Life of Hemchandracharya

Author(s): Manilal Patel
Publisher: Singhi Jain Shastra Shiksha Pith Mumbai
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SINGHI JAINA SERIES
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PROFESSOR G. BÜHLER'S THE LIFE OF HEMACANDRĀCĀRYA
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL GERMAN
BY
PROF. DR. MANILAL PATEL, PH.D. (MARBURG)
Vis'va-Bharati, SANTINIKETAN
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SINGHI JAINA SERIES
VOLUME 11
ISRIDALCANDJI SINGHI
slg az Atel
LIFE OF HEMACANDRĀCĀRYA

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THE
LIFE OF HEMACANDRĀCĀRYA
BY
PROFESSOR DR. G. BÜHLER
VIENNA
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL GERMAN
BY
PROFESSOR DR. MANILAL PATEL, PH.D. (MARBURG)
VIDYABHAVANA, VIŠVA-BHĀRATI, SĀNTINIKETAN.
WITH A FOREWORD
BY PROFESSOR DR. M. WINTERNITZ, Ph. D., PROFESSOR OF INDOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY AT THE GERMAN
UNIVERSITY OF PRAGUE (CZECHOSLOVAKIA), SOMETIME VISITING PROFESSOR, VIŚVA-BHARATI.
PUBLISHED BY THE ADHISTHÄTÄ- SINGHI JAINA JNANAPÍTHA
SANTINIKETAN.
V. E. 1992)
First Edition, 500 copies
[ 1936 A. D.

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CONTENTS
PREPAOE ... PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
PAGES.
VII IX-XII XIII-XV
""
...
...
...
...
FOREWORD ...
1-5
6-11 12-24
CHAP.
I. The Sources ... II. Hemacandra's Youth ... .. III. Homacandra and Jayasimba-Siddharaja IV. The Accounts regarding the First Acquaintance of Kumāra
pala and Hemacandra ... ... ... ... V. The Stories Regarding Kumārapāla's Conversion ... ... VI. Hemacandra's own Account of Kumārapāla's Conversion VII. The Consequences of Kumärapäla's Conversion ... ... VIII. Hemacandra's Literary Works after Kumārapāla's Conversion IX. Stories about the Intercourse between Hemacandra and
Kumāra pāla, and about their End ... ... ... NOTE8 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... INDBX ... ... ... ... ... ... ERRATA ... ... ...
25-27 28-31 32-40 41-47 48-50
51-57 58-99 100-103
104

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PREFACE
The following essay is a translation of the late Professor G. Bühler's original German treatise entitled "Ueber das Leben des Jaina Mönches Hemachandra, des Schülers des Devachandra aus der Vajradakha," which appeared in the Denkschriften der philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, vol. xxxvii (1889), pp. 171-258. Bühler's treatise has since remained the most authentic. and thorough biographical statement on the life of Hemacandräcārya (1086-1173 A. D.), the most eminent Jaina (Svetämbara) monk and polymath of mediaeval Gujarat. A shrewd and talented exponent of his faith, Hemacandra won himself an undying name in the history of Jainism. He wielded great influence over Jayasimha Siddharaja (A. D. 1094-1143), one of the mightiest monarchs of Gujarat, and actually converted his successor, king Kumarapala, so that the Jaina religion gained a firm footing in Gujarat, which has not been shaken as yet. Hemacandra was, moreover, one of the greatest Indian scholars of all time, whose vast learning and literary labours are sufficient to secure him an honoured place in the history of Indian Philology. His life should indeed be of grost appeal and interest, not only to the students of Jainism but also to those of Sanskrit literature and of ancient Indian history and culture. Nono "would therefore dispute the desirability of rescuing Buhler's masterly treatise on the life of Hemacandra from the almost obsolate files of the above-mentioned Viennese journal and of presenting an English version of the same so as to attract a wider circle of readers.
It only remains for mo to perform the very pleasant task of expressing my deep gratitude to Muni Jinavijayaji and to Sjt. Bahadur Singhji Singhi, the editor and the founder of the Singh Jaina Series, for their kind and helpful interest in my humble literary activities. I am also specially indebted to Professor Dr. M. Winternitz, who not only has kindly written the Foreword to this work but has also carefully read the printed forms in advance and suggested improvements, most of which are incoporated in the Errata. To my friend and colleague, Professor Krishna Kripalani, B. A., Bar-at-law, my thanks are due for his kindly going through the MS. with me.
Vidyabhavana, Visva-Bharati, SANTINIKETAN, July, 1936,
1 Simultaneously also issued as a seperate reprint.
2 See also T. Zachariae, Die ind. Wörterbucher (GIAP. i. 3b [1897]), pp. 30-35; H. Jacobi, ERE. vol. vi, p. 591; J. Hertel, Ausgewählte Erzählungen aus Hemacandras Paris'istaparvan, Leipzig (1908), Einleitung, pp. 1-5.
M. P.
3 According to Jacobi's calculation the birthdate of Hemacandra would be the 1st December, 1088 A D., see Hertel, ibid. p. 1, n. 2.

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PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR.
Professor George Bühler was one of those great German scholars to whom largely goes the credit for the devolopment of the science of Indology. His whole life was dedicated to the study and research of ancient Indian history and literature. Indian archeology and epigraphy are greatly indebted to this scholar for his contributions. He brought to bear upon these subjects a trained and unbiassed mind. His study of the history and literature of the Jaina religion was specially painstaking and sympathetic. Prof. Herman Jacobi derived great support from the researches of Dr. Bühler in refuting the view of Prof. Weber that Jainism was merely a sect of Buddhism and in establishing the antiquity and the independance of Jainism as a religious sect. Dr. Bühler's researches on the Jaina stupa at Mathura and inscriptions thereon deserve special mention.
He was the first scholar to discuss critically and exhaustively, as far as the material available to him allowed, the life and times of Hemacandra-one of the greatest figures of the Jaina Church, Dr. Bühler when an officer in the Educational Department of the Bombay Government had rare opportunities of visiting and examining some of the famous Jaina Bhandars of Gujrat and Rajputana. These investigations provided him with ample material which enabled him to prepare the present study on Hemacandra. He possessed that acumen and insight which made him appreciate the proper historical value of such Prabandha works as the Prabhavakacarita and the Prabandhacintamani.
The present study on the life of Hemacandra was first published in German language about fifty years back. Since that time much new material has been discovered which throws considerable light on the problems which were then obscure to this learned scholar.
The material on which he had to rely was then only in the form of MSS. which were defective in many ways. Most of it is now more or less critically edited and published. All the works of Hemacandra himself were also not available to him in properly edited and printed form. So it is but natural that in the light of this new and more adequate material some discrepancies should be discovered in this learned study.
2

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PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
Of the new material, that has been discovered since Dr. Bühler published his study, the Kumarapalapratibudha of Somaprabhacarya should be mentioned first, This work was completed in the year V. S. 1241 (A.D. 1185) that is eleven years after the death of Hemacandra. It was composed and finished by Somaprabhācārya while residing at Anahillapura in the casati (that is the residence) of the poetlaureste Sripala. Three disciples of Hemaeandra-namely Mahendra muni, Vardhamana muni and Gunacandra gani-had attended to it with great interest as it was being read to them. The first copies of the work were prepared by the order of Abhayakumara-a leading rich citizen of Anahillapura and a favourite of Kumarapala. Thus this book is the work of a contemporary learned man who was in close contact of Hemacandra and his pupils and devotees. Though this work is voluminous, unfortunately it does not give as much information about the lives of Kumarapala and Hemacanra as to satisfy our expectations. However whatever information it gives is quite reliable and of first class historical importance. Dr. Bühler was altogether unaware of this work.
X
Next to this comes the Moharajaparajaya nataka of Yasahpala a contemporary of Hemacandra and Kumarapala. Dr. Bühler was aware of this drama and had taken notice of it, but it appears he had not himself gone through this work. If he had availed himself of both these works he would have been able to give a more accurate, and satisfactory account of the conversion of Kumarapala by Hemacandra.
In addition to these two literary works we have been fortunate enough to discover other historical references which help us in understanding more clearly and definitely matters which were regarded by Dr. Bühler as doubtful or incapable of a consistent explanation. For example, take the year of the conquest of Malava by Siddharaja. Now we have discovered certain colophons at the end of MSS. which help us in settling this question. Again Dr. Bühler has raised many doubts as to the reliability of the evidence which goes to show the influence of other learned Jaina Acaryas on Siddharaja (Chapt. IV p. 33). These doubts get solved by the prasasti of V. S. 1193 at the end of the Muaisuvratasiamicarita of Candrasuri which is published in the fifth report of Prof. Peterson (pp. 7-18).
It appears that Dr. Bühler could not go through all the works of Hema ea. ndra carefully. Otherwise some of the mistakos could have been avoided. For example Bühler says: "In none of his works, known so far, does He meandra give the name, of his tuacher, although ample opportunity should have been offered for the same." (p. 10) It is rather strange that Dr. Bühler should pass such a remark. In fact, in the Trisastis alakāpurusacaritra from whose 10th parvan he gives copious quotations, Hemacandra not only refers to his Guru but says that it was through his prasida. (blessings) that he could be so rich in learning. As Dr. Bühler probably could not
* शिष्यस्तस्य च तीर्थमेकमवनेः पावित्र्यकृज्जङ्गमं स्याद्वादत्रिदशापगा हिमगिरिर्विश्वप्रबोधार्यमा 1 कृत्वा स्थानकवृत्ति - शान्तिचरिते प्राप्तः प्रसिद्धिं परां सूरिभूरितपःप्रभाववसतिः श्रीदेवचन्द्रोऽभवत् ॥ १४ ॥ आचाय हेमचन्द्रोऽभूत्तत्पादाम्बुजपदपदः । तत्प्रसादादधिगतज्ञानसम्पन्महोदयः ॥ १५ ॥
त्रिशिलाका पुरुषचरित्र, पर्व १० प्रशस्ति ।

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PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
read this huge Jaina Epic by Hemacandra he could not properly appreciate the poetic gifts of the great Acarya. Dr. Bühler does not seem to have read carefully the Chandonus'asana of Hemacandra-a work on metrics-otherwise he would not have said that the work does not contain verses in praise of Siddharaja (p. 36). The Vratti has verses both in praise of Kumarapala as well as Siddharaja. Dr. Bühler's estimate of Hemacandra's grammar is also defective. He says-"The grammar does not, it is true, contain 125,000 Slokas, as Merutunga would have us believe. But including the commentaries and the appendices which, in their turn, have commentaries, it has something like 20,000 to 30,000 Slokas." (p. 18). There is enough evidence to support the opinion of Merutunga that the Siddha-Hema grammar consists of 125000 slokas. Hemacandra himself, wrote a Byhannyasa resembling the Mahabhasya of Patanjali. From older references we learn that this Nyasa alone consisted of 80-8:000 verses. Unfortunately a great part of this Nyasa appears to be lost. A few fragments of this Nyasa are, however, found in old Jaina Bhandaras. These alone amount to about 20000 to 25000 verses. The Satrapatha, the Laghutikd, the Brhafika, the Dhatupatha, the Unadipatha, the Linginusasana etc. of this grammar, which are mostly printed and published, consist of no less than fifty thousand slokas.
Dr. Bühler confuses the Pramanamimand of Hemaeandra with the Syadrada-mañjart which is in reality a commentary by Mallisena on the Angyoga vyaracchedadvätrinsiku-a hymn of 32 verses-by Hemeandra. This Pramāṇamimansa is incomplete. There is reason to believe that this was probably his last work,
Thus one finds that Dr. Bühler's account of the life of Hemacandra requires to be revised and corrected at several places in the light of new material. I cannot give here all such revisions and corrections with relevant evidence, for the fear that it might double the bulk of the volume. Again it is in the fitness of things that I should leave this study which has become a classic on the subject as it is.
XI

**
My attention was first drawn to this learned study on the life of Hemacandra in the year 1915-16 when I was engaged in editing the Kumarapalapratibodha of Somaprabhacarya, by my late lamented friend Mr. C. D. Dalal the originator and the first editor of the G.O.S. As I did not then know German I had to wait for two years before I got the substance of it at Poona through a German-knowing friend of mine. I was so impressed with its importance as a contribution on the subject that I thought of getting it translated into English and published in a handy form. Incidentally Mr. Moticand G. Kapadia of Bombay, who also came to learn of the importance of this work, expressed his desire to defray the expenses of the translation work. I entrusted the work to Miss. Kohn who is quite at home in both German and English. This translation

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Xit
PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITIOR
however, remained with Mr. Kapadia for a number of years without being published. I, however, desired that this valuable work should be made accessible to scholars who do not know German and who are interested in the subject. During my stay at Vis'vabhārati Santiniketan, I talked to my friend Dr. Manibhai Patel, of my intention. He readily agreed to prepare an English rendering of this study and enthusiastically carried out the work. Thus after twenty years I had the satisfaction of making this work accessible to scholars in the English garb in the Singhi Jaina series.
It is a matter of great pleasure to me that the learned and famous scholar Prof. M. Winternitz, the worthy S'isya of Dr. Bühler has contributed an excellent foreword to this English rendering of his Guru's work. Our best thanks- of myself and of Babu Bahādursing haji, the noble founder of this series are due to him for this kindness.
BHARATI-NIVASA, AHAMEDABAD. }
JINA VIJAYA.

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FOREWORD
Kalikālasarvajña, "The Omniscient of the Kali Age", was the title given to the great Jaina monk Hemacandra by his co-religionists, and he well deserved this title and his fame, on account of the astounding many-sidedness of his literary achievements. He was indeed one of the most versatile and prolific writers, both as a poet and as a scholar. It is due to him that Gujarat became a main stronghold of the Svetāmbara Jainas and has remained so for centuries, and that Jaina literature flourished there particularly in the 12th and 13th centuries. By his influence on the two Caulukya kings Jayasimha Siddharāja, and Kumārapāla he was able to direct, in some measure, the destinies and the cultural progress of his native country. But not only Gujarat and tho Jaina community owe a great debt of gratitude to Hemacandra, he has also a place of honour in general Sanskrit literature as a compiler of useful and important works on grammar, lexicography, poctics and metrics.
Among his poetical works his huge epic on the Lives of the Sixty-three Excellent Men" (Trişasti-Salākāpuruşa-Carita) is perhaps best known. Though not without merit as a work of poetry, a Mahākāvya, as it is described by the author himself, yet its main purpose is instruction and edification. For us it is invaluable as a storehouse of ancient legendary lore and tradition. The appendix to this work, the Paris'istaParvan, also called "Lives of the Series of Elders" (Sthavirävali-Carita) is even more important by its wealth of folklore and stories of all kinds. He has preserved to us many popular proverbs, and in one of his stories even folk-songs in dialect.
As a devout Jaina he also composed some hymns of praise (Stotras). His "Hymn to the Passionless (Mahāvīra)”, the Vitarāgastotra, is at the same time a poetical manual of the Jaina religion.
Hemacandra is always more of a scholar and a moralist than a poet, though not without taste and considerable skill in the use of the Kāvya style. This is also shown by his didactic poem, the Yogas'āstra, consisting of a text in simple ślokas and a commentary in the style of ornate poetry, containing also stories.
As a poet, as a historian in some way, and as a grammarian, all at the same time, Hemacandra proved himself in the one epic poem Kumārapāla-Carita, also known as Dvyūs'raya-Kārya, because it is written in two languages, Sanskrit and Prakrit. The

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XIV
FOREWORD
poem describes the history of the Caulukyas of Anhilväḍ and more especially of Kumarapala, the author's great patron, but at the same time it is intended to illustrate the rules of his own Sanskrit and Prakrit grammars.
Hemacandra's grammar, called Siddhahemacandra or Haimavyakarana, though hardly more than an improved edition of Sakatayana's grammar, has yet been described by F. Kielhorn as "the best grammar of the Indian middle ages" on account of its practical arrangement and terminology. He also added himself a commentary and both Unadiganasutra and Dhatupatha to his grammar. Like other grammarians he also wrote a Lingānus'äsana. The eighth chapter of his Siddhahemacandra is devoted to Prakrit grammar, which is still the most important grammar of the Prakrit dialects we possess. In his Prakrit grammar he has shown again his interest in popular poetry by preserving for us some pretty Apabhramsa songs which closely resemble the songs in Hala's Sattasal. In his manual of metrics he even composed Apabhramda songs. himself in illustration of the Apabhramsa metres, and it seems to be due to Hemacandra, as Professor H. D. Velankar (Annals Bhandarkar Inst. 14, p. 15) has suggested, that Apabhramsa has become a literary language among Jaina Yatis.
Hemacandra's learned books, it is true, are not distinguished by any great originality, but they display a truly encyclopaedic erudition and an enormous amount of reading, besides a practical sense which makes them very useful. This applies also to his manuals of poetics and metrics, the Kavyanusasana and the Chandonus asana, each accompanied by the author's own commentary.
Of the greatest importance for Sanskrit lexicography are the two works of Hemacandra on this subject, his synonymie lexicon Abhidhanacintamanimālā with a commentary by the author himself, and his homonymic lexicon Anekarthasamgraha, with à commentary by the author's pupil Mahendrasuri. A supplement to the Abhidhanacintamani is the Nighantus'esa, a glossary of botanical terms in 396 4lukas. Of inestimable value is his Prakrit lexicon Des'ināmamālā. All these lexicons are so very valuable, because Hemacandra was able to use sources which are lost to us, as also on account of their practical arrangement and the clear explanations.
Hemacandra's literary activity also extended to philosophy. He wrote a work on logic, the Pramana-Minded, "Examination of the Means of Proof," again with his own commentary. And his Anyayogavyavacchedadeātrims'ikā, 32 verses in praise of Mahavira and a treatise on logic at the same time, formed the basis for Mallisena's Syadvadāmajarl, which is not only a commentary on Hemacandra's treatise, but also an independent work on Jaina philosophy,1
1 Until a short time ago it was believed that Hemacandra is also the author of a LaghoArhannitis'astra, a Jaina work on law and politics, said to be a summary of a larger work in Prakrit, and published with a Gujarati commentary at Ahmedabad, 1906. But Mr. C. R.. Jain (see The Jaina Gazette, January 1935, pp. 9ff.) assures us, on the authority of Mr. Puran Chand Nahar, that this "Arhannīti" is a spurious work of the 19th century. It is no loss to the fame of Hemacandra, if we have to omit this insignificant compilation from the list of his works.

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FOREWORD
XV
It was my revered Guru, the late George Bühler, one of the pioneers of Jinistic studies, who first drew the attention of scholars to the works of Hemacandra and their importance for the history of Indian literature. His Life of Hemacandra, though written as far back as 1889, far from being antiquated, is still the most authentic work on the life of the great Jaina monk. More than that, Bühler's treatise cannot be too strongly recommended to every student of Indian history as a perfect model of historical research. No one has shown better than Bühler, how works of the Prabandha type, such as Prabhācandra's Prabhāvakacaritra, Merutunga's Prabandhacintāmani, and Rājasekhara's Prabandhakos'a, full of legends and worthless anecdotes as they are, may yet, by a careful critical investigation, be used as sources of history.
It was, therefore, a great pleasure to me, when Dr. Manilal Patel, Professor in the Vidyābhavana, Viśva-Bhārati, informed me that he had translated Bühler's classical essay into English, and that it was to form a volume in the excellent Singhi Jaina Series published by the Rev. Jina vijay a Muni, from Visva-Bhārati, Śânti. niketan, and I am happy to be able to introduce this important work from the pen of my Guru in its new garb which will make it accessible to fellow-students who have hitherto been unable to read it in the original German.
M. WINTERNITZ.
2
The Prabandhacintamani and the Prabandhakos's have lately been published in excellent editions by Jinavijaya Muni, Singhi Professor of Jaina Culture at Vis'va-Bharati, Säntiniketan, in the Singhi Jaina Sorios, where also an edition of the Prabhāvakacaritra is in preparation.

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THE LIFE OF HEMACANDRA

CHAPTER I
The Sources
ALTHOUGH European Orientalists have, during the last 50 years, paid
very close attention to the works of Hemacandra, there still remains the want of a thorough research in the life of this remarkable man who, through his extensive literary activity, made the name of the Svetambaras universally known in the learned circles of India, and who, because of his influence over a mighty monarch of Gujarat during the second half of the 12th century, gained a predominant place for the Jaina doctrine for the time being in his own native land. Apart from the inadequate, and partly inaccurate, data in H. H. Wilson's works and in the prefaces to the editions of some of Hemacandra's works, the only detailed account of the life of this famous monk is found in K. Forbes' Rās Mālā, (second edition, Bombay, 1878) pp. 145-157. A short article by Bhau Daji in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IX, p. 222f., is intended to supplement this account. Forbes' narrative is essentially a reproduction of the informations found in Merutungācārya's Prabandhacintamani. The anecdotes contained in this last-named work are put in a better chronological order, while the most striking improbabilities are set aside. At the end, some legends are appended which are taken from the oral tradition. This treatment of the material corresponds to the character of Forbes' work which makes no claim to give a critical adaptation of the history of Gujarat, but has as its title "A Garland of Historical Legends".

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA
Since the year 1856, when the Ras Mala appeared, the systematic research carried on in the Jaina-Libraries in Western India has brought to light a large mass of new material for the life of Hemacandra. On the one hand, numerous works, such as Prabhavakacaritra, Prabandhakos'a, Commentaries on the Raimandalastotra, and a number of Kumarapalacaritas or Kumdrarāsas have been discovered which deat more or less in detail with the life of this 'spiritual head of the Kaliyuga'; on the other hand, Hemacandra's own works, probably all of them and almost in complete form, are now accessible, It is therefore now possible to examine critically the information obtained through the secondary sources by comparing them with one another and with Hemacandra's own utterances-these are, alas! very rare-about his person and life-experiences. The character of these secondary sources, as well as the fact that the greater number of them were written long after Hemacandra's time and that they belong to the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries, renders it unnecessary to consider them collectively. A selection is quite. sufficient, as the later authors for the most part only copy what their predecessors wrote.
2
For the following research I have used:
1. The Prabhavakacaritra, a collection of life-sketches of 22 Jaina Acaryas, who bestowed glory on thier faith; it was written about 1250, about 80 years after Hemacandra's death, by Prabhäcandra and Pradyumnasûri."
2. The Prabandhacintamani by Merutungacarya of Vardhamanapura or Vadhavan in Kathiavaḍ: a collection of historical legends, completed on the full-moon day of the Vaisakha month, Vikrama Samvat 1362, that is, in April-May 1305 or 1306 A.D.*
8. The Prabandhakosa by Rajasekhara: a collection of the biographies of famous monks, poets and statesmen completed in Dhilli or Delhi, Vikrama Samvat 1405, i. e. 1348-49 A. D.3
4. The Kumarapalacarita by Jinamaṇḍana Upadhyaya, a life-story of the King Kumarapala of Gujarat V. S. 1199-1230, completed in Vikrama Samvat 1492, i. e. 1435-6 A. D.
The relationship of these works with one another is as follows: The Prabhavakacaritra and the Prabandhacintamani represent two distinct-and apparently independent of each other-currents of tradition. They diverge very often and, as regards some parts, they do so in many important points; the older work gives us in some cases less trustworthy data. The author of the Prabandhakosa knows the Prabandhacintamani and regards his own account of Hemacandra as an appendix to the same. He says he will not repeat what is said in that work (Prabandhacintamani); he will, on the contrary, acquaint his readers with a number of unknown anecdotes. The material put forth by him is, it is true, generally not to be found in earlier works and appears to have been adapted from tradition to which he so often refers. Lastly, the Kumarapalacarita is a loose compilation from the three first-named and from several other similar works. Here and there, contradictory accounts of the Prabhavakacaritra and of the Prabandhacintamani

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3
CHAPTER 1.-SOURCES have been 'placed side by side; in other cases, attempts have been made tù bring them in accord by alterations. These repetitions have, of course, no great worth, except when Jinanandana's method of broader representation is instrumental to a better understanding of the notes of his predecessors which were sometimes too brief. His extracts from some older and hardly accessible works are, on the other hand, of greater value,-particularly those from the Moharājaparājaya, a drama which Yaśahpāla, a councillor or a minister of the Emperor' Ajayadeve, i. e. of the king Ajayapāla of Gujarat, wrote in honour of Kumāra pāla's conversion to Jainism. As Ajayapāla reigned immediately after Kumārapāla and sat on the throne only for three years, the informations given in the drama deserve serious attention as being those of a contemporary source.
Like all the Caritras and Prabandhas, even the oldest of the works enumerated are not purely historical sources; nor are they comparable to the European Chronicles of the Middle Ages or to those of the Arabs. On the whole they are sectarian writings and when using them, one must take into account not only the tendencies of the sect from which they emanate, but also other minor details and some peculiarities of the Indian character. According to the definition which Rājasekhara gives in his introduction to the Prabandhakoşa,' the Caritras of the Jainas are the biographies of the Tīrthařkaras or Prophets-the ancient, whole-or half-mythical Emperors of India who are occasionally called Cakravartin-and of the Seers, i. e. the great, ancient chiefs of the sects down to Arya-Rakşita who must have died in the year 557 after Vira or 30 A. D. According to him, the stories of men of later times, monks as well as laymen, are designated as Prabandha'. The motives with which the Caritras and the Prabandhas were written, are to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or, when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment. Metrical works of this class were written always according to the rules of the Brahmanical poetics and were meant to exhibit the artistic skill and scholarship of the authors. As the authors start out with this point of view before them, they naturally make their works collections of interesting anecdotes serving their purpose rather than actual biographies or exact accounts of events in the past. They move almost always by leaps and bounds and often leave very important points entirely in darkness. At the same time, their information often betrays strong, intentional colouring in the interest of their own faith; whereas in other places poetic exaggerations or devices which are to make the story piquant, may easily be detected. Other circumstances which render it more difficult for us to ascertain the historical valuation of the Caritras and the Prabandhas are the uncertainty of their original sources which for the major part consist of the oral tradition of the schools of the monks or of the bards and of the fearful belief in miracles and superstitions which were perhaps more deep-rooted in the Indians than in the European peoples of the Middle Ages.
The authors of the Prabandhas admit most of the points referred to above, thereby themselves admitting their main weaknesses. Thus, Rājasekhara says in the Introduction to the Prabandhakosa, whilst at the same time giving interesting advice to the preachers of his faith;
"Here the pupil must humbly study everything, as prescribed, under a teacher

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4
LIFE OF HEMACANDRA
who has crossed the ocean of the holy scripture and eagerly fulfils his religious duties. Then for the salvation of the pious ones, he must deliver that sermon which stills tho agony of sin; and the prescription for the same is this: the holy scripture must be read without committing any mistake, without contracting words, without omitting syllables. The explanation of the same should be given in a noble, sweet speech. Duly protecting one's body and looking round upon those who have gathered, one must speak so long as the matter is understood. The speaker can generally attain his aim with the Caritras and the Prabandhas."
Still greater details are given by Merutunga in the Introduction to the Prabandhacintamani, verses 5-7, as to the purpose of his work and the character of his sources":
5. The famous Gapin Gunacandra has produced the first copy of the new work, the Prabandhacintamani, which is so lovely as the Mahabharata'.
6. The old tales do not delight the hearts of the shrewd so much, for they have. heard the same very often; I am therefore compiling the book Prabandhacintamani with (the use of) biographies (of my time) of noble men who are nearer to us.'
7. Even if the tales which the wise tell according to their understanding necessarily become different in character, clever people should, however, not criticize this work maliciously, as it rests on a good tradition'.
Thus, Merutunga confesses that his chief purpose was to entertain his public and that there were several contradictory accounts in existence as to the persons and events described by him. He is quite conscious of the uncertainty of the foundation on which his building rests. His grounds of consolation are of very doubtful worth.
These confessions and the fact that besides obvious absurdities, a large number of anachronisms, omissions and other errors occur in all the parts of the Prabandhas, which can be controlled by the accounts of authentic sources, make it essential for one to take the greatest precaution when using them. They should not, however, lead one to a complete rejection of the accounts contained therein; for the Prabandhas do contain much that is well corroborated by the inscriptions and other reliable sources. Particularly one must admit that the persons appearing in the older as well as later (Prabandhas) are all historical. However often a person is placed too early or too late, or the most contrary things are said about him, yet there is not a single instance in which one can with certainty assume that a particular man mentioned by him be a creation of the author's imagination. On the contrary, almost every new inscription, every collection of old manuscripts, and each newly discovered historical work supplies evidence for the actual existence of one or other of the personalities mentioned by them. So also those dates which they give as exact deserve always our most earnest consideration. Whenever these occur in other works of this class, which are usually independent of one another, we may without any hesitation accept them as historically correct, Naturally the same is also the case with other information. It will be seen from what follows that all the statements about Hemacandra in the Prabhavakacaritra as also in the Prabandhacintamani which are not from the outset doubtful because of their character, are completely correct. On

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CHAPTER 1.-SOURCES the whole, however, it must be admitted that even in the Prabhāvakacaritra Hemacandra has become a semi-mythical personality. Considering the character of the Prabandhas described above, Hemacandra's own statements about his person and his time are naturally of the greatest significance. They are principally to be found:
1. In the Sanskrit Dvyäsrayamahākāvya, which gives a summary of the History of the Caulukya dynasty of Gujarat, from Mūlarāja down to Kumārapāla (Note 28 );
2. In the Prakrit Dvyās'rayamahākāvya or Kumāravālcariya which celebrates his patron Kumārapāla (Note 88);
3. In the Pras'asti to his Grammar which is written in honour of his first patron Jayasimha Siddharāja and the ancestors of the same (Note 33);
4. In the Mahaviracarita which belongs to the Trişastis'alākāpuruşacaritra (Note 66).
Besides, isolated facts are found scattered in almost all of his works. Without these authentic communications, a research into Hemacandra's life would yield results of little certainty. With the help of them, at least an outline of his biography can be drawn. There remain, however, significant gaps which cannot be filled up for the present.

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CHAPTER II
Hemacandra's Youth Hemacandra's birthplace was, according to all accounts, Dhandhukā, a town which was very important in former times and is even now not insignificant. It belongs to the district of Ahmedabad and lies just on the frontier between the main land of Gujarat and the peninsula of Kāțhiāvād. There, in 1145 V.S., he was born on the full-moon night of the month of Kārttika, that is, in November December, 1088 or 1089 A. D.10 His parents, Cāciga and Pāhini, belonged to the merchant (Vāniū) caste; in particular to that sub-caste which is known as Srimodh Vāņiās," so called because this sub-caste originally came from Modherā. Both the parents adhered to the doctrine of Jina. Pāhini distinguished herself through her special zeal for the faith and was moved by her piety to hand over her son whose worldly name was Cāngadeva or Cangadeva," to a monk named Devacandra as a pupil while still in his early childhood, and thus dedicated him to the spiritual order. The detailed circumstances which led Cāngadeva enter the order of the Yatis, are variously described and all the stories are more or less romantically adorned. The Prabhāvakacaritra gives only a short account. Pāhini, so it says, once dreamed that she had presented the Cintamani (the stone that fulfils all wishes) to her spiritual adviser. She related her dream to the monk Devacandra who gave her an explanation that she would bear a son who "would resemble the Kaustubha-jewel of the ocean of the Jainadoctrine.” When Cāngadeva was five years old, he accompanied his mother to the temple and sat on the seating-cushion of Devacandra while she was performing her worship. The monk reminded her of the dream and bade her entrust the boy to him as his pupil. Pāhini referred him first to the child's father. As Devacandra kept silence over this, she fulfilled his wish, though unwillingly, "because she remembered the dream and because the word of the Teacher must not be disregarded." Thereupon, Devacandra took the boy with him to Stambhatirtha, the present-day Cambay. There he was first consecrated in the temple of Pārsvanātha on Saturday, the fourteenth day of the bright half of the month Māgha of the Vikrama-year 1150. On this occasion, the famous' Udayana held the usual festival. Cãngadeva received the name Somacandra.

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CHAPTER 11.-HEMACANDRA'S YOUTH Merutunga is much more extensive. He differs in some not unessential points from the Prabhāvakacaritra and presents quite a complete little romance. According to him, Devacandra came to Dhandhukā on his journey from Pattana or Aṇhilvāờ and went into the Temple connected with a monastery of Srimodh merchants, in order to pay his homage to the image of Jina there. Cängadeva, about eight years old, who roamed here and there playing with other companions of the same age, came there and sat down on Devacandra's resting-cushion which lay on the “throne" of the ordinary pulpit of the Jaina-monasteries. He thereby attracted the attention of the monk who on closer observation, found the boy to be endowed with signs of a high destiny. Wishing to get him as his pupil, the monk gathered together the congregation, i.e. the most esteemed Jaina merchants of the city, and went with them to the house of Cāciga. The father was absent from the house, but his wife Pāhini received the monk and his companions in a fitting manner. Devacandra told her that the congregation had come there in order to beg from her, her son. Although moved to tears by the honour so done to her, Pāhini at first declared herself unable to respond to the request, as her husband was of "heretical” mind and was, moreover, absent. At last the pressure of her relatives prevailed upon her and she handed the boy over to the Guru on their responsibility. Also Cāngadeva, who was consulted according to the rules, consented to become a pupil of the monk. Thereupon Devacandra immediately resumed his wandering with Cāngadeva and went to Karṇāvati where he took the boy to the house of a royal minister, named Udayana. Without doubt he was afraid that his pupil might be taken back from him. He sought therefore to secure the shelter of an influential member of the Jaina congregation. Subsequent events showed that he was not in the wrong; for there soon appeared Cāciga who, after he returned from his journey, at once hurried to Karņāvati in order to take Cangadeva back. The father had taken a vow not to take any food until he had seen his son. Having arived there, he went to the dwelling place of the monk, so furions that he showed the latter scant reverence and would not be soothed. It was only when Udayana was approached and he intervened, that the father was reconciled. Udayana took him to his house, treated him with honour as an elder brother and entertained him hospitably. Then he sent for Cāngadeva, placed him in the lap of his father whom he offered a large sum of money besides other gifts of honour. Cāciga proudly declined the presents; but was so moved by the honour done to him by his host that he consented to let him have his son. On further pursuation by Udayana, he also allowed him to transfer his rights to Devacandra and finally performed the rite of world-renunciation for Cangadeva 14
A third version which agrees neither with the Prabhāvakacaritra nor with Merutunga, is given by Rājasekhara. According to this, Devacandra often went to Dhandhukā on his journeys and preached there. One day, Nemināga, one of the believers among the gathering stood up and said that Cāngadeva, the son of his sister Pāhiņi and of Thakkura Cācika, had received spiritual awakening through the sermon and was begging to be ordained as a monk. Before his birth (he further said) his mother had seen in a dream a mango-tree which, when transplanted to another spot, had borne rich fruits. Thereupon Devacandra declared that the petitioner would, if he entered the spiritual order, perform great deeds: he was endowed with lucky marks and was worthy to be

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA ordained, but e consent of his parents must be obtained. When Cangadeva's wish was put before his parents, they first of all opposed, but finally gave their consent to it."
Lastly, the author of the Kumārapālacarita gives both the first and the second stories with some embellishments and weaves them together in his own way, without troubling himself about the contradictions. Thus he declares thrice that Căngadeva was born in the year 1145 of the Vikrama-era, but he twice gives as the date of his ordination the year 1150, i. e. the fifth year of his life, in agreement with the Prabhāvakacaritra, and once gives the date Vikrama Samyat 1154, i. e. the ninth year of his life, in accordance with Merutunga. According to his assumption, Căngadeva received the name Somadeva after his ordination. He adds that the form Somacandra is used by some". 18
Evidently the story of the Kumārapālacarita deserves no consideration. Also the account of Rājasekhara is not trustworthy, for he betrays his desire to prove that Hemacandra entered the holy order in strictest accordance with the doctrine of the sacred scriptures of the Jainas. According to these doctrines, only he is worthy to become a monk who, enlightened through the sermon and through his own meditation, is convinced of the futility of the world and feels the intense longing for eternal salvation, the Mukti. In reality, the facts work somewhat differently. If the order of the Yatis were allowed to recruit members only from the volunteers who desired to renounce the world, then it would be in a bad position and the Jaina-congregation would be short of preachers. The provision 3f the necessary recruits is generally secured by the rich members of the congregation buying up boys, still in their tenderest age, from their parents and entrusting them to the Yatis for instruction. Illegitimate children of Brahmin widows are given special preference as they can be cheaply bought and may be supposed to have spiritual aptitude, for often the fathers of such children belong to the most cultured castes of India. In this matter not seldom does it happen that children of poor Brahmins or Vāņiās are bought especially in times of high cost of living. In some isolated cases the Yatis themselves are active and make sure of successors by adopting forsaken orphans or by begging from their co-religionists children to whom they take fancy. These conditions of the present day clearly show that Rājasekhara's account is an invention, especially because the contradictory statements of the Prabhāvakacaritra and of Merutunga agree with the first-named. It is for the same reason that one must declare as perfectly trustworthy the statement that Devacandra obtained Cāngadeva by begging him from his mother. It is in every way probable that a monk who was attracted by an intelligent boy, 'endowed with lucky marks', sought to get him as a pupil and gained his purpose by cleverly exploiting the piety and the weakness of the mother. The story of the dream and of its interpretation before the birth of the boy as found in the Prabhāvakacaritra is, of course, to be rejected as an outcome of the belief, so often repeated by the Jainas, that the birth of great men is predicted to mothers by dreams.
In the same way, little value can be attached to the assertion in both the oldest sources, that Căngadeva sat on the cushion of the monk, On the other hand, it is probably correct that Cāciga opposed and attempted to bring his son back, as related by Merutunga. If he was, &s Merutunga says, "of heretical mind”, that is, though belonging to the Jaina congregation, he still adhered to the old views, then one can easily understand his opposition against his son's entering the Yati's order. He was probably possessed by
re as per from his Dacendowe

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CHAPTER II.-HEMACANDRA'S YOUTH the belief of the orthodox Indian who expects eternal happiness in heaven by the regular performance of sacrifices offered to the manes by his male successor and who, therefore, regards as the greatest ill-luck the untiinely entrance of the latter into the holy order. Little as these viewpoints agree with Jainism, they are not seldom found among the Jaina laymen who, even though they do not perform sacrifices offered to the manes, still do share orthodox Indians' feelings for their male offspring. Similarly, there is no reason to doubt the statement that Udayana intervened between the monk and Cāciga, Udayana is certainly a historical personality. He was a Srimāli Vāņiā who emigrated into Gujarat from Srīmāl or Bhinmal in Mārvād. He is supposed to have settled down first of all in the city of Karņāvati, which took, according to K. Forbes, the place of modern Ahmedabad. Soon afterwards, he was appointed Mantrin or royal counsel in Stambhatirtha by Siddharāja-Jayasimha and probably occupied the post of a Civil Governor in that city.18 He is referred to repeatedly in Hemacandra's biography. Also the short remark in the Prabhāvakacaritra that the famous Udayana had performed the ceremony of Căngadeva's ordination in Cambay, points to the fact that Merutunga was correct in representing Udayana as Devacandra's patron. If this is so, then we have also a solution of the contradictions in both the oldest sources regarding Căngadeva's age at the time of his ordination and regarding the city where it took place. As regards the first point, Merutunga, and as regards the second point, the Prabhāvakacaritra, is in the right. For, it is in itself improbable that Cangadeva was ordained to become a monk in his fifth year, in V. S. 1150. This becomes quite unbelievable when we are told that Udayana at that time was already a royal counsel or was living in Cambay, because the king Jayasimha, in whose reign he emigrated into Gujarat, ascended the throne only in the Vikrama year 1150. Consequently Merutunga's date for the ordination,-the eighth or ninth year of his life, according to Jinamaņdana, the Vikrama year 1154-has decidedly an advantage. On the other hand, the place where the ceremony was performed, must be Cambay and not Karņāvati. In addition, it may be adduced that the Prabhāvakacaritra further remarks that Kumārapāla, after his conversion had a Dikşāvihāra, i. e. a temple with a monastery, built in Cambay, in memory of Hemacandra's ordination. Merutunga agrees with this fact, despite his earlier contradictory statement."
The sources supply us with little information regarding the next twelve years of the life of Hemacandra, or more properly Somacandra, which he spent as a student and servant of his Guru. Definite statements are to be found only in the Prabhāvakacaritra, There it is stated that he studied Logic and Dialectics as well as Grammar and Poetics and that he mastered these subjects at once on account of the power of his intelligence "which shone clear and pure as light”. It is of course in itself clear that Somacandra learnt these branches of Brahmanical lore only as a supplement to the theology of the Jainag. For, his training as a teacher and preacher of the Jaina-faith necessitated, naturally, above all, intimate knowledge of the Prakrit-dialect in which the Jaina-sūtras are written, as also a thorough study of the latter, of their commentaries and of other scriptures related thereto. His later scholarly attainments show that the statement of the Prabhāvakacaritra as to his capacities is right and that he must indeed have possessed more than ordinary power of intellect. There is no mention as to whether Devacandra alone instructed him or whether he had other teachers as well. The first assumption is,

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lo
LIFE OF HEMA ANDRA howuver, not improbable, as Devacandra appears to have been a man of no insignificance. Devacandra is of course not mentioned in the lists of teachers. On the other hand, Rājasekhara assumes that he belonged to the Pūrņacandra Gaccha and to the line of Yasobhadra, the Rāṇā of Vatapadra, who was converted by Dattasūri, and that Yaśobhadra's pupil was Pradyumnasūri, the author of many works and his pupil Gunasena was Devacandra's teacher. He adds, moreover, that Devacandra wrote a commentary to Thāna, i. e. the Sthānānga, as also a life of Sāntinātha. The latter statements may be correct. For, Devasūri mentions in the Introduction to his S'āntināthacaritra that it is translated from the great homonymous Prakrit-poem of Devacandra, the teacher of Hemacandra. Rājasekhara's account of Devacandra's school and teacher appears, on the other hand, to be partly incorrect. It is true that Jinamaņdana says exactly the same that Dattasūri of the Kotikagana, the Vajra Sākā and of the Candra Gaccha, had converted the Rāņā Yaśobhadra, and he gives the same line of teachers: Pradyumnasūri, Gunasena, Devacadra. But the Prabhåvakacaritra (See Note 13, verse 14) calls the latter a pupil of Prandyuninasūri and Hemacandra himself says in the Mahāviracarita that he belonged to the Vajrasakhā and to the line of Municandra. In none of his works, known so far, does Hemacandra give the name of his teacher, although ample opportunity should have been offered for the same. It almost appears as if his later relationship with his teacher might not have been of friendly nature. In this respect, an anecdote given by Merutunga could be cited: Devacandra refused to teach his pupil the art of making gold because he had already "ill-digested” other easier sciences and hence was neither worthy nor capable of learning so difficult an art. Whatever be the solution of these difficulties, this much is certain that Devacandra was a learned man who had the qualification to train a pupil like Hemacandra.
In the last years of Somacandra's apprenticeship, the Prabhāvakacaritra ascribes a journey, or rather the plan for a journey, by which the young monk wanted to win the favour of the goddess Brābmī, the patroness of learning, in order to overcome all rivals by her grace. With the permission of his teacher he set out on a tour towards the land of Brāhmi via Tāmalipti in company of other Sädhus well-versed in the Sāstras. He went however, only upto Raivatāvatāra, the sanctuary of Neminātha, where he devoted himself to ascetic practices in Mādhumata Sārtha (?). During the practices, the goddess of speech appeared before him and informed him that he would attain his desire at home. He therefore cancelled his further programme and returned to his teacher. Although in India it be not unusual that a scholar or a poet seeks to attain the Sarasvata mantra, a magis formula, which gives him mastery over speech; and although Hemacandra himself admits unreservedly of his faith in such means in his manual of Poetics, the Alamkāracūdāmani;43 yet one must interpret the above story only as an explicative myth. Indeed, the extra-ordinarily naive geographic conceptions of the author point to this. When he says that Somacandra wanted to travel via Tāmaliptí or Tamluk in Bengal in order to reach Brāhmidesa, i. e. Kāśmir, it is clear that he is confounding the Brāhmidesa with the Brahmadeśa or Burma. Still more absurd is it that Somacandra is supposed to have gone on his journay first to Raivatāvatāra i. c. Junāgadh in Käthiāvād. Later on, Jinamandana detected this absurdity and tried to make the story more credible by an alteration See Note 22).

