Indian Antiquary Vol 53

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Stephen Meredyth Edwardes, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032545/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc., EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND STEPBEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.v.o., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE AND PROF. RAO SAHEB S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) Ph.D., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA VOL. LIII.--1924. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra'at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. .. 97 ALTEKAR, ANANT SADASIV, M.A., LL.B. A HISTORY OF IMPORTANT ANCIENT TOWNS AND OITIES IN GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD. Sup. 1 ANSTEY, L. M.Oassumunar .. .. .. .. .. 84 Tootnague .. .. 262 BAILEY, T. GRAHAME Hatim's Tales by Sir Aurel Stein and others, 137 The Lay of Alha, by William Waterfield .. 208 CROOKE, THE LATE DR. W., C.I.E., D.C.L., F.B.A. - NOTES ON SOME MUHAMMADAN SAINTS AND SHRINES IN THE UNITED. PROVINCES DANIEL, K. N.KOTTAYAX PLATE OF VIRA-RAGEAVA CHATRAVARTTI .. .. 185, 219, 244 The ANCHUVANNAM AND THE MANIGRAMAX OF THE KOTTAYAM PLATES OF TANU IRAVI OR THE JEWS AND CHRISTIANS .. .. 257 DAYA RAM SAHNI, RAI BAHADUR, M.A.MANTKARNIKA GHAT (BENARES) STONE INSCRIPTION OF VIRESWARA (VIKRAMA) .. 209 DODERET, W.A History of ancient and modern Festivals of the Aryans by Rgvedi ... .. .. 88 A Motaphysique of Mysticism, by A. Govinda. charya Swamin .. .. .. .. 262 EDWARDES, 8. M., 0.9.1., O.V.O. TAX MARATRAS AT THE CLOSE OY TAX EIGHTEENTH CENTURY . UMAJI NAIK .. .. .. .. 103, 117 TER ANGESTRESS OF A GOVERNOR-GENERAL, 197 Administrative System of the Marathas, by Surendranath Sen, M.A., Ph.D. .. 17 17 Political History of India from the accession of Parikshit to the coronation of Bimbisara, by Hemchandra Raychaudhuri, M.A. .. 18 Journal of Indian History, by Dr. Shafaat Ahmad Khan .. .. .. .. Allahabad University, History of Jahangir, by Beni Prasad, M.A. Epigraphia Camatica, Vol. II, Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, by Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar, M.A. .. ...47 The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, by J. J. Modi, B.A., Ph.D., C.I.E. 87 Annual Report of the Director-General of Arch mology in India, by Sir John Marshall. 87 Ardha-Magadhi Reader, by Banarsi Das Jain, M.A. .. .. .. .. .. 116 Annual Roport of the Watson Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot, 1922-23 . . 116 The Konkan and the Konkani Language, by Rao Saheb Dr. V. P. Chavan .. .. 138 EDWARDES, S. M., O.S.I., O.V.O.--contd The Life and Work of Puddl'aghosa, by Bimala Charan Law, M.A. .. .. .. 181 Les Theories Diplomatiques de l'Indo An cienne et l'Arthacastra, par Kalidae Nag, 182 The Army of Ranjit Singh, Parts I and II, by Sita Ram Kohli, M.A. .. .. .. 182 The Sahityadarpana of Viswanaths and history of Alankara literature, by P. V. Kane, M.A. .. .. .. .. .. 183 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy .. .. .. 184 Memorial Papers, by Shams-ul-ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A., Ph.D., O.I.E. .. 184 Memories of the Archeological survey of India, by Ramachandra Kak .. .. 207 Annual Report on Epigraphy for the yoar 1921-22 .. .. .. .. .. A Practical Sanskrit Dictionary, by A. A. sacdonnell, M.A. .. .. .. .. 273 Sivaji's Sword, Bhavani .. .. .. 18 A Folk Story, by M. Govindarajulu .. 255 North Indian Proverbe, collected by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube, for the information of the late Dr. W. Crooke, O.I.E. .. .. 256 FOLK TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA, Sup. 1, 9, 17 ENTHOVEN, R. E. The Dravidian Element in Indian Culture, by Gilbert Slater, M.A. . . . . . . 181 Devaks in the Deccan and Konkan .. .. 139 GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE A., K.O.L.E. The Dative Plural in Pali, by Prof. Surendra nath Majumdar Sastri .. .. .. 68 GUPTE, Y. R.-- A Grant of the Vakataka Queen Prabhava. tigupta .. .. .. .. .. HALDER, R. R.AN UNKNOWN BATTLE BETWEEN A RULER OF GUJARAT AND A KING OX MEWAR .. .. 100 | HERAS, Rev. H., S.J., M.A. THE BIEGE AND CONQUEST OY THE FORT OT ABIRGARH BY THE EMPEROR AEBAB .. 33 HILL, 8. CHARLES NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERA, Sup. 68, 61, 77 HIRA LAL, RAI BAHADUR, B.A. A VISIT TO TUMANA .. .. .. .. 207 HIRIYANNA, PROF. M., M.A BHARTR PRAPANCA 1 AN OLD VEDANTPN .. 77 HOCART, A. M. Spells of Origin .. .. .. .. .. 18 J. M. B.No. 1, Vol. 3, of Djawa, The Quarterly Journal of the Java Institute .. Djawa No. 2 . . . . .

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CONTENTS JARL CHARPENTIER, Prof., UPSALA TEMPLE, SIR R. O., Br.--contd. CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALDI, 49 PEARL AND COTTON MERCHANTS BLANG.62 A NOTE ON THE PRATHAMASAKHA BRAHMANS, 122 A FIXED EASTOR AND THE REFORM OF THE JOSEPH, T K., B.A., L.T. - CARISTIAN CALENDAR .. .. 212, 236 MALABAR MISCELLANY .. .. .. .. 93 Disposal of Deceased Lamas in Eastern Tibet A PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION ROUND A PENSTAN and the Mummifying of Bodies in China .. 41 CROSS AT KATAMARRAM, TRAVANCORE. .. 123 The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of KALIPADA MITRA. M.A., B.L.-- Burma, translated by Pe Maung Tiu and CROSS-COUSIN RELATION BETWEEN BUDDHA AND DEVADATTA G. H. Luce .. .. .. .. .. 125 .. .. .. 42 FURTHER NOTE ON RITUAL MURDER A9 A The Indian Atheneum. A Journal devoted MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN .. to history, literature and the arts, vol. 1, MOHD. ISMAIL, CH., M.A., M.R.A.S.-- No.1 .. .. .. .. .. .. 47 SOME COPPER COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA .. 204 The Lay of Alha, by William Water field, MOOTHIAH, J. S. B.C.S., and Sir George Grieron, K.C.I.E. 65 FOLK TALES FROM THE DECOAN .. .. 271 11) The Lost Ring of Sakuntala, (2) Were the NUNDOLAL DEY, MA., B.L. Pradyotas of the Puranas rulers of Magadha ? GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri . .. 68 MEDIEVAL INDIA.. Sup. 151, 159, 176, 183 The Arab Conquests in Central Asia, by R. G. H. A. R. Gibb .. .. .. .. .. 92 Sir Subrahmanya Ayyar Lectures on the His. Report of the Archaeological Survey, Burma, tory of Sri Vaishnavas, by T. A. Gopinatha 1923 .. .. .. .. Rao . . . . . . . . . 65 ! Census of India, 1921, The Andaman and Studies in South Indian Jainism, by M. S. Nicobar Islanda, by R. F. Lewis .. .. 137 Ramaswami Aiyangar, M.A. . .. 273 Third All-India Oriental Conference.. .. 207 RAMACHANDRA AIYAR, L. R., MA. Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, by G. Yazdani, 208 THE KNIGHT'S TOUR AT CHESS The Subject Index to Periodicals, 1920 .. 229 RAMANATHA AYYAR, A. S., B.A. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. 2, Pt. 5, by Don RAMAVARMA YASOBHUSHANAM AND VASU. Martino de Z. Wickremasinghe .. .. MATI KALYANAM .. Tho Library System of the Baroda State, RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, A., B.A. hy Newton M. Dutt .. .. .. .. VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU ... .. Rajendra, the Gangaikonda Chole, by s. RAWLINSON, H. G. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ph.D. .. .. 230 The Disposal of Deceased! Lamas .. Journal of the United Provinces Historical RAY, H. O., M.A. Society, Vol. III, Pt.I .. .. .. 231 TE INDIAN ALPHABET Supplementary Catalogue of the Coins in the ROSE, H. A., I.O.S. Indian Museum Coin Cabinot, by B. B. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, Bidya binod .. .. .. .. 256 SERIES IV .. . 107, 161, 200, 240 Notes from Old Factory Records .. 20, 68 SAMADDAR, J. N., B.A., F.R.E.S., F.R.H.S., TURNER, R. L.M.R.A.S. The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians TER ECONOMIC IDEAS TROM THE KAMASUTRA, 146 and Paisachi Prakrit, by Sir George A. SCHMIDT, P. W., S.V.D.-- Grierson, K.C.I.E. .. .. .. .. 113 THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION ON THE ANDA UNKNOWNMANESE * .. .. 160, 165 A Poetical Fragment in praise of the pen .. 136 SESHA AIYAR, K. G. UTGIKAR, NARAYAN BAPUJI, M.A.Mount D'Eli . .. .. 252 CULTURAL, LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY H18TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT., O.B., C.I.E., F.S.A. - TORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA, A BETOK OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE 13. 23 BY HERMANN JACOBI .. .. 128, 141 DR. WILLIAN OROOKE, C.I.E., D.S.O., LITT.D., F.B.A. . .. .. .. 21 Orrambarrow .. 233

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CONTENTS MISCELLANEA. Disposal of Deceased Lamas in Eastern Tibet and th Muromifying of Bodies in China. by Sir R.C.. T'emple Cassumunar, by L. M. Anstey .. .. .. 64 The Disposal of Deconged Lamas, by H. G. Rawlinson .. .. 113 A Postical Fragment in praise of the pen, by an Unknown Author 136 Third A11. India Oriental Conference, by Sir R. C. Temple Mount D'Eli, by K. G. Sesha Aiyar .. .. Tootnague, hy L, M. Anstey .. .. .. BOOK-NOTICES. Administrative System of the Marathas, by Surendranath Sen, M.A., Ph.D., by S. M. Edwardes .. 17 Political History of India from the accession of Parikshit to the Coronation of Bimbisara, by Hem. chandra Raychaudhuri, M.A., by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma, translated by Pe Maung Tiu and G. H. Luce, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Journal of Indian History, by Dr. Shafaat Ahmal Khan, by S. M. Edwardes .. . Allahabad University, History of Jahangir, by Beni Prasad, M.A., by 8. M. Edwardes.. .. No. 1, Vol. 3, of Djawa, The Quarterly Journal of the Java Institute, by J.M.B. .. .. .. .. Diawa, No. 2, by J.M.B... .. . .. The Indian Athenaeum. A Journal devoted to history, literature and the arts. Vol. 1, No. Sir R. O. Temple .. . Epigraphia Camatica, Vol. II, Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, by Rao Rahadur R. Narasimhachar, M.A., by S. M. Edwardes .. The Lay of Alha, by William Waterfield, B.C.S., and Sir George Grierson, K.O.I.E., by Sir R. O. Temple, Sir Subrahmanya Ayyar lectures on the history of Sri Vaishnavas, by T. A. Gopinatha Rao, by R. G... The Dative Plural in Pali, by Prof. Surendranath Majumdar Sastri, by Sir G. A. Grierson .. .. (1) The lost Ring of Sakuntala, (2) Were the Pradyotas of the Puranas rulers of Magadha 1, by Suren. dranath Majumdar Sastri, by Sir R. C. Temple ... .. .. The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, by J. J. Modi, B.A., Ph.D., C.L.E., by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. Annual Report of the Director-General of Archaeology in India, by Sir John Marshall, by S. M. Edwardes, 87 A history of Ancient and Modern Festivals of the Aryans by Rgvedi, by W. Doderet .. .. . The Arab Conquests in Central Asia, by H. A. R. Gibb, by Sir R. C. Temple .. The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians and Paisachi Prakrit, by Sir George Greirson, K.C.I.E., by R. L. Turner .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Ardha-Magadhi Reader, by Banarsi Das Jain, M.A., by S. M. Edwardes . . . Report of the Archeological Survey, Burma, 1923, by Sir R. O. Temple Annual Report of the Watson Museum of Antiquities, Rajkot, 1922-23, by S. M. Edwardes .. Census of India, 1921, The Andaman and Nicobar Islands, by R. F. Lewis, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Hatim's Tales, by Sir Aurel Stein and others, by T. Grahame Bailey .. The Konkan and Konkani Language, by Rao Saheb Dr. V. P. Chavan, by S. M. Edwardes .. The Dravidian Element in Indian Culture, by Gilbert Slater, M.A., by R. E. Enthoven .. 181 The Life and Work of Buddhaghosa, by Bimala Charan LAW, M.A., by S. M. Edwardes .. 'Les Theories Diplomatiques de l'Inde Ancienne et l'Arthacastra, par Kalidas Nag, by S. M. Edwardes, 182 The Army of Ranjit Singh, Parte I and II, by Sita Ram Kohli, M.A., by S. M. Edwardes The Sahityadarpana of Visvanatha and history of Alankara Literature, by P. V. Kane, M.A., by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 183 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Ananda K. Coomara swamy, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. Memorial Papers, by Shamg-ul-ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A., Ph.D., C.I.E., by S. M. Edwardes, 184 Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, by Ramchandra Kak, by S. M. Edwardes .. .. 207 Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, by G. Yazdani, by Sir R. C. Temple .. The Lay of Alha, by William Waterfield, by T. Grahame Bailey ... .. .. .. .. 208 The Subject Index to Periodicals, 1920, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. 229 Epigraphia-Zoylanica, Vol. 2, Pt. 5, by Don Martino de Z, Wickromasinghe, by Sir R. C. Temple .. 229 The Library System of the Baroda State, by Newton M. Dutt, by Sir R. C. Temple... ... .. Rajondra, the Gangaikonda Chola, by S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ph.D., by Sir R. O. Templo .. 137 .. 18! .. 189 . .. 184 . .. 208

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OONTENTS Journal of the United Provinces Historical Society, Vol. III, pt. I, by Sir R. O. Temple .. A Metaphysique of Mysticism, by A. Govindacharya Svamin, by. W. Doderet Annual Report on Epigraphy for the yoar 1921-22, by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. Supplementary Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum Coin Cabinet, by B. B. Bidya binod, by Sir R. Tomple .. .. .. A Practical Banskrit Dictionary, by A. A. Macdonnell, M.A., by 8. M. Edwardes Studios in South Indian Jainism, by M. 8. Ramaswami Aiyongar, M.A., by R. G. NOTES AND QUERIES. Sivaji's Sword, Bhavani, by S. M. Edwardes Orrambarrow, by William Foster .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 20 Notes from Old Factory Records, by Sir R. C. Temple .. . .. A Grant of the Vakataka Queen Prabhavatigupta, by Y. R. Gupte .. Devaks in the Deccan and Konkan, by R. E. Enthoven .. .. .. .. 139 A Polk Story, by M. Govindarajulu, by 8. M. Edwardes . .. .. .. .. .. 255 North Indian Proverbe, collected by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube, for the information of the late Dr. W. Orooke, O.I.E., by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. 256 SUPPLEMENT. Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by S. Charles Hill .. . 63, 61, 27 Goographieal Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, by Nandolal Doy, M.A., B.L., 161, 160, 176, 183 Folk Talon from Northern India, edited by 8. M. Edwardes .. .. .. . . .. 1, 3, 17 A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, by Anant Sadasiv Altekar, M.A., LL.B. PLATES. One Plate .. Pour Platen .. Soven Plates .. .. . to face 123 to face 186, 244, 246, 248 .. .. to face 262 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME LIII-1924 RAMAVARMA-YASOBHUSHANAM AND VASUMATI-KALYANAM. BY A, 8. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A. As is the case with almost all the branches of Indian culture, Sanskrit poetios was also developed with the analytioal exactitude of & science, and there have been many works written on the several sub-divisions of this subjeot, giving clear rules on the art of good composition; and although this out and dry standardisation acted sometimes as a drag on the genius of great poets, a close adherence to the rules, however, enabled even mediocre authors to achieve some success, or at any rate, to avoid the pitfalls of bad composition. One such treatise of the fourteenth oenturyis Pratd parudriya or Pratd parudra-yascbhushana, which is familiar to students of Sanskrit literature as & work on Sanskrit poetics composed by the poet Vidyanatha, who flourished in the court of Prataparudra II (A.D. 1291-1322), the last great Kakatiya sovereign of Warangal, and modelled on the lines of, but covering a wider range of subjects than, Bhamaha's Alankdra, Mammaja's Kavyaprakasa and Vidyadhara's kdvall. Its comprehensive character can be correctly gauged by a consideration of the subjects dealt with in the nine chapters into which it is divided, viz., the Nayaka, Kavya, Nataka, Rasa, Dosha, Guna, SabdAlan k&ra, Arthalai kara and Misralar kara prakaranas. In addition to being thus & work of literary merit and an exhaustive treatise on poetios and rhetorio, Pratdparudriya has, as it's name implies, this peouliarity, that the verses illustrative of the definitions and rules are of the author's own composition, wherein one or the other of Prata parudra's merits, such as his prowess, bravery, generosity, beauty, eto., real or imaginary, are extolled with poetio embellishments. That such an achievement has been possible with the limited range of the attributes of a single hero, goes far to exhibit the high attainments of the author and the flexibility of the Sanskrit language when wielded by a master-hand. Sinee the appearance of this work in the beginning of the fourteenth oentury, several other poets have emulated this model for glorifying their respective patrone ; and among such compositions may be mentioned Nasjardja-yashbhushanal of Narasimhakavi, Alankaraman. ushal of Purdhita Nahanabhai and Satavairi-vaibhava-div karame modelled after Kuva. layananda of Appayya Dikshita. In Tamil, too, instances of this temptation to panegyrise the contemporary kings in the illustrative verses are not lacking; for, we find in the Irai. yandr-agapporul-urais nearly 315 out of the 400 verses oited as illustrations are in praise of a certain Pandya king Nedumaran, and in Mdyanalankdram the verses of the author's composition are all in glorification of Maran alias Nammalvar, the great Vaishnava Saint 1 Introduction to Prata parudriya (Allahabad Edition). Introduotion to Marapalan baram (Madars Edition). * In ante, vol. XXXVII, p. 19%

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1924 of Tirukkurukur. But none of these works, either in Sanskrit or in Tamil, is so comprehensive in its contents or so completely independent of extraneous help for its rules and their illustrations as Prataparudrtya. In the Trivandrum Palace Library there is a manuscript entitled Ramavarma-yasobhushana, which, on examination, proved to be an exact reproduction of Prataparudriya with regard to the rules, definitions and their explanatory notes classified under the same nine chapters detailed above, but with the illustrative verses composed, agreeably to its title, in praise of the Travancore king Rama-Kulasekhara-Vanchipala. The author of this work is said to be a certain Sadasiva-makhin, son of Chokkanathadhvarin; but further details about his pedigree are not available here. A drama written by this author in the reign of the same king and called Lakshmi-kalyanam contains the statement that he belonged to the Bharadvaja-gotra and that his mother's name was Minakshi; but the village wherefrom he hailed still remains undetermined. We know of three different persons of the name of Chokkanatha, who lived at the end of the seventeenth century:-viz., (1) the son of Tippadhvarin who composed his drama called Sevantika-parinayam at the request of king Basava-kshitindra, who may perhaps be identified with Ikkeri Basavappa Nayaka (1691-1714) or with Basavarajendra (A.D. 1700); (2) the learned commentator of the Yudhishthiravijaya, who was the son of Sudarsana-bhatta of the Bharadvaja-gotra, Chhandogapravara and a native of Sattanur near Srirangam, and (3) the preceptor and father-in-law of Ramabhadra-Dikshita (1693) and the author of Sabdakaumudi and Bhasyaratna vali.8 Of these, No. 3 may be eliminated from the list, as he was of the Saunaka-gotra and cannot therefore have been the father of our author Sadasiva of the Bharadvaja-gotra; and of the other two, both of whom were of the latter gotra, No. 1 may be the fifth son of Tippadhvarin (a Telugu brahman) and the author of Kantimati-parinaya-nataka and Rasavilasa-bhana, but it is not known if he had a wife named Minakshi. As regards No. 2 he has mentioned at the end of his commentary that it was completed in the year Vikrama, Nabhas (Sravana) month, Monday, Revati, ba., tritiya, and as these details seem to be correct for A.D. 1760, August 29, he may be tentatively considered as the father of Sadasiva, until other confirmatory evidence becomes available. Unlike Prataparudriya, which has furnished many interesting tit-bits of historical information about its Kakatiya hero that have since been verified by epigraphical researches, the Adornment of the glory of Ramavarman' is a composition of purely literary * cokkanAthAbhvaritassarvavidyAvizAradaH / sadAzivamakhI so'yaM prabandhA bhAvukAmaNIH || soyaM sadAzivakRtirmadhuroktibandhA sAlaGkRtissarasabhAvanirUpaNoktA / kAntaM samicchati vadhUriva vacivAlazrIrAmavarmakulazekhara sArvabhaumam || 5 asti khalu bhAradvAja kulakalazajaladhihimakarasya sarvatantra svatantrasya cokanAthayajvanaH tanUjastha mInAkSIgarbhazuktimuktAmaNeH sadAzivayajvanaH kRtiH abhinavaM lakSmIkalyANaM nAma nATakam | * tippASvandritanayo nanu cokkanAthanAmA vipazcidayamadbhutanATakena | (and QJMS, Vol. X, pages 257-8). santoSya sadguNanidhiM basavakSitIndraM labdhAdhikAM bahunA svapuraM prayAtaH || 7 This commentary in manuscript is in the Trivandrum Palace Library, and at its end is found the following itizrIbhAradvAja kulavindara zrImahAla jena...hastagiriziSyeSa zAntanurapAmavAsinA cokanAyena viracitA // vikramAbde nabhomAsi revatI somavAsare / pwvezdarai saeruder glange? || In ante, vol, XXXIII, page 126. Ibid., page 130.

