajā. Rāmadeva, Lakşmaņa, Bharata and Satrughna were born of them respectively. Janaka gave his daughter, Sità, in marriage to Ramadeva. Once Dasaratha thought of bestowing the kingdom on Rāma and becoming himself an ascetic. He made all preparations for Rāma's coronation and he was about to celebrate the great festival of Rāma's coronation in the presence of his vassals. Bharata's mother hearing the news of Rama's coronation decided to get the kingdom for Bharata. With that intention Kekayi went to the royal assembly and said: "I now demand the boon pledged with you then. You, who are bent on maintaining your fame for truth, grant me my prayer: you enthrone my son - Bharata and now forth drive Rāma and Lakşmana into forest".
On Kekayi's request Dasaratha placed Bharata on the throne. Rāma, accompanied by Sita and Laksmana, renouncing all possessions went to Dandaka's forest lying to the South
Now there was in Lankā a king called Rāvana. He had a wife named Mandodari; they had two sons Indrajit and Akşakšās who were brave, handsome, modest and well-behaved and devoted to their parents. Ravana had a younger sister Sūrpanakhā by name. He gave her in marriage to Kharadūsana. In the course of her wanderings
2.
3.
Kathănaka No. 76 deals with the story of Nārada and Parvata and the origin of animal sacrifice. This story is given in some of the Jain forms of the Rāma story. But as it does not form an essential part of the Rāmāyaṇa we skip over it. The spelling 'Kekayā' deserves notice. v. 12 spells the name as 'Kekayl. The other recorded forms are 'Kaikeyi' and 'Kekeyf'. v. 20 spells the word as Dandakyāranya. v. 18 mentions the name as Akşakśã and the v. 1 gives us only Aksa. The author writes here as if Kharādāsaņa is one individual - Kharādidūsaņāntaya ( to one whose name has Khara at the beginning and Düşaņa at the end i.e. Khara-duşaņa). But w.24 and 25 give Khara as the name of Surpanakhā's husband and in v. 27 we are told that Khara, Düşana and Trisaras ( or according to v. 1 Triširas ) were three brothers. Thus we find the author guilty of confusion and inconsistency.

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The Rāmāyana Version of Acārya Harisena
147
she once came across Ramadeva who was living in Dandaka-forest. She made him a request to accept her as worthy bride. Rama thereupon said: 'I have a wife, you better approach Laksmana'. She then went near Laksmana as directed by Rama and spoke: 'I will be your wife'. Lakşmana in anger cleft her nose and ears away, and drove her away from that place. She then went to Khara. When Khara saw her in that condition he was in rage and asked her who it was that maimed her and marred her thus. At these words of her husband she replied that it was Lakşmaņa who brought her to that distress. At this Khara was enraged; and the three brothers Khara, Dusana and Trisiras? with their forces went to where Rāma and Laksmana and Sitä were staying. Ramadeva in the battle killed those three brothers along with their army consisting of 14000 Rákşasas. Sürpanakhā then went to her brother Rāvana. Seeing his sister maimed he was furious and went to where Ramadeva was. At the sight of Sitä he was overpowered with passion for her. Marica assuming the form of a golden deer went near Sīta. She called Rama to view that wondrous deer (and bring it for her). Rāma followed the deer and struck it with an arrow. That Mārica in the form of that deer gave a lion's roar and called aloud with eager cry ('Ho, brother Lakşmana! I am dead!' Sitā thereupon asked Lakşmaņa to run and seek Rāmadeva. Lakşmaņa told her that Rāma had asked him not to leave her alone unguarded in that dreadful forest. Sitä, then, blind with rage, accused him of guilty love of her. At those words of reproach Lakşmaņa, leaving her, hastened to Rāma's aid. While Laksmana was away Rävana in the red garb of a mendicant stood before Sitā for begging alms. 'Give me alms, O fair one!' saying thus he seized her and went to Lanka. When Daśānana had gone to Lanká, Rama asked Laksmana why he, leaving Sitä alone, had gone to him. He replied that it was Sita who had sent him to his aid. Ramadeva thereupon exclaimed that some danger must have overcome that lonely Sitā! The two brothers then arrived at the spot where Lakşmaņa had left her. Not finding his beloved Sītā, Rama with fond lamentroamed in that forest but in vain. Lakşmaņa tried to comfort him. Then with the aid of Vānara army led by Sugriva, Angada, Hanumat, Nala, Nila etc., Rāma got constructed a bridge and crossed the ocean and reached Lanka. Then in a fierce battle Rāma killed Ravana and became himself a sovereign ruler. The great war involving the death of many beings was fought between Rāma and Rävaņa, the cause being a woman. There have been fought many other dreadful wars by men just for the sake of a woman. Alas! Women are the source of war!
The text, accepted by the editor gives Trisaras; and the v. l. gives Tristras. It is extraordinary that the author devotes full four verses to Rāma's lament whereas many other important events he disposes of in one verse only, e.g., the battle between Rāma and Ravana.

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The Tale of Rāmāyaṇa relating Rävana's death for having abducted Sita The Tale of Sitā
In the country of Vinīta there was a city called Saketa. It was ruled by king Ramadeva. He had a wife called Sita. As there were (slanderous) reports about her and Rāvana, Rāma asked her to undergo fire-ordeal and thus prove her innocence and purity. "If my heart has ever strayed from Ramadeva, you burn me, otherwise, O Fire, protect me" - with these words Sitä entered Agni-kunda10, from which issued wild flames of fire. As soon as Sītā entered the Agni-kunda, that Agni-kunda turned into a lake. Thus attended upon by gods", Sita became a nun at the hands of a Jain muni called Samyamasena. Seeing that miracle many other women and men too entered the Order. Some others became Jain house-holders; while some others still, who were destined to be liberated praised Sītā for her virtue of chastity.
The Tale of the Innocence of Sita (established by trial),
Sita the wife of Ramadeva
3. A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE TWO KATHANAKAS ABOUT RĀMA
The two Rāmāyaṇa Kathānakas, though very short, are highly important for our study as they come from the pen of a Digambara writer. That Harişena's version is strikingly different from all other Digambara or Svetambara versions and but for a few Jain traits it is only a minimum abridgment of Valmiki's Rāmāyaṇa - will be crystal clear if we compare the representative Svetämbara and Digambara versions with it.
(1) A COMPARISON OF HARIŞENA'S VERSION WITH THOSE
OF VIMALA AND GUNABHADRA Harisena's two Kathanakas Dasaratha of Saketa has four queens: 1) Sukosalā, 2) Sumitra, 3) Kekaya and 4) Suprajā.
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
Svetambara Pauma-Cariya 1. Dasaratha of Saketa has three queens:
1) Aparajitä, 2) Sumitra and 3) Kalkey!.
9.
10.
11.
12.
Digambara Uttara-Purăņa Dasaratha, formerly of Vārāṇasī and now of Ayodhya has four queens: 1) Subala, 2) KaikeyĽ, and 3-4) unnamed.
As Kathānaka No. 89, though separated from Kathanaka No. 84, really forms a part of the Rāmāyaṇa Kathānaka we treat them for our study as one continuous narration.
An enclosed space for keeping the fire.
In 'Jain Sanskrit' Pratihārya (Pk. Pāḍihera) means 'service rendered by gods' - 'Devatakṛta Pratihāra-Karma', Devakṛta Pajaviseṣa' - P.S.M.
Padma, Ramadeva are to be identified with Rama of Valmiki; Aparajita, Sukodala or simply Kosala, Subälä replace Valmiki's Kausalya.

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Svetāmbara Paūma-Cariya
Harişena's two Kathānakas
Digambara Uttara-Purāna
2. Padma is born of Rāmadeva is born of Kośalā, Rāma is born of Subalā,
Aparājitā, Lakşmaņa of Lakşmaņa of Sumitra.Bharata Lakşmaņa of Kaikeyi, Sumitrā, Bharata and of Kekaya and Satrughna of Bharata and Satrughna of Satrughna are born of Suprajā.
the two unnamed queens. Kaikeyi. 3. Bending the Vajrāvarta Janaka gave his daughter Janaka gave Sita to Rāma bow, Rāma wins Sitä. Sita in marriage to Rāma. in marriage as a reward for
his protection of the sacri
fice he had organised. 4. Kaikeyi demands the Kaikeyi demands the kingdom Rāmaand Laksmana vol
kingdom for Bharata by for Bharata and exile for untarily go to look after the way of fulfilling
Rāma and Lakşmana into kingdom of Vārāṇasi. the boon; Rāma volun- forest.
teers to go into exile. 5. Rāma and Lakşmaņa Rama directs Sūrpanakhā to Sūrpanakhā is sent, by
reject the amorous Lakşmaņa who mutilates her Rāvana, to Sitä as a Duti. advances of
nose and ears. Candraņakhā. 6. Lakşmana, assisted by Khara, Düşana and Trisiras No mention of this episode
Virādha, kills Khara- with their 14000 Rākşasas and Danďaka; Rāma etc., Düşana with his 14000 were killed by Rāmadeva in are at Citrakūta for sport. excellent warriors - the Dandaka forest.
in the Dandaka forest. 7. The incident of wondrous Ramadeva kills the wondrous Rāma pursues the golden deer - omitted.
deer ( Marica ).
deer which finally flies into
the sky. 8. At the hearing of 'Simha- Sită, by her bitter and While Räma was away in
nāda' Rāma leaves Sitā biting speech, forces pursuit of the deer, Rābehind (guarded by Laksmana to go away in aid vana disguised as Rāma Jatāyus) and goes to of Rāma. Rāvana, disguised abducts Sitä. Lakşmana's aid when as an ascetic, abducts Sitā.
Rāvana abducts Sitā. 9. Jatāyus is mortally No mention of this episode. No mention of this epiwounded by Rāvana, and
sode. Ratnajațin, deprived of his lore, when they
attempt to rescue Sītā. 10. Välin entrusts the Välin's episode omitted. After Anuman's two visits

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Svetambara Pauma-Carlya Harisena's two Kathänakas
kingdom of Kiskindhá to Sugriva and becomes a monk.
11. No mention of building a bridge across the sea but the capture of king Setu is described.
12. Lakṣmaṇa kills Ravana. 13. Passing the fire-ordeal
Sitä becomes a nun.
With the assistance of Sugriva and other Vanara heroes Rama constructs a bridge across the sea and takes his army to Lanka. Rāma kills Rāvana. Undergoing the fire-ordeal Sità accepts asceticism at the hands of a Jain Monk called Samyamasena.
Digambara Uttara-Purana
to Lanka in the capacity of a messenger to Sita and an envoy to Ravana. Välin proposes terms for alliance with Rama who proposes counter-terms which Välin does not accept, finally Laksmana kills and gets the kingdom. for Sugriva.
Rama and Vanara army cross the sea by 'aero planes' and reach Lanka.
3. Khara and Dusana are brothers of Surpanakha and Trisiras a Senapati in
the service of Khara.
Laksmana kills Rāvana After Rama's joining the ascetice order, Sita be comes a nun - no reference to fire-ordeal.
This comparison clearly shows how Harisena's version is markedly different from those of Vimaia and Gunabhadra.
The points regarding which it differs from the Ramayana of Valmiki are: (1) VALMIKI-RAMAYANA AND HARIŞENA'S VERSION Valmiki's Ramayana
Harisena's version.
In addition to these three he had a wife called Supraja.
1. Dasaratha has three principal queens: 1) Kausalya, 2) Sumitra and 3) Kaikeyi. 2. Rama is born of KausalyaLakṣmaṇa and Satrughna are the sons of Sumitra and Bharata of Kaikeyi.
The four queens give birth to four sons respectively.
Hariṣena's account is somewhat con fused. Once he mentions Kharaduṣaṇa as the husband of Surpanakha while on another occasion he mentionsKhara as her husband and Düṣaṇa and Trisiras as Khara's brothers.

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Valmiki's Ramayana
Harisena's version 4. After Rāvana's death Sītā undergoes a Here apparently there is reference to
fire-ordeal at Larkā and in Uttarākaņda a fire-ordeai once only (and that too she prays to Earth to grant her a hiding obviously not at Lankā but at Ayodhyā). place which request is fulfilled by the Here she successfully comes out of the Earth.
ordeal and becomes a nun. Here it may be noted that Sitä becoming a nun is definitely a Jain trait, whose, source may be traced to Padma-Purāņa; Kharadūsaņa is the husband of Surpanakha (Candranakhă) according to the Padma-Purana. So the author has confused this account with that of Vālmīki according to whom Khara and Dusana are two different individuals and brothers of Sūrpanakhă. According to Padma-Purāņa Dasaratha has four queens: Aparājitā, Sumitra, Suprabha and Kekaya. Hariseņa follows him, only he spells the name as Supraja. Leaving aside these variations Harisena's version constitutes a very brief epitome of Valmiki's Rāmāyaṇa. It may be stated here that the first Kathanaka does not carry the story beyond the slaying of Ravana and Rāma's becoming a sovereign ruler. This is how Ramopākhyāna also ends. This is perfectly understandable as the author aims at driving home the truth that woman is the cause of many a devastating war.
(111) PURPOSE OF THE KATHÁNAKAS The author directiy tells us at the end of Kathānaka No. 84 that the great war between Rāma and Rāvana involving the death of many beings, was fought for the sake of one woman. Many other fierce wars have been fought on this earth for the sake of woman. It is indeed (in many cases) that woman is the cause of war. It is to impress upon the mind of the reader this general truth that the author epitomises Rāmāyaṇa.
In Kathánaka No. 89, the author gives the episode of Sita's fire-ordeal that she undergoes in order to establish her purity and innocence. After successfully passing through the ordeal she becomes a nun and many other women follow her. Some people become Srävakas and others praise the chastity and act of renunciation of Sitā. The purpose here seems to be of the nature of religious propaganda.
(iv) LITERARY APPRECIATION Vālmīki's Rāmāyana is an epic of great length (traditional number of verses being 24000); besides the main story of Rāma it relates the legends of many other heroes. Harişeņa epitomises the main story omitting altogether secondary threads of the story. The original epic contains numerous passages of superb poetry which Harisena boldly omits as they interfere with the progress of the story. Harişena does not care to preserve the beauty and spirit of the original while he reduces the Rāmāyaṇa to a minimum. He devotes, strangely enough, in this very brief epitome (total verses 57) full four verses to Rāma's lamentation.

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CHAPTER -- VIII
THE RĂMAYAŅA VERSION OF PUŞPADANTA
(as found in his MAHĀPURĀŅA) 1. PERSONAL HISTORY AND DATE OF PUSPADANTA Puşpadanta came of a Brahman family of Kāśyapa gotra. His father's name was Keśava and mother's Mugdha-devi. Both of them were devotees of Siva, but were later converted to Jainism. Puspadanta had a dark complexion and a lean frame. He does not seem to have married. He was poverty-stricken, and yet he possessed a lord's noble mind. He was perhaps in the court of a king Bhairava or Víraraja, and had written a poem on him, but being insulted there, left his court and came over to Mänyakheta, which was then the capital of the Rāştra-kūtas. There he stayed in a grove of trees, outside the capital; two citizens, Indrarāja and Annaiya by name, saw him there and persuaded him to see Bharata, a minister to the Rästra-kuta king, who later proved to be his esteemed patron. At his request Puşpadanta began composing his Maha-Purana or Tisatthi-Mahäpurisa-Gunalamkara in 959 A.D. After he had completed his ĀdiPurāņa, he was out of mood and stopped writing. At Bharata's keen desire and the inspiration given by the goddess of learning he resumed his work and completed it in 965 A.D. He was greatly pleased with his own performance and proudly wrote to say that 'What is not here cannot be found elsewhere in the same spirit of Vyäsa, the author of the Mahabharata. And it is a very well-deserved compliment paid to his own laborious attempt. After Bharata, his son Nanna stepped into his father's office and extended his patronage to the poet; Nanna requested him to write two more poems in Prakrit: Jasaharacariu and Nayakumaracariu. The glory of the Räştrakūtas however soon came to an end. Their capital, Mänyakheța was plundered in 972 A.D. and the poet once again became destitute.
He was nicknamed as Khanda. Abhimana-meru, Kavya-ratnākara, Kāvya-pisaca, etc., were his titles. He was highly self-respecting. He was shy of haughty kings and the wicked people. He had a very austere life. He was formerly a Sravaka only but at heart a Muni. His poetry had its source in his uttermost devotion to the Jinas. Although he was not good-looking his face always beamed with joy. Self-respect and humility - these two qualities he combined in himself in a remarkable way. His works reveal that he was a poet of a very high order, was well-versed in Brahmanic lore as well as Jainism, and had a mastery over Apabhramsa language.
His works : - Three works in Apabhramsa are to his credit. His Maha-Puránal is
1.
Edited by Dr. P.L. Vaidya, M.D.J.G. No. 37.

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the earliest of them. It is divided in two parts: Adi-Purāņa and Uttara-Puráņa. The first describes the life of Rşabha, the first Tirthankara, and the second the remaining Tirthankaras and their contemporary great men. The Uttara-Purana Includes the story of Rāma and of the Kauravas and Pāndavas. The first Purāna contains 80 sandhis and the later one 42 sandhis. The whole work contains about 20,000 verses.
Nayakumăracariu is a Khanda-Kavya in nine Sandhis. It is stamped with the name of Nanna, his patron. He composed this work at Nanna's mansion at the keen desire of Nanna and others. It was undertaken with the express intention of illustrating the fruit of observing a fast on Pancami.
Jasaharacarius also is a Khandakávya in four Sandhis dealing with the life of Yasodhara. The story of this Yasodhara is very popular with the Jains. Digambara and Svetambara writers have treated this life of Yasodhara in their works written in Sanskrit and Prakrit. The poet wrote this poem also for Nanna. And it is referred to as an 'Ornament to Nanna's ears' at the end of each Sandhi.
Both the Khanda-Kavyas are poetically of great worth. His works have earned him great fame as a prince among Apabhramsa poets.
2. PUȘPADANTA'S RĀMAYAŅA - A TABLE OF CONTENTS In the present study of ours we are chiefly concerned with the 'Story of Rāma' as found in Sandhis (or Paricchedas) LXIX-LXXIX (both inclusive) of his Mahā-Purāna. These eleven Sandhis are of varled length, each Sandhi being divided into Kadavakas, unequal in number. Thus Sandhi LXIX has the largest number of Kadavakas, viz., 35 while Sandhi 76 has the fewest number of them, viz., 10. The titles of the various Sandhis are eloquent of their subject matter. These titles serve as a table of contents:Sandhi LXIX : Rāma-Lakşmana-Bharata-Satrughna-Utpatti Nama Yäga-Ni
vārana Nāma Sandhi LXX : Sitā-Vivaha-Kalyanam Sandhi LXXI : Näradägamanam and Rávana-manah-Kęobhanam Sandhi LXXII : Sita-Haranam Sandhi LXXIII : Sugriva-Hanůmat-Kumārāgamanam and Sitā-Darsanam Sandhi LXXIV : Hanumat- Duta-Gamanan Sandhi LXXV : Väli-nihananam Rāma-Lakşmana-Vidyāsádhanam Nāra Sandhi LXXVI : Nandana-Vana-Motanam Lanka-Dāham Sandhi LXXVII : Rāghava-Răvaņa-Bala-Sannahanam
Edited by Prof. Hiralal Jain, D.J.S. Vol. I. Edited by Dr. P.L. Vaidya, Karanja Jain Series Vol. I.
3.

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Sandhi LXXVIII : Rávana-nihananam Vibhisana-Pattabandho Năma Sandhi LXXIX : Rama-Laksmanādi-Guna-Kirtanam
3. 'SANDHI - WISE SUMMARY OF THE CONTENTS With these preliminary remarks we now give below a brief outline of the contents of the Rāmāyana of Puşpadanta: SANDHI LXIX :
The poet undertakes the composition of Rāmāyana at the desire of Bharata. Although he does not have the necessary qualifications to carry out the work undertaken, he makes himself bold to sing the adventures of Rama as a poem attains to beauty by virtue of its contents. He cannot compete with his great predecessors - Kaviraja Svayambhū and Caturmukha.
King Srenika of Magadha requests Indrabhati Gautama to instruct him correctly regarding the life of Rāma, in accordance with Mahavira's own instructions. For Vyasa and Välmkd have spread false notions about the great men figuring in the Rāmāyana; thus for example we are told that (1) Rávana had ten heads, (u) his son (Indrajit) was older In age than his father, (111) Ravana was a demon and not human being, (iv) he had twenty eyes and twenty hands and that he worshipped god Siva with his heads, (v) Rāvana was
For the sake of convenience the titles, which are originally in Prakrit, are given here in Sanskrit; the full title of the last Canto is "Muni-Suvrata-Týrtha-Sambhūta-HarişeņaCakravarti-Rāma - Baladeva - Laksmana - Vasudeva - Ravana - Prativasudeva - Guņa - Kirtanarh".
This is but the modesty of the poet. Svayambha is the author of 1) Paumacariu, 2) Rittanemi-Cariü and 3) Pancami-cariu, who probably flourished some time between 678 A.D. and 784 A.D. His Pauma-Cariu deals with the story of Rāma. As it is not yet published we are not in a position to say how far he has influenced Puşpadanta in the composition of his Rāmāyana. Pt. Premi tells us that the PaūmaCarlu consists of 90 Sandhis and is spread over 12000 verses. It is divided into five books : 1) Vidyadhara, 2) Ayodhya, 3)Sundara, 4) Yuddha and 5) Uttara-Kanda. These books contain 20. 22, 14, 21 and 13 sandhis respectively. Of these the last seven Sandhis are from the pen of his son Tribhuvama Svayambhu. Caturmukha preceded Svayambhū. He was known for his choice diction. He is the author of Hartvarsa-Purana and probably of one Paūma-cariü. We so far know of his works through references by later writers. No work of his has yet come to light. For details read 'Mahākavi Svayambhu and Tribhuvana Svayambhū- an article in the Jain Sahitya aura Itihasa of Pt. Premi. In Kadavaka 2 he mentions the land-marks inthe story of Rama: 1) Sitä-harana, 2) HanūmatGuņa-Vistarana, 3) Vita-sugriva-raja-mārana, 4) Tarā-pati-Abhyuddharana, 5) LavanaSamudra-tarana and 6 Pama-kavana-yuddha.

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killed by the arrows of Rāma, (vi) the arms of Laksmana were long and unbending, (vii) Vibhisana is a Ciranjivin, (lx) Kumbha-karna sleeps for six months and feels satisfied by eating one thousand buffaloes. Indrabhūti Gautama thereupon narrates the lifehistory of Rāma as follows:
In the city of Ratnapura in the Malaya country there was a king Prajāpati. His wife Gunakāntă gave birth to a son called Candracula. Vijaya, the son of the King's minister, was a great friend of Candracula.
In that city there was one Kubera. He had a daughter Kuberadattā who was betrothed to Sridatta, a merchant-son. On hearing the description of the wondrous beauty of that Kuberadatta, Candracula, with the help of his friends, abducted her. This affair was reported to the king who ordered the Police-officer to kill the culprit. The citizens and the ministers requested him not to punish the prince with his life, but banish him into forest. The king yielded to their prayer. The minister took the two Kumāras to a forest and showed them to a Jain monk Manābala by name. He told the minister that the two Kumăras were destined to be Baladeva (Vijaya) and Vasudeva (Candracula) in their third subsequent birth as Rāma and Laksmana. They then became monks, and practised severe austerities. Candracũla once saw Suprabha Baladeva and Puruşottama Vasudeva on their way and entertained a 'Nidāna' that he should enjoy a similar fortune in his future birth. The two monks after their death were born as Suvarnacūla Vijaya') and Manicula (Candracula'). In their subsequent birth they were born as sons to king Dasaratha (of Vārāṇasi) by his wives Subala and Kaikeyi and named Rama and Laksmana respectively. Ráma was born on Phālguna-Krsna-Trayodasi, Maghā Nakşktra; and Lakşmaņa on Māgha Sukla-Pratipad, Višākhanakșatra. Rāma was of fair complexion while Lakşmaņa of a dark one. When the family of Sagara at Ayodhya was made extinct, Dasaratha leaving Vårānasi migrated to Ayodhyä. There Dasaratha had two more sons, called, Bharata and Satrughna, from some other two wives.
Now there was a king Janaka who ruled over Mithilā. He was a follower of the sacrifice-cult. He expressed his willingness to give his daughter! Sitä in marriage to him who would protect the sacrifice. On the advice given by his ministers he sent an envoy
7.
8.
In Kadavaka 3, Puspadanta expressely mentions Vyāsa and Valmīki as being responsible for the wrong notions about eminent men figuring in the Rāmāyana - that have gained currency in the public. It is clear from this statement that the poet was acquainted with the stories of Rama as given by Valmiki and Vyāsa. We will later on discuss whether we get support for these 'false notions in the poems of Vyäsa and Valmiki. Räma and Laksmana are fancied to be the two wings, one white and other black, of the Parthiva-garuda, namely Dasaratha (the Ghatta to K. 12) and in the next Kadavaka they are conceived to be the streams of Ganga and Yamunā. A little later we are told how the family of Sagara was annihilated. That Sita was foundling (and adopted by Janaka as his daughter) is mentioned later on.

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to Dasaratha to seek Rama's aid promising in return the hand of Sită in marriage to Rama. Buddhi-visarada greeted the proposals with approval. Atisayamati" however took a strong exception and narrated the story as to how the sacrifice of animals originated. 12 He exploded the belief that Sagara and others obtained heaven by virtue of animalsacrifice and suggested that they should not be a party to the performance of a sacrifice by Janaka.
11.
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
SANDHI LXX:
On hearing the good speech of Atidayamati Dasaratha's mind became firm in the dharma preached by the Jinas. His commander-in-chief, Mahabala, by name, however recommended that Rama should be sent to Mithila with a view to testing his prowess. Dasaratha then asked his Purohita whether Rama's going to Mithila would bring him prosperity. He predicted that wherever Räma, accompanied by Laksmana, would go. he would win glory and that the two Kumāras were destined to be, as the Puranas have described, the eighth Baladeva and Vasudeva and that killing Rāvana on the battle-field they would rule over the earth. Dasaratha asked him then about the rise and prosperity of Ravana. The Purohita then narrated the history of the life of Ravana, and predicted that Rama by protecting Janaka's sacrifice would definitely marry Sită. Dasaratha then sent Rama and Lakṣmaṇa with Mahabala and the army to Mithila. Janaka accorded them a hearty welcome. The sacrifice was performed and Sita was married to Rāma. After a few days he was called home by Dasaratha. After his arrival in Ayodhya Dasaratha performed the worship of Jina-idols and got Räma married to seven other maidens and Laksmana to sixteen damsels.
12.
13.
The Birth of Rama, Lakṣmaṇa, Bharata and Satrughna and the Preventing of the Sacrifice.
These are the names of two ministers in the service of Dasaratha.
This story of the origin of animal-sacrifice is in complete correspondence with the one given by Gunabhadra and hence in order to avoid unnecessary repetition we here skip over it. This history of the previous life of Ravana - his birth as king Naradeva, his renunciation of the world, his Nidana on seeing a Vidyadhara king, his next birth as a god, then the subsequent birth in the family of the Vidyadharas at Lankā, his marriage with Mandodari, the terrible 'nidana' of Manimati whose wrath he in curred by disturbing her in her severe austerities, the birth of Sita to Rāvana, her desertion by Marica, her discovery by a farmer. and her adoption as a daughter by Janaka-is entirely identical with the account of the UttaraPurana.
In this portion, however, we find the distinct power of description of the poet revealed. We give only a few examples:
Rāvana is, as it were, a violent goad to the elephants presiding over directions, and a pike (Sula) in the heart and head to formidable foes (K. 5-2)-- and the blazing fire, as it were, at the time of universal destruction (K. 5-7).

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Just then the spring set in. 14 Rama then requested his father that they should not neglect the capital Värānasi and the kingdom of Kast which they have inherited. 15 Dasaratha heeding his advice sent Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa to Vārānasl. They then went to Varanasi were given a warm reception by the people who raised banners, flags, and arch-gates in their honour; they then entered, looked at wistfully by the city-women, the palace. While they were living at Vārāṇasī, Ravana was ruling over Lanka. The Happy Wedding of Sita
14.
SANDHI LXXI:
Then Närada who is fond of strife!" paid a visit to Rāvana. He sang of Ravana's incomparable prowess and glory and then incited him to carry off Sita of wondrous beauty (the wife of Räma) who only befitted him (Rāvaṇa). Rāvana first thought of slaying Rama and Lakṣmaṇa in the battle and then bringing Sitä by force to Lankā. Nārada explained to him how very difficult it was to conquer the two Kumāras of Dasaratha. Rāvana was sure of his prowess; Narada thought that there would definitely be a war between Rāma and Ravana and left Ravana's court. Ravana then sought the advice of his ministers. Marica brought to his notice the enormity of abducting a woman. Rāvana however had fallen madly in love with Sitä. He felt that his kingdom had absolutely no meaning so long as he could not get Sitá to dally with. Marica then put it to him to send Candraṇakhå as a go-between and get to know whether Sita could be persuaded to accept his love, 18 Rāvana thereupon sent her on that mission to Varanasi. There she saw Nandanavana
15.
The Rāmāyaṇa Version of Puspadanta
16.
17.
157
18.
Sità is thus described: She is, as it were the digit of the moon onthe second day (of the SuklaPakṣa); the graceful arrangement of words, as it were by a great poet, a key, as it were, to the knowledge of love, .... the perfection, as it were, of womanly beauty, the lasting fame, as it were, of the good.
The passionate description of Sita's charms must be read in the original in order to appreciate fully its excellence. We give here only a 'sample' and that too in translation: It is but proper that the eyes were long. How otherwise could they reach (penetrate) the hearts of people? Her breasts were full of liquid-love'-Ratirasa - How otherwise could they have satisfied the thirst for love ?..... (K. 10 and K. 11)
Kadavakas 14 and 15 give a picturesque and vivid description of Vasanta - the Spring. Then follows Rama's 'Raja-Sastropadesa' (which is essentially the same as in Uttara-Purana) to his father (Kaḍavakas 16-17).
He is described as 'Samadehu' and 'Kama-mehu', as it were, descended on earth.
He is called 'Sangama-piyarau'; he was of fair complexion and he wore crystal bracelets; and he therefore appeared as it were to be fame in concrete form. He is later on described as a vertical column of resplendent lightning as it were and to be as if a mass of foam of the waters of Celestial Ganga (Sandhi LXXIII, 10-4).
Kadavakas 6-10 describe the various characteristics of four types of ladies - Bhadrā, Mandā, Lata and Hams! - in accordance with Vätsyāyana' Kama-sutra.

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which was, as it were, the dancing youthfulness of the Mahi-mahila'.
There Candranakhā found Rāma and Lakşmaņa engaged in water-sports with their wives. 19 After some time they came out of the lake with their wives and sat under Mangotree. Then that Vidyadhari - Candranakha assuming the form of an old lady saw Sitä who was being decorated by her maid-servants. She was struck with the incomparable beauty of Sita. A certain queen asked her what she was looking for. She replied that she would be obliged if she was told the vows that rewarded them with the enjoyment of pleasures in the company of Räma and Laksmana, the Baladeva and the Vasudeva. Sitā them replied to her condemning the birth as a woman, the abode of all misery, unhappiness and defects20, and suggested to her to devote herself to the worship of the Jinas. She thus found that Sita was a chaste lady and would never surrender her honour to Ravana or anybody else. She returned home and reported to Rāvana the utter failure of her mission.21 Ravana then replied 22 that where there is a will there is a way'. and observed that it is all right to talk of the chastity of a Sator of the enchanting view of a mountain from distance but on approaching near them we find the case to be contrary". He made up his mind to abduct Sitä disregarding the advice of Candranakhā and got in his celebrated Puşpaka-vimāna.
19.
Then follows a charming description of these sports which is rich in wonderful fancies; we give here a few of them :"The ear-lotus of a lady faded, it was as if surpassed in beauty by her eyes1 Adamse! exhibited her fruit-like plump breasts; she was, as it were a lovely creeper of Cupid ! A certain beautiful woman rising up to the surface of water drew up her garment tremulous, superfine, whtle; which was as it were, the very skin of the water (Pantyacchalli) 1 A certain lady mounted the chest of Laksmana; she was as if the lightning on a dark-blue cloud I Finding a few water drops on a lotus-leaf she looked at her breasts and was happy to see that her necklace was in tact I" Sitā's reply to Candranakhā represents the general Indian ascetic view of women, which is upheld by the Jains as well : During the menses a woman becomes untouchable. She never has an opportunity to become the real master of her family. She is born in one family and a total stranger takes her (after marriage) to his house, notwithstanding her sorrow at the separation from her relations. She is not taken into confidence. Throughout her life she can never enjoy independence. She has to carry on with her husband in spite of his being wicked, blind, deaf, or poverty-stricken or diseased and so on. (One great thing about her is, however, that) She should keep her chastity in tact notwithstanding the amorous proposals of even the lord of gods. A widow, then, must shave her head. Her father protects her in childhood, in youth her husband, and in oldage her son. She is thus always a prisoner as it were." Candraŋakha, though in a conventional manner, yet beautifully conveys the idea of how it 1s impossible to make Sitä surrender her chastity. Read K. 21. 3-5.
21.

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The Arrival of Nárada and the Mental Distraction of Råvana. SANDHI LXXII :
Ravana with Mārica drove in his Puşpaka Vimāna, arrived at Varanasi and saw there that 'vana' and the blooming youth of Sitā. And he thought to himself that Vidhi is clever in bringing about the union of equals. 23
Struck with her charms he decided to abduct her deceitfully; with that aim in view he asked Mārica to assume the form of a deer and help him in the execution of his plan. Marica had to carry out his master's order. He changed his form as directed and went near Sitā, who was fascinated by its sight and asked Råma to get the golden-deer for her. Rama pursued the deer in order to catch it. But it duped him and tempted him to a far off distance and ultimately vanished jumping high up in the sky. Rāma breathing heavily stood there, lost in amazement. The illusion-deer l.e., Marsca reported to his master how he had successfully duped Rāma. Rävana then assumed the form of Rama and holding the golden deer in his hand approached Sita and told her how he caught the deer, and asked her to divert her mind with it. Then as it was getting rather dark he asked her to get in his palanquin-like vimāna and he produced an illusion that he was riding a horse. He carried her to Lankā, and made her stay in his Nandana-vana park. Then discarding his guise he revealed his true form to that poor Sita. Sitā then realized her misfortune, and fainted. As he was afraid of losing his Ambara-căriņi vidyā25 by dallying with an unwilling woman, Rāvana did not rape Sitä. He however asked some Vidyadharis to persuade Sita to making love to him. They first brought her back to consciousness, when she thought that it would have been better if she had died. She then asked them about the king and the city. One of them told her that it was the mighty king Rāvana and the celebrated city Lankā. And she recommended her to respond to Rāvana's love and thus become his principal queen. Sitā however paid no attention to her foolish advice. She resolved that she would take food only on getting good news of her Rāma. And that she would resort to Sallekhana2 fast and meet her death if she failed to get any good news of him. About that time Ravana obtained the Cakra indicating his status of an Ardha-Cakrin.
22.
Rāvana's reply is very brief, pointed and forceful. We have, in fact, in this whole Kadavaka a number of Subhāşitas, e.g.. 379 fa af ffi , beats and अलसह सिरि दुरेण पवच्चइ । Viht samasanjoya-viyakkhanu Here (Kadavaka 4) we have an excellent description of the movements of an antelope. A lore, which enables one to move through the air. 'A mortal emaciation', 'act of emaciation or fasts which would lead to death."