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CHAPTER II.-HEMACANDRA'S YOUTH
According to all the sources, Somacandra's term of apprenticeship came to a close in Vikrama Samvat 1166 as he was then ordained as a Süri or Acarya, i. e. an inde pendent exponent of the holy scriptures and a successor of his teacher. On this occasion he again changed his name according to the custom of Jaina-ascetics, and was now called Hemacandra. The Prabhavakacaritra suggests that Devacandra was an old man by this time and soon afterwards took to those chastisements which lead the conscientious Jaina to Nirvana. Except in the above-mentioned story of Merutunga, he is no more referred to in the Prabandhas. The Prabhavakacaritra adds further that Pahini, when her son received the second ordination, took "caritra", that is to say, she entered the Jaina nunnery. According to a further statement of Merutunga's, she lived for a considerable time after this and died just about V. S. 1211.

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CHAPTER II
Hemacandra and Jayasimha-Siddharāja
The sources speak nothing about Hemacandra's life during the time which immediately followed his ordination as a Sūri. They jump over a long series of years and resume only with his migration to Anahillapātaka or Pattana, the modern Anhilvād. Pāțan, the Capital of Gujarat, where he lived, as the Prabandhas expressly and apologetically state, the great part of his life. There, by royal favour, an honourable career as author and promoter of his faith lay open to the Súri. His first patron was the Caulukya king Jayasimha, designated Siddharāja, who had ascended the throne in the year 1150 of the Vikrama era and who ruled over Gujarat and the adjoining provinces of the western India until the Vikrama year 1199. According to all documents, Jayasimha was one of the most energetic and ambitious kings of the Caulukya-dynasty, He extended his kingdom as well towards the east as towards the west. Amongst his successful, warlike undertakings, special mention is frequently made in the Prabandhas, as well as in inscriptions, of his conquest of Surāştrā or Sorath in the south of Kāțbiāvād and of the occupation of Ujjain, which resulted in the arrest of the king Yas'ovarman and the annexation, at least for the time being, of the western Mālvā. He is equally famous for his public buildings and the construction of huge lakes in Pāțan, Siddhapur, Kapadvanj, Virangām and other cities. These lakes are still partly preserved. According to the Prabandhas, he was a friend of belles-lettres and entertained an earnest desire of seeing his achievements immortalised by a great poet. He therefore patronised the bards and poets and kept a poet laureate, Kavis'vara Sripāla who, though an author of various poetic works, does not seem to have been really able to tackle satisfactorily the task entrusted to him by his patron. The same sources speak also about Jayasimha's pursuit of philosophy. Although he was a Sivaite like his forefathers and, according to some stories, rigidly maintained the privileges of the Brahmanical faith, it is however reported that he, being eager to obtain complete deliverance from the fetters of rebirth, summoned from all countries teachers of various sects whom he questioned on Truth and God and the Holy Law, and had them discuss these points in his presence. Hemacandra confirms these statements in the Prasasti to his Grammar (Note 33, verse 18, 22), where he speaks of Jayasimha's ascetic propensities, and in the Dvyās'rayakāvya, in which mention is made of the establishment of schools where Dialectics, Astronomy and the Purāṇas were taught (see Note 28).

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CHAPTER III.-HEMACANDRA AND JAYASIMHA-SIDDHARĀJA
13
It is easily comprehensible that even a Jaina monk who had a thorough knowledge of Sanskrit-literature and the Brahmanical sciences as well as proficiency in the poetic art, could win the favour of a king of this kind. The sources are not, however, at one as to the art and manner in which Hemacandra came to be introduced to Jayasimha. According to the Prabhavakacaritra, by an accidental meeting he became acquainted with the king and by a clever exploitation of the opportunity thus offered, he got entry into the palace. Once, so it is said, Siddharaja passed through the streets of his capital riding on an elephant and saw Hemacandra standing by a shop near a slope. The king stopped his elephant just by the mound (timbaka) and called out to the monk: "Recite something" Hemacandra at once replied with a stanza composed on the spur of the moment: "Siddha, let the stately elephant jump freely without any hesitation! May the worldprotecting elephants tremble! What's the good of all of them? By thee alone is the world. guarded!" Jayasimha was pleased with this stanza so much that he invited the author to go to the palace daily at noon and to entertain him. Hemacandra accepted the invitation and gradually won the king's friendship. Jinamanḍana agrees with this story in the main. It appears, however, that he drew his material from some other source. For, the verse which he attributes to Hemacandra, has a different form and he attempts to ascribe the reason of the king's addressing Hemacandra to the astonishing appearance of the latter and to the king's amazement at the same." Merutunga mentions nothing of this meeting and its results. According to his report, Hemacandra became known to Jayasimha much later, just when he was returning from the victorious expedition against Mälva. On this occasion Jayasimha held, on entering the capital, a ceremonious procession in which Yasovarman, the captive king of Mälvä, and the rich spoils gathered in the war were triumphantly exhibited. The heads of various fellowships of faiths appeared among the deputations from Aphilväd, in accordance with the Indian custom, to shower their benedictions on the victorious king. Among the group of the Jainas was also Hemacandra who had been selected as a spokesman on account of his great learning. He paid homage to the king with these words: "Wish-fulfilling cow, besprinkle the earth with thy fluid! Ye, Oceans, scatter the svastika-figures of pearls! Moon, become thou a full bowl! Ye elephants-protectors of quarters of the globe, bring boughs of the heavenly tree, and unplait victory-garlands from them with your long trunks! For, does not the king Siddha, who has conquered the earth, come now?" This stanza that was "adorned with a com mentary", was praised by the king and brought its author great honour".
The Prabhavakacaritra (see Note 24) and Jinamandana similarly know this. story. They however surmise that Hemacandra only renewed his acquaintance with the king on his return from Mälvä and that he received a new invitation to the palace.
As regards the credibility of these statements, the second of them must certainly be historical. The stanza with which Hemacandra is supposed to have greeted the king, is authentic. For, it is found at the end of the twenty-fourth Pada of Hemacandra's Grammar which, as will be later on shown, contains thirty-five verses composed by the author in honour of the Caulukya kings. The last words, "For, does not the king Siddha, who has conquered the earth, come now ?", produce a good sense only if one takes that the sloka was composed, as the Prabandhas maintain, originally as an occasional poem in honour of a triumphal procession and later inserted into the Grammar. As regards the

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14.
LIFE OF HEMAGANDRA
story of the meeting in the bazar, it is not possible to be equally certain. In itself the story sounds a bold one. It is not improbable that an Indian prince, who took an interest in the art of poesy, should address a man whose outward appearance struck him, and should, as a reward for a graceful compliment, grant him access to the customary audiences of scholars and poets. It is however hard to comprehend how Jayasimha could presuppose a proficiency in poetry in a Jaina-monk who was unknown to him. The matter is made more suspicious by the fact that the stanza, which Hemacandra is supposed to have composed on this occasion, should be given in two different versions and that none of them should exist in the authentic works of Hemacandra. Finally, it is noteworthy that the Prabhavakacaritra should have nothing to report particularly about Hemacandra's inter. course with Jayasimha during the period between the first and the second meeting. Only Jinamandana relates a number of anecdotes regarding this intercourse. Even these aneodotes, according to other sources, fall into a later time. Under such circumstances the credibility of the first story is doubtful. Inspite of this, there are some reasons which make it probable that Hemacandra was introduced to the court of Jayasimha before the conquest of Mälvä. The expedition against Mälva, the date of which is not, with exactitude, given in any of the sources, must have taken place after the Vikrama year 1192, as, it is known, in the month of Magha of that year Prince Yadovarman who was conquered and taken prisoner by Jayasimha, made a grant of land, which proves that he still occupied the throne." Probably this expedition was undertaken acon after this date. For, Jayasimha himself died in the Vikrama year 1199, and it is evident from his biography in Hemacandra's Dvyasrayakāvya that he reigned for many years after his return from Malva. Now, if Hemacandra became first acquainted with Jayasirhha at the time of the latter's imposing triumphal entry, then it could not have happened before the Vikrama Samvat. 1194; in which case he could have had influence at the court of the king for about five years only. But that this influence lasted much longer than five years is clear from Merutunga's account of the famous debate held by the Svetämbara Devasüri and the Digambara Kumudeandra in the presence of Jayasimha. He describes" that, on this occasion the 'young' (fr) Hemscandra was present as a supporter of Devasuri and that he succeeded in winning the favour of the king's mother Mayapalladevi for his side. The Prabhavakacaritra, XXI, 195 gives as the exact date of the debate the full-moon day of the month Vaisakha, Vikrama Samvat 1181," while Merutunga allows the same to take place towards the end of Jayasihha's reign after the expedition against Malva. There can be no doubt that the statement of the Prabhavakacaritra deserves preference and that Merutunga took the liberty of a fanciful shifting of the date. The last-named fact is especially proved by the remark that Hemacandra was a young man at that time. Had the debate taken place towards the end of the ninetieth year, then Hemacandra should have been over fifty years of age. Under these circumstances, it cannot be denied that, even according to the sources which Merutunga used, the first acquaintance of Hemacandra with Jayasimha took place before the time of the war with Malva. This does not, however, prove that the story of the Prabhavakacaritra, about the first meeting of the both, tells the truth. Its internal improbability remains just as great ad before. The story might well have been invented as a historical setting to the famous verses of Hemacandra addressed to the king aftar the real facts leading to the former's introduction into the court of his lord had been forgotten. The facts may be sought in

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CHAPTER III.-HEMACANDRA AND JAYASINHA-SIDDHARĀJA 16 Jayasimha's endeavours to learn the tenets of various sccts. Possibly Hemacandra might have also been helped by his connection with Udayana, who had great influence. It will also be later on seen that even Udayana's sons stood in very intimate relationship to Hemacandra. This help was quite natural and to be expected because Udayana had taken the boy Cāngadeva under his care. Hemacandra's former acquaintance with Jayasimha was probably not very intimate, for, the oldest source, as we have already noted, has nothing to say about it, while the stories of Jinamandana deserve no credence.
On the other hand, by reason of his benedictions at the king's procession, Hemacandra appears to have won a lasting influence. He became, first of all, Court-Pandit and then Court-Annalist. In the first position, he was entrusted by Jayasimha with the preparation of a new grammar. In the Prabhāvakacaritra, further circumstances which induced the king to take this step, have been described as follows. Sometime after his triumphal entrance into the city, the manuscripts captured in Ujjain were exbibited to Jayasimha himself and the scholars of his court. He was attracted by one treatise on grammar that was among them. He questioned what that work was and in reply he was told that it was a work on etymology, compiled by the Paramāra king Bhoja; and the extensive literary activity of that poly-historian who had written works on all branches of learning, was highly praised. The praise kindled Jayaşimha's jealousy and he expressed his regret that his treasury had no such series of manuals written in his kingdom. Thereupon all the scholars assembled there turned their faces towards Hemacandra, suggesting thereby that they considered him worthy of becoming the Bhoja of Gujarat. The king espoused their opinion and requested Hemacandra to prepare a new grammar, as the then available grammars, being too short or too difficult and antiquated, did not serve their purpose. Hemacandra expressed his willingness to accede to his lord's wish; he begged however for his help in securing the necessary materials, such as the eight older grammars which were to be found in their entirety only in the library of the Temple of Sarasvati in Kashmir. Jayasimha at once sent hiyh officials to Pravarapura to fetch the MSS. The officials put up in the temple of the deity and laid their petition. Pleased with their songs of praise, there appeared Sarasvati to them and ordered the librarian to send the desired works to her favourite Hemacandra. Her command was carried out and the scholar Utsāha returned to Aņhilvād with the books. The ambassadors, on their return, described to the king how highly his protégé stood in favour of the goddess. The king considered his land fortunate in having such a man. Hemacandra looked through the MSS. brought to him and compiled his grammar in eight Adhyāyas and thirty-two Padas; and in homage to the king he entitled it Siddhahemacandra, "compiled by Hemacandra and dedicated to Siddharāja". As the custom required, the work consisted of five parts, the Aphorisms, the Indexes of the Words formed with uņādi suffixes, a Root-lexicon, a Treatise on the Rules of Gender, and a Running Commentary. Hemacandra furthermore added two more lexica, the Nāmamālā and the Anekārthakosa. In order to characterise the Grammar as a court-work, the author adorned it with a pras'asti, a poem of praise, in 35 stanzas in honour of the Caulukya dynasty from Mülarāja down to Jayasimha. One stanza at the end of every pada and four stanzas at the end of the whole work were given. On its completion, the grammar was read before the court and was accepted by the scholars as a model work because of its clarity and precision. The king then summoned

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA
three hundred 'copyists to Aphilväd, who had to make copies during three years. Then he presented one copy to each of the heads of all the sects in his kingdom and dispatched other copies all over India, nay, even beyond the borders of India, into Persia, Ceylon and Nepal. Twenty copies were also sent to Kasmir which the goddess Sarasvati accepted for the library of her Temple. In order to further still more the study of this work, Kayastha Kakala, a well-known grammarian, was invited to teach it in Aphilväd. Every month a public examination of his pupils was held on the Jñanapaficami. Whoever did his task well, received from the king a shawl, a golden ornament, a sedan-chair or a
sunshade.
82
Merutunga's account which Jinamandana copies almost verbatim is much shorter and runs quite differently. When the king praised Hemacandra's stanza composed in honour of his triumphal entrance, it is said in the Prabandhacintamani, some jealous Brahmins remarked: "The monk has drawn his wisdom purely from our books?" The king thereupon asked Hemacandra if it was so. The latter replied: "We study the Jainagrammar which Mahavira in his childhood explained to Indra". The envious Brahmins rejoined that it was a story of hoary antiquity; and that Hemacandra might name a more modern-grammarian of his faith. Then the monk offered himself to write a new grammar in a few days if only His Highness Siddharaja helped him. The king consented and dismissed the scholars. After the celebrations of the triumphal entrance were over, the king was reminded of the story of the grammar and he ordered to collect, as promised, MSS. of all the existing grammars from many lands and also summoned scholars who were conversant with various systems. Hemacandra then wrote in one year the Siddhahemacandra in five parts which contained 125,000 couplets, each of 32 syllables. When the book was ready, it was brought to the palace in right royal honour on the state-elephant and was deposited there in the treasury. From that time onwards, all other grammars were ignored and the Siddhahemacandra alone was studied everywhere. This disappointed the rivals of Hemacandra and one of them secretly sneaked to the king. that the grammar did not contain, as it should have contained, a poem of praise in honour of the Caulukya dynasty. Hemacandra got scent of that scandal and learned that the king was angry with him for that oversight. Thereupon he composed at once thirty-two stanzas in honour of the Caulukyas and recited them the next morning when his grammar was being read in the palace. The king was thereby reconciled and ordered that the knowledge of the Grammar be further spread.
It can be seen at the first glance that neither of the two stories possesses a claim to credibility in all its details. As Hemacandra's grammar is, however, preserved in its completeness and as recently many later works bearing on the same have become known, it is possible to examine critically the statements of tradition and to note that a great part of them, especially of those in the Prabhavakacaritra, is quite correct. To this category belong, first of all, the date of the last-named work as to the extent, the arrangement and character of the Grammar, as well as the cause that led to its compilation. The Siddhahemacandra contains, it is true, eight Adhydyas and thirty-two Pädas and at the end of the commentary on each Pada comes one stanza in honour of one of the first seven Caulukya kings while at the end of the whole there are four stanzas." The Siddha

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CHAPTER III.-HEMAÇANDRA AND JAYASIMHA-SIDDHARAJA
17
hemacandra is said to be a work in five parts also in MSS. and there are, besides the Satras, still separate sections about the unddi-suffixes, the ganas, the roots and the gender of nouns, Besides this, the author has provided all the parts of his book with at commentary in two recensions," whose compilation falls, as some allusions to the victory of Jayasithha, and the Prasastis show, in the time of the reign of Siddharaja. Moreover, it is not only dedicated, as the title indicates, to the king Jayasimha-Siddharaja, but it also owes its origin to the request or command of the king. Quite similarly to the Prabhavakacaritra, it is said in the Prasasti, stanza 35, that Siddharaja being dissatisfied with the older grammars, requested the monk Hemacandra to write a new one and that the monk thereupon wrote it "according to the rules". Of the further statement of the Prabhavakacaritra that the inspection of the MSS., secured in Malva, was the immediate cause of the king's command, there is in fact no corroboration in other works. And yet this statement, considered on its own merits, is by no means improbable. For, when Jayasimhha cherished the anxious desire, as already mentioned, to immortalise the memory of his reign through literary works, it was then only natural that the perusal of Bhoja's works aroused his jealousy and induced him to call upon the best scholar in his empire to write similar works. The Siddhahemacandra is then a compilation from earlier grammars as opined by the tradition. It is based specially on the grammar of Sakatayana and on the Katantra, as Kielhorn has shown. In his commentary on the work, Hemacandra cites very often the views of "others", of "certain persons", et cetera; and with the help of glossaries-unfortunately incomplete ones-to the Commentary, Kielhorn has discovered that for the first five Padas, not loss then 15 different grammatical works had been used." For the whole work, the number is no doubt appreciably greater. From this, it appears quite credible that Hemacandra had collected materials from various places before he began his work, as also that his patron had been helpful in his task. Even at present the Indian princes provide their court-pandita almost regularly with MSS. and often manage to get them from afar at great cost. When, however, the Prabhavakacaritra opines on this point that all the MSS. came from the library of the temple of Sarasvati in Kasmir, it must be an exaggeration, originating in the author's too high a regard for the literary greatness of the land of Sarada. Merutunga's statement that the king managed to gather grammars from various lands, is more probable. Finally, one cannot declare as untrustworthy the statement made in both the sources that Jayasimha accelerated the circulation of the new Vyakarana, distributed the copies of the same and appointed a teacher in order to teach it to others. If the pains taken by the king Anandapala with a view to circulating the Sisyahitä written by his teacher Ugrabhüti, as described by Berūni, are without doubt historical, then similar statements about the works written at the command of the princes deserve full consideration. In the case of the Siddhahemacandra, it is to be further added that the grammarian Kakala-as the exponent of this grammar is called in the Prabhavakacaritra-is not only a historical personality, but really did make himself useful in expounding the work. One opinion of Kakkala is mentioned in the Nyasa on the commentary of Hemacandra, used by Kielhorn. Moreover, Gunacandra, a pupil of Devasüri, praises a great dialectician, poet and grammarian, by name Kakkalla who was a sort of a professor, and says that it was at the command of Kakkalla that he wrote the Tattvaprakasika or Haimavibhrama-an essay to interpret the Siddhahemacandra." Kakala, Kakkala and Kakkalla are the three Prakrit-forms produced partly through
3

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA
difference of accentuation, and all of them are diminutives 'of the Sanskrit name Karka. They designate without doubt one and the same personality. Devasüri, the spiritual teacher of Gunacandra is probably the famous Jaina-bishop, already mentioned, who in V. S. 1181 held a debate with Kumudacandra and died in V. S. 1226. If one agrees to this, then the statements of Gupacandra seem to confirm those in the Prabhavakacaritra. On another point, namely, the mention of the period at which Hemacandra completed his work, the statements of the Prabandhas are to be rectified. The Prabhavakacaritra does not, it is true, say anything in detail about this but suggests that the Grammar was composed within a short space of time. Merutunga, on the other hand, opines boldly that it was written in one single year. This is simply an impossibility and, moreover, is contradicted by a remark in stanza 23 of the Prasasti. There Hemacandra mentions that Jayasimha has celebrated a festival of pilgrimage (ar a: 1). The Deyasrayakavya speaks only of a single pilgrimage of the king to Devapattana and Girnär, which seems to have taken place in the last year of his rule (See Note 28). Tho Prasasti must, therefore, have been written after this pilgrimage and, as it must only have been written after the completion of the Grammar, the latter (the Grammar) also should have been finished after this time. Between the return from Mälvä and the end of the pilgrimage, two or three years might have passed according to the statements of the Deyasraya. As the former falls, according to the above arguments, in the Vikrama year 1194, then the Grammar must have been ready, at the earliest, towards the end of the Vikramayear 1197.
18
38
The success of his Grammar appears to have induced Hemacandra to extend further the scope of his work and to write a number of handbooks which should give the students of Sanskrit composition-and more particularly of the poetics-complete guidance to correct and eloquent expression. This endeavour led to the compilation of a number of Sanskrit-lexica and textbooks of rhetoric and matrics, as well as of a formal artistic. poem meant for illustrating the grammatical rules. This poem is Deyds'rayamahäkävya which contains the history of the Caulukya princes. The series of these works opened with a homonymie lexicon, the Abhidhanacintamani or Namamala, by name. Then followed the synonymie lexicon, the Anekarthasarhgraha; thereafter the manual of poetics, the Alamkaracudamani; and lastly the Chandonus'dsana, the Metrics. This order is chiefly fixed by the statements given in the above-named works. With reference to the first two, the Prabhavakacaritra (Note 31, verse 98) says that they were completed simultaneously with the Grammar. There is little possibility in this, as the composition of the Grammar, its appendices and commentaries would have been quite sufficient work for that short period, even if Hemacandra, as is very usual in India, took the help of his pupils while compiling the commentaries and even if he had made preparations for his work earlier. The Grammar does not, it is true, contain 125,000 slokas, as Merutunga would have us believe. But including the commentaries and the appendices which, in their turn, have commentaries, it has something like 20,000 to 30,000 slokas. It might, however, be right that both of the Kogas were completed before Jayasimha's death. That none of them contains a dedication or other usual characteristic to prove that the work was written at the king's command, is no obstacle here. Hemacandra seems to have

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OHAPTER III.-HEMACANDRA AND JAYASINHA-SIDDHARĀJA regarded them, as is also suggested by their not being mentioned in the Alankāracadāmani (see Note 38), as supplements to the Grammar, and on this account he might have considered any mention of his patron as superfluous. According to a short note which Merutunga gives at the end of the story of the Grammar, the Dvyās'rayamahākāvya also belongs to this period. It is said to have been written immediately after the Grammar, in order to celebrate Siddharāja's conquest of the world. This cannot, however, be absolutely correct. For, the last five cantos of the poem, Sargas XVI-XX, describe a great part of the career of the king Kumārapāla who was Jayasimha's successor. The end indicates that Kumärapäla was still living and stood at the zenith of his power. In its form, as extant, it cannot have been completed before V. S. 1220. Now because Hemacandra had also undertaken to revise one other work towards the end of his life, as will be later on shown, it is quite possible that the Duyās'rayakävya was undertaken at the wish of Jayasimha and perhaps was finished upto the narration of the decds of the king, that is, upto the fourteenth Sarga. In support of this, one can also add that the author of the Ratnamālā says,40 Jayasimha had the annals of his dynasty prepared under his order,' and that nothing is known about any other comprehensive chronicle of the Caulukyas excepting Hemacandra's work. While there is still some probability of the two koşas and the Kūvya having been written wholly or partly during the period of Jayasimha's reign, the same is not the case about the Alamkāracūdāmani and the Chandonus'āsana. These were probably written in the beginning of the rule of Kumārapāla. The reasons for this hypothesis are given below.
Many more anecdotes are described in the Prabandhas about Jayasimha's intercourse with Hemacandra after the compilation of the Grammar. The greater number of them deserves no serious attention because of their very character and those few which, at first, appear as if they were historical, prove to be, on closer scrutiny, of doubtful worth. The first story which the Prabhāvakacaritra describes, tells us that Rāmacandra, a prominent pupil of Hemacandra's, lost his right eye, because Jayasimha-to whom he had been introduced by his teacher-exhorted him to have only one eye on the Jaina doctrine (ekadraţir bhava). Merutunga, on the other hand, has another explanation for the probably historical fact that Ramacandra was a one-eyed man. According to his statement, this defect was the result of an ill-considered stricture which Rāmacandra, despite the warning of his teacher, passed on Śripāla's praise-poem on the Sahasralinga lake. The second story of the Prabhāvakacaritra describes how cleverly Hemacandra contrived to help himself out of adverse situations, and to silence the envious Brahmins. Once, so runs the story, a Brahmin who had listened to the exposition of Nemicarita in the Caturmukha temple of the Jainas, complained to Jayasimha that the heretics themselves did not even respect the venerable traditions of the Mahabhārata, and that they asserted the conversion of the Pāņdavas to Jainism. He added the request thereto that the king might check such a travesty of truth. However, before pronouncing any opinion on the matter, Jayasimha wanted to hear what the other party had to say and sent for Hemacandra as he was, in Jayasimha's opinion, the most learned and truth-loving Jaina. On being questioned whether the complaints of the Brahmin had in them any truth or not, Hemacandra admitted that the sacred scriptures of the Jainas did contain

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA the said dactrine. But he advanced an excuse for the same by saying that it referred to a verse in the Mahābhārata where mention was made of hundred Bhişmas, three hundred Pāņdavas, thousand Droņas and numberless Karņas. Then he added that it might be quite possible that some of these many Pandavas were converted to the Jaina faith. Moreover, their statues could be seen in Satruñjaya, Nasik and Kedāra. A's the Brahmin did not know how to reply to such an argument, the king refused to take any proceedings against the Jainas.
The three other Prabandhas make no mention of this story. The same, however, appears in another version in the Kathākoşa. On the other hand, we find in Merutunga, in a somewhat diyergent form, a repetition of the third story of the Prabhāvakacaritra about the snubbing of the Purohita Āmiga by Hemacandra. Amiga censured that the Jaina ascetics received women into their monasteries and that they enjoyed too good meals. Such practices, he thought, easily led to violations of the vow of chastity. Thereupon Hemacandra silenced him with a simile that the moderation of the flesh-eating lion stands opposite to the erotic tendencies of the dove that lives on only feeble grains, and that proves the insignificance of the type of diet. Merutunga maintains that the incident took place during Kumārapāla's reign- and it is probable that Amiga served the latter. The fourth story in the Prabhāvakacaritra deals with the Bbāgavata-ascetic Devabodha who played a great rolé for some time in AŅhilvād and who behaved very arrogantly towards the king and the court-poet Śrīpāla, despite the fact that he was generously patronised by the king. Later on, he was suspected of holding drinking-bouts against the rules of his order. Although he managed to prevent any proof being found of his guilt, he was thenceforward neglected and driven to poverty. At last, he went to Hemacandra and composed a verse in his honour. Hemacandra had pity on him and obtained a lac for him from the king. With that money he paid his debts. Then he went to the bank of the Gangā and awaited his deliverance. This anecdote, too, is mentioned nowhere else. On the contrary, Devabodha is mentioned as an opponent of Hemacandra in Jinamaņdana's account of Kumārapāla's conversion, and it appears as if Rājasekhara (see Note 5) alluded to the latter story.44
The fifth and last story of the Prabhāvakacaritra deals with Hemacandra's experiences of the pilgrimage which has been already referred to and which Jayasimha made towards the end of his reign to Somanātha or Devapattana, the present-day Verāval in Sorath. Jayasimha was, so it is said, greatly purturbed because of his having no issue at all. He undertook therefore a pilgrimage on which Hemacandra accompanied him. First of all, they visited Satruñjaya where Jayasimba paid his homage to the first Tirthamkara and presented twelve villages to the shrine. From Satruñjaya he proceeded towards Samkali near Girnār and viewed therefrom the temple of Neminātha, which his officer Sajjana had ordered to be built out of the revenues of the province Saurāştra, without being authorised to do so. In order to secure the merit of having built the Temple for himself, Jayasimha freed the Governor from the repayment of the sum used, amounting to 27 lacs. Then he climbed the mountain Girnār and worshipped the Jina. Then he proceeded with Hemacandra to Someśvarapattana and paid homage to Siva

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CHAPTER III.-HEMACANDRA AND JAYASIMHA-SIDDHARĀJA
whom Hemacandra also praised as the Paramatman. The last station on the journey was Kotinagara, the modern Kodinara in Sorath, where the temple of Ambika existed. Jayasimha prayed to the Goddess that she might grant him a son. Hemacandra joined his prayers to those of the king and fasted for three days. Then there appeared Ambika to him and informed him that Jayasimha would get no progeny but would have to leave his kingdom to Kumarapala,"
The same story is found with some omissions and additions in Jinamandana. The visit of Girnar is omitted therein as well as the anecdote of Sajjana's temple and Hemacandra's worship of Siva. On the other hand, it is said, Jayasimha went, after his visit to Kotinagara-or Koținări according to the Prakrit from-once again to Somanathapattana in order to make his request to Siva. The god appeared in person to the king, and refused to grant him a son." Wholly different is the story, in Merutunga. He is well acquainted with the pilgrimage of Jayasimha. He, however, knows nothing about Hemacandra's taking part in it, and he therefore assumes that Hemacandra composed the verse to Siva which is quoted in the Prabhavakacaritra, while on a visit to Somanathapattana, which visit he made much later in company with Kumarapala. According to him the route of the march was, also, quite different. The king visited first of all Somanathapattana. On his return, he encamped at the foot of Girnär; he did not however climb on the mountain, for the envious Brahmins declared to him that the mountain looked like a Linga standing in a water-tank and therefore must not be trodden by foot. From Girnar, so it is said by Merutunga, Jayasimha wended his way to Satrunjaya and visited the temples there, despite the opposition of his Brahmin advisers, by night and in disguise. Merutunga also mentions the grant of twelve villages. In the same way he knows the story of Sajjana; but he does not bring it in connection with the pilgrimage." Nor does he mention the visit to Kotinagara. Now, if one compares what Hemacandra himself has written about Jayasimha's pilgrimage in the Dvyas'raya, one sees that the description of the Prabhavakacaritra is decidedly false, while Merutunga's account thereof also contains errors. The Duyas'raya differs from the Prabhavakacaritra in that it is silent on Hemacandra's participation in the pilgrimage, in that the route of the march is defferent, although it is the same as given by Merutunga, and in that there is no reference to a visit to Kotinagara and to the revelation of Ambika. On the contrary, it is assumed that Siva revealed himself to Jayasimha in Somanathapattana and informed him of Kumarapala's destiny. Going against Merutunga's statement, the Deyda'raya affirms that Jayasimha climbed the hill Girnär and there worshipped the Neminatha. Lastly, he contradicts both the Prabhavakacaritra and Merutunga by reporting that from Girnar Jayasimha did not go to Satruñjaya but took the direct route to Simhapur or Sihor, and by saying nothing about the alleged grant of land to the shrine of the first Jina. As Hemacandra quite carefully takes note in the Dvyas'raya of all other favours granted to his own faith, his silence in this case is very significant."
21
To these stories from the Prabhavakacaritra, Merutunga adds three others, one of which is mentioned also by Jinamandana. The first two of these are intended to show Homacandra's erudition. It is said that he alone could explain a Sanskrit verse

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LIFE OF HËMACANDRA sent by the king of Dāhala and that it was he who, on another occasion, had at once composed the second half of a Prakrit-Dodhaka, the first half of which had been sent for Jayasimha's poets as samasyā by the king of Sapädalakşa. The Sanskrit-verse is the well-known riddle with the word hāra. It belongs to the favourite passages with which the Pandits amuse themselves in their sabhās and it is so easy that great scholarship is not needed for its solution.49
The third story has quite a different character. Once, says Merutunga, Siddharāja who was seeking the right path to deliverance, ordered an inquiry into the teachings of all sects of all nations. The result was unsatisfactory. Every teacher praised his own faith and censured all the other systems. The king was, therefore, as if seated on a "swing of doubt” and turned finally to Hemacandra in order to know what the proper attitude should be in such circumstances. Hemacandra gave him his advice in the form of a parable, common in the Purāņas. He said, there lived a merchant, ages ago, who neglected his own wife and gave away all his property to a courtesan. His wife tried zealously to win back the love of her husband and inquired after all means of magic with which to accomplish her end. Thereupon a Gauda promised her "to get her husband tied down to her with a bridle" and gave her some medicine with instructions to mix the same in the food. After some days, when the woman put this advice into practice, her husba ft was turned into a bull. Thereupon the whole world rebuked her, and she fell into deep despondency for she did not know how to undo the effect of her unholy action. Once she took her metamorphosed husband to the pasture for grazing. She sat in the shade of a tree, loudly weeping over her fate. In the meanwhile, she heard a conversation which was being carried on tetween Siva and his wife Parvati in a rimāna, flying above in the air. Pārvati asked about the cause of the sorrows of the shepherdess and Siva told her all about it. He also added that a healing herb grew in the shade of that very tree, which was capable of metamorphosing the bull back into his own original form. As the kind of the creeper was not specifically designated, the woman gathered up all that grew under the shade of the tree and threw it before the bull. He ate it, and became a man again. Now, just as the unknown creeper, thus concluded Hemacandra, proved itself to be of a healing virtue, even so also a believing reverence for all religions leads one to salvation, even though one may not know which of them really deserves reverence. From that time the king respected all sects. Jinamaņdana" gives another independent version of the story which is also much better in style. The same author also connects two more little anecdotes with this one. The one speaks of a second conversation over the same question, 'during which Hemacandra recommended to the king the so-called "common duties” such as generosity to worthy men, becoming behaviour towards venerable persons, kind-heartedness towards all beings etc., and declared in the words of the Mahābhārata that those who were devoutly pious in their conduct and not those inclined to self-castigation, nor yet the learned, were of real worth. According to the other anecdote, Hemacandra enlightened the king when the latter had a temple of Siva and another of Mahāvīra built in Siddhapura, that the latter divinity was even greater than the former. For, though Siva bears the moon on his forehead, all the nine planets may be seen at Mahāvīra's feet. Those who were well-versed in architecture corroborated

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CHAPTOR III.-HEMACANDRA AND JAYASIMHA-SIDDHARĀJA
23
this statement and found that the temples of the Jinas were preferable to those of the Brahmanic gods in other respects also, according to the rules in their scriptures. Thereupon, thus it is concluded, Siddharaja discarded from himself the darkness of doubt,
In view of the fact that some of the stories quoted appear to be mythical at the first sight, and that regarding most of the remaining, the Prabandhas contradict each other, it would be more than presumptuous to assume any of them as really historical, On the contrary, it is not at all improbable that they describe rightly on the whole the mode and manner in which Hemacandra behaved himself towards the king. Hemscandra would naturally have access to the audience of his lord during the last years of his life. He would have doubtless striven to shine out by his scholarship and smartness and he would have let no opportunity pass unexploited for a good word in favour of his own sect or at least for the equality of rights of the non-Brahmanic sects. In so doing, he would not miss to particularly stress those points in which the Jaina-doctrine coincided with the Brahmanie faith. It will be shown later on that like a clever missionary he did not fail also in his works to make use of such points of coincidence, and when it suited. his purpose, he invoked the authority of the most popular Brahmanic scriptures in his favour. Lastly, he certainly had ample opportunity of defending himself and his co-religionists against the attacks of envious Brahmins and the statement that he employed such devices, as the one mentioned in connection with the defence of Nemicarita, is not incredible. Such traits are characteristically Indian and they are found very often amongst the Jainas. As yet one cannot with absolute certainty measure how great was the influence which Hemacandra exercised over Jayasimha to the advantage of his own sect. One might give credence, to a certain extent, to Hemacandra's own statement in the Deyasraya, according to which Jayasimha built a temple of Mahavira in Siddhapura and paid his homage to Neminatha on the mountain Girnar. For, there are enough examples, in old and recent times, of Indian Princes, who were not bigoted but rather liberal in their religious views, offering many presents to deities of faiths other than their own; indeed they have even worshipped them specially when they had to wait, like Jayasimha, vainly for the fulfilment of some long-cherished desire. But it is another question whether Jayasimha's propensity towards Jainism or favouritism towards the same, is to be ascribed exclusively to the efforts of Hemacandra. The most recent researches make it highly improbable that this was the case, for, they show that other Jaina-monks also had access to Jayasimha's court and were allowed to expound their doctrines to him. Amongst them, there is mention of a second Hemacandra, also named Maladhärin, who appears, judging from the dates of his works, to have been ten to twenty years older than Hemacandra, the compiler of the Grammar. A work belonging probably to the 13th century, says: "Jayasimha drank the nectar of his speech". In a Prasasti composed in about 1400 A. D., it is even said that he converted Jayasimha and induced him to adorn the Jains temples in his own kingdom and foreign parts with golden flag-staves and knols and also to issue an ediet which prohibited the killing of animals on 80 days in each year. If one might put one's trust in these latter statements, then the achievements of the grammarian Hemacandra should be very doubtful. Unfortunately

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA however, the author of the Pras'asti mentioned, the same Rājasekhara who wrote the Prabandhakoşa, is so far removed from the events described that one can hardly believe him unconditionally. Besides this older Hemacandra, a Yati named Samudraghoşa is said to have "entertained the Siddhapati in the capital of Gurjara”.54 At any rate, these statements are sufficient to prove that the grammarian Hemacandra was not the only Jaina-favourite of Jayasimha, as has been supposed by the Prabhāvakacaritra, Merutunga and Jinamaņdana. He is their hero and they are dazzled by the brilliance of his position at the court of Kumāra pāla. These circumstances have naturally influenced their representation of his relationship with Jayasimha.