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JANUARY, 19241 RAMAVARMA-YASOBHUSHANAM AND VASUMATI.KALYANAM merit; for its author, evidently an East Coast Brahman, whose knowledge of or interest in the history of Travancore in those troublous times could never have been great, has failed to give an historical setting to his panegyrical verses, and has only revelled in the usual stereotyped but commendable descriptions, similitudes and imagery. If this should be so in the case of an author who flourished only a century and a half ago, there is nothing to wonder at in the paucity of historical material in the compositions of many of our earlier Sanskrit poets, with but a few honourable exceptions. The criticism that the average Indian author is laoking in the historical instinot can hardly be regarded as undeserved. The few points worthy of attention in this work may now be noted. That the hero of the work is none other than the nephew of Marttandavarman, the Great-the illustrious Rama-Kulasekhara-Vanchipala of the Solar race, who ascended the throne in Kollam 934 (A.D. 1759) and had a long eventful reign of 40 years till Kollam 974 (A.D. 1799), is understood from a verse, 10 which records, with a double entendre, that after Marttanda (tho king, the sun) had set, Raja (king Rama varman, the moon) asoended the Udayagiri (Udayagiri hill near Padmanabhapuram, the eastern hill). One item of new information furnished by this book is that Ramavarman was the son of a queen oalled Parvati 11, and it follows therefore that the princess of the Kolattunad family, who was adopted by Unni-Keralavar. man!in Kollam 893 (A.D. 1718), had this name or got it on adoption, Lakshmi and Parvatt being alternately the names borne by the Ranis of Travancore. The fact that the king has bson compared to god Subrahmanya!! may also contain the additional reference to his natal star baing the Kurttigai-nakshatra. He must have had more than two brothers, for they are referred to in the plural number a sagarbhydh, 13 and are cited as types of DMiralalita heroes. spending their time in their mansions in amorous dalliance; but we know ot only one brother Ravivarmanly (probably tho Makhayiram-tirunal of the Genealogioal Table16), who was present at the time of the dedication of the Travancore State to the god Padmanabha, the tutelary deity. The munificence16 and charitable disposition. 10 satAM mArge sthiravA sakalazubhamAdhAya jagatAM vipakSakSopIbhRttimiraharatejasvini vidheH| gate'staM mArtaNDe vidhuriva janAnanyajanaka: kalAsindhUrAjAdhudayamadhiko vijayate // 11 pArvasyAssukRtodayena jagatIkSemAva sAba duSTAnAmiha zikSaNAva sapunaH skandassare praarthitH| bhUskhA vavidharAdhipaH prathivayA zatayA ripUna zikSavana . sanamaNvapadaM banaki bhuvane zrIrAmavarmA nRpH|| .. 11 Travancore State Manual, Vol. I. pago 824 10 saudhAmoritaratnadIpakalikAmbAjArkabimbodaka myaakssinbhyprdaancturstriivaasthcndropH| gAvahiniyovataH pratinidha sattAssaga nRpA parikSoSipatenirantaravassaMpArthayantai mudA / / 14 Travancore Archmological Series, Vol. IV, pago 110 ., quoting tadanuja ravivarmA bhAginevaH svanAmA svayamapi satu pstishmaaptikbhaavaa| sakalabhuvanabhAra pacanAbhAva ityA manupatikulabhUpe svaamibhRtvsvbhaavH|-Balardmabharatam, 16 Travancoro Stato Manual, Vol. I page 388. "vidyAnApa nirakRyavasimasta karAguH kanakapAlikAnubandhAna / kavAvAsa pratipadaM nanu pabivAla zrIrAmavarmakula khara saarvbhaumH||

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OJANUARY, 1924 A prowess, literary aooomplishments18 and other incomparable qualities of this sovereign have the contemporary testimony of the author in some of the verses oocurring in the work, and these attributes go to justify the names of Dharmardja and Kilavanraja, by which he was lovingly remembered by his subjeots, and to confirm the ideal picture drawn of him in the pages of the Travancore State Manual 30 It is a pity that no reference has been made to any of the stirring political events of those times, as probably the work was composed early in the King's reign. The plot of the model drama oalled Vasulakshmi-kalyanam inserted in the Natakaprakarana or the third chapter of the book is as follows: The king of distant Sindhu had a daughter na med Vasulakshmi and had set his heart on marrying her to the king of Travancore, Balarama-Kulaskhara, whose accomplishments were much noised abroad. But the queen, who had another bridegroom in view in the person of her nephew, the prince of Sim hala, started her daughter on voyage ostensibly with the intention of visiting a famous temple, while the proposed destination was in reality Ceylon. Providenoe, however, upset the queen's calculations and the royal barge was stranded on that part of the Travancore shore which was in the jurisdiction of the frontier-captain (antadurgapala) Vasumadraja, the brother of Ramavarman's consort, Vasumati. The shipwrooked princess was then sent by this captain to his sister at the capital, where her beauty at once captivated the pliable heart of king Ramavarman, the hero of the drama. The usual love intrigues culminate in a clandestine meeting of the lovers in the Palace garden and the jealous senior then attempts to dispose of her rival by marriage to her cousin, the Pandya king. But this scheme is frustrated by the king and his accomplioo, the inevitable Vidu. shaka, who in the disguise of the Pandya king and his friend receive the bride. In the meantime, the Sindhuraja learns the whereabouts of his missing daughter through Nitisagara, the Travancore minister, and coming to Travancore with a large escort, confirms the betrothal of king Ramavarman with Vagulakshmi, which happily proved agreeable to his own inclinations. 1 bailokyaprathamAnabhAskarakulakSIrAdhirAkAzazI prtyaakssitipaalmaulimnniminiisjitaahirmuH| vikAntAkucakumbhacandanarasonmIlayazomaNDalA . rAjyazrIsamalakRto vijayate zrIrAmavarmA nRpH| 18 yadRcchAsalApaissamadhigataSaTtanyavibhave zamaskurvan dhIrAn sadasi rasabhAvaprakaTanaH / kabandhinvan gAnakramavivaraNAdanAvakavarAn / pariSkurvanvasvikSitipatilako'yaM vijayate // The King was himself the author of the following works : Rajaanyam, Subhadrdharanam, Gandharvavijayam, Pafchaliwayamvaram, Kalyd qasaugandhikam and Balardmabharatam. __7 sa eva devI bhuvane'janAbhaH sa eva deshstdupaahitaadhiH| ___ sAnansapuryeva purI sa vazcikSitIza eva kSitipAlakohi // 30 Travancore State Manual, VOL I, pp. 407 at sog. and Travancore Archmological Series, Vol. IV, part 1. In this connection, the tribute of praise rendered him by his nephew, Sri Ramavarma Varichiyuvardja of the Asvati nakshatra (1755-87) in bis Rukmini parinayam is worth noting: bhasti nikhilakhalahatyanicAnyamAna zaukazalbasva zalyasyeva dharmajAtavaddhacetasaH pracetasa iva pArcapariAjamagnavAhinIsahanasya sahanadIvitarivonmukhapanAkarahImapAipalavasya vainateyasyeva bhRzamahitApamAnavataH kAvikaivasvevApratihatazakterAkaNDalasyeva prakaTitazatakoTidAmavismayasya sakalaparipanthimaNDalAtvavavizrAntacApakarmaNo'pi sakala digntbhuubmaanngurugnndhvne| pAdhivapradhAnasthApi guNamavasva rAjA zrIpacanAbhavAsavasipAlakulazekhararAmaparmaNaH"

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JANUARY, 1924) RAMAVARMA-YASOBHUSHANAM AND VASUMATI-KALYANAM This, in short, is a summary of the five-act drama purged of all the extraneous matter that had of necessity to be introduced to illustrate the several rules and definitions of dra. maturgy and the long drawn love-scenes diotated by the conventional canons of literary tradition. It is not known if there is any inner significance underlying the story of Vasulakshmi's parentage in far-off Sindhu, her shipwreck on the Travancore shores en route to Ceylon, and her marriage with Ramavarman to the discomfiture of the two other rivals in the field, the princes respectively of Sinhala and Pandya. In the present state of our ignorance about the royal household of king Ramavarman, we can only say that this love-episode is a mere creation of the poet's imagination and the combined result of an anxiety on his part to flatter his patron and to compose a work in the accepted style, in conformity with the orthodox literary rules. The names given by the author to the important dramatis personae are very misleading and, except the name of the king, there is none other answering, so far as we know, to those of contemporary historical personages. The minister bears the professionally significant name of Nitisagara, while the coast-captain is a Vasumadraja, his sister is a Vasumati, and the Sindhu princess is a Vasulakshmi, all these three being derived from the word Vasu (=wealth). The suggestion therefore offers itself whether the author wanted to glorify in allegory some of the king's and his uncle's conquests81 and annexations near by, though not in Sindh, or whether a merchantman laden with cargo from Sindh and bound for Ceylon, which was perhaps stranded on the Travancore shores owing to the inclemency of the weather, was overhauled as prize by the Travancore coasting garrison and sent as salvage to the king at his capital.22 There is again in the same Library an extremely ill-copied manuscript of another fiveact drama called by the same title of Vasulakshmi-kalyanam, which is stated to have been composed in the year Visvavasuo3, without any indication, however, of its equivalent in the Saka or the Kollam era ; but as Kollam 960 (A.D. 1785), the twenty-sixth year of reign of Ramavarman, was also the cyclio year Visvavasu, that year may be taken to be the date of composition of this drama. Its hero is the same illustrious king of Travancore24 and its author, who is different from Sadasive, the composer of the other drama inserted into the Yasobhushanam, is a certain Venkatasubrahmanyadhvarin26 of the famous family 11 Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, pp. 333 et seq. 92 There is (however, no) reference to such an incident in the Travancore State Manual. 3 The more names of the year are and TH are mentionod at the end, without any other tronomical details or the year in any of the eras, Kali, Baka or Kollam. ______ tavAmuSyAyaNasyAsya prabandhe viziSya puNyamahArAjarAmavarmakulazekharacaritAnubandhe kuto name bhUyAnA TT: Fara! 36 s em ftregns() # l. Jarosu tatpuneSu vazAdhikeSvapi dRtIyassiAmappAvarI / tasmAcApi bhavAnIzakaramakhI kyeSTI guNerAvabhUt tasyaikA'jani veGkaTezvaramakhI basyAyamUnuH kaviH // vivalkulagurvappayyamakhinAM vaMzo mahonnato jIyAt / veTasubramaNyAthvarikaviviTunmaNiryatoAdabhUt // ita evAdhItanigamAdisarvaviyaH digantaviditanijavaikharIvibhavavitrAsibavimatavAdigajakasarI vaDAraNyezvaravAjapeyavAjItyabhijJAyate /

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1024 of Appayya-Dikshita (1553-1626) of Adaiyyappalam, whose genealogy is traced in the prasthavand of the drama in the following manner : Appayya- Dikshita (1654-1626) Other sons. Nilakanthadh varin (last son) 26 author of Nalacharitam 1) (2) (More than 7 other sons). (3) SimhamappAdh varin (Chinnappayya ?) author of Umparinayam Bhavanisan kara-Makhin (eldest son) Venkat&svara-Makhin, author of Ushaharanam Venkatasubrahmanyadhvarin . Vajaranyesvara-Vajapeyayajin author of Vasulakshmi kalyanam. brother and disciple of author. The plot of this drama, though similar in all essential particulars to that of the model drama noticed above, has been amplified in some details ; but it is also unfortunately dovoid of any specific ' historical interest, except that the marriage of the princess of Sindh with Ramavarman is stated to have been a diplomatic alliance, calculated to raise him to the status of a Sarvabhauma through the augmented friendship of the Hanaraja 27 (the Hon'ble East India Company ?). There is no reference at all to the attempted invasion of Travancore by Haidar 'Ali (A.D. 1769), or to the anxious political outlook of the country with the incubus of an impending foreign invasion looming to the north of the Travancore Lines, or even to the MahArdja's grand pilgrimage to Ramdevaram, which was undertaken in A.D. 178418 just a year previous to the date of compilation of the drama. Instead, the author has given the usual conventional setting to the whole plot, which makes it difficult to discover whether, if at all, any allegorical significance has to be read between the lines. With the exception of king Ramavarman, the hero, all the other important characters of the drama are given fictitious names coined from the same Sanskrit word vasu,' as can be seen from the appended list. BuddhisAgara-Travancore minister, Vasusene Commander, Vasumati-the consort of the Travancore Maharaja, Vasuman--the consort's brother and frontier-captain, Vasuvarman-Chera prinoe, Vagunidhi-Sindhuraja, Vasurasi-his son, and Vasulakshmi the Sindhu princess. The story of this drama is briefly as follows The minister Buddhis&gara; who has seen the portrait of Vasulakshmi, the Sindhu princess, is anxious that the king of Travancore should marry her, so that the latter's political 38 This name is incorrectly mentioned as Srikantha in the sloka, but it ought to be Nilakantha: compare also asya kaveH pUrvikAH zrImadappayyAdhvaritanucchannasya bhagavatacandramAlaraMcabhUtAH nIlakaNThamakhicinnappaybAvaribeTezvaramakhiprabhAkaradIkSitaprabhRtayaH SaDarzanIvallabhA'pi naLa caritomApariNayoSAharaNaharizcandrAnandaprabhRtibhiraparimiteefterf r a, otr. The genealogy of Nilakantha, the author of Nalavila so as given on page 121 of Vol. XI of the Mythic Society's Journal requires rovision. "parIkSya lakSaNajJAtA devajJAnAMmukhAsvayaM / niveSIvivAdustAM sArvabhaumatvalambhikAm // 38 Travancore State Manual, VoL I, Pago 384.

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JANUARY, 1924 ] influence may extend northwards and his friendship with the Hunaraja may also be strengthened. When news is received that the Sindhu princess is voyaging to Ceylon, the minister manages to waylay this ship in Travancore waters with the active cooperation of the Huna fleet, and Vasuman, the officer in command of the sea-coast who was also the brother of the Travancore king's consort, sends the captive princess to the royal Palace. There the king falls in love with her and manages to meet her in the royal pleasure gardens, to the intense chagrin of Vasumati, who tries to marry her rival to the Chera prince Vasuvarman and thus remove the unwelcome competitor out of the way. This plot fails, as in the other drama, by the counter-machinations of the king and his Vidushaka, who successfully personate the Chera prince and his boon-companion. By the artful scheming of the minister, coupled with the influence of her brother, Vasumati is, however, finally won over to consent to the marriage of Vasulakshmi with her own husband, and Vasurasi, the Sindhu' prince instructed by minister Buddhisagara, comes post-haste from his country to celebrate his sister's marriage with the Travancore king. By this alliance, it is stated, the friendship of both the parties with the Hunaraja 29 was strengthened and the influence of the Travancore king was visibly enhanced. RAMAVARMA-YASOBHUSHANAM AND VASUMATI-KALYANAM 7 It will be seen from the above summary that the thread of the story is the same as that of the other drama of the same name and that the difference is only in the names of the characters. The only new point here is the introduction of the Honaraja as the third party in the alliance; but unluckily no definite clue to the identification of this foreigner is forthcoming in the drama. In all probability, however, the allusion may fitly be to the Hon'ble East India Company, which has been described 29 as, and was in fact a fast rising power in the political horizon of India, whose help and goodwill were much coveted and sought after by the Indian princes of that period. From the Travancore State Manual,30 it is learnt that 'the port of Alleppey was opened out for commerce in the reign of this king (Ramavarman) much to the detriment of the Dutch trade' and that great facilities were afforded to certain wealthy merchants of Sindh and Cutch to colonise at that port, so as to assure the commercial prosperity of the State. In the drama again Sindhuraja is mentioned as the friend of Ramavarman's uncle, 31 Marttandavarman, and although the province of Sindh 33 is located in northern India, with the country of Kachchha in its vicinity, we are led to think that the references in the drama are not to the northern provinces of Sindh and Cutch as such, but to certain merchants of these countries, who were generally carrying on a brisk trade along the West Coast down to Ceylon, and whose settlement at the new port of Alleppey was the happy achievement of king Ramavarman. When the Dutch trade was thus undermined, the Hon'ble East India Company, which had only a few decades before got a slippery footing at Anjengo and Vilijnam, was now enabled to have a more secure commercial as well as political base of operations on the West Coast, and with the establishment of good relations between the Travancore king and the northern merchant-princes of Sindh and OM savaneva tIrthena vinayapazcimAnUpavAsinI'pi bharatavarSamAna hUnarAjasva ciramavRttamapi sana bahukI bhaviSyatItimanye / 30 Vol. I, p. 372. 31 segamapas vakare diye. bodhIti dhanurAgameSu sahateH tulyazca bAhorbale / 33 sindhoruttarakacchabhUmimavadhIkRtya himAdreH kSitiM (sanvikpAvasannibhI vasunidhiH kvAtaprabhAvaH kSitau //

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Cutch, it also rapidly strengthened its influence and extended its sphere of activity further in the north. This appears to be a plausible interpretation of the story of Vasulakshmi-kalyanam, in the absence of other evidence to connote an actual marriage of the king with a Sindhu princess called Vasulakshmi. Her name, which means literally the Goddess of Wealth, may aptly do duty for a personification of the anticipated commercial prosperity of the State consequent on the new colonisation by the northern merchants, whose introduction into the country and the grant of special privileges to whom were, however, first viewed with disfavour and jealousy by the conservative 'natives of the soil', as personified in the legal consort Vasumati (the Earth), until their prejudice was tided over by proper arguments adduced by the able minister; while Vasuman, the veladurgapala (the portofficer ?), who was also convinced of the advantages that would accrue to the State by Vasulakshmi's marriage (increased commercial activity), heartily sided with the minister in his endeavours to win over Vasumati's consent. 8 [ JANUARY, 1924 If the above significance was really intended by the author of the drama, he could have better achieved his purpose by a more direct treatment of the subject, which though it would have robbed him of opportunities for much sentimental rhapsody, would however have enhanced the value of his work with its quasi-historical associations. Or, if it was considered that a drama could not endure without the enlivening pigment of love, some manly historical theme connected with the great king's public life, touched up here and there with the poetic brush of imagination, could equally well have furnished the author with the necessary outlines for ardent colouring; but instead both the authors have pitched upon the marriage of a hypothetical Sindhu princess for their plots! All the same, the dramas under reference are good productions so far as their literary side is concerned, and the second author, true to his pedigree from the great Advaitin Appayya-Dikshita, has managed to give a philosophical twist to some of the mundane experiences of love. I am indebted to Pandit V. Srinivasa Sastriar for bringing to my notice the existence of the two manuscripts in the Palace Library and for reading out the works from the ill written cadjan; he has also helped me with some references. VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU.1 (A Glimpse into the Literary History of the Mauryan Age.) By A. RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, B.A. THE relation of the life of the famous Buddhist philosopher Vasubandhu to the history of the Gupta Empire forms an important landmark in the literary history of India. Paramartha, a famous Buddhist author of the sixth century and the author of a biography of Vasubandhu, states that Vikramaditya of Ajodhya, who at first was a liberal patron of the Sankhya philosophy, was induced by the eloquence of the celebrated Vasubandhu to turn a favourable ear to the teachings of Buddhism and to patronise its professors with equal liberality. His queen and the prince Baladitya, who later on succeeded to the throne, both became disciples of Vasubandhu, and Baladitya after his accession continued his favours to the Buddhist sage. The famous Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hiuen Tsang also gives a variant form of the story, describing the king as Vikramaditya of Sravasti. This information about the life of Vasubandhu is augmented from an unexpected source. The ancient work on Alankara, written in the form of aphorisms (sutras) by Vamana, who also composed a gloss upon it, cites a half-verse wherein Vasubandhu appears to be referred to. This was first 1 This paper was first prepared in the year 1921 and read before the Second Oriental Conference in January, 1922.