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Abduction of Sita SANDHI LXXIII:
When Rama pursued the golden deer and went a long way off the sun set. 27 Rāma, exhausted with a long journey returned when it was sun-rise. He made anxious enquiries about Sitā but could not get any information whatsoever about her. He sent servants in all directions in search of Sită and he himself wandered in the forest to find her out. He piteously asked of a swan, an elephant, an antelope, a bee, a peacock and a parrot to give him Sita's news. His servants traced only her upper garment, brought it to Rāma; he embraced it; he thought that the wicked Vidyadharas might have carried off Sita by force. Just then arrived there a messenger of Dasaratha with a letter which read as follows:
A dream came to me that Rāhu abducted Rohiņi, the consort of the moon; and that the moon all alone wanders in the sky. I asked the Purohita the significance of this dream. He interpreted it thus: “Rāvana has carried off Sitá, the wife of Rama. This Rävana is the lord of Lanka; he is the chief of the Vidyadharas." Hearing the tragic news of the abduction of Sita, Bharata, Satrughna and Janaka and the tributory princes went to Rāma. Lakşmana was furious and roared that he would kill that Vidyadhara chief if he would come within the range of his sight. While Rama was plunged in profound grief for his lost Sita, Sugrfva and Hanūmat28 came to see him. Hanūmat taking Rāma's letter
27.
Here (Kadavaka 1) we have a fine description of the sunset. "The setting sun was, as it were, a heap of stones piled up by the sea l; the earth as if devoured the wheel of the chariot of Ratil; the crying birds seemed to say : Even a god undergoes a fall when he comes in contact with Văruņi (the West, and wine)." Then follows (Kadavaka 2) a marvellous description of Nabhas-srl who has become a widow: "She has put on a red garment, as it were, of the evening red glow; the crescent moon is as if her broken bangle, the withered lotus is as it were her faded foce; the stars are, as it were, the scattered pearls of her broken necklace." From this poetic description we may reasonably infer that in those days the Jain Society recommended the wearing of red-coloured sa: Ties for widows, breaking of bangles and not wearing of ornaments like necklace. We have in the later portion of Kadavaka 2 a striking description of the sun-rise : The sun who destroyed the frost of the lotuses (who caused the separation of Rama and Sita) shone like a second Rāvana I It was as if the blazing fire of separation in the case of Sifa I. as if a red flower worn on the head by the woman in the form of the East I, as if a lake of blood from the body of Ravana. The account of Sugriva and Hanumat is in full agreement with the one given by Gunabhadra In his Uftara-Purana.
28.

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and ring went to Lanká after crossing the sea. Assuming the form of a bee he visited Rāvana's palace to find out Sitá. He saw Ravana, seated on his throne, in his glory. He then entered the harem where he rested on the different limbs of young women sleeping there.29
He knew from Rāvana's face, eyes etc., that he was madly in love with Sita. Leaving the harem he went to the Nandanavana park and found there Sita in a very miserable state. He first thought of killing Rāvana and taking Sita to Váránasi. But then on second thoughts he realised that after all he was an envoy, and that he must not transgress the order of his master. And therefore he waited for an opportune moment to meet Síta. The sun set and the moon rose in the sky. It was, as it were, the bulbous root of the creeper in the form of Sita's grief.30
Rāvana suffering the terrible pangs of love approached Sítā and tried to win her heart by sweet words and threats alternately. Mandodari reproached Răvaņa for his lust for Sită. Rávana, who felt ashamed, went home. Mandodari then went near Sita, recognised her to be her own daughter whom she had deserted; terribly shocked at the fact that a father was pining to dally with his own daughter and the impending destruction of her husband Mandodari fell in a swoon. She was brought back to consciousness. She told Sita that she was her mother and Ravana her father, and cursed destiny for its cruel working. The mother in her woke up at the sight of crying Sita and milk began to ooze from her breast.31 She asked Sita not to yield to Ravana's passion; and added that she should take food to sustain her body, for if one be alive one can gain one's object. She then went away. Now Hanumat putting those Vidyadharas under sleep, assumed the form of monkey32, approached Sita and explained to her who he was; and in order to convince her thoroughly he told her some secrets between her and Rama. Hanumat then asked her to take food with a view to keeping body and soul together. Next morning Hanumat returned to where Rāma was and gave the news about Sitā to him.
30.
In Kadavaka 16 we have a very charming description full of beautiful striking fancies; a few of them are: While resting on the necklace of some woman the bee appeared like 'indranila'; while he sat on the forehead he appeared like a tilaka (sectarian mark on the forehead). A very unusual (but quite characteristic of Puşpadanta) poetic fancy indeed. He heaps one upon another many 'Utpreksas' here: the moon is as if a white lotus in the lake of the sky, a mirror for the sky-goddess, a luminous casket sealed with the deer-spot .......! Here we have a grand 'Utpre kşa'. A widow does not wear a necklace (sce Kadavaka 2-6). The poet therefore fancies here that milk flowing from Mandodarl's breasts is, as it were, a necklace leaving her bosom on account of the (impending) widowhood. Hanūmat, really a Vidyadhara, assumed the form of a monkey and stood before Sitā. This is why, according to the poet Handmat was since then called a monkey.
32.

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The Arrival of Sugriva, Hanumat and the Kumāras and
(Hanumat's) audience with Sītā. SANDHI LXXIV:
Räma, immensely pieased at Hanumat's good work, embraced him. Lakşmaņa requested then to Rāma to send him with Hanumat to Lanká so that he would slay Rāvana and vindicate Rāma's honour. Rāma pacified him and then held consultations with his ministers. On Sugriva's advice he decided to send Hanūmat as his envoy to Rāvana to see whether Rāvana would restore Rāma his wife (Sitā) honourably. Rāma appointed Sugriva as the Vidyadhara king of Kilakila-pura and Hanumat Commander-in-chief. He then asked Hanūmat to go to Lankā as his envoy.33 He asked Ravigati, Vijaya, Kumuda, and Pavanavega to go with Hanumat. He instructed Hanūmat first to go to Vibhisana and speak gently to him and tell him that if Rāvana failed peacefully to return Sitā, Rāvana would have to face death. Lakşmana told him that Rāvana could continue to live as a slave if he returned Prosperity, Sita and the kingdom of the earth. Hanūmat then started on his sacred mission.
He reached Lańkā, the women there fell in love with Hanumat the incarnation of Madana. He went straight to Vibhisana's palace. He praised the virtues of Vibhişana and asked him to persuade Rāvaņa to return Sitā; and in case Rāvaņa failed to comply, he and his capital would be destroyed by 508400000 human beings and 35000000 Vidyadharas. Vibhisana paid a handsome tribute to him and took him to Rāvana, who tauntel Hanūmat for being in the service of Rāma - a human being. Hanumat told him that Rama was the eighth Baladeva and Laksmana the eighth Väsudeva (Nārāyana or Damodara). He requested Rāvana to return Sitā honourably. 34 Rāvana replied that he would not heed *Randa-Kathās; Janaka, Dasaratha and Dasaratha's son were his vassals. He would not tolerate Sita's being given in marriage to Rama. He would certainly dally with Sita - his 'Grha-dāsi'. He was certainly not going to return Sītā. He was prepared for war. He would never contemplate concluding peace with Rāma. Hanumat again told him to restore Räma his wife, otherwise Janārdana (i.e., Laksmana) would kill him on the battlefield. Rāvana's generals like Nikumbha, Kumbha and Kharadūṣaṇa were enraged at
33.
The poet humorously compares Hanūmat to an excellent bull that is yoked to a cart a second time : Jottiu düyabhari puņu so ji dhavalu nihayāvai
K 4, Ghatta - 2. Hanumat puts his case ably before Rāvana : If a larnp produces darkness then will a stone shine? You being the king should in fact be a sure protection but you behave in such a manner as leads people to believe that you are a dangerl ....
34.
Hanti
K. 12.

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Hanūmat's speech and got up to kill Hanumat.35 Vibhisana intervened and said that a dúta' is 'avadhya'. Then Ravana sent a counter-message through Hanumat that he would slay Rama, Laksmana, Dasaratha, Janaka, Sugriva and other Vidyadhara: heroes and capture the towns Kosala and Váránasi. Hanūmat thereupon went back to Rama. Vibhişana then thought that none can escape the law of Karman.
The visit (to Lanká) of Hanumat as an Envoy SANDHI LXXV:
Hanumat returned and reported to Rama the failure of his mission. At that time a messenger from Vălin arrived there and reported to Rama that Välin would kill Rāvana and bring back Sitā for Rāma, provided Rāma drove away Sugriva and Hanumat. Rama replied that Valin should first accompany him to Lankā, make a gift of his best elephant Mahāmegha. Afterwards he would do as desired by Välin; and sent his own man to Válin with that messenger. Vălin proudly told him that he would prefer war to making gift of his elephant. On receiving the reply Rāma sent Sugriva, Laksmana and his army to fight against Välin. The two hostile armies met at Khadira-forest. In a single duel Laksmana slayed Vālin.
Laksmana with Sugriva came to Rama and reported to him how Välin was slain in the fight. Then they all went to Kişkindhapura. There the ladies flocked to see Rāma and Lakşmaņa. They talked among themselves that it was indeed Cupid who had assumed two forms one white and another dark-blue. All the people, men and women, young and old kept on intently gazing at both Laksmana and Rama so much so that the eyes themselves turned black and white, as it were, they were stamped with the lustre of the bodies of Laksmana and Rāma.37 Sugriva took the two princes home and highly honoured them. While they spent some days there, the rainy season set in.38 The rains intensified Rāma's grief for his lost Sitā.
In due course the autumn set in. Sugriva advised Lakşmaņa that they all should acquire supernatural lores by perforining austerities. Then they obtained lores by fasts
36.
Here the poet uses a fine metaphor: The lotus (in the form) of head of Väliln with the unsteady stalk of the stream of blood, in the lake of the battle-field, with water in the form of the foamy horses' mouths, is plucked by a Sārasa bird in the form of Laksmana with the beak in the form of his sword. The poet is very fond of employing such sustained metaphors. Here the poet gives us one of his best and very original Utprekşās : Vara-ruvāluddhaiṁ junjiyai accantapaloyanarañjiyai
Janavayaņayaņaiṁ kasanaim siyāim ņam hari-bala-taņu-chāyankiyaimi Here we get a beautiful description of the rains. (K. 12)
37.
38.

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and worships of the idols of Jinas. Lakṣmaṇa obtained Prajñapti lore; and Sugriva and Hanumat acquired various lores on Samme ta mountain.
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
SANDHI LXXVI:
Rāma, Lakṣmaṇa and their army then began their historic march against Rāvana. Having crossed the country they reached the shore of the ocean and encamped there. Ravana's spies reported to him of the invading army. Vibhlsana hearing the news made a fervent appeal to Rāvana to restore Ráma his Ṣitā. Daśāmukha, enraged at his speech, accused him of cowardice, and asked him to go wherever he willed. Vibhiṣana, greatly offended, with a view to retaining the glory of his dynasty allied himself with Rāma who solemnly promised to Install him as king of Lahka after Ravana's death. With the permission of Rāma Hanumat and other Vidyadhara Kumāras having transformed themselves into Vanaras by Vănara-vidya went to Lanka with a view to burning it and breaking the Nandanavana park. They destroyed the park when the Raksasa guardians of the park surrounded Hanumat. Hanumat routed them. Then the Vanaras entered Lanka and with their tails ablaze they jumped from mansion to mansion and burnt thousands of those mansions.11 Having burnt the suburb of the city, Hanumat returned to where Rama was.
The Destruction of the Park Nandanavana and the Burning of Lanka
39.
SANDHI LXXVII:
Vibhiṣaṇa told Rama that Ravana was on the mountain Adityapada observing eightdays' fast and was engaged in religious meditation and was protected there by Indrajit so that none could interrupt him in his Vidyā-sādhana- and that he was acquiring these vidyas in order to conquer Rama who was aided by the mighty Lakṣmaṇa, the slayer of Välin, and by Sugriva. Rama thereupon sent Vidyadharas to Aditya-pāda to interrupt Ravana's religious meditation. The Vidyadharas assuming the form of Vanaras besieged that mountain, and caused dreadful upasargas including the illusive cutting off of the heads of Ravana's brothers and the seizing of Mandodari by her tresses. Rāvana was
40.
The Slaying of Välin and the Acquisition of Lores by Rama and Lakṣmaṇa."
41.
We may note here that the poet does not state in his description whether Rama acquired any vidya although he names the Sandhi as "......... Rama........ Vidyasadhana."
He said to Ravana: "You are the mightest of all heroes. Who can dare face you? But I do not approve of your one act, viz., the rape of Sita. A man who is attached to another's wife sinks down into hell. You better return Sită to Rama, the 8th Vasudeva. The appearance of the disc indicates some evil consequences. The acquisition of Prajñapti vidya etc., by Lakṣmaṇa supports my inference. I therefore advise you to return Sítā to Rāma".
Then the poet gives us a graphic description of City of Lanka on flames (Kaḍavakas 9 and 10).

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disturbed in his meditation. He asked for his Candrahāsa sword. Indrajit told him that the Upasargas were nothing but the “Māya" of the Vidyadharas on Rama's side. Ravana then thought of the Vic!ya-devatas who destroy calamities. They appeared before him and explained to him that they were afraid of Lakşmaņa and Rama, the Nárāyaṇa and the Baladeva. Ravana then asked them to go away and boasted that he would overpower the enemy on the strength of his arms. Indrajit in the meanwhile fought with the Vanaras but was defeated; the Vānaras flew up in the sky. Rāvana was full of courage even in the face of calamities. He went to Lankā while the Vánara princes returned to where Rāma was. Hanūmat and Sugriva bestowed their supernatural lores Kesari-vāhini and Garuda-váhini on Rāma and Laksmana. Then Rāma, Laksmana and their army crossed the ocean in a huge Vimāna built by the Prajñapti lore and then besieged the capital of Rāvaņa. They beat the war-drums.42 Hearing that sound Rāvana asked Kumbhakarna whether it was the noise of falling of worlds standing one upon the other. Kumbhakarna toid him that the army of his enemy had arrived. Rävaņa then mobilised his forces and marched out of Lankā to meet the enemy. The two armies of Māyā-vånaras and Raksasas came face to face. 43
When the Māyā-vānaras destroyed the fort, Ravi-ksrti with his soldiers came out to fight the enemies. Later on Raksasa Generals such as Kumba, Nikumbha, Indrajit, Kharadūsana, Maya, Hasta, Prahasta and so on got ready for fight. A fierce battle raged. And warriors on both the sides hurled at one another different weapons and missiles.
The Preparation for war of the Armies of Rama and Rávana SANDHI LXXVIII
Rāma and Laksmana rode the elephants called Anjana-giri, and Vijaya-parvata. Sugriva then bestowed on them the lores called Bala-vistirņā and Praharanăvarani. The
43.
Here we have an instance of 'Atišayokti : The seven underground worlds quaked ..... the snakes on account of fear, vomitted poison, the blazing stars swerved from their positions and assembled in one place. The three worlds were agitated at the terrible sound of the wardrums. The fight between the two hostile armies is described at great length in Kadavakas 9 onwards. In Kadavakas 9,5-17 we have a very vivid, graphic and realistic yet poetic description of a column of dust raised by horses: A cloud of dust, dug up by the shovels in the form of the hoofs of horses, as if afraid of death, clung to the hoofs and rose. It obscured the burning Sun; while it was falling it was saved by the banner that came of a noble varsa (family, bamboo); then it rested on lotus-like umbrella and there it appeared like honey (makaranda): then it sank into the temples of elephants oozing rut; who is not attached to 'dána'silas"? ('Dāna' - rut, charity); then it rested on the water of swords (asi-salila i.e. very sharp shining swords) but would not turn into mud; swept off by the breeze of the camaras it dashed against the crown. From there it rusled towards the ear-rings like a cloud towards the orb of the sun, and finally it sank inthe blood-river flowing from the wound-springs of elephant-mountains."

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two hostile armies fought a hard battle. There were some cases of single combats between the chief heroes of the two sides; thus Ravana-Rama, Indrajit - Laksmana, Kumbhakarņa - Sugriva, Ravi-kirti - Hanumat, and others engaged themselves into single combats. Indrajit intervened and fought against Rama. With the discharge of his 'Sakti' Rama hit him on his chest. Ravana then told Rāma to get away before he killed him with his Cakra. Rāma replied that he would first kill him (Rāvana), install Vibhísana on the throne of Lanká, keep his word thus and then with his Sita would go back to his capital. Ravana then threw in front of Rama the severed head of Sitā and told him to take back his Sitā. Rāma seeing his beloved dead fell in a swoon. He was somehow brought to senses, Vibhíşana told Ráma that Sita was not dead; the severed head of Sita was ali sorcery of Rávaņa. Rávana poured abuse on Vibhísana for what he said44; and challenged him to fight. Vibhisana replied that he would regard Ravana his brother and master only if he returned Sita to Rāma.
Rāma and Ravana engaged themselves in a terrible fight. In its course Laksmana arrived there and requested Rama not to fight till his brother was alive and sought his permission to kill Rávaņa. Rāma agreed; Laksmana contemptuously spoke of Rāvana. Rāvana too belittled Lakşmana's prowess.45 Vibhişana told Laksmana that Ravana would resort to 'Maya-yuddha' and that he should withstand him by the strength of his Prajňapti lore. The two mighty heroes fought. Rāvana as a last resort hurled his disc at Laksmana. That disc which was as it were the ear-ring of the goddess of war (Rana-sri). the disc ofthe rising sun, a leaf of the creeper of fame16, mounted the hand of Lakşmaņa. Then Laksmana discharged that disc at Rávana. It hit him on his chest and he fell down dead on the ground. Gods rained showers of flowers on Laksmana as a sign of their joy at his victory. The great war was over.47 The Raksasa dames visited the battle-field and from their lips burst a wild larnent. The royal dames including Mandodari wept bitterly by the side of their dead lord Rāvana. Vibhisana too moaned the death of his brother.
44.
You
45.
"You have uprooted your own family: 'Sarasvati leaves one if he fails to study and Lakşmi leaves when you are involved in family-quarrels. This you did not consider: you are the ruin of our family, you are wicked, you are 'durmukha'; what did you achieve by joining our enemy? You have simply ruined yourself." K. 11-10-13. In his reply are recorded two popular sayings : (i) Tallarajali kailāsu vijalayaru i.e., in a small lake even a crab is called 'jalacara' (which term really means a 'shark') and (ii) 'Adumagámi crandu vi taruvaru'i.c., in a village where there are no trees even 'eranda' becomes a big tree. cf. 'Nirastapādape dese erandopi drumayate This is an excellent example of Malotprekså. The poet describes (in Kadavaka 20) the broken things of various kinds iying on the ground, which was a veritable lake of blood i Ainong other things he speaks of the fallen 'camaras' as dead swans and of white umbrelias with their handles broken as lotuses without their stalks.

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Rama told him not to weep for Rāvana, who was unequalled in the three worlds. He had only one defect - weakness for another's wife. At Rāma's command four persons lifted the dead body cf Rávaņa, put it in a palanquin, the palanquin was decked with plantain trees and umbrellas were held over it.48 Instrumental music accompanied the funeral of Rāvana. 49 Ravana's dead body was placed on pyre and that Răvana, who was consumed with Sita's curse, his own anger and unbearable separation, was now caressed burnt) by flames of fire!
Now by Rāma's order Sitā was brought by Vidyadhara kings, such as Sugriva, to Rāma and Sitä was united with her husband Rama like Ganga with the ocean.50
Then comforting the weeping Mandodari and Indrajit, Rāma invited all, banished the fear from the minds of citizens, first performed Jinäbhiseka and then installed Vibhisana on the throne of Lanka. Rāma thus kept his word by placing Vibhisana on the throne of Lankā.51
Offering the kingdom, treasure, army, in short, everything that was Rāvana's to Vibhisana, Ráma and Lakşmaņa set out to conquer the whole world.
Ravana's death and the Coronation of Vibhisana SANDHI LXXIX :
Rama and Laksmana in the course of their wanderings on earth went to Pitha-giri. Laksmana there lifted the Purva-Kou-bilā to the arnazement of all. A Yaksa, called Saunanda, was very pleased with Lakşmaņa's seat and offered him the Saunanda sword. Then they wandered from place to place for a period of 42 years and acquired the kingdom of three 'Khandas'. They went back to Ayodhya, where they were coronated by their vassals. They enjoyed prosperity and glory as did the first Baladeva and Väsudeva named Vijaya and Triprstha. Once, they saw Siva-gupta, a Jain monk, in the Nandanavana grove. They requested him to explain the true Dharma. He then expounded the true
48.
49.
The poet speaks of the umbrellas as thc icaves of the creeper of grief and of flags as the long branches of the huge tree of sorrow. The poet imagines that the instruments too experienced sorrow at Rāvana's death : The conch says: I am now without my lord ! I shall not sound, why should I live on other's breath! The flute says: I'll enter the forest, as my master is dead, will not sound; this wretched drum sounds on getting a morsel of rice ! It is not ashamed of taking food even when the master is dead! Here the poet heaps a number of fancies. Read Kaqavaka 27, 10-14. The poet exclaims : Mellivi Palmu Kasu suyanattanu Who but Rama is so noble"?
50. 51.

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Dharma as propounded by the Jinas and incidentally refuted the views of heretical schools.52
Hearing his sermon Rāma accepted the duties of Jain house-holder. Lakşmana, however, because of the Nidāna in his previous life did not accept the vows of a Jain householder. On the death of Dasaratha the two brothers, entrusting the kingdom of Ayodhyā to the care of Satrughna and Bharata, went to Vārāṇasi, and they ruled there. Vijayarama was born of Sitä and Rāma, and they had seven other sons. Of Lakşmaņa and his wife Prthivi was born Prthivi-candra and they had many other virtuous sons. They enjoyed the kingdom of the earth for a very long time. Once Lakşmaņa dreamt a dream wherein he saw the uprooting of a banyan tree by an elephant, the eclipsing of the sun by Rahu, and its sinking into Pätāla, and the falling down of the topmost portion of his palace. The significance of the dream was explained by the Purohita 53. "Lakşmaņa would suffer an incurable disease, the end of their enjoyment of pleasures was near and Rāma was going to practise penance". Rāma thereupon proclaimed the granting of freedom from fear, performed the Jinábhișeka and the worship of the Jina-idols; and gave away wealth as desired by the suppliants themselves. Then on Mägha-Purnimā Lakşmana died 54 on account of some incurable disease. He was then born in the fourth Naraka where he met his foe Rāvana. Rāma was overpowered with grief at Laksmana's death. He fell unconscious. On regaining consciousness he wept bitterly. Later on he put Prthivicandra on the throne and himself became an ascetic at the hands of Muni Sivagupta. Sugriva, Hanumat and Vibhişana followed Rāma in accepting Diksā. Sitä and Prthivi became nuns. In due course Rāma and Hanūmai attained liberation. Sugriva and Vibhisana and others became gods. Sītā and Prthivi too became gods. Laksmana in course of time would rise up from hell, practise penance and obtain Moksa. 56
Glorification of the virtues of Harişena, the Cakravartin, of Rāma, the Baladeva, of Laksmana, the Vasudeva and Ravana, the Prati-Vasudeva, who were born in the period of Muni Suvrata, the Tirthankara.
4. PUSPADANTA'S RAMAYANA : A CRITICAL STUDY: (1) GENERAL REMARKS :
As we have already pointed out in the foot-notes to the summary of the Ramayana of Puspadanta, his story of Rama is the same as found in the version of Guņabhadra. It 52. See footnote at the end of the chapter. 53.
The dream and its significance are identical with the corresponding account as given by Gunabhadra. Here our poet piles a number of Utpreksas. Two of them are very original and striking : The blazing fire of prowess was as it were extinguished, ..... 'the royal swan in the worldlake, as it were, vanished.' The poet moralises : "Don't follow in the foot-steps of Lakşmaņa but worship the Jina." • While writing these foot-notes I have made full use of Parab's Paper" "Some Bold and Most Striking Fancies of Puşpadanta."
55.

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is, however, surprising that he does not speak of his predecessor and his indebtedness to him although he mentions the names of Caturmukha, Svayambhū and Tribhuvana Svayambhu with respect in the opening Kadavaka of his Rāmāyaṇa. And so long as the Paūma-Carlu of these two poets (Caturmukha and Svayambhū) composed in Apabhrarhsa, is not available to us we are not in a position to say how far Puşpadanta is indebted for his style to these his predecessors in the field. As far as the story-element is concerned he has drawn upon Guņabhadra's version. The story in the Apabhramsa Paüma-Carlu is after Ravişena's Padma-Purāna as Svayambhū himself states in the second Kadavaka of his poem :
Puņu Ravisenāyariya-pasảe buddhie avagahiya kairáem I
This tradition regarding the origins of the story of Rāma is the same as recorded by Ravişena.
It is not unlikely that Puşpadanta who is writing his Mahāpurāņa in Apabhrarnsa deliberately mentions the Apabhramsa poets only; and as Guņabhadra's work is in Sanskrit he did not think it necessary to record his name there. We cannot accuse such poets as Puspadanta of plagiarism- after all the story has come down to them through parampară. So his narrative is identical with that of Guņabhadra. (11) PUSPADANTA'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEVELOPMENT
OF RAMA STORY As already remarked above, his version of Råmāyaṇa is identical with that of Guņabhadra. He has, however, in the style of Ravişeņa, added at the beginning (Sandhi 69, Kadavaka 33-10) the criticism of the Rāmāyaṇa versions of Valmiki and Vyása - in the form of doubts raised by king Sreņika. Passages from the Vālmlkl-Rāmāyana evoking most of these doubts have been already pointed out in the study of the Pauima-Cariya. Two important points of doubt, added by Puşpadanta, are:
(a) Indrajit, though a son of Rávana, was older in age than Ravaņa, his father, and (b) Vibhisana is a 'Ciranjivin'.
Let us attempt to find the passages from the version of Rāmāyana (given by Vālmiki and Vyåsa) which evoke these doubts: (a) So far we have not been able to trace the source which raises this doubt. Amitagati
in his Dharma-Parskņā also criticizes this irrational story. There he represents the story in detail: Mandodari conceives at the contact of her father's semen, has her foetus restrained in the womb for seven thousand years and delivers Indrajit after
56.
He records the tradition of the origin of Räma story thus : Mahāvira-Ganadharas especially Indrabhūti, - Sudharman Kirtidhara (who is anuttaravak) - Ravişena - Kaviraja (Svayambhū). In our study of the Padma-Purana we have taken'Anuttaravágmin' as a separate individual. From Svayam bhữ's writing it appears that it is just an attribute or title of Kirti!

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being married to Rāvana. Now, it is possible that some local version was current in those days which is being criticised here.
(b) Valmiki-Rámāyaṇa (VII. 10. vv. 29-35) describes how Vibhlṣaṇa asks as his boon that "even amid the greater calamities he may think only of righteousness.....". The god Brahma grants his request, and adds the gift of immortality.
The only change that Puspadanta introduces is: According to him Surpanakha is Candraṇakha. No doubt this change of name is significant but then Surpanakha is called Candranakha by Vimala Sûri and Ravişena. So it is not an invention of Puspadanta. and further this change does not help in any way the progress or action of the story. That is true of his criticism of Rāmāyaṇa of Vyasa and Valmiki.
He has contributed to the form of the story for he divides the story of Rama into various cantos, names these cantos, the titles being eloquent of the subject-matter. But more than that he presses into service his great power of description and ability to use striking and appropriate Alarhkäras and presents in a poetic garb the prosaic story of Gunabhadra.
(iii) AN ESTIMATE OF PUSPADANTA AS A POET
Unquestionably Puspadanta is a born poet and occupies a high place in the galaxy of poets. In the introductory verses (Sandhi I. 9) he declares that he does not possess the necessary qualifications to undertake the great Purana. But that only shows his humility, characteristic of a really cultured and rich mind. That he was endowed with the divine gift called pratibha and that he had acquired proficiency in various sciences (Vyutpatti) would be evident to even a casual reader of this Rāmāyaṇa portion. His command of language is simply marvellous. Words come to him as easily and naturally as leaves to a tree. His vocabulary is almost unlimited. He embellishes his work with a variety of Alarhkäras that possess strikingness and originality (- we have pointed out some of these excellent Alaṁkāras in the footnotes to the summary of the contents -) Utprekṣā is his forte. His epic abounds in 'rasas' such as the erotic, the heroic, the marvellous and 'Karuna'. His style is, on the whole, marked by ojas' (vigour) but not rarely does he write in the graceful and elegant Vaidarbhi style. His poetry reveals the excellence of 'Arthagauravatva - profundity of meaning. He employs variety of metres (such as 'Duvai, Hela, Avali, Arnálam, Racita etc.) and thus his work is free from the fault of monotony, and his poem possesses the charming quality called 'geyata'. He uses a large number of Desi words and extends its attractiveness to the 'masses'. He possesses a delightful sense of humour and at times entertains us at his own cost (e.g., Sandhi 69. I. 6-7). He is indeed a Maha-Kavi although according to the strict rules of Ålankärikas his Maha-Purăņa cannot be called a Maha-Kavya.
52.
Śiva-gupta's sermon is a pretty long one and covers Kadavakas 5-8 (both inclusive). He explains the nature of Samsara, how a soul wanders through various births in accordance with his Karman, Atman and Pudgala undergo various modifications but as dravya are permanent. He refutes the Buddhist doctrine of Kṣaṇavāda, and of Sunya-vada, the Vedanta view and the Saiva tenets, and condemns the cult of sacrifice.

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CHAPTER - IX THE RĂMAYAŅA VERSION OF DHANEŠVARA SŪRI
(as found in his ŠATRUNJAYA MĀHÁTMYA)
1. PERSONAL HISTORY AND DATE OF DHANEŠVARA Dhanesvara Sūri, according to his own statement' wrote the SatrunjayaMāhātmya in Valabhi, being prevailed upon by (Agrahat) Siladitya, King of Surastra. History knows of six different rulers of the Valabhi dynasty named Silāditya who ruled between 605 and 766 A.D. With what particular Silāditya our poet was associated we are not able to state for the poet speaks of "Silāditya, King of Surāştra", only. Even if we connect him with Silāditya I, we will have to place him in the beginning of the 7th century A.D. But this does not agree with the date given by the poet, 477 years, V.S. (1.e. 421 A.D.). The editor of the work throws a suggestion that our poet and Malla-vādi who defeated the Bauddhas might be identical. This Malla-vādi is quoted by Haribhadra who flourished in the middle of the 8th century A.D. "There are a few quite definite chronological date in the epic itself;* these contradict one another to such an extent that it is not possible to assign an exact date to the work." Jain Literature knows of seven different Dhanesvaras. The writer of the present work is accepted by common consent to be the earliest of them all.6
We know very little of the personal life history of our poet. From the introductory and concluding stanzas of the work we learn that he was the moon to the ocean of the Moon (Candra-) Gaccha. He was prevailed upon to write this work by Siladitya, King of Surástra. This work is a carefully prepared abridged edition of a voluminous work (containing 24000 stanzas) of Sudharmā whose work in its turn was an epitome of a still
1.
शत्रुञ्जयोद्धारकर्तुरष्टादशनपेशितुः । वलभ्यां श्रीसुराष्ट्रेशशिलादित्यस्य चाग्रहात् ।। तत्प्रतिश्रुतितुल्यं तत्माहात्म्यं सुखबोधकृत । वक्ति शत्रुञ्जयस्याद्रेभक्या श्रुणुत हे जनाः ।
- Canto I. 14-15
सप्तसप्ततिमब्दानामतिक्रम्य चतुःशतीम् । विक्रमााच्छिलादित्यो भविता धर्मवद्धिकत ।।
- Canto XIV. 187
See pages 3-4 of the Upodghāta - introduction to the work. See I. 13-14, XIV. 101-102; 164-167: 281-88. Sec Winternitz : History of Indian Literature Vol. II, p. 503". Winternitz concludes that Dhanesvara would have lived in about 1100 A.D. See the Sanskrit Introduction to Surasundari-Cariyam.

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more voluminous work (containing 125000 stanzas) of Pundarska, a Ganadhara. He had humiliated the Bauddhas on the strength of his Syadvāda dialectics, he was well-versed in Yoga, was totally indifferent to worldly pleasures, was a pious soul, was the ocean of Vairāgya-sentiment, proficient in all Vidyās (arts and science). His work bears testimony to his vast erudition. No other work is known to have composed by him.
2. NATURE AND CONTENTS OF THE WORK The present work is after the style of the Mahatmyas of the Puranas. It is an epic, mostly in Slokas, in fourteen (or rather fifteen) cantos. Its theme is the glorification of the sacred Satrunjaya hills. A table of contents of the epic may be given as follows:
Canto I : On Cosmology. Canto II : The Life-history of King Mahspāla. Canto III : The Story of Rsabha, the first Jina. Canto IV : The battle between Bharata and Bāhubali. Canto V : Bharata's Pilgrimage and restoration of sacred temples to the
Jinas. Canto VI : Rşabha and Bharata's Nirvana and the Story of Surya-yasas. Canto VII : The Life history of Dravida and Vālkhilya and restoration of sacred
places. Canto VIII : The story of Ajita-svāmi, Sagara and Santi-Jina. Canto IX : The Legend of Rama. CantosX-XIII : The Story of the Pandavas connected with the legend of Krsna
and the life of Arista-nemi. Cantos XIV : The Legend of Parsva-nātha - the Jina, and a long prophecy of (or XIV-XV) : Mahāvira, 'which contains all manner of historical allusions, the
significance of which is, however, not yet explained'. The work is placed in the mouth of Mahāvīra who on the occasion of a solemn assembly upon the Satruñjaya mountain itself, at the request of India, relates the legends connected with the mountain sacred to Rşabha - the First Jina. It is interesting, however, to note that the poet brings in the stories of the Rāmāyana and the Mahabharata and of Krsna adapting them so as to fit them in Jain setting. We are here concerned mainly with the Rama Story. Hence we give below a detailed summary of the contents of that 9th canto where the Rama legend occurs.
3. AN OUTLINE OF THE RĀMA STORY AS TOLD BY DHANESVARA After many Kings in the Ikşvāku dynasty had passed, there ruled over Ayodhyā, a prince called Vijaya. By his wife Himacūlä he had two sons Vajra-bāhu and Purandara. Purandara begot Kirtidhara and he begot Sukošala who abdicated the government in

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favour of his pregnant wife and became an ascetic. After a number of kings that rule over Ayodhyā we come to Dasaratha? (vv. 1-92).
Dasaratha has four wives Kausalyä, Kaikeyi, Sumitra and Suprabha. He is presented by Kausalya with a son, whose birth has been announced by four lucky dreams, and by Sumitrā too a son whose birth has been indicated by seven lucky dreams. The first is named Rāma - Padma, and the second Lakşmaņa. His sons Bharata and Satrughna are born to him by Kaikeyi and Supraphā respectively. Rāma and Laksmana were greatly devoted to each other so too were Bharata and Satrughna (vv. 93-98).
Now in the town of Mithila there was a king named Janaka, born of Vipulā and Vasavaketuo (of the Hari-vamsa). He had a wife called Videhā who gave birth to twin children, a boy and a daughter. The boy was kidnapped by a god called Pingala (on account of enmity in previous life). But later on taking pity on him he left him in a forest of the Vaitădhya mountain. Now Candragati, lord of Rathanūpura, took him up and brought him up as his own son and named him Bhamandala. Janaka, in spite of his vigorous search, was not able to trace his boy. He named his daughter Sitä. She attained to youth. Janaka thought of arranging her Svayamvara.
The genealogy of the Ikşvāku family given here entirely agrees with the one given by Vimala Sūri. We are told here of an episode relating to king Anaranya and the image of Pārsva, the 23rd Tirthankara, which, in brief, is as follows :King Anaranya, though oppressed by 107 diseases on account of Karman done in previous lives, sets outon the world conquest. In the course of his march he reaches Surāştra country and Satrunjaya mountain sacred to Jains. Through a sea-faring merchant named Ratnasara he obtains the image of Pārsva; at the mere sight of that image all his diseases leave him. At night he dreams a dream in which the diseases tell him that they tormented him simply because in a previous birth he had molested a Jain monk and that at the sight of the image of Pārsva they are powerless to harass him any longer. He lives there worshipping the Pārsva-image. One day a monk possessed of knowledge arrives there and tells the king and others of the greatness and unfailing power of Pārsva-image. The king founds a city Ajayapura and erects a temple to Pārsva; and that becomes a sacred place. This episode is inserted by the poet with the obvious aim of glorifying the place of pilgrimage. Instead of Kausalya Vimala has Aparajita. In the Pc. three dreams (A lion, the sun and the moon) annouce the birth of Rāma and three dreams (Laksms, the moon and the sun) that of Lakşmaņa. Here we have four (three+elephant) and seven (three+a lion, ocean, fire, elephant) dreams that announce the birth of the two sons respectively. It is, of course, incorrect when Weber says, "Prince Janaka is called here Vásavaketu". He is also incorrect when he says ".... he had a son named Vajrabāhu who begot Purandara". In fact Vajrabāhu and Pūrandara are brothers. See I.A. Vol. XXX.