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CHAPTER IV

The Accounts regarding the First Acquaintance of Kumarapala and Hemacandra
However much the opinions may differ as to Hemacandra's success as a missionary at Jayasimha's court, it is certain that it was his religious zeal and eloquence that was responsible for the conversion of the next Caulukya king. Jayasimha died in the Vikrama-year 1199, his desire of getting a son remaining unfulfilled. After a short inter-regnum, his grandnephew Kumarapala ascended the throne of Gujarat, being helped by his brother-in-law, General Kṛṣṇa or Kanhada by name, and being clected by the prominent persons of the empire. Kumarapala's great-grandfather was Kşemaraja, the eldest son of Bhima I, who, according to one report, had renounced the throne willingly. But according to another report, he was overlooked in succession to the throne because his mother, named Cakuladevi, was a courtesan whom Bhima had received in his harem. Kṣcmaraja's son Devaprasada had been an intimate friend of king Karṇa, Bhima's son, and had received from the latter the village Dadhisthali, the present-day Dethli, not far from Aphilvad, as a royal grant. At Karna's death, he burnt himself after having entrusted Jayasimha to his son Tribhuvanapala. Tribhuvanapāla remained true to the lord of his family, just like his father. In battle, he used to stand before the king so as to protect him with his own body. He must have died long before the end of Jayasimha's rule, as he is not mentioned in the accounts of the last years of this king. As Jayasimha remained childless down to his old age, Kumārapāla naturally stepped into the foreground as the presumptive heir to the throne. In order to convince Jayasimha that his grand-nephew would ascend the throne of Anhilvad after his death, no revelations of Mahadeva or Ambika, and no prophecies of the court-astrologers, about which the Dvyasraya and the Prabandhas speak, were needed. But this idea was not at all agreeable to Jayasimha. He bitterly hated Kumarapala and attempted to kill him. According to Merutunga's statement, the reason for his repugnance was Kumārapāla's descent from the courtesan Cakuladevi. According to Jinamandana's account, he hoped that, if Kumarapala were cleared out of the way, Siva might even yet grant him a son.
4

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA When Kumārapāla learned of the king's intentions, he fled from Dethlí, and led for several years a wanderer's unsteady life, disguised as a Sivaite ascetic. first he seems to have continued staying in Gujarat. Later on, Jayasimha's persecutions, which increased in seriousness day by day, forced him to leave his motherland." The Prabandhas relate a number of romantic adventures which are supposed to have taken place at Kumārapūla's flight and during his erratic wandering in Gujarat and in foreign lands, they take great pains in representing Hemacandra as the protector of the persecuted prince and as the prophet of his future greatness. The Prabhāvakacaritra contains the following statements about Hemacandra's part in Kumārapāla's destiny. Jayasimha, so it is said, came to know through his spies that Kumārapāla was found to be amongst a crowd of three hundred ascetics who had come to Aņhilväd. In order to get hold of him, the king invited all of them to a feast. He himself washed the feet of each of them, apparently to show them his reverence, but really in order to find out who amongst them had the signs of royal dignity on the soles of his feet. As soon as he touched Kumāra pāla's feet, he found the lines forming a lotus, a flag and a sunshade. He made a signal to his servants with his eyes. Kumārapāla saw the signal and fled most quickly into the dwelling place of Hemacandra, the spies following him. Hemacandra covered him quickly with a heap of palm-leaves under which the officials, hastily passing by, forgot to search for him. When the immediate danger was over, Kumārapāla absconded from Anhilvād and reached, after many adventures in the company of another Sivaite Brahmin Bosari, the neighbourhood of Stambhatīrtha or Cambay. Having arrived there, he sent his companion into the city to Srimāli Vāņia Udayana-the game man who had befriended Hemacandra's father, according to the above-mentioned story-and asked him for help. Udayana hesitated to have dealings with an enemy of the king. Thereupon, Kumārapāla, feeling very hungry, went himself to the city by night and came to a Jaina-monastery where Hemacandra had taken up his residence during the rainy season. Hemacandra received him cordially, for heat once recognised him from his auspicious signs that this was the future king. He prophesied to him that he would ascend the throne in the seventeenth year and induced Udayana to give him food and money. Then Kumārapāla wandered further and passed here and there in foreign lands for seven years as a Kāpālika, in company of his wife, Bhopāladevi. In 1199 Jayasimha died. When Kumārapāla received this news, he returned to Anhilvād with a view to securing the throne for himself. On his arrival there, he met one Srimat-Sâmba (?), an otherwise unknown personality. Śrimat-Samba took him to Hemacandra in order to find out an auspicious sign, for he had still doubts as to his attaining the aim. On his entrance, Kumārapāla happened to sit down on the cushioned throne-seat of the monastery and supplied thereby, according to Hemacandra, the longed-for sign. The following day, the prince went with his brother-in-law Krşņadeva, a Samanta, who had command over 10,000 soldiers, into the palace and was elected the king.
2 M erutunga's account of Kumārapāla's flight and wanderings, agrees on the .whole with that of the Prabhāvakacaritra. As regards the divergences in details, it is to be noted that Hemacandra appears only once in Merutunya's story. Merutunga says nothing about Kumāräpäla's being hidden in Anhilvād under the palm-leaves by Hemacandra; nor does he mention the second prophecy immediately before the election

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CHAPTER IV.-KUMÄRAPĀLA AND HEMACANDRA to the throne. He relates only the story of the meeting in Stambhatirtha, with a few small variations. After Kumārapāla had wandered over various countries on his flight from Aphilvād, he turned towards Cambay with a view to begging Udayana for money for his travels. As Udayana was at the Jaina monastery when Kumārapāla arrived, the latter also went there. There he met Hemacandra who at once prophesied to him that he would become a king ruling over the whole earth. As Kumārapāla would not believe that, Hemacandra wrote his prophecy down and gave one copy to Udayana, the king's councillor, and another to the prince. Thereupon the latter said: "If it will come true, then thou shalt be the real king; I shall only be dust at thy feet". Hemacandra replied that the kingship was of no consequence to him but that Kumārapāla should not forget his word and should later on be thankful to the Jaina Dharma and faithful to it. Thereupon Kumārapāla was supplied with food and drink at Udayana's own house and was also given the desired money for the journey. Then he turned towards Mālvā where he remained till Jayasimha's death. When the latter died, he returned to Anhilvād and carried his election to the throne into effect with the help of his brother-in-law Kāhnaďadeva 'who led him into the palace with his troops ready for war'.57
Jinamandana brings Kumārapāla and Hemacandra together much earlier. He describes, Kumārapāla had gone to the court to pay his homage, before the king persecuted him. There he saw Hemacandra sitting before the king and went soon afterwards to the monastery in order to meet the monk. There Hemacandra delivered him a sermon and finally made him take a vow "of viewing others' wives thenceforth as sisters". Jinamaņlana's version of the story of Kumārapāla's flight is, as far as Hemacandra's part is concerned, a mixture of the stories of both the Prabhāvakacaritra and the Prabandhacintūmani. According to his presentation Hemacandra meets-as Merutunga says-the fugitive first in Cambay. But the meeting takes place accidentally in a temple outside the gates of Cambay whereto Udayana also comes with a view to paying his homage to Hemacandra. The presence of Udayana is made use of in introducing his whole previous history which Hemacandra relates on being questioned by Kumārapāla as to who the visitor was. Then follows Hemacandra's prophecy and Kumārapāla's hospitable reception at Udayana's house, exactly as in Merutunga. On the contrary, it is said that Kumārapāla remained for a long time at his host's. Jayasimha received the news of his sojourn in Cambay and sent soldiers to capture him. Pursued by the latter ho fled into Hemacandra's monastery and hid himself there under a heap of manuscripts in the cellar. The last episode is possibly a recast of the story of the first assistance of Devacandra which the Prabhāvakacaritra relates. Jinamaņdana appears to have felt that it was absurd to let Hemacandra appear op the scene first at Anhilvād and shortly afterwards at Cambay. Therefore he has probably changed the story of Kumārapāla's rescue under the palm-leaves at the latter place and has added, with a view to making it seem more probable, that the manuscripts lay in the cellar, as is always the case. Jinamaņdana's further description of Kumärapāla's wandering is much more detailed than in-both the other works, and must have had its origin in some other sources. He makes the Prince first turn towards Vațapadra-Baroda, then towards Bhrgukaccha-Broach, thence Kolbāpur, Kalyāņa, Kāñcī and other cities of Deccan and reach finally Mālvā via Pratişthāna-Paithan. A great part of this section is in verses and appears to be plagiarized from one of the many materials of Kumārapālacaritas.se

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CHAPTER V
The Stories Regarding Kumarapala's Conversion
After these stories which represent Hemacandra as a saviour of the absconding prince and as the prophet of his future greatness, one would expect that soon after Kumarapala's accession to the throne, there would be a mention of a close friendship between the two. That is, however, not the case. According to both of the oldest works, the intimate intercourse of the monk with the king began much later and that, too, not on account of the earlier beneficence of the monk, but owing to entirely. different circumstances. After Kumarapala had been crowned, so it is said in the Prabhavakacaritra, he decided to suppress Arņoraja, the arrogant king of Sapadalakşa i. e. Eastern Rajputana, and accordingly prepared for the war. With all his barons and their troops he proceeded. After some days he reached the fortress Ajameru, the modern Ajmer. He besieged it but could not conquer it despite all endeavours. When the monsoons set in, he returned to Aphilväd without having carried his purpose into effect. At the beginning of the cold season he again set forth, but had, however, to return again at the end of the summer, without having achieved the fall of Ajmer. Eleven years passed in this way. Then he once asked his minister Vägbhats, the son of Udayana, whether there were no deity, Yaksa or Asura, who could help him to achieve victory. Vägbhata advised him to worship an image of Ajitasvamin which was then obtainable in Aphilväd and which had been consecrated by Hemacandra. Kumarapala consented and offered Ajitasvämin presents of very rich substances as required by the Jaina-cult. At the same time, he promised that, in case he conquered his enemy through Ajita's grace, the latter alone should be "his God, his mother, his Guru and father". Then he again proceeded towards Märväd for the twelfth time. The battle took place in the neighbourhood of the mountain Arbuda-Abu. Arņoraja was totally beaten. Kumarapala made a triumphal entry into Anhilvad. He did not forget his promise and offered his worship again in the temple of Ajitanatha. Soon afterwards, he proclaimed to his minister that he wanted to be instructed in the Jaina-tenets and asked him to secure him a teacher. Vägbhata proposed that Hemacandra be invited to fulfil the king's wish. So it came to pass that Hemacandra preached before Kumarapala with the result that the latter was moved to take the vows of laymen: to renounce eating flesh and all other forbidden foods, and to study the law of the Jainas,
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CHAPTER V.-THE STORIES REGARDING KUMĀRAPALA'S CONVERSION 29
Merutunga's narrative differs very much from the above one and is indeed full of romance. According to his account, Kumārapāla had to combat internal enemies immediately after his winning the crown. Then followed the campaign against Arņorāja or Anāka of Sapādalaksa and later a war against Mallikarjuna, the king of Konkan, who was beaten by Amrabhata or Ambada, the second son of U dayana. Between these two stories, an anecdote is interwoven about the singer, Sollāka, in which Hemacandra also is mentioned. Contradicting this there is also the account of the way and manner in which Hemacandra became the friend and teacher of Kumārapāla. An insult which Hemacandra received at the funeral of his mother Pahini from the ascetics of Tripurusaprāsāda in Aşhilvād, drove him-according to Merutuiga's report-into such anger that he decided to gain influence at the court so that he could take revenge for the insult. He betook himself to the royal camp which happened to be then at Mālvā. His old patron, the councillor Udayana, introduced him to the king. The king remembered his prophecy which Hemacandra had made during his flight. The king offered him his friendship and granted him the honour of access to his person at all times. This intercourse which developed so quickly had, however, no immediate results for the religious conviction of the king. Only a few anecdotes are given, e. g., the one about the quarrel with the Purohita Amiga (see above p. 20 ), which prove Hemacandra's dexterity in self-defence against attacks. It was only when Kumārapāla returned sometime afterwards to Aṇhilvād that Hemacandra found an opportunity of beginning his work of conversion. Once Kumarapāla asked his friend, so it is said, how he could immortalize for all time the memory of his rule. Thereupon Hemacandra advised the king either to pay off every one's debts, as Vikramaditya had done, or to have a new stone-temple built in the place of the dilapidated wood-temple of Siva-Somanātha in Devapattana. Kumārapāla preferred the latter and deputed at once an official to begin the erection. When it was reported that the foundation-stone had been laid, Hemacandra proposed to the king that he should take a vow for securing the happy conclusion of the project, and to that end either to observe complete chastity or to renounce indulgence in spirituous drinks and flesh-eating until the flag was unfurled on the pinnacle of the temple. Kumāra pala swore before a Siva-linga to abstain from the prohibited drinks and dishes for the required length of time. After two years, the temple was completed and Kumārapāla wanted now to be freed from his voir. Hemacandra, however, prevailed upon him to hold the vow still longer, until he had worshipped the god in the new temple. Immediately, therefore, a pilgrimage towards Somanātha-or Devapattana-was undertaken and, on the advice of the envious Brahuins, Hemacandra also was invited thereto. The latter declared himself to be quite willing to visit the temple of Siva. He however took first a roundabout route so as to visit the shrines of Satruñjaya and Girnār. At the gate of Devapattana he met the king and took part in the ceremonious entry-procession together with the king and with Ganda Bțbaspati, the temple-priest of Somanatha. He was also moved by the request of his lord to worship even Siva. Dressed in a costly costume, he entered the temple led by Brhaspati, praised its brilliance, made the usual sacrificial offerings according to the instructions of the Sivapurana and threw himself prostrate before the Linga, dedicating the following verses to the God:

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LIFE OF HEMAGANDRA
(1) Thou dost exist, whosoever Thou art, whatsoever Thy place, Thy time and Thy name may be! If Thou art the only one, free from stains and errors, then all reverence be to Thee, O Worthy of worship!
30
(2) Reverence to Him in whom the sorrows and the other causes of the seed of rebirth have vanished: be He Brahman, Visņu or Maheśvara!
When Hemacandra had finished his prayers, Kumarapala worshipped, on his part, the god according to the instructions of the priest Byhaspati and distributed rich presents. Then he ordered his retinue to retire and visited, with. Hemacandra, the Holiest of the holy. There he asked his friend to explain before the Liñga truthfully the way to deliverance. Hemacandra meditated for a moment. Then he proposed to appeal to the god who was verily there, that He might manifest Himself and show the way to deliverance. Hemacandra himself undertook to sink into the deepest meditation in order to attain the desired end. He instructed the king to bring immediately incense-offering of aloe-wood. As both of them thus were so busy and the adytum was filled with smoke-clouds, there, appeared all of a sudden a bright light and the beaming form of an ascetic was visible on the water-basin around the Linga. The king touched the apparition from its feet up to its head and having convinced himself that it was of divine origin, requested it for advice. Thereupon it told him that Hemacandra would surely lead him to deliverance. The apparition disappeared. The king then requested Hen-acandra in all humility for instruction. The latter at once made him take a vow that he would never touch during all his lifetime either meat or spirituous drinks. After a short time, Kumarapala returned to Anhilvad. He was won over more and more to the Jaina faith through Hemacandra's instructions in the holy scriptures as well as through his works, the Trigaṣṭis'alākāpuruşacaritra and the Yogadastra and the twenty stavas composed in honour of Vitaraga. Kumarapala also received the title of Paramartata, "the eager worshipper of the Arhata". He then promulgated an edict probibiting the killing of animals for fourteen years in the eighteen provinces subject to him. He had 1440 Jaina temples built and took the twelve vows of Jaina-layman. When the third one, prohibiting stealing, was explained to him, he at onec decided to break the old custom of confiscating the property of those subjects who had died without leaving an heir.
Jinamandana essentially agrees with Merutunga. But he felt the inner contradiction which the story of the Prabandhacintamani as well as that of the Prabhavakacaritra contained. It appeared to him as unbelievable that Hemacandra who had helped Kumarapala on his flight and had prophesied his ascending the throne, should have been afterwards forgotten for so many years and that he could have obtained access to the court only through the intervention of the Jaina minister. He has therefore interwoven a new story at the beginning of his account. The story is to show that Hemacandra went to the court very soon after Kumarapala's coronation, This story, however, betrays quite clearly that the author had the knowledge of the older accounts and that he had changed them deliberately. After enumerating the presents which were given to the councillor Udayana and to the other benefactors of the king, he

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CHAPTER V.-THE STORIES REGARDING KUMĀRAPĀLA'S CONVERSION 31 says, Hemacandra was absolutely forgotten. Inspite of that, he went to Aphilrad from Karņāvati a short time after Kumāra pāla's coronation. He then asked Udayana whether the king remembered him. As the reply was in the negative, he requested Udayana to warn the king against visiting on a certain day the palace of his queen. He also permitted Udayana to mention his name in case the king insisted on knowing the name of the warner. Udayana brought home the warning to the king who acted accordingly. On the said day, the palace of the queen caught fire from lightning and was burnt to ashes. Thereupon the king asked the name of the unknown adviser, When Hemacandra's name was mentioned, he was at once summoned by the king who promptly begged to be excused in all humility for his forgetfulness and promised him to rule entirely according to his counsel. After showing that Hemacandra became Kumāra pāla's friend and advisor soon after V. S. 1199, Jinamaņduna gives a short account of "the conquest of the world” by the king. In the subsequent account he follows wholly and literally Merutunga, excepting, of course, in one point, that is, he says nothing about the insult hurled at Hemacandra at the funeral of Pāhini and about the subsequent journey to Mālvā. The statements naturally did not suit him. In some details, he is more extensive than Merutunga and lengthens the account of Kumārapāla's conversion very much by many quotations which he attributes to Hemacandra..

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CHAPTER VI
Hemacandra's own Account of Kumarapala's Conversion
If we compare these various stories about Kumarapala's conversion with each other, it cannot be denied that the one given by Merutunga is written with very great dexterity and that his presentation is at first sight very attractive. It appears so natural that because of an insult from a Brahmin, Hemacandra should have thought of giving up his independence and placing himself under the protection of the king. The clever way in which he moves Kumarapala for a certain time to follow some of the most important tenets of Jainism while at the same time he takes care not to put anything in the way of his patron's reverence to Siva,-in fact he greatly encourages him in that,-betrays clearly the difficult situation in which he found himself in the court. This adaptation and apparent relaxation, the fooling of the king by a hocus-pocus and the subsequent clever exploitation of the favourable moment-all this seems quite credible and fits in very well with the character and the method of the Jaina-missionaries. On closer examination, however, many improbabilities or impossibilities are found in the account, It is easy to recognise, for example, that Merutunga indulges in an awful anachronism when he assumes that Udayana was Kumarapala's minister and introduced Hemacandra to the king. According to Merutunga's own account (p. 9), Udayana came to Gujarat shortly after the beginning of Jayasimha's rule i, e. about V. S. 1150. Kumarapala ascended the throne about 50 years later, in V. S. 1199. It is then simply impossible that he could have lived still for any length of time under Kumarapala or that he could ever have served him. Merutunga's assumption, too, that Henacandra advised the rebuilding of the temple in Devapattana, does not at all agree with the statements in an older document. For, in the inscription dated Valabhi-Samvat 850 or V. S. 1225 in the temple of Bhadrakali at Devapattana, which was first of all made known by Colonel J. Tod, it is quite explicitly said in the 11th verse that the Ganda Brhaspati, who had already been in great favour with Jayasimha, persuaded Kumarapala to rebuild the ruined temple of Siva-Somanatha. Such an assumption has, since it dates from the time of Kumarapala's reign, significantly far more probability than Merutunga's much later statement. If this inscription be in the right, then the whole further narrative of the Prabandhacintamani becomes unbelievable. If ever these points raise suspicion against the faithfulness of the tradition contained in Merutunga's works, then the same

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CHAPTER VI.-HEMACANDRA'S ACCOUNT OF KUMARAPALA'S CONVERSION 33
tradition and also the narrative of the Prabhāva kacaritra prove as almost completely worthless in light of Hemacandra's own utterances about Kumārapāla's history and his relationship to him. Hemacandra devotes no less than four sargas XVI-XIX in the Dvyās'rayakūvya to the description of the successful war which Kumārapāla led against Arņorāja, king of Sākambhari-Sāmbhar in Rājputānā, and against Ballāla, king of Mālvā. Although no definite dates are given, it may yet be taken as certain from the description that Kumārapāla was involved in external complications soon after his coronation and that a considerable time had passed before he emerged successfully from them. The war with Arņārāja began immediately after Kumārapāla's coronation and appears to have lasted for a considerable number of years. Soon afterwards followed the campaign ngainst Ballāla, which appears to have ended in a shorter time. After this was over, so it is said in the XX sarga, Kumāra pāla prohibited kiming of animals in Gujarat. After the king had published the edict to protect the animals, it is said further, he gave up the custom of confiscating the property of those who died without leaving behind an heir. Later on, he had the temple of Siva at Kedāra or Kedārnātha in Garhwal and at Devapattana in Kathiāvād rebuilt, and thereupon he had the temple of Pārsvanutha in Aņhilvād and Devapattana erected, the former of which bore the name Kumūravihāra. The last events of the time of Kumārapāla's reign, as mentioned in the Dvyūs'raya, are the building of a temple of Siva in Anhilvād and the foundation of a new era which bore his name. From these statements one may conclude with absolute certainty that Kumūrapāla's conversion to Jainism took place after the war with Malvā. It also becomes probable that Hemacandra, although he does not touch upon his own relationship to the king by a single word in the Dvyäsraya, was acquainted with the king earlier and had influence over him. The latter conclusion is fully corroborated by a passage in another work of Hemacandra. In his Mahāviracarita Hemacandra makes Tirthankara deliver a prophecy on Kumārapāla's reign to Prince Abhaya, in which his name occurs and in which the beginning of his acquaintance with the king is related. After Mahüvira's preliminary description of the city of Anhilväd, he proceeds further as follows:
45-46. When, O Abhaya, 1669 years will have passed after my Nirvāņa, then there will live in that city (Aşhilvād ) the long-armed king Kumārapāla, the moon of the Caulukya-line, a powerful lord of all.
47. This large-hearted one, a hero in the fulfilment of the law, in generosity and in the battle, will lead his people to the highest prosperity, protecting it as a father.
48. Very clever and yet of upright mind, in his majesty fiery as the sun and yet filled with the peace of the soul, punishing arrogant attacks and yet always ready to forgive, he will protect the world for a long time.
49. He will make his people like unto himself, firm in the fulfilment of the law, even as a wise teacher trains a good pupil.
50. Granting protection to those who seek it, and like as a brother to the wives of other men, he will esteem the sacred law above riches and as life.

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA 51. On account of his bravery, his fulfilment of the law, his generosity, his mercy, his might and other manly virtues, he will stand without a rival,
52. He will conquer the region of Kubera as far as the kingdom of the Turuskas, that of Indra as far as the river of gods, that of Yama as far as the Vindhya, and the west as far as the ocean.
53. Once this prince will see the teacher Hemacandra, who has arisen from the race of Municandra in the Vajraśākhi.
54. Delighted at the sight of him, as the peacock is delighted at the appearance of the clouds, this good man will hasten to do honour daily to that monk.
55. This king will go with his minister of the Jaina faith to honour that Sūri whilst the latter is preaching in the temple of the Jina about the sacred law.
56. There he will, though ignorant of the truth, pray to the god, and honour that teacher with a naturally pure heart.
:57. After he has heard with delight the noble sermon about the law from his lips, he will take the minor vows and will then strive after the vow of perfection.
58. After enlightenment has come to him, he will fully learn the life of the faithful, and, resting in the audience-chamber, will ever delight himself with the speeches about the sacred law.ce
This prophecy agrees excellently with the statements of the Dvyās'rayakūvya and completes the same. The somewhat poetically coloured description of the frontiers of the Gujarat Empire gives us clearly to understand that it extended in the north-east by overthrowing the Sapādalakṣa or in the eastern Rājputānā by defeating SākambhariSāmbhar and in the south-east by conquering Mālvā. Kumārapāla's acquaintance with Hemacandra began, according to the verse 53, in the time when the empire had achieved its greatest expansion and when the war-expeditions and conquests were over. His conversion was the result of a sermon preached by Hemacandra when he had gone to the Jaina temple in the company of an unnamed minister in order to pay his homage to the monk who had made a deep impression on him.
ently with the
coloured described
in the n
These statements of Hemacandra himself make it first of all necessary to reject as fanciful all the above-described anecdotes as to his earlier relations with Kumārapāla during his flight. The anecdotes were composed probably with a view to motivating the later relationship. They show, moreover, that the further accounts of the Prabandhas as to the renewal of the acquaintance and the conversion contain in them little historical element. The above-given narrative of the Prabhāvakacaritra, according to which Kumārapāla was moved by his minister Vāgbhata to invoke Ajitasvāmin to help him against Arņorāja and was converted to Jainism by reason of the fulfilment of his prayer, cannot be true, for the war with Mālvā, which is not mentioned in the Prabhāvakacaritra, took place even before the conversion; so that it was not awe at Hemacandra's miraculous powers but appreciation of his life and teachings that induced the king to listen to

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CHAPTER VI.-HEMACANDRA'S ACCOUNT. QF KUMARAPALA'S CONVERSION 35
Hemacandra's sermong. Merutunga's detailed account contradicts Hemacandra's own account still more, as may easily be seen. There are only two points in which the Prabandhas agree to some extent with Hemacandra, thereby preserving real tradition. In the first place, they are no doubt correct when they state that Kumārapāla's Jaina minister introduced Hemacandra to the court and was interested in creating favourable ground for his faith. For, the mention of the "Jaina” minister, who according to the Mahāviracarita accompanied the king to the temple, is not made without any reason. We may take it for granted that it was this Jaina companion who occasioned Hemacandra's acquaintance with the king and who induced the latter to visit the temple. Most probably the minister was Vägbhața, son of Udayana, whom the Prabhāvakacaritra mentions in the above-mentioned narrative of conversion. The poem in praise of the Kumāravihāra written by Hemacandra's pupil Vardhamāna testifies that Vägbhata really belonged to the group of the ministers of Kumārapāla. Several stories of the Prabandhas maintain that Hemacandra consecrated either in V. S. 1211 or 1213 the temple which Vāgbhata had built in Satruñjaya in memory of his father who had fallen in the battlo against Navaghaņa, the Cūļāsamā king of Vāmanasthali. One Prabandha says, further, that Hemacandra did the same service in V. S. 1220 to Amrabhata, second son of Udayana, for his temple of Suvrata in Broach, whereas the other Prabandhas (see under) relate a legend about Hemacandra's healing of Amrabhata." If to this be added Merutunga's statement, even though an anachronism, that Hemacandra was introduced to Kumārapāla by the father of both the brothers (p. 29), then it does not seem too bold to regard the family of Udayana as the prime cause of Hemacandra's influence at the court of Anhilvād and to regard him as the family's particular protègè. A second historical element in the stories of the Prabandhas is the statement that Kumārapāla's conversion took place, not in the beginning but about the middle of his reign. Here also they agree, as has been shown, with Hemacandra's statements.
The exact date of this event appears to have been preserved in the drama, already referred to above, the Moharājaparājaya by the councillor Yaśaḥpāla. The conversion of the king is allegorically mentioned as his inarriage with the princess Krpāsundari i e. the beautiful Mercy, the daughter of Dharmaraja and the Viratidevi, Hemacandra is mentioned as the Priest who ordained the marriage tie before Arhat. According to the quotation of Jinamaņdana from the Moharăjaparājaya, this marriage took place in V.S. 1216, Märga sudi 2. If, as may be well supposed, this date really occurred in the drama, then it must be taken as authentic, for the Moharājaparājaya was written, as is shown in the Note 6, a few years after the death of Kumārapāla, between V. S. 1229 and 1232.68 We may also add to this that Kumārapāla received the title Paramas'rāvaka i.e. the most eager hearer (of the Jaina-doctrine)', in the colophon of an old MS. which was written five years later, in V. S. 1221; while his conversion is not mentioned in a Jaina-inscription of V. S. 1213.69
If we accept now V. S. 1216 as the date of Kumārapāla's conversion, then we may place his first meeting with Hemacandra one or two years earlier. Even if the Mahāvīracarita assumes that the king, after coming to know the distinguished Teacher, will hasten to revere bim daily", it is of no avail to weigh these words as of gold. It

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA must have taken a long period of secret intrigue before the king allowed himself to visit the Jaina Upāśraya and to sit at the feet of Hemacandra as a listener to the sermon. However, as to the manner in which the gradual friendship was formed and how Hemacandra won the favour and the confidence of the king, we may at least put forward certain assumptions, not wholly baseless, with the help of some suggestions from his other works, even though we may fail to attain full certainty. But before these remarks are made, it is necessary to go over Hemacandra's activities during the period from V.S. 1199, the year of Jayasimha's death, until his acquaintance with Kumarapāla in V. S. 1214 or V. S. 1215.
As has been said above on p. 18, Hemacandra had undertaken, after his appointment as the Court-Pandit about V. S. 1194, the task of writing a complete series of manuals for the worldly sciences and specially for Sanskrit Composition. Of these, the Grammar and its appendices with the commentary, parhaps also both of the Sanskrit Lexica and the first fourteen cantos of the Duyūsrayakāvya were completed before Jayasiṁha's death. After V.S, 1199 he appears to have pursued his plan further without worrying the loss of his position in the court, and worked on tirelessly as a private scholar. The first work belonging to this period, is his Manual of Poetics, the Alamkāracūdāmani.se In the above-mentioned (Note 38) passage of the same it is said that it was written after the completion of the Grammer, and another very striking circuinstance shows quite clearly that its compilation took place at a time when the author did not enjoy royal favour. For, the dedication, the compliment to the ruler of Gujarat, is lacking not only in the text but also in the commentary which contains a great number of verses. This latter point is all the more weighty as it was a fashion of the courtwriters on poetics always to add verses in honour of their patrons. And Hemacandra himself is no exception, for we find him missing no opportunity of flattering his lord in two of his other works. The one case in point occurring in the Commentary on his Grammar was mentioned above. The second one will be forth with discussed. Particularly in a work on Poetics it would have been easy to celebrate the heroic deeds of Jayasimha or Kumārapāla in the same way as is done by the older Vāgbhata in his Alamkāras'āstra.?" As, however, this does not happen, it can well be supposed that the author at the time of writing the work, had no connection with the king and it is not hard to determine that that was the period between Jayasimha's death and the beginning of the acquaintance with Kumārapāla. The same is true about the Chandonus'āsana," the work on Metrics, which was written, as is evident from the introductory verses, immediately after the Alamkāracūdāmani; as also about the Commentary belonging to it. Here, too, we miss the dedication and the compliments to the king in the illustrations. Moreover, it is to be noted that the texts of both of these manuals were first finished and the commentary on the Alamkāracūdāmani was written just after the completion of the Chandonus'āsana. This is evident from the fact that Hemacandra refers to the latter in the former and speaks of it as a completed work." Also numerous supplements to both the great Sanskrit Kosas had their origin in that period as well as, surely, the text of the Prakrit Lexicon, the Des'ināmamālā or Ratņāvali. To the supplements belongs, first of all, the Sesākhyā Nāmamālā which purports to complete the Abhidhānacintāmani, and which contains particularly extracts from Yādavaprakāśa's Vaijayanti.78 Then the Nighantu or Nighantus'esce,
numerous suppehe text of the Prabu Sesäklyā

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CHAPTER VI.-HEMACANDRA'S ACCOUNT OF KUMĀRAPĂLA'S CONVERSION 37 known so little as yet, is to be mentioned. The tradition of the Jaina-scholars assumes that Hemacandra wrote six small works of this name. However, only three of them are so far discovered. Two give short survey of botanic names while the third deals with precious stones. It is not improbable that these works were written in imitation of the older Dhanvantarinighantu and the Ratnapariksa. Also in these works one misses that hint that they were written at the king's command. However, a doubt may be raised at least with regard to the Seṇakhya Namamala, whether it was written between V. S. 1199 and 1214/15, for the same has been inserted in many MSS. in the Commentary of the Abhidhanacintamani and this latter belongs, as will be shown below, to the last years of Hemacandra's life. The Des'indmamala, on the other hand, was probably written shortly before Hemacandra's acquaintance with Kumarapala. For, Hemacandra suggests in the third verso of the Introduction and says in the explanation of the same verse (pp. 2-3) quite expressly that he had previously completed not only his Grammar but also his Sanskrit-Kosas and his Manual of Poetics. On the other hand, the commentary, which was certainly written later, contains no less than fifteen verses in which the king is mentioned by name, while in nine others the designation Calukya or Culukya occurs and a great number of them are addressed simply to the king. These verses, all of which are applicable to Kumarapala, praise his heroic deeds, describe the greatness of his glory and the misery of his focs, or praise his generosity. In one place, there seems also an allusion to a particular historical event. It is said in VI, 118:
"O Thou, whoso courage emits unbroken sparks, O Lord of the goddess of Victory, does not thy fame ramble about freely, just like an unchasto Capḍala-woman,
even in the Palli-land"
The Palli-land is the district of Pali in Rajputänä between Jodhpur and Ajmer. It is to be recognised, therefore, that in this verse there is an allusion to Kumarapala's victory over Arporaja, the king of Sapädalakṣa, or Sakambhari-Sambhar.
Whatever may be thought of this verse, there remains, however, the very conspicuous fact that Hemacandra in the Commentary to his Desinämamälä glorifies only the victory and the bravery of Kumarapala but does not speak of his piety and of his faith in the Jaina tenets. This fact strengthens the conclusion that this work was written after Hemacandra had obtained access to Kumarapala's court, but before he began his work of conversion. Therefore, the date of the compilation of the Commentary must roughly be V.S. 1214-15. The above-mentioned fact further gives a scent as to the way and manner in which Hemacandra began to win the favour of the king. First of all, he appears to have made use of his temporal art and worldly knowledge to create a favourable impression. After his introduction by his patron, the minister Vägbhata, he probably received the permission to appear at the usual daily audience of the scholars. His position is naturally prominent from the outset. His reputation as a scholar had been for long firmly established and it could not have failed to influence Kumarapala, even if the latter began to study, as an anecdote given by Merutunga reports, the sciences just in his old age. Hemacandra would certainly not have hidden his light under a bushel but would have rediated it through his deep erudition at the discussions of the scholars in the king's presence, Apart from the strictly scientific accomplishments, he undoubtedly influenced the king

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38
.
LIFE OF HEMASANDRA
by his panegyrics on Kumārapāla's war-activities of which the verses partly very cleverly composed in the commentary on the Des'ināmamālā give examples. There was probably no lack of opportunity for religious discussions at the Court. According to all accounts, Kumārapāla was about fifty years old when he ascended the throne and when the completion of his war-expeditions allowed him to take rest, he had attained his sixty-third year. That at such an age he turned to religious questions can well be understood, this being usual especially in the case of Indians. Moreover, be it noted that for years he wandered here and there, as the Prabandhas would have us believe, as a Sivaite ascetic and that he, as Hemacandra says in the Yogas'āstra (see Note 80), had "seen" various manuals of the Yoga and took great interest in the Yogic practices of the ascetics, which would first of all bring supernatural powers and finally would lead to deliverance. Hemacandra also 'was very expert in these doctrines, as his last-named work shows, and he appears to have performed the prescribed spiritual exercises himself for he bases his description of the practices on personal experience (Note 80). So far, the circumstances were well favourable to persuade even a king to abandon Saivism to which his race had paid homage from time immemorial and to go over to the heterodox Jaina sect which was very influencial and had been honoured in Gujarat for many years." As his works show, Hemacandra was never in want of skill. He probably began with caution and, as the Prabandhas state, he emphasised wherever possible the harmony between the doctrines of Jainism and those of the orthodox systems. The Kumārapālacarita, pp. 124 ff., particularly gives long sermons in extenso, in which Hemacandra attempts to prove the identity of Jina and Siva as well as Vişņu, and refers to the canonical works of the Brahmins for the doctrine of preserving the life of animals. However little one may rely on the wording of these and similar passages, they without doubt clearly show the way in which Hemacandra approached the works. For, in the commentary on his Yogas'āstra he cites among other things, passages from the Brahmanical works, with the introductory words: "So say even the believers of false doctrines," in confirmation of the Jaina doctrines, and also in the text of this work (III, 21,26), Manu's words against meat-eating, with mention of his name, are given. There is, however, no trace in his works of an identification of the Brahmanical gods with the Jinas. In spite of this, it is quite possible that he made use of them in his sermons; they were usual even in the 12th century. In the Mangala to the Nāṁdol deed of presentation of the princes Albana and Kelhaņa of V. S. 1218, we read :
"To liberation may also the gods Brahman, Sridhara and Sankara lead [us,] who, always renouncing passions, are known in the world as Jinas!"
However, Hemacandra's task had been troublesome and success did not crown it so rapidly as too strict an interpretation of the above-mentioned passage from the Mahāvīracarita would have us believe. It is particularly likely that, as the Prabandhas relate, Hemacandra was continually disturbed in his work by hostile influences and that all the Brahmins were bent upon to counteract his influence over the king and, above all, to hinder the formal conversion of the latter. Merutunga's above-mentioned anecdotes, according to which malicious and envious people set traps for Hemacandra, describe the general situation quite rightly, even if one might not agree in details. In the same way.

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CHAPTER VI.-HEMACANDRA'S ACCOUNT OF KUMĀRAPĀLA'S CONVERSION 39. Jinamaņdana's story, which relates that Rājācārya Devabodhi, the spiritual instructor of the king, champions the old religion, may have an historical basis despite the fact that the story in its present setting is purely mythical." The event most probably did not take place without a hard fight. Without doubt, the already mentioned Yogas'āstra particularly played a very essential part in keeping Kumārapāla firm in his new faith, as is mentioned in the Prabandhas.79 Hemacandra wrote it under order of his lord.80 In the concluding stanza of the work, XII, 55, it is said:
"This secret doctrine of Yoga, which-a part here and a part there-has been learnt from the holy scriptures, from the mouth of a good teacher and from one's own experience and which rouses wonder in the minds of the competent public, has been dressed in words by the teacher Hemacandra as a result of the earnest request of the illustrious Caulukya king Kumārapāla.”
The same thing is expressed in the two stanzas at the end of the commentary, which immediately follow the above onos.
1. "Owing to the request which the illustrious Caulukya king made to me, I wrote this commentary on the Manual of Yoga-so named by me-an ocean of the Nectar of Truth. May it enjoy its existence) so long as these three worlds-Earth, Aim and Heaven-possess the Jaina-doctrine."
2. "Through the merit which I attained by the Manual of Yoga and its exposition, may the good man be induced to win for himself the enlightenment of Jina."
Also in the colophon to each of the twelve Praktīs'as, each time is it mentioned that Kumārapāla wished to hear the work and that it was "crowned” (samjātapattabandha), that is, it received the royal approbation. The first four chapters, already published, which form more than three-fourths of the whole, give a short resumé of the Jaina-doctrine, particularly as it affects the position of layman, and the very extensive commentary enlarges the same to the most lucid and comprehensible exposition of the system which has ever been written. The author clearly indicates that this part is written with a view to instructing his lord for, in the commentary, he often particularly and exhaustively dwells upon the duties of a Jaina king. The last eight Prakās'as deal with the actual Yoga, the ascetic practices which lead finally to mukti or, deliverance. The exposition of this part, after which the work is in fact named, is very short and only occupies something like a tenth of the whole Vrtti. It is remarkable that a very long description of those practiees precedes the Jaina-Yoga, which, in the author's own words, are useless for attaining mukti, but which afford, on the contrary, a peep into the future and grant supernatural powers. It appears that Hemacandra also believed in their efficacy and perhaps devoted himself to them. If he finds so much place as one long chapter for their description, it must have been in consideration of the excessive love of the king for the Yoga-praxis about which he relates in the commentary on X11,55. The Vilarāgastotra which was similarly composed for Kumārapāla, perhaps even earlier than the Yogas'āstra,

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA
might have received less significance. It gives a short presentation of the Jaina-tenets, in the form of a Prasasti to Jina, The text of the Yogadastra, as also the Vitaragastotra, was probably written shortly after V. S. 1216. The commentary, on the other hand, was probably completed a few years later. The very significant extent of the latter leads us to suppose that Hemacandra worked on it for a considerable time even if he were ever so diligent and even if he had taken the help of his pupils.

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CHAPTER VII
The Consequences of Kumarapala's Conversion
Now, in regard to the question, what practical results Hemacandra achieved through Kumarapala's conversion, the prophecy in the Mahaviracarita gives a very clear answer, besides the above-mentioned (p. 38) information in the Deyasrayakävya. The. prophecy continues after the description of the conversion, already noted, as follows:
59. "He (Kumarapala) will keep everyday to the vows, particularly to those. relating to rice, vegetables, fruits and others (other foods), and will generally practise. chastity."
60. "This wise man will not only avoid courtesans, but will admonish his lawful wives to practise chastity."
61. "According to the instruction of that monk (Hemacandra), he, who knows the general principles (of the faith), the doctrine of that which has soul and of that which has no soul, and so forth, will, like a teacher, procure enlightenment for others also."
62. "Even the Brähmapas of the Panduranga (sect) and others, who hate the Arhat, will, at his command, become equal to those who are born in the faith."
63. This man, learned in the law, will, after having taken the vow of a believer, not take his meals without having worshipped in the Jaina temples and without having bowed before the teachers."
G4. "He will not take the property of men who have died without leaving sons. That is the result of right insight: for, (only) those without insight are never satisfied."
65. "He himself will give up hunting, which even the Pandus and others (pious kings of ancient times) did not give up; and all other people will give it up at his
command."
66. "As he has prohibited the harming of living creatures, there can be no thought of injury and other things like that; even a man of the lowest birth will not kill even bugs, lice and the like (insects)."
6

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA
67. "After he has forbidden hunting, game of all kinds will chew the cud in the forest, undisturbed as cows in the cow-shed."
42
68. "He, who equals Indra in might, will always insist upon the care of all living beings, whether they live in water, on land or in air."
69. Even the creatures which eat meat from their birth will, as a result of his command, forget the very mention of meat like an evil dream."
70. "Spirituous drinks (the enjoyment of which) has not been given up by the Dafarhas, though they believe in the Jina, will be prohibited everywhere by this (prince) with the pure soul."
71. "So thoroughly will he stop the preparation of spirituous drinks throughout the world, that even the potter will no longer make liquor jugs."
72. "The drunkards, who are impoverished because of their passion for intoxicants, will prosper again, after they have given up drink at his command."
73. "He will destroy the very name of the game of dice, which Nala and other princes had not given up, like the name of a personal foc."
74. "So long as his glorious reign lasts, there will be no pigeon-race and no cock-fights."
75. "In almost every village, he, whose wealth is immeasurable, will adorn the earth with temples of Jina."
76. "On the whole earth, as far as the ocean, he will cause the statues of the Arhat to be borne in procession on cars, in every village, in every town."
77. "After he had continually given money away, and redeemed every one's debts, he will introduce his era on the earth."
78. "Once he will hear, on the occasion of a story related through the mouth of his teacher, about that (Jina-) statue buried in the dust, which the seer Kapila consecrated."
79. "Then he will form the desire: 'I shall dig up the sandy place, and shall have the all-consecrating statue brought hither"."
80. "When the king is conscious of such great enthusiasm, and also learns of other auspicious signs, then he will be convinced that the statue will reach his hands."
81. "Then, after obtaining the permission of his teacher, he will give the order to his officials to dig up that place of Vitabhaya."
82. "Then, as a result of the purity of the king, who is faithful in his devotion to the Arhat, the goddess, who keeps a watch over the holy doctrine, will appear."
83. "As a result of the extremely great merit of the king Kumarapala, the statue will soon come to light, when the place is excavated."