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JANUARY, 1924 ] VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU brought to the notice of scholars by Prof. Pathak. The half-verse is followed by a short gloss by the author in explanation of the same. The half-verso and the gloss are given below.? It occurs under the sutra defining Ojas. The translation of the hemistich would run thus, "This very son of Chandragupta, the young Chandraprakasa, the patron of men of letters, fortunate in the success of his efforts, has now (samprati) become king." The author explains the passage further in the gloss of the sutra, that the phrase, "Patron of men of letters" is an instance of "allusion," oon. taining a reference to the ministership (sachirya) of Vasubandhu. This reading of the passage and the comment thereon were first challenged by Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasada Sastri, who said that the oorrect reading of the passage should be cha Subandhu in the place of Vasubandhu, and maintained that most of the manuscripts of Vamana's work examined, had the reading Subandhu. He thought that the passage contained a reference to Subandhu, the author of the Sanskrit romance Vasavadatta. He also raised the objootion that Vasubandhu, who was a famous orthodox Buddhist Bhikshu, would not have accepted the office of minister under a sovereign. He took Chandraprakasa in the passage to be the name of Chandragupta's son, and suggested that the emperor Chandragupta II had two sons, Chandraprakasa and Kumaragupta, and that upon the death of Chandragupta II, a civil war broke out between the two brothers, in which, however, Chan. draprakasa was worsted and Kumaragupta was successful. . This interpretation of the passage was objected to by Dr. Hoernle, who thought that the correct reading was Vasubandhu and not Subandhu. He answered Mah. H. P. Sastri's objection that a Buddhist monk would not accept office, by saying that the word "sdchivya " which occurs in the passage may simply mean companionship or friendship. He took the word Chandrapraksa as the name of Chandragupta's son. But unlike the Sastri, he does not deduce out of the passage & civil war, which broke out on the death of Chandragupta II between his two sons. He says, "Is it not much simpler to suppose that Chandragupta II's son was known as Chandraprakasa, before he assumed the regnal title Kumaragupta upon his accession to the throne. Mf. R. Narasimhacharya of Mysore (ante, Vol. XL), referring to the same passage, says that his examination of various manuscripts of Vamana's sutras showed that the correct reading of the disputed portion of the passage was cha Subandhu and not Vasubandhu. He says "in the well known tenth verse of Vasavadatta, Subandhu mourns the death of Vikramaditya, i.e., Chandragupta II, who was apparently his patron. There is nothing unreasonable in supposing that he became the minister of Chandragupta's son, Kumaragupta." It might be urged against this supposition that Subandhu, who mentions Udyotakara, and according to some manuscripts, Dharmakirti's works, could not have been & contemporary of Kumaragupta, who lived in the first half of the fifth century. But according to him, this does not raise any difficulty about the chronology, since the dates of the Udyotakara and Dharma. kirti have not been settled. He thought that the half verse occurring in Vamana's work is a quotation from the introductory portion of some drama, giving the Satradhara's words. Again Prof. K. B. Pathak wrote in ante, Vol. XL, 1911, p. 170, "Kumaragupta, son of Chandragupta II, is alluded to by Vamana, as a patron of the Buddhist author, Vasubandhu." Vagubandhu was according to him the contemporary of three successive Gupta sovereigns, 3 sAbhiprAyatvaM yathA so'yaM saMprati candraguptatanayazcandraprakAzo yuvA jAtobhUpatirAzrayaH kRtaSiyo diSTapAkRtArthazramaH / bhASayAvaSiSAmityasva papanyApimyA pakSApa prtvaatsaamipraaytrii|

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1924 namely Kumaragupta, Skandagupta and Baladitya, and the interesting half-verse quoted by Vamana was taken from some lost Guptavamsamaha kavya, in which the name of Vasubandhu is directly mentioned, or which was composed by Vasubandhu himself, to congratulate Kumaragupta on his accession to the throne, as the word "samprati," in the verse shows; and he gives expression to the hope that the work may be discovered one of these days and shed fresh light upon Gupta history. Again Mah. H. P. Sastri (ante, Vol. XLI, 1912, p. 15) writes that his study of Subandhu's Vasavadatta, added weight to his belief that the reading Subandhu in Vamana's hemistich is correct. Subandhu appears, according to him, to mention Chandraprakasa in his work in the slista form of the word Himakarodyota in the fifth verse. (Himakarodyotaand Chandraprakasa mean the same thing.) He reiterates the belief that Chandraprakasa is a proper name. In the sixth verse Subandhu is very bitter against Khalas, the wicked, who are more wicked than serpents. In the seventh he compares the wicked with owls. In the eighth he is again hard on the wicked. The word Sasiruk in this verse again means Chandraprakasa, and he complains that the commentator who did not know history does not note the point. The tenth verse is well known throughout India, and is in the mouth of every Pandit. It says that, "on the death of Vikramaditya, love of art and poetry are gone." "Upstarts are flourishing and everybody's hand is on his neighbour's throat." "What does this mean," he questions, "unless it means a revolution, in which the author did not fare well on the death of Chandragupta Vikramaditya. Read the hemistich with the prefatory verses of Vasavadatta3 and the inference is irresistible that the changes of the times were ruinous to Subandhu and his party." Simultaneously with Mah. H. P. Sastri, Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar (ante, Vol. XLI, 1912, pp. 1 and 2) gave it as his opinion that Vasubandhu represents the original reading. His conclusion will best be expressed in his own words. "All things considered, Govindagupta appears to be the Chandraguptanaya (son of Chandragupta) alluded in the verse quoted by Vamana, and also the Baladitya, son of Vikramaditya (Chandragupta II), mentioned by Paramartha." Govindagupta Baladitya has to be placed, according to him, between A.D. 411 and 414. He says that Baladitya may have been ousted by his brother Kumaragupta, or he might have died a natural death and without an heir. 3 sanayati himakara lekhAcakAsti yasyo mayotkayA nihitA / waendremafaggat magfufta || 4 || bhavati subhagatvamadhikaM vistArita paraguNa sunanasya / vahati vikAsita kumudo dvidAyeM himakarodyotaH // 5 // viSadharatopyati viSayaH khala iti na mRSA vadanti vidvAMsaH / yadayaM dveSI sakudveSI punaH pizunaH // 6 // milane kartavye bhavati nAnatIya nipuNA zrIH / timiredi kozikAnAM bhavAnI mani // 7 // vighnastaparaguNAnAM bhavatikhalAnAmatISa malinatvaM / janam / antarita zazirucAmapi salilamucAM maliniyA'bhyadhikaH // 8 // istabhUti masino yayAyAlayati darpaNa ivataM kurute tathA tathA nirmalacchAyam // 9 // sArasavattA vihavA navakA vilasanti caratinokaGkaH / sarasIkIrtizeSa gatavArI muSi vikramAditye // 10 //

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JANUARY, 1924 ] VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU 11 The next scholar who took up the subject and dealt with it in a masterly fashion was M. Noel Peri, who wrote in the Bulletine de l'Ecole francaise d'Extreme-Orient and his conclusions were accepted completely by Mr. V. A. Smith, who has given a separate note on the subject in the last edition of his Early History of India (pp. 328-334). It would be best to quote his own words on the subject. "If M. Peri is right, as he appears to be, in holding that Vasubandhu lived and died in the fourth century, the Gupta king who patronized him must have been the learned and accomplished Samudragupta, son and successor of Chandragupta I, who might have been actually known as Vikramaditya. It is also possible that the title, even if not actually assumed by Chandragupta I, may have been traditionally assigned to him, as being an ordinary recognised title of any Gupta King. There is no reason whatever to doubt that Samudragupta was actually in possession of both Ajodhya and Sravasti, and in all probability his father was so likewise. Assuming the recorded traditions connecting Vasubandhu with a Gupta king to be well-founded, it follows that Samudragupta in his youth must have borne the titles of both Chandraprakasa (Prabhava) and Baladitya or Paraditya. There is no difficulty about believing that to be a fact. I therefore conolude, that Samudragupta received Vasubandhu, a Buddhist author and patriarch at Court. either as a minister or as an intimate counsellor with the sanction and approval of his father Chandragupta I, and further that Samudragupta, although officially a Brahmanio Hindu, studied Buddhism in his youth with interest and partiality. There seem to be many serious difficulties in accepting this conclusion. The initial objection, whether the correct reading of the name in the passage from Vamana is Subandhu or Vasubandhu, is not answered. Manuscript evidence seems to lead to the preference of the reading Subandhu, which does not fit in with the theory propounded above. again, in trying to establish his theory, M. Peri has recourse to too many conjectures. There is nothing whatever either in literature or epigraphy to show that Samudragupta had the titles or other names of Chandraprakasa (Prabhava) and Baladitya or Paraditya. Of these we know that the term Baladitya was the title of Narasimhagupta, and we do not know any other prince who assumed that title. No attempt is made here to prove that no other king could have had that title. There is nothing to prove that Samudragupta was otherwise known as Baladitya. Again as to Chandraprakasa or its variant Chandraprabhava, it does not appear to be either the name or the title of any king. It seems merely to be descriptive of the prince, whose full name ought to have occurred in the latter portion of the verse, which has not come down to us so far. The next difficulty is about Vikramaditya. The two sources of information about Vasubandhu vary in their accounts of the capital of this Vikramaditya. One says it was Sravasti and the other Ajodhya. This discrepancy might not be very material. But to a large section of scholars, Chandragupta I of the Gupta dynasty is too early & sovereign to have had that title ; and according to them the first Gupta sovereign to assume that title was Chandragupta II, son of Samudragupta. But there are others who think that there might have been an earlier Vikramaditya, who might have founded the era after his name, or lent his name to an already existing era of MAlava. Even among these, none seems to favour the view that Chandragupta I of the Gupta dynasty was a Vikramaditya. Again, it is suggested that the verse may have been taken from a historical work dealing with the Guptas, under some such name as "Gupta-vinnsamaha kavya," which might have been dedicated to Samudragupta, who is mentioned in it as Chandraprakasa, and that it should have referred to many historical events, and Mr. Pathak oxpresses the hope that the work may yet be discoverod somewhere in Kashmir, where Vasubandhu spent a

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1924 considerable portion of his life. But it was Mr. R. A. Narasimhacharya who first thought that the verso might have been taken from the introductory scene of a drama dedicated to the son of Chandragupta, perhaps Kum&ragupta, by Subandhu. Subandhu mourns the death of Vikramaditya in the famous tenth verse of the Vasavadatta, and the other verses also are taken to refer to contemporary events. This theory might have proved unassailable, had the knowledge of scholars been limited merely to the above stated data. Since these discussions began, there have been some very notable discoveries in the field of Sanskrit literature, which promise to throw additional light on the subject and clear the existing mystery. One of the works discovered by the Madras Manuscripts Library, the Avantisundarikatha, which is attributed to the famous poet and rhetorician Dandin . in the eighth oentury, oontains at the beginning a number of verses wherein famous authors who lived before his time are referred to in terms of praise. One of them refers to Subandhu, and it runs : "gara: Pes Parenta farger RETTI Teha iad THEIG ...... The verse is incomplete, and the break in the end can be easily filled up. Freely translated, it would mean, "Subandhu came out of his captivity (imprisonment) by order of Bindusara, and captivated his heart by (oomposing) the story of Vatsaraja." From this we understand that Subandhu was a contemporary of Bindusara, and the latter seems to have imprisoned him first and then released him. Subandhu appears also to have written a story of Vasavadatta. So far we know only of one Bindusara in the whole range of Indian history. He was the son of Chandragupta Maurya, the first Mauryan Emperor and the uprooter of the Nanda sovereignty. According to the theory now accepted by Sanskritists, the age of the Mauryas, or that of Chandragupta and Bindusara, was not the age when Kavyas could have been written. This view, although generally accepted, was opposed by a few scholars, among whom the most famous and the earliest was Goldstucker. These maintained that there ought to have existed many works in what has been called Classical Sanskrit in the Mauryan age and even before. A grammar like that of Panini and the commentaries on it, like those of Vararuobi and Patanjali, oould not have been written without the existence of Kavyas. Patanjali makes a distinot mention of a Kavya by Vararuchi (Vararucham Kavyam), and in another place derives a word like Vasavadattika, meaning thereby one who studies a Kavya dealing with the story of Vasavadatta, Panini, the great grammarian, himself is said to have been the author of a poem called Patasavijaya, from which several verses have been quoted in all standard anthologies. Orthodox tradition does not know of the existence of two Paninis. It is likely that Subandhu wrote a work on V&savadatta, and the Vasavadattikde of the time of Patanjali might have been very familiar with the work. But hitherto, the only work known to scholars as the work of Subandhu was the prose romanoe Vasavadatta. The introductory verses of this work mention the death of Vikramaditya, who has been thought to be the same as Chandragupta II. So Vasavadatta should have been written after the death of Chandragupta II, and the reference in the Mahabhashya of Patanjali could not have been to this work, if Patanjali really had been a contemporary of the Sunga sovereign, Pushpamitra, and if he mentions Menander's conquests as contemporary events. Arguing on this line, some scholars thought that Patanjali might have lived later than the Guptas. Even Dr. Peterson, who seems to have had an intuition in dealing with the dates of Sanskrit poets and argued against the view of the late origin of Patanjali, thought that there was sufficient reason to change his view, and one of his reasons was Patanjali's mention of Vasavadatta, Subhdahitavali of Vallabhadeva, edited by Dr. Peterson, Introduction. (To be continued.)

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JANUARY, 1924) A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE. (From the Lectures of Prof. Rao Sahib Krishnaswami Aiyangar.) BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. PROFESSOR KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR'S lectures to the Caloutta University in 1920 have now been published in one volume, as Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture. They are so full of valuable suggestions that it is worthwhile to consider here the results of the studies of a ripe scholar in matters South Indian. They are divided into a Preface and nineteen Chapters, carrying the studies from the most ancient days to the time of the Vijayanagar Empire in an historical sequence, and thence in a sense to the days of the British Empire. To myself the book is a fascinating one, and it cannot but be of the greatest value to the students for whom the lectures were intended. In his Preface Prof. Krishnaswami draws special attention to the peculiar position that the Brahman has occupied in South India, and his views are of extraordinary interest as those of one who is himself a South Indian. He gives the position as being identical with that when the Brahman emigrated from the North. "That position," says the Professor, "involved the double responsibility of performing elaborate ritualistio sacrifices for the benefit of society, and the conservation and cultivation of the learning that is involved as & necessary corollary." And then he makes arresting reinarks which are worth reproduction: "the Brahman has striven to discharge these responsibilities to the best of his ability and opportunities, setting up such & high example in actual lifo as invariably to exert influence in the direction of uplift, which has been felt throughout .. . It was a characteristic feature of the Brahmanical organisation that the least developed communities in the vast and varied population of India had a recognised place in Society moving upwards slowly.... His achievements in the sphere of the propagation of learning.... both in Sanskrit and the Sanskritic and other vernaculars of the country were magnificent. One has only to examine the names of eminent contributors to the literature of Tamil to confirm this statement." The Professor then goes on to deal with Bhakti, devotion to a personal God by faith, and says of it : "the transformation of this ritualistic Brahmanism into the much more widely acoeptable Hinduism of modern times is due to the increasing infusion of theistic belief into the religious system of the day. In this new development South India [Tamilland) played an important part ; " not however in its origin, be it remembered, but in its development. And then he says that along side of it "has run another stream which is best described as Tantrisin, worship by means of mystic signs and formulae of various character; " in which, too, South India played an important part, though by that term the Professor implies here the land of the Telugus rather than that of the Tamils. He next points out how much South India had to do with "the spread of Hindu culture to the islands of the East and the Indo-Chinese Peninsula " as far as China, and with the commercial carriage to the West of Indian articles of trade. In matters of administration, especially of local administration, he claims that the indigenous system was developed and "carried to the fullest fruition under the Great Cholas A.D. 850-1350," and "continued undisturbed down to the end of the period of the Vijayanagar Empire," so that "the revenue and fiscal organisation of a considerable part of the Madras Presidency under the East India Company is derived from the system that obtained at the commencement of the ninteenth century, as a lineal descendant of the ancient Chola administration." Such is the Professor's brief summary of his lucubrations, and he truly remarks that " the whole of the investigation rests upon the Chronology of Tamil litorature and history." This is why his book is so valuable; it brings the ancient literature of the country into the argument and shows how history can be delved out of it,-a line of research, to which. to my mind, it is satisfactory to see a native Indian dovoting sincere attention,

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1924 Next comes a most important statement that the main features of the result of research are " that that portion of Tamil literature which is generally called the Sangam, is of a prePallava character, and as such is referable to the earlier centuries of the Christian Era : that the literature, of which the typical representatives are the Terdram and the Tirucoymoli of the Saints of the Saivas and Vaishnavas, belongs to the age of the Pallaves, and as a whole is assignable to the period A.D. 300 to 900 : that the works of the later writers, who gave form and shape to the teachings of the Saints . . . . began from very near the end of the first millennium and went on to about the end of the seventeenth century." Then comes a long, and to me a convincing, argument for disagreeing with Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai as to the date of the Sangam work Paripadal, which the latter, on astronomical grounds as to the date of an eclipse, would fix as June 17, A.D. 634. The other possible date is June 27, A.D. 17. It will be perceived that this difference is vital. We can now tackle the question of South Indian Culture historically with Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar as our guide. The history of India south of the Krishna-Tungabhadra frontier commences with the advent of the Aryans, that is to say, the Brabmans; the term 'Aryan' here meaning Northerner,' with the Tamil term Vadavar as its synonym. Arya ' as a name, was not, however, confined to the Brahman, but meant other natives of the North as well, the Mlechchas in the sense of North Indian foreigners to the Southerners. The Northerners generally were called Vadavars, but those immediately across the frontier, from Pulikat to Karwar, were called Vadukar, which represents possibly the modern Kanarese term Badaga. Turning to ancient Sanskrit literature, Panini knew little or nothing of South India; Katyayana, and contemporary Buddhist literature also, knew a little : and Bhasa's knowledge was bounded by the Vindhyas and the Himalayas. But Megasthenes knew of the Pandya country, and so did his contemporary Chanakya. Patanjali knew more. The outcome of all this is that before the fourth century A.D. little was known of the South in Sanskrit literature. There are no South Indian inscriptions before the Christian era except copies of Asoka's edicts, but these give "some definite knowledge of the political condition oven of the remote South, and provide the earliost reliable information on South India." In the century after Asaka the Hathigumpha inscription of the Kalinga King, Khara vela, proven "a certain degree of communication" with the South, and "what is wanted in detail in these edicts is supplied to us in Tamil literature." The point here is that "definite knowledge does not reach beyond tho Mauryan period," bearing in mind, however, that "absence of information available to us does not inevitably mean absence of history." At this point we are driven for information to the pre-Pallava Tamil literature, the Sangam works. Here Tamil Sangam is Sanskrit Sangha, an Assembly, and the designation assumes the existence at that time of "a body or academy of scholars and critics, whose imprimatur was necessary for the publication of any work of literature in Tamil " Traditionally there were three such Sangams, but the Sangam was, nevertheless, probably a permanently existing body with a continuous life of several centuries, and what are known as the First, Second and Third Sangams refor to specially brilliant periods. In the works they fathered, is a considerable aniount of valuable information which is historical and otherwise of public interest. Chronologically the Sangam works are pre-Pallava, and must be referred to the first and second conturies A.D. They throw new light on the Mauryas and their invasions of South India. The Sangam author Mamalanar refers to them twice, and says that the Mauryas advanced into the Tamil territory as far as Mohur, about seven miles north-east of Madura, after a foreign tribe called the Kosars had failed. These invasions are mentioned also by another Sangam author, Param-Korranar. In the second reference the Mauryas are said to have pushed the Vadukars in front of them. They both say that a distant hill.