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In the meantime Mlecchas, led by Mätaranga", started attacking his country. He sought his friend Dasaratha's help. Ráma volunteered to go to Mithila. He chased away the enemy. Janaka, pleased at Rama's performance, intends to offer Sitä in marriage to him. Now Narada arrived there, Sita ran away at his frightening appearance. Her maid-servants man-handled him. Narada, who was enraged, drew her picture on a piece of cloth, showed it to Bhamandala, who fell in love with Sita - not knowing that she was his sister. Janaka was brought to Ratha-nüpura through a Vidyadhara. He agreed to give Sità to him (in marriage) who would bend the Vajrävarta bow, presided over by deity. In the Svayarhvara Räma bending the bow won Sitä. Lakṣmaṇa too bent the other divine bow called Arnavävarta" and obtained 18 Vidyadhara damsels. After the wedding Dasaratha and party returned to Ayodhya."
Then we are told as in the Pc. how Daśaratha was inclined to accept Samyama (Self restraint i.e. Asceticism) hearing the words of his Kaňcukin about old-age; and of the union of Bhamandala with his sister and parents." (vv. 99-162)
Now, Dasaratha, eager to accept Dikså, sent for his sons. On that occasion, Kaikey! the "Kuta-peta' (Craftiness incarnate) requested of the king to grant her two wishes which she had till then kept pending: her two requests are: the king should appoint Bharata (her son) as heir to the throne and that Rama and Laksmana should be sent away into banishment in the forests for a period of 14 years. 14 Dasaratha was overwhelmed by this unexpected crisis. Now Rama and Lakṣmaṇa, with exemplary filial devotion, made preparations to go into exile at once, without a murmur. The people lamented this loss of Rama. Lakṣmaṇa (and Sita). The city appeared almost dead in the absence of Rama and party. The king put Bharata on the throne and himself accepted Dikṣà. Rāma and party reached a forest. At Räma's behest Laksmana conquered Simhodara King and put Simhakarna, a devotee of the Jinas on the throne. 15 Now Sitä once offered alms to two
10.
11.
12.
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
13.
14.
15.
Pe. : Ayaranga.
The Pc. speaks of Vajrävarta bow only.
The account of the birth of Bhamandala and Sita and the Sita-Svayarhvara is in agreement with the corresponding portion of the Pc. -with this difference that the Satruñjaya-Māhātmya does not speak of Bharata's marriage with Subhadra, Janaka's niece.
After the union, Dasaratha and party go out on a pilgrimage to Satrunjaya and other sacred places, restore old dilalpidated Jain shrines, erect new ones and they return to Ayodhya. This is an addition by Dhanesvara, quite expected in a work like this. The places, the party visited, are Candra-prabhasa, Raivata-giri, Barata-giri, Ṭhankā, Valabhī, Kampilya and Vamanapura.
This is a departure from the Pc. Kaikeyi is called here 'Küța-peta' and she expressly says that she wants the king to banish Rama and Lakṣmaṇa for fourteen years. Pc. portrays Kalkeyi in favourable light. We may remark here that even the Valmiki-Rāmāyaṇa tells us that Kaikeyi asks for the banishment of Rama only and not of Laksmana as well.
Vajra-karna of the Pc. is called here Sinha-karna.

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Vidyadhara-munis who had gone there to break their fast. Gods showered scented water. A bird Jatāyus smelling that scent arrived there. Hearing the sermon of the munis he remembered his past birth and stood by Sitā. (w, 168-181).
Now in the era of Ajita - the Jina there was a king Ghana-vāhana who ruled over Lankā (in the Rakşodvipa). Bhima, the lord of Rākṣasas, bestowed on him the Rākṣasi Vidyā and since then that (Vidyadhara-) dynasty came to be known as Raksasas. After many kings of this dynasty had passed, there ruled in Lankā, a king called Kirti-dhavala who gave Srikantha, a Vidyadhara, the kingdom of Kiskindhā (in the Kapi-dvipa). These Vidyādharas were known as Vānaras on account of the Vānara-dvipa where they lived. In course of time they acquired the lore called. Vānarāngatva-Kārini. After many kings had passed, in the era of Muni suvrata, the Jina, there was born the vānara prince Kişkindhi and in Lankā was born the Raksasa-Prince called sukeśa. Now aśanivega. the lord of the Vidyadharas defeated both Kiskindhi and sukeśa who thereafter sought shelter in Pâtāla-Lankā. There of Sukeśa and Indrāni were born three sons Māli, sumāli and Mālyavān and of Kişkindhi and śrimālā were born Adityarajā and Rksarajā. Kişkindha, who frequently visited Meru mountain to pay homage to the Jina shrines, once on his way back founded Kişkindha-pura on the Madhu-Parvata and stayed there. Now the sons of Sukesa attacked Lanka, killed the governor (lit. a servant) there appointed by Aśanivega, and Māli, the eldest son became the king of Lanka. Aditya-rāja became the ruler of Kişkindha. These two kings were great friends. Now Ašanivega begat Sahasrara who begat Indra. This Indra was very powerful, like Indra he appointed four Lokapālas, defeated the Vanara and räkşasa chiefs and drove them away into Patala-lankā. Now Sumāli who was living there, begat Ratnaśravā. He had a wife called Kaikasi. She gave birth to Daśānana who was so called because his face was reflected nine times in the Nava-Ratna-Hara (a wondrous necklace strung with nine gems) hung round his neck. Kaikasi gave birth to three more children: Kumbhakarna, Sūrpanakhā and Vibhỉsaņa. 16 Then we are told of the penance observed by Rāvana and his brothers, their Vidyā-sādhana, and the heroic exploits of Rāvana, the abduction of Sürpanakhā by Khara and his taking over the kingdom of Pātāla-Lankā, the birth of Virādha, the episode of Vālin', Sugriva's succession to the throne, the humbling of Rāvana's pride by Välin, the monk, Rāvana's great devotion to the Jinas, his receiving
16.
The Pc. names them as Bhānukarna, Candraņakha and Vibhisana (of course later on Pc speaks of Bhānu-as Kumbha-). The name Surpanakhā is well known in Válmiki's Rāmāyaṇa. This episode is a departure from the Pc: Knowing that Välin has grown very strong Rāvana asks him through an envoy to go and bow down to him (Ravana). Vālin would not bow down to any one except the Jina. Rāvana, enraged, invaded the Vanara territory. Válin fought with Rāvana for long, captured him under himarm-pit and moved round the four oceans. Then disgusted with his kingdom, he took Diksă after putting Sugriva on the throne. The Pc, does not mention this exploit of Vālin, who, according to Vimala, becomes a monk with a view to saving blood-shed.

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the Amoghavijaya Sakti from the Dharanendra, Sugriva's marriage with Tara, Sahasagati's effort to acquire lore in order to get Târã, the episode of Sahastramsu, the stopping of animal-sacrifice organized by Marutta king at Ravana's hands, the episode of Uparambha, the wife of Nala-Kübara, of Indra's defeat by Rävaṇa, Rāvana's vow not to violate the chastity of an unwilling woman, the marriage between Pavananjaya and Anjana-Sundari, the birth of Handmat, the reunion of Pavanañjaya and his banished wife and their son, the defeat of Varuna by Hanumat, Hanümat's marriage with Satyavati and the daughter of Khara, Ravana's conquering the Vidyadharas such as Surya and employing them in his service (vv. 182-309).
Now we are told of the death of Sambúka, son of Surpanakha, at the hands of Lakṣmaṇa, Lakṣmana's obtaining the Candrahasa sword, Surpanakha's overtures to Rama and Lakṣmaṇa in turn, who rejected her; she then went to her husband, told him the account of Sambúka's death. Khara with 14000 Vidyadharas went to Dandaka forest to punish the offenders. Lakṣmaṇa went ahead to meet the enemy in the battlefield. He fought severely. Finding him invincible she went to Lanka to seek Ravana's aid. She incited him to gain possession of Sita of wondrous beauty 18. Rāvana drove in his Puspaka car through the air; sent away Răma by producing a roaring sound like that of Lakṣmaņa (which indicated that Laksmana was in danger of losing his life). abducted Sitä. The efforts of Jațayus and Ratnajațin to rescue Sitä miserably failed. Ravana carried her to Lahkä. Finding her unwilling to become his wife he put her in the Devaramana park under the watch of Vidyadharls. (vv.310-349)
Rama king from his brother that some one had duped him returned home, did not find Sǎ, made a search for her, came across the dying Jatayus bird, repeated in his hearing the famous Namaskara formula, as a result of which the bird was, after death, born as a god. Lakṣmaṇa by the aid of Viradha killed Khara and other Vidyadhara heroes, went to Rama, learnt of Sita's abduction; then they all made a vigorous search for Sita but in vain. They then went to Patala-Lanka, defeated Sunda, the son of Khara, and put viradha on the throne of Pätäla-Lanka. (vv.350-361). Then we are told of Sahasagau's arrival in the town of Kişkindha and of his assuming the form of Sugrīva. the defeat of Sugriva at the hands of Maya-Sugrīva, Sugriva's going to Pãtãla-Lanka and galliance with Rama, Rama's visit to Kişkindhä, his challenge to Maya-Sugriva and ta er's death at Rama's hands with a single arrow. He restored the kingdom to Sugriva wollected i is army and sent Hanumat in search of Sită. (vv. 362-378)
La egarding the advice of Vibhisana, Ravana continued his efforts to persuade Sifa to become his wife. Then the poet tells us how Hanumat crossed the ocean etc., met Sita and conveyed Rama's message to her, taking her crest-jewel Hanumat started to go back. He in order to show a sample of his prowess, broke the garden trees, killed the guardians of that park. Indrajit took him captive and produced him before Rävana. At Rāvana's
18.
See vv. 331-35 (Canto IX).

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abusive language Hanumat broke off the Nāga-pāśas, pulverized Rāvana's Crown19, destroyed portions of the capital and flew in the air, approached Rāma, offered him the crest-jewel. Now Rāma and all the heroes marched towards Lanka in Vimānas; on the shore of the ocean Rāma took captive Samudra and Setu, the partisans of Rāvana. He defeated Suvela king of Suvela Mt. and Haṁsa-ratha of hamsatata, and with his army reached Lankā. Now Vibhişana tendered Rāvana advice to return Sita honourably. Ravana being infuriated at this, banished his brother who then joined Rāma's side. Räkşasa warriors numbering 30 Akşohiņis, followed Vibhișana, and allied themselves with the Rāma-army. Then follows a description of the terrible battle between the two hostile armies and of single combats between eminent heroes on both the sides which essentially agrees with the account given by Pc. 20 (vv.379-515)
After the death of Rāvana at Laksmana's hands, Råma set free Kumbhakarna and others who were taken captive. They performed funeral rites in honour of Rāvana; the principal personages including Mandodart of the Rākşasa side entered the ascetic order. Rama accepting his innocent Sitā lived in Lańkā at Vibhīsana's request for six years and then in order to meet his mothers he and party in Vimånas left Lankā for Ayodhyā. In Ayodhyā they received a very warm welcome. The mothers and their sonis met after a long period of painful separation. Bharata handing over the kingdom to Rāma became a monk and in due course attained liberation. Sità proving her chastity by undergoing a fire-ordeal became a nun, practised penance and after death became a god in Acyuta heaven. Once hearing from one of the two gods, who had come there to test their affection, that Rāma was dead, Lakşmaņa instantaneously fell dead on the ground. At th:Lavana and Ankusa accepted Díkşă (and in due course obtained liberation). Rāma was overpowered with grief, but enlightened by God-jatāyus, he performed the obsequies in honour of Laksmana and put Anangadeva, Laksmana's son, on the throne, and himself, along with Satrughna, Vibhișana and Sugriva and 10000 kings, entered the ascetic order, in due course obtained perfect knowledge on Koti-Sila and living 15000 years he ultimately reached Nirvana21 (vv.516-542).
19.
Pc. does not say that Hanūmat broke into pieces Rāvana's crown. There he is said to have destroyed portions of Rāvana's palace. There are a few minor deviations : S.M. relates that Kumbhakarņa in the course of the fight caught Hanūmat under his armpit after having struck him with his club (Gada). When Angada challenged him to fight, he raised his hands when Hanümat escaped. Dronaghana, here, at Bharata's request offers Višalyā whereas in Pe. we are told he turns out Bharata's envoy. Kaikeyi herself has to go and persuade the king. Here we are told that the Vänaras did not interrupt Rāvana's Vidya-sadhana during those eight-days when all the citizens were devoted to Jain-dharma, whereas in Pc. we read of attempts on the part of Vanaras to interrupt Rāvana in his Vidya-sādhana. The poet here seems to be in a great hurry to bring the story to a close somehow. The later history of Rāma he dismisses in eight stanzas. That shows the poet had no definite plan in his mind as to the proper abridgment of the epic.
21.

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4. CRITICAL REMARKS
(1) HIS STYLE AND POETIC ABILITY Dhanesvara claims that his work is full of various Rasas and desires continued duration for his work so long as the sun and moon rise to dispel darkness.22 The work is in glorification of the Satrunjaya mountain which is decidedly the most sacred place of pilgrimage to the Jains. It should naturally therefore enjoy certain amount of popularity. Dhanesvara's language is noble and powerful and his style is on the whole easy, fluent and lucid. He makes judicious use of poetic embellishments such as Upamā, Utpreksä, Ślesa, Rūpaka and Atiśayokti23. Many words belonging to Jain terminology are frequently met with in his work. A peculiarity of his style is that very often he uses 'Itas', 'Itaśc' while introducing another thread of the story. Occasionally we meet with otherwise rarely used words such as Asüryampasya. In him we find a tendency to juxtapose homophonous words.
As a story-teller, however, his abilities are not distinct. The way he narrates the legend of Rāma shows that he does not know the art of abridging'. In his abridged version he has retained certain narratives which are not an essential part of the story of Rama and skipped over most touching and soul-stirring events in the life of Rama. Thus for example he gives in detail the narrative of Pavananjaya and Anjană-Sundari, the parents of Hanumat, which could have been altogether dropped or given in brief; whereas he mentions in passing the most important and major event in Râma's life, viz., the Repudiation of pregnant Sītā by Rāma on account of public scandal. Indeed it is very amazing and extraordinary that the whole of the later history of Rama is told in 8 stanzas only.
The summary of the contents as given above shows that the Satruñjaya-Mähatmya gives the story after Vimala's Pc. Dhanesvara has introduced certain changes in the narrative which may be classified as follows:
See verse 250 of the last Canto.
22. 23.
e.g..पतद्गृहमिवासाध्यम|ल्मूलितवृक्षवत् ।
स्थिराकतुं न शक्तोऽत्र कोऽपीहक्ष कलेवरम् ।।
- v. 140 (Upama). And w. 168-70 which tell how Ayodhyā lost all her splendour at the departure of Rama and party (Vinokti and Malopamā): and v. 416:
शरपाषाणसम्पेषभतो वह्निभृतिष्वलम् । रणतीर्थे दहन् वृक्षान् संस्कारायाभवत्तदा ।
(Atisayokti).
2 farct AE: H
TTA:
v. 431 (Upamā), v. 30 (Slesa): v. 28 (Utpreksa).

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(11) ADDITIONS :
He has added the story of Anaranya and the image of Pārsvanātha with a view to glorifying the power and grace of the Pārsvanātha's image and the Satrunjaya mountain. (111) MODIFICATIONS :
Kaikeyi asks, here, for the banishment of Rāma and Laksmana for fourteen years, and the poet calls her 'Kütapetă. The Pc. tells us that Räma volunteers to go into exile and that Kaikeys, who is faced with the danger of losing both husband and son, asks for kingdom for Bharata in order to hold him back from taking Diksā. The poet tells us of the fight between Valin and Ravana and of the latter's humiliation at the hands of the former. In the Pc. Valin in order to avoid blood-shed becomes a monk, and consequently there is no such fight between the two heroes. In introducing these modifications the poet is obviously influenced by Vālmiki's Ramayana. Then Dhanešvara makes a departure when he says that the Vanaras did not interrupt Râvaņa in his acquisition of Bahurüpā Vidya. There are a few unimportant changes such as the following: Aparäjita (of the Pc.) is called here Kausalyā (after Valmiki's), Bhānukarņa (of the Pc. where the popular name Kumbhakarņa also is sometimes met with) is named as Kumbhakarna (of course after Válmiki). (iv) OMISSIONS :
Dhaneśvara has effected so many omissions. A number of Upākhyānas (such as that of madhu or of Valikhilya or of Kapila) and the lives of Tirthankaras etc., discourses on Jain ethics, philosophy and metaphysics, and narration of the past lives of principal characters and descriptions of nature - all these are omitted by Dhanesvara, his object being to give an abridged edition of the Paüma-Cariya, although he does not specifically state so.
We know that an abridged edition by its very nature is bound to be imperfect. But in abridging a work care must be taken to see that the essentials of the story are not impaired. Here we find that the characters of Kaikeyi and Ravana are more in consonance with Valmiki's conception of those characters than with Vimala's who ennobles them. The inexorable law of Karman plays a very conspicuous role in Vimala's work but Dhanesvara has, while abridging the story, almost ignored it. When the great epic, like Valmiki's Ramayana was before him we expect a better performance from Dhanesvara. His desire that the work should enjoy continued popularity, though natural, seems rather extravagant. 24
24.
This is the impression one would form by reading the 9th Canto only. A study of the complete text may lead us to revise this impression.

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CHAPTER - X
THE RÁMĀYAŅA' OF BHADRESVARA
(as found in his KAHĀVALI) Introductory Remarks:
Kahāvali (Sk. Kathāvali) belongs to the Kathānaka literature of the Jains. Only one Ms. of this work has come to light. It is written by Bhadreśvara Súri, a Svetambara writer. Dalal assigns him to the reign of Karna (A.D. 1064.94) while Jacobi would like to identify this author with one Bhadreśvara who lived in the 2nd half of the 12th century of the Samvat Era?. According to Jacobi (and Dalal too) this work is to be put earlier than the Parisista Parvan of Hemacandra, for he remarks: "No wonder that it (Hemacandra's work) superseded the older work (Kahāvali) to such a degree that for a long time the Kahävalt seemed to be lost, till but lately one single Manuscript was brought to light."
Kahāvali is a huge work in Prakrit prose?. It relates the history of the 63 Mahāpurusas and includes also an account of the patriarchs who came after Mahāvīra. The whole work covers 302 palm leaves. The last 64 leaves contain the parisista parvan.' Jacobi makes some observations on this last part of the work and concludes: “Bhadresvara's work has few literary merits. It is scarcely more than a collection of disconnected materials for the history of the Svetånbara church, culled from the ample literature of the Cūrnis and Țikās. The Kahāvali compares unfavourably with the Sthavirävalīcarita by Hemacandra which reads like a connected history of the patriarchate from Jambú down to Vajrasena, told in fluent Sanskrit verses and spirited Kavya style." Nobody has, however, so far made any observations on the first part of the Kahävali viz., the history of the 63 Mahāpuruşas. It would be interesting to compare this part of the work with those of his predecessors and successors and find out how far he is indebted to the former and has influenced the latter. Here I confine my study only to the Rāmāyana portion of this work.
Thanks to the kindness of Mahārāja Punya-vijayaji. I have been able to secure for my study the Rāmāyana portion of the transcript of the Kahávali. The transcript betrays many errors and naturally so for the Ms. "is faulty to such a degree that it is frequently impossible to make out the meaning of the context." See the Introduction to the Sthavirāvali-carita, 2nd ed. by Jacobi, Calcutta 1932. The Rämāyana portion contains, however, many verses, some of which are quoted later in this paper. These are not quotations but form an essential part of the narrative. It is not unlikely that the rest of the work too is inter-spersed with verses.

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The Rāmāyana of Bhadreśvara covers pp. 61-117 of the transcript. It opens thus:
: महापउमचकवहिभविस्समाणनमिजिणाणं च विचाले रामायणं ति। रामायणकहा भरणइ । तत्थ वि रामेणमिमं रामायणं हि । निरुत्तीश्रो पढमो रामो त्ति । रामकहा भएणइ ।
The concluding portion runs thus:
एवं च रामरामणसीयाचरिएहिं परिसमत्तेहिं । रामायणं समत्तं भद्देसरसूरिरइयं ति ॥
It would be superfluous to give here an outline of the story of Rama as told by Bhadreśvara for it is very near that of Vimala excepting two important and original features that he has added while narrating the later history of Rama. Not only does Bhadreśvara adopt the story of Vimala but very frequently he also borrows phrases and lines from his predecessor. To illustrate this point I give here only a few of the numerous parallel passages noted by me:
Bhadreśvara:
P.80b महिलासहावचवलाए दीहपहिणीए सढाए मायाबहुलाए जं किंचि ववहरियं मए तुम्हें पडिकूलं तं सव्वं खमिजउ...अंबे महाकुलप्पसूयाणं खत्तियाणं कि कयावि हवइ अलियवायत्तणं ।
P.83 रामेण तो भणिया भद्दे किं पुरिसेण वेसेण । वीलसि वरतणुयंगे साहसु निययंमि रजम्मि ।
Vimala: Canto XXXII. 51 etc. महिलासहावचवला, अदीहपेही सहावमाइला । तं मे खमाहि... पडिकूल कयं तुज्झ ॥ ...अम्मो किं खत्तिया अलियवाई। होंति महाकुलजाया...॥
Canto XXXIV. 17 ......भइ किं पुरिसेण वेरोण । कीलसि वरतणुयंगी, कन्ने निययंमि रजमि ।।
Canto LXI. 56
P.97b
गेराहइ अमोहविजयं सत्तिं उकं व जलमाणं ।
गेराहइ अमोहविजयं सत्नी उक्का इव जलंती।
Bhadresvara:
P. 107b: तं पभणइ लच्छिहशे मा मा मा दुक्खिया हवह एवं । पिसुण जणभासिएवं मा मुंच महासई सीयं । लोओ कुडिलसहावो पिमुणो गुणमच्छरी भसगसीलो । जंपइ अमुयमदिट्टं परतत्तिपरो दुराराहो।
4.
Vide infra: Bhadresvara's contribution to the development of the story of Rāma.

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समा
रामो विभाइ एवं जह भणसि तुम न एत्थ संदेहो । तह[ वि] बहुलोयविरुद्ध अयसकलंकं न इच्छामि । एवं वामृढमणो सेणाहिबई कयंतवयणं सो। याणवइ गम्भवीयं सीयं रगणमि छह ।। इय भणिए सोमित्ती रावपाएमु पडिऊणं । न हु जुत्तमिमं सामिय परिव [च ] यणं तुम्ह सीयाण । तं याह त यो रामो न एत्थ तुम्हेहिं कि पि भणियब्वं ॥
Vimala:
Canto XCIV. 13-23: यह भणइ लच्छिनिलो, नरबद मा एव दुक्खियो होहि । पिसुणवयोण संपइ, मा चयन महामई सीयं ॥ लोगो कुडिलसहावो परदोसग्गहणनियत्तिल्लो । अजव जगमच्छरियो दुग्गहहियो पदुट्टो य । भाइ तो वलदेवो, एव इमं ज. तुभं रामुलवसि । किं पुण लोगविरुदं, अयसकलंक न इच्छामि । एवं समाउलगणो, सेरणागीयं कयंतवय सो। श्राणवाइ गभवीयं, सीयं बहेहि पारगणे ॥ एव भणिए पवुत्तो, सोमित्ती राहवं कयपणामो। न य देव तुज्न जुत्तं, परिचइऊणं जणयधूयं ॥
पउमो भणइ काणिटुं, एत्तो पुरयो न वि चि व तव्वं ॥
(Note: IT which very well suits the context, must have been the original reading in the Pc. and not महामई
Bhadresvara's narrative differs, however, from the Paumacariya in some respects. His is a continuous narrative in prose interspersed with verse without any divisions into Ucchvasas or Paricchedas whereas the Pc is entirely in verse and divided into several cantos (Uddesas or Parvans). It may be, however, added that frequently Bhadresvara introduces new topics with such remarks as: 'रामकहा भरागइ।' 'रामणकहा मान[ गगा] इ।' 'वाणरकहा भरागाइ'। ‘हणुमंतकहा गराइ ।' 'सीयाकहा भरागाइ।' 'नार यकहा भगगा।' and the like. Further, he changes slightly the order of events in narrating his Katha. Thus he straightway opens his narrative with the description of the dynasty of Rama whereas Vimala first narrates the story of the dynasty of Räkşasas and of Vanaras and it is only with Canto XXI that the story of Rama really begins. As his Ramayana is only an

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abridgment, he omits detailed descriptions of mountains and forests, battles and long sermons which occupy so much space in the Pc. After giving the Jain names of Rama, Laksmana, Surpanakha, Kumbhakarma etc.. he hastens to add: एसो (पउमो) य रामो नाम लोए पसिद्ध[द्धिं-] गयो। एसो (नारायणो) य लक्खणो नाम लोए पसिहो ।...चंदनही नाग जा लोए पशिद्धा गुम्पनहा नाम । एसो (भाणयगणो) य कुंभकरणो नामलोए पसिद्धो and so on. From these remarks it is evident that the Jain writers did not succeed in their attempt to popularise the names given by them to some of the important characters in the Hindu Rāmāyana. There are some very minor and unimportant details where he differs from his model: e.g., Aparājitá sees four objects in her dream-- 1 An elephant, 2 a lion, 3 the sun and 4 the moon, and Sumitrā seven: the four mentioned above and 5 fire, 6 ocean and 7 Lakşmi5 He mentions 1 Rohini 2 Prajñapti 3 Gauri and 4 Gandhari as the principal among the Vidyās obtained by Ravana. of these lst, 3rd and the 4th are not to be found in the long list given by Pc. The reason put forward by the exiled brothers while declining Śūrpanakha's amorous advances is quite characteristic: पिउगा अदिगणनारिं अम्हे कइया वि नेच्छामो। Rāma sends Laksmana after Surpanakha to find out who she really was. Laksmana goes a little distance, returns and reports to Rama of the disappearance of that lovely maiden. Rāma remarks : न एसा मुंदरा महिला अपर समिमीप मिशा म्हंगभवी कोधि विवायो त्ति ।
Bhadreśvara gives 15000 years as the period of Rama's life as against 17000 years mentioned in the Pc. Thereare to be found slight changes also in the spelling of some names e.g., "Rämana,' Candranakhi, Kekkasi (mother of Rāvana) and so on. The most important changes are, however, the additions he has made to the later history of Räma. Bhadresvara's Contribution to the development of the story of Rama
A dream dreamt by Sità indicates that she would give birth to two heroic sons. Sita is very happy at this. Her co-wives, however, become extremely jealous of her. They
noeuvre to get Rävana's feet delineated by Sita and try to poison Rama's mind saying
5.
6.
Cl. Pc. XXVvv. 2-5. The original passages are as follows :
अह् सीया-रामाणं पेम्म दट्टा सेरादेवी यो । गुरुमच्छरेणं सीयागोडीठियायो गति । रामणमा लिहि सीए दरिसमु जममनोज (?) ति । सीया वि निव्यियप्पा रामणकमजुयलमालिहा। होस तु तरम म्वं न मए दि ति वोन जाइ गिह। नहागागयरामनायो विमति सामीन । रामग कम्म [-म-] जुगमनवि सरित्त सीयाए पेच्छ जं लिहियं । रामो न किंपिपद गंभीरत्नग द पि । सेवेद संदेव सीयं देवी हि वि सिनखांवन दासीर । तं सीया सुदपयं करावियं । खुद्द जगा जलिय (?)॥

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that Sitä still remembers Rāvana and as a proof of this show. to him the picture of Ravana supposed to be drawn by her.' Rama even after seeing that picture keeps silence and continues to attend to Sita. The co-wives of Sita through the maid-servants give publicity to the picture-incident. Later on, when the spring sets in, Sita entertains a 'dohada' (pregnancy-longing) of performing Deva-pūjā. Rāma makes arrangements to fulfil her longing, While Räma and Sita are witnessing in the pleasure-park various sports, Sita's right eye throbs. She tells about it to Rama. He fears that some calamity might visit Sită. She is perturbed, finds fault with her fate which had once separated her from her lord and once again is about to bringing misery to her: Rāma tells her that none can escape destiny, and asks her to go home and engage herself in religious duties such as 'dana' etc., and promises to go to her after some time. Sita follows Rama's instructions and issues a proclamation that people should worship the deities according to their means. People act accordingly.
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
Now Rama dismisses all his retinue, and in disguise moves about and comes to the park. There," he himself hears the people reproaching him for accepting Sită back whom Ravana, being enamoured of her beauty, had abducted and taken home to Lankā. Rama's mind is assailed by conflicting thoughts. He goes home, and in the presence of Laksmana, Sugriva, Vibhiṣaṇa, Hanuman and the like asks the spies to report correctly
7.
8.
In my Thesis entitled "The Story of Rama in Jain Literature," I wrote that the incidents regarding the-picture of Ravana-is for the first introduced in his Rāmāyaṇa by Hemacandra. Dr. Bulcke
in his article - "The Repudiation of Sita" in the Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. I No. I, (Sept. 1951) too says:
"The earliest Indian document to mention it (the motif of the picture of Ravana) is the Jain Ramayana by Hemacandra (12th Century.)"
This study shows that the credit of introducing the picture motif goes to Bhadresvara and not Hemacandra as the former's Kahavali is earlier than Hemacandra's Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣa
carita.
The original passages read as follows:
ताव सुरगइ जणवायं जगाओ परदोस गणप उरायो । एमागी विवरंतो रामो पराले।
पेच्छह रामेण इमा सीया नीया वि रक्खसिंदे । पुणरवि इह याणीया अगणियगुणदोसारेण । जो जस्ससम गुरतो श्रवा सव्वो वि तस्स गुणदोसे |
न कयावि एत्थ पेच्छ जह रामो जायतण्याए । ता परघरंमि पत्ता पेम्मारात्तेरा रक्खशिंदे |
श्रवहरिऊन भुत्ता को एवं एत्थ पत्थिय ( ? ) गोवि लहू राम्रो । भोसीययजियजयम गएर महिलाही के नेहा ता एवं कुतेां कुसिया कुलारा निययमज्जाया ॥

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whatever they heard. First, they hesitate but later on come out with the truth. Laksmana is blind with fury to hear the scandal. Rämao tells him how he himselí has heard the talk and that the spies were so interrogated with a view to convincing persons like him and that people should not accuse him of having abandoned Sita without knowing her fault. 10
This is what Bhadresvara has added to the later history of Räma. It is evident from this edition that Bhadreśvara is the first writer, as far as our present knowledge goes, to introduce the picture-motif Rama's moving about in disguise and personally hearing Sită-apavāda and his going to the jungle, after receiving the message of Sità in search of her.
Hemachandra too introduces in his narrative the picture-motif and Rama's visit to the forest in search of Sita. Obviously he is then indebted to Bhadresvara- unless of course we imagine that both of them borrowed from some common source which has not been available to us. Literary Estimate :
The Kahāvali is a voluminous work. Unless the whole work is critically studied we cannot correctly estimate Bhadreśvara's art and ability as a story eller. If, however, we regard his Rāmāyaṇa as a fair sample we cannot help remarking that he is only a mediocre writer. Here he gives us, as already pointed out, an abridged version of the Paumacariya with the only exception of what he has added to the later history of Räma. In his addition he shows a flash of originality and the narrative undoubtedly gains in interest on account of this clever addition. He omits all the long descriptions of nature, dreary sermons and dull account of several past births of some characters that figure in the story. Vimala, the author of the Paumacarlya, takes every opportunity of propagating Jain Dharma, whereas Bhadreśvara shows greater concern--and rightly so--for the narrative. Bhadresvara has made some change in the order of events in narrating the story. This change, however, is hardly an improvement. Not only does he
9.
The original passages are:एवं स्टुं नाउं लच्छिहरं भणइ रामदेवो वि। भाउग मए वि निमुयं सव्वमिमं मा तुमं रूस । एए हेरियपुरिसा तुम्हें पचयनिमित्तमाणेउं । इय पुन्हिया महायस अववायस्स भीएणं । मा पुणरवि एस जणो भणिही सीया अदिद्वसुयदोसा । रामेण ड्डिया कह पहुणा होऊण सहस त्ति ।
10.
The account that follows, viz.: the abandonment of Sita, her lament, her message to Rama through the Senapati, the arrival of Vajrajangha, the shelter given to her by him-is entirely in agreement with Pc.

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adopt the narrative of the Paümacariya but he also borrows some phrases and lines from that poem. His prose is, on the whole, simple and fluent; and if it is frequently impossible to make out the meaning of the context, certainly it is the fault of the scribe and not of the author. The verses that are interspersed in the narrative are devoid of any poetry. The language of the work may be said to be the same as found in the Paümacariya--that is, Jain Māhārāştri.
In conclusion, it may be remarked that his Rāmāyana (at least) does not speak of any distinct literary ability on the part of Bhadresvara.
12.
Unless a critical edition of the text is prepared we cannot definitely say how far it deviates from the language of the Pc.