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CHAPTER VII.-THE CONSEQUENCES OF KUMARAPALA'S CONVERSION
84. Then, too, the grant of villages, which king Udayana had made to this statue, will come to light."
85. "The king's officials will place this old statue in a car, as if it were a new one, after having done honour to it as is prescribed."
86. "Whilst, on the way, divine service of various kinds is being held, whilst concerts are being given day and night without interruption,"
87. "Whilst the women of the villages clap their hands loudly and rejoice, whilst the five-toned drums sound joyously,"
88. Whilst the fans rise and fall on either side, the officials will convey this holy statue to the boundary of Pattana."
89. "Accompanied by the ladies of his palace and his servants, surrounded by the four columns of his host, the king will go to meet it with the whole community."
90. "Dismounting from his chariot himself and mounting the state elephant, the prince will escort the image into the city."
91. "After Kumarapala has erected it in a pleasure-house near his palace, he will pay homage to it, as prescribed, morning, noon and night."
92. "After he has read the grant made to the statue, he will confirm that which was given by Udayana."
93. That temple built solely of gold, O Crown Prince, as its splendour appears to be incredible, will arouse the wonder of the whole world."
94. "After the statue has been erected within it, the prince will increase in might, wealth and highest happiness."
95. "Through his devotion to the gods, through his devotion to the teacher, King Kumarapala will resemble thy father, O Abhaya, in the Bharata land."
If we now compare these statements with those of the Deyas'rayakavya," we see that Kumarapala strove after making Gujarat, in certain respects, a model Jaina-state. He renounced not only for himself the enjoyments and pleasures prohibited by the Jainadoctrine but he induced also his subjects to impose upon themselves the same privations. He issued an ordinance which required the protection of the animal life to the greatest extent, and which was applied most vigorously in all parts of his empire. The Brahmins who killed animals while performing sacrifices were, as the Duyda'raya says, forced to give up the practice and to use corn instead of flesh. Also in the Pallidesa in Rajputänä one had to submit to that ordinance, and the ascetics of that region, who used to wear antelope-skin, found it hard to procure the same. So it happened, as is said in the Mahaviracarita, that Pandurangas, i, e. Sivaites, and other Brahmins had to live like born Sravakas. Prohibition of hunting, about which the latter work speaks, was the natural consequence of this edict and, according to the Doyds'raya, even the inhabitants

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LIFE OF HEMASANDRA of the Pāñcāladeśa, that is, the tribes of the middle Kathiāvād, who were great offenders, had to bow to the same order. A further result was the measure, mentioned in the Dvyās'raya, against the butchers who had to give up their trade and received as compensation a lump sum of their three years' income. According to the Mahāvīracarita the protection of animal life was extended even to noxious insects. If we trust Merutunga, this statement is no exaggeration at all. For, he describes in the Yükāvihāraprabandha83 how a "simple-minded” merchant, in the land of Sapädalakşa, who had crushed a louse, was dragged to Aṇhilvād by the officer in charge of enforcing the law for the protection of animals, and how, as a punishment for his offence, he had to build the Yükāvihāra at the cost of the whole of his fortune. Out of all proportion as this punishment may seem, it was merciful in comparison with the punishment which, according to the Prabhāvakacaritra, was incurred by Lakşa, the bearer of the betel-bowl of Kelhaņa, the Prince of Nadūla-Nămdol. When it was known that Lakșa had placed a dish of raw meat before the Lokāloka-Chaitya in Anhilväd, he was sentenced to death.
Along with the prohibition of meat-eating, spirituous drinks were also forbidden in conformity with the second Jaina 'Guņavrata.' The same is the case with the game of dice, animal fights and betting which last the third 'Guņavrata' designates as aboninable. The Dvyās'rayakāvya says nothing about the edicts regarding these two points. They are, however, mentioned in the Prabandhas,84 As the above-mentioned story by Merutunga shows, and as Jinamaņdana expressly corroborates it, Kumārapāla appointed special officers to enforce the execution of his edicts. Finally, of very great significance for the Jaina community was the law abolishing the practice of confiscating the property of those merchants who left behind them no sons, but widows. It appears that this cruel custom, which contradicts the principles of the Smrtis, prevailed from ancient times in various provinces, particularly in the west of India. Already Kālidāsa, whose home was Mālvā bordering on Gujarat, knows of this custom and mentions it in the Abhijñānas'ākuntala. There the minister informs the king Duşyanta that the merchant Dhanavęddhi has perished in a shipwreck and that as he has left no direct descendants (anapatya), his property of many millions must be confiscated for the royal treasury. Duşyanta, who is of yielding nature owing to his own childlessness, declares first of all that he will give up his claim in favour of a pregnant wife of the deceased, but reconsiders the matter afterwards and issues an edict abolishing such confiscations altogether. From this story, which surely does not belong to the old Sakuntalā-saga but was invented by Kālidāsa, one may certainly conclude that the confiscation of the property of childless merchants was in vogue in the sixth century of the Christian era, at least in the birthplace of the poet. It is evidently clear that this custom hit the Jainas particularly hard for the majority of them lived by commerce and money-transactions. The orthodox kings would probably have treated them, without consideration, as heretics. One can therefore easily understand that Kumārapāla's decision, as is said in the Duyās'rayamahākāvya, was greeted with great enthusiasm and that not only the Prabandhas but also the Brāhmin Someśvara in the Kirtikaumudi highly praised the king. 85
Apart from these coercive measures, Kumārapāla proved his zeal for the Jainafaith by building temples, by at least one grant of land, and by his placing the Jaina-cult

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CHAPTER VII.-THE CONSEQUENCES OF KUMARAPALA'S CONVERSION
on a perfectly equal footing with the Brahmanical fellowships of faith. This last point is mentioned only in the Mahdviracarita; verse 76 says that Kumarapala everywhere "ordered to carry in a procession the statues of the Arhat in solemn dresses on cars." We must understand this expression in this way that the king did not himself institute Jaina-Rathayatras in all places but he gave permission to celebrate these to the small communities throughout the country. As is well-known, Indians are never so enthusiastic as when they carry in public processions images of gods placed on high cars. Now the minority sects are, whenever possible, prevented to carry on their yaträs by those in majority and particularly the Jainas suffer in this respect from the pressure of other sects. Even in recent years there took place a keen fight in Delhi between the Vaisnavas and the Digambaras on account of the rathaydird which the latter wanted to organize. There is no doubt that during the time of the orthodox kings, the Svetämbaras of Gujarat were not permitted to exhibit their divine images in public and that Kumürapäla was the first king to grant that privilege to them. If this explanation be accepted, the assertion of the Mahaviracarita that the rathayātrās took place in every village is not unbelievable. For, almost every village in Gujarat has its small Jaina samghes which consists of dealers in money and merchants. As regards the temple-buildings, the Dvyās rayakāvya speaks of only two, namely, the Kumaravihara in Aphilväd and another, also equally important, in Devapattana. The Mahaviracarita, on the contrary, opines in verse 75 that "almost every" village maintained a Jaina Caitya, but it refers particularly to a single one in Aphilväd, which must be the Kumāravihära. The first assertion is naturaiiy an exaggeration as befits the prophetic style. One must understand the statements of the Mahavtracarita probably to mean that Kumarapala had a great number of small public edifices erected, which apparently were not important enough to be given separate names, and, besides these, the great, beautiful temple in Aphilväd. With the help of this interpretation, the temples mentioned in the Mahaviracarita may well be reconciled with those mentioned in the Dryasraya, if we accept that the latter wants to mention. only the most noteworthy edifices and that it was written somewhat later than the Mahaviracarita. The Prabandhas also mention many of these temples. The Prabhavakacaritra speaks, first of all, of the Kumāravihara at Aphilvad, whose foundation it ascribes to the minister Vägbhata. Afterwards, it relates that the king ordered to be erected 32 small Viharas as penance for the sins of his teeth; that he erected moreover a statue of Neminatha in the temple of his father, Tihunapala or Tribhuvanapala; that he had a temple built on the mountain Satrunjaya; and that he adorned all des asthanas, i. e. the main places in each province, with the Jaina-Caityas. Right at the end of this work, we find also the story from the Mahdviracarita about the discovery of the image of the Arhat in the ruins of Vitabhays.
Merutunga's numbers are still greater. First of all he speaks about 1440 temples which were built in various provinces. Further on, it is said that Kumarapala had in Vägbhatapura near Satruñjaya an image of Parsvanatha erected in a temple, Tribhuvanpälavihära, so named in honour of his father. Then, the thirty-two 'atonement" temples are also mentioned, as also the Kumaravihara whose building, however, is not described. Finally, four more temples are mentioned: (1) the Müşakavihara which was built at Aphilväd in order to atone for the death of a mouse which died out of despair

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA because Kumārapāla had deprived it of its prize on his flight from Jayasimha; (2) the Karambavibāra which was built in Anhilvād in honour of an unknown woman who had fed Kumārapāla with a rice dish on his flight; (3) the Dikşāvihāra, the restoration of an old temple in Sāligavasahikā at Cambay, where Hemacandra was consecrated to be a monk and, (4) the Jholikāvihāra, the Cradle-temple, which Kumārapāla ordered to be built in Dhandhūka at the place of Hemacandra's birth.87 Even if we do not accept all particulars in these statements as true, yet they prove that Kumārapāla’s edifices were not confined to only Anhilvād and Devapattana. The modern tradition has also preserved reminiscences of the same. On the Satruñjaya and the Girnār there are still exhibited Kumāravihāras which, however, have been much restored and contain none of the old inscriptions. In Cambay and Dhandhūka they believe they know at least the sites where Kumārapāla's edifices once stood.
Despite these extensive activities in the service of the Jaina-doctrine and to the advantage of the Jainas, Kumārapāla did not completely forget the old cult of his family. In the Dvyās'raya, Hemacandra himself states about the restoration of the temple of Sivakedāranātha and of the Siva-Somanātha following the proclamation of the law of Protection, and also about the building of a Kumāreśvara in Anhilvād, which took place at a still later time, after the construction of the Kumāravihāras in Anbilvād and in Devapattana. The reasons behind the erection of the Kumāreśvara are very peculiar.. Mabādeva, says Hemacandra, appeared himself to Kumārapāla in a dream, announced to him that he was satisfied with his services and expressed his desire to reside in Aņhilvād. From these facts one can conclude that Kumārapāla, despite all his devotion to Hemacandra and despite his adoption of the Jaina faith, never totally denied help to the Sivaites. He might have forced them to give up their bloody sacrifices but he permitted the temple-priests and the ascetics to draw their allowances from the royal treasury. There must have been times when he again drew nearer to the Sivaite faith and worshipped Siva as well as Jina. Such wavering and such mixing of faiths is not unusual in India and such things have happened in old times to other kings also, who had attached themselves to heterodox sects, as, for example, Harşavardhana, the well-known king of Thanesar and Kanoj. This latter king had paid his respects, as Hiuen Tsiang states to have observed with his very eyes, to the Buddhists, to the Brāhmins and to the Jainas. The causes of these phenomena are sufficiently clear. At the court there were always, besides the heterodox parties, the orthodox ones whose influence over the princes remained very powerful. Certainly this must have been the case with Anhilvād, for according to the Prabandhas, the Jaina Vāgbbața was in no way the only minister of Kumārapāla. Along with him there also was a Mantrin, Kapardin, who is not said to have been a Jaina. In the same way, there appears to have been a Saiva teacher, Devabodhi by name, who is supposed to have been a spiritual adviser to Kumārapāla (see pp. 39, 51 ) even after his conversion. In the colophon of a manuscript of V. S. 1218 it is mentioned that Mahāmātya Yaśodhavala was the first minister, probably the same-named ParmăraPrince of Candrāvatī, appointed by Kumārapāla himself. The influence of the orthodox party was naturally strengthened by the old habits of the king and his earlier association with Sivaite ascetics. Added to this, finally, is the tendeney of Indian character, that of reconciling sharp contradictions in the religious systems by conceiving and explaining

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CHAPTER VII.- THE CONSEQVENCES OF KUMĀRAPĀLA'S CONVERSION 47 the same merely as various forms of the same fundamental truth. It has been shown above that in the twelfth century the Brahmanical gods of Trimurti were identified with the Jinas and that probably Hemacandra himself made use of such an identification in the beginning of his attempts at Kumārapāla's conversion to his doctrine. It was then quito natural that his convert afterwards worshipped Siva along with Jina. We may perhaps also assume that Hemacandra fully concurred in that, for otherwise he could have hardly recorded so impartially tho Sivaite temples built by his patron and pupil. However that might have been, Hemacandra would not have offered any serious opposition to Kumārapāla's Śivaite tendencies and, in order not to jeopardise all his work, he might have connived at it, rather like a clever missionary. These assumptions are strengthened by the fact that Kumāra pāla is said to have been a Sivaite in the above-mentioned inscription in Devapattana in honour of Bhāva-Bphaspati, which was written in ValabhiSamyat 850 or Vikrama-Samvat 1225, only 4 years after his death. Naturally there is in it no talk of the conversion of the king to Jainism. On the contrary, grants are described which he made to Brbaspati and other Saivas and he is further called Māhes'varanrpūgranih, “the leader of the kings of the Saiva faith”, in line 50. Then there were indeed cases, which gave an opportunity to the Saiva-priests to court him as one belonging to their fold, just as there were facts which allowed the Jainas to give him a by-name Paramūrhata. A. perfectly complete victory Hemacandra could not therefore attain, but he certainly succeeded as much as any other heterodox teacher has done with a royal proselyte. It is true that he could not wholly lure Kumārapāla away from Saivism. But he succeeded in inducing him to constantly observe the most important Jaina-vows, and in exerting a great influence over the government. Gujarat did not, of course, become a Jaina-Empire in the sense that the majority of its population were converted to Jainism. A very significant spread of Jainism was already precluded by the fact that the dogmas of this faith forbade many of the most useful occupations, e. g. agriculture. But the edicts against the killing of animals, against spirituous drink, and against betting and playing at stakes were successfully enforced and thus some of the most important tenets of Jainism came to be rooted into the life of every one.

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CHAPTER VIII
Hemacandra's literary works after Kumārapāla's Conversion
Even during the period of his greatest power, when the friendship with Kumārapāla claimed much of him, Hemacandra remained true to his literary aspirations. Besides the Yogas'āstra, already mentioned, and an exhaustive commentary thereon, he wrote, between V. S. 1216 and 1229, a collection of stories of the holy, already mentioned, entitled, Trişastis alākāpuruşacarita-"the Life of the sixty-three best men.” The work gives in ten Parvans the legends of the twenty-four Jinas, the twelve Cakravartins or emperors of India, the nine Vasudevas, the nine Baladevas and the nine Vişņudviş or enemies of the nine incarnations of Vişnu. An appendix, the Paris'istaparvan or Sthavirāvalicarita, deals with the story of Daśapūrvins, the oldest teachers of the Jaina-religion from Jambūsvāmin upto Vajrasvāmin, who still knew the old canonical manuals, called the Purva. The work is written almost wholly in heroic metre and is called by the author a Mahākāvya or great epic. Its extent is very great, so great that it justifies in a certain degree its proud claim of comparison with the Mahābhārata, as hinted by the division into Parrans. According to Jinamaņdana, it contains 36,000 Anuştubh ślokas. S4 Its composition falls later than that of the Yogas'āstra, for it is not quoted in the Commentary on the latter. On the other hand, in the notes on III, 131 the story of the teacher Sthūlabhadra is related in almost identical terms as in the Paris'istaparvan VIII, 2-197 and IX, 55-111a. Only the introductory verses are different and here and there some different readings are found which, however, seldom make any difference in sense. It is therefore evident that the particular passages from the commentary on the Yogas'āstra have been taken over in the Paris'istaparvan. On the other hand, the Trisastis'alākāpuruşacarita was written earlier than the Dvyās'rayakāvya or, at least, earlier than the last five sargas of the latter, if we believe Merutunga's statement that this poem originally glorified only the victories of JayasimhaSiddharāja, and if we accept that the concluding portion was a later addition (p. 19). The Dvyās rayakāvya describes the story of Kumārapāla a little further than does the Mahāviracarita. For, it mentions, as already shown on p. 33, the magnificent temple of Pārsvanātha at Devapattana. The Mahāvīracarita is silent as to this one but it describes in minute details the circumstances which caused the somewhat earlier building of the Kumāravihāra in Aṇhilvād. Further, the Sanskrit Dvyās'raya was followed by

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CHAPTER VIII.-HEMACANDRA'S WORKS AFTER KUMARAPALA'S CONVERSION 49 the Prakrit Dvyasraya or Kumaravalacariya, a very small work entirely dedicated to Kumarapala and highly praising his piety and devotion to the Jina but at the same time illustrating the rules of the Prakrit-Grammar." The commentary on the Abhidhanacintamani was probably the last of the scholarly works of this last period. The fact that in this commentary both the Yogas'ästra and the Trigastis'alākāpuruşacarita are cited, proves not only that it belongs to the period after V. S. 1216 but also that it was written during the last years of the author's life. That this was his last work is also proved by another fact. Closely related with the Abhidhanacintamani, the Lexicon of Synonyms, is the Anekarthakosa, that of the Homonyms, which supplements the former. Besides, there also exists a commentary on this, the Anekürthakairavākarakaumudi. This is, however, not the work of Hemacandra himself, but of his pupil Mahendra who wrote it in his master's name after the death of the latter. It is said in the Prasasti given at the end this work:99
(1) "By the renowned Mahendrasüri, the ever truly devoted pupil of the renowned Hemasuri, is this commentary written in the name of his (master)."
(2) "Where is to be found in an unlucky fellow like me such skill in exposition. (as is required) for the book of the well-known master Hemacandra, one with the treasures of perfection (samyaktva) and knowledge, endowed with endless advantages? If, nevertheless, I have expounded it, it is no wonder; for I repeat the (oral) explanations of him (that man) who lives constantly in may heart."
The concluding words indicate that at the time when Mahendra wrote, Hemacandra was dead and that Mahendra, out of piety for the deceased, wrote down his oral explanations and published them in his name. It also appears that Hemacandra might have thought of himself commenting on the second part of his Kosa, but before he could carry out his plan, he was overpowered by death. It may therefore be supposed that the commentary on the first part was completed just before the death. It is to be repeated that (see page 37) also the Sesakhyā Nāmamālā can possibly belong to this last period, if this work was originally included in the commentary on the Abhidhanacintamani. This statement may be corroborated by similar occurrences in the commentary on the Yogas'ästra which contains metrical supplements to the text (Note 80). Certainty about this point can, however, be arrived at only if the old palm-leaf MSS. of the commentary on the Kosa be carefully investigated. As regards the date of the work about Jaina dialectics mentioned as Pramāṇamimamsā in the Prabhavakacaritra, but as Syadvädamanjari in the MSS., I can say nothing definite. As, however, it is not mentioned in the commentary on the Yogas'astra, it also belongs, perhaps, to the works of the period of V. S. 1216-1229. With this, the list of Hemacandra's works is exhausted. The author of the Prabhavakacaritra says, in fact, "simple-minded people like him" (Note 74) do not know all the works of the great master, and Rajasekhara boldly believes that Hemacandra wrote 30,000,000 slokas. Though this statement is often repeated in the Pattavalis or Gurvävalis, it is obviously an absurd exaggeration. As yet there has been found no reason to ascribe more books to Hemacandra than the ones mentioned here, and these contain about 100,000 slokas. In this respect, it is particularly important to 7

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA remember that even a thorough examination into the old libraries of Cambay, Jesalmir and Anhilvād has not as yet given rise to a claim of any more books than those mentioned in the list of the Prabhūvakacaritra.
tra
Hemacandra's educational work seems to have been no less extonded than his literary activities. His oldest and most prominent pupil was the above-mentioned (p. 19). one-eyed Rāmacandra. The Prabandhas state about him that he had written one hundred works. Recently two dramas by this man have been discovered, viz. Raghuvilāpa, and Nirbhayabhima. In the signature to the latter drama, Rāmacandru qualifies himself as a s'ataprabandhakartr, "author of hundred works". Besides him, the Prabandhas name at various places Guņacandra, Yasascandra, Bālacandra and Udayacandra, the iast of whom is also mentioned in the Colophon of the Commentary on the Brhadvrtti of the Grammar (Note 34). The Pras'asti of the Commentary on the Anekārthakoşa proves, as has been already shown, the existence of a sixth pupil, Mahendra by name, and the Kumāravihārapras'asti informs us of a seventh one, named Vardhamānagaņin. The modern tradition is naturally not satisfied with such a modest number. Even at present they exhibit in Anhilvād a stone, stained with ink, upon which Hemacandra's asana is supposed to have been placed. One hundred pupils, so say the Jainas, surrounded him daily and wrote down the works which their Guru dictated to them.

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CHAPTER IX
Stories about the intercourse between Hemacandra and Kumārapāla, and about their end
Besides the details, already mentioned, about Hemacandra's activity after Kumarapala's conversion, the Prabandhas contain still many contain still many more stories which describe his intercourse with the king and a few other events. Although most of these anecdotes are historically worthless, they may however be briefly quoted for the sake of the completeness of our work. As may be expected, their number is the smallest in the Prabhavakacaritra. This work gives only five. Merutunga, on the other hand, gives sixteen. To them Rajasekhara adds a few more. Jinamandana offers, again, something more and gives more artistic recensions by others, in which the old material is worked up in a better way. According to their contents, they divide themselves into two main groups, viz., (1) those that magnify Hemacandra's knowledge and character, and (2) those that prove Kumarapala's devotion to his teacher and affection for Jainism.

As regards Hemacandra, first of all, a large number of verses is cited which he is supposed to have composed on various occasions. Merutunga makes him sing Kumarapala's praise when the latter gave up the confiscation of the property of the childless merchant. His statement, however, does not agree however, does not agree with that of the Prabhavakacaritra. In this latter work, it is assumed that the verse, which Merutunga sscribes to the "Scholar", belongs to Hemacandra, while the one declared by Meṛutunga as Hemacandra's composition, does not at all occur. Then, Merutunga quotes a sloka, which praises Amrabhata, the second son of his patron Udayana, on account of his completing the temple of Suvrata in Broach, as well as a song in praise of this Tirthamkars. In this case the Prabhavakacaritra also has the first verse. Besides, in the Prabandhacintamani there occurs still a Prakrit-Dandaka which Hemacandra is supposed to have composed in Satruñjaya, and an Apabhramhsa hemistich, the contents of which are not proper for a monk as they refer to a dancing girl. Jinamandana has a much greater number, most of which may be found in his report of Kumarapala's fulfilment of the twelve Jaina vows, 95

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LIFE OF HEMAG ANDRA More interesting than these probably throughout apocryphal proofs of Hemacandra's dexterity in poetry, is a legend which is to show how cleverly he treated the Brāhmin priests who wanted to compel the king to break his vow. Rājasekhara, who is the earliest to tell us this legend, describes it as follows: "A short time after Kumārapāla had enforced the protection of living animals, there began the bright half of the month Asvina. Thereupon, the priests of Kunteśvari and of other goddesses proclaimed to the king: Lord, on the seventh day the king must, according to the custom of his ancestors, offer to the goddesses seven hundred goats and seven buffalos. On the eighth day eight hundred goats and eight buffalos and on the ninth day nine hundred goats and nine buffalos. After the king had heard that, he went to Hemacandra and informed him of the matter. The great teacher whispered something in his ears. The king then arose and promised to pay the priests what was their due. By night the animals were led into the temple of the goddess, the doors were carefully locked and trustworthy Rajputs were posted as guards. The next morning, the king arrived and ordered to open the doors of the temple. In the middle they saw the animals lying down and chewing the cud, refreshed by the repose in the wind-sheltered place. Thereupon said the king: Priests, these animals I had offered to the goddesses. If they had any liking for the animals, they could have consumed them. The animals, however, are quite safe. Apparently, therefore, the goddesses have no liking for flesh. But you love it. Hence keep absolute quiet. I will not permit the killing of living animals.' The Priests hung their heads down. The goats were released. The king, however, had the foodoffering brought to the goddesses, worth the value of the goats."
The story, which Jinamaņdana relates in a slightly shorter form, reminds us in a certain way of the Biblical story of Elijas and the priests of Baal. However, one can hardly take it as an adaptation of the latter. It probably arose independently. Even if this story be an invention, it is certainly a good invention in as inuch as it properly describes the difficulties, which Kumārapāla had to face upon his conversion, and the methods of his spiritual counsel to remove them from his path. It is noteworthy that according to this legend the cult of Kunteśvarī was not abolished but was transformed from a bloody to a bloodless cult.
Two other stories by Merutunga show how Hemacandra behaved towards his enemies. The first one tells us that the mighty Siva-priest Bịhaspati once occasioned some inconvenience regarding the Kumāravibāra in Devapattana. Immediately he lost his job because of Hemacandra's disfavour. Thereupon he came to Aṇhilvād, learnt the Sodhās'vayaka and served the Jaina-monk. An entreaty-verse pacified the latter at last and Bịhaspati was again appointed as the guardian of the Saiva-foundations. Just as harsh, but also equally as forgiving, Hemacandra showed himself towards an old enemy, Vāmadeva or Vāmarāśi, who had been his rival during Jayasimha's reign and who chaffed at him with a malicious satirical verse when Hemacandra gained his high position. As a punishment he opprobriously ordered his servants to drive Vamarāśi out of his house with their lance-shafts. He also sentenced him to the as'astra-vadha, "the punishment of a bloodless death,” which consisted of the withdrawal of his vrtti, his salary from the royal treasury. Vāmarāśi then subsisted on scattered grains which he gleaned, and stood often

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OHAPTER IX.-STORIES ABOUT HEMACANDRA AND KUMĀRAPĀLA 53 before the school of his enemy. As Anã and other princes were one day learning the Yogas'āstra there, Vāmarāśi praised this work in a verse "in all sincerity." Hemacandra was therefore reconciled and granted him a vrtti, double as large as the earlier one had been. The story about Brhaspati probably presents the relationship of this man to Hemacandra in a more proper light than the legend, given above (p. 29), according to which the Saiva monk and the Jaina monk were good friends.
By far the greatest number of the legends given in the Prabandhas describes, however, Hemacandra's supernatural powers, his gift of prophecy, his knowledge of the remotest past, his hold over evil spirits and the Brahmanic deities hostile to Jainism. Already in the Prabhāvakacaritra, a prophecy of Hemacandra's is mentioned, which was literally fulfilled. The king of Kalyāņa-kataka, it is said, who had received information from his spies that Kumāra pāla had become a Jaina and was therefore powerless, gathered a big army with a view to conquering Gujarat. Full of anxiety, Kumārapāla went to Hemacaudra and inquired whether he would be defeated by this enemy. Hemacandra consoled him by saying that the protecting deities of the Jaina-doctrine were keeping watch over Gujarat, and that the enemy would die on the seventh day. In reality, the spies brought Kumārapāla soon afterwards the news that the prophecy had come true. Both Merutunga and Jinamaņdana also have this story. In their version the hostile king is, however, Karņa, the ruler of Dāhala or Tivar in the Central Provinces. They also state how he died, and describe that he was asleep on his elephant during a nocturnal march, when his golden necklace got caught in a banyan tree, and he was strangled to death. Karņa of Dāhala ruled about hundred years before Kumārapāla and was, as Merutunga rightly points out elsewhere, a contemporary of Bhimadeva 1.98
A second proof of his prophetic gift, according to Merutunga, Hemacandra furnished when he described his story of a previous birth to the king. Rājasekhara and Jinamaņdana give the same in extenso and add thereto that Hemacandra himself did not describe it but that he made Vidyādevīs reveal themselves in Siddhapura for the purpose. The king came to know thereby the cause of his enmity with Jayasimha and was, as Jinamaņdana says, so very much surprised at the wisdom of his teacher that he conferred upon him the title of Kalikālasarvajña, “the omniscient of the Kali-yuga.988 It is not at all improbable that Hemacandra claimed to have told the king about his fate in the previous life, as the Jaina-monks have often done so in similar circumstances. It is another question whether the version before us really reflects the Pūrvavrttānta described by Hemacandra.
Absolutely absurd but characteristic of the gradual development of the legends is the third story related by Jinamandana, attributing to Hemacandra the gift of clairvoyance. Once, so the story goes, Hemacandra was sitting with the king and the Saivaascetic Devabodhi and was explaining the holy scriptures. Suddenly he stopped and screamed a cry of woe. Devabodhi rubbed his hands and said: “That does not matter a bit I" Then the devotional lesson was resumed. When Hemacandra had finished it, Kumārapāla asked him what had been the matter with him and Devabodhi. Thereupon the monk replied: "O King, I saw that in the temple of Candraprabha in Devapattana

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LIFE OF HEMĄCANDRA a rat dragged away the wick of a lamp and consequently a conflagration broke out. Devabodhi extinguished it when he rubbed his hands." Kumārapāla sent, thereupon, messengers to Devapattana and found that Hemacandra's statement had been correct.100
The Prabhāvakacaritra also supplies us with an instance of Hemacandra's magic powers. It relates, that Amrabhata came into conflict with Saindhavi Devi and Yoginīs as he had the Temple of Suvrata in Broach restored. He was consequently punished with illness by them. His mother invoked the help of Hemacandra who went to Broach with his pupil Yaśascandra, made the Devi surrender by magic powers, and healed Amrabhata. Slightly different recensions of this anecdote are found in Merutunga and in Jinamaņdana 101
Both these latter as well as Rājasekhara also relate that Hemacandra cured Kumārapāla of leprosy. According to Merutunga, this disease attacked the king as a result of a cựrse which the pious mother of the king Lakṣa of Kach had given to the successors of Mūlarāja, the conqueror of her son. By the power of his Yoga, Hemacandra cured the king. According to Rājasekhara, Kunteśvari Devī, the family goddess of the Caulukyas, took revenge for the prohibition of her sacrifices (p. 52) by revealing herself to Kumārapāla and striking him on the head with the trident. As a result, he became leprous. He called his minister Udayana to him and told him his tale of woe. On Udayana's advice, Hemacandra was requested to help, who cured the disease with the water consecrated with magical incantations. Jinamaņdana gives enlarged recensions of both the stories and makes the miracle doubly worked. 102
the sixth one of Garjanainst Gujarat
Still more phantastic are the two stories which are related by Jinamaņdana alone. The first of them is : Kumārapāla had taken a pledge not to quit his capital during the rainy season, in order to fulfil the sixth vow of the Jainas. Meanwhile, he received information from his spies that the Saka Prince of Garjana, that is, the Muhammedan Sultan of Gazni, had made preparations to wage a war against Gujarat precisely during that rainy season. Kumāra pāla was greatly perplexed. If he wanted to keep his vow, he could not defend his land. If, on the other hand, he would fulfil his royal obligations, he must become untrue to the Jaina faith. In this dilemma he approached Hemacandra who reassured him at once and promised help. Hemacandra then sat down in the posture of 'lotus-seat' (padmāsana) and gave himself up into deep meditation. After a while, there came a palanquin flying through the air, in which lay a sleeping man. This sleeper was the Prince of Garjana whom Hemacandra had dragged in there by the power of his Yoga-magic. He was released only after he had promised to preserve peace with Gujarat and to command in his kingdom the protection of all living beings during six months. The second story ascribes a still greater power to Hemacandra. Once he had a quarrel with Devabodhi as to whether it was a full-moon day or a new-moon day. He himself had voted for the former which was, however, wrong; he was therefore scoffed at by Devabodhi. Despite this, Hemacandra declared that he had not been wrong but asserted that the evening would prove the correctness of his view. When the sun set in, Kumārapāla with Devabodhi and his barons climbed on the top-room of his palace in order to see if the moon would rise and as a matter of precaution he also sent messengers

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CHAPTER IX.-STOREIŚ ABOLIT HEMACANDRA AND KUMĀRAPĀLA 65 to the east on a swift dromedary. The full moon did really rise in the east, shone forth the whole night and the next morning set in the west! The royal messengers who had ridden far into the land, told the same story on their return. It was therefore no illusion that might have deceived the king's eyes, but a real miracle that Hemacandra worked with the help of a ministering godling who had given him a siddhacakra.103
The number of the legends of the second group is much smaller and almost all of them are met with already in the Prabhāvakacaritra. The first story, which is to show the attachment of the king to Hemacandra, relates about an amazing transformation of the ordinary palm trees of the royal garden into Śrītāla-trees. Once, it has been said, on account of copying the numerous works of Hemacandra, the palm-leaves were exhausted and there was no hope of getting a new stock imported from abroad. Kumārapāla was very much distressed at the thought of his teacher's work being interrupted. He went into his garden where many ordinary palm trees stood, worshipped them with fragrant substances and flowers, placed round their trunks golden wreaths adorned with pearls and rubics and prayed that they might be transformed into Śrītāla-trees. The next morning the gardeners announced that the king's wish had been fulfilled. The messengers who brought the happy news were richly rewarded, and the scribes worked further with greater zeal. This fable is quite similarly related by Jinamaņdana. He only commits an anachronism when he assumes that the scribes would have managed with paper which, however, the king did not think proper. As the close scrutiny of the old Jaina-Libraries has brought out, the use of paper was only introduced to Gujarat one hundred and twenty years later after the conquest of the land by the Muhammadans.204
A second and still greater proof of his devotion was furnished by Kumārapāla to his teacher by presenting his empire to Hemacandra. According to the Prabhāvakacaritra this happened on the occasion of explaining a Gathā which makes complete surrender a duty to the believer. Hemacandra refused, it is said, to accept the gift by arguing that as an ascetic he must be free from all possessions and from all desires. In spite of it, the king did not want to give in. Thereupon the minister intervened and proposed that Kumārapāla should remain the king but should fulfil the royal duties only with the approval of his Guru. The solution was accepted and Hemacandra wrote the Yogas'āstra with a view to instructing Kumārapāla as to how he should, as a believing king, behave himself.105
Very many particular but probably apocryphal accounts about Kumārapala's manifestations of his faith in the Jina are given by Jinamaņdana. There, he relates that the king had, after his conversion, given away to the Brāhmins all the images of Maheśvara and other gods „which his forefathers had worshipped, and that he only tolerated the statues of the Jinas in his palace.108 Moreover, in his long report of the taking of the twelve vows in the presence of Hemacandra, he describes in detail how the king fulfilled each of them and what Birudas or 'titles of honour' he received for the same. Amongst the laws, which the observance of the Jaina precepts is said to have caused, the following deserve special mention. In order to fulfil the seventh vow, which forbids unnecessary force and occupations connected therewith, the king renounced the

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LIFE OF HEMACANDRA revenues which he received from charcoal-burning, from the forest, from the tax on bullockcarts kept for hire etc., and he ordered to destroy the register about these things. The contents of the twelfth vow made him remit taxes to the annount of 12 lacs which the "faithful” (s'rāddhas) paid. For the same reason, he granted money to needy Jainas and had houses (sattrāgāras) built where food was distributed to beggars. As regards his title of honour, Hemacandra called him Saranāgatatrāta, "Protector of the supplicants for help", for his fulfilment of the first vow, Yudhisthira for the fulblment of the second, and Brahmarsi for that of the fourth.107
Moreover, we find in all the Prabandhas the statement that Kumārapäla undertook one or several pilgrimages to the Jaina shrines of Gujarat in company with Hemacandra. According to the Prabhāvakacaritra, only one took place quite at the end of his reign. On this one pilgrimage he visited Satruñjaya and Girnar. He did not, however, mount the latter hill himself, but worshipped Neminātha at the foot of it. He commissioned his minister Vāgbhata to construct a better road up the rock. Merutunga's Tirthayātrāprabandha gives a very similar account. It connects with it, however, the anecdote of the planned attack by the king Dāhala, and makes Kumārapāla, as the leader of the Jæina congregation (Sarghādhipati), enter Satruñjaya via Dhandhuka. In the first-named city, so it is said, the "Cradle-vihāra' (p. 46 ) was built on this occasion. Merutunga also appears to place the pilgrimage at the end of Kumārapāla's reign. Rājasekhara, on the other hand, speaks of two pilgrimages: one to Kāțhiāvād and the other to Stambhapura or Cambay, which latter city the king is said to have presented to Jina Pārsvanātha. Finally, Jinamaņdana agrees with Merutunga, but declares in his general survey of Kumārapāla's work that the king consecrated himself by seven pilgrimages, and that on the occasion of the first one, he worshipped the Jina with nine jewels which were worth nine lacs.108 Now, even if there be no confirmation of these statements in documents of Kumārapāla's time, one may nevertheless believe the Prabandhas when they say that the king actually visited Satruñjaya and Girnar towards the end of his reign. The silence of the Dvyās’rayakāvya and of the Mahäviracarita on this point has no great significance, for both these works were composed, as shown above, soine time before the end of Kumārapāla's reign. On the other hand, the rare, complete agreement of both the oldest Prabandhas is a weighty argument in favour of the general correctness of their statement, and a still more weighty one for the internal probability of the same. It is precisely in their last years that the Indian princes make pilgrimages their habit and it is easy to understand that Kumārapāla, who had himself built shrines in various localities of the peninsula of Kāthiāvād, felt it incumbent on himn to pay a visit to them. On the contrary, it is extremely questionable whether the details of this pilgrimage are correctly described. For, one can hardly believe that if Kumārapāla visited Girnar, he should have left unvisited Deva pattana which is not very far from Girnar and where his temples of Pārsvanātha and Somanātha stood. The statements about his visit to Cambay and about the seven pilgrimages can have, of course, little claim to be credible as they are to be found only in later works.
As to Hemacandra's end, the Prabhāvakacaritra gives no details. It only says that he died in Vikrama-Samyat 1229. Merutunga gives some more details.

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According to his account, Hemacandra predicted that he would die at the end of his 84th year, and when he had reached that age, he began the last fast, customary among the Jaina ceremonies, which leads the monk surely to Nirvana. Before his death, he prophesied to his friend, who was lamenting for him, that he (his friend) too would meet his end after six months, and admonished him, being childless, to perform the last rites for himself whilst he was still alive. After he had spoken thus, "he released the breath of life through the tenth opening of the body." Kumarapala had his corpse burned and, as he considered the ashes as sacred, made a sign on his forehead with the same. All the nobles of the kingdom and the citizens of Anhilväd followed his example. Merutunga adds that even now the Hemakhanda at Anhilvad is famous for that reason. It is further said that Kumarapala passed the rest of his life in deep sorrow and after a reign of 31 years died, on the predicted day, "the death of Meditation." The latter form of expression appears to indicate that he, too, chose, by fast, the death of the wise man.
Jinamandana repeats Merutunga's account in so far as it concerns Hemacandra; but he adds a few details as regards his last years. He states that these were embittered by a schism amongst his pupils. Kumarapala, being childless and an aged man, was distressed as to the selection of a successor and was in doubt whether to appoint Ajayapala, his brother's son who had the first claim according to the custom, or the son of his daughter, Pratapamalla, as his heir. Hemacandra had declared himself in favour of the latter, for he was beloved by the people and firm in faith, whereas Ajayapala was inclined to evil passions, favoured the Brahmins and would surely put aside the laws made by his uncle. Inspite of this, Balacandra is said to have formed an intimate friendship with Ajayapala against the wish of his teacher and against the interests of his faith. Ramacandra and Gupacandra, on the other hand, remained true to their teacher. Jinamandana describes Kumarapala's end somewhat differently from Merutunga. According to his account, Kumarapala was poisoned by Ajayapala after the former had chosen Pratapamalla as his successor, following Hemacandra's advice. When Kumālapāla felt the effect of the poison, he sent for a shell in his treasury, which could chase away poison. Ajayapala had already had this removed. When the king heard this, he prepared for death according to Jaina rites and died, after having vowed to decline all food. Ajayapala then ascended the throne, being supported by the Brahmin party.
109
From these accounts we can take with certainty only this much that Hemacandra died in V. S. 1229 shortly before Kumarapala. The assertion that during the last years of his life he became involved in the intrigues regarding the successor to the throne and that he attempted to exclude the rightful heir in the interests of the Jaina faith is, ipso facto, not improbable. In favour of this assertion, it may be argued that, according to all the sources there was a strong reaction against Jainism after his death, and that Hemacandra's and Kumarapala's old friends, Ramacandra and Amrabhata (Udayana's son) were particularly persecuted by the new king. Similarly, the story of Pratapamalla's being selected as successor to the throne and of Kumarapala's being poisoned is by no means incredible. However, before we declare it to be historical with any certainty, it will be necessary to have the story confirmed by older and more reliable sources than Jinamandana's compilation.
8

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NOTES
1. The life of Hemacandra forms the XXII and last Sriga of the Purvarṣicaritrarohanagiri or Prabhavakacaritra, and a few notes about him also occur in the XXI Sriga. This work, a continuation of Hemacandra's Paris istaparvan to the Trigaglisalakpurugasaritra, was compiled by Prabh candrasiri, Candraprabha's successor, and was corrected by Pradyumnasiri, the pupil of Kanakaprabhasüri, who on his part was a pupil of the grammarian Devananda. Verse 16 of the Introduction is as follows:
श्रीदेवानन्दशैक्षश्रीकनकप्रभशिष्यराट् । श्रीप्रद्युम्नप्रभुर्जीयाइन्थस्यास्य विशुद्धिकृत् ॥
"Victory to the lord Sri Pradyumna who completely purified this work (from errors)-ho, the king among the pupils of Sri Kanakaprabha, the pupil of Sri Devananda!"
Quite the same has been said in the verses which stand at the end of each of the Srigas. At the end of the XXII S'rniga, the following verse occurs:
श्रीचंद्रप्रभसूरिपट्टसरसीहंसप्रभः श्रीप्रभा
चंद्रः सूरिरनेन चेतसि कृते श्रीरामलक्ष्मीभुवा । afteåffaferingerfith shitwig: mm(shtitarizprat:] श्रीमथुनमुनींना विशदितः शृंगो द्विकद्विप्रम [:] ॥
"On the throne of S'rt Candraprabhasüri (there sits), like a swan in a lake, Sari Prabhcandra. In the biography of the well-known Reis of old-a biography which is comparable to the Rohana mountain-concieved by this (Prabhacandra) son of S'ri Rama and Laksmi, (thus ends) the twenty second peak (8'yniga) in the form of biographical sketch of Sri Hemscandra, which is purified by S'ri-Pradyumna, the moon among the monks."