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JANUARY, 1924) A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE 15 on the frontier of Tamil-land was worn by the Mauryan chariote. A third author, Kallil. Attirayanar, records tho making of a roadway over the hill for the Mauryas. Mamlanar also mentions the great accumulated wealth of the Northern Nandas at Patali or Patna. Here then we have a clear knowledge of the Mauryas and their invasion in the Sangam days. Who then were the Vadukars and the Kosars above mentioned ? The Vadukars are described as a people north of the Tamil frontier, who were hunters and cattle-raiders, with a foreign language long in sound, i.e., old Northern Telugu, They were found beyond tho hill of Tirupati all along the frontier from sea to sea. Mamulanar's statement about them thus becomes intelligible. Maulanar also mentions a tribe across the frontier called Malavars, in terms almost identical with those in which he describes the Vadukars, 80 89 " to lead to the inference that the Vadukars and the Mala vars were the same tribe of people, or were at any rate of very similar habits and language." The Kosars are more doubtful as to origin, but no doubt came into Tamil-land from the North, all along the frontier from the Chola to the Chera country, and seem to have settled in four areas. At any rate they appear to have been warriors with a great reputation for good faith" of unfailing word." These considerations lead to the question of the Southern limit of Asoka's Empire. His inscriptions show that the furthest point reached was "the North-east corner of the Chitaldroog District of Mysore, where the Brahmagiri, Siddhapura and Jatingaramavara hill edicts were discovered. Rock Edict II speaks of his neighbours, such as the Chodas, the Pandyas, the Satiyaputra, the Keralaputra, and Tambapanni [Ceylon.]'" In edict V specific mention is made of the Visas and Vajris, who are "apparently tributary tribes, of which Tamil literature refers to the latter." The Vajra territory seems to have been "the territory of Bengal between the Sone and the Ganges, reaching down to the sea," and Tamil literature shows that it was known to the Tamils in the first century A.D. From Asoka's records it is shown that his Empire oxtended Southwards to the great Dandaka Forest, whence to about 14deg North came the semi-civilised tribes, the Vadukars of the Tamil writers, in a kind of subordination to him, and then there were the Tamils themselves. From the Tamil poetess Kakkaipacineyar-Nachchellaiyar it is clear that Danca or Dandaka was "distinct from the land of the Tamils," the semi-civilised tribe or tribes being interposed between the two frontiers across the wholo of the Peninsula. From Rock XIII the inforence is that the political limit of Asoka's Empire marks also the limit of active Buddhist propaganda." That is to say, they did not reach the Tamils. This statement is confirmed by the Mahavamsa of Ceylon, which gives a list of localities to which missions for the propagation of the faith were sent. They do not include places in Tamil-land. The Southern limit of these places, is Vanavase, i.e., Banavase in Dharwar. Mahisamandala is also mentioned in the list, but the Professor does not believe that Mysore is the country meant by this name, but Mandhata on the Narbada. The Mahavama has also a second and detailed list of the places in India invited by a Ceylon ruler, Duttagamani Abhaya, to the laying of a foundation stone. In this list Vanavese is again mentioned, "and lastly the great Kelasa-vih&ra," probably Amaravati, or possibly Ellora. At any rate, here again the Tamil country is altogether excluded. The fair inference, therefore, is that in the days of Asoks to the middle of the century before Christ Buddhist propaganda atopped short of the Tamil country, though this does not mean that individual bodies of Buddhists did not penetrate there.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1924 From all these considerations the Professor points out that the Northern boundary of the Tamils ran from Pulicat on the East coast to the Kalyanpuri River, the Northern limit of Kanara on the West Coast, and that this is "just exactly the limit indicated in the Periplus. Beyond that lay what the Periplus calls Dachinabades, in Sanskrit Dakshinapatha, " for Dachinos in the language of the natives means 'South.'" This land is the modern Dakhan, and corresponds to what the Tamils called Dandaranyam, beyond which was the great forest running across India, "the far famed Dandake of the Ramayana, and the MahakAntara perhaps of a later time," which stopped somewhere near Goa on the West Coast. Comparatively lato Tamil Brahmanical tradition tells us that the reclamation of the forest was the work of Agastya, and among the tribes that came from the North with him were the Velir and the Asuvalar, "two well-known peoples of Tamil India." Traditionally, there was in fact an emigration from the North into the South, bringing with it the "Northern culture ospecially associated with the Brahman," and in the earliest extant Tamil literature & very high position is given to the Brahmans (Andanar). The early Chera kings followed their path of Dharma,' in which the Brahmans perform the six duties (roughly learning, teaching, sacrificing, receiving and making gifts). These kings, too, celebrated the ten Vedio sacrifices, while the earliest authors, Gautama and Kapilar, were themselves Brahmans. These same six duties are laid down for Brahmans in the classical Graiamar Tolkappiyam, in the Silappadhikaram of the Chora princo-ascetic Llango, and in the Marimekkalai. These works are of the first century of the Christian Era, and they show that the Brahman immigration was long before their date and pre-Buddhistic. The Buddhist tradition of the migration of Agastya is quite different, but it, too, gives the movement a pre-Buddhistic character. In the Akitla Jataka, Akitta took up his abode in Kaveripattana, the capital of the Cholas at the mouth of the Kaveri. Akitta is generally identified with Agastya, though there is nothing in the Jalaka to warrant the identification except the likeness of the names, were it not that the Manimekkalai refers to Agastys at Kaveripattana. This time Agastya is in the Chola country, but here the Manimekkalai again helps us by stating that Agastya was " an ascetic of rare authority in the Malaya,' making it clear that it is referring to the Agastya of the Brahmanical tradition associated with the Malaya or Podiyil hill in the Southern part of the Western Ghats." All this shows that the tradition of Agastya's immigration is pre-Buddhistic, which is evidenced also by the position which is then attached to the Brahman " as the conductor of the sacrifice intended for the good of the community as a whole." This is the character given to Brahmanism in a poem by Mulam-kilar of Avur in the Purananuru collection. The author was not a Brahman himself, but he is fully supported by the Tolkappiyam. As faithful followers of the Brahmans, the early kings,-Pandya, Chola and Chera-Were great orthodox sacrificers; witness the works of Nettimaiyar and Avvaiyar. An even more important point is to be found in these early Tamil classics. "There are clear indications of the kind of theism, which would be generally described as Bhakti Devotional Faith), where people could devote themselves to the service of the god of their heart with the assurance of salvation." Four such gods are mentioned by Narkirar, the early Sangam poet: Siva, Baladeva, Krishna (Vishnu), and Subrahmanya. In the Tolkappiyam, Indra and Varuna are substituted for Siva and Baladeva, which makes the Professor postulate the implication of "the recognition of the six as distinct entities." In the Silappadhikdram again the first four are mentioned, with Indra as a fifth god. (To be continued.)

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JANUARY, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES period. BOOK-NOTICES. ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS brief compass of a review. There is an excellent (from original sources). By SURENDRANATH SEN, chapter on Maratha revenue and finance, with M.A., PA.D. Published by the University of full details of the elaborate arrangements for the Caloutta, 1923. administration of the hill forts, which constituted Much original research in Maratha history has Shivaji's chief strength : the annals of the old been conducted of late years by Indian scholard, Deshmukh families have been searchod in order who have thrown a flood of light upon the circum- to portray the character of the landed gentry with stances and character of the administration founded whom Shivaji had to deal : the valuable materials by Shivaji and subsequently usurped by the Pesh. collected and edited by Mr. V. K. Rajwada serve WA. In this respect the work of men like the to illuminate & sound review of Shivaji's military late Professor H. G. Limaye and Messrs. Rajwade, arrangements : and a great many important sideSardesai, Parasnis and others has been invaluable. lights are vouchsafed on the character and working Dr. Surendranath Sen has already established his of the ancient village communities. It is not authority in the same field by his excellent trans- quite clear, in reference to the last-named subject, lation of the bakhar of Kistnaji Anant Sabhasad, why Dr. Sen regards as unimportant the fact that which is unquestionably the most credible and the Patel was hardly ever a Brahman. One would trustworthy of the various old chronicles of Shiva. have thought thet the presence in the village of a ji's life and reign. He has now placed students non-Brahman Patel was the only really sound of Maraths affairs under a further obligation by check upon the Kulkarni, who almost invariably this careful exposition of the administrative sys- belonged to the caste of the twice-born. A little tem in vogue in the Deccan in the pre-British more, too, might have been said about the Aluta, in contradistinction to the Baluta. Dr. Sen gives The value of his latest work seems to us to lie a full list of the rights and perquisites enjoyed in its impartiality and in its careful avoidance of by the Patel of old days, and gives the curious extreme diction in cases where the author's views information that the post of Chaujula of the vil. differ from those already expressed by both English lage was always regarded by Marathas 88 & closo and Indian writers. He treats Grant-Duff and appointment for the illegitimate son of the Patel Ranade with equal impartiality, and does not or the descendant of a natural son of one of the hesitate to point out their errors of deduction : Patel's ancestors. Another interesting point is ho appreciates fully the good features of Shivaji's that the Kamavisdar and the Karkuns were only institutions, but is equally explicit as to their given oloven and ten months' pay respectively for short-comings: and he devotes a distinct section twelve months' service, presumably on the of his work to explaining by carefully chosen quo- principle that these officials would either waste tations and examples that much of Shivaji's ad- a full month out of the year in idling, or perhaps ministrative machinery was not a new product that they would extort at least an extra month's of his unquestionably resourceful mind, but had salary by petty exactions, which it would in its roots deep down in ancient Hindu lore. The Inost cases be impossible to prove. Arthasastra of Kautilya and later works had much The administrative system of the Peshwas is. more to do with the administrative arrangements fully discussed, and a tribute is paid to the oom. of the Doocan under Shivaji and the Peshwas than pleteness of the Huzur Daftar up to the evil days some writers would admit; and the general sum- of Baji Rao II. Their policy in regard to land mary of the results of the great Maratha's system, revenue and remissions of taxation, excise and the given by Dr. Sen, seems to me the firest that has administration of justice, is clearly explained, and yet been published. A similar lack of bias marks there are many details of their police and punitivo his attitude towards Mughal and Musulman in. arrangements. A European might find it difficult stitutions in general, which he considers, and rightly to understand why prisoners, sentenced to long no doubt, to have exercised a distinct effect upon ierms of durance vile, were temporarily released the Maratha system of administration. He chor. at intervals to enable them to perform ahraddh ishos no illusions as to the character of the Mara- and marriage ceremonies in their families: but tha chauth, and shows that Ranade's comparison the point is explained, if one remembers that the of that exaction with Lord Wellesley's system Peshwa was the head of the Church, so to speak, of subsidiary alliances is based on a fallacy. Equally as well as of the State, and that the injupotions untonable in his opinion is Ranade's comparison of the Shastras were regarded as paramouutDr. of the Ashta Pradhan with the Viceroy's Council Sen considers that the Poona City Police under at the close of the nineteenth century. Baji Rao were more efficient than the London As to the actual facts dieclosed in Dr. Sen's work, Police of the same epoch, and that arime committed their number is so many and they are so interesting by night was far less frequent in Poona than in that it is hardly possible to deal with them in the London at that date. This may be so. But it.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY [ JANUARY, 1924 stands to reason that the chance of nightly depre- ( is identified with the famous city of Hastinapura, dations in Poona must have been effectively mentioned in both the great Epics and by Panini. minimised by the very strict curfew-order of the During the rule of Janamejaya's successors Peshwa, which the average Londoner in 1810 great misfortunes befell the Kurus, and the seat of would not have colerated for a moment. It is the dynasty had to be transferred to Kausambi, satisfactory to note that Dr. Sen refers more than the old capital having been destroyed by the Ganges. once to the evidence of Colonel Tone, the Irish In consequence the Kurus lost their dominant soldier of fortune, who commanded one of Baji political position, and the most notable figure Rao's regiments. Grant.Duff refers only once, of the seventh century B.C. Was Janaka of Videha. or at the most twice, to Tone's testimony, which In his day, according to tha Brahmanas and is unquestionably valuable in reference to Maratha Upanishads there were nine important states in affairs and deserves to be better known. northern India besides Videha, viz., Gandhara, In conclusion, let it. suffice to remark that Dr. Keksye, Madra, Usinara, Matsya, Kuru, Pafchala, Sen has produced an admirable work of refer. Kasi and Kogala. The author identifies all these ence for students of the history of the Deccan in states and, by means of quotations, gives much the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. interesting traditional information about them. The Kurus, we are told, had to leave their country, & M. EDWARDES. probably in the reign of Nichakshu, owing to & visitation of Matacht, which Dr. Bhandarkar POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA FROM THE ACCESSION declares to be a Sanskritised form of the Kanarese OT PARIKSHIT TO THE CORONATION OF BIMBINARA. word for "a locust." By HEMCHANDRA RAYCHAUDHURI, M.A. Reprint. After discussing the mattor of Janaka's successors, Professor Raychaudhuri deals in turn with the ed from the Journal of the Department of Letters, Deccan kingdoms in the time of the later Vaidehas, Vol. IX. Calcutta University Press, 1923. suggesting incidentally that the Mutibas of the This little book is an attempt to trace the history Aitareya Brahmana are identical with the Mushikas of India from the time of the famous struggle of the Markandeya Purana, with che sixteen states between the PAndavas and Kauravas down to the (solasa maha janapada) which existed between sixth century BC. The author admits that the fall of the Videhan monarchy and the rise & single tangible relic of this dim period exists, of Kopala. under Mahakosala, the father-in-law of and that dependence has therefore to be placed Bimbaskra, and finally with the fall of Kasi and upon ancient Brahmanical and other literature, the ascendancy of Kopala in the sixth century B.O. ranging from the last book of the Atharva Veda, The last chapter of the book is devoted to an enquiry the Brahmanas and Upanishads, the Puranas into the character of the monarchy, which was and the two great Epios, down to the Buddhist the prevailing form of government during this Suttas and Jatakas and the works of the Jaina prehistoric age. Though the cautious scholar will canon. In brief, his task is to attempt a review naturally hesitate to accept the author's outline of the misty period preceding the reign of the fifth (1) as strict history, one cannot wholly reject. 88 King of the Saisunaga dynasty of Rajagriha, based imaginary the traditional figures mentioned in upon tradition enshrined in ancient Indian literature, ancient literature, particularly when their existence The author commences by discussing the identity circumstances and achievements are so carefully of King Parikshit and tentatively places him in co-ordinated and illustrated by quotation as they the ninth century B.C. He is said to have been are in this modest, but withal interesting, volume. succeeded by Janamejaya, whose capital, Isandivant, 8. M. EDWARDES. NOTES AND QUERIES. SIVAJI'S SWORD, "BHAVANI." by one of that family to Maharaja Sivaji with Can any reader of the Indian Antiomary throw a view to securing his friendship. any light upon the present whereabouts of Bhava. Grant Duff, in his History of the Mahrattas. ni, the famous sword of the Maratha hero, Sivaji mentions the sword three times So far as my enquiries go, our present knowledge (a) On page 230 (Vol. I, revised ed., Oxford of the history of the sword is briefly as follows: Univ. Press, 1921), he writes "The The Shindigvijaya Bakhar, quoted at page 181 sword, which he constantly used and of Professor Surendranath Sen's recently publish which he named after the goddess Bho. ed English translation of the Sabhasad Bakhar, wanee, is still preserved by the Rajs states that this sword, which was "an excellent of Satars with the utmost veneration, dhop tariar worth two hundred Hons," originally and has all the honours of an idol paid belonged to the Savants of Wadi and was presented to it."

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JANUARY, 1924] NOTES AND QUERIES (b) On page 244, Vol. I (ibid.), he mentions that Sambhaji carried the sword during the Maratha attack upon Goa in 1683, and that he did great execution with it. (c) On page 313, Vol. I (ibid.), he records the fact that when Aurangzebe celebrated Shahu's nuptials with the daughters of Jadhav of Sindkheda and Sindia of Kannerkhera, he restored to Shahu, as presents, two swords which Shahu's attendants had always urged him, if possible, to recover, namely, the famous Bhavani, the sword of Sivaji, and the sword of Afzal Khan of Bijapur, both of which had been taken by the Mughals at Raigarh. Grant Duff adds in a footnote that both these swords, as well as a third sword personally presented to Shahu by Aurangzeb, were in the possession of the Raja of Satara at the time (1826) he published his history. Grant Duff remarked in a footnote to his first mention of the sword in (a) that it was an excellent Genoa blade of the first water and that its history had been recorded by the hereditary his.. torian of the family. up For some years past there has been an impression abroad in Western India that the sword which is now shown to visitors at Satara and is still worshipped as Sivaji's Bhavani is not really that weapon but another. Desiring, if possible, to clear the matter, when I was preparing the new edition of Grant Duff's history, I wrote to Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis of Satara and enquired about the identity of the sword now exhibited to the public. Mr. Parasnis very kindly replied that the sword now preserved and exhibited at Satara is 3' 9" in length in the blade, and 8 inches long in the handle, and bears a Marathi inscription 'Shrimant Sarkar Rajmandal Raja Shahu Kadim Avval,' which shows that it is the weapon of Shahu, not that of Sivaji. He added that "it is generally believed in Satara that the original Bhavani was taken to Kolhapur by Tarabai, wife of Rajaram, Sivaji's younger son, and was there preserved for many years. In 1875 this sword was presented by Rao Bahadur Madhav Rao Barve, Diwan of Kolhapur, to H. M. the late King Edward during his visit to India as Prince of Wales. It was conveyed to England and was exhibited in 1878 in the British Indian section of the Universal Exhibition at Paris, a description of it being given by Sir George Birdwood at page 68 of the handbook to that section." On the strength of this suggestion of Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis, I placed myself in communi. cation with the authorities of the British and South Kensington Museums and with the officials in charge of the fine collections of arms preserved at 19 Windsor Castle, Buckingham Palace and Sandringham. They very courteously made a thorough search for the sword. and informed me it was nowhere to be found in any of the collections above mentioned. Moreover, General Sir Dighton Probyn wrote to me personally as follows:"I was in attendance on King Edward during His Majesty's Indian tour in 1875-6, and would certainly have remembered, had the celebrated sword in question been given to His Majesty. I think you may take it that the sword is still in India." On referring to the Handbook to the British Indian Section of the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1878, compiled by the late Sir George Birdwood, I find that on page 67 is mentioned as Exhibit No. 74 "the sword of Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta dominion in India." This is followed by a further statement on page 68 to the following effect : "Mr. Grant Duff in his Notes of an Indian Journey, has described the worship of his (Sivaji's) famous sword Bhowani at Sattara. The sword in the Prince's collection (i.e., Ex. No. 74) is not this deified weapon, but the one that has always been kept, since Sivaji's death in 1680, at Kolhapur." This statement, coupled with the result of the search carried out in 1920 among the great collec. tions of arms, renders it practically certain that the famous Bhavani was never brought to England, and that the sword presented to the Prince of Wales and exhibited at Paris in 1878 was another weapon, which probably had also once belong. ed to Sivaji and had, as Mr. Parasnis says, been. carried off to Kolhapur soon after Sivaji's death. The problem of the history of the real Bhavani, subsequent to 1826, when Grant Duff published his history, is therefore still unsolved. I wrote again to Rao Bahadur Parasnis in 1920, informing him of the result of the search in England and enquiring if he could make any further sug gestion as to the fate of the sword Bhavani. In reply he sent me a copy of a letter dated June, 1820, (Camp Seroor), from Brigadier-General Lionel Smith to Captain James Grant (ie. Grant Duff), Political Agent, Satara, which he had found among the miscellaneous documents and papers purchased some few years ago with other effects from the descendants of the former Rajas of Satara. It will be remembered that General Lionel Smith won the battle of Ashti in 1818, and that as a result of his victory the Raja of Satara was released from the custody of the Peshwa Baji Rao and was shortly afterwards res tored to the throne of Satara by Mounstuart Elphinstone. From General Smith's letter it is clear that Pratap Singh, the Raja of Satara. in

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1924 gratitude for his deliverance from the Peshwa, had of the privato trading vessels recently come out to expressed through Captain Grant & desire to pre. India. The word was new to me, and I rashly sent General Smith with a sword which, in General inferred that it was a name for sailors in general, Smith's words, "had been possessed so many possibly derived from 'rumbelows,' i.e., refrains years by his illustrious family." The Governor chanted by seamen when hauling, etc. Some time of Bombay, to whom the proposal was reported, after the publication of the volume, however, I sanctioned the acceptance of the gift by General came across a passage in Charles Lockyer's Account Smith, who thereupon wrote to Grant, requesting of the Trade in India (1711), mentioning (p. 28) him to inform His Highness that he would gladly that at Fort St. George the country boats that go receive the sword and would "ever preserve and out to newly arrived vessels "make a good peny value it." at the first coming of orombarros, as they call In forwarding a copy of this letter to me, Rao those who have not been there before." This Bahadur Parasnis.hrew out the suggestion that showed that the word was not English in derivation ; * possibly this sword, presented to General Smith, may have been the famous Bhavani. I consider but, not being able to discover it in Portuguese, this highly improbable. The Raja's gift was or in Tamil or Telugu, I was still at a loss, until doubtless a fine weapon, which was included among it occurred to me to look for it in a Malay dictionary. the heirlooms of his family, and may well have There I at once found orang baharu (pronounced been both historically and intrinsically valuable, baru), with the meaning of a new-comer'; and there But it seems to me in the last degree unlikely seems to be no doubt that this is the correct derithat the Raja, no matter how grateful and how vation. As an interesting example of the purvival generous he may have been, would have given of Malay terms at Indian seaporte, it is perhaps Away to a European military officer the real Bha worthy of record in the Indian Antiquary. vani of Sivaji, even assuming that he had sole and complete control of the weapon. Sentiment, WILLIAM FOSTER, superstition and popular opinion would together have prevented his relinquishing in this manner NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. the custody of a weapon which was the symbol 46. The Career of a No'er-do-well in 1706. of so illustrious an epoch in the history of his family and his country, the story of which had 22nd October 1706.-Congultation at Bombay been specially compiled by the chronicler of his Castlo. Robert Kent, Cook, turned out by Court, and which was actually regarded by many Captain Abraham Jackson, late Commander of the as imbued with the spirit and power of the tuto. Arabia Merchant, and sent Prisoner on board the lary goddess of the Marathas. Abingdon at Mocha for a mutinous Il man, brought The question still remains "Where is now the to Bombay, afterward Entertained in the original sword Bhavani ?" In view of what Fort, and for his Misbehaviour Expelled, then is written above and of the fact that the sword marryed Widdow woman, Native In. now worshipped at Satara is the sword of Shahu, habitant of this Island with four Children, can any reader suggest a solution of the problem? kept a Punchhouse without Lyoence and Could the sword have been taken to Benares, Express against & Proclamation prohibiting when the Raja retired thither after his deposition ? selling drink in any Place upon or near the groen, Has it been hidden, to reappear at some future preventing all that Possible debauching the sea. date as the symbol of a united Maratha people ? men from on board the Company's Europe Ships, Perhaps some one of the leading students of Mara. for which and for the great disorders said Kent tha history may be able to answer the question has bin fined, and since, threatning to leave the S. M. EDWARDES. Island and his wife and Children upon the Company, shall not have liberty to go off without first obtaines his wifes Consent and truly return ORRAMBARROW. what Estate, whether House, money, Jowells or At p. 42 of The English Factories in India, 1655 Goods, &08., the Estate belonging to the Children 60, will be found a quotation from a letter written of said Kents wifes three former Husbands, or at Masulipatam on 18 November 1665, which sufficient Security into the Treasury for Payment said that the sailors on board the East India Com. thereof unto Mr. Aislabie Eeqr. Deputy Governor pany's ship Expedition (a veseel bought at Surat Hereby directed to receive said Security, secure. for the country' trade in 1646) "repine at theiro ing said woman and Children from Poverty. owno small wages in respect of thes orrambarrowes Bombay Public Consultations, vol. 2. -a torm by which was obviously meant the crews R. C. TEMPLE