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CHAPTER XI
THE RAMAYANA VERSION OF ACARYA HEMACANDRA
(as found in his TRISASTI SALĀKĀ PURUŞA-CARITA)
1. HIS LIFE AND DATE
Hemacandra was born at Dhandhukā (District Ahmedabad), in 1089 A.D., as the son of a merchant. His parents were pious Jains. His mother handed over him to a monk Devacandra as a pupil while still in his early childhood. As a Jain teacher he spent the greater part of his life in the capital of Gujarat (called Patan). There, by royal favour. an honourable career as author and promoter of his faith lay open to the Suri. His first patron was the Caulukya King Jayasimha Siddharaja (1094-1143 A.D.). This king favoured literature, science and philosophy. He was a devout worshipper of Siva, and yet tolerant of other sects and religions. Hemacandra attracted his attention, and with a view to winning the king's sympathy for Jainism he made it his business to emphasize more specially the points of agreement between the Jainism and authoritative Brahmanical works. Jayasimha's successor was Kumarapaia who was originally also a devotee of Siva but was converted to Jainism by Hemacandra in 1159 A.D. After his conversion he tried to make Gujarat a model Jain State. He himself renounced the sport of hunting, and prohibited the slaughter of animals, the eating of meat, drinking of wine and the like. He erected Jain temples and favoured literary and scientific efforts of the Jains. During the reign of these two patron-kings Hemacandra enjoyed a period of intense literary activity. He died in 1172 A.D. at the age of 83 years.
2. HIS WORKS
He was indeed one of the most versatile and prolific writers both as a poet and a scholar. It is due to him that Gujarat became a main strong-hold of the Svetambara Jains and has remained so for centuries and that Jain literature flourished there particularly in the 12th and 13th centuries. He has a place of honour in general Sanskrit literature as a compiler of useful and important works on grammar, lexicography. poetics and metrics. His learned books are not distinguished by any great originality: they rather display a truly encyclopaedic erudition and an enormous amount of reading besides a practical sense which makes them very useful. On account of the astounding many-sidedness of his literary achievements he earned from his co-religionists the title Kalikala-sarvajňa "The Omniscient of the Kali Age".

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Among his poetical works his huge epic on the "Lives of the Sixty-three Excellent Men" (Trisasti-Salákāpurusa-Carita) is perhaps best known. Though not without merit as a work of poetry a Mahā-Kavya, yet its purpose is instruction and edification. It is invaluable as a storehouse of ancient legendary lore and tradition. The appendix to this work, the Parişista-Parvan is even more important by its wealth of folk-lore and stories of all kinds.
As a devout Jain he also composed some hymns of praise (Stotras). His Vitarägastotra ( Hymn to the Passionless (Mahavira) ) is a Stotra and at the same time a manual of Jainism.
Hemacandra is always more of a scholar and a moralist than a poet, though not without taste and considerable skill in the use of the Kávya style. This is also shown by his didactic poem, the Yogaśāstra, consisting of a text in simple Slokas and a commentary in the style of ornate poetry, containing also stories.
In one epic poem Kumarapäla-Carita (also known as Dvyäśraya-Kavya, because it is written in two languages, Sanskrit and Prakrit) Hemacandra proves himself a poet, a historian and a grammarian, all at the same time. The poem describes the history of his patrons, but at the same time it is intended to illustrate the rules of his own Sanskrit and Prakrit grammars.
His grammar called Siddhahemacandra is hardly more than an improved edition of Sakatayana's grammar and yet is valuable on account of its practical arrangement and terminology. He also added himself. a commentary and both Uņādiganasūtra and Dhātupåtha to this grammar. The eighth chapter of Siddhahemacandra is devoted to Prakrit grammar, which is still the most important grammar of the Prakrit dialects we possess. In his Prakrit grammar he has preserved some pretty Apabhramsa songs. And in his manual of metrics he even composed Apabhramsa songs himself in illustration of Apabhramsa metres and has thus shown his interest in popular poetry.
His Kävyánusāsana is a manual of poetics and Chandonusāsana of metrics and each is accompanied by the author's own commentary.
His Abhidhānacintamanimálā is a Synonymic lexicon and Anekārthasamgraha a homonymic lexicon. His Deśināmamālā is a Prakrit lexicon. His Nighanțušesa, a glossary of botanical terms, is supplement to his Abhidhānacintamani. All these works are of inestimable value.
His Premăna-Mimāṁsā "Examination of the Means of Proof" is a work on logic, - with his own commentary. And his Anyayogavyavacchedadvåtrimsika, 32 verses in praise of Mahavira is at the same time a treatise on logic.
With this brief outline of the life and works of Hemacandra we now turn to his Trişasti-Salākāpurusa-carita, Parvan VII for a detailed study as it contains the story of Rama:

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3. SUMMARY (CANTO-WISE) OF THE 7TH PARVAN TREATING
OF RAMA'S STORY CANTO I:
Now I narrate the lives of Padma-Baladeva, Nārāyana-Visnu, and Rāvana-Prativisnu, who lived in the Age of Suvrata the Tirthankara.
In the age of Ajita, the Tirthankara, there was in Lankā situated in the Raksodvipa, Ghanavāhana, the founder of the Raksasa dynasty. After many kings such as Mahāraksasa and Devaraksasa in his line was born Kirtidhavala in the age of Sreyāṁsa, the Tirthankara. At that time there was, in Meghapura, on the mountain Vaitādhya, a Vidyadhara king, called Atindra. He had a son called Srikantha and a daughter named Devi. In Ratnapura there was a Vidyadhara king Puspottara. He had a son Padmottara and a daughter Padmā. He asked for the hand of Devi in marriage for his son. Atindra, however, offered her in marriage to Kirtidhavala. Naturally enough Puşpottara nursed enmity towards Atindra and Srikantha. Padmã, however, fell in love with Srikantha and eloped with him. Puspottara pursued him. He sought the shelter of Kirtidhavala, who sent an envoy to Puspottara and impressed on him how it was not proper on his part to fight against his 'son-in-law' for his was a love-marriage. Padmă too through a Dūts told her father that she had eloped of her own accord with Srikantha. Thereupon Puspottara was pacified. He got the two - lover and his beloved - married and returned to his city. Kirtidhavala persuaded Srikantha to live on the Vanaradvipa lying to the North-west of Lankā. In that dvipa there was a mountain called Kiskindha war on it a city named Kiskindha. Kirtidhavala made Srikantha king of that Dvipa. Si Xatitit found there on that Dvipa a vast number of Vanaras (monkeys) of huge form, who lived on fruits. He issued 'a-Māri' proclaimation and well-fed them.' Others too extended hospitality to the monkeys! Since then the Vidyadharas there drew the figures of Vámaras on their flags and umbrellas and in mouldings - just out of curiosity. And that is the Vidyadharas living there came to be called Vanaras.5
The story of Megha - (or Ghana-) vahana, the founder of the Raksasa dynesty is related by Hemacandra in Parvan II. Bhima, i he lord of the Räksasa, out of aílection for Meghavahana, who was his son in a previous life, bestowed or him the kingdoms of Lankā and Patăla-Lankā in the Raksasa-dvspa and gave him a large necklace made of nine jewels, and also the magic science of the Rākşasas. From that time Meghavahana's family became a Raksasa family. A Subhasita here: Prāyo vicaracancūnām kopah supraśarrah khalu
v. 23. 'a-Māri' -ghosa: "Nobody shall kill these Vanaras.' For it is well said : Yatha råja tathā prajáh v. 33. Read w. 33-35. This explanation is identical with the one given by Vimala Sūri.

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Now in the age of Suvrata, the Tirthankara, Tadit-kesa ruled over Lanká and Ghanodadhi over Kişkindha. They were great friends. Once Tadit-kesa went to Vänaradvipa where in a park a monkey planted nail-marks on the breasts of his chlef queen. He got angry, struck the monkey with an arrow; the wounded monkey went to a Muni who instructed him in the 'Namaskära Mantra'. That monkey was then born as Abdht-kumara god. Tadit-Kesa's men harassed the monkeys at which this god was enraged. He began to harass the Råkşasas. Tadit-kesa propitiated him. They two then went to that Muni who narrated their past history. They, putting Sukeśa and Kiskindhi on the thrones of Lankā and Kişkindhā respectively, entered the order.
Now on the mountain Vaitādhya there was a town Ratha-nūpura where king Asantvega ruled. He had two sons Vijayasiṁha and Vidyut-vega. And on the same mountain there was another town Aditya-pura where Mandiramăli, another Vidyadhara king ruled. He had a daughter Srimalā, who in the Svayamvara chose Kişkindhi as her husband. Vijaya-simha was infuriated at this, fought a fierce fight against Kiskindhi' but was himself slain by Andhaka a younger brother of Kiskindhi. Then Srimālā and Kiskindhi went to their capital of Vanaradvípa. Now Asanivega in mighty rage invaded Kiskindha. Kiskindhi and his Raksasa friend Sukeśa went out to meet the enemy Andhaka was killed. The Vanaras and the Raksasas fled in all directions. Kiskindhi and Sukesa with their retinue went to Pätála-Lankā. Asanivega placed a Vidyadhara called Nirghata on the throne of Lankā and returned to Ratha-nupura. Once he became disgusted with Samsára, put his son Sahasrara® on the throne and became a monk.
Now in Pātāla-Lankā Sukeśa (ex-Räksasa lord of Lankā) and Indrani, his wife, gave birth to three sons Māli, Sumāli and Mālyavān. And of Kiskindhi and Srimālā were born Adityarāja and Rkşarāja, two mighty sons. Kişkindhi, on his way back from a visit to Mt. Meru in order to pay homage to the Arhats there came to Mt. Madhu; there he founded a new city Kişkindha-pura and lived there with his retinue. Now the sons of Sukeśa attacked Lankā, routed the king Nirghāta and Māli, the eldest of them ruled over Kişkindhá at the behest of Kişkindhi.
6.
For: Asahyo ht stri-Paràbhavah v. 46. Says Vijayasimha : 'They - the evil-doers had been formerly banished from the capital of Vaitādhya like Dasyus from a Surajya. Who brought them here who are a disgrace to one's noble family? So will I to-day kill them like beasts so that they could never come back here". The reference here is obviously to Srikantha who eloped with Srimāla, for Kiskindhi is a descendant of this family of Srikantha. The poet speaks of Vidyutvega as the second son of Asanivega. After the death of his elder brother he is entitled to the throne. Sahasrāra is obviously his younger brother. The poet does not mention what happens to Vidyutvega, the rightful heir to the throne. Vimala Suri takes care to mention that Vidyut-(or Tadit-) vega became an ascetic with his father. (Pc. VI, 205).

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Now in Ratha-nüpura. Sahasrara's wife Citra-Sundari dreamt a dream, auspicious as it was, some god conceived in her womb. In due course she had a pregnancy-longing of enjoying sexual intercourse with Indra. As this longing was dimcult to express and difficult to be satisfied, she grew very weak and emaciated. Her husband pressed her to reveal her longing. On knowing it he through Māyā assumed the form of Indra and satisfied her longing. In due course she gave birth to a son who was, because of the longing during pregnancy, named as Indra. When he attained to youth, his father appointed him king, and himself became a monk. This Indra regarded himself as Indra, the overlord of gods and bringing under his sway all the Vidyādhara kings, appointed, like God Indra, the guardians of the world, etc., and ruled over his kongdom, being surrounded by Vidyadharas bearing the names of Indra's Partvára. Māli felt jealous of Indra's glory, went to Vaitadhya but was killed in the fight. The Raksasa and Vänara armies being routed, again sought shelter in Pătála-Lanká under the leadership of Sumali. Indra appointed Vaiśramana as the ruler of Lankā.
Now Ratnasrava was born of Sumáli. He once went to a park to acquire supernatural lores. There he met Kaikast, the sister of Kausika who was the wife of Visravă and of whom Vaiśramaņa, the lord of Lankā was born. At Kaikasi's request Ratnaśravă married her.
Kaikasi once dreamt a dream in which she saw a lion entering her womb. As a result of her conception she behaved dreadfully. In due course she gave birth to a son with a span of life covering 14000 years. As a young baby he took out that wonderful necklace strung with nine gems (- which was a gift by Bhima, the Raksasa chief to Meghavahana, the founder of the Raksasa dynasty -) and wore it round his neck. His face reflected in those nine gems. Hence his father named him Dasamukha. It was predicted that he, who would drag out of the casket the Ratnahara, would become Ardha-Cakrin. Kaikasi in course of time gave birth to Bhanukarņa (also known as Kumbhakarna whose birth was announced by a Bhanu-svapna), Candranakha (also known as Sūrpanakhā) whose nails resembled the crescent-moon, and Vibhisana (whose birth was announced by Saśánka-svapna).
9.
Vimala states her dohada thus : Icchāmi surahivassa sampatti
Pc. VII, w. 4-5. Ravisena expresses her dohada in these words: ........väńchami bhoktumindrasya sampadam
pp. VII. v. 8. Whereas Hemacandra take her dohada to be :
Dohadastasyāḥ sakrasambhogalaksanah It is indeed extraordinary that Hemacandra should so interpret that longing. The interpretation of the name Dasamukha given here is the same as found in the Pc. and the Pp.
10.

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Description of the Origin of the Dynasty of Rākşasas and of the Dynasty of
Vanaras and of the Birth of Rävana CANTO II:
Dasamukha once saw king Vaisramana moving in his Vimāna. From his mother he knew how they were robbed of their kingdom of Lankā. Vibhişaņa, Kumbhakarna and Rävaņa then went to a forest Bhima to practise austerities and secure supernatural powers. Anăndệta, the Yakşa-chief of Jambu-dvipa who had come there with his harem for sports sent his women to interrupt their religious meditation. They by their lovely ways tried to win the brothers from their avowed course of austerities. The damsels smiled and appealed to the brothers in the most fascinating words of love, but they did not swerve in the least degree from their great spiritual vows. Without change, the more confirmed in their attitude of calm, they spoke not a word. Then Anándrta himself came there but his words too the brothers did not heed to. He got enraged and sent his servant-deities (Vänamantara) to interrupt the brothers' austerities by causing dreadful Upasargas. They then turned into lions, etc., and surrounded the brothers. They all set up a loud uproar and tried to frighten the ascetics, but in vain. Then the illusion of their father, mother and sister appeared before them. They piteously appealed to them for help saying that they are horribly oppressed by the beasts, and requested the Raksasa ascetics to come to their rescue. But these illusions also could not move the brothers. The lions, etc., then tore their parents and sister before their very eyes. Though it was a heartrending sight they were not moved. Next, all of a sudden, fell before Kumbhakarna the heads of Rāvana and Vibhîşana. Kumbhakarna felt a sudden thrill but gradually controlled himself, and Vibhlşaņa also did so when he was confronted similarly with the heads of Råvana and Kumbhakarna. But Rāvana proved the most heroically calm of the brothers when he faced similar apparitions. He, the knower of supreme bliss, did not care about the danger, but remained absorbed in his high contemplation, immovable like the prince of mountains. Now the Yakşas fled away. Then one thousand Vidyas!! appeared before Râvaņa and yielded to him. Kumbhakarna and Vibhîşana too acquired some Vidyas by virtue of their penance. The Yakşa-chief then created a town for the brothers, their parents, sister and other relations. Later on Rāvana observing fasts obtained Candrahāsa sword.
Then Răvana got married to Mandodars, daughter of Hemavati and Maya, the Vidyādhara king of Surasamgita. Once he went for sport to Mt. Megharava. There he married 6000 Vidyàdhara damsels by Gāndharva form of marriage. Kumbhakarna and Vibhisana were married to two Vidyadhara damsels Sürupanayanā and Pankajasri
11.
We have given above a detailed summary of the Vidyā-sadhana as it throws a flood of light on the character of the three brothers. The severe austerities they practise invest them with a spiritual grandeur and strength that are at once striking. The list of the Vidyas is not materially different from the one given in the Pc.

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respectively. Mandodari gave birth to two sons Indrajit and Meghaváhana (
Meghanada according to Vimala).
Then we are told of the various exploits 2 of Rāvana such as his conquest of Lankā and Puşpaka Vimāna after the defeat of Vaisramaņa, acquisition of Bhuvanalamkára elephant, the Defeat he inflicted upon Yama and the appointment of Adityarajas to the throne of Kiskindha and of Rkşarājas to that of Rksapura.
Now Valin, Sugriva and Sriprabhā were born of Aditya-rajas and his wife Indumálini; and Nala and Nila were born of Harikāntā and Rksarajas. When Válin succeeded the throne he appointed Sugriva as Crown-prince for Sugrīva was of right faith, just, compassionate and fiery.
Now while Rāvana was away on a visit to Mt. Meru, Khara, a Vidyadhara, eloped with Candranakha, went to pătála-Lanka, drove away Candrodara, a son of Adityarajas, and took possession of that city. Ravana was made to acquiesce by mandodart; they two got married.
Now the exiled king Candrodara died; his wife Anuradhā gave birth to a posthumous child called Virādha in some forest.
Then we are told of the episodes of Valin 13; Valin declined to salute Rávana on account of his vow of not saluting any one excepting the Arhats and Jain monks. Ravana and Välin fought, Válin overpowered him and humbled his pride, by placing him under his arm-pit and going in that way round the world; Válin let him off. placed Sugriva on the throne and himself became a monk. He practised penance and obtained many lores.
Now Sugriva got Sríprabhá married to Rāvana, appointed Candrarasmi, a son of Válin, heir-apparent.
Once Rāvaņa started for Nityalokapura in order to marry a princess called Ratnávali. His Vimāna was obstructed while he was crossing Mt. Aştāpada. Knowing that it was Välin who had held up his Puşpaka vimăna Ravana was infuriated; he lifted the Mt. Astăpada in order to throw it with Valin in the ocean. Válin pressed it with his thumb, Rāvana started vomitting blood and crying. 14 Välin taking pity on him set him free.
12.
These are substantially the same as found in the Pc., and have their parallels in the account given by Vālmīki - of course with remarkable variations : cf. Uttarakānda Cantos 11, 14, 15, 20-22.
The episode of Valin is told differently: According to Vimala Valin instead of fighting against Răvaņa becomes a monk after placing Sugriva on the throne. Here we are told as in the Valmiki Rāmayana that Välin placed Rāvana under his arm-pit and took him round the earth thus proving his superior strength. From that time he was called Rāvana:
Arāvidrāvayannūrvim Rāvanastena so'bhavat v. 255.
14.

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Răvana then tendered apology to the Muni for his misbehaviour, manifested his uttermost devotion to the Jinas by playing upon his "Bhujaviņā" with "Snasa-tantri". 16 Dharanendra was pleased with Rāvana, bestowed on him Amogha-vijaya-Sakti and Rupa-vikarini vidyā. Then Rāvana went to Nityalokapura, married Ratnävall and returned to Lanka. Välin in due course attained Mokşa. Sugriva married Tärá, daughter of Jvalanasikha. Sähasagati, who loved Tärā felt disappointed, went away to secure Semusi vidya (that enables one to change one's form). Angada and Jayananda were born of Târå.
Now Răvana set out for world-conquest. We are told of his heroic deeds such as the defeat of King Sahasrāmśu of Mahişmatile, putting a stop to the animal sacrifice!? organised by King Marutta of Rajapura, his visit to Mathura where he was warmly received by king Harivāhana and his son Madhu (who had a wondrous Trisula)18, the Defeat he inflicted on Nalakübara,'' the guardian of the East, who lived in Durlanghanagara, the overthrow of Indra, 20 the lord of the Vidyādharas, at Rathandpura; now Rāvana became the sovereign king of the Vidyadhara kingdoms on both the ranges of the Vaitādhya mountain. Once he visited Muni Ananta-vírya on Svarnatunga who had obtained perfect knowledge. From him he learnt that he, the Prati-vasudeva would die at the hands of Vasudeva, the cause being his attachment to another's wife. Rāvana then took the vow in the very presence of that Muni that he would never dally with an unwilling woman.
15.
16.
The incident of pressing the mountain lifted up by Rāvana is common to both Pc. and Hemacandra's work. This incident has a parallel in the Valmiki Rāmāyana for we are told in Uttarakānda. Canto 16 that Rāvana lifted up the Kailasa mountain with his arms, Siva with his thumb pressed it down thus crushing Ravana's arms; Rāvana started crying ...., the etymology of the word Rāvana is given there too, read w. 43-44. This worship of the Jinas with the lute of his arm and the string of his sinews has a faint resemblance with the austere observance of his oblation of nine heads into the fire, one after the other when Brahma appears and offers a boon. This king and his friend Anaranya king of Ayodhyā accept Dikṣā; the latter places Dasaratha on the throne. These incidents are told here differently so as to show Rāvana in favourable light. According to Vālmiki, Arjuna (Kārtavirya) who is called here and in Pc. and Pp.) Sahasrāmšu, took Rāvana prisoner. And he was let off on the request of Pulastya, Rāvana's father. The Jain accounts tell us exactly the opposite of what Vālmīki reports. This story about the origin of the animal-sacrifice is the same as given by Vimala Sûri. The story of Madhu with the Magic-Trisula and his god friend agrees in all details with the one related by Vimala. As in Pc., here too we are told that Răvaņa gave his daughter Manorama in marriage to Madhu. The episode of Uparambhà given here is identical with the one told by Vimala. Indra's defeat, his being taken captive, release at his father's request and all other details closely resemble Vimala's corresponding account.
19.

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Ravana's Conquest of the World
CANTO III:
Canto III relates the account of the marriage of Pavananjaya with Anjana-sundarl and of the birth of Hanumat and the exploits of Pavanañjaya and Hanûmat who, as allies of Ravana, took part in the invasion of the kingdom of Varuna by Ravana on two different occasions and of Hanûmat's marriage with Satyavatl, daughter of Varuna, and with Anangakusumā, daughter of Candranakha and with thousands of other maidens including those of Sugriva and Nala.21
The Birth of Hanumat and the Subjugation of Varuna (by Ravana) CANTO IV:
195
21.
Here we are told of the Ikṣvāku dynasty wherein was born Dasaratha and of the Harivamsa wherein was born Janaka, the prophecy about Ravana's death Vibhisana's resolve to kill Dasaratha and Janaka in order to avoid the future disaster, the wanderings in cognito of Dasaratha and Janaka, the destruction of their waxen images by Vibhlsana. Dasaratha's marriage with Kaikey (he was already married to Aparajita, Sumitra and Suprabha). Kaikeyt's aid to Dasaratha in fighting the hostile kings, Dasaratha's promise to grant her boon, 'Return-home' of Janaka, Dasaratha's conquest of Magadha and stay in Rajagṛha; the birth of Rāma to Aparajita, announced by four dreams, and of Lakṣmaṇa to Sumitra, announced by seven dreams; finding his two sons quite strong and powerful Dasaratha returned to Ayodhya; there Bharata and Satrughna were born of Kaikeyl and Suprabha.
Then the Canto narrates about the birth of Sita and Bhamandala to Videha, the kidnapping of Bhamandala and his story. Rama's feat of driving away the Mlecchas who had invaded the kingdom of Janaka, the Svayarhivara of Sita, the bending of the Vajrávarta bow, etc., Rama's wedding with Sita, and Lakṣmaṇa's with 18 Vidyadhara virgins, the incident of the delay by an old chamberlain in taking Abhişeka-jala to Aparajita, which was responsible for Dasaratha's vairagya, the recognition and union of Bhamandala with his parents and other relations, the past life of Dasaratha, his keen desire to become a monk, Kaikeyi's demand to place Bharata on the throne, Rama's selfimposed exile into forest, the departure to forest of Rama, Lakşmana and Sita, the failure of Bharata and Kaikeyl's attempt to bring back Ráma to Ayodhya, Bharata's coronation in the forest by Rama, Bharata's return to Ayodhya, his indifference to royal glory and the departure of the exiles from Citrakuta to Avanti.22
The account given here is materially the same as found in the Patima-Cariya (Cantos XV-XIX both inclusive).

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The Birth of Rama and Laksmana; the Wedding of Rama and Lakṣmana and the Departure to Forest as exiles of Rama, Laksmana (and Sita)
CANTO V:
Canto V sings of the adventures of the exiles, (or rather of Laksmana) across the Vajrakarna episode, the tale of Välikhilya and his daughter Kalyāṇamälä, the narrative of Kapila, the tale of Vanamala, the episode of King Ativirya, the narrative of Jitapadma, the tale of Ramagiri, the account of Kulabhusana and Deśabhüṣana (ascetics who obtain perfect knowledge), the tale of Jatayus, the death of Sambúka (at Lakṣmana's hands) and the abduction of Sita by Ravana, and the failure of the attempts of Jatayus and Ratnajatin to rescue Sita from Ravana's clutches.23
22.
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
23.
-
This portion of the story of Rama is substantially the same as found in Pauma-Cariya (Cantos XXI-XXXII both inclusive). There are, however, a few changes introduced here and there, e.g., Hemacandra tells us that Dasaratha after his marriage with Kaikeyi did not return to Ayodhya but went to Rajagṛha, conquered the king of Magadha, and stayed there; he sent for his wives and lived there for a long time out of Ravana's fear. It was there that Rama and Lakṣmaṇa were born; and when he felt himself invincible on account of his mighty and powerful sons he went back to Ayodhya (vv. 170-202). Vimala straight way after the marriage of Kaikeyf makes Dasaratha return to Ayodhya (XXIV, 33-34).
Again, here, the birth of Rama (Baladeva) is announced by four dreams - 1) an elephant, 2) a lion, 3) the moon and 4) the sun and that of Laksmana by seven dreams - 1) an elephant, 2) a lion, 3) the sun, 4) the moon, 5) fire, 6) Laksmi and 7) a sea (vv. 175-185); according to Vimala, Aparajita dreams three dreams only - 1) a lion, 2) the moon, 3) the sun. 4) and the earth bounded by oceans (XXV: v. 2 and 4-5).
Again Rama was named Padma for he was "Padma-nivasa-padmasya" whereas according to Vimala he was so named because he was (Viyasiya-vara-pauma-sarisamuhaṁ or) 'Paumuppaladalaccho. Further Vimala simply says that Dasaratha celebrated the festival on the birth of a son; Hemacandra gives us details:
"He gave away gifts to the suppliants; the citizens, who were overjoyed, brought Kalyanapātras and Pūrna-pătras filled with 'durva' grass, flowers, fruit and the like to the palace; the city was resounding with music notes, saffron was sprinkled everywhere, arches were erected at all possible places."
As usual we get some good Subhasitas in this canto as well:
Samayajňa hi dhimanto na tisthanti yatha tatha Soko harṣasca samsare naramāyāti yāti ca
v. 171
v. 253
The contents of this Canto entirely agree with those of the Pauma-Cariya (Cantos XXXIIIXLIV both inclusive). We, however, notice very minor alterations here and there, e.g. Vimala Sūri narrates that Rama, Laksmana and their army go to a Jain temple, there 'Bhavanapal deity transforms them all into women, Rama then goes to the assembly, there a dance ravishing the heart of all is performed.

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The Abduction of Sitā CANTO VI:
Here we are told of Rāma's lament at the loss of Sitā, the voluntary help given by Virādha to Lakşmaņa in his terrible battle with Khara, the Brothers' visit to PätālaLankā on Virādha's suggestion, their fight with Sunda, Sunda's Refuge in Lankā, the episode of Sugriva, the impostor (Māya-Sugrīva) - his death at Rama's hands, the Brothers' stay in a park outside Kişkindhā, Lanka's lament over the death of Khara and Düşana, Rāvana's efforts to win over Sitā, righteous Vibhişana's advice to Rävaņa to return Sitä honourably, Rāvana's demonstration of his splendour to Sita who, however, remained perfectly calm and quiet, Vibhīşana's deliberations with the ministers and fortification of Lankā, Raina's lament at Sugriva's delay in keeping his word, Lakşmaņa's mission as an envoy to Sugriva, vigorous search for Sità instituted by Sugriva, the report to Sugrīva by Ratnajațin about Sita's rape by Ravana, lord of Lanka, the nervousness of the Vanaras who felt that Sita could not be rescued from the clutches of Ravana. Lakşmaņa's lifting up of the Kotisila, which act convinced the Vanaras of his superior strength in overpowering Rāvana, the sending of Hanumat to Lanká to bring the tidings of Sitā and to comfort her in her distress, Hanūmat's exploits on the way (such as his fight with his grand-father Mahendra, his removing the Upasarga caused to three damsels in their austerities, defeat of Mālikā lore, marriage with Lankā-sundars after briefbut terrible fight, his meeting with Vibhişana, then with Sita, Her doubt, Hanumat's speech, Rama's ring, Sita's speech, and her Gem, the ruin of the park, the death of Akşakumăra, the capture of Hanumat by Indrajit, Rāvana's arrogant speech, Hanumat's angry reply, his breaking asunder the Nāgapăsas, his powdering Rāvana's crown, his return to Kişkindhã and his reporting to Ráma the news of Sitā. 24
The dancing damsel then makes a proposal to Ativirya that he should be a vassal of Bharata .....(Canto XXXVII).
Hemacandra does not refer to Jain temple or the performance of dance by that lovely dancing damsel. As in other Cantos here too we have some fine 'Subhäşitias': 1. Sakunamh cãtakunańca ganayanti hi durbalāh v. 103. 2. Santo hi natavatsalāh
v. 229. Mahatsu jāyate jātu na vrthā prarthanarthinām v. 406. and a proverb : Ito vyāghra itastati
v. 427. The contents of this Canto agree with the Pauma-Cariya (Canto XLV-LIII both inclusive and the opening verses of Canto LIV). There are a few insignificant changes : According to Vimala, 'Kharadūşana' is one man (43. 16, 44. 2. 45.5 etc.) whereas according to Hemacandra 'Khara and Dusana' are two different persons (w. 31 and 32).
24.

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Story of Rama in Jain Literature
Obtaining the Tidings of Sită
CANTO VII:
Canto VII gives an account of Rama's march against Lanka; the subjugation of Samudra and Setu, kings of Velandhara city; and of king Suvela and of king Hamsa, encamping of his troops at Hansadvipa, War-preparations in Lahká, Vibhiṣana's counsel, Vibhiṣana's banishment, his alliance with Rama; the siege of Lanka, a grim battle between the hostile armies, the single combats between the principal heroes on both the sides (e.g., Nala- Hasta. Nila - Prahasta, Hanumat - Māli, - Vajrodara, Jambumāli, Mahodara, Sugrīva - Kumbhakarna, Indrajit, Bhámandala Meghavahana). Hanumat captured by Kumbhakarna but set free by Angada: Sugriva and Bhamandala taken captive by Ravana's sons but set free by Vibhiṣana; Acquisition of divine weapons through God Mahalocana by Rama and Lakṣmaṇa: Vibhisana's counsel to Ravana on the battle-field; single combats between Vibhisana-Ravana, Rama -Kumbhakarna, Lakṣmaṇa - Indrajit, Nila Sinhajaghana, Angada - Maya, Bhamandala - Ketu, Hanumat Kumbha; the three Raksasa heroes Kumbhakarna. Indrajit and Meghavahana taken prisoners by means of Nagapāsas, Rāvana's discharging of Trisula at Vibhiṣana, Lakṣmaṇa's intervention, Lakṣmaṇa hit by Ravana with his Amoghavijayǎ Sakti, his falling to the ground in a swoon; single combat between Rama and Rāvana, at the approach of night Ravana's retiring to his camp, at the sad plight of Lakṣmaṇa Rama's swoon, on regaining consciousness his lament, Laksmana guarded by the Vidyadharas raising forts around, the episode of Visalya, Laksmana's recovery, Ravana's negotiations unsuccessful, the eight-day observance of the vow of Ahirhsă and Ravana's acquisition of Bahurupā vidya in spite of interruption by the Vänaras: Rāvana's threat to Sita, Sità loyal to Rama even in face of death, Ravana's remorse for his evil deed, Ravana's march to the field, disregarding portents and unfavourable omens, Rāvana and Lakṣmaṇa engaged in a grim combat. Ravana's hurling his disc at Lakṣmana the disc without
In this Canto also we have a few beautiful 'Subhasitas':
1. Satäm sango hi punyataḥ v. 97.
2. Svakaryadadhiko yatnah parakärye mahlyasam v. 102.
3. Na dvitiyă capetă hi harerharimärane
v. 114.
4. Dhigaho kāmavasthā baliyasi v. 142.
In v. 135 Sitá finely brings out the contrast between Rama and Mandodari's husband:
.... Kva sirhhaḥ kva ca jambukaḥ
Kva suparnah kva vả kākah, kva Rāmah kva ca te patih
v. 135.

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hurting him mounted his hand, Laksmana discharging it killed Rāvana. 25
Rávana's Death CANTO VIII :
Canto VIII narrates the account of Vibhîşana's lament over Rāvana's death, the release of Kumbhakarna and Ravana's sons, the past births of Ravana's sons related by Muni Aprameyabala, initiation into the Order of Kumbhakarna, Mancɔdari and Rávana's sons, reunion of Rama and Sitā, Vibhişana's coronation, the arrival of virgins betrothed and their marriage with Lakşmana; Rāma, Laksmana and Sita's stay in Lanka for long six years; obtaining of Nirvāņa by Kumbhakarna and Rāvana's sons, the sad plight of Dasaratha's queens at Ayodhyā, returning to Ayodhyā of Rama and party, their happy uinon with their mothers, the episode of Elephant Bhuvaná-lankara and Bharata and Kaikeyi's renunciation; Lakşmaņa's coronation; the overthrow of Madhu, king of Mathurá by Satrughna, Ruin of Mathurā by a god-friend of Madhu, the past births of Satrughna and Krtāntavadana, rehabilitation of Mathurā, Rāma and Laksmana married to Sridāmā and Manoramā respectively; the glory and splendour of Rāma and Lakşmana-Lakşmana's 16000 wives (8 of them chief ones): 250 sons (8 of them being the chief ones); Rama's four wives, Sita's dream, her conceiving of twins, the jealousy of her co-wives, their prevailing upon Sitā to draw Rāvana's portrait, poisoning of Rāma's mind against Sītā; the scandal given publicity to, evil reports about Sità obtained by Rāma, Rama's repudiation of his beloved Sita, Sita's piteous lamentations, and her message couched in moving words to Rāma.26
25.
26.
The account told in this Canto is in agreement with the Pauma-Cariya (Cantos: LV-LXXIII both inclusive) but for a few unimportant changes : e.g., Hemacandra drops the account of the past lives of Nala, Nila, Hasta and Prahasta and also of Višalyä (as given in the PaümaCariya - Cantos LVIII and LXIII), the explanation of the word Akşauhini (Pc. Canto LVI). The contents of this Canto agree with the accountas given in the Pauma-Cariya (Canto LXXVKCIV, both inclusive). Hemacandra drops the tale of Priyankara related by Vimala in Canto LXXIV, and the episode of May given in Canto LXXVII of the Paüma-Cariya; he describes the decoration of Ayodhyā to welcome the brothers in one line, (v. 73) when Vimala devotes 8 stanzas (Canto LXXVIII, w. 47-55) to that topic; he speaks of four Mahadevis of Rāma (v. 253), whereas Vimala explicitly mentions that Rama had 8000 wives of whom four were the principal ones (Canto XCI, w. 17-18). Hemacandra makes a very important addition to the story of Rama: Sitä is to be a mother; Räma loves her all the more; naturally her co-wives become jealous of her. Those deceitful co-wives ask her to show how Rāvana was - by drawing his portrait. Sità told them that she had not seen Rāvana's whole figure but only his feet. They asked her to draw his feet only in a picture to satisfy their curiosity. That straight-forward Sitā

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Sita's Repudiation
CANTO IX:
Canto IX narrates that Sita was honourably received by king Vajrajangha of Pundarikapura; on receiving Sità's message Rāma lamented his folly, went to the forest in search of Sita, but in vain; Sitā gave birth to twin sons who received the names Anangalavana and Madanānkuša, they were carefully brought up and taught various arts and sciences by Siddhārtha; Rāvana was married to a daughter of King Vajrajangha; King Prthu refused to give his daughter in marriage to Ankusa as the family of the boy was not known; invading Prthu's kingdom the twins proved their valour; Nārada gave the story of the birth of the twins, the marriage of Ankusa with Prthu's daughter was celebrated; the twins, invaded Ayodhyā; Bhamandala learning of Sita's repudiation went to her, took her to the camp of her twins, the twins disregarding Bhāmandala's advice fought and overpowered Rama and Laksmana in the fight; Siddhartha and Narada effected the union of the twins with their father Rāma; Sitā returned to Pundarīkapura; Ráma and others entered Ayodhyā; Sita's fire-ordeal, god Harinagavesin at Indra's order came to help the chaste and pure lady; Rāma proposed her to go with him and enjoy pleasures; Sitā was disgusted with Samsara, she tonsured her head, Rāma fainted, Sită then entered the ascetic order at the hands of Muni Jayabhūsana.
then drew Ravana's feet in a picture. As chance would have it, Rāma, at that time, came there. Those co-wives then told Rama to note that Sità was still remembering and desiringRāvana and to corroborate what they said, they showed him that painting. Nobleminded Rāma returned as he came. They then spread the scandal, through their female attendants, among Rama's subjects. People then started slandering Sità and finding fault with Rāma for his blind folly in taking back to his bosom the wife who was so long a captive in the palace of Rāvana. The motifof jealously thus utilised by Hemacandra heightens the artistic beauty of the poem. In this Canto Hemacandra as usual gives some good Subhasitas :
1. Vfrå hi prajāsu samadrstayah v.3. 2. Viveke hi na raudratā v. 148. 3. Naikatra munayah sthiräḥ v. 235 4. Dharmah saranamāpadi v. 274.