Several other verses, too, at the end of Srrigas I, V, VII, XI, XIII, XV, XVII, XIX and XXI are dedicated to the praise of Pradyumna. The third from the last of these is important, as it contains a statement which enables us to determine Pradyumna's time at least approximately. This verse says:
श्रीदेवानंदसूरिर्दिशतु मुदमसौ लक्षणाद्येन हैमादुजुस्याप्राज्ञहेतोर्विहितमभिनवं सिद्ध सारस्वताख्य [] ।

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शाब्दं शास्त्रं यदीयान्वयिकनकगिरिस्थान कल्पद्रुमश्च श्रीमान्मथुन सूरिर्विशदयति गिरं नः पदार्थ प्रदाता ॥
"May joy be caused to you by Siri Sri Devananda, through whom, for the sake of the ignorant, a new grammar, called Siddha-Sarasvata, was written-taken from the manual of Hemacandra -and by the successor of his pupil Kanakaprabha, namely Sri Pradyumnasuri, whom we may compare to a tree of paradise; he, the purifier of word-forms and of the meaning, purifies our speech".
From this verse, of the second half of which I have merely given the general sense, without paying attention to the play of words, we see that Devananda wrote a manual of grammar entitled Siddha-Sarasvata, which was an extract from Hemacandra's works. As Hemacandra calls his grammar Siddha-Hemacandra, and as this title means "the manual written by Hemacandra in honour of King Jayasimha-Siddharaja", it seems obvious that we may interpret the name of Devananda's work in a similar way, and explain it by "the Sarasvata (i. e. the work completed by the grace of the goddess Sarasvati) written in honour of King Siddharaja". If this explanation be correct, for we must confess that another explanation is by all means possible,-then Devananda would have been a contemporary of Hemacandra's and would have written under Jayasimha-Siddharaja (who died Vikrama-Samvat 1199, Kärttika sudi 3 or 1142/2 A. D.). In that case the literary activity of Pradyumna Suri, the pupil of his pupil, would fall within the first and second half of the 13th Century, approximately. However, we are saved from the necessity of building upon so uncertain a foundation, by some very interesting informations from the Prasastis of the Cambay-manuscript of Balacandra's Vivekamañjarth in Dr. Peterson's Third Report, App. 1, pp. 101-100, which gives a quito certain date for the activity of the above-named Pradyumnasuri. The first Prasasti (l. c. pp. 101-103), a song in praise of the author of the Vivekamanjart and of the author of the Commentary, relates the following: The post Asads, born of the Bhillamalavams'a (i. e. a S'rīmālā Vania) and a son of Katuka-raja, who for his services in expounding Kalidasa's Meghadata, received the title Kavisabhiyagara, "the ornament of the assembly of poets", from the court scholars (rajasabhyaḥ), had two sons, Rajada-Balasarasvati and Jaitrasimha by his wife Jaitalladevi. When the first one died, he mourned deeply. "Awakened" by a Sūri named Abhayadeva, he wrote the Viesbamasjert in V. S. 1268 (Peterson, First Report, App. I p. 56) or 1211-12 A. D. (verse 12). His second son Jaitrasimha later induced the Ganin Balacandra to write a commentary on his father's work (verse 13). The latter called in the assistance of three men, namely, Vijayasonasuri from Nagendragaceha, Padmasüri from Behadguccha (verse 14) and Pradyumnasiri, who was the pupil of Kanakaprabhasuri, "the moon which adorned the heaven of Devinanda's school". We find here the same order: Devananda, Kanakaprabha and Pradyumna, as in the Prabhavakacaritra, and it is therefore certain that the corrector of the last-named was Balacandra's assistant. The last verse of the 2nd Prasasti, a song in praise of the noble donor of the Cambay MS. (l. c. p. 109, verse 38) teaches us that the MS. was completed on the 8th day of the dark half of the month Karttika, in the year 1822 (of the Vikrama-era) on a Monday, or, according to Dr. Schram's calculation, on the 2nd November 1265, which actually was a Monday. Immediately afterwards there is the announcement that this Prasasti was corrected by the venerable Sri Pradyumnasiri (prasastiḥ samāptā||subhamastulpajyas'ri-Pradyumnasiribhiḥ prasasti saka odhiteti). This has gained for us a definite date for Pradyumna's activity. It may be added, moreover, that he also helped with the production of a third work of which we may assert with great probability that it belongs to the middle of the 13th century at the latest. Deväsuri says in the Introduction to his Santinathacarita (Peterson, First Report, 1882-83, p. 60, App. pp. 4-6) that his poem is a revision of a Prakrit work of the same name by Devacandrasuri (verse 13). Then he praises the pupil of the latter, Hemacandra, who converted a king [Kumarapala] (Versas 14-15). Then (verse 16) he pays his homage to Devananda, author of the Siddha-Sarasvata Grammar, and relates (verse 17) that Pradyumna, prince amongst the pupils of Kanakaprabha, Devananda's pupil, corrected his work. Verse 17 is so similar to the above-quoted verse of the Prabhavakacaritra XVII, 329, that it is safe to ascribe it to the same author, Pradyumnasuri. The age of the Santinathacarita is approximately determined by the fact that the Cambay MS, of the

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same was written in the Samvat, i. e. in all probability Vikrama-Samvat 1338 or 1282-83 A. D. The era cannot be determined, in this case, with absolute certainty as no details are available. The fact that the Jainas almost always use the Vikrama-era, is a point in favour of the theory that this era is
meant.
These results of the investigation of Pradyumna's period allow us to assert safely that the Prabhavakacaritra belongs to the 13th century, and make it probable that the date of its compilation is not far removed from 1250 A. D. It is therefore the oldest source for the life of Hemacandra. It is all the more essential to emphasize this and to explain it fully, as my honoured friend Rão Bahadur S. P. Pandit places this work at a much later period. He opines in his Introduction to the Gamlavaho, p. CXLIX, that it was written after Rajasekhara's Prabandhakoga (see Note 3) and that Rajasekhara is mentioned in the Prabhacaritra, XI, 1. However, the verse in question, in its correct form, reads:
बप्पभट्टिः श्रिये श्रीमान्यद्वृत्तगगनाङ्गणे । खेलतिर गावात राजेश्वरकविर्बुधः ॥ १॥
The MS. which is available to me, which, like No. 12 of the Deccan College Collection of 1879/80, was made after the copy in Hathising's Bhaylar at Ahmadabad, and is full of errors, gives gatayatuiḥ rajes'varah. The Deccan College MS. has not these two errors, but then at the end we read instead of budhah, the nonsensical reading buda, for which R. B. Pandit substitutes muda. This correction is not only unnecessary, but also spoils the sense. The translation of the verse is:
"(May) the illustrious Bappabhatti (lead us) to prosperity, in whose life the wise (budha) Bajesvarakavi going and coming played (a vile), like the planet Mercury (budha) in the firmament".
Rajes'varakavi means the same as Vakpatiräja, and therefore serves to designate the author of the Gandavaka, who, according to the Jaina-legend, repeatedly came into contact with Bappabbatti. He is called budha (wise), and this word, which is also a name of the planet Mercury, leads to the further comparison of the life of Bappabhatti with the firmament. The latter is very popular with Jaina poets, and seemed suitable to the author, as he hints that the life of the teacher was pure as the firmament to which, as the Indians say, no dirt adheres. Rão Bahadur Pandit's hypothesis that this verse says that Bappabhatti's life-story is borrowed from the Prabandhakosa, is therefore wrong. An exact comparison of the date in the Prabhavakacaritra with those of the Prabandhakosa would have shown clearly, that the account of the latter is based upon the former. Another argument brought forward by R. B. Pandit for the late date of the Prabhavakacaritra, is just as unsound. He says, loc. cit. p. CLIII:
"The author of this work lived long after Hemacandra (A. D. 1089-1174) because in addition to writing a story of the latter's life in his work he speaks of him as having written long ago (purd XI. 11) certain works on the lives of some of the men about whom he writes himself".

This expression contains many errors. The passage which R. B. Pandit has in his mind, does not occur in the Pr. Car. XI. 11, but in I, 11 in the Introduction to the work. It also does not affirm that the author bases himself upon Hemacandra's works, but that he carries further the life-story of the Jains-teachers which was begun by Hemacandra in the Trigastie'alakapuruşacaritra. There in the Paris'istaparvan the narrative breaks off with the life of Vajrasvamin. The verses in question read in my MS. as follows:
की युगप्रधान श्री हेमचंद्र [ज] प्रभुः पुरा ।
sfreemangat gui (qd] senfis qvitve || 11 || श्रुतकेवलिनां षण्णां दशपूर्वभृतामपि ।
भावस्वामिषं च चरितानि व्यन्त सः ॥ १२ ॥

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ध्याततनाममन्त्रस्य प्रसादात् प्राप्तवासनः । आरोक्ष्यन्निव हेमाद्रिं पादाभ्यां विश्वहास्यभूः ॥ १३ ॥ श्रीवज्रानुप्रवृत्तानां शासनोन्नतिकारिणाम् । प्रभावकमुनीन्द्राणां वृत्तानि कियना तामपि ॥ १४॥ बहुश्रुतमुनीशेभ्यः प्राग्र[ग्ग्रन्थेभ्यश्च कानि[चित्] ।
.........वर्णयिप्ये कियन्त्यपि ॥ १५ ॥ विशेषकम् ॥
The gap in the last Verse shoull probably by filled in by vegamya yıtlabalhi. Lastly, the expression puro, which R. B. Pandit translatos by "long ago", merely means formerly" and is indefinite. It is used just as often for events which do not much precede the time of narration, as for such as took place centuries before.
2. Besides the edition by S'astri Ramacan Ira Dinanātha, which appeared lately in Bombay, I have two not quite complete MSS. at my disposal, I. O. L. Bühler S. MSS. No. 295 and 296. The last Verse, which contains the date, is publisherl in Dr. Peterson's Second Report, p. 87. It is to be found exactly the same in No. 296.
3. I have given the date of the Prabandhakosa or of the Prabandharcurvivs'ali as in the Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc. Vol. X, p. 32 Note; cf. also Rão Bahālur S. P. Pandit, Gandavuho, p, CXLIII. The MS. which I quote further, is I. O. L. Bühler: S. MSS. No. 294. The life of Hemacandra forms the 10th Prabandha.
4. The portion at the end of this work reads, in No. 286 of the above-mentioned collection, thus:
प्रबन्धो योजितः श्रीकुमारनृपतेरयम् । गद्यपद्यैर्नवै[:] कैश्चित् प्राप्त क्त] ननिर्मितैः ॥ श्रीसोमसुन्दरगुरोः शिष्येण यथाश्रुतानुसारेण ।
श्रीजिनमण्डनगणिना यङ्कमनु १४९२ प्रमितवत्सरे रुचिरः ॥
इति श्रीसोमसुन्दरशासूरीश्वरश्रीजिनमण्डनोपाध्यायैः श्रीकुमारपाल[प्रबन्धो दृष्टश्रुतानुसारेण योजितः] ग्रन्थानं ४२०० इति श्रीकुमारपालचरित्रं संपूर्णम् ॥
The first verse seems to be a mutilated Anustubh. In the first half we might read srimat-Kumāra, and in the second half praktunanirmitair api. The date of the work was already correctly given by Col. Tol, Travels in Western India, p. 192, but the author was there erroneously called Sailug Acharj.
5. The following passage is found on page 99, line 9, of the abovo-mentioned MS :
तेन यथा सिद्धराजो रञ्जितो व्याकरणं कृतं वादिनो जिताः । यथा च कुमारपालेन सह प्रतिपन्नं कुमारपालोऽपि यथा पञ्चाशद्वर्षदेशीयो निषणीयो भिषिक्तो?]यथा श्रीहेमसूरयो गुरुत्वेन प्रतिपन्नाः । तैरपि यथा देवबोधिः प्रतिपक्षः पराकृतः। राजा सम्यक्त्वं ग्राहितः श्रावकः कृतः । निर्वीराधनं च मुमोच सः । तत् प्रबन्धचिन्तामणितो ज्ञेयम् । किं चर्वितचर्वणेन । नवीणा[नास्तु केचन प्रबन्धाः प्रकाश्यन्ते ॥
The story of Devabodhi does not occur in the Prabandhacintamani.
6. There is a MS. of this rare work in the Deccan College Collection of 1880/81, seo Kielhorn, Report of 1880/81, Ap. pp. 32-34. The emperor (cakravartin) Ajayadeva, whom Yas'ahpāla served, might be Ajayapāla, the successor of Kumārapāla, who is often called Ajayadeva. The title Cakravartin prevents us from thinking of any small chieftain. Otherwise one might assume, -as the action of the piece is supposed to have taken place in Thăräpadra, the present-day Tharīd in Small-Marvad, on the border between Rajapūtänă and Gujarāt,-that Ajayadeva might have been a former Thakur of Tharad, The mention of Thārāpadra-Tharad may perhaps be explained by the assumption that Yas'ahpāla was there civil governor of the king of Anhilväd. .

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7. In the prose-introduction directly after the fifth verse of the Marigala, p.2, 11.3 ff., the following piece is given:
इह किल शिष्येण विनीतविनयेन श्रुतजलधिपारंगमस्य क्रियापरस्य गुरोः समीपे विधिना सर्वमध्येतव्यम् । ततो भम्योपकाराय देशना क्लेशविनाशिनी विस्तार्या । तद्विधिश्वायम् । अस्खलितममिलितमहीनाक्षरं सूत्रम् । अग्राम्यललितभङ्यार्थः कथ्यः । कायगुप्तेन परितः सभ्येषु दत्तदृष्टिना यावदर्थावबोधं वक्तव्यम् । वक्तुः प्रायेण चरितैः प्रबन्धैश्च कार्यम् । तत्र श्रीऋषभादिवर्धमानान्तानां चश्यादीनां राज्ञां ऋषीणां चार्यरक्षितानां वृत्तानि चरितान्युच्यन्ते । तत्पश्चात्कालझसा गतामां तु नराणां वृत्तानि . प्रबन्धा इति ॥
8. Prabandhacintamani p. 1:
श्रीगुणचन्द्रगणेशः प्रबन्धचिन्तामणि नवं ग्रन्थम् । भारतमिवाभिरामं प्रथमादर्शन निर्मितवान् ॥ ५॥ भृशं श्रुतवान कथाः पुराणाः प्रीणन्ति चेतांसि तथा बुधानाम् । वृत्तैस्तद्दासनसतां प्रबन्धचिन्तामणिग्रन्थमहं तनोमि ॥ ६॥ बुधैः प्रबन्धाः स्वधियोच्यमाना भवन्त्यवश्यं यदि भिन्नभावाः । ग्रन्थे तथाप्यत्र सुसंप्रदाय
दृष्टे न चर्चा चतुर्विधेया ॥७॥
9. See Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 9 where the town is called "a firm stage of might (of the faith)", and Note 16. Merutunga (see Note 15) adds that the town lies in the Ardhastama district. The name Ardhāstama refers probably, like many similar ones, to the number of localities belonging to the district and signifies "containing twelve villages or towns". The Modherakārdhāstama is mentioned in the grant of land of Mularāja, Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 192. As regards the modern town Dhandhūkā, see Sir W. W. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer, sub voce, and Bombay Gazetteer, vol IV, p. 334.
10. The year of birth is given by Jinamandana and in Prabh. Car. XXII, 852 (see below Note 14), compare also Note 16. In future, I shall only give the Vikrama years, because the transmutation into the Christian yours cannot generally be effected with certainty.
11. The name of the father is Cācah in the Prabhāvakacaritra; in Rājas'ekhara it is always, and in Jinamandana sometimes, Cācikah. The name of the mother is written Pahins by Merutunga and Rajas'ekhara. The Srimodh Vāniās are numerous even to-day. There are also numerous Brahmins who call themselves after the same place Srinodh. (Journ. B. Br. R. A. S. Vol X, pp. 109-110). The name of both is derived from tho ancient town Modhera, south of Anhilvad, see Mr. K. Forbes, Rās Mālā r. 80.
12. The MSS. have also sometimes Cangadevo. Meruturiga (see Note 15) says that Pāhini belonged to the Cāmundāgotra, and that her son's name therefore began with o. Cănga of Cangas may, however, be connected with the Des'i word cangam, Sindhi cangu, 'good', and Marăthi, cāingalā,
'good'.
13. Prabhūvakacaritra XXII, 13:
सा स्त्रीचूडामणिश्चिन्तामणिं स्वमेन्यदक्षत । दत्तं निजगुरूणां च भक्क्या...वेशतः॥१३॥ चं[चान्ग च्छसरःपनं तत्रास्ते मण्डितो गुणैः । प्रचन्नसूरिशिष्यश्रीदेवचन्द्रमुनीश्वरः ॥ १४ ॥

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आप [च] यो पाहिनी प्रातः स्वनमस्वनसूचितम् । तत्पुरः स तदर्थं व [च] शास्त्रदृढ [दृष्टं] जगौ गुरु [:] ॥१५॥ जैनशासनपाथोधि कौस्तुभः संभवी सुतः । तेच [[]वकृतो यस्य देवा अपि मुत्ततः ॥ १६॥ श्रीवीतरागविवी[बिम्बा]नां प्रतिष्ठादोहदं दधौ ...... तस्याथ पक्षमे वर्षे वर्षीय इवाभवत् । मतिः सरुशुश्रूषाविधी विधुरितैनसः ॥ २५ ॥ अस्य [न्य]दा मोढचैत्यान्तः प्रभूणां चैत्यवदनम् । कुर्वतां पाहिनी प्रायात् म[स]पुत्रा तत्र पुण्यभूः ॥ २६ ॥ ra[च] प्रादक्षिण्यं दस्वा यावर्क [त्कुर्यात् ] स्तुतिं जिने । चङ्गदेवो निषद्यायां तावन्नि [न्य] वि[वी] विशद्नुः [गुरोः ] ॥ २७ ॥ स्मरसि त्वं महास्वमं यं तद्दाल्योकयिष्यसि [लोकवत्यसि ] । तस्याभिज्ञानानमीक्षस्व स्वयं पुत्रेण ते कृतम् ॥ २८ ॥ इत्युक्त्वा गुरुभिः पुत्रः सधनदेन नन्दनः [संघानन्दविवर्धनः ?] | कल्पवृक्ष इवाप्रार्थि स जनन्या [:] समीपतः ॥ २९ ॥ सा प्राह प्राध्यतामस्य पिता युक्तमिदं ननु । ते वदीयाननुज्ञाबा भीताः किमपि नाभ्यः ॥ ३० ॥ अलावा गुरोर्वाच][1]माचारस्थितया तया । दूनयापि सुतस्नेहादात स्थ[स्व] प्रसंस्मृतेः ॥ ३१ ॥ तमादाय स्तम्भत् [T]र्थे जग्मुः श्रीपार्श्वमन्दिरे । माघे तिचतुर्दश्यां माझे धि ] ये शते ने] दिने ॥ ३२ ॥ [f]ष्ण्ये तथाष्टमे धर्मस्थिते चन्द्रे वृषोपगे ।
लग्ने वृस्यतौनु (?) स्थितयो [:] सूर्यभौमयोः ॥ ३३ ॥
श्रीमानुदयनलस्य दीक्षोत्सवमकारयत् ।
सोमचन्द्र इति ख्यातं नाम् [ मा ] स्य गुरवो ददुः ॥ ३४ ॥
Tha verses already givon by Klatt, Indian Antiquary Vol. XII, p. 254, Note 55, which enumerate the most important events in Hemacandra's life, are:
शरवेदेश्वरे ११४५ वर्षे कार्त्तिके पूर्णिमानिशि ।
जन्माभवत् प्रभोयमबाणशम्भौ ११५० व्रतं तथा ॥ ८५२ ॥

[] धरे १६६ सूरिप्रतिष्ठा [ष्ठा] समजायत । नन्दवरवी १२२९ ववसानमभवत् प्रभोः ॥ ८५३ ॥
14. In the Prabodhaeintamani, Meruturigs makes (p. 207) Mantrin Udayann relate tha story of Hemacandra's youth in the following manner:
1
अन्यदा श्रीहेमचन्द्र लोकोरिगुणैरपहृतहृदयो नृपतिमंश्रिध्युदयनमिति पच्छ । यदीदृक्षं पुरुषरखं समस्तवंशावतंसे वंशे देशे च समस्तपुण्यप्रवेशिनि निःशेषगुणाकारे नगरे च कस्मिन् समुत्पनमिति । नृपादेशादनु स मनी जन्मप्रभृति तचरित्रं पवित्रमित्थमाह । अर्धाष्टमनामनि देशे धन्धुकाभिधाने नगरे श्रीमन्मोढवंशे चाचिगनामा व्यवहारी । सतीजनमातल्लिका जिनशासनदेवीव तत्सधर्मचारिणी शरीरिणीव श्रीः पाहिणीनाम्नी । चामुण्डगोत्रजयोराद्याक्षरेणाङ्कितनामा तयोः पुत्रश्वाङ्गदेवः समजनि । स चाष्टवर्षदेश्यः श्रीदेवचन्द्राचार्येषु श्रीपत्तनात्प्रस्थितेषु धन्धुक्कके श्रीमोढवसहिकायां देवनमस्करणाय प्राप्तेषु सिंहासनस्थिततदीयनिषद्याचा उपरि सक्योभिः शिशुभिः समं रममाणः सहसा निषसाद तदङ्गप्रत्यङ्गानां जगद्विलक्षणानि लक्षणानि निरीक्ष्य । अयं यदि क्षत्रियकुले जातस्तदा सार्वभौमश्रक्रवर्ती। यदि वणिग्विप्रकुले जातस्तदा महामात्यः । चेद्दर्शनं प्रतिपद्यते तदा युगप्रधान इव सुर्वे युगेऽपि कृतयुगमवतारयति । स आचार्य इति विचार्य तनगरवास्तन्येभ्यवहारिभिः समं तहिप्सचा चाधिगमाय तमिश्राचिणे प्रामान्तरभाजिपाविवेकिन्वा स्वागतादिभिः परितोषितः श्रीसंघवपुत्रं याचितुमिहागत इति व्याहरन्। ar सा हर्षाणि मुञ्चन्ती स्वं रत्नगर्भ मन्यमाना । श्रीसंघस्तीर्थकृतां मान्यः स मत्पुत्रं याचत इति हर्षास्पदे विषादः । यत

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एलिसा नितान्तमिध्यादृष्टिः । अपरं तादृशोऽपि सम्प्रति ग्रामे न तैः स्वजनस्वया दीयतामित्यभिहिते स्वदोषोत्तरणाय मात्रामा गुणपात्रं पुत्रस्तेभ्यो गुरुभ्यो ददे । तदनन्तरं तया श्रीदेवचन्द्रसूरिरिति तदीयमभिनिधानमबोधि । तैर्गुरुभिः सोऽपि शिशुः शिष्यो भविष्यसीति पृष्ट ओमित्युचरन् प्रतिनिवृतैस्तैः समं कर्णावत्यामाजगाम मन्युदयनगृहे तत्सुतैः समं बालधारकैः पात्यमानो यावदास्ते तावता ग्रामान्तरादागतश्चाचिगस्तं वृत्तान्तं परिज्ञाय पुत्रदर्शनावधि संन्यस्तसमस्ताहारस्तेषां गुरूणां नाम मत्वा कर्णावतीं प्राप्य तद्वसतावुपेत्य कुपितोऽपि तानीषत् प्रणम्य गुरुभिः सुतानुसारेणोपलक्ष्य विचक्षणतथा विविधाभिरावर्जनाभिरावर्जितस्तत्रानीतेनोदयनमत्रिणा धर्मबन्धुच्या निजमन्दिरे नीला ज्यायः सहोदरभक्या भोजयांचक्रे तदनु चाहदेवं तं निवेश्य पञ्चाङ्गप्रसादसहितं दुकूलयं प्रत्यक्षं लक्षचयं चोपनीय सभक्तिकमावर्जितां प्रति चाचिगः प्राह क्षत्रियस्य मूल्येशीत्यधिकसह तुरगस्य मूल्ये पञ्चाशदधिकानि सप्तदश शतानि । अकिञ्चित्करस्यापि वणिजो मूल्ये नवनवतिकलभाः । एतावता नवनवतिलक्षा भवन्ति । वं तु लक्षत्रयमर्पयोदार्थच्छद्मना कार्पण्यं प्रादुष्कुरुषे मदीयः सुतस्तावदनयों भवदीया च भक्तिरनन्तमा । तदस्य मूल्ये सा भक्तिरस्तु शिवनिर्माख्यमिवास्यो मे द्रविणसंचयः । इत्थं चाचिगे सुतस्य स्वरूपमभिदधाने प्रमोदपूरितचित्तः स
।
कुण्ठोत्कण्ठतया तं परिरभ्य साधु साध्विति वदञ् श्रीमान् उदयनः प्राह । मम पुत्रतया समर्पितो योगिमर्कट इव सर्वेषां जनानां नमस्कारं कुर्वन् केवलमपमानपात्रं भविता । गुरूणां दत्तस्तु गुरुपदं प्राप्य बालेन्दुरिव त्रिभुवननमस्करणीयो जायते । यथोचितं विधार्य व्याहरेत्यादिष्टः स भवद्विचार एवं प्रमाणमिति वदन् गुरुपार्थे नीतः सुतं गुरुभ्योदीदपत् तदनु सुतस्य वश्याकरणोत्सवश्राचिगेन चक्रे ॥
The above text does not agree exactly with the edition. A few better readings have been inserted from the above-mentioned MSS. Merutuigs's language is here, as generally in the Probandhacintamani, very much mixed with Gujarati idioms. The word vasahika, which occurs above, line 5 of the Skt. text, means a set of buildings in which there are a temple and a monastery, and corresponds to the term basti i. o. vasati which is used by the Digambaras.
15. Prabandhakosa, pp. 98f.:
1
से विहरन्तो धम्कपुरं गुर्जरधरासुराष्ट्रासंधिस्थं गताः । तत्र देशनाविस्तरः । सभायामेकदा नेमिनागमामा श्रावकः समुत्थाय देवचन्द्रसूरीज् जगी भगवयं मोदज्ञातीयो मगिनी पाहिणीकुक्षिएकुरचाधि[[च] कनन्दनबाङ्गदेवनामा भवतां देशनां श्रुत्वा प्रबुद्धो दीक्षां याचते । अस्मिंश्च गर्भस्थे मम भग् [गि]न्या सहकारतरुः स्वमे दृष्टः । स व [च] स्थानान्तरे गुप्तन्तत्र महतीं फलस्फातिमायाति का । गुरव आहुः स्थानान्तरगत स्वास्थ महिमा मैधिष्यते । महत् पात्रमसी योग्यः सुलक्षणो दीक्षणीयः । केवलं पित्रोरनुज्ञा ग्राह्या । गतौ मातुलभागू [गि] नेयौ पाहिणीं [णी] चावि [ चि] कान्तिम् । उक्ता व्रतवासना । कृतस्ताभ्यां प्रतिषेधः । करुणवचनशतैश्वाङ्गदेवो दीक्षां ललौ ।
16. Although the narrative scarcely offers anything new, I am giving the particular passage of the Kumarapalacaritas, so as to show by an example, how Jinamandans is in the habit of making use of his predecessors. According to No, 286, pp. 27-31, the story to which is profaced a report about Devacandra that is borrowed from the Prabandhakosa (see Note 20), roads as follows:
श्रीदेवचन्द्रसूर एकदा विहरन्तो धन्धूकपुरे प्रापुः । तत्र मोड वा[च] चिक श्रेष्टी [टी] पाहिना [नी] भावी तयाम्येशुः स्वमे चिन्तामणिर्दष्टः परं गुरुम्यो दसः । तदा तत्रागतः [ताः] श्रीदेवचन्द्रगुरवः पृष्टाः स्वमफलम् । गुरुभिरूचे । पुत्रो भावी तव चिन्तामणिमु[ मू]ल्यः । परं स सूरिराइ जैनशासनभासको भविता गुरूणां रत्नदानादिति गुरुवचः श्रुत्वा मुदिता पाहिनी दिने गर्भ बभार संवत् १४५ कार्त्तिकपूर्णिमारात्रिसमये पुत्रजन्मः [म] ।
तदा वागशरीरासीद्वयोनि ( श्रीभाव्ये ) [ भाग्यः ] स तत्ववित् । निज[ज]]वजू जिनधर्मस्य स्थापक: सूरि से [शे] वरः ॥ १ ॥
जन्ममोच्छ [स]वपूर्वं चाङ्गदेवेति नाम दत्तम् । क्रमेण पञ्चवार्षिको मात्रा सह मोढवसहिकायां देववन्दनायागतो बालचापल्यस्वभावेन देवनमस्करणार्थमागतं [त-] श्रीदेवचन्द्रगुरुनिषद्यायां निषन्नः [ण्णः ] । तथा दृष्ट्वा गुरुभिरूचे पाहिना[मि ]। सुधाविके स्वरसि स्वनविचारं पूर्वकथितं संवादफलम् बालकालक्षणानि विलोक्य मातुरमेकचि यद्ययं क्षत्रियकुले तदा सार्वभौमो नरेन्द्र [:] । यदि ब्र[ ब्रा ]ह्मणवणिक्कुले तदा महामात्यः । च्[चे ]द् दीक्षां गृह्णाति तदा युगप्रधान इव तुर्ये युगे कृतयुगमयत् [ता] श्यतीति । सा पाहिनी गुरुवचोमृतोलासिता ससुता गृहं गता । गुरवोऽपि शालायामागच श्रीसंघमाकार्य गता [ : ] श्रावका [] श्र []ष्टि[ष्ठि ] गृहे । वावि [ चाचि ] के ग्रामान्तरं गते वा [ पा ]हिन्या श्रीसंघो गृहागतः मागत करणादिना तोषितः । मार्गित [ श्रा ]ङ्गदेवः । हृष्टा पाहिमी हर्षाश्रूणि मुञ्चन्ति [ न्ती ] स्वां रत्नगर्भा मन्यमानापि
9

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चिन्तातुरा जाता । एकत एतत्पिता मिथ्यादृष्टिः । तादृशोऽपि ग्रामे नास्ति । एकतस्तु श्रीसंघो गृहागतः पुत्रं याचत इति किं कर्तव्यं मूढचित्ता क्षणमभूत्। तट ( ६ ) ॥
कल्पद्रुमस्तस्य गृहेऽवतीर्णश्चिन्तामणिस्तस्य करे लू[ लु ] लोठ । त्रैलोक्यलक्ष्मीरपि तां वृण् [ णी ]ते गृहाङ्गणं यस्य पुनीते संघः ॥ १ ॥
तथा ॥
उर्वी गुर्वी तदनु जलदः सागरः कुम्भजन्मा
व्यू [ व्यो ]मा [ या ]तौ रविहिमकरौ तौ च यस्यांद्दिपीठे ।
स प्रौढ श्रीर्जिन परिवृढः सोऽपि यस्य प्रणन्ता
स श्रीसंघ त्रिभुवनगुरुः कस्य [ किं ] स्यान् न मान्यः ॥ २ ॥
इति प्रत्यु [प] मतिर्माता श्रीसंघेन सम [ मं] गुरून् कल्पतरूनित्र गृहागतान् ज्ञात्वावसरज्ञा स्वजनानुमति लावा नि [ज] []] श्रीगुरुभ्यो ददी । ततः श्रीगुरुभिः श्रीसंघसमक्षम् [] स श्रीत्ती ]र्थंकरचक्रवति[[र्ति ] गणधरैरासेवितां सुरासुरनिकरनायकमहन्यां [नीयां ] शुक्तिकान्तास [ से ] गमवू [ वीं ] दीक्षां त्वं हास्यसीति प्रोक्ते । स च कुमारः प्राग्भ्व [ ग्भाव ] चारित्रावरणीय कर्मक्षयोपस [ श ] मेन संयमश्रवणमात्रसंजातपरसंवेगः सहं [ ह ] सा ओमित्युवाच। ततो मात्रा स्वजनैवानुमतं पुत्रं संयमानुरागपवित्रं हास्या श्रीतीर्थयात्रां विधाय कर्मावर्ती जग्मुः श्रीगुरवः । तत्रोदयनगृहे तस्तैः समं वालधारकैः पात्यमानः सकलसंघलोकमान्यः संयमपरिणामधन्यो वैनविकादिगुणविज्ञो यावदास्ते तावता प्रामान्तरादागतश्राचिगः पत्नीनिचे [ [ ]दितश्रीगुरुसंधागमपुत्राणादिवृत्तान्तः पुत्रदर्शनावधि [ से ]म्पस्ताहारः कर्णावत्यां गतः । तत्र वन्दिता गुरवः श्रुत्वा [] ता] धर्मदेशना सुतानुसारेणोपाय विचक्षणतयाभाणि श्रीगुरुभिः ।

कुलं पवित्रं जननी कृतार्था
वसुन्धरा भाग्यवती च तेन । अवाक्यमार्गे सुखसिन्धुम
लीनं परब्रह्मणि यस्य चेतः ॥ १ ॥ कल [ लं ]कं कुरुते कश्चित् कुलेऽतिविमले सुतः । धननाशकरः कश्चिद् व्यसनैर्गुणनाशनैः ॥ २ ॥
पित्रोः संतापकः कोऽपि बौचने [ ]सीमु[ सुखः ।
बाल्येऽपि नि[ ]वते कोऽपि स्यात् कोऽपि विकलेन्द्रियः ॥ ३ ॥ सर्वाङ्गसुन्दरः किं तु ज्ञानवान् गुणनीरधिः ।
श्री जिनेन्द्रपथाध्वयः [ न्यः ] प्राप्यते पुण्यतः सुतः ॥ ४ ॥
पञ्चाश्द
!
इति श्रीगुरुमुखादाकर्ण्य संजातप्रन्दः [ मोद: ] प्रसन्नचित्तश्रचिगस्तत्र श्रीगुरुन्दा [ पादा ]रविन्दनमस्याये समायासेनोदयनमन्त्रिणा धर्मबान्धवधिया निजगृहे नीत्वा भोजयांच 1 तदनु च्ङ्ग[ चाङ्ग ]देवं तदुच्छ [ स ] निवेश्य पञ्चाङ्गप्रसादपूर्वकं [ फूल ]वयं चोपनीय सभक्तिकमार्ति[[ ]ताचिगः सानन्दं मणिमवाद [] दीन ] | ]त्रयं मन्त्रिन् क्षत्रियस्य मूल्येशीत्यधिकः सहस्रः १०८० । अधमूल्ये पचाद [ शद ]धिकानि सप्तदश शतानि [sic [] सामान्यस्यापि वणिजो नवनवति १९ गजेन्द्राः । एतायता नवनवतिलक्षा भवन्ति । त्वं तु लक्षत्रयमर्पयन् स्थूललक्षायसे । अतो मछु[ त्सु ] तोनर्घ्यस्त्वदीया भक्तिस्वनर्घ्यतमा । तदस्य मूल्ये सा भक्तिरस्तु । न तु मे द्रव्येण प्रयोजनमस्य[स्त्य ] स्पर्यमेतन् मम शिवनिर्माल्यमित्र । दत्तो मया पुत्रो भवतामिति । चाचिगवचः श्रुत्वा प्रमुदितमना मनीतं [र]रभ्य साधु युक्तमेतदिति वदन् पुनस्तं प्रत्युवाच । त्वयायं पुत्रो ममार्पितः । परं योग् [गि ]मर्कट इष सर्वेषाम [ पि] जनानां नमस्कारं कुर्वन् केवलमपत्रपापात्रं भविता श्रीगुरूणां तु समर्पितः श्रीगुरुपदं माया[ ले ]न्दुरिव महती [ तां] महनीयो भवतीति विचार्यतां यसो [ थो ] चितम् । ततः स भवद्विचार एव प्रमाणमिति वदन् स्[ स ] कलश्रीसंघसमक्षं रत्नकरण्डमिव रक्षणीयमुद् [ दु ]म्बर पुष्पमिव दुर्लभं पुत्रं क्षमाश्रमणपूर्वकं गुरूणां समर्पयामास । श्रीगुरुमिरभाणि ।
-
धनधान्यस्य दातार [ : ] सन्ति क्वचन केचन । पुत्रभिक्षामदः कोऽपि दुर्लभः पुण्यवान् पुमान् ॥ १ धनधान्यादिप लोके सारा [तु] संततिः । तत्रापि पुत्ररतं तु तस्य दानं महत्तमम् ॥ २ ॥

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स्वर्गस्थाः पितरो वा[वी क्ष[क्ष्य ] दीक्षितं जिनदीक्षया ।
prefqui gi Ta[:] : daca far) महाभारतेप्यभाणि ।
तावद् भू[ भ्रमन्ति संसारे पितरः पिण्डकाङ्गिणः ।
ya[ ] For fugiat at[ fà: ] yatawa di 9 1 इति श्रुत्वा प्रमुदितेन चाचिगेनोदयनमन्त्रिणा च प्रव्रज्यामहोत्सदः[वः] कारितः । सोमदेवमुनि म दत्तं क्वचित् सोमचन्द्रमुनिरिति वा । श्रीविक्रमात् ११४५ श्रीहेमसूरीआं[ णां ] जन्म । ११५४ दीक्षा च ।।
In the last part of the narrative the text in the MS. is in great disorder, because the injudicious copyist inserted in the wrong order the suplements which stood in the margin of the original. At the end of the work, p. 283, the dates of the chief events in Hemacandra's life are given once again. Thero we read, as at the end of the Prabhcvakacaritra:
संवत् ११४५ कार्तिक पूर्णिमानिशि जन्म श्री हेमसूरीणां ।
संवत् ११५० दीक्षा संवत् ११६६ सूरिपदं संवत् १२२९ स्वर्गः । Those data may be sufficient to justify the above-expressed judgment (p. 3) as regards Jinamandana, and to show that his Caritra is absolutely worthless as a source, except where he has mndo extracts from inaccessible works.
17. The above statements are based upon detailed investigations which I made in various localities in Western India in the years 1873-1879. First of all I heard in Rajputānā from a good source, that several Yatis whose acquaintance I made, and one of whom occupied an important position, owed their existence to the errors of Brahmin widows. Later, in 1877 this was confirmod to me by Yatis in Khoda, who quite frankly named the mothers of their Chellas and related through whom they had received them. . In 1873 in Nāmdol in Rājputānā I came to know of one case, in which a Yati had takon in an orphaned child at the time of the famine of 1868/69 and saved it from death by starvation. The boy who visited me with his Guru, was about eight years old at that time. Ho had already learnt parts of the Sūtras and Stotras, and recited the beginning of the Das'avaikälika Sūtra, and also the Bhaktāmara quite nicely. He had not yet had his first consecration. A case where a little Jain boy was given by his parents to a monk at the request of the latter as a pupil and with the intention of making him a Yati, came to my knowledge in 1875 or 1876 in Surat. On closer acquaintance, neither the Yatis nor the laymen in other towns also, denied that the manner of recruiting their religious orders was not carried on in accordance with the ideals of their sacred doctrine, and they confessed that, in the Duhşamāra or in the Kaliyuga they just helped themselves as best they could.
18. About the position of Karuāvati see K. Forbes Rās Mālā, pp. 79-80, especially Note 1. Udayana's immigration is related in the Prabandhacintamani, pp. 136-138 and in the Kumārapālacarita pp. 67-68. In the first-mentioned passage we read that Udā or Udayana came from Mārvād to Gujarāt to purchase melted butter. An omon induced him to settle in Karnavatī with his family. He acquired riches thoro, and when he was having the groundwork for a new house laid with tiles, he found a great treasure. In consequence thereof, he was known as "counsellor" Udayana, and became famous. He had a temple, tho Udayanavihāra, built in Karnāvati. By various wives he had four sons: Vāhadadeva [Vāgbhata ), Ambada [Amrabhata ), Bohada and Sollāka. The names of the last two vary in part in the various MSS. Jinamandana repeats Merutunga's statements, but adds that Udayana belonged to the Srimāli caste and was appointed as a Mentrin by Siddharăja in Stambhatirtha, aa: HOT स्तम्भतीर्थ मन्त्री कृतः.
19. Prabandhacintamani, p. 232, and above p. 46.
20. The accounts about Devacandra stand at the beginning of the Hemasűriprabandha. With the omission of the story of the conversion of Rānā Yas'obhadra, they read as follows:

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पूर्ण[ चन्द्र गच्छे श्रीदत्तसूरिप्राज्ञो वागडदेशे वटपद्रं पुरं गतः । तत्र स्वामी यशोभद्रनामा राणक ऋद्धिमान् । तत्सौधान्तिक उपाश्रयः श्राद्धैर्दत्तः । रात्रावुन्मुद्रचन्द्रातपायां राणकेन ऋषयो दृष्टा उपाश्रये निषण्णः। ............ तस्य राणश्रीयशोभद्रस्य गीतार्थत्वात् सूरिपदं जातं श्रीयशोभद्रसूरिरिरि[ति] नाम । तदीयपट्टे प्रद्युम्नसूरिङ्ग्रन्थकारः । तत्पदे श्रीगुणसेनसूरिः । श्रीयशोभद्रसूरिपट्टे [?] श्रीदेवचन्द्रसूरयः । ठाणवृत्तिशान्तिनाथचरितादि महाशास्त्रकरणनियूंढप्र[प्राज्ञप्रारभाराः ..........
The portion of Rājas'ekhara's narrative, immediately following, is given above, in Note 15. In the Kumāra pālacaritra, pp. 25 ff. Jinamandana repeats the story told by Rajas'ekhara. The beginning reads, p. 25, line 2: कोटिकगणे वज्रशाखायां चन्द्रगच्छे श्रीदत्तसूरयो विहरन्तो वागडदेशस्थः वटपद्रपुरे प्रापुः । The series of teachers isgiven as follows:--तत्पट्टे प्रद्युम्नसूरिः। तच्छिष्यः श्रीगुणसेनसूरिः। तत्पट्टे श्रीदेवचन्द्रसूरयः ।। Vāgada is the old name, and still used today, of the Eastern part of Kach. Hemacandra's own statement is given above, on p. 10 and in Note 66. As regards Devasūri's statement about Davacandra's Santināthacarita, see above Note 1, page 60.
21. Prabandhacintāmani pp. 239 f. Hemacandra wished to learn the secret of making gold, because Kumāra pāla, like other founders of eras, intended to pay off the debts of the world, see also page 10. Devacandra's name is not mentioned in the text; simply the phrase "Hemacan lra's Guru', occurs,
22. The most important verses of the Prablāvakacaritra about the years which Hemacandra had spent at school, read as follows:
सोमचन्द्रस्ततश्चन्द्रोज्वलप्रज्ञाबलादसौ । तर्कलक्षणसाहित्यविद्या[:] पर्यस्थि[च्छि ]नद् द्रुतम् ॥ ३७॥ ......... प्रभावकधुराधुर्यममुं सूरिपदोचिन्तः [चितम् ] । विज्ञाय स[सं घमासच्य[ मामन्त्रय ] मुगु ]रवोमन्त्रयनिति ॥ ४७ ॥ योग्यं शिष्यं पदे न्यस्य स्वयं कार्य [क ]तुमौचिती । अस्मत्पूर्वे सुम्[षाम् ] आचारा[:] सदा विहि[दि ]तपूर्विका[म् ] ॥४८॥ तदैव विज्ञदैवज्ञव्रतालग्नं व्यावा[चा ]रयन् । ............ मुहर्त [ ते ] पूर्वनिर्णीते क्त कृतनन्दीविधिक्रमाः । ध्वनचू[ ]र्यरवोन्मुगमङ्गलां[ला ] चारबन्धुरः [ राः] ॥ ५६ ॥ शब्दाद्वैतेथ विश्रान्ते समाय[ मये] योमि [ चोषि] ते सति । पूरकापूरि[ त ] स्वाम[ स्वर्ण ] कुम्भकोद्रेदमेदुरा:: ॥ ५७ ॥ श्रवणेगुरुकर्पूरचन्दनद्रवचर्चिते। कृतिनः सोमचन्द्रस्य [ ब्रह्म ]निष्टा[टान्तरात्ममः[नः] ॥ ५० ॥ श्रीगौतमादिसूररी शैराराधितमाबाधितम् । श्रीदेवचन्द्रगुरवः सूरिमन्त्रमचीकथनः [ थन् ] ॥ ५९॥ पञ्चभिः कुलकम् ॥ 'तिरस्कृतकलाकेलिः कलाकेलिकुलाश्रयः । हेमचन्द्रप्रभु[ : ] श्रीमन्नाम्ना विख्यातिमाप सः ॥ ६ ॥ तदा च पाहिनी नेहवाहिनी मु[सु]त उत्तमे । तत्र चारित्रमादत्ताविहस्ता गुरुहस्ततः ॥ ६१ ॥ प्रवर्तिनी[नी] प्रतिष्टां[ष्ट ] च दापयामास नम्रगीः । तदैवा निवाचार्यों (?)गुरुभ्यः सभ्यसाक्षिकम् ॥ ६२ ॥ सिंहासनासनं तस्या अन्वमानयदेष च। कटरे (?)जननीभक्तिरुत्तम्नां[ मानां ] क्षो[ कषो ]पलः ॥ ६३॥

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The story of the journey is omitted because the majority of the versos are very badly damaged. It is in verses 38-46. Merutunga makes his account much shorter. The end of the passage, as given ubuve, in Note 15, reads:
अथ च कुम्भयोनिरिवाप्रतिमप्रतिभाभिरामतया समस्तवाङ्मयाम्बोधिमुष्टिंधयोभ्यस्तसमस्तविद्यास्थानो हेमचन्द्र इति गुरुदत्तनाम्ना प्रतीतः सकलसिद्धान्तोपनिषनिषण्णधीः षट्त्रिंशता गुणैरलंकृततनुर्गुरुभिः सूरिपदेभिषिक्तः । इति मन्त्रयुदयनोदितं जन्मप्रभृति वृत्तान्तं आकर्ण्य नृपतिर्मुमुदेतराम् ॥
Therefore Merutunga does not know the second name Somacandra. His assertion that Udayana related the story of Hemacandra's youth to King Kumāra pāla contains a serious anachronism. As Udayana immigrated to Gujarat in the Vikrama-Samivat 1150, and as Kumārapāla ascended the throne in the Vikram year 1199, and is supposed to have waged several wars before this conversation took place, Udayana could not have still been alive.
Jinamandana, Kum. Car. P. 31, line 12 up to p. 36, line 5, reports a good deal, but merely absurd stories, about Hemacandra's apprenticeship-time. He relates, (pp. 31-42), that Somadeva received tha name Homacandra because, at the beginning of his apprenticeship, he transmuted coal into gold (Hema) at the house of a S'resthin named Dhana. Then he contradicts himself on p. 36, where he agrees in the main with the Prabhāvakacaritra. Then, instead of one journey of Somadeva's and one supernatural apparition, he speaks of two. The first journey was to be to Kās'mir, and the second to the Gauda land in company of a Devendra and of the famous cemmentator Malayagiri. On the first occasion the goddess Sarasvati appears, and on the second s'āsanadevată. Finally we hear that a merchant, named Dhanada, had the honour of an Acarya given to Somadeva in the Vikrama year 1166 with the consent of his Guru and of the Samgha. The date occurs three times in Jinamandana, is the same each time, and agrees with that of the already-mentioned verse of the Prabhāvakacaritra, c. also Bhindirkar, Report on the Search etc. 1883/84, p. 14.
23. Alankiracüdāmani I, 4: मन्त्रादेरौपाधिके ॥४॥ मनदेवतानुग्रहादिप्रभवीपाधिकी प्रतिभा । इयमप्यावरणक्षयोपशमनिमित्तैव दृष्टोपाधिनिबन्धनत्वात्त्वौपाधिकीत्युच्यते ॥ 24. Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 64-73:
श्रीहेमचन्द्रसूरिः श्रीसंघसागा[ग]रकौस्तुभः । विजहारान्यदा श्रीमदणहिलपुर[२] पुरम् ॥ ६४ ॥ श्रीसिद्ध[ भूभृदन्येयू राजपाटिकाय व[च ]रन् । हेमचन्द्रप्रभु[@] वीक्ष्य तटस्थविपणिस्थितम् ॥ ६५ ॥ निरुध्य टिम्ब[म्ब ]कासन्ने ग्ज[ गज ]प्रसरमङ्कुशात[त् ]। किंचिद् भणिप्यते थे त्याह प्रोवाच प्र[भु ] रप्यथ ॥ ६६ ॥ कारय प्रसरं सिद्ध हस्तिराजमशङ्कितम् । त्रस्यन्तु दिग्गजाः किं तौ[तैर् ] भूस्त्वयैवोद्धृति[ ता] यतः ॥ ६ ॥ श्रुत्वेति भूपतिः प्राह तुष्टिपुष्टः सुधीश्वरः । मध्याह्न मे प्रमोदायागन्तव्यं भवता सदा ॥ ६८॥ तत्पूर्व दर्शनां[नं ] तस्य जज्ञे कुत्रापि म[ त ]क्षणे । आनन्दमंदिरे राज्ञा यत्राजर्यमभूत् प्रभोः ॥ ६९ ॥ अन्यदा सिद्धराजोपि जित्वा माल्व[ लव ]मण्डलम् । समाजगाम तस्मै वा[चा ]शिषं दर्शनिनो ददुः ॥ ७० ॥ तत्र श्रीहेमचन्द्रोपि सूरिभूरिकलानिधिः।। उवाच काव्य[ म ] ग्यग्रमतिश्र[शयनिदर्शनम् ॥१॥ . . ...