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FEBRUARY, 19241 DR. WILLIAM CROOKE DR. WILLIAM CROOKE, C.I.E., D.S.C., LITT.D., F.B.A. BY SIR R. O TEMPLE, BT. On the 25th October 1923 death somewhat suddenly took another searcher of longstanding and great distinction into Things Indian, as he would have put it himself, for to my knowledge it is quite forty years since Dr. Crooke began to publish his very long series of books and papers on his researches into many kinds of matters connected with the people of India. During all that period he has been more or less continuously connected with myself, and I feel his death therefore as a grievous personal loss. He was the eldest son of Warren Crooke, M.D., of Macroom Co., Cork, and was born in 1848. being 75 at his death. He belonged to an old Irish family, his younger brother being Col. Sir Warren Crooke-Lawless, C.B., C.B.E., R.A.M.C., of the Coldstream Guards, and Surgeon to Lord Minto, while Viceroy of India, and House-Governor of the Convalescent Home for Officers at Osborne, Isle of Wight. William Crooke was educated at Tipperary Grammar School and Trinity College, Dublin, of which last he was a scholar. He entered the Indian Civil Servioe in 1871, and became Collector and Magistrate at various times of the distriots of Saharanpur, Gorakhpur and Mirzapur in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. He retired after an uneventful though strenuous official life in 1895. He was, however, not altogether a literary man, for he was a good sportsman and had shot many tigers during his career. During his service in India and after it, Crooke was a valuable and prolific writer on oriental matters and took a great interest in all subjects connected with the people of India, their habits and customs, thoir religion and ethics and their ways, and was indeed a master-teacher in such things. He was always willing to help research in these directions in any way open to him and he loved it for its own sake. But he was in no way pushing and reaped but little ronown or recognition and what of them came his way came late in life. He became an Hon. D.Sc. of Oxford (1919) and an Hon. Litt. D. of Dublin (1920). In 1919 also he was awarded the C.I.E. by the Indian Government, and in 1923 he became a Fellow of the British Academy. In 1910 he was President of the Anthropological Scotion (H) of the British Association and in 1911-12 of the Folklore Society, and for years was an active and valued member of the Anthropological Instituto. The earliest publications of his that I can trace are two notes in this Journal in Vol. XVII (1882) which show the trend of his mind, for they were about the exorcism of village ghosts and the Brahmani duck, and thereafter he constantly helped me up to Vol. XLI (1912). Indeed at one time it was proposed that he should be a Joint Editor with me. He was also a valued contributor from 1883 to the Journal I started, in the Punjab Notes and Queries, and succeeded me as Editor for a few years, when it was converted into North Indian Notes and Queries. Crooke was always ready to help periodical and similar publications from his almost unrivalled knowledge of Indian Ethnology, Anthropology and Folklore, and was & constant contributor for many years to the publications of the Anthropological Institute and of the Folklore Society. He had in fact for some years been Editor of Folklore at the time of his death. He wrote in addition many articles in Nature and in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics for Dr. Hastings. Crooke was also an indefatigable editor of books, producing with great learning and wide reading valuable editions of Yule's Anglo-Indian Glossary, usually known as Hobson-Jobson (1903), Fryer's New Account of East India and Persia in three volumes for the Hakluyt Society (1909 and onwards), Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali's Observations on the Mussulmans of India (1916), Tod's Annals of Rajasthan (1920), Herklot's Quanun-i-Islam (Islam in India, 1922). In

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1924 addition he had finished editing Ball's edition of Tavernier's Travels, which I understand is in the hands of the Oxford Press, and must now be issued as a posthumous work. Quite lately also he added a valuable note on the Folklore in Sir George Grierson's edition of Sir Aurel Stein's Hatim's Tales (of Kashmir). Crooke did not by any means confine himself to editing, but produced his invaluable Rural and Agricultural Glossary, North-West Provinces and Oudh, and a whole series of works since his retirement from Government service. In 1896 he published his well known Tribes and Castes of the North-West Provinces, and his Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, following these up with a very well-known book, Things Indian, in 1906 and Natives of Northern India. He also wroto with Mr. H. D. Rouse The Talling Thrush, a collection of Folktales for the Folklore Society. It will be seen that though he was never in the public eye he lived a very busy lifo all his days, bent on forwarding a real knowledge of the people among whom he worked as an official to their benefit and to that of the Government which he had served. He was a sound scholar and in every way a learned man, and on many an occasion I have found him willing to let others share the knowledge he had laboriously acquired and ever ready to cooperate in the solution of the conundrums constantly arising about the people of India and their ideas : & very useful life that was a crodit to bimself and of great advantage to the nation. And it may be added that his work cannot bnt be a solace to his widow and the sons he has left behind him. Crooke married in 1884 Alice younger daughter of Lieut.-Col. George Carr of the 2nd Madras Native Infantry and had five sons. The eldest died as a child. The third son, Capt. E.H. Crooke, a scholar of Brasenose, Oxford, was killed in Franco in 1916 and his fourth son, Lt. W. H. Crooke, R.E., was also killed in France in the same year. His second and fifth sons survive him. The former, Mr. R. H. Crooke, & scholar of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, has been in the Home Civil Service since 1912 (Ministry of Health) and his fifth son, Mr. R. L. Crooke, is still at Cheltenham College where his three other brothers were brought up, Dr. Crooke having spent all his retirement at Charlton Kings near Cheltenham. Crooke's articles for this Journal were Notes on the Gipsy Tribes of the North-West Provinces and Oudh in Vol. XVII: (2) A Version of the Guga Legend in Vol. XXIV: (3) Folk-Tales from the Indus Valley in Vol. XXIX: (4) Folk-Tales from Northern India in Vol. XXV: (5) Religious Songs from Northern India in Vol. XXXIX: (6) Mendicants' cries from Northern India in Vol. XXIX : (7, 8, & 9) Songs about the King of Oudh, from Northern India, and of the Mutiny in Vol. XL: and (10) a long series of Folk Tales of Hindustan in Vols. XXI, XXII, XXIII, & XXIV. He also wrote interesting miscellanea in other volumes and a valuable review of Campbell's Santal Folk Tales in Vol. XXI.

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FEBRUARY, 1924) A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE. (From the Lectures of Prof. Rao Sahib Krishnaswami Aiyangar.) BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from p. 16.) There is an inferenco liere that by the Sangam period South Indian Brahmanism had become anti-Buddhistic. Indeed, that the Tamil-land in the early days was pro-Brahmanist and anti-Buddhist is shown throughout the literature. Asoka's propaganda did not reach it and was kept out by forco : witness the numerous statements as to the credit taken by all tho rulers,-Pandya, Chola or Chera--for achievements against the Aryas. The opposition was * set up" not in mere hostility to the peaceful pursuit of Buddhism or Jainism, but seemed to bo easontially intended for securing freedom for the unfettered pursuit ol Brahmanism in the Tamil country. "The result was that the continuity of Hindu Culturo has been a special feature in the History of Southern India." "Brahmanism, having found a welcome home in this region, when Buddhism was in the ascendancy in North India, pursued its path unmolested .... This freedom made the Tamil country at this period, as it proved to be in other lator perioda, a special refuge to Aryan culture, whenever it was hard pressed in the North." Tho literature of tho early times exhibits "& certain ainount of development in tho dgamic worship of the Vaishnava Pancharatrins, though this does not exclude the advent of the Saiva dgumas (cloctrinos) at the same period;" whilo the rise of the School of Bhakti in the North, as a development of the Upanishadic culture, "received welcome support from the position of this particular school of Brahmanism in the South." "This special development could not have been on this sido of the Christian era," and there was obviously an intimate connection then betweon the North and the South. Thus, in the days of the Sungas of the North, Pushyamitra organised "a revivification of Brahmanism in face of a foreign enemy, like the Greeks of Bactria ... who were in the political senso a foreign enemy' and in the sacerdotal conception heretics in religion." The Tamil literature, as confirmed by the Hathigumpha Inscription of Khara vela of Kaliiga, shows that this created a religious ferment"referable to the period of revival under the Sungas and the Kanvas." Tho Professor hero turns aside for a while to consider the connection of South India with Ceylon in tho ancient days, which, as he says, was generally one of hostility. Here it is interesting to note that Tamil literature has several references earlier than the Buddhist tradition to the story of the Ramayana, so far as it relates to Ceylon. These references are of such a nature as to show that it was familiar in South India at that very early time "in minute detail." Turning to the Mahavainsa, the Professor discusses the story of the occupation of the Island by the Vaiga (Bengal) Buddhist prince Vijaya and his followers vid Lata, landing en route at Supparaka, and he sets to work to show that Lata is not Gujarat, and that Supparaka is not "Sopara on the West Coast of India . .. In the course of this narrative Ceylon receives both the names of Lanka and Tambapanni," and it may be added, also that of Sihala. Despite its coating of myth, the story contains the germs of the history of the establishment of civilisation in Ceylon from Bengal, or "to be more precise, from Gangetic Kalinga." It is with this in view that the Professor argues that Lata is not Gujarat, but Radha (Ladha, Lala), i.e., Bardwan and Kalinga, being confirmed in this opinion by ancient Tamil literary accounts of the legend. Assuming then the journey to have been vid the Bay of Bengal,

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1924 Suppara, the Good Shore, must be looked for there and not on the West Coast of India : say, "at Tamluk at the mouth of the Rupnarayan. The story further adds that Vijaya got womenfolk for his men from the Pandya country of Madura. All this means that the Northern part of Ceylon was oolonised partly from Bengal and partly from the Tamil country which is likely enough." The date of this civilisation is not clear, and the Professor with some hesitation places it at the commencement of the Maurya Dynasty : say, at the end of the fourth century B.C. It is interesting to note that it is in this folktale, based on historical events, that the Pandya country first comes in contact with the history of Ceylon. The next mention of South India in the Mahdvansa occurs in 177 B.C., when "two horse-traders from the Tamil country" usurped the Bengali kingdom in Ceylon for 22 years. Soon after this "a Tamil of noble descont came from the Chola country, seized the kingdom, and ruled for a petioa of 44 years with even justice towards friend and foc on occasions of disputes at law." The Mahavamsa calls him Elara and Tamil tradition Elelasingham, Ho never adopted Buddhism, and from this time onwards the feeling between Sinhalese and Tamil was one of hostility. Again following the Mahavainsa, about 44 B.C., Tamils again ousted the native king Vatta Gamani for 14 years, and during the second century A.D. one "Vasablia of the Lambakanna (pendant-eared) raco" overthrow the reigning king and ruled for 42 years. The Lambakannas are an important Tamil people in the Pandya country. Among these Lambakanna kings was Gajabahuka Gamani (Gajabahn), the contemporary of the Red Chera, whose reign" is of great importance in South Indian History, as he was the ruler of Ceylon who was prosent at the completion of the ceremony of the institution of the templo to Pattini-Devi in the Chera capital of Vanji." It is also important, because for the first time we have dates, which can be verified as lying in the middle of the second century A.D. Next, there is mention of tho eka-nalika Famind of Sinhalese History, when rice went to ono nafikd for the main unit of currency, t.e., to eight times its ordinary value. The Sinhalese dates for this is A.D. 183-184, which is near the date of a great fainine in the Pandya country. In the next reign the Buddhist Vetulya heresy became important and was suppressed, to rise again into importance in the great Abhayagiri Vihara. This heresy held that the Budgha was a supernatural being and that the Law (Dharma) was not preached by him but by his disciplo Ananda. Tho date given for its rise is A.D. 209. Here the Professor remarks : "this seems to give a clear indication of the connection between this School of Buddhism and the School of Bhakti in Hinduism, thus apparently harmonising somowhat with this rising-school of Hindu thought, such harmonising being one of the spocial features of Mahayana Buddhism." He then makes the important observation that "if the date A.D. 209 can be regarded as the correct equivalent, it would lead us a long way towards settling the date of Nagarjuna." Taking us up thus to the commencement of the fourth century A.D., the Professor remarks that the Tamil connection with Ceylon did not bring that people to sympathise with the Buddhists. "The religious condition of South India was one of complete freedom, and while Buddhists and Jains had license to follow their respective faiths, Hinduism was the dominant religion. In time the Tamil country became the seat of orthodox Hinduism. At first, sacrifices were a most important feature of it, and the Brahmars came to have great honour as the celebrants," the rest of the community looking forward, in the security that the Brahman was discharging bis duties to the community as a whole, to the attainment of earthly prosperity in this world and salvation in the next, by a comparatively easier method of devotion, cach to the god of his heart. The notions of God and of a ininistering priest

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FEBRUARY, 1924 ] A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE 25 to stand between God and individual man came into relief." This feature of devotion is characteristic both of Hindu Bhakti (devotional faith) and philosophic Mahayana Buddhism. "It would seem, therefore, as though the School of Bhakti and tho Vetulya Heresy of Buddhism aliko were the developments of Brahmanism and Buddhism respectively as a result of the same or similar influence." This brings the Professor to a survey of the Brahman's position before the rise of the Palla vas. Going back to Vedic times, the Brahman achieved his two first duties: "the performance of sacrifices and getting others to perform them." Learning was associated with him from the beginning, and he became its custodian and dispenser. He was thus the teacher giving education as a free gift, but accepting rewards therefor, not as a right but as a recompense, an obligation towards him gradually extended to the whole of society. It had to maintain the Brahman. The obligation became a sacred one, and a Tamil poet praises a royal family" as the one which had never been known to do anything that would cause pain to a Brahman." It was while such & Brahmanism was evolving itself that the notions were infused into it of "a personal God who intervenes in the affairs of man for tho benefit of humanity," and of personal devotion to Him. Thus clid Bhakti arise as the answer to the agnostic cults of Buddhism and Jainism. The "theistic system of Bhakti consists in the worship of a personal God, who is the Creator and Lord of the Universe. Dovotion to him by unremitting service is the best way to the attainment of salvation, or release from the ever recurring cycle of births and deaths." This system the Professor would trace " back to tho Vedic beginnings, reaching to the Upanishads certainly." Bhakti, as the Professor says, is love of God and complete devotion to Him, and as a system it "regards Vasudeva as the Supreme Soul, the internal soul of all souls." His worship goes as far back as the Upanishadic times and clearly to the 4th century B.C. The special home of Bhakti, though not its place of origin, was South India, and the idea of devotion to a porsonal God is traceable in the earliest extant portions of Tamil literature. "The worship of Ksishna and Baladeva seems to have boon quite an ordinary feature of Tanil civilisation in the earliest period of which we have knowledge." Takon as a whole, the literature of the civilisation was essentially Aryan in character, with "indubitable traces of the Aryan features in it, which are very primitive in consequence." These discussions lead the Professor to his sixth lecture, which is on the Kural of Tiruvalluvar, "& characteristically Tamil classic." The term kural means 'short,' and the work is so called because it consists of aphoristic couplets of four and three feet each. As an ethico-religious work the Kural is intended as to guide for conduct in life. It doals with three only of the "four objects of life" for a curious reason. The 'four objeots' are righteousness, wealth, love and salvation : in Tamil aram, porul, inbam and vidu, and in Sanskrit, dharma, artha, kama and moksha. "If the first three objects of life are attained by adopting a moral lifo, the other follows inevitably in consequenoe. Hence the omission of the fourth in this work." The author was clearly acquainted with Chanakya's Arthasdstra, and is in fact deeply indebted to it. It was also known clearly to the writers of the Sangam literature. The Professor here does good service in showing how much this very important Tamil work is strongly infused with Sanskrit culture, ethical and political, and winds up his remarks by a statement that "on a dispassionate examination of the work there seems justification for the assumption that the author of the Kural, though undoubtedly belonging to another caste, Was Brahmanical in religion." . After this Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar attacks the difficult historical problem of the Pallavas, warily remarking that "it can hardly be described as being out of the stage of discussion yet." Nearly every one who has considered the subject has come to the conclusion

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1924 that the Pallavas were Parthian Pahlavas, who entered India froin Persia by way of Baluchistan, and that by the time they reached the Tamil country they had become Hinduised. This view, of course, always had difficulties, and we may now safely say that it must be given up. But who were they? The Vrofossor tolls us that the Tamils always looked on Pulicat, as their Northern boundary beyond which dwelt the Vadukars, meaning thereby the Telugus and the Kannadas. It is in the region on the Eastern side of this portion of the Peninsula occupied by this poople" that " we find the earliest memorials of Pallava rule." When tho Pallavas appear in general history they are in possession of Kanchi (Conjoeveram), and "whether they wore Tamils or Tolugus, they are the people wo find along the region between the lower courses of the Krishna and the Palar," i.e., Tondamandalam (Tondanadu), including both Kanchi and Tirupati, inhabited by the Tond-ziyars', avhich name was considorod synonymous with that of tho Pallavas.' Kanchi" figures in the body of early literature as a viceroyalty of tho Cholas, and the only Toncaman that figures in the whole body of this literature as tho rulor of this part of the country is the Tondaman Ilam-Tirayan of Kanchi, who ruled not so much in his own right, as by the right of his Chola ancestry." As regards equating tho Pallavas with the Tondaiyars, the Professor goes into the question at some length. Thoy first appear as tribal rulers along the course of tho Krishna, "alinost to the Palar, along the old Vaduka frontier of the Tamils", and his conclusion is that "they wore natives of South India and were not a dynasty of foreigners:" By origin they were in all probability a family of Naga feudatories of the Satavahanas of the Dakhan." Though their long rule greatly affected South Indian culture, the Pallavas were patrons of Northorn ideas and votaries of Vishnu and Siva. They carried their cult into the Tamil country, and for nearly 700 years there was hostility betwoen them and tho Tamils, so that they were nover in any special sense patrons of Tamil literature, as their predecessors had been." I may say hero that in a paper recently published in Vol. LII of this Journal (pp. 77-80), Mudaliyar C. Rasanayagam would give a Sinhaleso-Tamil origin for the name Pallava, a Sprout, and a Sinhaleso-Naga origin for the Dynasty. The general facts appear to be that there were Nagas in influential positions throughout the territory extending from Mathura in the North, through the whole length of the middle of the Peninsular region, to the distant South. One of the centres was in Mathura itself, and another was Padmavati not far from Jhansi; a third is traceable in Bastar, and a fourth in the Southern Maratha country. The question, ir this view therefore, to settle is : which is the likeliest locality for the kind of marriage alliance stated to be the immediate cause of the Pallava riso to great power in their records ? Consequently if the Professor's conclusions are to be accepted, Mr. Rasanayagam's argument is ruled out. However, in its favour it may be said that tho acceptance of purely Indian soil as the original home of the Palla vas does not account for their name, the Sprout, which is what Mr. Rasanayagam aims at explaining. The question then is not even yet finally settled, though the foreign Pahlava origin of the Pallavas may now be definitely regarded as inadmissible. As already noted there were many powerful Naga families in tho Dakhan from coast to coast, some of which made themselves independent, and by the time the Pallavas came into power at Kanchi, the Satavahanas had already ousted the Cholas from that region. The early Pallavas were "divided into four separate families or dynastics." So far opigraphy teaches us, and the Professor goes cleverly into the inscriptions to show that the promulgators of the Prakrit charters, beginning with Bappa-deva, were the historical founders of the Pallava dominion in South India, setting up a rule of a " distinct Asokan character,"