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27Sita's Purity and her Entering the Order of nuns CANTO X:
Canto X gives an account of the past lives of Rāma, Sugriva, Rāvana, Vibhîşana, Lakşmaņa, Sitā, Visalyā, Bhamandala, Rāvana, Ankusa and others, Krtāntavadana's Dikṣā, who later on was born as a god, the birth of Sitā as a god, the Diksă of Laksmana's sons, Bhāmandala's death, Hanumat's Diksa at the sight of sunset and later his attaining liberation; Laksmana's death brought about, though unwittingly, by gods; the Diksa of Lavana and Ankusa and their obtaining Mokşa; Rāma's sad plight at Laksmana's death; invasion of the kingdom of Ayodhyā by the sons of Indrajit and Sunda, their fleeing away when they knew that gods were on Rāma's side, later on their entering the Order, Coronation of Anangadeva (son of Lavana) and the renunciation of Rāma and other heroes, Rāma'sobtaining gradually Avadhi-jñāna and Kevala-jñāna, the Upasarga caused to Rama by Sitā-god, Rāma's prediction (that Lakşmana and Rāvana who were born in hell would ultimately obtain Nirvāņa - Laksmana as a Cakravartin and Rāvana as a Tirthankara and that the soul of Sitā would be born as a Ganadhara of Rávana
27.
The account given here is in agreement with the Paüma-Cartya (Cantos XCV-CIII both inclusive). There are some remarkable changes introduced by Hemacandra, e.g.. Rama, at Lakşmana's suggestion, goes to the forest in search of Sità whom he has abandoned, in order to please his subjects who slandered her. He makes a minute search but in vain. Taking her to be devoured by some wild animal and losing all hopes of regaining her he returned to Ayodhya and performed her funeral rites (w. 27-33); whereas according to Vimala, Rāma was comforted by Laksmana who explained to him the nature of Samsara and the unrestrained working of the law of Karman (Canto XCVI, w. 38-42); Hemacandra drops entirely the long sermon by Muni Sakalabhūsana (Vimala, Canto CII w. 63-203) and he narrates the past lives of Rāma and Laksmana (Vimala, Canto CIII) in Canto X Hemacandra describes very suggestively the different conflicting emotions that overpower Rama when he hears the account of his twin sons from Närada : Rāmopi vismaya-vrida-kheda-harşa-samakulah v. 154. Wonder - on account of the heroism of his sons, Shame - on account of his own defeat. Dejection - on account of his remembering anew the sad event of Sită's repudiation, and Joy - on account of union with his sons. The account given here entirely agrees with the Paüma-Cariya (part of Canto CIII and Cantos CIV-CVIII both inclusive). As elsewhere, here too we get a few sine Subhäșitas e.g..
1. Karmanam visama gatih v. 115. 2. Gatayah karmädhinā hi dehinām v. 231.
28.

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Tirthankara - of course all this after a number of births): Sitä-god's visit to hell and her advice to Laksmana and Råvana, and Rāma's liberation.
Råma attains Nirvana 4. HEMACANDRA'S RAMAYANA - A CRITICAL STUDY (1) ITS RELATION WITH THE WORKS OF VIMALA AND RAVISENA
As we have already pointed out in the footnotes to the summary of the contents of Hemacandra's Rāmāyaṇa, it is based on the Pauma-Cariya of Vimala Sūri with some variations here and there. In a few places it shows acquaintance with the PadmaPurāna of Ravisena. Hemacandra divides the narrative of the story of Rāma in ten cantos of unequal length. The shortest is the first canto with 164 verses; and the longest is the second canto with 654 verses. The total number of verses comes to 3718. He employs like Ravişena the Anustubh metre. Like Ravisena he speaks of Suprabhå, the fourth queen of Dasaratha and the mother of Satrughna. As in the Padma-Purăņa he mentions the bending of Vajravarta and Arņavāvarta ( = Sāgarāvarta) by Rāma and Lakşmana respectively. But for these points it is in agreement with the Palima-Carlya in its essential features.
(11) HEMACANDRA'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF
THE RAMA STORY (a) Välin fights with Rāvaņa, overpowers him, puts him under his arm-pit and in that position he circumambulates the earth thus proving his superior strength. This incident is not to be found in the epics of Vimala and Ravişena but that of Vālmiki.
(b) Dasaratha, after his marriage with Kaikeys, does not return to Ayodhya but goes to Rajagrha, conquers the king of Magadha, stays there, gets there his family and lives there for a long time out of Rāvana's fear. It is there that Rama and Laksmana are born. And when he feels himself to be Invincible on account of his powerful heroic sons he goes to Ayodhya with his whole family, and it is at Ayodhya that Bharata and Satrughna are born.
Again, the number of dreams that come to the mothers of Baladeva and Väsudeva differs from that given by Vimala. Aparăjită here sees four dreams as against the three in the Pauima-carlya and Sumitrā sees seven dreams as against the four in the PaumaCarlya.
(c) Dasaratha names "Rāma' Padma as he was 'Padma (=Lakşm) nivasa-padma'.
(d) Rāma, Lakşmana and the army are transformed into women by Ksetradevatā on the occasion of fighting the king Ativirya (Vimala attributes this to a Jain deity

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Bhavanapălf; and speaks of a lovely dance by a Nartikā. Hemacandra omits this reference).
le) According to Vimala, Kharadūsana is one individual, the husband of Candranakhā; Hemacandra states: Khara was the husband of Candranakha and Düşana and Trisiras were his younger brothers.
(1) Hemacandra omits, perhaps as unimportant, the account of the past lives of Nala, Nila, Hasta, Prahasta and of Višalyā and the explanation of the term 'Akşauhiņi'.
(g) Hemacandra drops the tale of Priyankara and the episode of Maya.
(h) He speaks of four Mahadevis of Rāma: 1. Maithill, 2. Prabhāvats, 3. Ratinibhă and 4. Sridāmā. The word Mahadevi does presuppose his other queens. Paüma-Cariya specifically mentions that Rāma has had 8000 queens. Hemacandra does not refer to them.
(i) Hemacandra makes a very important addition to the story of Rama. Sitā is to be a mother; Rāma loves her all the more; naturally her cowives become jealous of her. They deceitfully manoeuvre to get Rāvana's feet drawn in a picture by that innocent Sitá. They tell Rāma that Sitā still pines for Rāvana and to support their accusation they show that painting by Sitā to Rāma. Rāma silently goes back. They then spread the scandal among Räma's subjects through their trusted maid-servants. People then openly start talking about Rāma's folly in accepting Sitā back.
This motif of jealousy, skilfully used by Hemacandra, certainly heightens the artistic beauty of the poem.
() Hemacandra also adds that Rāma goes in search of his deserted Sità. His minute search is in vain. Taking her to have been devoured by wild beast and losing all hope of regaining her he returns to Ayodhya and performs her funeral rites. This his going in search of Sītā- whom he has himself repudiated in order to please his subjects which he considered to be his highest duty - reveals his deep and abiding love for Sitā.
(k) Hemacandra entirely drops the sermon of Sakalabhūşana.
(v) APPRECIATION OF HEMACANDRA AS A POET AND STORY-TELLER
As far as his Rāmāyaṇa is concerned, he does not display any originality. His work is modelled on the Palma-Cariya. He has reduced the original to about half its size by omitting many details, episodes, long sermons, details regarding past births of principal characters and so on. He presents in simple, lucid and fluent Sanskrit the narrative of Vimala Sūri. His judicious use of Alaskäras like Upamā, Rūpaka, Utpreksā, Arthântaranyāsa etc., adds grace to his poem. His descriptions of seasons, love scenes, war, and so on in the style of ornate poetry justify his claim that it is a Mahakāvya. The main purpose of his epic is instruction and edification. The narrative is sometimes interrupted by sermons on religion and morality. The doctrine of Karman and especially Nidana is illustrated in the course of the epic. His abilities as a story-teller are of no mean

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order. His Rāmāyana is a testimony to his art of story-telling. Again, he does not slavishly imitate his predecessor as we have demonstrated before. He reveals his artistic and dramatic skill by introducing the drawing of Ravana in a picture by Sita. This picture- incident has been later on incorporated in their works by many poets. One may not appreciate the didactic method of the poet. But unquestionably he is a story-teller of a high rank.

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CHAPTER - XII
SÍTĀ RĀVANA KATHANAKA OF ĀCĀRYA HEMACANDRA
(as found in his commentary to his own YOGAŚĀSTRA)
Hemacandra' (A.D. 1089-1172) fully and elaborately treats of the story of Rāma in his huge epic on 'The Lives of the Sixty-three Excellent Personages" (Trisastiśalākāpurusa-carita). He, however, presents the "Tale of Sita and Rāvana" very briefly and excluding the 'Uttara-Rāma-Carita' in his own commentary on his Yogasastra. The object of this paper is to examine the relation between the two versions and study the Ys version as a narrative poem. With a view to finding out whether the Ys version is earlier or later it is necessary to compare the two versions. The following table gives their comparison:
YS
TSPC
w. I-II tell us of Rāvana (his two brothers Kumbhakarna and Vibhişana); once, Rāvana saw in his house a necklace made of nine rubies, was struck with its splendour, learnt from the Elders that it had been
I. 152-160: Ravana as a babe out of natural restiveness lifts the necklace; his mother reports this wonder to his father who, seeing Rāvana's face reflected in the nine rubies styles him Dasamukha and recounts the prediction that the wearer of
For the Life, Date and Works of Hemacandra, refer to "The Life of Hemacandrācārya", Singhi Jaina Series Vol. No.II. Vide Chapter XI supra. This Rāmāyana version is now available in its English Translation. The translation which is generally accurate is, howerver, at some places erroneous. For example, grocerrafa nera: Tk gafhet I-II. 4361; sfiatság a u nafanua Tai Haisa arsefa II. 601b; AR a a: P arafia 13 I-VIII. 16a, and se ga s taigozafataifa: 1 X.--124b
these lines have been erroneously translated as. "For the great confer benefits just by existing, how much more by speech -(p. 146): just as the rich are not greedy for money, neither are the powerful greedy for victory'-(p. 156): 'so he is crazed (with pride). Even crazed, he asks for a Pujā-(p. 158): 'there is no advantage to us in kindoms nor in subjects, O King-(p. 298): 'He remained seated......like an image to be anointed-(p. 543). The Trişastisalākā-puruşa-carita is hereafter referred to as TSPC. Bibliotheca Indica edition (Pp. 360-387); Bhavanagar edition (folios 125b-134). My thanks are due to Dr. F.R. Hamm for drawing my attention to this version. The Yogaśāstra is hereafter referred to as YS.

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the necklace would be an 'ardha-cakrin'.
II. 21-66 describe in detail how Ravana attained the divine lores.
acquired as a gift by his ancestors and that he who wore it would be an Ardhabharateśvara. Thereupon Rāvana put it around his neck. Because his face was reflected in the nine rubies, he came to be widely known as 'tenfaced'.
Prajňapti and other supernatural lores waited on him like his army. He easily conquered half of Bharatavarşa.
w. 12-42 describe the conquest of Indra--the lord of the Vidyadharas. Rävana sent a messenger to Indra with the message that he should either accept his sovereignty or come forward for a fight. Indra throws a counterchallenge. A fierce fight ensues between the two armies of Indra and Rävaņa. Rävani (=Meghanāda) took Indra captive after a fierce battle. Soma, Yama, Varuna and Kubera then besieged Ravana, who easily overpowered them and took them prisoners.
w. 43-46: Rāvana marched against Pātāla-Lankā, killed Candrodara, gave his kingdom and his own sister (Candranakhā) in marriage to Khara, the elder brother of Trisiras and Dusana. Khara took everything belonging to Candrodara excepting his pregnant wife who managed to escape. Rāvana returned to Lankā and happily ruled there.
II. 578-633 describe the defeat of Indra. Rāvana after fierce fighting himself captured Indra. He returned to Lanka; threw Indra into prison. Indra's father (Sahasrāra) with the regents of the quarters went to Lanka, besought Rāvana to release Indra. Ravana released him on condition that Indra with the regents and attendants should perform various tasks for Ravana.
II. 172- 182: Once, while Ravana had gone to Mt. Meru to pay homage to the shrines, a Khecara, Khara by name, saw Candranakhā, kidnapped her, having fallen in love with her and she with him. He went to Patala-lankā, expelled Candrodara and took it himself. Rāvana on returning to Lankā, heard of the kidnapping of Candranakhā, was very angry, started out In order to kill Khara. Mandodari, however, intervened, gave him advice to get reconciled with the situation; his younger brothers too gave the same advice. Rāvana then sent his representatives-- Maya and Māríca--to Patàla-Lanka and married Candranakhā to Khara, who lived there as Ravana's vassal vv. 62-381

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w. 47-52 describe how Răvaņa made king Marutta stop the Vedic sacrifice.
vv. 53-54 mention that Rāvana went on pilgrimage to Sumeru etc., and returned to Lankā.
describe this episode and w 382-592 recount the story of the origin of animal sacrifices.
II. 649-654 mention that Ravana went to Mt. Svarnatunga (1.e. Meru) to pay homage to Anantavīrya, who had obtained omniscience; from him he learnt that he (Rävana) would meet his death from Vasudeva on account of his attachment to another's wife and that Rāvana took the vow of not making love to another's wife against her will and returned home.
IV. 116-352 relate this account in great detail.
w. 55-59 tell us of Dasaratha, king of Ayodhyā, his four wives--Kausalya, Kaikeyi. Sumitrā and Suprabha and their respective sons: Rāma, Bharata, Laksmana and Satrughna. Rāma (bhadra) married Sitā, the daughter of Janaka and sister of Bhāmandala.
w. 60-68 give the episode of the bath-water, and the fulfilment of Kaikeyi's two boons who demanded them of Dasaratha at Manthara's words.
IV. 355-371 give this episode of the bathwater, and IV. 419-442 relate of only one boon the fulfillment of which Kaikeys had kept in reserve and in order to keep her only son with her she asked her husband to appoint Bharata to the throne. There is no instigation by Manthară. Rāma of his own took the decision of dwelling in a forest.
V. 322-327: In the course of their wanderings Rāma etc., went to the Dandaka forest. Rāma made a mountaincave his dwelling. The arrival of the flying Monks and other details are identical.
v. 69-72: Rāma and party went to the Dandaka forest, lived in a hermitage at Pancavati. The arrival of two flying Monks, Sita's offering of alms to them, shower of fragrant water by gods, and the story of Jatāyus--all this is briefly described.
4. 5.
w. 48-52 are identical with TSPC II. 377-381 but for three words. v 62=IV. 368b, 360a; v. 64=1V. 370 (with slight changes).

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v. 378-410 elaborately describe the same happenings.
vv.73-85 give the incident of the killing of Sambuka and of Chandraņakhā's advances to Rama and Lakşmaņa alternately.
w. 86-117 describe the abduction of Sita by Rāvana?
w. 118-132: Räma went to help Lakşmana. Lakşmana who had killed his enemies met Rama on the way. They, realizing that someone had duped Råma in order to abduct Sitā, returned to their dwelling. Rāma not finding Sitā fell in a swoon. Lakşmaņa comforted him on his regaining consciousness. Virādha sought the help of Rama and Lakşmana to regain Pātālalanka. They promised him their help, and started out for Pātālalankā. On their way they met the Vidyadhara follower of Bhāmandala, who informed them of Sita's abduction by Rāvana. They then went to Patalalankā and put Virādha on the throne.
w. 133-194 recount the episode of Sähasagati, Sugriva and Tārā”.
V. 411-460 give the episode of Sita's abduction.
VI. 1-32: Laksmana had not finished fighting when Råma approached him. He sent Råma back to protect Sitä. Viradha with his army, went to Lakşmaņa to help him. Laksmana, single handed , killed Khara and others. Then he with Virädha returned to Rāma. Lakşmana comforted Rāma in his grief and requested him to put Viradha on his ancestral throne of Pātālalanka.
VI. 59-188: This is for the most part in agreement with its counterpart. v. 79-80 add that Sugriva had summoned Hanümat for assistance. As Hanumat looked on unable to distinguish between the two, the false Sugriva crushed the real Sugriva.
6.
w 74-79a=v 387-393a, with the dropping of v. 389 and a few verbal changes. w 80-83=v. 395-398; v 84b=v 409b; and v. 85=v.410. w 86-107-v. 411-432; w 110-111=v 442-444 and v 112=v 439 (with a slight change). It is to be noted that Jatayus rushed forward after hearing Sita's cries for help (vv 110-111) whereas according to TSPC, he rushed ahead while Rāvana attempted to put the weeping Sitā in his Vimana. v 119=VI. 3; w 120-21=V1.4-5 (with two little changes). w 144-158 agree, word for word with VI, 63-77; w 159-178a with VI. 80-99a, and w 179194 with VI. 100-115.

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vv. 195-222: Hanumat brings the tidIngs of Sitä after visiting Lanka,
Sitā Rāvana Kathanaka of Acarya Hemacandra
vv. 223-231: Rāma took Samudra and Setu, two patrols of Ravana captive, camped with his army at Hansa-dvipa and besieged Lanka. Bibhiṣaṇa who counselled Ravana to return Sită to Rama was banished by Ravana from Lanka. He then joined Rama's side. Răma conferred on him the Kingdom of Lanka.
vv. 232-276 describe the war between the armies of Rama and Rāvana. Kumbhakarna in his encounter with Sugrīva took him under his strong arm, and started towards Lanka. Rama and Lakṣmana challenged Kumbhakarna and Meghanāda respectively to fight. Sugriva escaped from the arm-noose of Kumbhakarna. Rama captured Kumbhakarna and Lakṣmaṇa Meghanada Ravana then appeared on the scene. Laksmana fought against him, was struck on his breast by Amogha-vijaya Sakti (Spear). Rāma fell fainting to the ground. Sugrīva and others made eight walls with four gates around Raghava (and Lakṣmaṇa). They acted as guards at the gates. Rāvana then retired from the battle-field with the thought that Laksmana would die that very day and without him Rama too would die and that fighting was of no use.
10.
11.
209
VI. 231-36, 317-408: These verses describe how Hanumat obtained the news of Sitā.
VII. 1-44 describe these events.
VII. 45-259: describe the war with some remarkable changes. According to this account Sugriva overpowered Kumbhakarna who fell to the ground struck by a stroke of lightning (Taditdanda). Indrajit and Meghavahana bound Sugriva and Bhamandala by snake-nooses. Kumbhakarna put Hanumat under his armpit. Hanumat escaped from the noose of Kumbhakarna's arm when he raised it to fight against Angada. In order to save Bibhisana from the Amoghavijaya Sakti discharged by Ravana, Lakṣmana stood in front of Bibhiṣaṇa and was pierced by it. Rāma angrily fought against Ravana, made him chariotless; Ravana then retired to Lanka with the thought that out of extreme affection for Lakṣmaṇa Rama would die and that fighting was of no use. Sugriva and others made seven walls with four gates around the two Raghavas. The Vidyadhara requested Bhamandala who was guarding the Eastern gatel to take him
vv 202-213, but for two slight changes are identical with VI. 332-343; v. 215-VI. 354 (with a small change, Sità breaks her fast not after 19 but 21 days); v. 221-VI. 405 and v. 222 abc=VI. 406 abc.
Hemacandra nods here for (in VII. 245) he has stated that Bhamandala was guarding the Southern gate.

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to Rāma. He was taken to Rāma. Then the Vidyadhara himself gave the account of Višalya'2
A Vidyādhara leader approached Bhāmandala who was a guard at the Southern gate, and disclosed to him the means of curing Laksmana, namely, the bath-water of Višalya. Bhämandala conveyed it to Rāma, who ordered him and Hanumat to bring Višalya's bathwater. They then brought Visalyā herself with 1000 maidens to be married to Lakşmaņa. At her touch Laksmana revived. At Rāma's command other warriors were sprinkled with her bathwater and revived. Rāma further ordered that Kumbhakarna and others be brought there for being sprinkled with the bathwater. The guards told him that they had just then accepted asceticism. Thereupon Rama ordered that the high-souled ones who had accepted asceticism be released. Lakşmaņa then married Visalya and other maidens 18
Then Ravana arrived on the battleground. Restraining Răma, Laksmana fought against Rāvana. Finally, Ravana discharged the Cakra against Laksmana. It did not hit him at all. He took it up, hurled it at Rävana and cut off his head.
w. 277-278: Rama accepted Sitā (of pure character) and placed Bibhişaņa on the throne of Lankā. Destroying his enemy, Rāma with his wife and others returned to his city-Ayodhyā. Rāvana invited the destruction of his
VIII. 9-16: At the time of Rāvana's cremation Rāma released Kumbhakarna and others. After the cremation Rāma asked them to rule their kingdom as before. They, however, preferred to accept asceticism.
Lakşmana pierced Rāvana's chest, with the Cakra.
VII. Rāvana after death sank into heli.
VIII. 1-97 Ráma was reunited with his noble wife Sita; he then returned to Ayodhyā.
According to YS version, Rama ordered Bhämandala and Hanumat to bring Visalya's water whereas according to SPC, Bhāmandala, Hanumat and Angada were assigned this task. v. 258-VIII. 283 with a slight change. w. 260-267=VIII. 285-292 (with slight modifications).
13.

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Sita Ravana-Kathanaka of Acarya Hemacandra
family by a mere desire of enjoying the love of another's wife and sank into
hell.
211
The interrelation of the two versions: It is, indeed, remarkable that though the author of the two versions is the same, they betray some noteworthy divergences. Thus, the incident of Ravana's wearing the 'navaratnamālā, of his fight against Indra and the four ‘dikpālas', of his slaying Candrodara, the lord of Pātālalaǹkā and bestowing that kingdom and his own sister on Khara, of the two boons of Kaikeyi and the instigation of Manthara, Rama's stay at the Pañcavati-asrama, the meeting of Rama and Lakṣmaṇa with Virādha after the destruction of the enemy, Sita's breaking fast after 19 (and not 21 as in the TSPC) days, the account of war between the principal heroes, the construction of eight (and not seven as in the TSPC) Vapras to guard Lakṣmaṇa, the intimating to Rāma of the means to save his brother by Bhamandala, (and not by the Vidyadhara himself directly), the release of Kumbhakarna, etc. before the slaying of Rāvana, and the cutting off of Ravana's head by the disc all these are differently told in the two versions. It is, further, remarkable that out of a total of 278 verses of the YS version 82 verses are identical, word for word, and 28 verses nearly identical-nearly because there are slight verbal but immaterial and insignificant changes--and broadly speaking--leaving aside the divergences noted above--the two versions are in agreement in their essential features. It is evident that the identical or nearly identical passages have been taken over from one version in the other version. Now, the question is whether the composition of the commentary to the YS falls earlier to or later than that of the TSPC. The TSPC (Parvan 10, Prasasti verses) mentions that the Yogasästra was already composed. One might venture to state that probably its commentary too was already composed. Bühler without any hesitation remarks that "Its (TSPC) composition falls later than that of the Yogaśāstra, for it is not quoted in the commentary on the latter..." (italics mine). Prof. M.C. Modì is inclined to believe that the commentary on the YS may have been written after the completion of the TSPC or that the TSPC and the commentary on the YS were being simultaneously written14. The view of Bühler seems to be more reasonable for nowhere in the commentary on the YS Hemacandra mentions the TSPC. He generally introduces quotations from his own works with the remark ' यदवोचाम or यदुक्तमस्माभि:' The present narrative poem he introduces while commenting on the YS II. 99--with the remark 'अयं चार्थः संप्रदायगम्यः, स चायम्. The word indicates some ancient authority or authorities, which he has made use of while penning this narrative poem. What precisely his source for this poem was it is impossible to state in the present state of our knowledge. The YS version shows, it may be conceded without any hesitation, acquaintance with the Paumacariya of Vimala Suri, the Padmacarita of
14. Hema-samiksa (in Gujarati) by Prof. M.C. Modi, Ahmedabad, 1942.

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Ravişena, the Vasudevahindi version of Sanghadāsals. Further, the divergences between the tivo versions could be better explained on the assumption that Hemacandra had already written the YS version based on some original or originals. If we were to assume with Prof. Modi that Hemacandra first wrote the TSPC or simultaneously composed the TSPC and the Commentary on the YS, we shall have to accuse Hemacandra of careless and hasty composition.
Sitá-Ravana-Kathānaka as a narrative poem: The title is striking in that the name of Rama, the great hero, is missing therein. This omission is easily explained as Hemacandra relates this story with the avowed intention of illustrating the ethical truth, namely that even a mere desire to enjoy the love of another's wife brings total ruin. Rāvana invited his complete destruction on account of his passion for Sita, the faithful wife of Rāma. Naturally enough, Rāvana and Sitā find place in the title of the story. Another point that strikes a reader is that in this short narrative of 278 verses, the episode of Săhasagati extends over full sixty verses. One is likely to find fault with Hemacandra for not showing a sense of proportion. Hemacandra, probably, deliberately devoted so many verses to the episode for it goes to confirm what he is out to illustrate by the main narrative.
The YS version is a narrative poem. It is uniformly written in the heroic metre except the concluding verse which is in the Vasanta-tilakā metre. As a narrative poem, it is interesting. "Hemacandra is an agreeable narrator who knows how to tell a tale and to interest his readers. His style is always fluent and rarely hampered by obscurity of language."16 A characteristic feature of his style is the very frequent use of proverbial sayings e.g. Et aug27149777 ht -
v. 162; ; 32+ TAI GT Praia ufu: 1 v. 258b, and yet ya: YCH fayfa 17
He at times gives homely and novel generalizations, e.g. far To fu es -
v. 180b, and a featu 1941 ERURUT v. 193b.
He makes a humorous reference to Brahmanas' fondness for food in 70114 aka: IT 1914 fast 9
-v. 187b, and has a hit against the morals of the actor in gacqua: hitza gazt i-". 139b.
15.
The story is in general agreement with the Paumacariya. Following the Padmapurana it gives Dasaratha four wives (Suprabhā is the fourth queen and Satrghna is born of her); the two boons of Kaikeys, the instigation of Mantharā, Rāma's stay at Pancavați, the cutting of Rāvana's head by Cakra are common to the version of Sarghadása. A few minor changes about the sequence of events might be due to the author's anxiety to narrate the story in brief. May be, they are possibly taken from some version which has not as yet come to light. Jacobi: Preface to Parisista-parvan.
16.

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The course of his narrative runs smooth, unhampered by long descriptive passages. He makes his narrative attractive and interesting by introducing by introducing happy and appropriate Arthantaranyāsas. This narrative poem contains over twenty five apt generalizations. The poet, accomplished as he is, decorates his narrative with 'anupräsas' and yamakas' with 'upamas', 'utpreksäs', rupakas"--which fact every reader of the narrative will easily notice. Hemacandra's command of language is simply marvellous. This command of language helps him to introduce 'anuprāsas' and 'yamakas' without giving the appearance of their being laboured. Hemacandra is a moralist and poet rolled in one. He takes delight in the expression in verse of pithy observations on life and morals. He freely and liberally flings at the reader maxims, proverbial sayings and generalizations. Occasionally, he repeats himself, e.g., the idea of अवको निः in v. 162 is repeated in v. 276. For achieving yamaka' he uses the unusual appellation पर 17 for Rāvana in अधस्येन पदे तस्य खरं सरोक :- v. 125. In v. 91' गत्वा रावणं विप्परवसा we have a trivial yamaka, and in v. 139 ' स कुशीलवकुशलः, कुशीलवः.... a laboured anuprāsa. Occasionally, his construction is not quite happy as in v. 63. Such blemishes are, however, very few.
17.
The narrative poem dealing with Sitä and Ravana is, thus, it will easily be seen, aimed at edification as well as amusement.
This epithet, incidentally, reveals that the custom of yoking mules or asses was prevalent in the days of Hemacandra.

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CHAPTER - XIII
THE ORIGIN OF THE STORY OF RÅMA IN
JAIN LITERATURE
I. THE DIFFERENT JAIN FORMS OF THE STORY OF
RĀMA: THEIR INTERRELATION
Among the various Jain adaptations of the Rama legend Vimala's Paúmacariya stands, chronologically speaking, first. The study of the different Jain Rāmāyanas undertaken in the preceding chapters clearly reveals that Ravisena, Svayambhu, Silácárya, Bhadresvara, Hemacandra and Dhanesvara, follow Vimala. Ravişena does not state that his Padmapurána is based on Vimala's Paumacarlya. The comparative study of the two versions given in Chapter III establishes firmly that Ravişena is heavily indebted to Vimala. Svayambhú expressly states to have followed Ravişena in composing his Paumacarlu. At the end of his version of the Rāma story Silācăraya states: "Thus is narrated in brief the life history of Rama and Laksmana which is described at length in works like the Paümacariya". From this statement it follows that he has used Vimala's work in preparing his abridged version. Bhadresvara does not indicate his source but the study of his Rāmāyana version proves beyond any shadow of doubt that he adopts the story of Rāma as given by Vimala and frequently also borrows phrases and lines from him. Hemacandra does not care to mention his source for his two Rāmāyana versions - one found in his Yogasāstra-svopajňa-vitti and the other in his Trişaştisalákāpuruşacarita. We have already established by undertaking a comparative study that Hemacandra has based his version mainly on Vimala. Dhanesvara's version too closely follows the tradition represented by Vimala. Incidentally, we also find that Devavijaya himself says that he is following Hemacandra. Meghavijaya's Laghu-Trisasti is an abridged version of Hemacandra's Trisatiśalákāpuruşacarita.
Gunabhadra's version which is largely dependent on Valmiki contains some features which have their parallels in the Dasaratha-Jataka and the version of Sanghadāsa, and some traits peculiar to the Jaina forms of the Rāma legend, and this conglomeration of different elements gives Gunabhadra's version a new look and form. It is, therefore, generally regarded -- and rightly too, for it has many important divergences with the Paümacariya--as forming another independent version. Puşpadanta, although he does not expressly state so, follows Gunabhadra. Krsnadāsa

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is another writer who follows him. From the number of authors, who follow Vimala, it is evident that his tradition is highly popular among the Jains.
The versions of Sanghadāsa and Harisena, however, are more related to the Rāmāyana of Valmiki or the Ramopakhyāna of the Mahabharata than to the version of either Vimala or Gunabhadra.
The different works noticed in the Jinaratnakosa but not studied here probably do not contain any new features but reproduce, with some variations, one or the other of the versions treated here. It would not be correct to designate the schools of Viinala and Gunabhadra as Svetambara and Digambara, for some Digambara writers too follow the so-called Svetămbara version of Vimala. The three groups of Jaina Rāmāyanas may conveniently be represented in a tabular form as given on the next page.
II. THE ORIGIN OF THE RĀMA STORY IN JAIN LITERATURE 1. The Problem
With regard to this problem of the origin of the Rāma story in Jain literature three logically possible answers suggest themselves: the story of Rāma in Jain literature (i) preserves an independent tradition anterior to that of Vālmīki, (ii) is derivative in nature being borrowed from the Vālmīki Rāmāyana or the Hindu Rāmāyana in general with suitable changes, (11) partly preserves some features of the very ancient tradition prior to that of Vālmīki and partly borrows some features of the Vālmīki Rāmāyana on account of their vast popularity among the masses. For this purpose it is necessary to investigate the oldest Jaina tradition preserved in the Paümacariya. According to the statement of the poet himself it was composed in 530 A.V. (4 A.D if we accept the traditional date (527 B.C.) of Mahāvíra's Nirvana, or 64 A.D. according to Dr. Jacobi's date (467 B.C.) of Mahävira's Nirvāņa). The researches of modern scholars lead us to believe that Vimala cannot be assigned to a later date than second century A.D. Whatever date we choose to accept, the fact remains that the Paüma-Cariya is the earliest extant Jain form of the story of Rāma. Let us now see what this earliest poet of Jain Rāmāyana has to say regarding the origin of the story of Rāma.
2. The tradition regarding the Origin of the Paüma-Cariya (as recorded by Vimala Sürt himself is as follows)
The Paima-Cariya was in the form of a list of names and was handed down in regular succession from teacher to his disciple. It was first told by Lord Mahavira to Indrabhūti Gautama who retold it to his disciple. It became known to generations of people through
1. Anafas 31139919m 958
alegia 434764 . . -PC. I. 8.