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भूमि कामगवि खगोमयरसैरासिञ्च रत्नाकरा मुक्तास्वस्तिकमातनुध्वमुडुप त्वं पूर्णकुम्भीभव। धृत्वा कल्पतरोर्दलानि सरलैर्दिवारणास्तोरणान्याधत्त स्वकरैर्विजित्य जगतीं नन्वैति सिद्धाधिपः ॥ ७२ ॥ व्याख्याविभूषिते वृत्ते [हेमचनदविभोस्ततः ।
3rarafara[ T ] ari eta ga: ga: 1103 Verso 72 has been given, after comparison with the Prabandhacintāmani, as also with the other work mantioned below (Note 33). All the sources available to mo give ara fa in the fourth Päda. In spite of this, however, only trà fa can be correct.
The above rarrative of the first meeting of Hemacandra with Siddharāja is also found in the Kumārapālacarita. There, however, the verse which is supposed to have been written by him (p. 36, lines 9-11), ruus:
सिद्धराज राज[गज ] राजं उच्चकैः कारय प्रसरमेतमग्रतः। संत्रसन्तु हर्ती[ रिती मतंगजास्
a:[ a: ] fHa Haaa tar il The divergent form proves that Jinamandana has used another source. 25. Prabandhacintāmani, p. 144.
26. The Kumārapālacarita gives the following anecdotes immediately after the first meeting. (1) Hemacandra declares the doctrines of all sects to be equally saving: pp. 36-38; (2) Hemacandra mentions the qualities of a man who is worthy (pātra) of pious gifts: pp. 38-39; (3) Hemacandra mentions to the King in Siddhapur the difference between Mahādeva and the Jina: pp. 39-40; (4) Some pious foundations of Jayasimha.
As regards the data, varying in time, of the other sources concerning these stories, soe pp. 21 f.
27. Colebrooke Misc. Essays II, p. 275, ed. Cowell, where it is also shown that Yas'ovarman probably ascended the throne only in the year V. S. 1190. The contradictory statement in the Kirtikaumudi II, 32, according to which the prince of Malvā, Naravarman, who was defeated by Jayasimha, was Yas'ovarman's predecessor, may be left without any consideration. For Yas'ovarman is distinctly mentioned in the Duyās'rayakāvya, and one may certainly trust that Hemacandra knew the name of the king who was defeated by his lord.
28. According to Forbes' extracts from the Duyās rayalāvya (Indian Antiquary, vol. IV. pp. 266 f.), Jayasimha did the following deeds after his return from Malvā: (1) Ho romained for a time in Siddhapura-Srīsthala, and had the Rudra Māla temple, or properly speaking the Rudramahālaya temple restored, and had a temple of Mahāvīra built; (2) he made a pilgrimage to Somnathpattan and Girnär; (3) After his return to Anhilvād, he had the Sahasralinga-lake dug, and caused many other gardens to be laid out. As Hemacandra in other places, where we can control him, givos events in their proper order, we may trust him here too. If we do this, then it goes without saying that Jayasimha must have reigned for a number of years after his return from Mālvā, and that this event could not have taken place later than the Vikrama year 1194,
29. Prabandhacintāmani pp. 161-171.
30. The verse is quoted by Klatt, Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 254, Note 54. The Prabhavakacaritra does not mention directly Hemacandra's presence at the disputation. However, it hints at this. by giving a verse which Hemacandra is supposed to have composed in honour of the victory of the S'vetāmbaras. We read in XXI, 253-54:

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श्रीसिद्धचन्द्राभिधान [ ने] शब्दानुशासने । सूत्रधारः प्रभुः श्रीमान् हेमचन्द्रप्रभुर्जगौ ॥ २५३ ॥ तथाहि ।

यदि नाम चन्द्र [] नाजेष्यद् देवसूरिमिरचिः । कटिपरिधानमधास्यत् कतमः श्वेताम्बरो जगति ॥ २५४ ॥
The verse looks as though it were written to illustrate the use of the Conditional. Kielhorn informs me that it is not to be found in the Commentary to the Grammar.
31. Prabhavakacaritra XII, 74-115:
अन्यदावन्तिकोशीय पुस्तकेषु नियुक्त [क्त ] कैः । दश्यमानेषु भूपेन [ मात्रै ]क्षि लक्षणपुस्तकम् ॥ ७४ ॥ किमेतदिति पप्रच्छ स्वामी ते व्यजिज्ञापन् । भोजव्याकरणं [[]] शब्दशास्त्रप्रवर्तने ॥ ७५ ॥
[ सौ ] हि मालवाधीशो विद्वच्चक्रशिरोमणिः । शब्दालङ्कारदेवज्ञताशास्त्राणि निर्ममे ॥ ७६ ॥ चिकित्साराजसिद्धान्तरम् [ स ] वास्तू ( त ) दयानि च । [ of ] कशाकुनिकाध्यात्मस्वम सामुद्विकाण्यपि ॥ ७७ ॥ प्रन्यानिमित्तम्याख्यानमचूडामणीनिह । विवृति [f] वाम [ चार्थस ]द्भावेर्थशास्त्रमेघमालयोः ॥ ७८ ॥ भूपालप्यवदत् किं नामरको शाखपद्धतिः ।
विद्वान् कोपि कथं नास्ति देशे विश्वेपि ( 1 ) गूर्जरे ॥ ८० [ ७९ ] सर्वे सम्भूय विद्वांसो हेमचन्द्र व्यलोकयन् ।
महाभक्त्या राज्ञासावभ्यर्च्य प्रार्थि[ तस्ततः ] ॥ ८१ [ ८० ] शब्दव्युत्पत्तिकृच्छास्त्रं निर्मायास्मन्मनोरथम् ।
पूरयस्व महर्षे त्वं विना त्वामत्र कः प्रभुः ॥ ८२ [ ८१ ]
संक्षिप्तश्च प्रवृत्तोयं म[ स ] मयेस्मिन् कलापकः ।
लक्षण [ णे ] तत्र निष्पत्तिः शब्दाना [] नां ] नास्ति तादृशी ॥। ८३ [ ८२ ] पाणिनि [ ने ]र्लक्षणं वेदस्याङ्गनित्यब्रवन् द्विजः ।
11 28 11
य ( : )शो मम तव ख्यातिः पुण्यं च मुनिनायक [ : ] विश्वलोकोपकाराय कुरु व्याकरणं नवम् ॥ ८५ [ ८४ ]
( काः ) कार्येषु नः किलोक्तिः वा [ : ] स्मारणाये [ ]व केवलम् ॥ ८६ [ ८५ ] परं स्याकरणान्यष्टौ वर्तन्ते पुस्तकानि च ।
तेषां श्रीभारतीदेवीकोश एवास्तिता ध्रुवम् ॥ ८७ [ ८६] आनाययतु काश्मीरदेशात्तानि स्वमानुषिः [ षैः ] | महाराजो यथा सम्यक् शब्दशास्त्रं प्रतन्यते ॥ ८८ [ ८७ ] इति तस्योत्तमाकर्ण्य ततक्ष (रक्षणादेव भूपतिः । प्रधानपुरुषान् प्रैषीद् वाग्देवीदेशमध्यतः ॥ ८९ [ ८८ ] प्रवरारूयपुरे तत्र मातले देवतां गिरम् ।
[च]न्दनादिभिर[व] ] : पावनस्तयैः ॥ ९० [s] समादिक्षभूत्स्तु [ क्षत् तु तैस्तु ]ष्टा निजाधिष्टा [ ष्ठा ] यकान् गिरा । मम प्रसादचितः श्रीहेमचन्द्रः सिठाम्बरः [ श्रेताम्बरः ] ९१ [१०]

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ततो मूर्त्यन्तरस्येव मदीयस्यास्य हेतवे ।
तप्प [ संतर्प्य ] प्रेष्यता [ तां ] प्रेध्यवर्गः [ र्गं ] पुस्तकसंचयं [ यः ] ॥ ९२ [ ९१] ततः सत्कृत्य तान् सम्यग् भारतीसचिवालंसन् [ वाः समम् ] । पुस्तकान्यर्पयामासुः [ ]पुश्चोत्मा [ सा ]हपडि [ विड ]तम् ॥ ९३ [ ९२] अचिरान्नगरं स्वीयं प्रापुः दे [ दें ]वीप्रमादिताः [ सादतः ] । हर्षप्रकर्षसम्पन्नपुलकाङ्करपूरिताः ॥ ९४ [ ९३ ]
सर्व [ ] विज्ञापयामासुर्भूपालाय गिरोदिता [ तम् ] । निष्ट [ दृष्टं ] प्रभौ हेमचन्द्रे [ परि ]तोषमहादरम् ॥ ९५ [१४] इत्याकर्ण्य चमत्कारं धारयन् वसुधाधिपः ।
उवाच धन्यो मद्देशो ( ह ) [ मान्यो ] यत्रेदृशः कृती ॥ ९६ [ ९५ ]
श्री हेमसूरयोप्य त्रालोक्य व्याकरणव्रजम् ।
शास्त्रं चत्r [ ]र नवं श्रीमत् सिद्धाख्यमद्भुतम् ॥ ९७ [ ९६ ]
द्वात्रिंशत्पाद संपूर्णमष्टाध्याय मुणादिस [म]त् ।
धातुपारायणा [ ]पेतंरगलि [ सह- लि ]ङ्गानुशासनम् ॥ ९८ [१७] सूत्रसद्वृत्तिमन् नाममालानेकार्थसुंदरा [] सुन्दरम् ] ।
मौलिं लक्षणशास्त्रेषु विश्वविद्वद्भिरादृतः [ तम् ] ॥ ९९ [ ९८ ]
त्रिभिविशेषकम् ॥
आदौ विस्तीर्णशास्त्राणि न हि पाठ्यानि सर्वतः ।
भाषा सकलेनापि पुमर्थयवलनानि तत् ( ? ) ॥ १०० [ ९९ ] संकीर्णानि व[च] दुर्बोधदोषस्थानानि कानिचित् ।
एतत्प्रमाणितं तस्माद्विभक्ति [ विद्वद्भि ]रधुनातनैः ॥ १०१ [ १०० ] श्रीमूलराजप्रभृतिराजपूर्वज [ भू ]भृताम् ।
वर्णवर्णन[ नं ] सम्बन्धं पादान्ते श्लोक [ एक ]कं [ कः ] ॥ १०२ [ १०१ ]
तच्चतुष्कं च सर्वान्ते श्लोक [ के ]त्रिंशद्भिद्भुता ।
पञ्चाधिकै [ कैः ] प्रशस्तिश्च विहिता विहितैस्त [ तः ] ॥ १०३ [ १०२ ]
युग्मम् ॥
राजःपुर [जगुरु ] पुरोगैश्च विद्वद्भिर्वाचितं ततः ।
चक्रे वर्षत्रयर्षेव [ त्रयेणैव ] राज्ञा पुस्तकलेखनो [ नम् ] ॥ १०४ [ १०३] राजादेशान्नियुक्तैश्च सर्वस्थानेभ्य [ उ ] द्यतैः ।
दावाहूवसञ्चके [ समाहूयत पत्तने ] लेखकानां शतन्त्रयम् ॥ १०५ [ १०४ ] पुस्तकाः समलेख्यन्त सर्वदर्शनिनां ततः ।
प्रत्येकमेवादीयन्ताध्येतृणामुद्यमस्पृशाम् ॥ १०६ [ १०५ ]
विशेषकम् ॥
'अङ्ग-वङ्ग- कलिङ्गेषु लाट- कर्णाट-कुङ्कणे ।
महाराष्ट्रसुराष्ट्रा[] वछे[ त्से ] कच्छे च मालवे ॥ १०७ [ १०६ ] सिन्धुसौवीरनेपाले पारासीक मुरुण्डयोः ।
गङ्गापारे हरिद्वारे कासि-वे [ चे ]दि-गयासु च ॥ १०८ [१०७ ]
कु (ह) रुक्षेत्रे कन्यकुजे गौड श्रीकामरूपयोः ।
सपादलक्षवज्जालन्धरे च खसमध्यतः ॥ १०९ [ १०८] fi[ सं ]हलेथ महाबोधे चौडे मालवकौशिके ।
[इ]त्यादिविश्वदेशेषु शास्त्रं व्या[ व्य ]स्तार्थत स्फुटम् ॥ ११० [१९]

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चतुर्भिः कलापकम् ॥ अम्येमोय | अन्येषां च?] निबन्धानां पुस्तकानां च विंशति[:] । प्राहीयत नृपेन्द्रेण कस्सी[श्मीरेषु महादरात् ॥ १११ [११.] एतत्तत्र गत[तं] शास्त्रं स्वीयकोशे निवेशितम् । सर्वो निर्वाहयेत्स्वेनादृतं देव्यास्तु का कथा ॥ ११२ [१११] काकलो नाम कायस्थकुलकल्याणशेखरः। अष्टव्याकरण्य[ णाध्ये ]ता प्रज्ञाविजितभोगिराट् ॥ ११३ [ ११२] प्रभुस्तं दृष्टमात्रेण ज्ञाततत्वार्थमस्य च । शास्त्रस्य ज्ञापकं(द)[त्वा ]शु विदधेध्यापक[ कं] तथा ॥ ११४ [११३] प्रतिमासं स च ज्ञानपञ्चम्यां पृच्छनां दधौ । राजा च तत्र नि!हान(न) कङ्कणैः समभूषयत् ॥ ११५ [११४ ] निष्पना अत्र शास्त्रे च दुकूलस्वर्णभूषणैः ।
सुखासनात्पत्रैश्च ते भूपालेन योजितोः[ ताः] ॥ ११६ [११५] After Verso 76 there is in the MS. a part of 78, and after the figure 78 there is 79. I do not think that anything has been dropped out. The second half of Verse 84 is left out, because it is so mutilated in the MS. that no sense comes out of it. The remark in Verse 93 that the servants of Sarasvati sent Utsähapandita, is probably to be interpreted as meaning that this man was among Jayasimha's ambassadors, and that he was sent home. For, according to the Prabhāvakacaritra XXI. 135. Utsäha was already present at Devasūri's and Kumudacandra's dispute, in Vikrama vear 1181 as a pársades'vara. Therefore he could not have come to Anhilvād at this time, which is much later,
32. Prabanalhacintāmani, pp. 144-146, pp. 147-148; at the end of the narrative Merutunga gives the first verse of the Prasasti. Compare also Kumārapālacarita, pp. 41-42.
33. For the restoration of the 35 verses which glorify the first seven Caulukya kings, I have used, in addition to A. Weber's information in the Katalog der Berliner Sanslerit-und Prakrit-Handschriften vol. II, 1st section, pp. 211, 220-21, 230-31, 235, 242-43, the information in Peterson's Third Report and in Pischel's edition of the Prakrit-Grammatik, 1, PP. V, II, p. 57, 98-99, 129, as well as a Collation of the Bombay MSS. for the first 28 verses, which my friend Kielhorn kindly left with me. The variants of them, mostly very valuable, are designated "K".
पाद (आर्या वृत्तः)।
हरिरिव बलिबन्धकरस्त्रिशक्तियुक्तः पिनाकपाणिरिव ।
कमलाश्रयश्च विधिरिव जयति श्रीमूलराजनृपः॥१॥ पाद २ (आर्या)।
पूर्वभवदारागोपीहरणस्मरणादिव ज्वलितमम्युः ।
श्रीमूलराजपुरुषोसमोवधीद् दुर्मदाभीरान् ॥२॥ पाद ३ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
चक्रे श्रीमूलराजेन नवः कोपि यशोर्णवः । - परकीर्तिस्रवन्तीनां न प्रवेशमदत्त यः॥३॥
पाद (बसन्ततिलका)। ........... सोत्कण्ठमालगनैः कचकर्षणैश्च ...
... वक्त्रासाचुम्बननखक्षतकर्मभिश्च । श्रीमूलराजहतभूपतिभिर्विलेसुः .. ... संख्येच खेपि च शिवाब सुरबियन॥४॥.....
10.

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पाद ५ ( अनुष्टुभ् )।
प्राबृड् जातेति हे भूपा मा म त्यजत काननम् ।
हरिः शेतेत्र नन्वेष मूलराजमहापतिः ॥५॥ पाद ६ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
मूलार्कः श्रूयते शास्त्रे सर्वाकल्याणकारणम् ।
अधूना मूलराजस्तु चित्रं लोकेषु गीयते ॥ ६ ॥ पाद ७ ( अनुष्टुभ् )।
मूलराजासिधारायौं निमग्ने ये महीभुजाः ।
उन्मजन्तो विलोक्यन्ते स्वर्गगङ्गाजलेषु ते ॥ ७ ॥ पाद ८ ( उपजाति)।
" श्रीमूलराजक्षितिपश्यबाहुबिभर्ति पूर्वाचलशृङ्गशोभाम् । संकोचयन् वैरिमुखाम्बुजानि
यस्मिन्नयं स्फूर्जति चन्द्रहासः ॥ ८ ॥ पाद ९ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
असंरब्धा अपि चिरं दुस्सहा वैरिभूभृतां ।
चण्डाश्चामुण्डराजस्य प्रतापशिखिनः कणाः ॥ ९ ॥ पाद १० (अनुष्टुभ् )।
श्रीमद्वल्लभराजस्य प्रतापः कोपि दुस्सहः ।
प्रसरन् वैरिभूपेषु दीर्घनिद्रामकल्पयत् ॥ १० ॥ पाद ११ ( अनुष्टुभ् )।
श्रीदुर्लभेशद्युमणे: पादास्तुष्टुविरेन कैः ।
लुलद्भिर्मेदिनीपालैालखिल्यैरिवाग्रतः ॥११॥ पाद १२ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
प्रतापतपनः कोपि मौलराजेनवोभवत् ।
रिपुस्त्रीमुखपमानां न सेहे यः किल श्रियम् ॥ १२ ।। पाद १३ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
कुर्वन् कुन्तलशैथिल्यं मध्यदेशं निपीडयन् ।
अङ्गेषु विलसन् भूमेर्भर्ताभूद् भीमभूपतिः ॥ १३ ॥ पाद १४ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
श्रीभीमपृतनोत्खातरजोभिरिभूभुजाम् ।।
अहो चित्रमवर्धन्त ललाटे जलबिन्दवः ॥ १४ ॥ पाद १५ ( अनुष्टुभ् )।
कर्णं च सिन्धुराजं च निर्जित्य युधि दुर्जयम् ।
श्रीभीमेनाधुना चक्रे महाभारतमन्यथा ॥ १५ ॥ पाद १६ (उपजाति)।
दुर्योधनोर्वीपतिजैत्रबाहुहीतचेदीशकरोवतीर्णः।
१. सर्वक MSS. २. So according to K. R. Probably the last Pada stood originally after the first one. %. So according to the MS. of Elph. Coll. (K.).

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अनुग्रहीतुम् पुनरिन्दुवंशं
श्रीभीमदेवः किल भीम एव ॥१६॥ पाद १७ (आर्या)।
अगणितपञ्चेषुबलः पुरुषोत्तमचित्तविस्मयं जनयन् ।
रामोल्लासनमूर्तिः श्रीकर्णः कर्ण इव जयति ॥ १७ ॥ पाद १८ ( अनुष्टुभ् )।
अकृत्वासननिर्बन्धमभित्त्वा पावनी गतिम् ।
सिद्धराजः परपुरप्रवेशवशितां ययौ ॥१८॥ पाद १९ (अनुष्टुभ् )।
मात्रयाप्यधिक' कंचिन्न सहन्ते जिगीषवः' ।
इतीव त्वं धरानाथ धारानाथमपाकृथाः ॥ १९ ॥ पाद २० (शार्दूलविक्रीडित)।
क्षुण्णाः क्षोणिभृतामनेककटका भग्नाथ धारा ततः
कुण्ठः सिद्धपतेः कृपाण इति रे मा मंसत क्षत्रियाः। आरूढप्रबलप्रतापदहनः संप्राप्तधारश्विरात्
पीत्वा मालवयोषिदश्रुसलिलं हन्तायथेधिप्यते ॥ २० ॥ पाद २१ ( उपजाति)।
श्रीविक्रमादित्यनरेश्वरस्य
त्वया न किं विप्रकृतं' नरेन्द्र । यशांस्यहार्षीः प्रथमं समन्तात् ।
क्षणादभाङ्क्षीरथ राजधानीम् ॥ २१॥ पाद २२ (शिखरिणी)।
मृडित्वा दोःकण्डूं समरभुवि वैरिक्षितिभुजां
भुजादण्डे दद्गुः कति न नवखण्डी वसुमतीम् । यदेवं साम्राज्ये विजयिनि वितृष्णेव मनसा
यशो योगीशानां पिबसि नृप तत्कस्य सदृशम् ॥ २२॥ पाद २३ (शिखरिणी)।
जयस्तम्भान् सीमान्यधिजलधिवेलं निहितवान् ।
वितानैब्रह्माण्डं शुचिगुणगरिष्टैः पिहितवान् । यशस्तेजोरूपैरलिपत जगन्त्यर्धघुसृणैः
कृतो यात्रानन्दो विरमति न किं सिद्धनृपतिः ॥ २३ ॥ पाद २४ (see above Note 24 )। पाद २५ (अनुष्टुभ्)।
लब्धलक्षा विपक्षेषु विलक्षास्त्वयि मार्गणाः ।
तथापि तव सिद्धेन्द्र दातेत्युत्कंधरं यशः ॥ २५ ॥ पाद २६ (वसन्ततिलका)।
उत्साहसाहसवता भवता नरेन्द्र
धाराव्रतं किमपि तद्विषमं सिषेवे। यस्मात्फलं न खलु मालवमानमेव
श्रीपर्वतोपि तव कन्दुककेलिपात्रम् ॥ २६ ॥ १. Cf. according to K.

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पाद २७ (मालिनी)।
अयमवनिपतीन्दो मालवेन्द्रावरोध..
स्तनकलशपवित्रं पलवल्ली लुनातु । कथमखिलमहीभृन्मौलिमाणिक्यभेदे
घटयति पटिमानं भग्नधारस्तवासिः ॥ २७ ॥ पाद २८ (मालिनी)। क्षितिधर भवदीयः क्षीरधारावल:
रिपुविजययशोभिः श्वेत एवासिदण्डः। . किमुत कवलितैस्तैः कजलैर्मालवीनां
परिणतमहिमानं कालिमानं तनोति ॥२८॥ पाद २९ ( शार्दूलविक्रीडित )। यत् दोर्मण्डलकुण्डलीकृतधनुर्दण्डेन सिद्धाधिप
क्रीतं वैरिकुलात्वया किल दलत्कुन्दावदातं यशः । भान्त्वा त्रीणि जगन्ति खेदविवशं तन् मालवीनां व्यधाद्
आपापडी स्तनमण्डले च धवले गण्डस्थलेवस्थितिम् ॥ २९॥ पाद ३० (उपेन्द्रवज्रा)।
द्विषत्युरक्षोदविनोदहेतोर्भवादवामस्य भवद्धजस्य । अयं विशेषो भुवनैकवीर
परं न यत् काममपाकरोति ॥ ३०॥ पाद ३१ (शार्दूलविक्रीडित)।
ऊर्च स्वर्गनिकेतनादपि तले पातालमूलादपि
त्वत्कीर्तिभ्रमति क्षितीश्वरमणे पारे पयोधेरपि । तेनास्याः प्रमदास्वभावसुलभैरुच्चावचैश्चापलैस
ते वाचंयमवृत्तयोपि मुनयो मौनव्रतं त्याजितः ॥३१॥ पाद ३२ ( वसन्ततिलका)।
आसीद्विशांपतिरमुद्रचतुःसमुद्र
मुदाङ्कितक्षितिभरक्षमबाहुदण्डः। श्रीमूलराज इति दुर्धरवैरिकुम्भि
कण्ठीरवः शुचिचुलुक्यकुलावतंसः ॥ ३२॥ तस्यान्वये समजनि प्रबलप्रताप
तिग्मद्युतिः क्षीतिपतिर्जयसिंहदेवः। येन स्ववंशसवितर्यपरं सुधांशौ - श्रीसिद्धराज इति नाम निजं व्यलेखि ॥ ३३ ॥ सम्यग् निषेव्य चतुरश्चतुरोप्युपायान्
जित्वोपभुज्य च भुवं चतुरब्धिकाञ्चिम् । विद्याचतुष्टयविनीतमतिर्जितात्मा
काष्ठामवाप पुरुषार्थचतुष्टये यः ॥ ३४ ॥ तेनातिविस्तृतदुरागमविप्रकीर्णा
शब्दानुशासनसमूहकदार्थतेन । अभ्यर्थितो निरवमं विधिवद् व्यधत्त शब्दानुशासनमिदं मुनिहेमचन्द्रः॥ ३५॥

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TRANSLATION:
1. The King, Sri Mularāja, is victorious, who, establishing the oblation, is like Hari, who chained Bali ( e )--who, endowed with three royal ) powers (Tier), is like the Bearer of Pināka accompanied by the goddess ) Tris'akti, --who, the refuge of Kamalá, is like Brahman whose Throne is lotus ( Kamala ).
Note: The three powers of the king originate from his majesty, energy and incantation. As regards the goddess Trisakti, see Aufrecht. Oxf. Lat. p. 59. The third simile used in the verse is already found in Mülarāja's gift of land, see Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 191. .
2. Burnt with anger as if through remembering the abduction of the Gopis, his wives in an earlier life, Sri Mūlarāja, (an incarnation of ) Purusottama, killed the haughty Abhiras.
Noto: Mūlarāja killed, as is described in the Duyās'raya ( Indian Antiquary, vol. IV, pp. 74-77 ), Grahnripn, the Abhira king of Sorath, who was alleged to be an incarnation of Narakasura. The latter had stolon a lot of shopherlesses whom Krona released and married; see H. H. Wilsonl Vienupurūnct, vol. V, PP. 87-92; 104 ( ed. F. E. Hall ).
3. Sri Mūlarāja has created from his fame a new type of an ocean which prohibits entry to the rivers of renown of his enemies.
4. As the jackals entertained themselves on the battlefield with the princes killed by Sri Mülarāja, even so did the Apenrases in heaven through passionate physical embraces, through hair. pulling, through kissing the lotus-face, (and ) through inflicting wounds by nails.
Note: The last words describe, in relation to the Apsarases, the bāhya sambhoga as presented n the Kānas'astra.
5. Do not leave the forest, o princos, thinking: "the rainy season has set in!" Does not is here a lion-this great king Mülarāja ?
Noto: The princes who, defeated by Mūlarāja, had fled into the forest, might think that the danger was over on account of the impossibility of military operations during the rainy season, They were, however, to realise that Mülarāja's lion-like energy would enable him to find them out.
6. It is hoard in the S'äetra that the Müla-sun is the root of evil, And yet what a wonder that now the Müla-king is praised in the three worlds!
Note: The conjunction of the sun with the Müla spells destruction, as surely this moon-house. whose protecting deity is Nirrti, works only evil.
7. The princes, who are drowned in the water of Mülarāja's swords, are seen emerging in the floods of the heavenly Gargā.
8. The arm of Sri Mülarāja, on which this sword sparkles, possesses the beauty of the peak of the eastern mountain, on which the moonlight shines. It deforms the face of the enemies," as this deforms ) the day-lotuses.
9. The grim sparks of the fire of the strength of the king Cāmunda are, although not hanolled for a long time, still unbearable to enemy-princes.
Note: I think this means: even though Cāmunda has been dead for a long time the memory of his power is still painful to his enemies.
10. An unbearable heat (of power ) was that of the king S'rimad Vallabha; when it attacked the enemy-kings, it caused (them) a long sleep (of death ).
•

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11. who among the lords of the earth, like the Valakhilyas, has not praised the feet of the sun-like king Durlabha, while vallowing (?) before the latter ?
Note: The kings are compared to the Vālakhilyas in order to suggest that they, like tho latter, are as dwarfs compared with Durlabha. The conjugation of lul- according to the sixth class does not agree with the rule given by Panini. In Hemacandra's Dlätupärliyay also, the verb is not found amongst those of the sixth class. Luladbhiḥ is probably either a scribal error for luthadbhiḥ, or else Hemacandra has made himself guilty of a Prakriticism.
12. Of a novel type was the sun of majesty of Mülarāja's offspring, for it does not tolerato the beauty of the day-lotuses, ( viz. ) the faces of the women of his onemios.
Note: Bhima I is probably meant by the offspring of Mūlarāja.
13. King Bhima became the husband of the earth as in making the Kuntal empiro loose, he loosened her hair-locks ( leuntala); as in suppressing the Madhyades'a he pressed the middle portion (modhyades's) of her body, (and) as in sporting in the land of Argas he enjoyed her body (anga).
Note: These victories of king Bhima are not mentioned in the Deyis'rayalavya; hence they may be poetic fictions invented for the sake of introducing figures of speech.
14. The dust which the army of Sri Bhima raised, increased the water-trons on the forehens of the enemy kings: o what a wonder!
15. Sri Bhima has now recast the Mahābhārata inasmuch as he has won Karna and (also ) Sindhurāja who was hard to be conquered in a battle.
Note: According to the Duyās'ryalevya, Bhima I defeated Karna, the king of Cedi or Dāhala, and Hammuka, the prince of Sindh: Indion Antiquary, vol. IV, pp. 114, 232. Bhima of the epic often conquered Karna : Mahabharata VII, 131, 133, 139. However the lattor was killed by Arjuna: Mahābhārata VIII, 1. The epic Sindhu prince Jayadratha also was killed by Arjuna: Mehābhārata VII, 146.
16. S'ri Bhimadeva, whose arm conquereil the kings who were hard to be fought against (re f igfa), and who took tribute (*) from the Codi prince, is indeed the Bhima, whoso arm, conquered Duryodhana and who seized the hands (FC) of the Cedi prince and who has come down in order to favour again the Moon race.
Note: The Caulukyas or Solari kis of Anhilvād belonged to the Moon race: see below verso 33 and the Duyās'rayakávya, possim. and the Pandavas were also the descendents of Pine.
17. Victorious is Sri Kamna who did not mind the strength of the 'gol with the five arrows', who generated wonder in the minds of best men, whose form possossel bright splendour and who, therefore, is like Karna who did not mind the strong (heroes ) with five arrows, who generated wonder in the heart of Purusottama, whose form possessed lovely splendour.
Note: In the Ratnamala (Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. S., vol. IX, p. 37) we road: "His (Bhima's) son Kams was of fair complexion." The beauty of the form of the epic Karna is described in the Mahābhārata, VIII, 91, 60-61. Purusottama or Krsna was Arjuna's charioteer in the fight against Karna. The five strong-of-the-arrow” are the five sons of Pandu. The assertion that king Karna despised the power of the Love-god is probably an unjustified piece of flattery. For in the Ratmalā. loc. cit., we read of him: "He was lustful."
18. (a) Without making a long stop in a camp, without interrupting the wind-like speed of the march, Siddharaja attained the capacity to enter the city of the enemy.
(b) Without much perseverence in the ascetic poistures, without interrupting the movement of respiration, Siddharāja attained the power of entering the body of other beings.

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Note: The verse has a double meaning. On the one hand, Siddharaja is described as a fortunato conquerer with particular reference to the conquest of Ujjain: Indian Antiquary, vol. IV, p. 266. He is complimented, on the other hand, upong having attained one of the goals of Yoga without following the ascetic practices. The parapurapraves'a is described in detail by Hemacandra in the Yogasdstva V, 264-272. The second meaning of abhitted pävantin gatim is pranayāṁän nkýtvð,
79
19. Those-aiming-at-victory do not tolerate any one who is superior to them even by the length of a vowel. It is therefore that thou, o lord of the earth (dhara), hast driven away the lord of Dhārā.
Note: The lord of Dhara is Yas'ovarman whom Siddharaja took captive.
20. O warriors! Do not think that the sword of the king Siddha is now blunt because it has killed many armies of the ( enemy) kings and consequently Dhara ( both the city and the edge of the sword) is broken. Ah, it will still be stronger as on it a mighty fire of strength is kindled, as it has won Dhara (both the city and the edge) after it had drunk for long the water of tears of the Malava women.
Note: The second half of the verse affirms that the sword is forged over again.
21. How much harm hast thou not, o lord of mon, wrought to the king Vikramaditya? First thou hast robbed him of his fame; then thou hast destroyed his capital in a moment.
Note: Jayasitha robbed Vikramaditya's fame, as ho was still more generous than the famous king of Ujjain; compare below verse 25.
22. How many have not held in a strong arm the earth having nine parts, after they have driven away the tickling of the might of the hostile ruler on the battlefield? That thou, of,king enjoyest the fame of the lords among the ascetics on account of thy mind free from greed even though possessing so rich an empire, to whom is this similar?
Note: The verse confirms the account of the Prabandhas about Jayasimha's philosophical
studies.
23. Victory-pillars he has erected on his frontiers, on the shore of the ocean; he has covered Brahman's Egg" with a canopy which is very valuablo because of the brilliant texture-( of his) brilliant virtues; he has embalmed the worlds with excellant saffron in the form of his fame; he has colobrated a pilgrimage-feast; why does the king Siddha not yet rest!
Note: Although yatra is a word with two meanings, it can only mean "pilgrimage" here. For there has already been mention of Jayasinha's warlike undertakings Besides these, the author wishes to emphasize the piety of the king, just as in the previous verse. As regards the point as to which pilgrimage is meant, soe above page 18.
24. See above, page 13 of the text.
25. With the enemies the marganas attain their aim, with thee they miss it. Notwithstanding this, thy fame of generosity rises high above the napes, o king Siddha.
Note: margana means both a begger' and an arrow'.
26. Thou, o king, possessor of zeal and enterprize, hast completed a difficult venture, the vow of taking dhara, through which not only Malava was thy reward but also S'riparvata as toy.
Note: Dharavrata is put instead of the more usual asidharavrata for the sake of a word-play on the name of the town Dhara; nothing is said in the Prabandhas or in the Dvyas'raya about the conquest of a hill fortress, Sriparvata. Perhaps the word is not meant to be read as a proper name but means only "a hill of riches".
27. This sword of thine, Moon amongst princes, may destroy the face-decoration, which has been sanctified through the round breasts of the wives of the Malava-king! How can it possess

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80 sharpness as Dhara (the City and the edge) is destroyed by the cracking of the carbuncle-stone on the heads of all princes?
28. Lord of earth, is thy strong sword white from the fame of victory, shining like a milkstream, over enemies? Or is it coloured deep-black from the swallowed eye-anointment of the Malavawomen?
29. With the bow beat in a ring by an encompassing arm, thou winnest, king Siddha, thy fame which shines white like the blooming Jasmine;-that rested itself, worn out from wondering through the three worlds, on the pale round breasts of the Malava-women and on their pale cheeks.
Note: For the last part of the verse, Compare Navasahasankacarita XI, 100 where, too, the paleness of the women caused by care and anxiety is identified with the fame of the conquerer. See also Pischel, Hem. Prak. Gram., vol. II, p. 57.
30. Between Bhava, who caused joy by destroying the three fortified cities of his enemies (the Asuras) and thy right hand, who caused joy by destroying the fortified cities of (thy) enemies, the difference is, o only hero of the world, that this one does not refuse (to grant even) strange wishes (parah amani napabaroti ), while that one destroyed the greatest god of love (parani kimani apäkaroti ).
Note: Compare Pischel, loc. cit., p. 99.
31. Eeven above the heavenly palaces, even under the undermost ground of the hell, even beyond the ocean, thy fame wanders, o Jewel among the princes. Therefore, her various frivolities which are common to the feminine nature, has enticed the ascetics, even the restrainers of speech, to brea!: the vow of silence.
Note: CI. Pischel, lot. eit., p. 119, who erroneously divides te nday in the text, missing thereby the meaning of the second half of the verse. Weber has rightly given ten'äsyäḥ, i. e. tena asyah (scil. kirteḥ).
32. It was once a prince among men, named Sri Mularaja, a lion for the irresistible enemy. elephants, an ornament of the pure Caulukya-race, whose strong arm was capable to carry the burden of the earth bounded by the four unmeasurable oceans.
Note: Or, "a lion for (those ) elephants, his enemies hard to be conquered. "
33. In his race was born the king Jayasinihadeva, a sun of the most powerful majesty, who inscribed his other name S'ri-Siddharaja in the moon--the procreator of his race.
Note: The Caulukyas belong to the moon-race; see above verse 16. The spots in the moon are often explained by poets as prasastia of their patrons.
34. He, the clever one, employed all the four means ( of politics ); he conquered and enjoyed (the possession) of the earth encircled by the four ocasus; through (the study of) four sciences ha formed his understanding; he mastered his own self. In this way he attained the aim through the four kinds of endeavours of men.
Note: As regards the four branches of science which Jayasimha studied, compare Mass VII, 43.
85. Requested by him, who was tortured by the mass of the sciences of words which were too long, too difficult to be studied and scattered (all over the world), the monk Hemacandra composed this science of words according to the rules, that is not the last (in rank).
Note: Duragama: difficult to be studied can also mean "teaching what is wrong." "According to the rules", that is, in such a way that it consisted, with the Usddieutra, the Ganapatha, the Didiupal, the Lingnudema, of five parts, and formed a pañcangani vyökaranam, as required
by-usage.