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FEBRUARY, 1924) A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE 27 introducing a Northern organisation of government distinct from that of the Tamils, and olearing the great forest of the Dandakaranya (Dandaranyam). Their early inscriptions are in a Prakpit, followed by a Sanskrit, series, which the Professor carefully considers. This makes him go into two statements of the historians: (1) that Vishnugopa Pallava of Kanchi was a contemporary of the Gupta Emperor Samudragupta, and (2) that there was a Pallava interregnum in Kanchi, and that this can be referred to the time of the ancient Cholas, Karikala and others." As to the former statement the Professor is sceptical and as to the latter he regards it as an idea without foundation and altogether baseless. He here comes into conflict with the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya in some very valuable pages of controversy, in the course of which he adheres to his already expressed opinion that "the terms Pallava and Tondaiyar were synonymous, in the estimation of the early Tamils. If, therefore, we have to look for the origin of the Pallavas here are the people from among whom they must have sprung." Going into the history of the inscriptions and other searchable sources, the Professor points out that Virakuroha Pallava is the first historical character of the race. He "married & Naga princess and thereby acquired his title to sovereignty of the region over which he ruled," which is to say, the territory that came to be associated with the Pallavas about Kafichi. This is the marriage above referred to. The secret, of the rise of the Pallavas to royal position is thus solved by a marriage at a time when the Satavahanas were passing away as a ruling dynasty, and the Nagas, and with them the Pallaves, were ready to throw off Satavahana yoke. Having become thus free, Virakuroha's son, Skandasishya, seems to have co-operated with that Dynasty in & war in the Dakhan with the Kshatrapas of Malva at the end of the fourth century A.D. At this time, the Andhras, as the great rulers of the Dakhan, wero declining, and their power had passed largely into the hands of the feudatory family of the Satus of Banavase (Vaijayanti), known also as Satakarnis and Nagas. The Professor suggests that it was this Naga family that contracted a family alliance with Virakurcha Pallava, who was thus "able to make good his position as ruler of the South-Eastern Viceroyalty of the Andhras." Some light on the extension of Pallava power comes from the Kadamba inscriptions. When Mayura-Sarman, the redoubtable Brahman founder of the Kadambas, made himself a considerable obstacle to the Pallava pretensions, the latter monarch recognised him "as a military officer of his own, with the government of a considerable province extending from the sea in the West to the Eastern limit of Prehara (? Perur)." The capital of this province was Banavase. The Pallavas then must have got possession of it, and the marriage of the SQtu princess to the Pallava King must have been nothing more than an alliance between the two families, the Kadambas evontually obtaining power in the satu part of the whole territory. The Professor then throws out an important hint: "it was perhaps a subsidiary branch of the family of the Satus that ultimately overthrew the Kadambas in this region and founded the Dynasty of the Chalukyas." Just as the Palla vas succeeded to the whole Southern portion of the Andhra Territory by marriage with a Naga (Satakarni) princess, so did they gain an overlordship over the territory of the Gangas of Kolar about 475 A.D. After an examination of a Digambara Jaina work, the Lokavabhaga, the Professor winds up his general survey of the early Pallava history by an enquiry into its chronology, and finds that Simhavarman II must have begun to rule in A.D. 436, and that the date of Mahendravarman, when the story is more firmly historical, is somewhere near A.D. 600. During the whole history of the Pa Havas from about A.D., 200 to nearly A.D. 900, their power contred round Kanchi (Conjeeveram). The culture they introduced, as already said, way Northern, and Sanskrit literature was encouraged. They were also great patrons of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1994 religion and art, and their period "must also have been one of great religious activity" generally. Indeed, the Professor remarks that "the town of Kanohi itself is so full of Pallava monuments that it would be possible to make a complete study of Pallava art and architecture without going out of it." It was then that Saivism and Vaishnavism, "the two offshoots of the School of Bhakti," took form and shape. The Alwars of the Vaishnavas and the Adiyars of the Saivas flourished in their time. The Schools of Bhakti "began their great development under the Pallavas and took the form that they have at present in this period." It was a time of the first importance in the development of Hinduism, and its organisa tion as a "theistio religion, religion whose centre and heart-core is a personal God watchfully beneficent for the salvation of devotees." But the recognition of a personal God and of popular religion necessitates the form of worship associated with temples. The Pallava period was accordingly the age when the great majority of temples in the South came into existence, and there is clear evidence that it was also the age of the expansion of Hinduism into the East, to Borneo and Sumatra. Having thus in an illuminating manner dwelt on Pallava history, Professor Krishna - swami Aiyangar goes back to religion,--to Saivism, Vire-Saivism (Lingayats), and Vaish. na vism in the South, He now gives a clear description of Saivism as one of the two principal Schools of Bhakti. It is "the recognition of Siva as the supreme beneficent Deity. Siva is believed to exercise the functions of creation, protection, prevention of lapses in the enjoyment of the results of one's own action, and beneficence. These functions He is said to discharge with a view to the release of struggling souls from the bondage resulting from their previous action, and to present to them the knowledge of the nature of Siva, so that they may ultimately attain the much desired release. In order to discharge these self-imposed functions, Siva assumes the position of Lord, with the following six attributes Omniscience, limitless contentment, knowledge that does spring out of experience, self-possession, undiminished power, and limitless power. It is the possession of these qualities, exhibiting themselves in extreme purity, in the capacity to destroy the bondage of action and to improve the power for good, that gives appropriateness to the name of Siva." It is under the command of this Supreme Deity that souls assume forms, struggle in the world, and gradually work through the outer forms of religion, developing in their next stage the inner religion, as a result of their good action in their pursuit of life in the outer religion. Here they follow the path of the Veda, "those among them who wean themselves of the notion of enjoyment cease to be born on earth, and get rid of the cycle of existence as the result of the grace of Siva. It will thus be clear that .... the only way to attain salvation is by knowledge of the nature of Siva." The performance of rites and ceremonies produce good fruit and enjoyment of good, but they bring on rebirth inevitably. "In the ultimate analysis Saivism comes to this. It recognises tho supremacy of Siva as the beneficent Deity, that makes it His function to save souls (pasu) from their bondage in the fetters of action (pasam), the result of karmam or action. He doos this as the result of His own grace." The rudiments of this faith are present in the earliest period of Tamil literature with a subsequent vast development. The Siva-bhakta is one who carries out the doctrine with unswerving duty. Among the pre-eminent devotees are the 63 Nayanmars that pertain to the age of the Pallavas, to whom are to be added nine more, forming the 72 Saiva Adiyars. These holy personages produced between them a literature of great worth and enormous power over the people,

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FEBRUARY, 1924) A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE 29 To illustrate what is meant by 'unswerving duty, 'the Professor relates the universal story in South India of an ignorant hunter known as Kannappa Nayanar, who plucked out his eye to replace an eye of an image of Siva, which he thought was ailing. "In the cult of Bhakti the first feature to be taken notice of is unalloyed affection for God, and this affection springs from the notion that God looks after a man with an affectionate interest superior even to that of himself, and therefore deserves the return of unqualified devotion." It is devotion and not works that is efficacious to evoke God's grace, and "this extraordinary affection for God springs in a human being as a result of deeds in a previous existence without regard to the fruit thereof and as the result of Siva's grace and that grace alone." Wherever such affection exists there Siva is bound down to the offer of this devotion. It matters nothing how it is shown, or whether by the ignorant or the learned. Singleness of purpose makes even an objectionable form of worship acceptable. An addition to this early form of faith was developed gradually. It became necessary for a teacher " to make Bhakti exclusively the method of the attainment of God's favour." To secure the roquired ebullition of emotion visits to places of holy reputation, acts of menial service in temples, pouring out the heart in verse, and dancing were introduced and fostered. And later on there appeared the saving priest or procoptor as an essential factor in the attainmont of salvation, till without his aid the proper kind of Siva's grace became impossible of reception. All this was taught in a great body of religious verse and in fourteen philosophio treatises, the Saiva-sdstras. The former founded the systems of the religion and the latter provided the philosophy "to maintain it against controversialists of other croeds." Unorthodox Saivism has always prevailed in Southern India, differing from the orthodox "mainly in the vigour with which it carries out single-minded devotion to the form or aspect of Siva, to which their sectarians devote themselves. Some of the Northern sects have flourished since the days of the Pallaves, and they are grouped togother generally as Virasaivas, but those who are now specifically termed Vira Saivas (Lingayats) rone in the 12th century A.D. in the Kakatiya country of Telingana. It was a reform movement for the abolition of caste and the removal of certain social restrictions. The more orthodox Vira-Saivism was a Brahman movement which subordinated Vedic rites to porsonal devotion (bhakti). This sect was the Aradhya of the Telugu country. Tho better known and commoner sect was the Lingayat, who followed Basava, the Brahman Ministor of the Kalachurya usurper Bijjala, who stole the throne in 1156 AD. Basava came from the Bijapur District in the Southern Maratha country, and was followed in tho leadership of his seot by his nephew Channa Basava. Such is the acceptod tradition, but the Professor draws attention to early epigraphio records, which go to show that a Brahman named Ekantada (Singlo-minded) Ramayya of the Dharwar District and of about Basava's time, was the real founder of the Lingayats. Ho concludes the discussion by remarking that "it is likoly that Ramayya was responsible for really originating this sect," taken up by the Minister Basava, organised by him and carried into actual practice. The Lingayats have their own canon, and flourished greatly during the Vijayanagar Empire, and the Professor winds up his disquisition on the Vira Saivas with a noteworthy suggestion: "Saivism, like Vaishnavism, began in tho South during the historical poriod, not as a systematised religion or creed, but merely as the oonvictions of individual mon, who could give expression to their own convictions in felicitous language, full of overflowing omotion." This was the condition of both religions between A.D. 200 to 1000. The Pallava times occupied most of this period.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1924 Fundamentally Vaishnavism, as a form of Bhakti, developed on the same lines as Saivism, substituting Vishnu, whose general name in the South is Tirumal, for Siva. Up to the Christian era the features of his cult were Northern, but subsequently it had a characteristib development. Like the Saivas, the Vaishnavas had their saintly singers, the Alvars, and their teachers, the Acharyas. Also, like the Saiva Aliyars, the Vaishnava Alvars flourished in the Pallava period. The great feature of the Alvars' teaching was that "the way of salvation was attainable to the uninitiated according to the orthodox standards. It is this element and its teaching by these saints, that gave them their ultimate ascendancy among the people." Among the Alvars were men and women of all castes. The greatest of them, Nam-Alvar, was a Sadra, and another, Yogivaha, was a Pariah (Paraiyan). These facts indicate "the liberalising part of the movement, which consisted in an effort, and an organised effort, too, at uplifting people who must necessarily have been outside the circle of those admissible to divino grace, so long as that grace was attainable by the exact performance of an exceed. ingly difficult and elaborate series of ceremonial rites. This simplification of the process for the attainment of the divine grace was in response to the views of the time." It was in Nam-Alvar's day that the emergence of the preceptor took place "as essential to the attainment of salvation by the individual." Later on by the time of Ramanuja, it had greatly developed, and it was believed that a man's "salvation was the responsibility of his preceptor, so long as he took the pains to discover a suitable one..... The importance of this development consists in this : Bhakti, or devotion, as the means to attain salvation, developed certain prescribed methods for prosecuting the work of devotion to God, which became essential." From this idea a methodised and formal system of worship emerged, and then it became "necessary that a class of people should take up the actual and unerring performance of the acts of worship, and leave the bulk of the people to proceed in the simple style of the earlier and the more primitive form of personal devotion." So each man and woman had to find the suitable preceptor,' the Guru, and hence there developed ultimately the doctrine of Self-surrender by which a man "puts his faith in God, and places the burden of his salvation upon Him, through one of His instruments on earth in the character of a worthy and accredited preceptor." This doctrine became an essential portion of the creed by the time that the Vaishnava Acharyas had followed the Alvars, and Bhakti, or devotion and faith, became unlimited. The teaching of the Vaishnava Alvars accorded with that of the Saiva Adiyars, and covered the Pallava poriod A.D. 200-800. The Acharyas of the Vaishnavas commence with Nathamuni of the tenth century A.D., who revived the teaching of the Alvars and provided for its continuance. He also created the forerunners of the modern Araiyars of Srirangam, who set the tunes and prescribed the forms for reciting the works of Nam-Alvar. Women also took up the profession of temple music and dancing. Nambi-Andar Nambi did the same for the works of the Saiva Adiyars. All this does not mean that these two personages originated the temple musio and dancing-which are very old, but that they used them for the purposes of devotional recital. Nathamuni passed his mantle to the controversialist YamunAcharya, or Alavandar, who was his grandson, and from him it came to the latter's great-grandson, the famous Ramanuj&charya, or shortly Ramanuja. Ramanuja commenced as a successful controversialist, and placed Vaishnavism on a permanent footing. Among his achievements was the establishment of the hitherto regarded as the 'un. Vedio' and unorthodox creed of the Pafcharatra. It was, however, popular, and

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Fuary, 1024] A SKETCH OF SOUTH INDIAN CULTURE 31 he met thus a popular need. Then ho laid emphasis on the old toaching of the Alvars that "salvation was attainable by all, whatever their oarthly position." He taught that "whatever be the position of a man or woman in society, every one stood as near to God as any one else, provided he or she kept to their high requirements of godly life." This position has led to great controversy in India, especially as the Saivas were forming their religious houses (matha) in the same aroa. Here the Professor makes a remarkable statoment: "the stories of persecution occur time and again in the accounts of the hagiologists (Saiva, Vaishnava, Jaina, Bauddha), and those stories have a family likeness in the details regarding the incidents, thereby stamping them as pious fabrications of the latter day hagiologists." Although the Professor is thus sceptical of the stories of persecution, he does not assume that religious excesses by parties of the people did not take place. Controversy always went on for generations at Srirangam and KAnchi, and " gave a turn to literature till the Muhammadans broke into South India." The Muhammadan raids coinmenced under 'Alau'ddin Khilji in the early 14th century A.D., for the purposes of plunder to supply him with money to keep the Mughals out of the North-Western frontiers of India. His generals could do as they liked, provided they secured the "royal wealth" of the countries raided, i.e., materials for war. The raids were very cruel, and led to a Hindu organisation in self-defence under the Hoysala ruler of Mysore, Vira Ballala III, with the help of the Kakatiyas of Warangal, as the Tamil powers had become helpless. On the death of Muhammad Tughlak, the Hindus ousted the Muhammadan garrisons about 1350 A.D., and a war waged by the Hindus for mere existence and the preservation of their religion ended in the rise out of the general trouble of the Vijayanagar Empire, as "the visiblo embodiment of the national resistance to save Southern India for the Hindus and to keep from being over-run by the Muhammadans". The Vijayanagar Empire thus "stood for all that was worth preserving in Hindu religion and culture." It was a national movement, -"& nationalism which was infused through and through with the sentiment of religion." Anything like a particular form of religion was impossible to it. The one objeot was to preserve Hindu independence in South India. "The whole organisation of the forces of Vijayanagar had this object in view." The Empire of Vijayanagar was organised by Viceroyalties or Maharajyas. The civil administration was left where it had always been, i.e., the people carried on the administration for themselves under a small hierarchy of great officials touring the country. The business of the Imperial authority was to raise the revenues required for protecting the Northern frontier,-keeping ready for war but avoiding it. The consequent military ex. penditure was exhausting. The result on the social organisation was "a hardening and a more clear demarcation of the rights and duties of the various castes of which Hindu society was then composed . . . Some of the worst features of which remain even yet, while some of the best have gone out of it by desuetude." The advantage at the time was that Society looked after itself and the central government could devoto itself entirely to defence. The conditions under which Vijayanagar lived and worked are well shown by the work of its great rulers. Devardya II remedied a vital defect in his army inferiority in cavalry and archors-by introducing Muhammadan soldiers. He gave them a mosque and slaughter-houses, and used the Brahman Viceroy of Madura to organise them. The main point was defence of the realm, and there was no hatred of Muhammadans as such, only a great dread of the recurrence of Muhammadan raids. Afterwards Krishnadeva Raya

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1924 spent his life in reducing under great difficulties the two great frontier fortresses of Mudkal and Raichur, which in the hands of his Muhammadan enemies were a source of vital weakness to his own Empire. The literature of the period shows that the Hindu war on the Muhammadan garrisons was conducted in a crusading spirit, and the immediate result of success was the rehabilitation of the gods and the restoration of temples. The very titles assumed by the first 'Emperor' indicate the ideas underlying the movement of the people:-"the establisher of the four castes and orders; the publisher of the commentaries on the Vedas; the master establishing ordinances prescribed by the Vedas; the provider of employment to the Adhvaryu (priests) who are the auspicious ornament of kings." Among the many men who played a part in the Hindu rehabilitation are two Brahman brothers associated with the foundation of the Vijayanagar State, Madhava Vidyaranya and Sayana, who were not only statesmen, but Vedic scholars of high rank. In that time, too, there flourished the great Vaishnava scholar Vedanta Desika, who "gave in many respects the final shape to the Vaishnavism of South India, following closely the teaching of Ramanuja." Saivism, Virasaivism and Jainism also flourished greatly. The Professor sums up the work of these men thus:-"it may be safely said that for good or evil tho presont day Hinduism of South India retains the form it received under Vijayanagar, which ought to be given credit for having preserved Hinduism such as it is Cataclysmal irruptions of foreigners causing revolutionary changes in doctrine and practice there were none . The spirit of compromise and insistence upon peaceful living by the various sects was adopted as the religious policy of the civil authorities by the sovereigns of Vijayanagar, each of whom had his own particular persuasion." The importance of all this to India becomes clear when one considers that it is the Southern Bbakti school of thought that one can trace in Vaishnavism-the prevailing belief-as it is now in Northern India. "The contribution of South India in this particular sphere is a genuine School of Bhakti, and it is small wonder that the later Puranas accord to the South the monopoly of it." Modern Hinduism owes its existence and its form, firstly to the influence of the long rule of the Pallavas, and secondly to the Vijayanagar Empire. The Professor winds up his discourse with a great tribute to the South Indian Brahmans: "the Brahman has been able, thanks to the goodwill of the communities amidst which he cast his own lot; to carry on his Brahmanical life unimpaired, and even encouraged by the communities on whom he exercised his influence in the direction of elevating them to a higher plane of life. So much so was this the case that an European writer, making a study of Indian women, gives it as the characteristic of Southern Indian womenfolk as a whole, that their ideals in this life are other-worldly. The Brahman has on the whole discharged his responsibility, as the teacher of the community, by preserving the ancient learning of the Hindus. He has made an honest effort, according to his lights, at preparing the people to lead a good life here, and to go to a better life hereafter. Through the ages he has maintained the ideal of uplifting, however short he may have fallen in actually achieving this ideal." Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar's lectures extend also to the expansion of India beyond seas and to an account of the administration in South India. Both portions are replete with information of great interest and much of it is new. But these subjects are not within the scope of the present paper, and with very great regret and reluctance I close here this survey of a remarkable effort of Indian scholarship.