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JAINA RĀMÁYAŅAS
(School of Vimala)
Sanghadasa's version, Pk.
(School of Gunabhadra)
Uttara-Purana (Sk., 678 A.D.)
Pauma-Cariya-(Pk.) about 3rd century AD. or somewhat later
(not later than 609 A.D.)
Harisena's version, Sk. (931-32 A.D.) closest to Vālmiki's
Sk.
Apbh. + Paüma-Cariu of
Svayambhü (8th century A.D. ?)
1. Padma-Purana of
Ravisena (678
A.D.) 2. . Dharma
Pariksa of Amitagati (1014 A.D.)
Sk.
Apbh. Punyacandro- Mahä-Purana daya Purana of of Puspadanta Krsna (16th cen- (965 A.D.) tury A.D.)
1. Pk. Caupanna-
MahāpurișaCariya of Silacarya (868
AD.) 2. * Dhurtākhyāna
of Haribhadra
(750 A.D.) 3. Kahāvali of
Bhadresvara (11th century A.D.)
3.
Yogasastrasvopajna-vrtti of Hemacandra
Key:
+
4. Trişasti-salákā
puruşa-carita of Hemacandra (1160-72
A.D.) 5. Satruńjaya Ma
hatmya of Dhuanesvara (14th century
Not published. Casual treatment of a few fanciful legends. Sanskrit.
Sk. Pk.
Prakrit.
Apbh. Apabhramsa.

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217
a succession of 'Sadhus. Rahu was his grand-teacher and Vijaya was his teacher. He composed this epic, 530 years after the Nirvana of Lord Malāvira, having heard (from his Guru) the lives of Narayana and Baladieva a3 were given in the Pürvas.3
Scrutiny of this tradition : It is difficult to accept this tradition as founded on facts. It is probably true that the poet had before him a Namavali and known its elucidation from his teacher. But that the story was first told by Lord Mahāvira himself is difficult to believe. For in the Jain Canon we do not find the story of Rama recorded anywhere, although the story of Krsna who lived centuries aiter Rāma--according to the statement of the Jain writers themselves--occurs in Antagadadasäo. It is not likely that such a wellknown story which admirably illustrates the disastrous consequences of passion for another's wife should find no place in their sacred works. Again, it is very probable that the story of Rama was not sufficiently popular in the days of Mahāvíra and hence he may not have made use of that story for religious purpose. This surmise is strengthened by the fact that the story of Rama was popularised by Válmiki in the 3rd century B.C.5 Although it is said that the lives of Nārāyana and Baladeva were given in the Purva texts, we unfortunately are not in a position to verify the truth of the statement as these Purva texts are irretrievably lost. Again the traditions recorded by different poets in their Puranas dealing with the lives of 63 heroes are conflicting. Even the later poets of Jain Ramayanas (such as Hemacandra) do not appear to have taken this tradition of Vimala seriously. Otherwise how could they effect modificaticns in the principal narrative which Mahāvīra is said to have toid to his pupils? They would have then remained contented
2.
एय बीरजिणेण रागवरिय सिष्टुं मह्त्यं पुरा, पच्छाऽऽबंडलभूइणा उ कहियं सीसाण धम्मासयं । भूमओ साहुपरंपरा सपलं लोप, ठियं पायर्ड, पत्ताहे विमलेण सुत्तसहियं गाहानिबद्धं कयं ।।
-Canto 118, v. 102 पंचव य वातस्या, दुसमाप तीसवरिलजुता। वीरे सिद्धिमुदगए, तो निबद्धं द चरियं ।।
-Canto 118, v. 103. and,
राडू नामायरिओ, ससमयपरसमयगहि यसम्भावो । विजओ य तरस सीसो, नाइलकुलवंसनंदियरो॥ सीसेण तरस रइय, राहवचरियं तु मूरि विमलेण । सोऊग पुवगर, नारायणसीरिचारयाई ।।
-Canto 118, v.117-118. Antagada-dasão, Varga Ill. The Nandi and the Anuyogadvara Sutra texts (forming part of the Jain Canon) mention'Bhārata' and 'Rāmāyana' but they refer to the great epics of the Hindus and not to any Jain Mahâbhărata, or Jain Rāmāyaṇa. Winternitz has discussed the age of Ramayana. He hoids that "It is probable that the original Ränäyana was composed in the 3rd century B.C. by Väliniki on the basis of ancient ballads".

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with merely adding poetic descriptions of cities, towns etc., without tampering with the principal narrative of Rāma believed to have been delivered by Mahāvira. It appears that the poet traces the origin of the story to Lord Mahavira in order just to invest it with authority and sanctity and the statement that the lives were given in the Pūrva-texts is just intended to induce devout readers to accept the truth of the story when, he found It necessary to give the followers of Jaina faith a worthy substitute for the enormously popular epic of Valmiki. That Vimala Sūri is considerably indebted to Valmiki and that his Rāmāyana was used by him when he composed his own work is quite obvious.?
3. The Version of Rāma story attacked by Vimala Sürl
The author of the Paüma-Carlya does not specifically mention the name of the poet and the name of his work which, according to him, is full of inconsistencies and lies and absurdities, and to replace which he himself undertakes to narrate the true life of Rāma. But the various points of doubt he has raised® clearly point to the fact that he has in mind Valmiki's Rāmāyana. The questions or doubts that presume some versions of Rāmāyana and the corresponding passages from the Rāmāyana of Válmīki which give rise to these doubts are set forth as follows: (a) How the great Räksasas, though very strong, were killed by the Vänaras--
monkeys? 2. 105 How that mighty hero of the Räkşasas, viz. Rāvana, was defeated by the Vanaras,
who are 'tiryak --lower animals? 3. 9 Valmiki Rāmāyana does represent the Vānaras as lower animals, e.g., Yuddhakānda Book VI (Canto 4, w.63-67) speaks of their 'kilakila cries and lashing of their tails,
We have many parallels in the Hindu literature: e.g., the author of Manusmrti (Chapter 1) traces its origin to the Creator, so too Bharata's Natyaśāstra (Chapter 1) finds divine origin. Such fictitious traditions are fabricated intentionally in order to show that these works possess divine authority. Vimala Sūri, being a Jain, introduces a tradition representing Mahāvira, the Jina, as the expositor of the Rama story and thus claims his story to be a genuine account. See the next Section He only says: ... ag faaf9944, PER TANTOT BRUT II. 116 Again, HaRİ HET, HET EERS #31 उप्पाइया पसिद्धी, कुसत्थवादीहि विवरीया ॥
III.8 and, .... enfifa za grasvit HEYETUI III. 15 The reading in the text as given by Jacobi is an (A) See Canto 2, w. 105-117 and Canto 3, w. 8-13.
9.

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and Sundara-kāṇḍa Book V (Canto 53, vv. 5-8) speaks of the tail of Hanumat--the Vanara hero; and Book V (Canto 10, v.55) clearly brings out that he belonged to the monkey-race: "He struck on the ground his tail, kissed his own tail, rejoiced, jumped about, sang, ran about, went up the pillars and fell down, thus showing in many ways that he belonged to the monkey race".
Ravana's defeat was due to the valour of Vanara chiefs and the Vanara army no less than to the valour of Rāma and Laksmana. This is evident from the description of single combats and battles as given in the Yuddha-kända. It tells us that Sugriva killed three of the biggest glants of Ravana's side viz., Kumbha. Virupaksa and Mahodara. Hanumat brought down Ravana's son, Akṣa, and among the most important Rākṣasas he killed were Devantaka, Trisiras and Nikumbha. Nala, Nila, Angada and other great heroes have also many exploits to their credit. In fact, excepting Rama, Laksmana and Vibhiṣana with his four counsellors, the whole of the army led by them against the Rākṣasas consisted of lower animals who ultimately caused the downfall of Rāvana.
(b)
10.
It is reported in the popular scriptures that all the Rākṣasas led by Rāvana used to eat and drink meat, blood and marrow.
Sundara-kända (V. Canto 5. v. 11 f) tells us of Hanumat's visit to Ravana's Banquet hall where he found various kinds of birds' and beasts' flesh kept ready for Ravana's consumption, and cups of wine. In the Aranya-kanda (III. Canto 2 vv. 12-13), the Raksasa Viradha himself tells us that he used to seize a saint to make meal of him and that his lips would quaff the blood of Rama and Laksmana. In Aranya-kanda (III. Canto 19, vv. 19-20) we are told of Surpanakha's desire to drink the blood of Rama, Lakṣmaṇa and Sita. Aranya-kanda (iii. Canto 38, v.3) speaks of Marica as one given to eating the flesh of Rsis. In the Sundara-kända (V. Canto 22, v. 9)--Ravana addresses Sita as follows:........if after two months' time you do not bend to your lover's will, my cooks shall mince your limbs and serve you for my morning meal. 10 Uttara-kanda (VII. Canto 10, 3839) tells us that Kumbhakarna had eaten seven Apsarases and ten followers of Indra. (c)
It is reported that Ravana's brother named Kumbhakama used to sleep for six months without a break; even though his body would be crushed by big elephants and his ears filled with pot-fuls of oil (he would not wake up), he would not hear the sound of drums beaten near him nor would he get up from his bed if the period of six months was not over! When he got up, being overpowered with fierce hunger he would devour whatever would be near him at the time, such as elephants and buffaloes. Having filled his belly by devouring gods, men, elephants and the like he would again go to bed for another six months......."
This threat in the same words occurs in Book III, Canto 56, vv. 24-25. From such threats which Ravana gives to Sita in order to bend her to his passion we, however, may not be justified in saying that Ravana was a cannibal.

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This statement of Vimala Súri is based on Yuddha-kāņda, Canto 60, w. 23-64. (d) It is said that Indra, when defeated in battle by Råvana, was bound in chains
and taken to Larikā. How can anyone take Indra captive--Indra who rules over Jambudvipa with its gods and men? (One would be reduced to heaps of ashes at the mere thought of attacking him, who has Airāvata the elephant-jewel and Vajra--the thunder-bolt at his command!) AT that rate we might as well affirm
that the lion is overcome by the deer, the elephant by the dog! Pc. 2, 113-116. How Indra was overpowered by Rāvana's son and taken captive to Lankā and then Brahmå at the request of gods waited in deputation on Rāvana etc., --is described in detail in Uttara-kaņda Cantos 29-30. (e) It is reported that Rama during his sojourn in the forest killed a ( wondrous)
golden deer. Pc. 3, v. 10. This incident of the golden deer is described at length by Valmiki in the Aranya kānda, Cantos 43 and 44. ( It is said that Rāma treacherously killed Valin in order to oblige (his ally) Sugrīva
and win Sutārā" for him (Sugriva). Pc. 3, v. 10. Rāma's alliance with Sugriva and his killing of Vālin with the discharge of a single arrow from a covert position is described in the Kişkindhā-kāņda, Cantos 8-26. g) It is said that the Vanaras constructed a bridge across the ocean! Pc. 3, v. 12.
In the Yuddha-kõnda (VI. Canto 22) we are told by Vālmīki that Nala, who inherited a share of his father's-- Višvakarman's--celestial art and skill, with the aid of hosts of Vanaras, who uprooted mountains, rocks, etc., and overthrew them into the ocean, built a bridge of wondrous strength across the sea.
We thus find that the various doubts regarding the life of Rāma raised by Sreņika have full support in the passages of Ramāyana of Vālmīki and we, therefore, arrive at the legitimate inference that Vimala Sūri had in his mind at the time of composing his Patima-Cariya, the Rāmāyaṇa of Valmiki.
4. Vimla Sūri's indebteness to Válmiki's Rāmayana
Vimala Sūri puts down Välmiki as a liar and accuses him of presenting perverted and false account of Råma's life, and undertakes to narrate the true biography of Rama as handed down by unbroken tradition. A comparative study of his work with the Hindu epic, however, reveals, in spite of remarkable divergences, alterations, modifications and omissions, a profound influence of Valmiki over Vimala Sūri. He follows Valmìki as far as the principal features of the story of Rāma are concerned: Rāma's wedding with Sita.
11.
Sutāra is known in the Valmiki's Rāmāyaṇa as simply Târa'.

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(c)
Bharata's appointment to the throne of Ayodhyā by Daśaratha, the exile into forest of Răma, Laksmana and Sita, the abduction of Sitā by Rāvana, the Raksasa chief of Lankā; the sending of Hanumat as a messenger to bring the tidings of Sită after Rāma's alliance with Sugriva, the fights with Ravana and his downfall, the bringing home of Sita, the scandal-mongering in which the citizens of Ayodhya indulge, the repudiation of Sita and the lamentations of Rāma, the birth of twin sons to Sitā--these landmarks in the story of Rama are common to both the epics, notwithstanding numerous divergences regarding the details. We point here to certain noteworthy'minor' things which are highly eloquent of Valmiki's influence over Vimala Suri: (a) Padma is the name of Rama in the poem, yet the names Rāma, Rāghava,
Raghunatha occur very frequently. Srisaila is the personal name of Hanumat but the name Hanumat is very often met with in the poem. Pavanāñjaya and Anjanā-sundari were, we are told, the names of Hanumat's parents but later on the poet uses the names as Pavana and Anjana. The names of Sita's twin sons were Ananga-lavana and Madanankuša but the names Lavana (or Lava) and Arkusa (which have close affinity with lava and Kusa of the Rāmāyaṇa) are used frequently enough. Bhānukarna is the name of Kumbhakarņa but the poet uses very often the name Kumbhakarņa. Sutara is the name of Tărâ, the wife of Sugriva, yet the name Tāra is more often used. Indra who, according to Vimala Sūri, was the overlord of Vidyadharas and not the chief among gods is often called 'Surendra', 'Suradhipati', 'Devendra' and 'Surapati' (see Cantos 12 and 13). This one fact alone is a proof of the promi ; which Valmiki's Rāmāyana has had on the author of the Paimaa-C..yu On a close comparison of verses which treat of the same subject we do not find any remarkable verbal resemblance between the two epics although occasionally we come across rare Subhasita-like lines that seem to be borrowed by Vimala from his predecessor, for example,
Ih)
(1)
Umla huo... I
--V.R. VI. i 12.25 मरीताइ वंति वेराणि
--Pc.C. 75.. 911 yaza Y YAG V.R. VI. 131.107 wift... Entreteni...Pc.c. 118. w. 94-95
(2)

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ATSAR
14:1 V.R. VI. 131.112 BET ATAU HATTA Era qui Pc. C. 118. v. 96 It is, however, clear that such striking resemblances between the two epics are very rare and that Vimala is not a slavish imitator of his predecessor in point of diction and style.
On the whole, Vimala Suri's work is profoundly influenced by the Rámāyana of Vālmīki. 13
5. Vimala Sữrl's aims in the Paüma-Cariya
The poet holds that the Rāmāyana stories are most certainly lies; he thinks that the absurdities which are related regarding the life of Rāma, Rāvana and others are not worthy of belief, and that the poets who composed Rämāyaṇa were liars. It is with a view to removing all the absurdities, anomalies, inconsistencies and incredible elements that the poet undertakes the composition of the present epic. It is the poet's intention to present faithfully the life of Rāma as was proclaimed by Lord Mahavira himself. That the poet is intent on the propagation of the teachings of Lord Mahavira is evident to one who throws even a cursory glance at the epic. In the concluding portion of his epic, he exhorts his readers (or hearers) to practise the Dharma as expounded by the Jinas:
रमह सया जिणवरमयम्मि ।
-- 118. 112. PAMATAMU ET ETSVI IME 394 YTRI -- 118. 113. It is thus very clear that the poet aims mainly at propagation of Jaina doctrines.
This will be further obvious if we bear in mind the changes and modifications made by Vimala Surl in the Rama story as given by Vālmiki and analyse the motives which most probably inspired these changes. The changes effected by Vimala Sūri give the story a totally different form and purpose. These changes, however, cannot be explained by assuming that Vimala has preserved any original and important traits of the Rāma legend anterior to the Vālmīki Rāmāyana.
For, Valmiki's Rāmāyaṇa presents the oldest version of the story of Rama: "As an epic the Rāmāyana is very far removed from the Veda, and even the Rāma legend is only bound to Vedic literature by very slender threads.......Neither is there anything to indicate that songs of Rama and Sita already existed in the Vedic times."15 The story
13.
As the story of Valmiki's Råmayana is wellknown these changes and modifications need not be shown specifically. Through the mouth of king Sreņika and Gautama the poet gives expression to all this-see Pc. Canto 2, w. 116-117, canto 3, w. 9-15. Winternitz: Hist. of Ind. Lit. Vol. I. p. 515.

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of Rāma and Sitz is to be found, for the first time, in the Ramopakhyana--The Rama episode--in the Mahabharata and the Rāmāyana of Valmiki. Eminent scholars like Jacobi, Sukthankar and Winternitz hold, in spite of the objections of A. Ludwig and Hopkins, that the Rama episode is an epitome of the Rāmāyana of Valmiki, on the evidence of the numerous verbal agreements between the two poems, and other good reasons. 16 "It is probable', says Winternitz, that the original Ramayana was composed in the third century B.C. by Valmiki on the basis of ancient ballads."7
Now, there are some scholars of eminence who hold that the Rāmāyana of Valmiki has for its source the story of Rāma as found in the Dasaratha Jätaka and a few other játakas.18 But there are equally eminent scholars 19 who hold firmly to the opinion that the Dasaratha jataka is not really older than the Ramayana but only a distorted version of the latter. According to Dr. Narasimhachar, it is difficult to decide the problem either way. The case put forth by Jacobi and others, however, appears to be nearer the truth.
In any case, as far as the problem of the present thesis is concerned, the question of Dasaratha Jātaka does not assume importance as the Jain Rāmāyaṇas do not show any appreciable acquaintance with the Rama story as given by the Jatakas. And the earliest Jain version of Rama story available to us belongs to first (or second century) A.D. That is, the Jaina Rāmāyana falls centuries after the Rāmāyana of Vālmīki. In fact, Vimala is prompted to effect these changes in the Rāma story on account of motives more than one. These motives may be enumerated as follows:
(a) Removing of exaggerated and incredible elements
In the Rāmāyana of Valmiki we have an exaggerated account of the Rākşasas, Vanaras, Rksas and so on. For example, Rāvana had ten mouths and twenty hands. It is said that in spite of all efforts to wake up Kumbhakarna by loud noises, Kumbhakarna used to sleep for half a year, and then after his awakening, would devour elephants etc. and would again slumber for half a year. Then again Indra, though he rules over gods and men, is said to have been taken captive to Lanká by Rāvana! Then again it is said that the demon heroes in all their mighty strength were defeated by the monkeys! Again how can the monkeys build a bridge across the sea by throwing the rocks, hills and trees uprooted by them? It is these and similar elements that are obviously absurd and exaggerated that Vimala deliberately removes from his story.
Jacobi: Das Ramayana, pp. 71st.: Sukthankar: S. Memorial ed. pp. 387ft.; Winternitz: Hist. of Ind. Lit. Vol. I. p. 384; also Bulcke, Rāmāyana, pp. 41-51. Hist. of Ind. Lit. Vol. I. p.517. Weber: On the Rāmāyaṇa; Sen: Bengali Ramayanas: Grierson: J.R.A.S., 1922. Jacobi, m. Monier-Williams, Vaidya C.V., Maharastriya and also Bulcke.

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(b) Realistic Interpretation
Some of the changes which Vimala brings about are due to his desire of giving realistic form to the story. For example, Rāvana is described by the Valmiki-Ramayana as a ten-headed monster--Dasagriva or Dasānana or Dasa-mukha. According to Vimala, Rävana's mother hangs around his neck a wondrous string of pearls, in which his face is reflected nine times, hence his epithet of Dasamukha "the man with ten faces". This is obviously a realistic explanation of the epithets of Ravana. Again, in the ValmikiRamayana the Vānaras are represented as animals having long tails and using their teeth and nails as weapons and living on fruit etc. According to Vimala, "On the monkey Island there is the city of Kiskindhi-pura. The "Monkeys" (Vānaras) are in reality a race of Vidyadharas, which is so called; because these Vidyadharas had monkeys by way of badges on the arches of gates, banners and the like." This interpretation of the terin Vānaras' is also realistic. Then again, about the Raksasas: They are, in the VálmikiRămāyana, represented as demons with fearful appearances, and devouring all kinds of animals including even human beings, according to Vimala the Raksasas belonged to a race of the Vidyadharas, who, far from killing and devouring animals that they could obtain, strictly adhered to the vow of Ahimsá. "The Rákşasas were so called because one high-souled Räkşasa' was born in that dynasty of the Vidyadharas"20. This also is a realistic interpretation of the term Rākşasa. Sitā, in the Välmīki-Rāmāyana, comes forth out of the earth, here she is born of Videha in the natural way. This too is an illustration of realistic representation! We can multiply such instances of realistic representation from Vimala's epic.
(c) Ridding the story of divine elements
Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa represents Råma as a divine being, an incarnation of god Vişnu. The story of Vedavati in the Uttara-kānda leads us to believe that Sita was Laksmi. Bharata, Laksmana and Satrughna are Amsávatāras of Visnu. The Vanaras, Rksas etc. too possess some divine element. Jainism does not admit of the supremacy of the trinity of Hindu gods. Naturally Vimala rids the story of Rama of the divine elements.
20.
Vimala tells us that Bhima-the Räksasapati-bestowed the kingdom of Lankā on the Raksasa-island on Meghavahana a Vidyadhara. In his family were born Mahảraksasa, Devaraksasa, Aditya-raksasa, Raksasa...... By mentioning these fabricated names he prepares the ground for us to accept his etymology of the word Räksasa. Curlously enough, the poem contains another interpretation of the name Raksasa:
रक्खंति रक्खसा खलु दिवा पुण्णेण रक्खिया जेण ।
act fag ett TOÁ 4 25 11- V.257 Uttara-kända relates through Agastya that when Brahmã created the waters, he formed certain beings, some of whom received the name of Raksasas to guard them (Canto 5).

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(d) Elevation :
According to the Valmīki Rāmāyana, Kaikeyi is a selfish, greedy and intriguing woman. Rama kills Välin treacherously and is guilty of killing Sambūka. Rävana is a tyrant, an oppressor of mankind etc., violently obstructing sacrifices, and he abducts women. Välin is a usurper, and unlawfully takes possession of his brother's wife and kingdom. Vimala Süri takes a very sympathetic view of these characters, and attempts to clear them of blame. He represents Kaikeyi as a mother par excellence who is prepared to let her husband accept asceticism but desperately tries to retain her loving son. She does not demand Rāma's exile. Valin, a mighty Vidyadhara hero, though capable of inflicting a crushing defeat on Ravana, voluntarily appoints Sugriva to the throne and himself becomes a monk. This account acquits Válin of the shameful charge of living with his brother's wife, and Rāma of the charge of treacherously slaying Valin, who had done no harm to him. Laksmana kills Sambúka by accident and this exonerates Rama completely from the guilt of slaying Tapasvin. Ravana is a pious and devout Jain. He restores ruined Jain shrines. As far as possible he avoids 'Himsa' whenever he has to fight. In his world-conquest he is shown to have subdued his enemies whom he later on sets free and restores to them their kingdom. His only weakness is his passion for Sitā!
Thus it will be seen that Vimala is very keen on elevating his characters.
(e) Purging the story of Rāma of its Brahmanical atmosphere :
In the Vālmiki Rămâyana the heroes move in an entirely Brahmanical atmosphere. From the beginning to the end the poem breathes this atmosphere. Numerous Brahmanical legends and myths such as those of Vašiştha, Viśvámitra, Agastya, Vedavati, and so on, are inserted in the narrative. The performance of Asvamedha sacrifice is described with approval. The main characters are represented as Avatāras of the great Hindu god --Vişnu. Vimala Sûri, who is out "to give his co-religionists a complete substitute for the Hindu epic". cannot allow such atmosphere to colour his poem. He simply omits all these legends and Avatāra-Kathās that have no essential connection with the story of Rāma. In certain cases he modifies the legends to suit Jaina atmosphere, e.g., the story of Sagara and his 60000 sons. He speaks of the Vedas and animal sacrifices but only to criticise them.
(1) Creating of Jain atmosphere in its place :
Having purged the Rāma-story of its Brahmanical atmosphere, he sets himself to create Jain atmosphere by introducing various Upåkhyānas such as those of Vajrakarna, Kapila etc., which show the importance of Jainism, by adding at appropriate places the sermons of Jain munis, by explaining the duties of a Jain householder and a monk, by making the main characters of the stories devout followers of Jainism, by describing the existence of Jina shrines at almost all the places and their worship,

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eulogising the Tirthankaras etc., by giving the stories of the previous existences of the heroes as is done in all the narrative poems of the Jains, by describing Jain festivals such as Astáhnika-Puja, by emphasizing the Law of Karman and denouncing the entertaining of Nidăna, by portraying the kings as pious Jains who in their old age retire from the world and become Jain monks, and so on.
(g) Progagation of the special doctrines of Jainism
"The Rāmāyana in India is not – and never will be, let us hope - a dead mythology. It is full of the noblest examples of virtue and truth, of devotion and selfsacrifice. Its characters have been for centuries, and still are, living forces moulding the actions and aspirations of the men and women of India."21 Now long before Vimala flourished, the Rāma story of Vālmīki was immensely popular. Vimala thought that this story would provide an excellent means for reaching the popular thought and propagating Jain views, ideals and doctrines. With this thought he modified the story of Rāma to suit the Jain view of life. Through this story he teaches the Jain ethics, especially emphasizing the doctrine of Ahimsă, and recommends the reader to take up to asceticism as a sovereign remedy against all ills of Samsāra. He exhorts his reader or hearer to keep Moksa as is highest goal. He fully explains the working of the all - powerful and inexorable law of Karman and illustrates it with a number of stories. He incidentally points out to us how Nidāna, a special phase of the law of Karman, is a cause of bondage in this Samsara. He sings the glory of virtues like non - violence, truthfulness etc., and depicts the evil consequences of harassing or molesting a Jain monk or nun. In one word, Vimala presses into service this popular story of Rama for propagating the tenets of Jainism.
The motives enumerated and illustrated above must have prompted Vimala Sūri in effecting the various changes in the story of Rāma as detailed under the heads of omissions, additions and modifications.
(h) Consideration of some of the changes not covered by general discussion
With this general discussion about the motives behind these changes, we do not think it is necessary to account for each and every change introduced by Vimala. We may, however, account here for the striking ones among these changes not covered by the above general discussion :
21.
S.K. Belvalkar : Rāma's Later History, Part I. p. LXiii.

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Omissions :- Vimala omits the famous incident of golden deer', for Räma, who is vratastha', cannot kill a deer. According to Vimala all the principal characters abstain from meat-eating and are pious Jains. The incidents of the Illusory Head of Rāma and the beheading of Māyā-Sitā are left out as they do not fit in with the elevated character of Rávana.
The fire-ordeal of Sita at Lanká is omitted possibly for this reason that he did not like to show Sitä undergoing the same ordeal twice for establishing her purity and Innocence, for in the later history of Răma she undergoes one fire-ordeal. Or it may be that he is influenced by Ramopākhyāna in the Mahābhārata, where there is no mention of any ordeal.
Instead of Anaranya's curse Vimala speaks of a prophecy predicted by an astrologer (Canto 23, v. 10-11).
The occasion for Nalakūbara's curse on Rāvana (viz., Rāvana's forcibly carrying away of Rambha, who was proceeding to the house of her lover, Nalakübara: does not agree with the character of Rāvaņa as conceived by Vimala.
Vibhişana and Hanümat are gifted with immortality: According to Jainism not even gods are immortal.
Additions :- The pretty episode of Bhamandala is a pure invention of Vimala. Laksmana's lifting of Kotisilā has a faint and distinct parallel in the Rāmāyana where Rama cleaves with a single arrow seven palm trees standing in a line.
The account of Viradhita (the name has some similarity with Rāmāyana's Viradha!) is an innovation introduced by Vimala with poetic skill. The large number of wives of Rāma and Lakşmana perhaps reflects the idea that the larger the number of queens, the greater would be the glory of that King! And it is possible that in the days of Vimala it was a custom among Ksatriya kings to marry many women.
Modifications :- We have accounted for almost all the modifications in our general discussion. Kausalyā is called Aparăjită and Vimala is the first poet who so names her. Satrughna is born of Kaikeyi whereas in the Rāmāyana he is born of Sumitrā. Khai adusana is one individual, according to Vimala, and the husband of Rāvana's sister – Candranakhā. This does not agree with Vālmiki's version, where Khara is Rāvana's brother and Düşana, one of his generals; and Vidyutjihva is the name of the husband of Rāvana's sister. Indrajit and Meghavāhana are two different persons, both sons of Rāvana. According to Valmiki, Meghanāda was later named Indrajit. The episode of Vita-Sugriva is an invention by Vimala to bring together Rama and Sugriva.
(1) Vimala's conception of the Rákşasas and the Vānaras
This is markedly different from that of Vālmiki. "The Räkşasas are not man-eating

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demons with fearful and hideous appearances. Nor are the Vanaras animals having long tails living on fruits etc., and using their nails and teeth as their weapons. They are in reality a race of the Vidyadharas, a class of beings endowed with many supernatural qualities, if not human beings in the correct sense of the term. Beastly and uncouth behaviours and appearances are not therein attributed to them. On the other hand, they are depicted as having been highly civilised, who, far from killing and devouring all animals that they could obtain, strictly adhered to the vow of Ahimsā. "22 The dynasty of Vidyadharas at Lankā came to be called Raksasas after the celebrated and great Vidyadhara hero named Raksasa. The Vidyâdharas of Kişkindhipura received the name of Vānaras because of their custom of wearing the pictures of monkeys as symbols on their banners and crowns.
This conception of Vimala is born of the growing spirit of rationalism of his age. The fanciful and exaggerated poetic descriptions of the Rākşasas and the Vánaras given by the Valmiki-Ramayana were unacceptable to Vimala, a champion of rationalism. He, therefore, portrays the Rákşasas and the Vānaras as Vidyadharas, possessed of supernatural powers and gives realistic interpretations of the appellations "Rāksasa' and 'Vánara' and of Rāvana's name Dasamukha.
These aims satisfactorily explain the changes effected by Vimala in the Rāma story of Vālmīki.
Apart, however, from any question of aims, there is one single episode which establishes beyond any shadow of doubt the fact that Valmiki-Rāmāyana is Vimala's source, and it is that of indra's defeat by Råvana.
At the end of Canto 2 Vimala says: "Indra, though he rules over gods and men, is said to have been taken captive to Lanka by Rávana! One will be reduced to a heap of ashes at the mere thought of him who has the best elephant -Airavata and the unfailing weapon thunderbolt. At that rate we might as well affirm that the lion is overcome by gazelle, the elephant by the dog. The Ramayana stories are most certainly lies."
Now Vimala in Canto 7 tells us of Indra, the Vidyadhara-chief. Here he describes Indra in such a way as to lead us to believe that he is another Indra (especially read his appointment of four Lokapálas, his elephant Airavata, his minister Brhaspati, his weapon Vajra, his son Jayanta, etc.). But this very Vimala when he describes the fight between Rävana and Indra, employs so many times such words as 'Suravai', 'Surabhada: 'Surinda', 'Surabala', 'Surasenna', 'Sakko', 'Suraņāho', 'Suráhivai' for Indra, the overlord of Vidyadharas. The use of the words Surendra etc. clearly demonstrates the truth of the remark made above that although Vimala professes to give the faithful story of Rama as handed down by Jaina tradition, in actual practice he reveals, though unconsciously, his source viz., Vālmīki-Ramayana. Otherwise how could he
22.
Tradition about Vanaras and Raksasas'-Chakravarti c. in II. g. Vol. 1 (1925).