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34. About Hemacandra's Grammar, see Kielhorn, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. II, p. 18; Pischel's remarks in the Preface to his edition of the Adhyaya VIII; and the description of the MSS. in A. Weber's Katalog der Sanelerit-und-Prakrit-Handschriften der Berliner Bibliothek; and about the allusions to the historical events of Jayasimha's time in the examples of the Commentary, see Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, p. 267. Hemacandra's Commentary written by himself exists in two versions, the Brhati and the Laghu Vrtti. Both are authentic. Besides the fact that both commentaries contain the examples and the Pras'asti, the following may also be given as a proof of their authenticity. Devendra, a pupil of Hemacandra's pupil Udayacandra, wrote, possibly still during Hemacandra's lifetime, but certainly before 1214 A. D., a Commentary to the Brhati Vytli under the name Kalieiddurgapadavyäkkyd. There are MSS. of this work in Berlin, see Weber, loc. cit., p. 237, ef. 233, 240. A palm-leaf MS. of the same, which is in the Brhajjnanakopa in Jesalmir, was written about forty years after Hemscandra's death. According to my notes, the begining reads as follows:
॥ अहं ॥
and the end, fol. 186
व्याकरणचतुष्कावचूर्णिकायां षष्ठः पादः समाप्तः । प्रथमपुस्तिका प्रमाणीकृता ॥ संवत् १२७१ वर्षे कार्त्तिक शुदि षष्ठयां शुक्रे श्रीनरचन्द्रसूरीणां आदेशन प. The date corresponds to the 10th October, 1214, a Friday.
प्रणम्य केवल लोकावलोकितजगत्रयम् । जिनेां श्रीसिद्धहेमचन्द्रशब्दानुशासने ॥ १ ॥ शब्दविद्याविदां वन्द्योदयचन्द्रोपदेशतः । न्यासतः कतिचिद्दुर्गपदव्याख्याभिधीयते ॥ २ ॥
As regards the Laghes Vetti, the oldest MS. preserved in the Cambay Library, was written during Hemacandra's lifetime, V. 8. 1224, bhadrapada eudi 3 budhe, see Peterson, First Report, App., pp. 70-71. In the MSS. used by Pischel for his edition of the Prakrit-Grammar, the Loghu Vrtti bears the title Prakasika, which is otherwise often missing.
The Dhundhika, or etymological explanation of the words occurring in the Commentary, was not written by Hemacandra, in spite of the fact that it is sometimes ascribed to him in the Colophon of the Pidas The Dhundhika to the Sanskrit-Grammar (Weber, loc. eil. p. 238) originated with Vinayacandra; that to the Prakrit-Grammar is by Udayasaubhagyagani. (Deccan College Collection 1873/74, No. 276). The latter also contains a Sanskrit translation of all the Prakrit verses which are quoted in the Commentary.
35. See Kielhorn's Essays in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, loc. cit, and in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, pp. 181f, ef also O. Franke, Lingana'deana, p. XIV. An regards the Grammar of Buddhisagara, which Hemacandra used, I may add that this work exists. There is a palm-leaf MS. of it, written in the 13th century, in the Brihajjñanakopes in Jesalmir. According to the verse of the Prabhavakacaritra, quoted by Klatt, Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 248, Note 20, the work contains eight thousand Granthas. Buddhisigara lived at the beginning of the 11th century, as is shown by the reports given by Klatt, loc. cit., from the Paltavali of Khartara gaocha. Therefore he is the oldest known grammarian of the S'vetämbaras
36. Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 32.
37. Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit.; Weber, Katalog der Berliner Sanskrit-und Prakrit-Handschriften, vol. II, 1st section, p. 254, where verse 5 of the Prasasti and the colophon read as follows:
11

षट्तर्ककर्कशमतिः कविचक्रवर्ती शब्दानुशासनमहाम्बुधिपारदृष्ट्ा । शिष्याम्बुजप्रकरज []]म्भनचित्रभानुः कमल एवं सुकृती जगति खिरायाम् ॥ ५ ॥

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इति पण्डितपुण्डरीकेन श्रीककलोपदेशेन तत्वप्रकाशिका वृत्तिः श्रीदेवसूरिपादपद्मोपजीविना गुणचन्द्रेण स्वपरोपकारार्थं श्रीहेमचन्द्रव्याकरणाभिप्रायेण प्राणामि ॥
The correction in the third Pada is by Weber. As regards the name Kakala-Kakkala-Käkalla, compare that of the last Rastrakita-king of Manyakheta, who, in the inscriptions, is called Karka, Kakka, Kakkara or Kakkala, see Fleet, The Dynasties of the Kanaress Districts, p. 38. It may further by mentioned that, according to the Prabandhacintamani, p. 169, Kakala was present at Devasüri's disputation and solved, by a reference from Sakaṭayana's Grammar, the question of whether the form kot for koti would be correct. The Prabhavakacaritra attributes the same feat to Utsahapandita.
38. See Abhidhānacintamani, verse 1 (ed. Böhtlingk and Rieu); Anakarthikopes I, 1 (Benares Edition); Chandonus'asana; Weber Catalogue, vol. II, p. 268. Neither in the Chandonus'asana nor in the Alamkaracudamani are we told that the Kogas were completed. They only speak of the Sabdanus'asana, just as in the Introduction to the Abhidhanacintamani. If one does not wish to assu.ne that Hemacandra wrote the Kosas and the Rhetorics at the same time, then it is probable that he regarded the Kogas as belonging to the Etymology, and therefore did not think it necessary to make special mention of them. This is suggested also by the Prabhavakacaritra. The S'abdanus'asana is mentioned in the Alamkaracudamani I, 2:
शब्दानुशासनेस्माभिः साध्व्यो वाचो विवेचिताः । तासामिदानीं काव्यत्वं यथावदनुशिष्यते ॥ २ ॥
In the Commentary written by himself, Hemacandra remarks:
.......अनेन शब्दानुशासनकाव्यानुशासनयोरेककर्तृत्वम् चाह । अत एव हि प्रायोगिकमम्यैरिव नारभ्यते ।
To the "others" there belongs, for instance, Vamana who enumerates the ungrammatical forms prevalent among the poets.
39. Prabandhacintamani, p. 148:
तथा च सिद्धराजदिग्विजयवर्णने व्याश्रयनामा ग्रन्थः कृतः ।
For the Dayas' raya, I have before me, besides the oft-quoted, very good extract of K. Forbes in the 4th vol. of Indian Antiquary,-a MS, of the Vienna University Library, which contains the first ten Sargas besides the Commentary of Abhayatilaka.
40. Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. Sec., vol. IX., p. 37.
41. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 130-140 (129-139); Prabanthacintamasi, pp. 155-156. About Ramacandra, see page 50. Before this story there is, in the Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 117-129 a story of a bard, who praised Hemacandra in an Apabhrams'a-verse and received a large reward for it. Merutuhga, Prab. Cint. pp. 235-236, relates something similar, which is supposed to have happened during Kumarapala's reign.
42. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 141-173 (140-172).
43. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 174-183 (173-182); Prabandhacintamani p. 205, Purohits Amiga is a historical personage and is mentioned by his grandson Somes'vara in the Surathotsava, Bhandarkar, Report on the Search ofc. 1883/4, p 20. It is not said there which king he served. However, the probability is that he lived under Kumarapala.
Hemarandra's simile was, according to the Prabhavakacaritra, contained in the following verse

first weht eingesenteritat संवत्सरेण रतिमेति किलेवरम् ।

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रारापतः खखाि कणभोजनोपि
कामी भवत्यनुदिनं वद कोन हेतुः ॥
Merutniga has, in the first Pada, the variant dviradasakara, in the second, ratani kilaikavala. A still more varying reading is to be found in Bühlingk's Indischen Sprüchen No. 7044. To my knowledge there is no incontestable proof that the verse belongs to Hemacandra.
44. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 184-380. The verse which Devabodhi is supposed to have composed in honour of Hemacandra reads:
पातु वो हेमगोपालः कम्बलं दण्डमुद्वहन् । चद्दर्शनपशुग्रामं चास्य जैनगोचरे ॥
The same also occurs in the Prabandhacintamani, p. 227, where the first half is attributed to a post Vis'va'varn from Benares, and the second half to King Kumarapala. As regards Devabodhi, see page 39 and Note 78.
45. Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 311–355. Hemacandra's worship of Ambika is orthodox, as this is worshipped as S'asanadevata by all Jainas. The verses which Hemacandra is supposed to have addressed to S'iva, are given below, Note 61.
46. Kumarapalacarita, pp. 55-57.
47. About the pilgrimage, see Probandkacintamani, pp. 160-161; about the story of Sajjana, ibid. pp. 159-160; the verse in honour of S'iva is to be found, ibid. p. 213.
Indian Antiquary, vol. IV, p. 267.
49. Prabandhacintamani, pp. 156-157:
आयुक्तः प्राणदो लोके वियुक्तो मुनिवल्लभः । संयुक्त सर्वधानिष्टः केवली खीषु वलभः ॥
50. Prabandhacintamani, pp. 173-175.
51. Kumarapalaearita, pp. 37-38. The narrative has here the usual form of the Jainaparables The place of the action is S'ahkhapura, the merchant is called S'ahkha, and his wife Yas'omati. There is no talk of a courtesan, but the merchant takes a second wife, because he no longer loves the first one. There are also some Sanskrit and Prakrit verses woven in.
53. This second Hemacandra, who is often confused with Guru of Kumarapala, was the pupil of Abhayadeva, who founded the line of the Maladhärin, and belonged to the Pras'navahanakula, Madhyamasakha and the Harsapuriya Gaccha, Sometimes this Hemacandra is therefore called simply Maladhari-Hemacandra. He wrote:

(1) Jivasamāsa, a Prakrit work with a Sanskrit Commentary, Peterson, First Report, App. I, p. 18 and Kielhorn, Report of 1880 1881, App, p. 93, No. 151. The Cambay MS. was written by the author himself in V. S. 1164. Dr. Peterson in his notes, Report, p. 63, attributed it erroneously to the grammarian Hemacandra and I, equally erroneously, agreed with this view in my
criticism.
(2) Bhavvabhavana, a Prakrit work with a Sanskrit Commentary, which was completed in V, S. 1170, ses Peterson, Third Report, App. 1, pp. 155-156, especially versen 6-11 of the Prasasti.
(3) Uvasamāla, a Prakrit work, Peterson, First Report, App. I. p. 91, to which there. perhaps also belongs a Sanskrit Commentary written by the author himself, Peterson, Third Report, p. 176.
(4) Satakavytli Vineyahiti, a Sanskrit Commentary on a Prakrit work of Sivas'arma-Süri.

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(5) Anuyogasūtratikā, Peterson, Third Report, App. I, pp. 36-37, Weber, Katalog, vol. II, 2nd section, p. 694.
(6) S'isyahită vrttih, a Sanskrit Commentary on Jinabhadra's Bhaaya to the Avas' yasūtra, Weber, loc. cit., p. 787.
It is to be noted that the Jainas themselves do not attribute the above-named works to the Guru of Kumärapāla, and that they therefore know quite well of the existence of two contemporaries of the same name. That Hemacandra, the pupil of Abhayadeva, went to Siddharāja's court, is mentioned by Devaprabha in verse 3 of the Pras'asti to his Pāndavacaritas Peterson, Third Report, App. I, p. 133 ), where we read: "On his (Abhayadeva's ) seat there appeared the celebrated Hemasūri, a moon amongst the best, whose speech-nectar the illustrious king Siddharija drank." Between Devaprabha and Hemacandra there were, as the Prasasti further tells us, three generations of teachers, and Devaprabha therefore probably had lived in the 13th century. A more distant member of the same school is Rājas'ekhara, author of the Prabandhakosa, who wrote at about the end of the 14th century (see above Note 3). In the Pras'asti to his Commentary to Sridhara's Nyāyakandali, Peterson, Third Report, App. I, p. 274, he describes Hemacandra, Abhayadeva's pupil, as follows:
(8) "Endowed with many virtues was the Sūri, named Sri Hemacandra, author of one hundred thousand S'lokas, who won fame for the Nirgranthas."
(9) "He awakened Siddha, the husband of the earth, and caused by him) all the temples of his own and of other kingdoms to be adorned with flagstaffs and golden knobs."
(10) "In consequence of his teaching, Prince Siddha had the command engraved, on copperplates, that all creatures were to be spared during eighty days in each year."
54. Peterson, Third Report, App. I, p. 95, verse 9 of the Pras'asti of the Amamasvāmicarita. The author, Muniratna, wrote his work in V. S. 1252 and was a pupil of Samudraghosa.
55. The forefathers of Kumārapāla are mentioned by Hemacandra in the Duyās'raya, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit., pp. 232, 235, 267, and we read in the first passage that Ksemarāja renounced the throne voluntarily, as he cherished ascetic tendencies. The Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 354-355 gives a part of the genealogical table which agrees with that of the Duyūs raya. We read there :
इतः श्रीकर्णभूपालब[]धुः क्षेक्षित्रशिरोमणिः । देवप्रसाद इत्यासीत् प्रासाद इव सम्पदाम् ॥ ३५४ ॥ ag:(a:] [ft]Ayat[:] [a]ga: 1
कुमारपालस्तत्पुत्रो राज्यलक्षणलक्षितः ॥ ३५५ ॥ Merutunga, Prabandhacintūmani, p. 191, diverges, as he gives the following order: 1) Bhima I, (2) Haripāla, (3) Tribhuvanapăla, (4) Kumārapāla. It is only in his work that one finds the report that Kuinārpāla's ancestor was the son of a courtesan named Cauladevi. In spite of the fact that this statement originates with a later source, it may nevertheless be correct, as it explains in a simple manner the aversion of Jayasimha towards Kumārapāla. If Hemacandra says nothing about it, this has not much significance, as he could not reproach his patron with his illegitimate descent. Jinamandana, Kumārapālacarita p. 8, says that Bhīma's first wife (urdaha ) Cakuladevi was the mother of Ksemarāja, and that the latter renounced the throne for love of his younger brother. He gives the genealogical table, p. 43, exactly the same as Hemacandra, and he adds that Kumarapala's mother was a Kās'miri princess (Kās'miradevī). The latter is more probable than the assumption of an anonymous historical fragment (Bhāndārkar, Report etc. 188314, No. 11 ) that she was the sister of Jayasimha-Siddharāja. A marriage of this nature within the same family is not allowed with Rājputs, and does not occur. Jayashimha's enmity towards Kumărapāla gives Jinamandana, p. 58, reason to assert that the king had hoped still to obtain a son through S'iva's grace after having cleared Kumāra pala out of the way. Hemacandra, probably because he wrote as a court-poet, makes no mention of
patacomnice, as he coul, towards Kumit

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Jayasithha's hatred towards Kumärapals, in the Duyanaya. The story, too, of Kumärapala's fight and wanderings only occurs in the Prabhavaklearitra, in Merutuhgs and in later Prabandhakaras, However, there is, in favour of the correctness of this narrative, a verse of the Mokarājaparajaya (Kielhorn, Report 1880/81, p. 34), where we read: "To whom is this prince of the Gurjaras, the banner of the Caulukya-race, not known, he who through curiosity wandered alone through the whole world?" etc. Here we have a distinct reference to Kumarapala's wanderings. As Yasaḥpala wrote in Ajayapala's reign immediately after Kumarapala's death, his testimony has great value. Kumarapala's coronation took place certainly in the Vikrama-year 1199, as the Prabandhaassert an Hemacandra (see below, Note 66) gives a similar statement in the Mahaviracarita. The oldest inseription of his raign is that of Matigrol-Matigalapura, which is dated in the your 1202, Bhāmager Prieta Sallengraha, pp. 1-10. The day of the event is, according to Merutunga's Vicdras'ropi, Margasira sudi 4, bat according to the Prabandhanintamani of the same author, p. 194, it is Karttika vadi 2, Sunday under the Nakeates Hasta, Jinamaydana, Kumarapalasarila pp. 58 and 83, names Margas less sudi 4, Sunday,
56. Prabhāsalaearitra XXII, 356 417.
57. Prabandhacindimasi, pp. 192-196.
58. Kumārapālacarita, pp. 44–54. The sermon, adorned with many allogod quotations from the Brahmanical literature, is given in full.
59. Kumārapidesrita, pp. 58-83. The meeting of Hemacandra and Udayans is described on pp. 66-70.
60. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 417-595. The extract is very much lengthened by the insertion of several, mostly irrelevant, tales. In his first speech to the king, 429-456, Vagbhata weaves in the story of the death of his father Udayana, who accompanied Kumarapala's brother Kirtipala on a campaign against Navaghana, the king of Sauristra, and fell in battle. Then the last compaign against Armorja, and the decisive battle ars very fully described and the description is much lengthened by the story of an attack tried by Vikramasimha, the Paramara king of Candravati and Abu against Kumarapala. The passage refering to Hemacandra's call, and to the conversion of Kumarapala is as follows:

अम्बेर्वाग्भटामाखं धर्मात्यन्तकवासनः ।
अपृच्छदार्हता चारोपदेष्टारं गुरुं नृपः ॥ ५८१ ॥
सूरे[:] श्रीहेयम [हेम] चन्द्रस्य गुणगौरवसौरभ [भ] । आयदस्याम []] विद्यीधमध्यामो [ध्यात्म ] प्रशमश्रियं ॥ ५८२ ॥ शीममाहूयतामुक्तो [] राज्ञा वाग्भटमत्रिणा । राजवेश्म [[]] नीयन्त सूरयो बहुमानतः ॥ ५८३ ॥ अभ्युत्थाय महीशेन दत्तासंन्यु [सना उ ] पाविशन् । राजाह मु[सु]गुरो धर्मं दिश जैनं तमोहरम् ॥ ५८४ ॥ अथ [च] दयामूलमाचख्यौ स मुनीश्वरः । असत्यस्तेनताब्रह्मपरिग्रहविवर्जनम् ॥ ५८५ ॥ निशाभोजनमुक्तिश्च मांसाहारस्य हेयता । श्रुतिस्मृतिस्वसिद्धान्तनियामकशतै [इ] डढा ॥ ५८६ ॥
उर्फ च योगशास्त्रे ॥ [प्रकाश] ३, १८-२२]..... इत्यादिसर्वहेयानां परित्यागमुपादिशत् ।
तथेति पति [कृत्या] जग्राह तेषां च नियमापः ॥ ५९२ ॥ श्री चैत्यवन्दनस्तोत्र [] स्तुतिमुख्यमधीतवान् । वंदनवाक्षामणालोचप्रतिक्रमणकान्यपि (१) ॥ ५९३ ॥

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प्रत्याख्यानानि सर्वाणि तथागा [गम] विचारिका [कों] । नित्ययशनमाधानू (?) पर्वस्वेकाशनं तथा ॥ ५९४ ॥ ता[स] श्राचारप्रकारं चारात्रिकस्याप्यशिक्षते[] | जैनं विधि समभ्यस्य चिरश्रावकवद् बभो [भी] ॥ ५९५ ॥
61. In the Prabandhacintamani, pp. 195-197 Kumarapala's battles with his rebellions' counsellors are described; on pp. 197-199 the campaign against Argoraja and the rewarding of his benefactors; on pp. 200- 201 the adventures of the singer Sollaka ; on pp. 201-203 the war against Mallikārjuna and his fall; on pp. 203-206 Hemacandra's introduction to Kumārapāla's court and the events immediately following it; on pp. 207-217 the building of the temple of Siva Somanatha, the pilgrimage to Devapattana and the conversion of the king. Udayana's nesount of Hemacandra's youth is pushed into the latter tale on pp. 207-211, see above page 7. The verses which Hemacandra is supposed to have composed in honour of S'iva, read on p. 213 as follows:
यत्र तत्र समये यथा तथा योसि सोस्यभिधया यया तया । वीतदोषकलुषः स चेद् भवान्
एक एव भगवन् नमोस्तु ते ॥ १ ॥

भवबीजारजना रागाथा: क्षयमुपागता यस्य । ब्रह्मा या विष्णु महेश्वरो वा नमस्तस्मै ॥ २ ॥
They are the same as were composed, according to the Prabhavakacaritra, when Hemacandra visited the placs of pilgrimage, Devapattana, with Siddharaja. The question as to whether they are authentic, is difficult to decide. However, it is quite possible that, on some occasion or other, Hemacandra consented, in order to please one of his Sivaite patrons, to sing in praise of Siva in so curious a fashion, and with a double meaning.
62. Kumarapalacarita, pp. 87-88:
| ।
1
अथ कर्णावत्याः श्रीमाचावी: श्रीकुमारस्य राज्यातिं श्रुत्वा उदयनमत्रिकृतप्रवेशोत्सवाः पराने प्रापुः । पृष्टो मनी । राजास्माकं स्मरति न देति मनिनोकम् नेति ततः कदाचित्सूरिभिरूचे मन्त्रिन् एवं भूपं या रहः अद्य त्वचा नं. राहा । मन्त्रिणोक्तम् । । गृहे नैव सम्यम् (sic) रात्रौ सोपसर्गत्वात् केोतमिति पृच्छेत् तदात्याग्रहे मन्नाम वाच्यम् । ततो मन्त्रिणा तथोक्ते राशा च तथा कृते निशि विद्युत्पातात्तस्मिन् गृहे दग्धे राज्यां च मृतायां चमत्कृतो राजा जगाद सादरम् । मन्त्रिन् कस्येदमनागतज्ञानं महत्परोपकारित्वं च । ततो राज्ञोतिनिर्बन्धे मन्त्रिणा श्रीगुरुणां आगमनमूचे प्रमुदितो नृपन्तान् आकारयामास सदसि । सुरीन् दृष्ट्रासनादुत्थाय वन्दित्वा प्राञ्जलिरुवाच भगवन् अहं निजासामपि दर्शयितुं नालं तत्रभवताम् । तदा च स्तम्भतीयें रक्षितो भाविराज्यसमयचिटिका चार्पिता । परमहं प्राप्तराज्योपि नस्मा युष्माकं निष्कारणप्रथमोपकारिणाम् । कथंचनाप्यहं नानृणो भवामि । सूरिभिरुचे कथमित्यं विकत्थसे त्वमात्मानं सुधा राजन् उपकारक्षणो यत्ते संप्रति समागतोति । ततो राजाह । भगवन् पूर्वप्रतिश्रुतमिदं राज्यं गृहीत्वा मामनुगृहाण । ततः सूरिः प्रोवाच राजन् निरसङ्गानामखाकं राज्येन [[किम्]। चेद् भूपत्वं प्रत्युपचिकीरसि आत्मगीते (?) तदा जनधर्मे हि निजं मनः । ततो राजाह भवदुक्तं करिष्येहं सर्वमेव शनैः शनैः । कामयेह परं स निचेरिव तच प्रभो (1) ॥ अतो भवद्भिरिह प्रत्यहं समागम्यं प्रसच एवमङ्गीकृत्य यथाप्रस्तावं च सभायामागत्य धर्ममर्मान्त राणि सूरिराख्यातवान् ॥ ७
I
63. Kumirapalacarita, pp. 88-137. It may also be mentioned that Jinamanujans does not disdain the report of the Prabhavakacaritra about Kumarapala's 12 years' war with Arnoraja and the defent of the latter through the merey of Ajitanaitha. He inserts it later on pp. 232 ff without any connection.
64. J. Tod, Travels in Western India, p. 504. No. V.-The extract given there is quite unreliable. The partial translation by Forbes, Journ. Bo. Br. R. A. Soc vol. VIII, pp. 58-59, is better. An edition of the important inscriptions by Mr. Vajeshankar G. Ozhá appeared in Wiener Zeitschr. f. die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. III. pp. 1. ff. The verse in question reads:

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The date of the inscription, Valabhi- Samvat 850, cannot be translated with accuracy, as the day of the week and the month is not stated. However, it corresponds to V. S. 1225, and probably May or June 1169 A. D.

एवं राज्यमनारतं विद्धति श्रीवीरसिंहासने श्रीमद्वीरकुमारपालपती त्रैलोक्यकल्पतुमे । गण्डो भावबृहस्पतिः स्मररिपोरुद्वीक्ष्य देवालयं
जीर्ण भूपतिमाह देवसदनं प्रोर्तुमेतद्वचः ॥ ११ ॥
65. Indian Antiquary, vol. IV. pp. 267-268.
66. This important passage, to which Prof. H. H. Wilson, Works, vol. I, pp. 303 £. (ed. Rost), first called attention, occurs in the Mahaviracarita, Sarga XII, 45-96. I am indebted to Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar for the following copy, which was prepared by Sastri Vämanäcärys Jhalkikar from a MS. of the Deccan College Collection bought by me in 1874. The emendations in verses 45, 52, 53, 54, 62, 63, 68, 60, 74, 79, 85, 91 were suggested by the copyist.
1
अस्मि [म] निर्वाणतो वर्षशत्या [ता] न्यभय षोडश । नवषष्टिश्व यास्यन्ति यदा तत्र पुरे तदा ॥ ४५ ॥ कुमारपाल भूपालचो[चौ] लुक्यकुलचन्द्रमाः । भविष्यति महाबाहुः प्रचण्डाखण्डशासनः ॥ ४६ ॥ स महात्मा धर्मदानयुद्धवीरः प्रजां निजाम्। ऋद्धिं नेष्यति परमां पितेव परिपालयन् ॥ ४७ ॥ ऋजुरप्यतिचतुरः शान्तोप्याज्ञादिवस्पतिः । क्षमावानप्यधृष्यश्च स चिरं क्ष्मामविष्यति ॥ ४८ ॥ स आरमसद लोकं धर्मनिष्टं करिष्यति ।
विद्यापूर्णम् [र्ण] उपाध्याय इवान्तेवासिनं हितम् ॥ ४९ ॥ शरण्यः शरणेच्छूनां परनारीसहोदरः ।
प्राणेभ्योपि धनेभ्योपि स धर्म बहु मंस्यते ॥ ५० ॥
पराक्रमेण धर्मेण दानेन दययाज्ञया । अम्बे पुरुषगुणैः सोद्वितीयो भविष्यति ॥ ५१ ॥ स कौबेरीमातुरुष्व (क) मैन्द्रीमात्रिदशापगम् । याम्यामाविन्ध्यमावार्धि [धिं] पश्चिमां साधयिष्यति ॥ ५२ ॥
अन्यदा वज्रशाखायां मुनिचन्द्रकुलोद्भवम् । आचार्य हेमचन्द्रं स द्रक्ष्यति क्ष[क्षि]तिनायकः ॥ ५३ ॥ तदर्शनात् प्रमुदितः केकीवाम्बुददर्शनात् ।
तं मुनिं वन्दित्यं स महात्मा वरिष्यते ॥ ५४ ॥
तस्य सूरेर्जिनचै कुतो धर्मदेशनाम् ।
राजा सश्रावकामात्यो वन्दनाय गमिष्यति ॥ ५५ ॥ तत्र देवं नमस्कृत्य स तत्त्वमविदन्नपि । वन्दिष्यते तमाचार्य भावशुद्धेन चेतसा ॥ ५६ ॥ स श्रुत्वा तम्मुखात् प्रीत्या विशुद्धां धर्मदेशनाम् । अणुव्रतानि सम्यक्त्व पूर्वकाणि प्रपत्स्यते ॥ ५७ ॥ स प्राप्तबोधो भविता श्रावकाचारपारगः । आस्थानेपि स्थितो धर्मगोष्ट्वा खं रमविष्यति ॥ ५८ ॥
अशाकफलादीनां नियमांत्र विशेषतः ।
आदास्यते स प्रत्यहं प्रायेण ब्रह्मचर्यकृत् ॥ ५९ ॥

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साधारणस्त्रीन परं स सुधीर्वर्जयिष्यति । धर्मपत्नीरपि ब्रह्म चरितुं बोधयिष्यति ॥ ६ ॥ मुनेस्तस्योपदेशेन जीवाजीवादितत्त्ववित् । आचार्य इव सोन्येषामपि बोधिं प्रदास्यति ॥ ६१॥ येहध[]मद्विपः षः] केपि पाण्डुरङ्गद्विजादयः। तेपि तस्याज्ञया गर्भश्रावका इव भाविनः ॥ ६२ ॥ अपूजितेषु चैत्येषु गुरुचव प्रणतेषु च।। न भोक्ष्यते स धर्मज्ञः प्रपन्नश्रावकवतः ॥ ६३ ॥ अपुत्रमृतपुंसां स द्रविणं न ग्रहीष्यति । विवेकस्य फलं ह्येतदतृप्ता ह्यविवेकिनः ॥ ६४ ॥ पाण्डुप्रभृतिभिरपि या त्यक्ता मृगया न हि । स स्वयं त्यक्ष्यति जनः सवॉपि च तदाज्ञया ॥६५॥ हिंसानिषेधके तस्मिन् दूरेस्तु मृगयादिकम् । अपि मत्कुणयूकादीन् नान्त्यजोपि हनिष्यति ॥ ६६ ॥ तस्मिन् निषिद्धपापर्वावरण्ये मृगजातयः । सदाप्यविघ्नरोमन्था भाविन्यो गोष्ठधेनुवत् ॥ ६७ ॥ जलचरस्थलचरखग[खेचराणां स देहिनाम् । रक्षिष्यति सदामारि शासने पाकशासनम्नः ॥ ६८॥ ये वा[चा]जन्मापि मांसादास्ते मांसम्य[स्य] कथामपि । दुःस्वममिव तस्याज्ञावशान् नेष्यन्ति विस्मृतिम् ॥ ६९ ॥ दशान परित्यक्तं यत्पुरा श्रावकैरपि । तन्मद्यमनवद्यात्मा स सर्वत्र निरोत्स्यति ॥ ७॥ स तथा मद्यसंधानं निरोत्स्यति महीतले। न यथा मद्यभाण्डानि घटयिष्यति चक्रयपि ॥७१ ॥ मद्यपान[नां] सदा मद्यव्यसनक्षीणसंपदाम् । सदाशात्यक्तमद्यानां प्रभविष्यन्ति संपदः ॥ २॥ नलादिभिरपि क्षमापैथुतं त्यक्तं न यत्पुरा। तस्य स्ववैरिण इव नामाप्युन्मूलयिष्यति ॥ ७३॥ . पारावतपणक्रीडाकुर्कुक्कटयोधनान्यपि। न भविष्यन्ति मेदिन्यां तस्योदयिनि शासने ॥ ७४ ॥ प्रायेण स प्रतिग्राममपि निःसीमवैभवः । करिष्यति महीमेतां जिनायतनमण्डिताम् ॥ ७५ ॥ प्रतिग्राम प्रतिपुरमासमुद्रं महीतले । रथयात्रोत्सव सोहप्रप्रतिमानं करिष्यति ॥ ७६ ॥ दायंदायं द्रविणानि विरचय्यानृणं जगत् । अङ्कयिष्यति मेदिन्यां स संवत्सरमात्मनः ॥ ७७ ॥ प्रतिमाम्पाशु[पांसु]गुप्तां तां कपिलर्षिप्रतिष्ठिताम् । एकदा श्रोष्यति कथाप्रसङ्गे तु गुरोर्मुखात् ॥ ७८॥ पांशुम स्थलं खानयित्वा प्रतिमा विश्वपावि[व]नीम् । आनेष्यामीति स तदा करिष्यति मनोरथम् ॥ ७९ ॥ तदेव तदैत मनमुत्साहं निमित्तान्यपराण्यपि । ज्ञात्वा निश्चेष्यते राजा प्रतिमां हस्तगामिनीम् ॥८॥ ततो गुरुमनुज्ञाप्य नियोज्यायुक्तपौरुषान् । प्रारप्स्यते खानयितुं स्थलं वीतभयस्य तत् ॥॥८१॥

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सवेन तस्य परसातस्य पृथिवीपतेः ।
करिष्यति [तु] सांनिध्यं तदा शासनदेवता ॥ ८२ ॥ राशः कुमारपालख तख पुण्येन भूयसा । सम्यमाने स्थले [म] प्रतिमाविर्भविष्यति ॥ ८३ ॥ सदा तस्यै प्रतिमाये यदुदावनभूभुजा । प्रामाणां शासनं दतं तदयाविर्भविष्यति ॥ ८४ ॥ नृपायुक्तास्तां प्रतिमां प्रना [वा]मपि नवामिव । रथमारोपविष्यन्ति पूजयित्वा यथाविधि ॥ ८५ ॥ पूजाप्रकारेषु पथि जायमानेषु अनेकशः । क्रियमाणेष्वहोरात्रं संगीतेषु निरन्तरम् ॥ ८५॥ तालिकारासिकेचैर्भवति [भवत्सु ] ग्रामयोषिताम् । पचशब्देवातोद्येषु वाद्यमानेषु संमदात् ॥ ८० ॥ पक्षद्वये चामरेत्पत्सु च पतत्सु च ।
नेष्यन्ति सम [म] तिमां वां युक्ताः पत्तनसीमनि ॥ ८८ ॥
त्रिभिर्विशेषकम् ॥

सान्तःपुरपरीवार अतुरखचवृतः ।
सक संघमादाय राजा तामभियाखति ॥ ८९ ॥ स्वयं रथारसमुत्तीर्य गजेन्द्रमसि च । प्रवेशयिष्यति पुरे प्रतिमां तां स भूपतिः ॥ ९० ॥ उपस्वभु[भ] वनं क्रीडाभवने संनिवेश्य ताम् । कुमारपालो विधिवत् त्रिसंध्यं पूजयिष्यति ॥ ९१ ॥ प्रतिमायास्तथा तथा वाचवित्वा स शासनम् । उहा [दा]पनेन बद तत् प्रमाणीकरिष्यति ॥ ९२ ॥ प्रासादष्टापदस्येव युवराज [ज] स कारितः । जनविण्यसंभाव्य विस्मयं जगतोपि हि ॥ ९३ ॥ स भूपतिः प्रतिमया तत्र स्थापितया तया । एधिष्यते प्रतापेन ऋया निःश्रेयसेन च ॥ ९४ ॥ देवभक्त्या गुरुमच्या त्वत्पितुः सदशोभय । कुमारपालो भूपालः स भविष्यति भारते ॥ ९५ ॥ इति श्रुत्वा नमस्कृत्य भगवन्तमथाभयः ।
उपश्रो []णिकमागत्य वकुमेवं प्रचक्रमे ॥ ९६ ॥
The date in the first verse is of extraordinary interest. It shows distinctly that Hemacandra, like the other S'vetambaras, put the Nirvana of Mahavira 470 years before the beginning of the Vikrama For only 1660-470 gives the right date V. S. 1199 for the beginning of Kumarapala's reign. Jacobi, Kalpasutra, p. 8, has called attention to the fact that Hemacandra's statements in the Parisislaparvan do not coincide with the usual calculation. The coronation of Candragupta is there, VIII 388, placed 155 years after the Nirvága, wherons the old Gäthis add another sixty yours. The latter say that Mahavira died in the night when Palaka was crowned. According to them, Pälaka reigned 60 years, the Nandss 165, and betwoon Candragupta's coronation and the beginning of the Vikrama-ora, 255 years passed. Upon this Jacobi based two hypotheses, firstly that Hemacandra, having referred to a better tradition, left out the sixty years of Palaka, and secondly that he placed the Nirvda, 410 years before the beginning of the Vikrama era, in the year 467 / 66 B. C. I do not think that those deductions are tenabla For according to the Paris intapareun VI, 248
अनन्तरं वर्धमानस्वामिनिर्वाणवासरात् । याच पवित्र्यामेव नन्दोः ॥

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'भ)
Nanda I ascended the throne 60 years after Mahavira's death. The calculation of the Paris'istaparvan is therefore this: from the Nirvana up to Nanda I sixty years, from Nanda I's coronation up to Candragupta's coronation 95 years, or a total of 155. From this, Jacobi's first premise is provel wrong. As regards the second one, it has so far not been proved that Hemacandra, like the Gathas, place only 255 years between Candragupta and the beginning of the Vikrama-era. The circumstance that, according to the Mahdvivacarita, the Nirviga took placs 470 years before Vikriman, makes it yeolalla (unless there is a careless mistake in the Paris'istaparvan) that Hemacandra or his authority counted 315 years between Candragupta's coronation and the beginning of the Vikrama-Samvat and similarly, likn the Ceylonese Buddhists, placed the former event too early. For this reason, it seems to me that the assumption of the S'vetambaras of the 12th century having two dates, 597/6 and 467/6 B. C. for Varthamāna's Nirvāna, is not likely. In Note 15 to my lecture about the Jainas, p. 38 of the separato reprint, I have shown that the date 467/66 B. C. for Vardhamana's death cannot be correct, if S'akyamuni Gautama died about 477 B. C.
67. The statement that Vagbhata was a minister of Kumarapala is found in the Kumāravikaraprasasti, verse 87, see Peterson, Third Report, App., p. 316. This point is of some importance. For Vagbhata does not occur in the inscriptions of Kumarapala's reign, which have so far been made known. However, as the Pras'asti is by a pupil of Hemacandra's, its statement deserves credence. The Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 676 mentions V. S. 1213 as the year of the consecration of the temple at Satrufijaya; the Prabandhacintamasi, j 219, V. S. 1211. The Kumarapalacarile, p 188 agrees. with the latter work.
The date of the consecration of Amrabhata's temple in Broach occurs in the Kamrapaleesrita,
P. 185.
68. The extract from the Moharājaparājaye, in which amongst others the last verse, sri&eotambara Hemacandrasencasins ota quotal by Kielhorn. Report of 1950-81, occurs beggins in the Kumirupalaoarita, p. 161. line 14, and ends on 177, live 1 The passage in question is to the found on p. 167, lines 17ff, where we read:
अथ संप्राप्ते शुभलग्ने निर्मलभाववारिभिः कृतमङ्गलमज्जनः सत्कीर्तिचन्दनावलिप्सदेहः [हो] नैकाभिग्रहोलसद्भूषणालंकृत: [ तो ] दानकङ्कणरोचिष्णुदक्षिणपाणिः संवेगरंग्रङ्ग [गग] जाधिरूढः सदाचारच्छश्रोपशोभित: श्रद्धासहोदरया क्रियमाणलवणोत्तरणविधिः १३ शतकोटिप्रतभङ्गसुभगजन्यलोकपरिवृतः श्रीदेवगुरुभक्तिदेशविरतिजानिनीभिर्गीयमानधवलमङ्गलः क्रमेण प्रातः पौषधागारद्वारतोरणे पञ्चविधस्वाध्यायवाद्यमानातोद्यध्वनिरूपे प्रसर्पति विरतिश्वश्वा कृतप्रेङ्खणाचारः शमदमादिशा [श्या]लकदर्शितसरणिर्मातृगृहमध्यस्थितायाः शीलधवलचीवरध्यानद्वय कुण्डन [ल] पदूर्हरे (1) तपोभेदमुद्रिकाद्यलंकृतायाः कृपसुन्दर्याः सं० १२६ मार्ग २ दिने पाणि जग्राह श्रीकुमारपालः । श्रीमदईदे [३] वतासमक्षं ततः वागमो श्राद्गुणगुणितद्वादशवतकल शावलिं विचारचारुतोरणां नवतत्त्वनवाङ्गवेदीं कृत्वा प्रबोधामिमुदाप्य [ मुद्दीप्य ] भावनासर्पिस्तर्पितं श्री हेमाचार्यो भूदेवः सवधूकं नृपं [] दक्षण[क्षिण] वामास ॥
69. The MS. in question is described by Peterson, Third Report, App. I, p. 67. The inscription is the presentation of land by the Mahamandalika Pratapasinha, which is preserved in tho temple of Parsvandtha in Nadḍüla-Naidol. The beginning of the samo reads, according to the copy which I made in 1873:
॥ ॐ ॥ संवत् १२१३ वर्षे माथे यदि ३० शुक्रे ॥ श्रीमदणहिलपाठके समलराजावलिसमलंकृतपरमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर - उमापतिवरलब्धप्रशादप्रौढप्रतापनिजभुजविक्रमरणांगण विनिर्जित- शाकम्भरी भूपालश्रीकुमारपालदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये । तत्पादोपजीविनि महामात्यश्रीचाहडदेवे श्रीश्रीकरणादौ सकल मुद्रा व्यापारान्र परिपन्थयति ....
.........
As the inscription contains a presentation to the Jainas, one might surely expect a mention of Kumarapala's conversion, in case the same had already taken place before that time. The exact dato of this is, according to Dr. Schram's calculation, January 20th, 1156, a Friday.
60s. The Alamkaracûdāmaṣi is written in Sutras, and is provided with a very clear, detailed

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commentary, containing a large number of examples to illustrate the rules. The work consists of eight Adhyāyers, the contents of which is as follows:1. Mangalit, Purpose of Pootry, Qualifications of the poet, the Nature of Poetry, the three s'aktia
of the worl, pp. 1-48. 11. The doctrine of the Ruscus, M. 49-96. II. The errors of poetic composition, pp. 97-169. IV. The avantages of poetic composition, pp. 169-174.
V The Subraikimkarets, PP. 175-200. VI The Arthülavitkūras, pp. 201-250. VII. The suitable eharacters for poetic presentation, pp. 251-278 VIII. The kinds of poetic composition, pr. 280-291.
The MS. which I used, is India Office Library ( Sanskrit MSS., Biihler) No. 111. It was put together by Sastri Vamanācārya Jhalkīkar, after a comparison of several olul MSS. .
10. Soo Vinblacatalike, orl. Borooah, IV, 45, 76, 81, 85, 125, 129, 182, 152.
In the fifth and eighth passages Jayasimha's victory over Varvaraka or Barbaraka is mentioner, which is sokon about in the Drycīs r.yalūvya and in the Caulukya-inscriptions.
71. About the Berlin-MS. of Chandonus'āsana or Chanlas'cūdamani, see Weber, Katalog., vol, II, soct. I,D. 268. We must add to his description that the leaves 27, 29-31,36-40, show, bosidos the usual figuros on the left, the symbols of the old akoarapalli. The Commentary on the small work is very clotailed in contains according to the colophon of the Jesalmir MS. 4100 Granthas." I had no MS. of the latter at my disposal for this work. My remarks are based upon notes previously taken.
72. Alankūracüdumani, III, 2 has, in explanation of the error:
हतवृत्तत्व । एतदपवादस्तु स्वछन्दोनुशासनेऽस्माभिनिरूपित इति नेह प्रतन्यते ।
73. The S'esällyū Namamāli is reprinterl in Bühtlink-and Rieu's edition of Abhidhanacintimoni. As logarily the Berlin MSS. see Weber, Katalog., vol. II, sect. I, pp. 258 f. The work
rees to al vory remarkable extent with the older Vijayanti of Yulavaprakas'a, from which a number of l'aro words las boon borrowert.
74. The Nighantuo is mentioned in the list of Hemacandra's works at the end of the Prabhāvakacuritia under the naino Nirglucenta. We read there, XXII, 836-40:
न्याकरण[f] पञ्चाङ्गं प्रमाणशास्त्र [स्त्र] प्रमाणमीमांसाः [साम्] । छन्दोलंकृतिचूडामणी च शास्त्रे विभुळधित्तः धित] ॥ ८३६ ॥ एकार्थानेकार्था देश्या निर्धण्ट इति च चत्वारः । विहिताश्च ता नामकोशाः शुचिकवितानापाध्यायाः ॥ ८३७ ।। स्युयुत्तरषष्टिशलाकानरेतिवृत्तं गृहिवतविचारे। अध्यात्मयोगशास्त्रं विदधे जगदुपकृतिविधित्सुः ॥ ८३८ ॥ लक्षणसाहित्यगुणं विदधे च घ्याश्रय यं] महाकाव्यम्।। चक्रे विंशतिमुच्चैः स वीतरागस्तवानां च ॥ ८३९॥
इति तद्विहितग्रन्थसंख्यैव न हि विद्यते। ..... ... नामानि न विदन्त्यम्था[षां] मादृशा मन्दमेधसः ॥ ८४०॥...
As regards the Trayments found, see my Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripte

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92
1874176, pp. 6.f., and the List of the Elphinstone College Collection 1866/68 under Kosha. There is & copy of the Nighantus'eßa, dhānyakānda, in the Deccan College Collection 1875/77, No. 735.
75. The verses, in which Kumārapāla is named, are found in Pischel's edition (Bombay Sanskrit Series No. XVII ) I, 97, 107, 116, 127; II, 39, 90; III, 46; IV, 16; VI, 10, 19, 26; VII, 7, 18, 40, 53. Those addressed to Culukka or Cālukka are:- I, 66, 84; II, 30; VI, 5, 7, 15, 17, 111; VIII, 51. We may also remark that Jayasimha-Siddharāja is named in one single verse II, 4, and that his victory over Barbaraka is mentioned.
The verse IV, 32, perhaps refers to the same king:"O earthly tree of Paradise , O thou, whose strong arm is like unto a tree, the gutters of the houses in Paitthāṇa are filled with the sap of the strength of thy elephants."
Bhāndārkar has recently discovered fragments of a historical work, which speaks of a conquest of Pratisthāna-Paithan by Jayasimha, see Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts of 1883-84, p. 10. It is also possible that Hála-Sätavāhana is meant by the "earthly tree of Paradise", as his name also occurs otherwise in the Des'ināmamālo.
76. Prabandhacintamani, pp. 225-226, relates, that Kumārapala was guilty of a linguistic solecism, when he used the word aupamya instead of upamā or aupamyan. Then, we are told, he studied the S'astras beginning with the mātrkāpātha with some Pandit or other. In one year he absolved three Kāvyas with the Commentaries, and then received the title of honour Vicāracaturmukha. The same story occurs in the Kumārapālacarita, p. 105, where Hemacandra is mentioned as the teacher.
77. An interesting proof of the significance of Jainism in Anhilvād before Hemacandra's time is furnished by the discovery of the drama Karnasundart, which was rocently published by Pandit Durgaprasäda in the Bombay Kavyomäla. The piece was written by the famous poet Bilhana, and was intended to be acted in the temple of S'antināth at the feast of Nābheya, which was instituted by the minister Sampatkara Sāintu?). The first verse of the Nändi, an imitation of the beginning of the Nāgānanda, is therefore addressed to the Jina. The hero, as stated by the poet in Act I, verse 10 himself, is the son of Bhimadeva, i. e. king Karna, who reigned from V. S. 1120 to 1150. Other evidence of the influence of the Jainas at the court of Anhilvād may be found in the Pras'astis of the old MSS. where many Jainas are mentioned as occupying official positions under the first Caulukyas, especially in the department of finance.
78. The story is found in Kumārapālacarita, pp. 137 ff., and its contents are as follows:When Kumāra pāla was inclined towards Jainism, the Brahmins called in Rājācārya Devabodhi. This was a great Yogi, who had made the goddess Bhārati submissive to him, and was acquainted with sorcery and knew the past and the future. After the king had heard that Devabodhi had come into the neighbourhood of Anhilvāda, he received him with great honour, and led him to his palace. The greater part of the day passed in ceremonies of reception. In the afternoon the king worshipped a picture of S'āntinātha in the presence of the whole court. Then Devabodhi admonished him to desist from the Jaina faith. When Kumāra pāla praised the latter on account of the Ahimsă doctrine and blamed the S'rauta' Dharma on account of the Himsā, Devabodhi caused the gods Brahman, Visņu and S'iva, as well as the seven Caulukya-princas-Mülarāja and his successors-to appear; and they of course spoke in favour of the religion of the Vedas. On the following morning Hemacandra considerably outdid Devabodhi's feats. At first he caused his seat to be pulled away, and then executed the trick which was supposed to be a great favourite amongst the Yogis, namely, that of holding himself up in mid-air. Then he caused the entire Olympus of the Jainas to appear before the king, together with all the king's ancestors, who worshipped the Jinas. Finally he explained that the apparitions were only an illusion, just as those produced by Devabodhi had been. Only that which Somanātha had told the king in the temple of Devapattana was the truth. This of course assured his victory. Regarding Davabodhi, who was probably a historical personage, see also above, page 20.