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FEBRUARY, 1924) THE SEIGE AND CONQUEST OF THE FORT OF ASIRGARH 33 THE SIEGE AND CONQUEST OF THE FORT OF ASIRGARH BY THE EMPEROR AKBAR. (Described by an Eye-Witness.) By Rev. H. HERAS, S.J., A.M. Two of the Muhammadan historians of the siege and surrender of the fort of Asirgarh were oye-witnesses of tho ovent; but some passages of their narrativo seemed to bo quite absurd and incrodible, until a third eye-witness was brought on to the stage by Dr. Vincent Smith, in his work on Akbar the Great Mogul. This new historian of the conquest of Asirgarh was Fr. Jerome Xavier, & Spanish Jesuit of the Lahore Mission, who accompanied Akbar in his campaign through tho Deccan. His account is quite different from that of the Mub &mmadans, and for the most part quite irreconcilable. Dr. Smith, who was the first to cxamine critically the Jesuit narrative, prefers it to the official account of Abu-l Fazl and Faizi Sirhindi. It was to their interest to conceal tho perfidy and military failure of Akbar, while the Jesuit had no reason to be afraid of telling the truth to his Superiors either in Goa or Europe. But Smith knew only the narrative of Xavier through the famous work of Fr. Du Jarric, Thesaurus Rerum Indicarum, and affirms twice in the same chapter that the letters of Xavier are still unpublishod. This statoment is somewhat strango, considering that he was acquainted with Guerreiro's Relacion anual de las cosas que han hecho los Padres de la Compania de Jesis en la India Oriental y Japon, en los anos de 600 y 601, Spanish version from the Portuguese, printed at Valladolid in 1604. It is ourtain that Du Jarrio had no other source, when writing the account of the conquest of Asirgarh, than either the original Portuguose work or this Spanish translation. These yearly relations published by the Por. tuguese Jesuits were not gonoral accounts based on the letters of the Missionaries, but consisted of a collection of those very letters, each of them being published as a different chapter of the book, with the address and the signature omitted. One can still recognise the different styles of the writers in the various chapters of the work, even in the Spanish translation. Moreover, some Missionaries speak of themselves in the third person-as Fr. Monserrat does in his well known Mongolicae Legationis Commentarius 3,-while others write in the first person. This means that the editor did not trouble to unify his work, but (fortunately) inserted the letters just as they stood. The copy of this raro volume seen by Smith is in All Souls Library, Oxford; there is arlother copy in the British Museum mentioned by Maclagan, who says that such col. lections published by Fr. Guorreiro "are first-rate authorities ". Fortunately we have worked through a third copy of the same edition in the Goethals Indian Library, at St. Xavier's College, Caleutta, from which we have translated the following account.. This great King (Akbar) left Lahore for the kingdoms of Deccan followed by a numerous army for enlarging his own kingdom. He sent before him one of his oaptains 1 Smith, Akbar The Great Mogul. Chap. x, p. 177, No. 2 (Oxford, 1919). * cf. p. 282, note 6 and p. 189, noto l. 8 Fr. Xavior writes in this way in the narrative translated below. 4 Such is the habit of Fr. Pineiro, for instance ; "The time of the suppor came, I took two or three morsels," etc. 6 JASB., Vol. LXV, p. 45. 6.The original language of the letter of Fr. Xavier must have been either Spanish or Portuguese; Anyhow the lattor published in Guerreiro's work supposes one or two translations. He lot the capital for Agra late in 1598, after a prolonged residence of thirteen years in the Punjab.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1924 with fifty thousand men, being himself at the head of a hundred thousand additional in. fantry and cavalry and more than a thousand elephants. Ho took also with him the Padres.' The purpose of this journey was to conquer Goa and Malabar and the whole kingdom of Bisnaga 10, after having taken the Deccan kingdoms. A queen of Deccan, helped by the Portugubso, opposed him and slew many of his soldiers 11 just at the gate of the kingdom of Barara1, which is a pass leading through the mountains towards that kingdom. Now, her death having takon place, the Doocan people were deeply divided a.mong themselves, and this was the cause of the total ruin of that kingdom ;18 for somo of them having been suborned or deceived, others acting treacherously, and the grandeos hoping to improve their position, as ordinarily happens in divided kingdoms14, the gate of this one was opened & Wo learn from Muhammadan sources that Akbar was already in Ujjain when he detached a part of his army to serve as a vanguard. His youngest son, Sultan Daniyal, had been just then appointed commander of the Deccan army in the place of his brother Sultan Murad, whose demise had taken place in May 1599. Daniyal roached Barhanpur early in January 1600, and its King, Bahadur Shah, refused imprudently to give his service to the Imperial army proceeding to tho conquest of Ahmadnagar, contrary to the policy of his father Raja Ali, and against his own promise to Abu-'l Fapl. Cf. The Faruqi Dynasty of Khandesh, by Lt. Col. Sir T. W. Haig, K.C.I.E. in The Indian Antiquary, 1918, p. 179. When this news came to Akbar's knowledge, it seems that the Emperor sent at once a diplomatic envoy, named Miran Sadr. 1-Jahan by Sirhindi and Khvaja Maudud in the Zafar-al-walih. to inquire into the matter. The Emperor realised that Bahadur wag keenly hostile to him, and thereupon sent orders to Shaikh Farid of Bokhara to march against the audacious king with a considerable army, which was joined a few days later by Abu'I Fail who came hastening from Berar. 9 The companion of Fr. Xavier was not a priest, but the famous lay brother, Benito de Goes, who was sent later by the same Fr. Xavier to look after the kingdom of Cathay and its Christians. This enter. prising brother, whose name is mentioned by Xavier near the conclusion of this letter, died in 1607, just as he had reached the great wall of the Chinese Empire. 10 Since the time of Ala-ad-'din Khilji the oyss of the Muhammadan rulers of India were turned towards South. Bisnaga or Bisnagar is the name used by the old Portuguese writers for the famous kingdom of Vijayanagar. Cf. Sowell, A Forgotten Empire, p. xi (London, 1900). The second Hindu Dynasty had lost the kingdom in the battle of Talikota in 1565, against Bijapur, and the splendour of Vijayanagar had already reached its close at this time. Nevertheless, a third dynasty arose, "if dynasty it can be appropriately called," and the king Venkata I was the ruler contemporary with the events narrated by Xavier. Of. Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, chaps. XV and XVI, pp. 197-221. 11 It is not difficult to recognise in the Queen of the Deccan the valiant Regent of Ahmadnagar, Chand Bibi, who after the events above narrated received the title of Chand Sultana. Fr. Xavier records in this passage a fact long past, because, after having related it, he says that the aforesaid Queen was already dead at the time of the siege of Asirgarh; he means no doubt the first siege of Ahmadnagar in 1596, when she opposed the Mughals personally with a naked sword in her hand in the breaches of the mines which they had made. Cf. Firishta-Briggs, Vol. III, pp. 289-304. As to the help given her by the Portuguese, I cannot find any reference to it, either in the new works in Portuguomo India, or in the older ones, for instance, the Asia Portuguesa of Manuel de Faria y Sousa (3 Vols., Lisboa, 1674). But I cannot doubt that Xavier was aware of this alliance, the headquarters of his mission being in Goa itself. A little farther on, in the same letter, there is a hint of another alliance between the Portuguese and the Kings of Khandesh. This piece of news is important, since no other author mentions it. Was it a real league of all the enemies of the Mughal Empire ? 12 The kingdom of Barara, or Berar, was one of the provinces of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, which was ceded to Akbar on the aforesaid occasion in order to purchase peace. This was the result of Sultan Murad's campaign. 13 The death of Chand Sultana, who was murdered by her own people in August 1600, As Firishta related (l.c., p. 312), must have taken place about the very time when Xavier was writing his letter. After her demise the internal disturbances of her kingdom grew more intense, and in a few days the fort of Ahmadnagar was stormed by Sultan Daniyal, of. noto 8. 14 From this account we can conclude that bribery was often used by Akbar in his conquests. Could it be true then that the same "Chand Sultana was in treatly with the Mughals for the delivery of the fort", 49 the eunuch Hamid Khan shouted through the streets of Ahmadnagar, after hearing of her determination to negotiate with Sultan Daniyal for the evacuation of the fort, as Firishta relates (I.c.) ?

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FEBRUARY, 1924] THE SIEGE AND CONQUEST OF THE FORT OF ASIRGARH to him, and thus he took possession of the kingdom of Melique15, which he garrisoned by a large detachment from his army under the command of ono of his sons16 whom he left over there. Then marching forward, he reached the kingdom and town of Breampur17, whose king, named Miran 18, fled at once19 and took refuge in the great fortress of Syr20, which was the chief stronghold of the kingdom and was supposed to be impregnable by reason of its location on the top of a high mountain, whose base was five leagues in circumference; its mighty walls were constructed in three different lines of great size, and so cleverly arranged that from any one of them help could be given to the others, 21 There were many springs inside,22 and a great deal of fire-wood and vegetables; finally they had supplies sufficient for many years, and for an army of more than seventy thousand men23, which was in occupation there24. The pieces of ordnance numbered more than three thousand, and many of them were so big that they sounded like thunder while 35 15 Melique was the Thanadar of Dabhol or Dabhul, a little south of Chaul in the Konkan. He had offered help to the Portuguese in 1576, but afterwards treacherously murdered the captains of their vessels. He is called by the Portuguese historians Melique Tocan 16 This was Sultan Daniyal who was appointed Viceroy of the Deccan after the fall of Asirgarh, having under him the three newly erected Subhas of Ahmadnagar, Berar and Khandesh, along with Malwa and Gujarat. 17 Burhanpur. 18 The last king of Khandesh, Bahadur Shah. His full name was probably Miran Bahadur Shah, as Smith several times calls himn 19 Probably the unfortunate King did not expect the arrival of Akbar when he fled towards Asirgarh. My opinion is that he had already left his capital, on hearing of the approach of Shaikh Farid's army. When did Akbar reach Burhanpur? On March 31, according to Smith; but Lt. Col. Sir T. W. Haig thinks that it was on April 8, which is the date given by another contemporary, the author of the Zafar-al Walih. Anyhow on the following day the Emperor sent Khan-i-A'zam and other officers to commence the siege of Asirgarh. 20 Asirgarh. The old writers, such as Xavier and Ogilvy, used to drop the end of this word, which means 'fort. Firishta and Sirhindi call it Ashir. 21 Asirgarh is mentioned from old times, but the strength of this fort, which had been taken by Alaad-'din Khilji in 1295, dates from the time of the Faruqi Kings of Khandesh, specially Adil Khan I (14571503), who made it the chief stronghold of his kingdom. "The fort. . . is about eleven hundred yards long from east to west, and six hundred broad from north to south, and has an area of no more than sixty acres. Round the foot of the fort wall is a bluff precipice, from 80 to 120 feet high, scarped so as to leave only two pathways, one at the north-west angle near the grand gateway, and the other at the south-eastern bastion. The defences of the fort are three wall-lines one within the other; the main defence, a faussebraye or mound outside the rampart, and outworks. The main defence is a rough irregular masonry wall, of an average height of fourteen feet, following closely the edge of the high scarped rock which crowns the hill. At every out-standing corner is a round tower, once armed with large swivel guns. The rocky scarp has an average height of from 80 to 120 feet, and except at two points, is unbroken, and may, especially along the east and the south, be considered impregnable."-Gazeteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XII, p. 575. 32"The water supply of the fort is from six reservoirs, three large and three small. Of the three large reservoirs the Mamu lies to the east and the Sakkar and Sepoy to the west of the fort... The fort has many other small ponds... At the north end of the Sakkar reservoir is a well about thirty feet deep, with stone steps circling down its sides and leading to a vaulted chamber."-Gazetteer, pp. 576-577. There were no springs of water in the fortress; but there were two or three immense reservoirs in which the (rain) water was collected and stored from year to year, and amply sufficed for the requirements of the garrison. In the dwelling of each officer of importance there was a separate reservoir, containing a sufficient supply of pure water for his household." Sirhindi, Akbarnama in Elliot-Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 140. 23" Of provisions of all sorts, wines, medicines, aromatic roots and of everything required for the use of man, there was vast abundance. When after a protracted siege of eleven months, the place fell into the hands of the Imperial army, the quantities of grain, oil, etc., which remained after some thousands of men had been fed (during the siege), seemed as if the stores had never been touched ".-Sirhindi, Akbar. nama in Elliot-Dowson, Vol. VI, pp. 139-140. "The population in the fortress was like that of a city, for it was full of men of every kind. After the surrender, the inhabitants came out and there was a continuous throng night and day for a week". Sirhindi, L.c. "To this end he (Bahadur Shah) invited fifteen thousand persons, including labourers, artisans and shop-keepers, into the place and filled it with horses and cattle, in order that they might serve for work and eventually for food and other purposes ".-Briggs, Firishta-Briggs, Vol. IV, pp. 325-326.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1924 firing. 26 Besides the King Miran, who was inside, there were in the same fortress seven Princes who enjoyed the title of king, and always lived there without going out of their dwellings; according to the custom of the kingdom 16; these Princes succeeded one after another to the throne of the kingdom, when vacant. There was also the chief commandant of the kingdom, one Abexin87, a very valiant captain, and seven other captains, white men, who,although they belonged to the seat of the Moors28_were descendants and grandsons of the Portuguese9. And all these, and principally the Abexin and the seven white ones,30 were the commanders in that war, and defended that fortress skilfully and valiantly; so much so that the great Moghul King neither achieved his purpose nor could do so, although about twelve thousand men were besieging it ; 31 becauso neither the place of the fort nor the large artillery3: nor the courage of the aforesaid captains, allowed him to go on : therefore it was impossible to take the fort through the efforts of the army, and the only means of so doing was by 'the use of money, which always furnishes the strongest bullets by which fortresses and kingdoms are conquered. The Sovereign became very furious on account 36 "After the capture of the fortress account was taken of the munitions. Of pieces of artillery, small and great, there were more than 1300, besides some which were disused. The balls varied in weight from nearly two mans down to a sir or a half sir. There were great number of mortars and also many manjaniks, each of which throw stones of 1000 or 2000 mans. On every bastion thero were large iron caul. drons, in each of which twenty or thirty mans of oil could be boiled and poured down upon the assailante in case of assault. No account was taken of the musquete. The stores of ammunition were such, that thousands of mans were left although the quantity consumed had been enormous. The rulers of the country had incessantly cared for the strengthening and provisioning of the fort, more especially in respect of artillery."-Sirhindi, Elliot, pp. 139-140. 36 "It was the established custom among the rulers of Khandesh, that the reigning potentate kept his sons, brothers andothor relations in confinement, to guard against attempts upon the throne ; on these unhappy persons, with their wives and families, passed all their lives in confinement. Bahadur Shah had passed nearly thirty years in prison."-Sirhindi, 1.c., p. 134. This custom is confirmed also by the author of Zafar-al-Walih, who was in the service of one of the Amirs of the same Bahadur Shah.-C. The Indian Antiquary, 1.c., p. 183. 37 This is not a name but, I suspect, an adjective expressing his nationality, viz., Abyssinian. Fr. Xavior says expressly : "Estaba tambien el Regidor del reino, que era un Abegin,.." And in the above mentioned Asia Portuguese, Vol. II, Part III, Chapter XX, the author, speaking of the kingdom of Bijapur, says: "A pocos dias los Abesinca (Guardas de aquellos Reinos) obraron lo mismo," etc. The author of the Zafar-al-Walih gives us more particulars of this commandant: his name was Malik Yaqut Sultani,-a cir. cumstance that escaped the notice of Smith, who says that he was an unnamed Abyssinian and was a man very old and blind, but very valiant, and of great authority in the kingdom. Cf. The Indian Antiquary, 1.c. 39 Vit., Muhammadans. In that time it was customary among Spaniards to call all Muhammadang Moors, since the Muhammadans who had ruled over Spain were really Moors. 30 These renegade Portuguese were probably the skilful artillery-men, who disturbed Akber's plans. Ogil. by, whose rare book I have not been able to see, clearly says that these seven Portuguese had the sole conduct of the war, and fortified the fort with no less care than art. It is worth noticing here that this traveller wrote the account of this conquest from Portuguese sources, perhaps from the letter of Fr. Xavier. Gazeteer, p. 580. 30 The portrait of Bahadur Shah given by the author of the Zafar al-Walih, who must have known him very well, is that of a man unable to rule a kingdom, and still less able to defend a fortress : "He di. vided among lowd fellows of the baser sort, says he, the jewels and rich stuffs which his fathers had amassed and collected together; all that promoted sensual enjoyment, and all manner of unlawful pleasure became common; and he aroused wrath in the breasts of his father's ministers, so that they were prepared to welcome even a disaster that might bring peace". The Indian Antiquary, p. 183. Naturally the com. manders of his army were left in charge of the defence of the fortrese. 31 The officers sent by Akbar to Asirgarh to select positions for the trenches "on their return-66 Sirhindi narrates- reported that they had never seen in any country a fort like this ; for however long an army might press the siege, nothing but the extraordinary good fortune of the Emperor could effect ite capture."-Elliot, p. 138. 33 "For throughout the siege a constant firing was kept up night and day with and without object; so that in the dark nights of the rainy season no man dared to raise his head, and even a demon would not move about. There were large chambers full of powder."-Eliot, p. 140.

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FEBRUARY, 1924 ] THE SIEGE AND CONQUEST OF THE FORT OF ASIRGARH 37 of this, and, realising that his army was unable to force an entry into so impregnable a fortress, determined to take it by deceiving its defenders. He sent a mossage to king Miran33 inviting him to come to his own tent to discuss certain points; and at the same time he swore on the head of the prince34,-which is an inviolable' oath among those gentile kings, as much as when the princes swear on the heads of their fathers,--that afterwards he should go back to his fort without injury. "The ill-fated King took advice from his councillors on this proposal. The chief commandant Abexin, with the other seven white captains, opposed the meeting ; but others, who are supposed to have already been suborned, advised him to go to the Moghul King's tent. Miran followed the latter advice, and left at once36 wearing around his neck & stole. like scarf that reached his knees, to show his subjection. On reaching the presence of Akbar36 he made three bows, and the Moghul King remained motionless ;8T on approaching, he was just about to make another bow when one of the captains who was present came out and, grasping the scarf, pulled it suddenly, causing the King to fall flat on the ground. This was supposed to have been done with the Emperor's consent ; although he, pretending that he disliked this act of impoliteness, gently scolded his captain. He entertained the King with kind words, and made him write a letter to the defenders of the first wall38, ordering them to open the gate of the fort to the lord who was coming, for the good of the kingdom, 38 The official Muhammadan account here begins to take a different line ; but the author of the Zafar. al-Walih, who belonged to the opposito party and had no need to flatter the Emperor, continues relating the events as they occurred, and serves us as & splendid guide in annotating Fr. Xavier's letter. From his narrative it soems that before this invitation of Akbar to the King Miran Bahadur, the latter sent an embassy to the Emperor, with the precise object of avoiding the surrender of the fort. Knowing the character of Akbar, he concluded that he would remain in his kingdom until the fort fell. Hence he decided to go personally to the imperial camp and make an act of submission, in the hope that the Emperor would give back to him the government of Khandesh. When the garrison learnt the king's decision, they would not allow him to leave the fort alone, but one of the nobles, named Sadat Khan, was sent to the Imperial camp with his troops and servants, carrying many rich gifts, to arrange preliminaries with the Emperor. Akbar then started his new tactics of bribery. Sadat Khan never came back to the fortress, but from that day joined the service of the Emperor. The garrison then sent another embassy, headed by the son of the Abesoin Malik Yaqut, named Mukarrab Khan by both Sirhindi and our present guide. This embassy came back after & while with the promise that Bahadur would be maintained on his throne. This was precisely the invitation of Akbar which Fr. Xavier speaks of. And this satisfactorily explains why Mukarrab Khan was afterwards sent back, because he who had heard the oath of the Emperor was the fittest to recall its remembrance to him. 34 Vix. On his own royal head ; that is, a Persian oath, as Smith notes. 36 From the Zafar-al-walih we learn that Bahadur Khan left the fort, accompanied by the leading men of his army, among whom, no doubt, was Mukarrab Khan, as we conclude from one of the subsequent events which we shall narrate in the sequel. At this point our guide says: "And that was the end of his reigo (vio. of Bahadur Shah) over his kingdom and his mountain".-The Indian Antiquary., p. 182. This proves the truth of. Xavier's account, which cannot be reconciled with that of Abu-l Fapland Sirhindi. 36 Smith thinks that these events took place near the end of August; I hope to show that they occurred laters Of. note 43. The same author ways that the ordinary residence of Akbar during the siege was the palace of Burhanpur ; but Sirhindi, who knew the facts well and haa no reason to make a false statement on this point, tells us that the royal camp was at Burgawn "seven or eight kos from Asir", and that Shaikh Farid, to meet the Emperor, proceeded to this royal camp.-Elliot, p. 143. 87 The author of the Zafar-al-Walih does not say anything about this dar bar. Why? Because he, being inside the fort, did not know what happened outside it, and so he merely records that Akbar did not permit Bahadur Shah to come back to his subjects. I think however that the darbar, described by Sirhindi just before the surrender, is this darbar, at which both he and Xavier must have been prosent: "When Bahadur came out," says he, "the Emperor held a grand darbar, at which all the great men were present, and Bahadur was amazed at the splendour and state."-Eliot, p. 146. 38 The so-called fort of Malai or Malaigarh.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1924 as soon as he should receive it3). After this he wanted to go back, but, [Akbar) did not allow this, and ordered him to stay. The Governor Aberin, knowing this, sent at once one of his sons [to the Moghul King) with a message saying that that man was his own king, and since he had left [the Fort] to meet him confiding in His Highness' word and oath, it was not just that His Highness should keep him; therefore he asked His Highness to permit him to return; and afterwards he might wage the war as he liked 40. "The Moghul Emperor, knowing that this Abexin was the key of the whole fortress, questioned his son as to whether his father would also come to meet him. The young man, who was a valiant character, answered boldly that since his father had sent him to His Highnoss with this message, he might know from this that he was not a man who would treacher'ously surrender that fort. Therefore he advised him that he should not expect this father] to come to meet him. He might surely know that when he would come, His Highness would not go into the fort, and that if he would not permit the arrested king to go back, many other kings would take his placo. Tho Moghul Emperor became very furious on hearing this answer, so much so that he immediately ordered him to be killed 41. When this reached the ears of his father, he caused him to send a message to the Emperor, saying: 'God for. bid that I may ever see the face of so disloyal and treacherous a king.' 43. Then putting & scarf around his neck he addressed those of the fortress, reminding them that the winter was approaching 43 and that the Emperor would necessarily have to raise the blockade and 39 Smith refuses to accept the narrative of Sirhindi from the moment he begins falsely to conceal the perfidy of Akbar; but I believe that there is some truth mixed up with the falsehoods. Following on the above quotod words, Sirhindi says: "Mukarrab Khan, and several others of Bahadur's nobles, were sent into the fortress, in advance of Shaikh Abu-l Fasl, to inform the garrison of the surrender, and to require the giving up of the keys" (1.c.). These two messages were precisely the contents of the letter Babadar Shah was forced to writo, vit., "to open the gate of the fort to the lord who was coming". The words of Sirhindi mean therefore that Mukarrab Khan was the bearer of the King's letter to his father Malik Yaqub. 40 We can quote again Sirhindi's words to illustrate those of Fr. Xavier-truth among falsehoods again: "When they approached Mukarrab Khan and the other nobles bringing Bhahadur's letter-Mukarrab Khan's father mounted the top of the fort, and reviled him for having thrown his master into bonds and surrendered the fort".-Elliot, 1.c. The author of the Zafar-al-wahh, who was perhape present at this meeting between father and son, writes as follows: "And it happened that as he (Malik Yakub) was defending the fortress, there came up to it his son Mukarrab Khan with a message-viz., the letter from the king; and Malik Yaqub said to his son : May God not show me thy face. Go down to Bahadur and follow him.' And he went down and obeyed his order."--The Indian Antiquary, p.182. Ogilby says that these reproaches of Malik Yakut to Akbar were contained in a lotter.--Gazetteer, p. 581. 41 Sirhindi, of course, could not record this murder by his Imperial Master; therefore as soon as he had ended the narrative of the meeting of Mukarrab Khan with his father, adds: "Unable to endure his abuse (his father's words), the son stabbed himself two or three times in the abdomen and a few days after. wards he died ".-Elliot, 1.c. Thus the crime of Akbar remained hidden, so that when the fort surrendered some months after, the author of the Zafar-al-wali, who being in the fortress had not yet learnt of the death of this young man, was told of his suicide, perhaps by Abu-l Farl himself, and thus wrote in his history: "And he went down and obeyed his order, until at length in the assembly of Abu-l Farl he stabbed himself in the belly with his dagger, in abasement that his father was not content with him and he died ".-The Indian Antiquary, 1.c. This is the reason why this trustworthy historian disagrees with the Jesuit narrative : they gave him false information, and he would naturally not suspect the veracity of such historians as Abu-il Fapl or Sirhindi. 43 It seems that this was a phrase often used by this commander, because the author of the Zafar. al-Walih attributes a similar remark to him, while speaking to his son, as we have just seen. This establishes more clearly the fidelity of both accounts. 13 Smith says that winter' here means rains (p. 279, n. 2). I do not agree with him, because the rainy season is far advanced at the end of August, its beginning dating from the first half of June. How could he say that the trainy sonson' was approaching ! He speaks of the real winter that begins in Novem ber: therefore I am inclined to believe that these events took place, not near the end of August, but in the month of October.