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condemn in one breath the description of the defeat of the overlord of gods-Indra, and himself describe Indra the Vidyadhara-chief as Surendra, Surădhipa and so on? This description has misled even Dr. Winternitz who writes: Cantos XII and XIII tell of a fight between Rāvana and the God Indra (History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 492).
We thus find that the origin of Vimala's Paüma-Cariya, which is the earliest Jain form of Rama story (not later than the third or fourth century A.D.), is the Rāmáyana of Valmiki.
6. Sen's view about an independent Southern legend of Rāvana
An Interesting thesis is, however, advanced by Rai Saheb D.C. Sen regarding an independent Southern legend about Rāvana. This thesis has a bearing on our problem, and it becomes necessary to examine it.
In his celebrated work called "The Bengali Rāmāyanas", Sen examines the material found in the Jatakas such as the Dasaratha Jātaka and the Jain Rämāyana of Hemacandra and arrives at the conclusion that "there were two distinct legends-- an early Northern Aryan legend about Rama without any connection with the Raksasas and the Vanaras and a Southern Dravidian legend in which Rāvana figures, independent of all touch with Rāma. These two distinct legends were at a very remote period of history, much earlier than the 4th century B.C., when Vālmīki is said to have composed his epic, mixed by the ballad-mongers, who invented the story of the abduction of Sitā, or somehow linked the broken chain of a story of some princess who was abducted, fancying her to be Sitā, and thus bridged the gulf between the two legends now presented as a homogeneous story, and Vālmiki came latterly as the most eloquent exponent of this mixed story." We confine our discussion to the so-called Southern Dravidian legend-- especially the Jain Rāmāyaṇa of Hemacandra.
Sen holds that “Hemacandra's version of Rāma's story, though comparatively modern, gives us a historical clue to the traditions that were extant in the Deccanin the olden times. At the time when this Jain Rāmāyana was written, Valmiki's Epic was known and read all over India. So it is but natural that the story as given in the latter is found incorporated in the Jain work. But the striking feature of this book is the elaborate description to be found in it of the dynasties of Rākşasas and apes. The story of Rāma is rather short. The descriptions of the Räkşasas and monkeys occupy a very considerable space, and many legends and stories about them are found in it which are not mentioned in the great epic. This shows that in the Dravidian traditions the Rākşasas and monkeys had a far greater hold on popular fancy than the story of Rāma himself. The character of Rāvana as given in this book rises to heights not scaled by the Rāvana of our national magnum opus. The tapasyā or the austerities..... undergone by Rāvana show his high character and a majestic command over passions, worthy of a sage, which unmistakably prove him to be the real hero of the Dravidian legend." Again," the Jain Rāmāyana begins with the description of the Rakşasas and monkeys and

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introduces Rāma only in the later chapters. This is quite unlike what we find in the great epic. The Ramayana, as a matter of course, should give the story of Rāma first. The supposition naturally grows strong that in Southern India the story of Rāvana and of the monkeys had been widely known, and the Northern legend was introduced, later on, as a supplementary story." Further, Sen corroborates his stand by adducing evidence from the Lankāvatāra Sūtra, a Buddhist text composed in the second or third century A.D. and the statement of Dharmakirti who flourished in the 6th Century A.D.
We have quoted the words of Senin extenso so that the reader should get a complete idea of Sen's view in the matter in his own words.
7. Sen's view regarding the Southern Independent Rāvana legend examined
(a) The narrative method : Jain Rāmāyana begins with the description of the Raksasas and Vánaras and introduees Rama only in the later chapters, and moreover it gives an elaborate description of the dynasties of Räksasas and Vānaras and many stories and legends about them.
The Uttarakānda, although a later addition, was known to the author of Paümacarlya, as we have already shown in the preceding section. The Uttarakanda is intended as a supplement and relates only events antecedent and subsequent to those described in the original poem. Thus the early history of Rävaņa with the Räksasa and Vanara families fills nearly forty cantos in the Uttarakānda and we have a full account of Rāvana's wars with the gods and his conquest of Lankā, which all happened long before the action of the poem begins; and the latter Cantos continue the narrative of the hero Rāma after his triumphant return to Ayodhya's kingdom and his coronation and the poem closes with his death and that of his brothers and the founding by their descendants of various kingdoms in different parts of India. Now what Vimala Sûri does is that he opens his epic with the description of the universe etc., and the various dynasties of the Rakşasas and the Vanaras, the world-conquest of Rāvana, etc., with a view to furnishing the reader with the proper background and setting of the real story. This way of treatment will only facilitate the understanding of the story by the reader. The narrative method of Vimala Sūri follows the chronological method of representing the beginning first, then the middle and finally the end. In Uttarakānda we have events antecedent and subsequent to the main story. One might appreciate Vimala's way of unfolding the story but in itself it does not indicate that the Raksasas and Vanaras and their legends were widely known and that the Rāma-story was added later on as a supplement only. We may also point out in this connection that the Ramopākhyāna in the Mahābhārata opens with an account of Rāvana and his family, and the Vanaras. Vimala may have taken a hint from this opening in the Rāmopakhyana.
(b) The elevated notion about the Vānaras and the Rākşasas in the Jain Rāmāyanas: Vimala Sūri represents the Rakşasas and the Vanaras as a class of Vidyadharas and devout followers of Jainism; Raksasas are not man-eating demons and the Vanaras are

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not monkeys with tails, etc.
To this we answer as follows:
The descriptions of the Vanaras in the Valmiki Ramayana are open to the charge of inconsistency. They are generally represented as semi-divine beings with preternatural powers living in houses and eating and drinking like men; sometimes as monkeys pure and simple, living in woods and eating fruits and roots. The highly exaggerated descriptions of ten-faced Rāvana, etc., are definitely inconsistent with other descriptions of Rāvana where he is a Raksasa with one face and two arms, etc. So too there is sometimes allusion to the eating of human flesh and drinking of human blood by some Raksasas. But as a rule, leaving aside these exceptional instances of grossly exaggerated descriptions, the Rakşasas as a class are not spoken of as cannibals.
Vimala Sûri removing the inconsistencies and absurdities in the epic represents them as a class of Vidyadharas and adherents of Jainism. He was inspired probably by the legitimate purpose of representing the Jain faith as superior to the Brahmanical traditions by removing from the legend of Rāma elements which the people may have found difficult to swallow.
(c) Rāvana depicted as noble and grand : No doubt Rāvana is represented by Válmiki as an oppressor of gods and others; he is shown guilty of abducting Sita; he is also depicted as interrupting the performance of sacrifices. But even according to Valmiki (or Vyäsa) he is not evil Incarnate. Valmiki (or rather the author of Uttarakānda) tells us how Rāvana and his two brothers perform austere penance for thousands of years and obtain boons from the god Brahmā. He is said to have been born in a celebrated Brahmin family. In spite of his serious weaknesses he did possess some commendable virtues. He misuses and misdirects his power and might.
Vimaia, as we have already pointed out, looks upon Rāvana as a Salākā-puruşa -a great man, according to Jain tradition; he conceives the character of Ravana as the noblest man, a devout Jain and ideal king. His only defect is his passion for Sita which brings about his death. Thus it will be seen that the elevation of Raksasa princes is no indication of Rāvana's having been the hero of an independent legend. In fact, so far no legend of Rāvana independent of any connection with the story of Rama has come to light. Further, we have established that Vimala was acquinted with the Rāmāyana of Vālmiki and that his work is a special edition of the Hindu story brought out to serve the adherents of Jainism as a substitute for the highly popular Rāmāyana of Válmīki.
Thus the differences in the treatment of the character of Rávaņa, and in the general account of the Raksasa and the Vānara families, as between the Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa and the Jain versions of the story, can all be explained as due to difference of purpose and emphasis. It is not necessary to assume the existence of an independent Rāvana legend as a hypothesis to explain these differences, unless there is independent evidence to prove the existence of such a legend. And therefore the view put forward by Sen that

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there was a Southern Dravidian independent Ravana legend cannot be accepted.
8. The Digambara version of Guņabhadra
Now, in connection with this problem of the origin of the Jain Ramayanas, the 'Digambara' version of Guņabhadra, deserves to be carefully investigated, for the two versions of Guņabhadra and Vimala Súri markedly differ from each other in regard to story element, characterisation, etc., as can be seen from the table setting forth their comparison. Further, we may note that Vimala shows that Hanümat, Sugrīva and Rāvana were relatives, that Hanūmat had helped Rāvana in his fight against Varuna etc., tells of the 'later history of Rāma' - introduces about a dozen Upåkhyānas, gives a detailed history of the dynasties of the Raksasas and the Vänaras and the Ikşvāku, narrates the account of Vālin and Sugriva differently. It is but right then if we say that the two versions should be regarded as independent forms of the story of Rama.
The first question that comes to mind about Guņabhadra's version is: "Why was it that Guņabhadra did not follow Ravisena, his Digarnbara predecessor? Ravisena was a Digambara. We expect, therefore, Cuņabhadra, a Digambara poet, to follow his predecessor. But our expectation is not fulfilled. As we have stated above, Gunabhadra's Rāma-story is vastly different from that of Vimala Sūri (with whose story that cf Ravisena almost perfectly agrees). So to find an answer to the question raised we may set forth the following logical possibilities: (i) Gunabhadra was not aware of the existence of the epics of Vimala and Ravisena.
Even if he was aware of their existence he did not think the narrative embodied
therein to be good enough to be followed by him. (iii) He gives the story as he found it in some work of a predecessor of his, belonging
to his Guru-paranıpāra, which work is now lost to us. (iv) He gives literary shape to the oral tradition as handed down by a line of successive
teachers of his Sangha. (v) He gives shape to some local version that was then current.
Now let us examine these logical possibilities :
Guņabhadra flourished in the 9th century A.D. So it is not likely that he was not aware of the existence of the works of Vimala and/or Ravişena, or that he gave literary shape to local version. As he is a 'modern writer' compared with the eminent Hindu poets Vyasa and Vālmīki and the Jain poet Vimala, their versions, with some slight variations, were widely known at the time of Guņabhadra. So alternatives (i) and (v) we may dismiss as improbable. Alternative (ti) also may be dismissed as improbable as a man of Gunabhadra's calibre cannot be accused of lack of balanced judgment. It is impossible to imagine that a writer coming at a sufficiently late stage in a literary tradition would

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invent highly extraordinary variations in an established legend, especially if the legend had a religous significance. Gunabhadra must, therefore, have had some authority for the version of the story that he gave. However, of the alternatives (iii) and (iv) it is difficult to say which is more probable. It is quite likely that he embodied in his Purana the story of Rāma as it came to him through Acarya-Paramparā. We have some reason to believe, however, that Gunabhadra may have been indebted to Kavi Paramesthi or Parameśvara. He is said to have composed a Purāņa glorifying 63 Salākāpuruṣas, celebrities of the Jain faith. Gunabhadra himself says that it was a Gadya-kathā and that it was used by Jinasena for Adi-Purăņa.23 Jinasena calls it Vägartha-sangraha. 24 Now if Jinasena followed Kavi Parameśvara in composing his Adi-Purāna it is not unlikely that Jinasena's pupil, who completed his teacher's unfinished Maha-Purana by adding to it his Uttara-Puråna, too, based his Rama-story on that of Kavi Parameśvara.25
Let us now turn to the views of Pt. Premi and Dr. Narasimhachar regarding the sources of Gunabhadra.
9. The relation of Guņabhadra's version with the Daśaratha Jātaka and the Adbhuta
Rāmāyana
In his paper on 'Padma-Carita Aura Pauma-Cariya' Pt. Premi suggests that Gunabhadra describes the birth of Sitā as Rāvana's daughter after the AdbhutaRāmayana, whereas the Kingship of Dasaratha over Vārāṇasi and the absence of the incidents such as Sitā's abandonment, the birth of Lava and Kusa, the twin sons of Sita, can be traced to the Buddhistic Jätaka.26 Dr. Narasimhachar, referring to the elements in the story such as Sita's birth, her abduction in the precincts of Váránasi, the intensely ascetic nature ascribed to the character of Rama, and the golden deer incident, remarks that "it seems to be a conglomeration of various legends pertaining to Rama" and that "it has no unitary source. "27
23.
24.
Kaviparameśvaranigaditagadyakathā mātīka.ṁ puroscaritaiṁ
U. Prasasti 17. Sa Pujyah ........... Parameśvaraḥ Vägarthasargratham ......... Purāņam yaḥ samagrahs:
Ādi-Purana 1.60. Cāvundarāya (978 A.D.) in his Adipurāņa declares that the Mahāpurāņa was composed formerly (even before Jinasena and Guņabhadra) by Kuci Bhattāraka and Srinandi Muni. See Jain Sahitya aura Itihāsa, p. 280. He suggests the sources possible, viz., Adbhuta-Rāmāyana, Dasaratha Jātaka and VālmikiRāmāyana.
25.
26. 27.

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Now let us examine this question of Gunabhadra's sources. Chronologically speaking Adbhuta-Rāmāyaṇa is very much later than Gunabhadra's Uttara-Purana. Grierson remarks: The Adbhuta Rāmāyaṇa is a comparatively modern work. It is distinctly Sakta in character, exalting Sitã above Rāma. It is also an attempt to introduce the terrible cult of Salva Saktism into the altogether alien soil of Vaisnavism." AdbhutaRāmāyaṇa is later than Adhyatma-Rāmāyaṇa (14th or 15th century ). So it cannot be taken as a possible source of Gunabhadra's Rāma story. Again, the way Sità is born according to the story of Adbhuta-Rāmāyaṇa is indeed Adbhuta!
"Ravana in the course of his conquest comes to the Dandaka forest, summons the Rsis there to submit without resistance, and, with this demand, draws from each with the tip of an arrow a little blood, which he collects in a jar.
One of the Rsis is Gṛtsamada, the father of a hundred sons. His wife has begged from him that she may have a daughter, and that this daughter may be Laksmi herself. In order to fulfil her desire, the Rṣi has been day by day sprinkling with appropriate 'mantra's, milk from a wisp of Kusa-grass into a jar, so that thereby it may become inhabited by Lakṣmi. He does this, as usual, on the morning of the day on which Ravana appears, and, before the latter's arrival, goes out into the forest. It is in this same jar that Ravana collects the Rsis's blood. He takes it home with him, and gives it to his wife Mandodari to take care of, telling her that the blood in it is more poisonous than poison itself. She may on no account taste it, or give it to anyone to taste.
Ravana again goes forth on his career of conquest and in Mount Mandara debauches the daughters of the gods etc. Mandodari, seeing them preferred to her, determines to kill herself. With this object, she drinks the contents of the jar of Rsis's blood, which Rāvana has told her is a deadly polson. Instead of dying, she immediately becomes pregnant with Lakṣml, who has been installed in the sprinkled milk by the power of Grtsamanda's 'mantra's.
When she finds herself pregnant in the absence of her husband, in fear of his reproaches she sets out for Kurukşetra under pretence of making a pilgrimage. There. freeing herself from the foetus, she buries it in the ground and returns home, keeping the whole affair a secret.
Shortly afterwards Janaka comes to sacrifice at Kurukṣetra. In order to prepare the ground for the sacrifice, he ploughs it with a golden plough, and while doing so turns up the foetus,--a girl child. Being warned by a voice from heaven, he adopts her and names her Sită. After completing the sacrifice, he takes her home, and brings her up."
28.
Raghavan, V.: Music in the Adbhuta Rāmāyaṇa, Journal Music Academy, Vol. 16, pp. 66ff. and
Grierson, G.A.: On the Adbhuta Rāmāyaṇa, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. IV. pp.11 ff.

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Lakşmi (Sitā) is born as the daughter of Mandodar) on account of a curse: "Nārada, while attending a concert in heaven, is hustled aside by Lakşmi's attendants, who are conducting her to her seat. He promptly curses her to become incarnate as the daughter of a Raksasa."
This fantastic birth-story is greatly different from that given by Gunabhadra where Sità is born of Mandodari as the daughter of Rāvana. The Dasaratha Jätaka is definitely older than Gunabhadra's Uttara-Puràņa. But it is a distorted version of the story of Rāma as given in the Mahabharata and the Vålmiki-Rāmāyana. So inerely because the later history of Rama is absent both in the Dasaratha Jitaka and Guņabhadra version we cannot say that the former is the source of the latter. It is true the Jätaka speaks of Dasaratha as a ruler of Varanasi, and Gunabhadra represents him as shifting his capital from Varanasi to Ayodhyā. But this is too slender a thread to connect the two stories. The Jätaka speaks of Rama and Sitä as brother and sister, staying in the Himalaya mountain for years together at Dasaratha's suggestion, and the marriage of Rama and Sita
brother and sister! All this is absent in the Jain version. So properly speaking we cannot point to Adbhuta-Ramayana and Daśaratha Jätaka as Gunabhadra's source for his Rāma-story.
We might account for these divergences in a different way: The birth of Sita is a mystery according to Valmiki's Rāmāyana. The Jain poets wanted to give a realistic interpretation of her birth. Vimala straightway calls her the daughter of Janaka and Videhá born in a natural manner. Gunabhadra (or the Acarya who first gave the version found in the Uttara-Purana) makes Sitä the daughter of Rāvana and Mandodari. He gives the reason why Sitá was abandoned by the parents and how Janaka and his te Vasudhä сome across this foundling! This change introduced by the Jain poet has something dramatic about it. A father falling in love with his own daughter, being unaware of the fact that she is his own daughter is psychologically not improbable. And as far as we know, Sanghadāsa (not later than 609 A.D.) is the first poet to represent Sită as Ravana's daughter. It is not unlikely that this account of the birth of Sitā and the names of some of Rāvana's ancestors such as Sahasragriva and others, have been taken over by Guņabhadra (or his predecessor whom he follows) from Sanghadása's version. A guess may be hazarded that Sanghadāsa possibly had in mind the story of Karna's birth, when he relates the account of Sītā's birth. Karņa is generally regarded as the son of a charioteer. The Mahabharata story, however, goes that in reality he was begotten by Surya. the Sun-god, and Kunts, when the latter was as yet a maiden, in a miraculous manner, so that Kunti's virginity was not violated. But after she had given birth to Karna, she was filled with shame. and put the boy out on the river in a little water-tight basket. There he was found by a charioteer, who brought him up. Karna is, therefore, really an elder brother to the Pandavas. The names Sahasragriva and others as the ancestors of Ravana were probably invented with a view to making the name Dasagriva not sound utterly strange or fantastic.

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From this discussion it becomes evident that there is no ground to believe that the Dasaratha Jātaka and the Adbhuta-Rāmāyaṇa were Gunabhadra's sources.
Let us now examine whether the version of Gunabhadra is entirely dependent on Valmiki or contains an independent tradition. Gunabhadra shares with Valmiki the following features:
(1)
Manimati's curse on Ravana (corresponds with Vedavati's).
The names Dasánana, Kumbhakarna, Surpanakha and Vibhiṇana.
The stratagem of golden stag.
The slaying of Válin.
Rama's giving of his signet ring to Hanûmat as an 'abhijñána.
Hanumat's assuming the form of a bee (a cat, according to Valmiki) on the occasion of entering Lanka.
(11)
(11)
(Iv)
(v)
(vi)
(vii)
(viii)
(tx)
(x)
(xx)
(xii)
00
(11)
Notwithstanding these common features Gunabhadra shows some important divergences from Välmiki as regards:
(111)
Story of Rama in Jain Literature
(tv)
(v)
(vi)
The birth of Sitä as the daughter of Ravana and Mandodari.
The circumstances and conditions preceding the wedding of Rama and Sita.
The Court-intrigue by Kalkeyi for securing the throne for Bharata and Rama's exile (which is absent in Gunabhadra's version).
Sürpanakha's visit to Sita as Ravana's duti.
Dasaratha's Informing Rāma of Sitäpaharana.
The later history of Rama (which is almost wholly absent in Gunabhadra).
It is, therefore, right to conclude that Gunabhadra's version is largely dependent, if not entirely, on Valmiki. The version of Gunabhadra gains a new look and form by the assimilation, to the frame-work of the story as taken from Välmiki's, of some novel
(vii)
Hanumat's presenting himself (before Sita) as a Vanara.
Vibhlsana's alliance with Ráma.
(viii)
Hanumat's (Anumat, according to Gunabhadra) laying waste the grove and setting Lahkä ablaze.
Causing disturbance to Ravana in his Vidyäsädhana.
Cutting off the illusory head of Sita and throwing it in front of Rama.
Depicting of Ravana as 'adhama', 'khala', 'loka-kantaka', 'paradārāpaharin', etc., and of Vibhişana as dharmajňa, prájňa, etc.
The parentage of Lakṣmana, Bharata, Satrughna and the place of their birth. Dasaratha's rule over Vārānasi.

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features as listed above and of remarkable features from the Jain tradition, such as Rama and Lakşmana having a large number of wives as every Baladeva and Vasudeva should have, their devotion to Jainism, renunciation of the world by Rāma, Sită, Vibhisana, Hanumat, etc., and their acceptance of the monastic order, Laksmana's sinking into hell, the representation of the Vănaras and the Raksasas as Vidyadharas and followers of Jainism, and so on. Consequently, this Digambara version is generally regarded as an independent Jain form of the Rāma legend.
It is, however, obvious from the preceding discussion that Gunabhadra had always a purpose in view in introducing these changes and that like Vimala Sūri, Gunabhadra too, took Válmīki Rāmāyana as his starting point and introduced important changes and modifications in the received legend to suit his aims, artistic, religious or ethical. The differences between the Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa and Gunabhadra's version cannot, therefore, be taken as a basis for arguing that Guņabhadra's version preserves any original features or traits of the legend as it flourished prior to Vālmīki, more faithfully than Vālmiki does. Such a hypothesis cannot be advanced except on the basis of independent evidence to prove the existence of a Rama legend prior to Vālmīki and substantially different from the version as given by Valmiki. There is no such independent evidence.
The versions of Sanghadāsa and Harisena are very near to the Valmiki-Rāmāyana and are clearly based on it, excepting of course, quite a few Jain features. The versions of Vimala and Guṇabhadra are typical of all the Jain forms of the Rama legend. We, therefore, give here a brief outline of Rāma's story common to all the Jain forms:
10. Outline of the Rama-story common to all the Jain forms
There was a king called Dasaratha of the Ikşvåku family, who ruled over Ayodhyā. He was blest with four princes called Rāma, Lakşmaņa, Bharata and Satrughna. There was, at the time, a king named Janaka who ruled over Videha. He had a daughter by name Sita. Janaka gave her in marriage to Rāma.
Now there was a mighty king called Rāvana who ruled over Lankā. He was fascinated by the wondrous beauty of that princess Sitā. He carried her off by force to Lanka. Rama was stricken with profound sorrow at this missortune.
There was a Vânara prince, Sugrīva, who was deprived of his rightful place in Kişkindhā. He sought Rama's alliance. Rāma and Lakşmaņa helped Sugriva regain the kingdom of Kişkindha. Rāma, Laksmana and the army of Sugriva marched against Lanka; Vibhlşaņa, the righteous brother of Rāvana, did his best to persuade Rāvana honourably to return Sitā to Rama, but in vain. He deserted Rävaņa and formed an alliance with Rama. A terrible war was fought between the two hostile armies of Rāma and Ravana. Finally Ravana was killed, Vibhisana was made king of Lańkā and Rāma was united with his lost queen.

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After vindicating his honour, Rama, with Laksmana and Sitā, returned to Ayodhyā, his capital. Räma had 8,000 queens among whom Sitā and three others were the principal ones. Lakşmaņa had 16,000 queens among whom Prthvisundari and others were the chief ones. Råma and Laksmana very deeply loved each other. After Laksmana's death Rama became a monk, practised austerities, obtained perfect knowledge, and in due course attained to Mokşa. Laksmana, as he did not accept the path laid down by the Jinas, sank into hell. Rāvana, for his lapse from the code of correct behaviour, had to go to hell. Both of them after passing through many births would attain to liberation. Sită, after leading the life of an Āryikā, was born in heaven, but she too would in course of time obtain Moksa.
According to the Jain versions, Rāma Laksmana and Rāvana are the 8th set of Baladeva, Vasudeva and Prativasudeva.
It is quite obvious that excepting the number of the queens of Rāma and Lakşmana, the killing of Rāvana by Laksmana and the Jinistic conclusion this Rāma-story is basically and essentially the same as that found in the Hindu versions of Vyasa and Valmiki.
This investigation of the problem of the origin of Rāmāyaṇa in Jain Literature clearly and unmistakably points to the only conclusion that the Jain forms of the story of Rāma are derivative in character, that they are largely dependent on the VālmīkiRāmāyaṇa and that they do not preserve any features of the ancient ballads about Räma which had gained currency through the bards before Válmiki gave them the literary shape and form of a unified poem in his widely known Rāmāyana. It would not do to say that the Jain versions of Rāma legend preserve the true Rāma story and it is Valmiki who presents its distorted version. The reason for not accepting the Jain versions as truer to the original oral tradition than the Valrniki-Rāmāyana may briefly be stated as follows:
(1)
Chronologically the Jain versions are definitely later than the Hindu Rāmāyana. The later a work in date of composition the less probable it is that the work embodies the original legend more truthfully. The traditions regarding the origin of the Rāma-story recorded by the Jains in their works are conflicting. If the story of Rāma were told by Mahävíra, it should have found a place in sacred works of the Jains. The story of Krsna is found in the canonical texts. It is not easy to explain the absence of the Råma-story in the cannon unless we hold that it was taken up later by the Jain poets to popularize the Jain teachings. The Jain versions unmistakably point to the influence of Vālmiki Ramayana (or The Ramopåkhyāna of the Mahabharata). For example, Vimala Süri who criticizes the Hindu Rämāyaṇa for representing the defeat of Indra, the overlord of the gods, at the hands of Råvana when, in reality. Indra, the lord of Vidyadharas, was defeated, himself describes that Vidyadhara lord as 'Suradhipa', 'Surapati', etc. He uses personal names of heroes after Välmiki

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although he gives them different personal names. (iv) The tendency of the human mind to find fault with fanciful and highly
exaggerated and coloured descriptions as absurd and unreasonable found in the Jain works speaks of their modernism'. The Jain version idealizes the characters of Kaikeyi, Ravana and Välin. If their representation of these characters were more faithful to the original legend, it would be difficult to understand how Vālmiki could distort the idealism of the original, and give touches of realism in representing the part played by Kaikeyi in bringing about Rama's exile, Rāma's slaying of Valin in a manner unbefitting a superhuman hero. In view of Vālmīki's intense desire to idealize the character of Rama and represent him as an ideal warrior, an ideal son, an ideal husband and an ideal king, it is dimicult to understand Vālmīki's motives in slightly degrading the character of Rāma in the episode of his fight with Välin, as also in some others such as his killing of Tataka and Khara, his rather unchivalrous treatment of Surpanakhă, etc., unless we assume that Vālmiki had felt compelled
to retain these incidents because he found them as part of the popular tradition. (vi) The divergences which the Jain Rāmāyanas show from the Valmiki-Rāmāyana
are easily accounted for, as proceeding from artistic, or religious or ethical motives thus dispensing with the hypothesis that the Jain versions preserve
more faithfully the ancient Rämastory that was prevalent prior to Välmlki. Establishing thus firmly that Valmiki's Rāmāyaṇa is the fountain source of the Jain versions of the story of Rama we now turn to the development of the story of Rāma in Jain literature.

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CHAPTER - XIV
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STORY OF RĀMA
IN JAIN LITERATURE
(1) Paiima-Carlya--a model for later poets : Although Vimala borrows the main story from Vālmiki-Ramayana, he gives it a Jain background and setting, invests it with Jain atmosphere, decorates it with the teachings of Jainism, humanises the divine characters, elevates the characters of Kaikeyi, Rāvana, Vālin etc., gives an altogether new interpretation of the terms 'Raksasas' and 'Vanaras', removes the incredible elements of the original poem and thereby succeeds in giving us quite a new Rāmāyana. He sets in a way a model for all the later Jain poets to imitate. Let us survey the important Jain Rāmāyanas which were composed during a long period after Vimala Sûri and note the contribution of these later poets to the story of Rama.
(11) The Vasudeva-hindi version (not later than 609 A.D.) : Sanghadása is, for his version, heavily indebted to the Hindu version represented by the Rāmāyana of Valmīki/ the Rāmopākhyāna of Vyasa. Regarding many principal features of the story such as Manthara's role in the Court-Intrigue, Dasaratha's death on account of grief for his son, Ráma's delegating of his authority to the Pádukas in all affairs of state, the Surpanakha episode, the golden stag, the slaying of Válin, the great bridge built across the ocean, Vibhişana's alliance with Ráma, and Rāma's coronation, he is in complete agreement with Vālmīki. He ends the story with Rāma's coronation--after the Ramopākhyāna of Vyasa. And it may be noted, in passing, that he does not mention the specific period of years for Rāma's exile--In accordance with Vyasa's version (Compare Vanaparvan, Adhyâya 277, v. 26). A few features of the Hindu version he gives in a modified form. For example, the circumstances in which Daśaratha grants two boons to Kaikeyi are narrated by him in a different way. This may be due to his endeavour to remove the supernatural element from the story. This inference is supported by the fact that throughout the story, Rāma etc. are, unlike as in the Vālmīki-Ramayana, portrayed as human heroes. Here possibly he was under the influence of Vimala, who empties the Rāmāyaṇa of its divine elements. He has again drawn on the version represented by Vimala's Paüma-carlya while describing Satrughna as the son of Kaikeyi, and Rāvana's death at the hands of Lakşmana.
His own contribution: Sanghadāsa's contribution to the development of the story of Rama lies in his description of Mandodarl's marriage with Ravana and of the birth of Sitā as Rāvana's daughter. It appears that Sanghadása introduced this innovation in order to explain away the mystery of Sita's birth as we find it in the Hindu version.

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It may be noted here, in passing, that the genealogy of Rāvaņa as given by Sanghadāsa only partially agrees with their counter-parts in the Hindu version or the Pauma-cariya. Probably he invented the names of Rāvana's ancestors such as Sahasragriva, Pañcasatagriva, Satagriva, etc. with a view to making the name Dasagriva not sound strange or fantastic.
Sanghadāsa's influence is seen in the work of Guņabhadra, who borrows, with slight modification, this account of the birth of Sitā and some names of Rāvana's ancestors such as Sahasragriva, Satagrīva, etc.
(111) Padma-Purāna of Ravişeņa (678 A.D.): It is merely a slightly extended recension of the Paüma-carlya in Sanskrit, agreeing with it in all essential points. Vimala was presumably a Svetārbara author. Ravişena, who is himself a Digambara, while giving an enlarged edition of the Paüma-cariya which (presumably) is a Svetambara work, has introduced, wherever possible, Digambara traits, and removed the Svetambara features of the original poem.
Ravisena's contribution to the story of Rama : It may be briefly summarised as follows:-- (a) The story is presented with a bold Digambara colouring.
Suprabha is the fourth queen of Dasaratha and Satrughna is born of her. (c) The image of Janaka too is destroyed by Vibhīşaņa.
Vajrävarta and Sagarăvarta are the two bows bent by Rāma and Laksmana on the occasion of Sitā-svayamvara.
Bharata's wife is called here Loka-sundari. ( In the Ativirya-Episode Rāma himself assumes the form of a dancing girl. (g Hanümat sides with the twins against Rāma. (h) It is god Meşa- Ketana who assists Sitā in her fire-ordeal.
(iv) Upadeśapada of Haribhadrasuri (700-770 A.D.): Haribhadrasűri alludes to the story of Rāma in one of the Sangraha-găthās in his Upadesapada29 The gāthá embodying details of the story of Rāma runs as follows :
लक्खणरामे देवीहरणे सोगम्मि आलिहे चलणा। उरिण दिट्ट जोगो अस्थित्तासासणे चेव ॥
(b)
Sun
From the peculiar method of summarising the essential details of the story of Rāma it is crystal clear that a story of Rāma containing these features already existed in an oral or written tradition; for without such traditional information the verse referred to
29.
Srimatmuktikamala Jainamohanamāla, Puspam 19, Baroda, 1923. P. 84, Gatha No. 14. I am obliged to Dr. J.C. Jain for drawing my attention to this reference through Dr. Bulcke.

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above would not be quite intelligible. In his commentary on the Upadesapada composed in V.S. 1174 Municandra adds a short story of Rama in thirty verses to explain the Sangraha-gāthā. His version agrees with that of Vimalasuri except in two details: (i) Municandra speaks of three principal queens of Dasaratha, viz., Kausalya, Sumitra and Kaikeyi, and their three sons, Rāma, Lakṣmana and Bharata respectively and (i) he elucidates the picture motif alluded to in the Gāthā.
The particular version which existed before and was utilised by Haribhadrasuri has not come down to us. The fact, however, remains that the credit of introducing the picture-motif in the story of Räma for the first time goes to an unknown writer who must have flourished before Haribhadrasüri and not to Bhadreśvara30 as I had claimed elsewhere.
(v) Paumacariu of Svayambhudeva (middle of the 8th century A.D. ?): Svayambhú himself states that he is presenting the story of Rama as given by Ravisena. He, however, does not slavishly imitate his predecessor. He is perhaps the first Jain poet to divide the poem into Kandas. Of his five Kandas four have titles common with Välmlki's poem-only instead of Bala-kända he speaks of Vidyadharakända. He does not have the two titles Aranya-kanda and Kişkindhå-kända. He effects omissions, abridgements, additions and alterations with a view to presenting the story in a more attractive and poetic form. His changes, however, do not relate to the principal story of Rama but to such topics as Kṣetravaranana, Kalavarnana, Pürvabhavakathana, Upåkhyānas and descriptions. His work certainly gains by these changes in its poetic value.
(vi) Cauppannamahāpuriṣa-cariya of Silacarya (868 A.D.): Silácarya declares: "Thus is narrated in brief the life-history of Ráma and Laksmana, which is described at length in works like Pauma-cariya." From this statement of his it is obvious that Vimala's work was in his mind when he prepared this abridged version. He has, however, introduced some remarkable features from Valmiki's version directly possibly because of their popularity in his days or indirectly through Sanghadása whose version always shares. these features. These features include the golden stag incident and the Väli-episode. It deserves our notice that Silacarya's Rāvana is after Valmiki's as he speaks of him in such भुवणतावणो, 'बलवमकज्जायरणेण दूसिओ कलुसियचरितो' विज्जागव्विओ, खल and क्रूर.
terms as
Vimala's Ravana is nearly a perfect hero with one defect only, viz.. his passion for Sitä. He does not count the Prativasudevas, such as Ravana, among the 'Uttama'.. or 'Maha' or 'Saläkä--purusas. Naturally, the name Ravana does not find place in the
title.
Silacarya's Influence on Hemacandra?
Winternitz observes in connection with Hemacandra's work--Trisastisalakapurusa-carita--that the Cauppannamahapurisa-cariya of Silacárya must be taken.
30.
Vide Chapter X: "The Ramayana of Bhadresvara (p. 184, f.n. 7) supra.

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243
into consideration while investigating sources which Hemacandra drew upon for his poem (see pp. 505-506). As far as the version of Rāmāyana is concerned, it can definitely be asserted that not Silācārya's but Vimala Suri's Paumacariya is Hemacandra's source.
(vii) Uttarapurāņa of Guņabhadra (9th Century A.D.): Guṇabhadra, who is a Digambara poet, presents Rama-story which is widely different from that of his Digambara predecessor. His version is largely dependent on the Hindu Rāmāyana, borrows a few features from Sanghadāsa, speaks of Dasaratha's rule over Vārānasi for the first time, possibly after the Dasaratha Jataka, and has some traits peculiar to Jain versions of Vimala and others. As a result of this conglomeration of features from various sources Gunabhadra's version gains quite a new look and form and naturally it is regarded as presenting an independent tradition.
Gunabhadra's Contribution to the story of Rama: According to Guņabhadra, Varanasi was originally the capital of Dasaratha, who migrated to Ayodhya (and made it his capital) after Sagara's family was completely annihilated: Janaka gave his daughter, Sita, in marriage to Rāma who protected the sacrifice undertaken by him; Rāma, with Sita and Lakşmana, went to Varanasi, their old capital, in order to safeguard the interests of their subjects; at Narada's instigation. Rāvana was enamoured of Sita; Ravana sent Surpanakha, his sister, as a dūti to Sita; Laksmana fought against Välin and killed him; and finally, Rāvana cut off the illusory head of Sita and threw it before Rama (this detail is borrowed from Vālmīki).
Gunabhadra's influence over later writers: Gunabhadra's story, however, does not seem to be as popular as that of Vimala. We sind his version given by Pușpadanta only. On the authority of Dr. Narsimhachar we may add here that a Sanskrit work Punyacandrodaya Purăņa of Krsna (1528 A.D.) and two works in Kanarese, viz.. Cāmundaráya-Purana (978 A.D.)a and Punyásrava-Kathă-Săra (1331 A.D.), present the version of Guņabhadra.
(viii) Brhat-kathā-Kośa of Harisena (931-32 A.D.): This Kośa contains two Ramayana Kathänakas. Harişeņa, though a Jain (Digambara). gives a Ramayana version, which is widely different from the Digambara (or Svetambara) version of Gunabhadra (or Vimala) and represents a very brief abridgement of Valmiki's Rāmāyana. The first Kathanaka does not carry the story beyound the death of Rāvana and Rama's becoming a sovereign ruler. This is how Rámopakhyana also ends. The only deviations are: Dasaratha has a fourth wise Suprajă (Suprabhā of Ravisena) who gives birth to Satrughna; Kharadusana is the husband of Surpanakha (after Ravisena's account)-- in the Valmiki-Ramayana Khara is her brother and Düşana is the name of one of Råvana's generals. At another place (v. 27), however, Harisena mentions Khara and Dusana as two individuals, which is confusing. In the second Kathānaka Sità is shown to have become a nun, after her fire-ordeal, being initiated by Samyamasena.
(ix) Maha-Purana of Puspadanta (965 A.D.): Puspadanta's Ramāyana-story is

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identical with that of Gunabhadra.
Puspadanta's contribution to the story of Rama : He criticises the Rāma-versions of Valmiki and Vyása--in the manner of Ravisena and Vimala, and adds to the list of incredible incidents and statements (found in the Rāmāyana of Vālmīki) as given by his predecessors, the following three:
(a) Indrajit, though a son of Rāvana, was older in age than Rāvana, his father. (b) Vibhişana is a 'Ciranjivin'. (c) The arms of Lakşmana were long and unbending.
Further, he names Rāvana's sister as Candra-nakhá instead of Sūrpanakha. Of course, Vimala and Ravisena too give her name as Candranakhă. But all this hardly means any real contribution to the story of Rāma as these changes do not help the progress or action of the story.
He has, however, we might say, contributed considerably towards the form of the story, which is made more poetic. If Gunabhadra's version is rather less poetic and more prosaic, Puşpadanta's Rāmāyana is written in a grand poetic style. Unlike Gunabhadra, he divides his Rāmāyana into eleven Sandhis or Cantos and gives them titles which are sufficiently eloquent of their respective subject matter.
(x) Kahāvalt of Bhadresvara (11th century A.D.): Bhadresvara's version of the Ramayana is based on the Paumacariya. For the motif of the picture of Rāvana drawn by Sita which is not found in the Paümacariya, Bhadresvara seems to be indebted to Haribhadrasűri.
Hemacandra adopts this highly important feature in the Rama legend which he gives in the Trişaşu-Salakäpurusa-Carita.
(x) Yogaśāstra-Suopjña-Vrtti and (xii) Trişasti-Salákápurusa-Carita of Hemacandra (12th century A.D.): In spite of the fact that the two versions are by one and the same author, they betray some remarkable diversions which we have already noted. The Ys version is in general agreement with the Paümacariya; it shows acquaintance also with the Padmapurāņa, and the version of Sanghadása.
(a) In his TSPC version (based on the Paümacariya and the Padmapurana) Hemacandra follows Vālmiki in relating the episode of the fight between Valin and Rävana and the latter's humiliation.
(b) Dasaratha, after his marriage with Kaikeyi, does not return to Ayodhyå but goes to Rājagpha, conquers the king of Magadha, stays there, gets his family there, and lives there for a long time, out of fear of Rāvaņa. It is there that Rama and Laksmana are born. And when he feels himself invincible on account of his powerful sons, he goes to Ayodhya with his whole family, and it is at Ayodhya that Bharata and Satrughna are born.