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79. Marutanga's statement is quoted above, page 30 and Note 61. He says wrongly that the Tripastiralakāpurusacarita was written before the Yogue'dstra. This statement is repented by Jinamandana. The Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 775 ff. and 899 ft gives the date of the two works as much later, but it puts the Yogas'ästra first.
80. The first four Prakas'as of the Fogas'astra are known through E. Windisch's edition and translation in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XXVIII, pp. 185 ff. The contents of the last eight Prakas'as, which are preserved only in very few MSS. are as follows:
Prakasa V, about certain exercises belonging to the Yoga and their results, as they are taught by others, according to the Commentary of Patanjali and others. To these belong 1) the Prasayama, by which one learns how to control the winds of the body and the Manas, s'l. 1-25, 2) the Dharanā, by which one learns how to conduct the winds into any parts of the body one likes, and to draw them out again, s'l. 26-35, 3) the observation of the movements of the winds in the body, by which one can foretell death and life, fortune and misfortune, s'l. 36-120, 4) other methods of predetermining the death through meditation and divination, sl. 121-224, 5) methods of determining victory and defeat, success or failure of undertakings and so forth, sl. 225-251, 6) the cleansing of the Naḍis, the arteries, which are the paths of the wind, s'l. 252-263, 2) the Vedhavidhi and Parapurapraves'a, the art of separating the soul from the body and of causing it to enter other bodies, s'l. 264-273.
Prakasa VI, slokas 7, about the futility of Parapurapraves'a and Präṣāyāma for gaining salvation, for which purpose, however, the Pratyakira taught by some is useful,-and about, the parts of the body which come into question for meditation (dhyana).
Prakasa VII, slokas 28, the Pindastha Dhyana, the meditation about bodies, with its fiva sub-divisions called Dharana, vis, the Parthivi, Agneyi, Märuti, Vuruşi and Tatrubka, see Bhandarkar, Report of 1883/84, pp. 110-111.
Prakasa VIII, s'lokas 78, the Padastha Dhyana, the meditation on sacred words or syllables, which one imaginos as written upon lotus-loaves, (see Bhandarkar, loc. cit. p. 111).
Prakas'a IX, slokas 15, the Rupastha Dhyana, the meditation on the form of Arhat, (see Bhandarkar, loe, eit. p. 112)
Prakasa X, slokas 24, (1) the Rapatita Dhyana, the meditation on the formless Paramaiman, which is only intelligence and rapture, i. e. the released soul, with which one identifies oneself, thereby making oneself like unto it; (2) another division of meditation, in 4 parts, namely, jäähyana, Apayavicayadhyāna, Vipakavicayadhyana and Samsthanadhyana
Prakas'a XI, s'lokas 61, the S'ukla Dhyana; see Bhandarkar, loc. cit. p. 110.
Prakasa XII, slokas 55, concluding remarks of the author, based upon his own experience, upon that which is especially necessary to the Yogi and leads him to salvation.
It is now easily understood why this part of the work, which is really the part which justifies the title, has not been much copied, whilst the MSS. of the first four Prakas'as are even now often explained to laymen as a text-book for their duties.
The Commentary to the Yogas'dstva was written by Hemacandrs after the completion of the text as well as of the Vilardgastotra, which, according to the Prabandhas, belonged to the Yoga s'astra, (Note 81). For verses of the latter (i. e. the Vitaragastotra) are often quoted, e. g. II, 7; III, 123; IV, 103; and the last verse of the Yogas'detra oven in the explanation of I, 4.
The explanation of the first four Prakis'as is extraordinarily detailed. The words of the text are expounded by very numerous quotations, and the stories, to which allusion is made, are related at great length. It is especially interesting that the legend of Schülabhadra in III, 181 is given in almost exactly the same words as in the Paris'istaparvan VIII, 2-193 and IX, 55-111a, without, however,

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there being any mention of the existence of the latter work. Amongst Hemacandra's own works quotations are taken, generally with the montion yad avocāma or yad uktam asmālhih, from the Grammor, tho Dhātupātlu, the Abhidhānacintiimani and the Lingānus'āsand besides the Vitarăgrestotru. In addition, the Commentary often gives appended explanations of the author in the case of difficult points, which are introduced with the words aträntare e'lokah. At the end of the Commontary on Precis'o IV there is à vorso hinting that the first main section has been concluded:
इति निगदितमेतत्साधनं ध्यानसिद्धेयतिगृहिगतभेदादेव रत्नत्रयं च । सकलमपि यदन्यद् ध्यानभेदादि सम्यक् ।
प्रकटितमुपरिष्टादष्टभिस्तत् प्रकाशैः ॥ . The conculsion of the work, XII, 55 reads thus:
या शास्त्रात्सुगुरोर्मुखादनुभवाच्चाज्ञायि किंचित् क्वचिद् योगस्योपनिषद् विवेकपरिषच्चेतश्चमत्कारिणी । श्रीचौलुक्यकुमारपालनृपतेरत्यर्थमभ्यर्थनाद्
आचार्येण निवेशिता पथि गिरां श्रीहेमचन्द्रेण सा ॥ ५५ ॥ या योगस्योपनिषदहस्यमज्ञायि ज्ञाता । कुतः । शास्त्राद् द्वादशाङ्गात् । सुगुरोः सदागमव्याख्यातुर्मुखात् साक्षादुपदेशात् । अनुभवाच्च स्वसंवेदनरूपात् । किंचित् कचिदिति स्वप्मज्ञानानुसारेण । क्वचिदित्येकत्र सर्वस्य ज्ञातुमशक्यत्वात्प्रदेशभेदे वचन । उपनिषदं विशिनष्टि । विवेकिनां योगरुचीनां या परिषत्सभा तस्या यच्चतस्तच्चमत्करोतीत्येवंशीला सा योगोपनिषत् । श्रीचौलुक्यो यः कुमारपालनृपतिस्तस्यात्यर्थमभ्यर्थनया। स हि योगोपासनप्रियो दृष्टयोगशास्त्रान्तरश्च......भ्यो योगशास्त्रेभ्यो नि...णं योगशास्त्रं शुश्रूषभाणः......सर्वनरो वचनस्य......गिरां पथि निवेशि[तवान् आचार्यों हेमचन्द्र इति शुभम् ॥
श्रीचौलुक्यक्षितिपतिकृतप्रार्थनाप्रेरितोऽहं स[तत्वज्ञानानामृतजलनिधेर्योगशास्त्रस्य वृत्तिम् । स्वोपज्ञस्य व्यचरयमि[मां तावद् एषा च नन्द्याद् यावजैनप्रोवचनवती भूर्भुवःस्व [ख]यीयम् ॥१॥ संप्रापि योगशास्त्रात्तद्विवृतेश्चापि यन्मया सुकृतम् । तेन जिनबोधिलाभप्रणयी भव्यो जनो भवतात् ॥ २॥
Then follows the famous Colophon. The MS. which I have before mo, belonging to the library of tho Vienna University, contains 167 leaves with 19 lines on each page. Unfortunately the last page has suffered greatly through use, and cannot be completely deciphered. The date soems to be missing. However, the very archaic script makes it probable that the MS. is about 300-400 years old. The Granthāgras of the single Prakās ces are: Pr. I=2000; Pr. II=3500; Pr. III=3900.; Pr. IV = 2300; Pr. V=640%: Pr. VI=18; Pr. VII-39; Pr. VIII =149; Pr. IX-21; Pr.X-84; Pr. XI-210: Pr.. XII, illegible. It is also added that the Granthasamkhya of the last eight Prakās'as is 1500 and that of the whole is 12,000, which cannot be quite correct. Old MSS. of the work aro described in Dr. Petorson's First Report, App. 22,57 and in Third Report, App. 14, 15,74, 143, 170. 'The oldest, Thirl Report, p. 74, is of the year V. S. 1251, and was thereforo written 22 yours aftor Ilemicandit's death........ . . ...
.. 81. According to a MS, which was recently sent to me from Bombay the Vitarīgastotra con. sists of twenty.quite short sections, each of which bears the name stava or porcukois'u; 1) Prastāvanāstavah, 8 slokas, begins:
यः परात्मा परं ज्योतिः परमः परमेष्ठिनाम् । आदित्यवर्ण तमसः पुरस्तादामनन्ति यम् ॥१॥

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2) Sahajābisayastavah, 9 s'lokas, begins:
श्रीहेमचन्द्रप्रभवाद् वीतरागस्तवादितः ।
कुमारपालभूपालः प्राप्नोतु फलमीप्सितम् ॥ १ ॥ 3) Kurmaksayajūtistavah, 15 s'lokas, 4) Surakrtītis'ayastavah, 14 s'lokas, 5) Pratikūryastavah, 9 s'lokas. 6) Prūtipeksanirāsastavah, 12 s’lokus. 7) Jugatkartrnirīsastavch, 8 s’lokas. 8) Elīntanirūsastavah, 12 :'lokus. 9) Kalislitvah, 8 s'lolocs. 10) Adbh. wah, 8 s’lokas. 11) Ma. 8 s'lokus. 12) Vair , 8 s'lokas. 13) Hetur
8 s'lokas. 14) Yogasiddh , 8 s'lokas. 15) Bhaktistaru t lokas. 16) Atmagarkastich, 9 s'lokas. 17) Saranagamanastavah, 8 s’lokas. 18) Kathoroktistavah, 10 s'lokas. 19) Ājñīsteval, 8 s'lokas. 20) Asistavah, 8 s'lokas; it ends:
तव प्रेष्योऽस्मि दासोऽस्मि सेवकोऽस्म्यस्मि किंकरः ।
ओमिति प्रतिपद्यस्व नाथ नातः परं ब्रुवे ॥८॥ The stotra is a short poetic compendium of the Jaina-doctrine, and may have been Hemacandra's first attempt to acquaint Kumārapāla with the teachings of Jainism.
82. Indian Antiquary, vol. IV, PP. 268-269.
83. The story of Yükavihāra is to be found in the Prabanchacintamani p. 232, and that of the punishment of Laksa in the Prubhivakacaritra XXII, 823-830. Kolhana of Naddala is a historical porsonage, and is mentioned in an inscription of V. S. 1218, see above, page 38. The issue of tho odlict of Amiri is, of course, mentioned also in all the Prabandhs. In the Prabhävakitoaritro XXII. 691. wo road that it was announced in the whole kingdom with the sound of drums. In the Prabandhacintamani pp. 211, 243 it is said that the edict was issued for a limited period of fourteen years. In the Kumārapālacarita it is mentioned on p. 144, line 16, pp. 152. ff, and many details are given, which ropeat and extend the accounts of the Doyās' raya and of the Prabandhacintāmani.
84. Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 690-691; Kumārapālacarita p. 154.
85. Prabhāvokacaritrat XXII, 692-702; Prabandhacintamani pp. 216-217; Kumārapāla. urilu . 205, where an anecdote of a certain case is also related; Kirtilearmudi II. 43-44. The Prabhāvakacaritra remarks in verse 693 expressly that it was the merchants (vyavahärin ) whose fortune was confiscated if they died without leaving sons. The passage, just mentioned in the Abhijnanas'ākuntala, is to be found in the 6th Act, pp. 138-139, ed. Pischel.
138-139, ed. Piseassage, just mentívyavokärin)

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86. The very much spoiled verses, Prabhavalnaaritra XXII, 603-609, refer to the Kumiravihara. There is a second passage about the buildings; verses 683-689, where we read:
प्रासादैः सप्तहस्ते पापण (?) महीपतिः ।
~ ही रक्तोत्पलवर्णकी ।
द्वात्रिंशतं विहाराणां सारण्यां निरमापयत् ॥ ६८३ ॥ द्वौ शुभ्र द्वौ च द्वौ नीलौ षोडशाथ स्युः प्रासादाः कनकप्रभाः ॥ ६८४ ॥ श्रीरोहिणि समवसरणं प्रभुपादुका । अशोकविपी चै द्वात्रिंशत्स्थापितास्तदा । ६८२ ॥ चतुर्विंशतिचैत्येषु श्रीमन्त ऋषभादयः । सीमन्धराद्याश्चत्वारो चतुर्षु निलयेषु व[च] ॥ ६८६ ॥ द्वात्रिंशत: पुरुषाणामनृणामतिगर्भितम् (?) । व्यजिज्ञपत् प्रभोभूप [:] पूर्ववाद्यानुसारतः ॥ ६८७ ॥ स पञ्चविंशतिवाताङ्गुलमानो जिनेश्वरः । श्रीमणिपालाये पञ्चविंशतिहलके ॥ ६८८ ॥ विहारेस्थाप्यत श्रीमान् नेमिनाथोपरैरपि । समस्तदेशस्थानेषु जैनचैत्यान्यचीकरत् ॥ ६८९ ॥
318
श
Hemacandra's advice, upon which Kumarapala was to build 32 teties as penance for the sins of his 32_teeth, is be found, loc. cit. verse 701. Thirdly, in verses 722, there is an account of a temple in S'atruñjaya, which was 24 hastas high, and which, as the author adds, is still to be seen at present.

The fourth passage consists of verses 807-821:
एवं कृतार्थयन् जन्म सहक्षेन्या धनं वपन् । चक्रे सम्प्रति जैन भवनैर्मण्डितां महीम् ॥ ८०७ ॥ श्रीशलाकानृणां वृत्तं स्वोपज्ञम्प्रभवान्यदा । य्याचख्युर्नृपतेर्धर्मस्थिरीकरणहेतवे ॥ ४०८ ॥ श्रीमहावीरवृत्तं च व्याख्यात[[:] सुरथोम्यदा । देवाधिदेवसंबंध[] व्याचख्युर्भूपतेः पुरः ॥ ८०९ ॥ यथा प्रभावती देवी भूपालोदयनप्रिया । श्रीवेठकावनीपालपुत्री तस्या यथा पुरा ॥ ८१० ॥ वारिधौ त [व्यन्त ]रः कश्चिद्यानपात्रं महालयम् । स्तम्भयित्वार्पयत् [च्] श्राद्धस्यार्धं [च] संपुढं दृढम् ॥ ८११ ॥
एनं देवाधिदेवं य उपलक्षयिता प्रभुम् ।
स प्रकाशयितान्य (?) इत्युक्त्वासी तिरोदधे ॥ ८१२ ॥
पुरे वीतभये यानपात्रे संघटिते यथा ।
अन्यैर्नोद्घाटितं देव्या वीराख्यायाः [ख्यया] प्रकाशितः [तम् ?] ॥ ८१३ ॥
बथा प्रधोतराजस्य हस्तं सा प्रतिमा गता ।
दास्या तत्प्रतिबिम्बं च मुक्तं पश्चात्पुरे यथा ॥ ८१४ ॥
ग्रन्थगौरवभीत्या च ता [न] तथा वर्णिता कथा | श्रीवीरचरिताद् [शे] या तस्यां श्रुतिसकीतुकैः ॥ ८१५ ॥
पद्भिः कुलकम् ॥
तां श्रुत्वा भूपतिः कल्पहस्तानिपुणधिरधौ (?) । प्रेष्य वीतभये अ[]न्येवी [ची ] खनत्तद् भुवं क्षणात् ॥ ८१३ ॥

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87. Prabankacintamani pp. 216, 219, 231, 232, 238, Jinamandana repeats the accounta of his predecessors and gives us nothing new of importance, except that, on p. 282, he brings the number of restorations made by Kumarapala up to 16,000.
97
राजमन्दिरमालोक्य भुवोमुन [ मोन्त ] स्ततिहर्षिताः । देवतावसरस्थानं प्रापुर्बिम्बं तथार्हतः ॥ ८१७ ॥ आनीतं च विभो राजधानीमतिशयोत्सवैः । स प्रवेश [] दुधे तस्य सौधदैवतवेश्मनि ॥ ८१८ ॥ प्रासादः स्फाटिकन तयोग्यः पृथिवीभृता । प्रारेमेथ निषिद्धश्च प्रभुभिर्भाविवेदिभिः ॥ ८१९ ॥ राजप्रासादमध्ये च न हि देवगु [गृ]हं भवेत् । इथगान्या [माज्ञा ] मनुल्लङ्घय न्यवर्तत ततो नृपः ॥ ८२० ॥ एकातपत्रतां जैनशासनस्य प्रकाशयत् [ ५ ] ।
मिथ्यात्वशैलवज्रं श्रीहेमचन्द्रप्रभुर्बभौ ॥ ८२१ ॥
88. The minister Yas'odhavala is mentioned in the colophon at the bottom of a MS. of the Kalpacuri, Kielhorn, Report, App., p. 11. Somes'vara in the Prasasti (Kirtikaumudi App. A., pp. 5 and 14, verse 35) tells us of Yas'odhavala, the Paramara prince of Candravati and Acalagadh, that he fought with Kumarapala against Malva and killed king Ballala. The Prabhavakacaritra knows that he was placed upon the throne by Kumarapala after the sentence of his uncle Vikramasimha. Vikramasimha is not mentioned by Somes'vara, but, on the other hand, he is mentioned in the Dvyasrayamahākavya. The princes of Candravati were not very powerful, and were vassals of the Caulukyas in the 12th and 13th centuries. It is therefore not improbable that Yas'odhavala was for a time Kumarapala's Pradhan. About Kapardin, soo, for instance, Prabandhaointamani pp. 226-230; sccording to the Prabandhakopa, p. 102, he was a Paramara-Rajput.
89.
Unfortunately I am not in a position to make quite exact statements as to the extent of this work, as I have only been able to see a few extracts, the Jainaramayana printed in Calcutta, the Paris istuparean published by H. Jacobi in the Bibliotheca Indica, and the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which contains the eighth Parvan. The MS. of the Deccan College, No. 47, Coll. of 1874/75, in which ths Parvans I, II, IV are missing, is written upon 715 leaves, with 15 line on a sido The Cambay-Bhandar contains palm-leaf MSS. of Parvan I (Peterson, First Rep., p. 87), II (Peterson, First Rep., p. 19), III (Peterson, First Rep. A., p. 11, Third Rep. A., p. 124), VII (Poterson, First Rep. A., p. 23, Third Rep., A., p. 145 ), VIII (Peterson, First Rep. A., p. 34, Third Rep, A., p. 144), X (Peterson, First Rep. A., p. 35) and of the Paris'islaparvan (Peterson, First Rep., p. 35) Jinamandana's account is to be found in the Kumarapalacarita p. 235, line 16 and is probably approximately correct.
90. I discovered this work (see Report on S. MSS. 1879/80, pp. 2,5) in a MS., where it follows the text of the Sanskrit Deyae'rayakdeya. As regards other MSS., see Paterson, Third Rap, p. 19 and Kielhorn, Report for 1880/81, p. 77, No. 374. It contains only 950 slokas together with the Commentary. Quotations from it are to be found in Jinamayana, Kumarapalacarita p. 194. The latter are the only parts of the little work, which are now available to me.
91. See Bühtlingk and Rieu, Abhidhanacintamani p. VII.
92. The verses in question, according to my copy from No. 702, Deccan College Collection
1875/77, road
13

श्री हेमसूरिशिष्येण श्रीमन्महेन्द्रसूरिणा । भक्तिनिन डीके तामेव प्रतिहिता ॥ १५

Page #117

98
सम्यग्ज्ञान निधेर्गुणैरनवधेः श्रीहेमचन्द्रप्रभो
अंधे व्याकृतिकोस] [] व्यसनि [न] कासारसां तारम् । यायाम स्म तथापि तं पुनरिदं नावमन्तर्मणम् सस्थान स्थितस्य हि वयं व्याख्यामनुभूमहे ॥ २ ॥
Compare also Th. Zachariao, Beiträge zur indiechon Lexicographis, pp. 75 ft. I do not think that Hemacandra wrote the beginning of the Commentary himself; Zachariae declares this to be possible.
93. There are MSS. of this work with Commentary by Mallisepe, in the Deccan Collage Collection 1872/73, Nos. 195-196; 1873/74, No. 286; 1880 / 81, No. 413. I am unable to say anything in detail about the work, as I have now no copy of it with me.
94. As rogards Ramacandra's Raghweilapa see my Report on the Search for S. MSS. 1874/76 There is one copy of the work in the Deccan College Collection 1875/77, No. 760. The Colophon of the Nirbhayabhima is given in Peterson's first Report, App. I, p. 80. Ramacandra seems to have mixed himself up with the intrigues about the succession to the throne, (page II) at the end of Kumarapala's reign, and to have worked against Kumarapala's nephew Ajayapala When, however, Ajayapala cama to the throne, he caused him, as Merutuiga ( Prabandhacintāmani p. 245 ) rolates, to be roasted alive on a copper plate. Yas'as'candra is mentioned in the Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 746; Prabandhacintamani p. 206, p. 223 and Kumārapālacarita p. 188; Balacandra and Guajacandra in the Kumarpalacarita p. 283 see also above, page 57. In the Brinjjnanalopa at Jesalmir there are fragments of ort Ramaeandra-Gunacandraviracita soopojna-Dravyilaibratiha. After the tetiyonbhapradadah stands the date Samvat 1202. Merutunga, (Prabandhacintamani p. 230) relates an anecdote about Udayacandra, which may possibly have a historical basis. Once, we are told, he was reading the Yogas'āstra to the king in the presence of his teacher. When he came to the verse, III, 105: दन्तकेशमखास्थित्वप्रोग्णां ग्रहणमाकरे । he repeated the last words several times. Hemacandra asked him whether there was anything wrong in the Ms. He answered that, according to the grammar, it should read 'स्वप्रोम्णो as enumerations of the limbs of animals took the singular ending in the Deandva. Thereupon his teacher praised him. All the MSS. have the singular in the passage in question, and the Commentary refers to the Grammar according to which the same is required. As regards Udayaoandra's explanation of his teacher's Grammar, see Note 34.
95. The first verse is to be found in the Prabandhacintamani, pp. 216-217, and Prabhavakacaritra_XXII, 701; the second in the Prabandhacintāmani p. 223 and Prabhāvakacaritra XXII, 765 the third in the Prabandhaeintamani p. 224 and Kumdrapalacarita p. 188. The Dandaia is mentioned in the Prabandhacintamani p. 238 and the half-verse which completes the one begun by the minister Kapardin, on p. 228. The description of the way in which Kumarapala fulfilled the twelve Jains vows is given in the Kumārapilacarita, pp. 187-213.
96. Prabandhakopa pp. 99-100:
कुमारपालेनामारी प्रारब्धावामाश्विनसुदिपक्षः समागात् । देवतानां कण्टेश्वरीप्रमुखानामतो [बो]] टिकैर्नृपो विशठः । देव सहयो] सह शतानि पशवः सप्त महिषा अहम्यामष्ट महिषा अष्टौ शतानि पायो नवम्यां तु नव शतानि पायो नब महिपा देवीभ्यो राक्षा देवा भवन्ति पूर्वपुरुषकमात् राजा तदा श्रीमान्तिकमगमत् कथिता सा पास श्रीमभूमिः कर्ण एवमेवमित्युक्तम् । राजोत्थितः । भाषिताले देयं दास्याम इत्युक्त्वा वहिकाक्रमेण राम्रो देवीसदने शिक्षा पाउ कृतानि । उपदेशितालेषु प्रभूता आसराजपुत्राः । प्रातरापातो सुपेन्द्र उद्घाटितानि देवीसदनद्वाराणि मध्ये इष्टाः पशवो रोमन्थायमाना निर्वातशय्यासुस्थाः । भूपालो जगाद । भो अबोटिका एते पशवो मयाभूम्य [ मूभ्यो ] दत्ताः । यथमूभ्योरोधि [[चि ] व्यन्ते तदासिन्यन्त । परं न प्रस्तास्तस्माना [ना]मूभ्यो दे [देवीभ्यः ] पलं रुचितम् । भवद्भ्य एव रुचितम् । तस्मात्तूष्णीसावं मा[[]] जीवान् पातयामि खिताले विरुक्षाः । मुकाश्छागाः । छागमूल्यसमेन तु धनेन देवीम्यो नैवेद्यानि दापितानि ॥
Jinamapann's version is to be found in the Kumarapalacarita, pp. 155

Page #118

97. Prabandhacintāmami, p. 233 and pp. 234-35. Both the stories stand in a reverse order in the Kumārapalasarita, pp. 190 and 191.
99
98. Praladalnamritra XXII, 703 f. Prabandhacintamani, p. 237 Kumarapālaorita. pp. 246 f.
90. Prabandhacintamani, pp. 240 Prabandhakopa, pp. 112 1; Kumārapalacarita,
pp. 268 ff.
100. Kundrapilacarita, p. 267.
101. Prabluteulataaritra XXII, 731 ; Prabandhacintamani, pp. 223 Kumārapalaemrita,
pp. 188 f.
102. Prabandhacintanasi, pp. 243 1 Prabandhahoon, pp. 100 E; Kumarapalacarita, pp. 156ff, and 272 ff.
103. The first story is found in the Kumärapallaonrita, pp. 218. stands on pp. 267 f., at the end of the work, is in close relation to the Sarikarñionrya and Homñieirya, communicated by K. Forbes, Rils Mala, pp. 155 only an adaptation of the Jaina legend in the Brahmin spirit.
104. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 710 ff; Kumarapalacarita, pp. 236 1. By ordinary palmtrees, the Phoenix sylvestris or Kharjura, which is common in Western India, is probably meant; by the Sritalan, the specimens of the Bornssus Babelliformis, rarer in Gujarat, are probably meant.
105. Prabhavakacaritra XXII, 769, f The remaiming Prabandhas, too, maintain that Kumarapala prosented his kingdom to Hemacandra. The motive for this is, however, given differently.
100. Kumārapalacarita p. 146.
107. Kumārapāūlacarita, pp. 211-223. At the end of the work, on p. 279, there is a further. list of Birudas, which diverges in many points.
108. Praladakemritra XXII 850
pp. 102 ff and p. 112 Kumārapalaerita, p. 243 and p. 279,
The second one, which Brahmin-legend about The latter is probably

109. Prabhdealacaritra XXII, 852-53; Prabandhacintamasi pp. 244f; Kumarapalacarita, pp. 286 ff. As Jinamandana's account of the manner of Kumārapāla's death may possibly contain historical elements, it may be given in full. It runs ( on pp. 284 f. ) as follows : ततः श्रीगुरुविरहातुरो राजा यावद् दौहित्रं प्रतापमलं राज्ये निवेशयति तावत् किंचिद्विकृतराजवर्गभेदोऽजयपालो आयुष्यः श्रीकुमारपालदेवख विषमदात् । तेन विपुरितगात्रो राजा ज्ञाततत्प्रपञ्चः स्वां विषापहारशुतिको फोशस्थां शीघ्रमानयतेति निजासपुरुषानादिदेश । ते च तां पुराप्यजयपालगृहीतां ज्ञात्वा तूष्णीं स्थिताः । अत्रान्तरे व्याकुले समस्तराजलोके विषा[२] हारे [१] फेरनाग [म] [हे] ज्ञाना कोऽपि पपाठ ।.........इत्याकये पात[५] राज्[जा] विसृशति तावत् कोऽपि आसस्थः । कृतकृत्योऽसि भूपाल कलिकालेऽपि भूतले । आमन्त्रयति तेन त्वां शा...... । .. विधिः । द्वयोर्लक्षं लक्षं दत्त्वा शिप्रानागमहेतुं शाया।
ad
Prabandhacintanasi, pp. 237 1; Prabandhakopa,
अर्थिभ्यः कनकस्य दीपकपिशा विश्राणिताः कोटयो वादेषु प्रतिवादिनां प्रतिहताः शास्त्रार्थगर्भा गिरः । उनान[उत्खात] प्रतिरोपितैर्नृपतिभिः सारैरिव क्रीडितं कर्तव्यं कृतमथेना यदि विधेतत्रापि सज्जा वयम् ॥
इत्युदीर्य दशधाराधनां कृत्वा गृहीतानशनों वर्ष ३० मास ८ दिवसान् २७ राज्यं कृत्वा कृतार्थी कृतपुरुषार्थः
सर्वशं हृदि संस्मरन् गुरुमपि श्रीहेमचन्द्रप्रभुं धर्मवदितं च कल्मषमषीप्रक्षालनापुष्कलं । व्योमापर्थम २० वसरे दिस [१] हत्सर्पिमूर्च्छाभरो त्यावाप कुमारपालनृपतिः स य [ व्य]न्तरापीशताम् ॥
The omitted line contains a hopelessly mutilated Prakrit verse.

Page #119

INDEX
...
25.
PAGES. Bhima I Bhinmāl
... 9. Bhişmas
... 20. Bhoja... ..
15, 17. Bhopāladevi ...
... 26. Bosari
... 26. Brāhmi, goddess ...
... ... 10. Brāhmideśa (Kāśmir)
... ... 10. Brhadurtti Brhaspati ...52f; Bhāva... 47, Ganda
29, 30, 32. Broach (Bhrgukaccha) ... 27, 35, 51.
...
...
PAGES. Abhaya. ...
33, 43. Abhidhānacintāmaņi ... 18, 36 f., 49. Abhijñānas'ākuntala... Ahmedabad ... ...
... ... 6. Ajmeru (Ajmer) ...
28, 37. Ajayadeva (Ajayapāla)
... 3, 57. Ajitasvāmin ...
28, 34. Alankāracūļāmani ... ... 10, 18 f., 36. Alaņkāras'āstra
... 36. Alhaņa ... ... ... ... 38. Ambikā
21, 25. Amiga
20, 29. Amrabhata ( Ambad) 29, 35, 51, 54, 57. Anā ... ... ... ... ... 53. Anekārthakairavākakaumudi ... 49. Anekārthakosa ... ... 15, 49 f. Anekārthasangraha
... 18. Anhilvād 16, 20, 25f., 28-31, 33, 44-46,
48, 50, 52, 57. Arbuda ( Abū) - ... ... ... 28. Arņorāja ... ... 28 f., 33 f., 37. Arya-Rakşita
... ... 3.
50.
...
25.
dhe
...
Cāciga ... ... ... ... 8f. Cakravartin ... ... ... ... 3. Cakulādevi... Cambay (Stambhatirtha) 6, 9, 26 f., 46,
48, 50, 56. Candra Gaccha
10. Candraprabha, temple of ... ... 53. Candrāvati ... ... ...
... 46. Cangadeva, Cāngadeva (H.'s worldly
name)... 6 ff., 9. Caritras ... ... ... ... 3. Caturmukha, temple of ... ... 19. Chandonus'āsana ... ... 18 f., 36. Chronicles of the Arabs ... ... 3.
» » » Middle Ages, Euaropen 3.
Baal, the priests of Bālacandra Ballāla Beruni Bhadrakāli
... 52. 50, 57.
33.
:
:
17.
32.1

Page #120

Cūḍāsamā
Dahala... Daji, Bhau
Dadarbas
Dattasüri
000
Dhanavṛddhi... Dhandhukā ... Dhanvantarinighantu Dharmaraja ... Digambaras ... Diksävihära
Dronas
Dusyanta
Delhi ...
36-38.
Desināmamala Dethli
26.
Devabodha
20.
39, 46, 53 f.
Devabodhi ... Devacandra... ...6, 10, 18, 27. Devapattana... 32 f., 45 f., 48, 52-54, 56.
...
Devaprasada...
25.
Devasūri
10, 14, 17. 44. 6, 46, 56.
37.
35.
45.
.9, 46.
20.
44.
Elijas...
Forbes, K.
Garhwal
Girnär
Gold, the art of making Gunacandra, Gapin Gunasena
Hargavardhana Hemacandra ... Hemakhanda Hiuen Tsiang
Indra...
Jaina libraries Jambasvamin

000
...
⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
800
...
PAGES.
PAGES.
.. 35. Jayasimha Siddharaja 5, 9, 12 ff., 15, 17, 19, 21-27, 32, 36, 46, 48, 53.
50.
46.
...
000
...
Dvyās'rayamahākāvya 5, 12, 18 f., 21, 33 f., 36, 41, 43 f., 48, 56.
52.
::
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
33.
20 f., 23, 29, 46, 56. 10. 4, 17 f., 50, 57.
10.
22.
1.
42.
10.
2.
***
46.
1 and passim.
57.
46.
***
1.
...
101
34.
2. 48.
Jesalmir Jholikavihāra
Jinamaṇḍana Jodhpur
Kakala, Kakkala, Kakkalla... Kalidasa
Kapalika Kapardin
Karambavihāra
Karka
Karna Karnas
Karnavati
Katantra
Kalikalasarvajña (title conferred upon
H.) Kaliyuga
Kalyāṇa
Kalyāṇa-kaṭaka Kāñci...
Kanoj...
Kanhada (Kṛṣṇa) Kantesvart
Kathakosa Käthiäväd Kedara
Kedaranatha, temple of
Kelhana
Kielhorn
Kirtikaumudi.
Kolhapur
Konkan
Kotikagana Kotinagara (Kodinara) Kṛpāsundari...
...
...2 and passim.
37.
...

609
Kṛṣṇadeva (Kanhaḍadeva )... Kṣemaraja
Kubera Kumarapala
600
...16f.
... 44.
܃ ܃ ܃ ܃ ܃
53.
2, 58, 27.
53.
26.
. 46.
46. 18.
25, the ruler of Dahala 53.
... 20.
... 9, 31.
17.
20.
...
... 6, 12.
20.
...
27.
⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
46.
25.
52.
33, 46. 38, 44.
17.
44.
27. 29. 10. 21. 35. 26 f. 25. 34.
6
...3, 5, 19-21, 24-29
and passim.

Page #121

Kumarapalacarita Kumărardsas
Kumaravalacariya Kumaravihara Kumaraviharaprasasti Kumatesvara
Kumudacandra
Lakşa Lokaloka-esitys
Madhumata Sartha ... Mahabharata
Mahavira, temple of... Mahatracarita
Mahendra
Maladharin
Mallikarjuna
Malva
Manu
Mārvāḍ
.AGES.
8, 38, pl. 2.
2. ...5, 49.
...33, 45, 48, 52, pl. 46.
50.
46.
18.
Mayapalladevi Merutunga
Modhera
Moharajaparajaya
Malaraja
Municandra
Müşikāvihāra
Pahinr Palli-land Pañcaladeda

***
***
Nala...
Namamala, Seṣākhyā Namdol (Nadula)
Nasik
***
Navaghana
Nemicarita ...
Neminatha
Nighantu (Nighantulera) Nirbhayabhima Nirvana
...
10.
19, 20, 22. 22 f. 5, 33, 35, 38, 41, 43-45, 48, 56.
49 f.
23.
29.
14, 17f., 27, 29, 31, 33 f., 44,
38.
28.
14.
1, 4, 7 and passim.
...
***
***
...
...
...
44, 54.
44.
***
***
***
...
42.
15, 36 f., 49.
38, 44. 20.
35.
19.
20, 21, 23, 45, 56.
36.
50.
57.
6. 3, 35.
5, 15, 54.
10, 34.
45.
...
***
...
...
...6, 11, 29, 31.
37. 44.
102
Pindavas Pandus
... ...
Panduranga ... Paris'istaparvan (or
Parsvanatha
Pattavalis (Guravalis) Prabandhacintamani Prabandhakosa
Prabhäcandra
19 f.
41.
41, 43. Sthaviravalicarita) 48.
6, temple of
33, 45, 48, 56.
49.
Rajasekhara ... Ramacandra...
Rās Mālā
Rathayatras, Jaina Ratnamālā
Ratnapariksa Ratnavali Rsimandalastotra

Prabhavakacaritra 2, 5, 6, 8 and passim.
... 2, 10.
49.
Pradyumnasuri Pramanamimärhad Pratapamalla... Pratisthana (Paithan) Pravarapura...
57.
27.
Pūrṇacandra Gaccha
Sahasralinga... Saindhavi Devi
Sajjana
Saka Prince of Garjans Sakambhari-Sambhar Sakatayana Sakuntala-saga
Săligavasahikā
Samkli
Samudraghosa Santinatha, life of Santinathacarita Sapadalakṣa ... Sarasvata mantra
PAGES.
***
...1 and passim.
Raghuvilapa ...
Raivatavatara, the sanctuary of Nemi
nath ...
...
⠀⠀⠀
...
...
***
...
...
...
...
19, 50, 57.
1f.
45.
19.
37.
36,
2.
...
2f.
2.
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
***
15.
10.
...
50.
19.
54.
20f. 54.
33 f., 37. 17.
44.
46.
20.
24.
10.
10.
2f.
10.
22, 28 f., 37.
N
10.

Page #122

PAGES.
Satrunjaya 20 f., 29, 35, 45 f., 51, 56.
15.
55. 15-17. 22 f., 53.
Siddhacakra ... Siddhahemacandra Siddhapura S'isyahita Sodhās'yavaka Sollāka
17.
52.
29.
Somacandra
6, 8, 11.
Somanatha
20, 29, 32, 46, 56.
21.
...
***
Somanathapattana Somesvara... Srimat-Samba Śrimodh Vania Sripala
Suvrata, temple of Svetambaras... Syadvādama jari
...
...

Thana (Sthananga).... Thanesar
...
...
6 f. 12, 19 f.
...
Tamalipti
Tattvaprakas'ika (Haimavibhrama)
35, 51, 54.
...1, 45.
49.
10.
17.
10.
46.
... 3, 33.
56.
...
Tirthankaras... Tirthayatraprabandha Tod, Col. J. ...
32. 25, 45.
29.
Tribhuvanapala Tripuruşaprāsāda Trisastis alakapuruşacaritra 5, 30, 48, 49. Turuska
34.
444
44.
26.
...
***
50.
***
Udayacandra Udayana 6, 9, 15, 26-32, 35, 43, 51, 54, 57. Ugrabhūti
17.
Ujjain
15.
...
...
103
Utsäha
Vägbhata Vaijayanti Vaisnavas Vajra Sakha Vajrasvamin... Vamadeva (Vamarādi) Vamanasthali
Vardhamana... Vardhamanaganin Vardhamanapura (Vaḍhvan) Vatapadra (Baroda) Vidyadevis Vikramaditya Vindhya
Vira ... Viratidevi
Vitabhaya Vitaraga Vitardgastotra
Wilson, H. H.
Yama... Yaśaḥpāla Yafa candra
...
Yasobhadra ... Yasovarman... Yasodhavala... Yogas'astra
Yoginis

....
417
...
Yükävihdraprabandha
*
PAGES.
28, 34-37, 45 f., 56.
36.
...
***
45.
10, 34.
48.
52.
35.
35.
50.
...
2.
10, 27.
53.
29.
34.
***
***
:*:
3. 35. 42, 45.
30.
39 f.
...
15.
...
...
***
... 34.
....3, 35. 50, 54.
...
1.
46. 30, 38-40, 48, 53, 55. 54. 44.
...
10. 13 f.

Page #123

26
25
ERRATA. 5 line 7 for Kumāravălcariya read Kumāravalacariya 27 » furions
furious e » 33 » pursuation
remonstrance Srimāli
Srīnāli Kumudcandra
Kumudacandra aftar
after 39 date
data matrics
metrics » 33 purturbed
perturbed Māhavīra
Mahāvīra 26 , 29 seventeenth
seventh last line materials of
metrical as
above after line 13 add: indicate that Hemacandra had always been in connection with Udayana's family. Thus all the Prabandhas line 11 after the Court-Pandit add of Jayasimha , 13 for parhaps
perhaps rediated
radiated Tribhuvan pāla...
Tribhuvanapāla.... after
before Pramānamimārsū
Pramānamimärsii signature
colophon 18 merchant
merchants “Scholar”
"scholars" 6 & 29, Kunteśvari
Kaņţeśvari 53.. 19 & 22, Dāhala
Dāhala 54 , 15 Kunteśvarī
Kaņțeśvari 56 , 2 , register
registers title
titles 1 » 16 king Dābala
king of Dāhala N. B.-As mentioned in the Preface, I am thankful to Professor Dr. M. Winternitz
for indicating the misprints in this essay.
read
41 13 33
, » »
8
»
20
M. P.

Page #124
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