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(c) Aparajita dreams four dreams and Sumitra seven which indicate the birth of two mighty sons.
245
(d) Khara was the husband of Candraṇakha, and Dusana and Trigiras were his younger brothers.
(e) Hemacandra speaks of four Mahadevis of Rama but does not refer to the larger number of 8,000 wives.
(f) According to Hemacandra, Rāma goes in search of his wife whom he has repudiated. Not finding her, he believes her to be devoured by some wild beast. He goes home and performs her Śráddha.
(xi) Satrunjaya Mahatmya of Dhanesvara Sari (14th century A.D.): Dhanesvara adds the episode of king Anaranya and the image of Parsvanatha with a view to glorifying the power and grace of Parsvanatha's image and the Satruñjaya mountain. Kaikeyl asks for the banishment of Rama (and Lakṣmaṇa too) in addition to her demand of the kingdom for her son Bharata. This is after Valmiki's version, although there Lakṣmaṇa is not mentioned in this connection. According to Dhanesvara, the Vanaras do not interrupt Ravana in his acquisition of Bahurůpå-vidya. Again, we meet with a few unimportant changes--Aparajita is called here Kausalya, and Bhanu-karna called Kumbhakarna (of course, after Valmiki).
While condensing the story of Hemacandra (although the poet never states this) he has omitted many episodes, stories of previous births etc., as they have practically no significance for the course of the narrative.
(xiv)
Punyacandrodaya-Purana of Krsnadāsa: Krsnadāsa wrote this Purana in 1528 A.D. "Judged from the contents of the work as given by Rajendralal Mitra (Notices of Sanskrit MSS, Vol. VI, 70-74), it appears to belong to the tradition of Gunabhadra."
(xv) Rama-Caritra of Devavijayagunin: In the year 1586 A.D. Devavijayaganin, a pupil of Rajavaijaya Suri, wrote a Rama-Caritra in prose. The author himself says that he is following Hemacandra's Rāmāyaṇa. As the work is not published, it is not possible to say whether Devavijaya contributes towards the development of the story of Rama. Laghu Triṣasti of Meghavijaya Gantva a: Meghavijaya (17th century A.D.) coinposed his work after the famous Trisasti-Šalakāpuruşa-Carita of Hemacandra. It is no more than an abridged edition of Hemacandra's Rāmāyaṇa.32
(xvi)
31.
After settling the problem of the origin of the Jain Ramayanas and tracing the development of the Rama-story in Jain literature we now touch upon the question of the
32.
Dr. Narasimhachar, I.H.Q., Vol. XV.
The Dhurtakhyāna of Haribhadra casually treats some legends from Rāmāyaṇa, so too Dharma-Parikṣa of Amitagati. We may therefore ignore these works.

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JAIN INFLUENCE ON THE HINDU RAMAYANAS
Sr.
Particular feature
Remarks
No.
Name of the Jain author Vimala Suri
i
Name/s of the Hindu work/s Bhāvärtha Râmāyana (16th century. Marathi) Padmapurana (Pātālakhanda)
Ravisenacărya
Names of the queens are not identical.
Bharata and Satrughna are uterine brothers (born of Kaikeyi) Dasaratha had four wives (Aparajita, Sumitra, Kekaya and Suprabhā) Rāma Bent and strung the bow in the presence of other princes who had arrived there at Mithilā to participate in the Sita-svayarhvara
3
The Hindu works are all later than Vimala's Paümacariya.
4
Sitä was born of Mandodari and Rāvana
Vimala Sari NȚsimha-purāņa,
Bhagavata-purāna, Tamila Rāmāyana, Telugu Ramayana, Maithili-Kalyana and Adhyātma-Rāmāy
ana Sanghadása (and Mahabhagavata (Guņabhadra) Devi-) Purana, and
Kasmiri Rāmāyaṇa. Vimala Suri Although Valmiki
speaks nowhere of Janaka's son, Vişnupurana and Vàyupurana speak of Bhänumán as
Janaka's son. Vimala Sûri Tamila Ramayana
5
Bhåmandala and Sită were born as twins of Videha and Janaka
The Hindu works are later than Jain versions. These Puranas are assigned to the 4th and the 5th centurics A.D.
6
With greater details and some variation Kambana describes this episode.
7
Gunabhadra
Ananda-Rāmāyana
Candranakhā (=Surpanakha) assumed the form of a lovely maiden and approached RāmaLaksmana (no dismemberment of her nose and ears) Ravana himself cuts off the illusory head of Sitā. The motif : Sitā draws the picture of Rävana at the direction of her cowives - this picture is the cause of scandal against her. The sons of Sità fight against Rama and Laksmana.
Bhadreśvara (and Bengali Rämāyana, Hemacandra) Kasmiri Rāmāyana,
Ananda-Rāmāyana, etc.
Is later than Guņabhadra's work. The Hindu works are later than the Jain versions.
Vimala Suri
With a good deal of variation.
Kathäsaritsägara, Ananda, UttaraRämacarita, and Jaiminiya Ašvamedha Telugu Rāmāyana and Ananda-Ramay- ana
10
Vimala Sūri
Lakşmana kills Sambuka, the son of Surpanakha.
With some variation.

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247
Jain influence on the later Hindu Rāmāyaṇas. The Purānas of the Hindus are of uncertain dates. Consequently, it is very difficult to trace the influence exerted by the Jains on the Hindu Puranas. On account of the difficulty of dates no strict proof is available whether the Jains have influenced the Hindu Purānas or vice versa. We, therefore, simply note the points which are common to the Jain Rāmāyaṇas and the Puranas of uncertain dates, and where we know certainly that the Hindu Purăņas or works are later than the Jain versions concerned we treat these common traits as part of the Jain influence.
These points which are common in the Jain Rāmāyanas and later Hindu works or Puranas of uncertain dates we set forth, for the sake of convenience, in a tabular form:
*From the foregoing table it becomes evident that the Jain influence on the later Hindu Ramayanas is not very striking. The explanation for this lack of strong influence is probably to be sought in the wide gulf that existed between the two communities. The Jain poets and authors were, as a rule, conversant with the Hindu works both of sacred and secular character. The Hindu writers, on the contrary, may not have cared to read the Jain works in the belief that they were of inferior workmanship and probably in their intellectual arrogance thought that they had nothing to learn from their opponents and antagonists.
Before we close at this point let us say a word about the story of Rāma as adopted by the Jains and the best Jain Ramayana. To a dispassionate reader it will appear that the Jains have taken over the story of Rāma as given by Välmiki and made it their own. In doing so, however, they have lowered its ethical value. The story is emptied of its deep human interest and dramatic value by removing the Court-Intrigue. The story gives Rama, who is universally known as intently and solely devoted to his only wife--Sita, and Hanūinan, who is described as an ideal Brahmacarin, a large number of wives. This feature of the story is undoubtedly repugnant to the popular mind. Further, according to this story. Laksmana sinks into hell. The reader is not prepared to accept such a terrible end to the glorious career of Lakşmana. The antagonism of the Jains to the cult of Vedic sacrifice and Himsa, the sense of superiority of the Brahmanas and their superstitious beliefs is perfectly understandable. One, however, would have wished that in making the beautiful Rāma-story their own the Jain poets had been able to avoid reducing its human and ethical content.
Välmīki is the 'Adi-kavi' and his Rāmāyana, the 'Adi-kavya'. It is admittedly “one of the greatest epics that were ever composed by man". It is one of the most beautiful and moving stories in world literature. It is sung "in words of matchless beauty. It is a story full of tenderest pathos and the most moving emotions". "It is a work that is a popular epic and ornate poetry at the same time". This great epic is, no doubt, disfigured by additions and interpolations of numerous myths and legends, still it has a fairly unfied Form and continues to hold the rank of 'Adi-kavya'! No Jain Rämäyana, as will be seen From the literary estimates already given, can bear comparison with Valmiki's

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
Rāmāyana for its poetic value. In fact, none of the poets whether Hindu or Jain, equals Vālmiki, who remains thus unsurpassed. The Jain poets do not primarily aim at the Kavya style, though some of their works do possess poetic qualities. Bearing this in mind if we examine the Jain Rāmāyanas from the point of view of poetry, we find that Swayambhu and Puşpadanta stand out as poets of distinct poetic ability. They display the wealth of their poetic gift by giving us poetic ideas and flights of poetic fancy which are refreshingly original. Hemacandra stands next to them. His command of language, metre, and alankäras and his descriptive skill are beyond question. However, the fact remains that there is an air of conventionality about his descriptions. Ācārya Ravişena impresses us by his profound scholarship but not poetry.
On the whole, we may conclude that the Jain Rămāyanas, as a rule, are essentially Puranas. They are written not as Kavyas pure and simple but to glorify the Dharma of the Jinas and teach the people Jain doctrines and criticise the Brahmanical Dharma. It will, therefore, not be fair to the Jain poets to judge their works by the standard which we apply to the Maha-kavyas like the Raghuvarsa, Kumārasambyhava, etc., and condemn them on the ground of artistic defects.

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Appendix
4.
Select Bibliography
(Note :--In addition to the works, mentioned in the Preface, I have made full use of the works and papers, noted below, in the course of the present study. I acknowledge with pleasure my indebtedness to the writings of scholars mentioned here. The works marked with asterisk are not consulted in the original but in translations summaries or thereof or as quoted by other writers.)
1. Aggarwala, H.R.-A short History of Sanskrit Literature, Lahore, 1941. *2. Baumgartner,- Das Rāmāyana und Die Rama--literatur der Inder. Freiburg
B 1894. 3. Belvalkar, S.K.--Rāma's Later History or Uttara-Rāma-Carita. H.O.S. Vol
21, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1915. Bühler --Uber die indische Sekte der Jainas ; translated into English by J. Burgess : On the Indian Sect of the Jainas, with an outline of Jain
Mythology, London, 1903. 5. ----Life of Hema-Candrācārya : Singhi Jain Granthamala. 6. Bulcke, C.-(Hindi) Rama-Kathā, Hindi Parişad, Viúva Vidyalaya, Prayag
1950. 7. Chakravarti, Chintaharan : Tradition about Vānaras and Raksasas. IHQ.
Vol. I (1925). 8. Chaugule-Paüma-Cariyam (Chs. 27-28), Belgaum. 1934. 9. --Paüma-Cariyaṁ, (Chs. 33-35), Belgaum 1941. 10.--and Vaidya--Paüma-Cariyam (Chs. 1--4), Belgaum, 1936. 11. Dasgupta and De-History Sanskrit Literature Vol. I, University of Calcutta,
1947. 12. Desai, M.D.-Short History of Jain Literature, Bombay, 1933. 13. Dhaneśvara--Surasundaree-Chariam, Benares, 1916. 14. Ghatage, A.M. (Dr.)--Kahānaya-Tigam-A Prakrit Reader, Kolhapur,
1950. 15. ---Prakrit Studies, Progress of Indic Studies BORI, Silver Jubilee (1942),

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Story of Rāma in Jain Literature
*16. Glasenapp-Der Jainismus, translated into Gujarati, and published by
J.D.P.S., Bhavnagar. *17. ---Festgabe Jacobi. 18. Gore, N.A.-A Bibliography of the Rāmāyana, Poona, 1943. 19. Griffith, R.T.H.-English, verse-The Rāmāyana of Välmiki, translated into
English verse, 5 Vols. London, 1870-75. 20. Hopkins, E.W.-The Great Epic of India, New York and London, 1902. 21. Jacobi, H.-Jainism ERE VII. 22. ---SBE Vol. XXII and XLV. *23. --Das Ramayana, Bonn, 1893. 24. Jagirdar R.V.-Drama in Sanskrit Literature, Popular Book Depot, Bombay.
1947. 25. Jaini, J.-Outlines of Jainism, Cambridge, 1940. 26. Jinasena-Mahāpurāna, edited by Pt. Pannalala Jain. Bharatiya Jñanapitha,
Kāśi (Benares). 27. Kautilya ---Arthaśāstra ed. by Dr. R. Shama Sastry, Mysore, 1924. 28. Keith --History of Sanskrit Literature. 29. --The Sanskrit Drama. 30. --and Carnoy-The Mythology of All Races, Vol. VI. 31. Krishnamachariar, M.-History of Classical Sanskrit Literature. Madras,
1937. 32. Laddu and Gore --Paüma-Cariya (Cantos 33-35), Poona, 1941. 33. Macdonell, A.A. -Vedic Mythology. 34. ---4 History of Sanskrit Literature. 35. --Rāmāvana, ERE Vol. X. 36. Maharastriya-(Marathi) Sri Rimiyana--Samā-Locani athavā Rāmāyaṇācā
Upasambhāra Vols. I and II, Poona, 1927. 37. Max Muller --A History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, Allahabad, 1926, 38. Modi, M.C. -Apabhraṁsa-Pathivali, Gujarat Vernacular Society,
Ahmedabad. --"Apabhramśa Kavis : Caturmukha Svayambhu and Tribhuvana Svayambhu." Bharatiya Vidya Vol. 2 and 3. March and August, 1940. Omen, J.C. - The Stories of the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata, London, 1912.
Parab, L.G.-Some bold and most striking Fancies of Puşpadanta. 42. Pargiter-Purānas, ERE, Vol. 1. 43. Pusalkar, A.D. -Twenty-five years of Epic and Purāņic Studies. Progress of
India Studies (1917-42) BORI, Poona, 1942. 44. Rimakrsna Centenary Committee - The Cultural Heritage of India Vol. I. 45. Sanghadásaganin-Vasudeva-Hindi-Pub. by Jain Atmananda Sabhā,
Bhavnagar. 46. Sastri Pt. K. Bhujabali -(Hindi) Jain. Purāna--Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara
Vol. VII.
41.

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Appendix
251
50.
53. Suktha
47. Sastri Sriniwasa, V. S.---Lectures on the Rāmāyana Madras Sanskrit
Academy, 1949. 48. Satavalekar and Pandit-Rāmāyana, Svadhyāya Mandala,, Aundha, Parts
I, II, III and VI. 49. Sen, D.C. -The Bengali Rāmāyanas, Calcutta, 1920.
Shah, V.M.-Paüma-Cariyam (Chs. I-IV), Surat, 1936. 51. Shastri (D.B.) K.S. Ramaswami-Studies in Rämāyana. The Gaekwad
Oriental Series. 52. (Mrs.) Stevenson-The Heart of Jainism, London, 1915.
Sukthankar, V.S.-The Rāma Episode (Ramopākhyäna) and the Rāmāyaṇa,
Kane Com. Vol., Poona, 1941. 54. Umāsvämin-Tattvārthädhigama-sútra, edited by J.L Jaini Arrah, 1920. 55. Upadhye, A.N. (DR).Harişena's Dharma-Pariksä in Apabhramsa, A.B.O.R.
I.S. Jubilee Vol. 56. Utgikar, N.B.-- The Story of the Dasaratha-Jätaka and of the Rämāyaṇa
J.R.A.S., 1924. 57. Vaidya, C.V.--The Riddle of the Ramayana, Bombay, 1906. 58. Vätsyāyana--Käma-sútra. 59. Velankar, H.D.-Apabhramía Metres, B.U. Journal, Nov., 1933. *60. Weber-Ueber das Catrunjaya, translated by J Burgess, I. A. 30, 1901,
239 ft. 299 ft 61. ---The Rāmāyana translated into English from the German by the Rev.
Boyd, Bombay, 1873. 62. Winternitz-A History of Indian Literature Vols. I and II, Calcutta,
----Jātaka Gāthis and Jataka Commentary IHQ Vol. IV.

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Index-A
AUTHORS
Abhyankar K.V. (Prof.) 51 n., 55, 62 n. Alsdorf (Dr) 104n. Amaravijayaji (Muni Mahārāja) 63n. Amitagati 169, 245.
Belvalkar S.K. 206n.
Bhayani H.C. (Dr.) 62n. Bulcke 223n.
Harisena 133, 135, 145, 148, 150, 151, 215. 237, 243.
Hemacandra 9n., 81, 84n., 106, 110, 144,
180, 184n., 185, 187 189n., 191n., 194n.,196n., 197n., 199n., 200n., 201n., 202, 203, 205, 205n, 209n, 212-214, 229, 242, 243, 245, 248.
Chakravarti C 78., 228n.
Chaugule (Principal) 52n.
Devendra and Manibhadra 61. Dhanesvara (Süri) 171, 178, 179, 214, Jain Hiralal (Dr.) 63n., 65, 153n., 241.
245
Jain J.C. (Dr) 241n.
Dharmakirti 230
Jain Paramanand (Sästrt Pandit) 53, 56,
Dhruva K.H. 53, 62n. Dixit S.B. 55, 55n.
63n., 64n., Jaimini 550.,
Gandhi L.B. (Pt) 58
Jain Jyotiprasad(Dr) Sin., 60n., 61n.,62n. Jain Phulacandra (Pt) 67
Ghatage (Dr) 5, 52n, 57, 81, 81n., 100 Ghosal (Dr) 52n., 57n., 81n.
Jinasena 1, 1n., 1-2, 9n., 62., 72, 73, 74, 136, 136n., 145, 233
Jacobi 2n., 3, 43n., 52n., 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 59, 71, 80, 81, 81n., 82, 83, 85, 180n. 212n. 223, 223n...
Gore (Prof) 52n., 77n., Gunabhadra (Acarya) 9n., 65n., 67, 104,
115, 116, 117, 119n. 127n. 128, 131, 132, 135, 136, 136n. 137, 138, 139 150, 160n., 169, 214, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 241, 243, 244. Hāla 83,
Haribhadra (süri) 81, 241, 244, 245n. Haridasa Sastri 61, 61n.
Glasenapp 2n., 3, 52n., 63n., 64n.,
Grierson G.A. 137, 137n., 223n, 234, Jinasena II
234n.
Jinavijayaji (muni) 53 Kalidasa 57n., 68.
Kalyana Vijayaj (Muni, Muni Śri) 58, 59,
65.
Kuvalayamālā 250 62n. Kautilya 120n, 124n.
Kavi Paramesthi 136, 137, 233 or Kavi Parameśvara
Keith 52n., 54, 68 Kern 5

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Index
253
Krşņa Krşnadāsa 214, 243, 245 Kūci Bhattaraka 1 36n. Kundakünda 53, 56, 64 Laddu (Prof) 52n., 77n. Leumann 51n. Ludwig A 223 Māgha 68.91n. Mallinātha 90n. Malvania Dalsukhbhai (Pt) 63n. Megha vijaya 214, 245 Modi M.C. (Prof) 211n. Monier Williams 223n. Narasimhachar 137, 223, 233, 243, 245, Pampa 74n. Parab (Shri) 168n. Patañjali 54 Premi Nathuram (PI) 51n., 57, 62, 62n.,
63n., 65n., 67, 77n., 92n., 99, 137,
154n. Punyavijayaji 561. 180n., Puspadanta 1, 2n., 73n., 152, 155n., 168-
170, 214, 243, 244, 248. Raghavan V (Dr) 137n., 234n. Ravisena 53, 55, 57, 58, 62, 65 65n., 66n.,
91, 92, 95n., 98-103, 135, 136, 169, 191n., 202, 212, 214, 232, 241, 243,
244, 248. Sandesara (Prof.) 104n. Sanghadāsa 104, 113, 114, 143, 144, 212, 214, 215, 235, 237, 240, 241, 243 Sarkar 54 Shastri K. Bhujabal (Pt) 74n. Sen 223n, 229, 230. Senart 5 Shah U.P. (Dr) 52n. Shah V.M. (Prin) 52n. Sheth Hargovind Das 51n. Silācārya 4p., 5, 140, 142-144 140n. Silāņka 214, 243
Srinandi Muni 136n. Svayambhū 60n., 248 Svaymbūdeva 62, 154n., 169, 214,242, Tippanakāra 73 sribhuvana (Svayambhū) 154n., 169 Uddyotana sūri 62, 62n., 71 Umāsvāti 53, 56 Upadye A.N. (Dr) 9n., 52n., 62n., 63n.,
65. 71n., 80, 101n. 145n. Upadhyay S.C. (Shri) 5n., 52n, 56n. 62n. Vaidya C.V. 223n. Vaidya (N.V.) 52n. Vaidhya P.L. (Dr) 152n., 153n. Vālmiki 3, 17n. 19n. 20n., 31n., 33n. 40n.,
45n. 6ln, 78-80, 106n., 113, 114 133, 136, 138, 140, 142, 143, 150, 151, 155n. 169, 170. 174n. 175n., 193, 193n, 194, 202, 214, 217n 118, 220 232, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 210, 243-235,
247. Vararuci 57. Vātsyāyana 157n. Vimala 15., 51n., 52, 51n., 53, 56, 59, 60 Vimal icārya 60n, 62, 62n. 63, 66, 67, 68 Vimala Sūri 71,-73, 77-79, 83, 85, 86, 90,
91n. 92, 95n., 98, 101-103, 128, 131, 132, 135, 136, 142-144, 150, 179, 181 185, 190n., 1919. 193, 194n., 9.n. 1970. 199n., 202, 203, 211, 214, 215, 218, 218n. 220-224n, 224n. 225-232, 235,
237, 238, 240,242, 244, Vyāsa 3, 113, 114, 133, 136, 152, 155n.
169, 170, 231, 232, 238, 238, 240, 244. Weber 171n., 223n. Wilson 5, Winternitz 2n., 3, 4n., 9, 9n., 51n., 61n.,
7in., 144, 217n., 222n., 223, 223n.,
229, 242 Wollner 52n.

Page #272

Index-B
WORKS
Abhidhānacintāmani 188
Bịhatkalpasūtra 56, 56n. Abhidhänarājendra 4
Brhatkathā 5, 101. Adbhuta-Rämāyana 137, 137n., 38, Brhatkathākosa In , 7in, 135, 243. 233n., 234, 235, 236
Cámundarāyapuräna 135, 243. Ādi-Purāna 1, 9, 10, 73n., 74, 136, 153, Cārittapähuda 53., 54. 233, 233n.
Caturmukha 154n., 169. A History of Indian Literature (Voll, Catur vijayaji (Muni Sri) 56n.
Vol II) 4n., 9., 9n 5in., 52n., 541., 61n., Cauppannamahāpurisacariya 4n., 140, 71n., 171n, 223n., 229
140n., 144, 212. A History of Sanskrit Literature 68. Cāvun darāya 136n. Anekārthasangraha 188
Chandonuśāsana 84n., 106. Antagadadasão 46n., 217, 217n.
Darśanasāra 117 Anuyogadvārasūtra 21771.
Das Rämāyana 223n. Anuyoga vyavaccheda-dvatrimsiki 188 Desinämamālā 188. Arthasästra 55, 61, 120n.
Devaprabha 61. Ātmānušāsana 116
Devavijayaganin 245. Āvāśyakabhāşya 2
Devendra 61, 81, Bhadreśvara 180, 181, 185, 186, 214, 242, Dharmaparikṣā 169, 245n, 242n., 244
Dhūrtākhyana 245n. Bhāgavadgitā 70n., 74, 99,
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Vol Bhagavati 63n.
VII). 51n. Bhagaväta Mahapurāna (Srimad) 72, Harivamsa 60n., 62, 72n.
Harivamsa- cariya 61, 62, Bhagavati Aradhanā 145
Harivaṁsa-purāņa 9, 115, 154n. Bhärata (Mahā.) 57, 61, 70n., 90, 217n. Hemasamiksa 211n. Bharatiya Jyotişa-śāstra 55n.
Introduction to prakrit 52n. Bhāravi 68, 91n.
Jain Dharma (a Gujarati translation of Bharthari 70n., 116.
Jainimus) 52n. Bhāvadevasūri 9n.
Jain Paramparāno Itihāsa 58, 58n. Bhavisattakahá 52n., 57n.
Jain Sahitya Aura Itihāsa 5ln., 570., Brahmavaivartapurāņa 2n., 72.
62n., 63n.

Page #273

Index
255 Jambudvipaprajñapti 64n.
95n. 98, 99, 101, 101n., 102-103, 125n., Jasaharacariu 152, 153.
128, 142, 143, 148, 154n., 169, 179, Jayadhavalā 115, 116, 116n.
182, 185, 186, 195n., 196n., 197n., Jinadattacaritra 116.
199n., 201n., 202, 203, 211, 212n., Kahānayatigaṁ 57n., 81n., 102
214, 218, 220, 229, 230, 240-244. Kahāvali 180, 184n., 185, 244
Prakrit-Paing alam 84n. Kalpasūtra 2, 63n.
Prakrit-Prakāśa 57. Kāmasūtra 61, 157n.
Pramāna-Mimānā 188 Kathākośa 145.
Praśnottaramālā (Vimala-) 61. Kautiliya Arthasāstra 2, 73.
Pravacanasāra 52n., 56. Kāvyānuśāsana 188.
Punyacandrodaya-Purāna 243, 245. Kirātárjuniya 91n.
Punyaśravakathāsāra 135, 243. Kumāra, 90n.
Rāghavacarita 60. Kumarasambhava 248.
Rāghavacariya 62n. Kuvalayamālā (pt-I) 53, 62, 62n., 71.
Raghu 90n. Laghu-Tuşaşıi 214, 245.
Raghuvamsa 248 Lankavatārasūtra 230.
Rāmacaritra 245 Mahābhārata 3, 9, 10, 21n., 54., 90, 138, Rama's Later History (Part 1) 229n.
152, 215, 223, 227, 230, 235, 238. Rāmāyana 3, 9, 9n., 10, 17, 10n., 19n., Mahābhāsya 54.
3in., 33n., 40n., 45., 61, 63, 68, 79, Mahüpurāna 2, 9, 9n., 137, 152, 153., 80, 90, 106n., 113, 128, 132, 133, 233
138, 140, 155n.. 170, 172, 217n, 221Mahārastriya 223n.
226, 228, 231, 235. 237-240. Manusmrti 17., 54, 218n.
Ratnamälikā 61. Maranasamadhi 56
Rgveda 2n. Matsyapurana 72n.
Ritthanemicariu 62, 154n. Modern Review (a periodi cal) 51n. Samadhimarana 64n. Natyaśāstra 57, 218n.
Samarādityakathā 81. Nāyādhammakahās 65
Samayaanga (-Sutra) 4n. 5, 63n. Näyakumāracariü 152, 153
Satruñjayamāhätmya 171, 178. Nitisataka 70n.
Şarkhandāgama 64. Padmacarita(-Purāņa) 9, 53, 53n, 54, 55, Setubandha 8
57, 58, 58n 68, 76, 91, 92, 95n., 98, Siddha-Hema 188.
100, 101, 151, 169, 211, 212n., 244. Sisupälavadha 91n. Paiya-sodda-mahannavo 5in.
Skandha 72n. Pañcami Cariü 154n.
Sthānanga 63n. Paramātmaprakāśa 52n.
Sthaviravalicarita 180. Parisistaparvan 52, 188,
Surasundaricariya 171n. Parsvanäthacaritra 9n.
Tattvārtha-sūtra 53, 53n., 54. Parśvābhyudaya 116.
Tattvärthadhigamasutra 64, 65n. Paümacariya 3, 10n., 15, 51n., 52, 52n., The Age of Imperial Unity 54n.
53n., 551., 56, 56n., 57, 58, 58n., 59, The Bengali Ramayanas 223n. 229. 60n., 61, 62, 62n., 63, 61, 64n., 65, The Life of Hemacandricarya 205n. 65n., 66-68, 71, 73-74, 76, 76n., 77-80, Therāvali 52. 80n., 81-82, 82n., 83, 85, 88, 90, 92,

Page #274

256
Story of Rāma in Jain Literature Tiloyapannatti 2, 3, 62, 64, 64n., 66, Vāgarthasaṁgraha 233. 66n..
Vairāgya-śataka 70n., 116. Tisatthi mahāpurāņa-gunālamkāra 152. Vajjālagga 81. Trişașți-lakṣaṇa-Purāņa 9.
Vasudevacariya 104 Trisasti-salākāpuruşa-carita 9n., 144, Vasudevahindi 21n., 57. 81, 104, 212
184n., 188, 205n., 214, 242, 244, 245, Vikramorvasiyam 57n. Upadeśapada 241, 242
Vira Nirvāṇa Samvat aura-Jaina KälaUpadeśa-sūt ra 55n.
gananā 58 Uttaradhyayana-sūtra 2ln., 81
Vitarāgastotra 188 Uttara-purana 4, 9, 65n., 115, 128, 131, Yogaśāstra 61, 1889
137, 138, 148, 153, 156n., 157n., Yogaśāstra-svopajña160n. 234, 235.,
Vtti 214, 244

Page #275

Additions And Corrections
Preface P. ix, para 3, L. 4
Read : Paümacariya at (from below)
greater length Para 2 L. 4 Read : stimulating
(from below) P. ix, last line Read : tender P. X, L. 5
Read : printing Contents Ch. II.8 Read : Paümacariya P. xii, L. 7 Read : Chapter IV P. xiv, Ch. xii L. 2 Read : Yogaśāstra) P.7 L. 24,
Read : 9 Vasudevas L. 28,
Read : 2 Gadā P. 10., L. 7, Read : Desa P 12, L. 14, read 5 Cauppannamahäpuri-
sacariya L. 27, 28 The work is since published in- full; Paümacariü of Kavirāja Svayambhū- deva, ed. by Dr. Harivallabh C. Bhayani and pub. in S.J.S by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan Bombay, Vol. 34 Part First 1953 A.D., Vol. 35 Part Second, 1953 A.D., and Vol. 36, Third part 1960 A.D. P. 13, L. 1 Drop the figure 2. P. 16, L. 1 Read : Gautama's f. n. 11
Read : अलियं हि P. 20 f.n. 23 L. I Read : die. P. 28, L. 14, Read : forest.
f. n. 40, L1 Read : noble. P. 43,. n. 53, Read : (E.R.E. last line
Vol. VII). P. 44, L. 11, Read : Worship
f. n. 57, last line Read : pleads P. 45, L. 8, Read : rejection L.9,
Read : comforts L.21,
Read : various arts P. 46, L. 4, Read : Sitā's
P. 46, L.7, Read : Ankuša P. 47, last line Read : Sugriva P. 49, L. 11, Read : a god L. 19,
Read : Ankusa P. 50, L. 32, Read : fortunes P. 51, f. n. 2 L. I Read : Winternitz L. 9
Read : K.V. L 19
Read : strength P. 53, L. 20 Read : सुत्तसहियं P. 54, L. 14 Read : mention P. 54, Last but one line
Read : 'dināra' P. 55, L. 19 Read : period L. 21
Read : era P. 56 L 26 Read : popular P. 60, f. n. 40, last line,
Read : परिहाणी P. 61, L.2 Read : Trisalā.
f. n. 56, add at the end-PC.II. 61 P. 66, f n. 65, Read : Svargaprāpti, P. 69, L. 20, Read : flings. P. 72, f. n. 82 first Read : garça TT .
line, P. 73, f. n. 87 Read : TOTTUT first line, add at the end-Pc. I-32, P. 74, f. n. 88 Read : atei
first line, P. 75, f. n. 90, Read : ago
third line, P. 78, L. 21, Read : great. P. 80, L. 10, Read : living. L. 13,
Read : a man. P. 88, L. 15, Read : the bride and. P. 92, L. 5, Read : is called. P. 92, L. 7, Read : Ravişena P. 97, L. 4 Read : 203.
P.60
5.65, at the end

Page #276

P. 117 Last para, L. 1 Ratnapura P. 118 first para last line Sägaropamas P. 124 line 10 Ratnas, stri
P. 140 chapter VI f.n., L. 1 Stlänka
P. 141 last but one line Alaṁkāraśāstra
P. 145 Chapter VII, para 1
last but two lines Harivamsa
258
P. 175 para 2 L. 8 Suvrata Vänara P. 175 para 2 L. 9 Sukela Asanivega L. 10 Sukeśa
L. 12 Sumali Śrimälä
P. 149 column 3 L. 10 Rāma and
P. 1501. 11 (from below) The points
P. 154 f.n. 6 11 3-4 drop: As it is not yet
published...Rāmāyaṇa
P. 159 f.n. 26 would
P. 164 f.n, 41 The City
P. 168 L. 3 a Jain
P. 178 f.n. 23 L. 2 f
P. 179 para 3, L. 2 Madhu P. 182 para-2, L.-3
fat
P. 199 f.n. 26 last two lines P. 203 (i) Read, however p. 184, f.n. 7, and P. 185 paras 243.
P. 209 column 1, L. 5 Hamsa
P. 216 L. 7 Cauppanna
column 5 L. 3 Dhanesvara
P. 232 L. 2 (from below) of a balanced.
P 170 last para, L.7 (from below) a variety P. 247 last but one line Form P. 172 para 2 L. 5 to have been
last line-From

Page #277

Dr. V. M. Kulkarni was formerly, Director, B. L. Institute of Indology, Patan (North Gujarat), Professor of Sanskrit and Prakrit and Director of Languages, Maharashtra State. He has published about a hundred papers and review articles and reviews in various Research Journals of repute. Among his other publications are the following:
Studies In Sanskrit Sahitya-Śāstra : A collection of selected papers relating to Sanskrit Poetics and Aesthetics, (B.L. Institute)
Prakrit Verses In Sanskrit Works on Poetics : Volume I dealing with over 3000 Prakrit (and Apabhramsa) passages and their Sanskrit chaya and Alphabetical Indexes, (B. L. Institute)
Śrngärarnavacandrika of Vijayavarni: A work dealing with Sanskrit Poetics critically edited on the basis of a very rare manuscript, (Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Delhi, 1969)
Jayadeva's Gitagovinda with a hitherto unpublished commentary of King Mānänka, (L.D. Institute, Ahmedabad)
An Anthology of Jain Texts (SahityaRatna-Kosa Jain Sangraha ) - (Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi.)
Ācārya Hemacandra's Kāvyanusasana (with Alamkāracūdamani and Viveka), second revised edition, in collaboration with Prof. R.C. Parikh, (Mahāvīra Jain Vidyalaya, Bombay)
Some Aspects of the Rasa Theory. Edited-A collection of Research papers, (B.L. Institute).
He has also contributed :
A critical Introduction to Paumacariya of Vimalasūri, (Prakrit Text Society)
A Critical Introduction, Notes and several Appendices to Mallika-Makaranda, a Prakaraņa type of play by Rāmacandra, (L. D. Institute, Ahmedabad)
A Critical Introduction to Pañcasūtraka, critically edited by Munisri Jambu Vijayaji, (B.L. Institute)

Page #278
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