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FEBRUARY, 1024] THE SIEGE AND CONQUEST OF THE FORT OF ASIRGARH leave, lest the whole of his army should be destroyed ; that no one could take the fort except God or those to whom God or they themselves might give it ; that the best and most honest fate was always that of those who fight according to reason; therefore they were bound to defend themselves very strenuously; so far as he himself was concerned, he did not wish to live any more, so that he might avoid seeing the countenance of so wicked a man 44. Having said this, he made a knot in the scarf and strangled himself46. "After the death of the Abexin, those of the fort defended themselves for sometime, so that the Moghul Emperor began to despair, because, after having used so many means, he had not succeeded in his purpose. Therefore he thought to attack it with artillery, but, since he had none, he called the Fathers who had come with him, and ordered them to write at once to the Portuguese of Chaul, which was a hundred loagues distant; and he would also do the same, saying that he was in need of guns and ammunition to attack that fort; and that since they were very good friends of him, let them send him both. Father Xavier) answered that His Highness wanted something, which he (Xavier) was unable to perform, nor could he advice the Portuguese to comply, because it was clearly against the Christian law41. The Emperor became so angry on hearing this answer that his wrath burst forth; and he told Xavier to return to Goa at once, leaving the court for ever. They went out from his presence determined to leave accordingly; but one, who was & very good friend of theirs 48, advised them not to do so, because, if they did depart, they would 44 A third repetition of the same idea. How could he say it, when he was blind? It may have been an habitual phrase, used by him before he lost his sight. I admit that the words of Fr. Xavier cannot be the very words of the speaker, because he only learned the fact some months later, from the Portuguese people who were in the fortress; but we cannot reject the idea of the speech. The author of Zafar al walih, who was perhaps present, gives us further information. On hearing the news of the murder of his son, Malik YAkat Assembled in the royal palace those seven princes, who were supposed to be the heirs of the throne and all their song, and addressed them was follows: "The fortress is as it was, and the garrison is at it was. Which of you will accept the throne and will protect the honour of your fathers ! And not one of them answered him anything the historian continues, and he said to them: "Would to God that yo were women. And they excused themselves"--The Indian Antiquary, p. 182. Fr. Xavier confirms this a little further on. 46 The account of this suicide is differently narrated by the anonymous author of Asirgarh. I pre. for this narrative to that of Xavier, because his information was better on this point, and his account shows more signs of probability than that of the missionary. "But YAkat Malik Sultani," says the former, " when he despaired of all the offspring of Bahadur Shah, went out to his house, made his will, bathed himsell, and had his shroud brought. Then he summoned his family and went out to the mosque which he had built, and prayed and distributed benefits and gave alms, and he caused a grave to be dug in a spot which he desired; and then he ate opium, for his joalous patriotism was strong upon him, and he died and was buried there". (1.c.)The speech, as it stands in Ogilby's Allas, is substantially the same : "O brothors ! The winter approaches, which will drive the Mughal from the siege, and to avoid their utter ruin, force them all to retire home. None but God shall ever be able to conquer this place unless the inhabitants thereof will aurrender the same; therefore resolve valiantly to defend the same":"Having ended this speech, adds the traveller, he went and strangled himself immediately ". - Gazetteer, p. 581. 46 We can remember here the words of Xavier in the beginning of this same lotter: "The purpose of this journey was to conquer Gon and Malabar." In another letter of the same volume, which we hope to publish soon, he declares more fully the Emperor's design of conquering the Portuguese Possessions. 47 "I believe, Du Jarrio says, that Xavier thus acted for no other reason than that the Portuguese had concluded a treaty of peace with King Miran shortly before " Thesaures Rerum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 46. 48 I am almost sure that this gentlemen, who knew the character of Akbar so well, could not be any other than Abu-l Fasl himself. Fr. Montserrat, in his Commentarius, speaks of him as follows: "Admi. rationi Sacerdotibus erat. Librum Evangelii religiossissime osculabatur et suo capiti imponebat. Sacer. dotes intuebatur quasi angelos, juvenem eorum interpretem beatum esse dicebat, qui consuetudine ipsorum frueretur. Quid plura ? In privitis cum Rege colloquiis, nihil habebat antiquius, quam illorum senten tiam et modestiam commendare". Commentarius, pp. 671-572.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1924 undoubtedly be killed by the Emperor's order. Hence they had to hide themselves until his wrath subsided. They did so, and after a while their friendship with the Emperor was renewed 49 "The Emperor persevered in besieging the fortruss, till at last it surrendered to the best guns and bullets ", that is, to the aforesaid money and bribes, by which he weakened the loyalty of those who were inside ; none of the seven princos wore willing to succeed to the throne, because they knew how short their reign would bo'60. So it happened that the fort surrendered a few days later. After this event the Moghul Emperor took posAession of the whole kingdom and all its wealth, which was very great63. He gave immunity to the people in general, but the kings, including the one who had been his prisoner64, and the other seven successors, all of whom were inside the fort, were exiled and sent as prisoners to different parts of his kingdom 66. He gave to king Miran four thousand esc udo:68, and two thousand to each of the others for their support. When he received the homage of the seven white captains, he asked them who they wero. When they answered that they were Moors, he ordered them to be punished. Father Jerome Xavier 49 This event agrees marvellously with the description of the character of Akbar, made by the same Montserrat: "He seldom gets angry, but then violently; yet he cools down quickly, for he is naturally kind". "Father Monserrato's Account of Akbar," by Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., in Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VIII, p. 192. 60 We have already learnt from the anonymous historian of Asirgarh how they refused the acceptance of the throne.. of. note. 44. Smith thinks that the pecuniary negotiations must have begun in December (p. 281). We have already shown that they started some time before. Of. note 33. 61 The capitulation took place on January 17, 1601, according to the inscription that can be still seen on the facade of the Jama Masjid in Asirgarh. This confirms my opinion, against that of Smith, that the kidnapping of Bahadur Shah could not have occurred in the month of August, but later on. Xavier says: "The fort surrendered a few days after"; viz., after Akbar had decided to ask for Portuguese artil. lery from Chaul. This decision took place just after the aforesaid kidnapping, when he realized, against his expectations, that the besieged generals did not wish to capitulate. . 59 The following items are given in the Lafar-al-Walih on the surrender : "The people of the for. tress were summoned to come down and take Assurance, and in accordance with their answer Shaikh Abu1-Farl of Delhi went up the mountain and took his seat on the stone platform known as that of Tafa'ul Khan, and gave permission to them to descend with their families, and this they did, and the reduction of the fortress in H.A. 1009 (1600-01) Was attributed officially to Shaikb Abu-l Farl. The Indian Anti. quary, p. 182. But Sirhindi says that the man who received the surrender of the fort was Shaikh 'Abd alRahman, Abu-l Fagl's son, and in this case I prefer his authority to that of the chronicler of Asirgarh, because the former knew Abu-l Fayl and his family personally and the latter perhaps never made their ac. quaintance. After a while, "the Emperor went in and inspected the fortress ... The Emperor stayed in the place threo days, and then proceeded to Barhampur".-Elliot, p. 146. The kingdom of Khandesh formed one of the three Subahs put under the command of prince Daniyal. 63 "Khan-Khanan, who had come from Ahmadnagar, went into the fortress and placed the royal seal on the treasure and warlike stores, which were then placed in charge of responsible officers ... The emperor went in and inspected the fortress. All the treasures and effects of Bahadur Khan, which had been collected by his ancestors during two hundred years, were brought out."'-(l.c.). Sir T. W. Haig records an item given by Kbar Khan in his Muntakhab-al-Lubab on the treasures of the Faruqi Dynasty, which contained also the wealth of the old Hindu chiefs of Asirgarh. 64 Bahadur Shah was sent to the fort of Gwalior, with his wives and family. According to Sirhindi the former were two hundred in number. 66 These seven princes, mentioned by Xavier several times, were all sons of Muhammad Shah II, and therefore uncles of Bahadur Shah. Their names were as follows: Da'ud Khan, Hamid Khan, Qaisar Khan, Bahram Khan, Shir Khan, Ghazni Khan and Darya Khan. There were also eight brothers of Bahadur Shah, with their families. The Muhamadan historians do not say where they were sent. Of. The Indian Antiquary, pp. 183-184" He received all the inhabitants favourably, except the imprisoned king and the seven successive princes, whom he dispersed into several provinces"; Ogilby, in Gazetteer, p. 582. 66 This must have been & yearly donation, as Smith had noted. Escudo is a Spanish word, meaning gold currency.

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FEBRUARY, 1924) MISCELLANEA. 41 asked the King to pardon them 67. But he answered that they had to bo killed according to the laws of the Portuguese ; because they, being of Christian descent, had made themselves out to be Moors. However, since he had interceded for them, he gave them over to him. The Father then devoted himself to tho salvation of their souls; and all of them wore convertedThanks be to God. This was not the only fruit the Fathers gained in this journey ; for many sons and daughters of Portuguese were also given over to thein, and Brother Benito de Goes brought them to Goa.68" From the rest of Fr. Xavier's letter, which gives no further news about the conquest of this fort, we may conclude that Akbar spent some further time in the neighbourhood, where he received homage and some religious gifts from Fr. Manuel Pineiro, S.J., who had remained at Lahore in charge of the Christians of that town. The letter of Fr. Xavier is the most trustworthy account of the conquest of Asirgarh ; but it needs to be supplemented and checked by the sidelights provided by the Muhammadan historians, and especially by the author of Zafar-al-Walih ; this task we have attempted, while publishing the letter in English for the first time. From its study the following facts, not recorded by Smith, are brought out (1) The purpose of Akbar in this expedition was to open the way through the Deccan for further conquests in Goa, Malabar, Vijayanagar and Dabul. (2) An alliance probably existed between the Portuguese and the Deocan kingdoms, to oppose the Moghul Emperor. (3) Mukarrab Khan was sent twice by his father Malik Yakat to the Imperial camp, the first time before the kidnapping of the king, and the second after that event. (4) The kidnapping of Bahadur took place, not at the end of August but later on, probably in October. MISCELLANEA. DISPOSAL OF DECEASED LAMAS IN Both the above statements are of interest. The EASTERN TIBET AND THE MUMMIFYING first because the Parsi mode of disposing of the OF BODIES IN CHINA. dead in towers of silence to be eaten by birds is In Eric Teichman's Travels of a Consular Ficer said to be due to the idea of not polluting the in Eastern Tibet, the latest and very excellent Mother Earth by burying the body in it. The book on that country (1922), there occurs a remark second is of course a common Hindu custom of (1) able statement on the modo of disposing of the Aryan or outside-Aryan origin. bodies of lamas by feeding them to birds, to which On the samo page Mr. Teichman has a note of the author has attached an equally remarkable great interest on Chinese mummifying, which is account of the Chinese method of mummifying worth reproducing here. the dead held to be of much account. "We never came across a mummied lama in On p. 84, we read : "On this march we passed Eastern Tibet, but the mummy of Tsongkaba (the & deceased lama being cut up and fed to the birds, great reformer of Tibetan lamaism) is said to be A somewhat gruesome sight. Domna, our Tibetan preserved in & monastery at Lhasa. Mummies of mastiff, immediately galloped off to join in the feast, priests and other celebrities are not uncommon and was with difficulty recalled. This is the usual in China, and there is one at Peking which is well method of disposing of deceased lamas. The idea known to foreign tourists. The Chinese make seems to be that a speedy reincarnation is secured their mummies by starving the subject before by being thus fed to the birds (and each reincarne- his death (so that he may be s8 empty and dry tion is, it is hoped, a step towards non-reincarnation as possible) and then placing the body in a sealed And the desired escape from the revolving wheel jar with charcoal, which absorbs the moisture. of earthly existence). Dead laymen are usually when the body is ontirely dried it is removed from thrown into rivers, a practice which makes it the jar and gilded." inadvisable to drink unboiled river water in Tibet." R. C. TEMPLE. 57 The conduct of Fr. Xavier was that of a minister of Jesus Christ, Prince of Peace, and he acted according to the words of God to the Prophet Ezekiel : "I desire not the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way and live " (XXXIII, 11), and he succeeded in his efforts. 58 The fact that there were so many Portuguese in the fort perhaps confirms the hint of Fr. Du Jar. rio, that an alliance existed between them and the kingdom of Khandesh. Of. note 47.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1924 BOOK-NOTICES. THE GLASS PALACE CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF Mr. Pe Maung Tin will not have to wait long for BURMA, translated by PE MAUNG TiN and G. H. & publisher of his annotated edition. There are LUCE. Burma Research Society Text Publication very many points in this one that need elucidation Fund. Humphrey Milford, Oxford University by a scholar's notes. Press, 1923. Although the old time Burmese scholars were The Burmese have long taken their history not critical according to present day ideas, they seriously, and the result of this feeling has produced were, by no means unaware of the mythical nature many chronicles with names well known in the of early Burmese history, nor of the value of Country,-the Celebrated, the old and the New collating their many sources of information and of Pagan, the Great, the Middle, the New, the Tagaung, collecting together what they thought credible. They the Rakhaing, the Tharek'ittara, the Ng'oppyit- had moreover from time to time rulers also who were toung, the Pagan, the PAli Paukkan, the Vamalwilling to have the most reliable history practicable dipani, the Abridged, the GodhAvara, the put together. Such considerations were in fact Nyaungyaung, the Thaton, and many others. the cause of the compilation of the Class Palace The inscriptions in Burmese are innumerable, and Chronicle. In 1829 King Bagy idaw of the Alompra then there are besides the egyin, or historical (Alsungp'syk) Dynasty appointed & Committee ballads, and similar poetical compositions, and of learned men to compile a chronicle "sifted and the thamaings, or prose histories of pagodas and prepared in accordance with all credible records monasteries, and even of towns. Every pagoda in the books." It was worked out in the Glass has one of its own. Innumerable as these are, none Palace (M'an Nan), whence its name. It was to of them are historical, but they contain historical be a standard, and to be "purified by comparing facts, and between them they can be made to yield it with other chronicles and a number of inscriptions ; real history, while their very numbers make them each with the other, and adopting the truth in the capable of being used to check each other, and light of reason and the traditional books." The thus to extract credible history out of them. No compilers set about their work very seriously and doubt in time this will be done, for the Burma with great learning and assiduity, drawing upon Research Society is taking this fascinating subject all sorts of literature for the facts and arguments, steadily in hand. and freely interrupting the narrative with disquisiI call the study fascinating, because the peoples tions on their authorities. The present volume of Burma have & true literary flair, and their gives only & portion of the Chronicle, and in it chronicles are full of captivating poetry and are "are quoted eleven inscriptions, eleven other delightful reading, whether the reader is bent on chronicles, ten thamainga, besides the Pali chronicles a search after true history or merely on literary and Burmese poetical literature. The whole enjoyment. With translators so capable and so scheme was excellent, the actual procedure honest, true to their text as Messrs. Pe Maung Tin and and the only point in which the compilers failed G. H. Lace, the English forms of such works are & according to modern ideas was in their interpretapleasure as they stand without annotations. |tion of the term 'credible.' Nevertheless a book so Not that I would advocate leaving the Burmese constituted is well worth publication and thoroughly records unannotated by scholars, as is the case critical annotation. with the volume before me. Mr. Pe Maung Tin, 1 Mr. Pe Maung Tin's description of his own in preparing for his translation, has examined "all criticisms of the sources of Burmese History is most available records which bear on history," and valuable. He first discusses the Inscriptions, ** made a detailed comparative study of them as the oldest and most trustworthy material. King ambodying the results in the form of footnotes and Bodawp'ay (1781-1819) made an immense collec. appendices to the Glass Palace Chronicle. But tion of them, now put together, mostly uncritically, this apparatus of notes with numerous cross in six large volumes. He had true copies made references would have entailed a higher cost of of some (s'into), revised versions made of others printing than the Burma Research Society was (satt'), and a largo class he did not have copied at prepared to defray." So he printed nothing but all. The Inscriptions date from the 11th century, the plain text divested of all notes. One can and obviously require careful looking into, which understand the position of the Society, but that no doubt they will get in due course. does not mitigate the regret that so much scholar. The Chronicles are a comparatively modern body ship should be thus thrown away at a time when of works. The oldest, the Celebrated Chronicle it is so greatly required. Other publications of of Samantapasadika Silavamsa, more familiarly research in Burma show that the time has now come known as Thilawuntha, dates only from the 14th when the results of the searchers are well worth century and is not of much use for 'history.' Mr. publication, and it is to be sincerely hoped that Pe Maung Tin gives an excellent short account of

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FEBRUARY, 1924) BOOK-NOTICES 43 it and of all others that he examined. The Old As regards the Glass Palace Chronicle itself as Pagan Chronicle is said to date from the 16th now presented to us, it is capital reading and is century, but does not appear to be the Old Chronicl in casy and admirable English. On their rendering quoted by the Glass Palace compilers. Maung the authors are to be greatly congratulated, and Kald's Great Chronicle of the 18th century, however, also on confining themselves for the present to appears to be the foundation on which they really those parts only of the original which purport Wod, their production being seemingly an to tell the story of the Burmese Kingdoms of Amended and annotated copy of it. Maung Kaia Tagaung, Tharek'ittard and Pagen. The tale also compiled an abridgment of his great work, thus begins with the more or less mythical founding which he called the Middle Chronicle, though it of Tagaung by Abhiraja the sak'ya, .c., of the does not appear to be the Middle Chronicle used tribe of the Buddha himself, in an unknown age in the Glass Palace. The New Pagdn Chronicle B.O., and takes us as for thence as the Chinese of 1785, a fine and valuable compilation, reproduced conquering raid at the end of the 13th century. both the Great and the Old with additions, and was One point that has interested me personally is the first to display critical powers as to its pre. that it contains once more many stories of the decessors. The New Chronicle, by the well-known Thirty Seven Nats, who were all more or less scholar Twinthin Mahasftha, produced about directly oonnected with the old Burmese Kings, the same time, is the work of one of the and I propose in due course to compare the stories I examiners of inscriptions for King Bodawp'aya's published of them in this Journal in Vol. AAAY Lection. I 18 a critical work and 15 88 Valuable with those in the Glass Palace Ohronicle. ss the New Pagdn, although the Glass Palace The whole work wants olose annotation, as many oompilers often ignored the information it oontains. remarks are made in it of anthropological interest, These are the doouments dealing with general Burmese history, and of them the Old, the Great, such as constant references to astrological conditions the New Pagen, and the New, are those that Mr. at the time of a ling's death, and the statement of Pe Maung Tin classifies as the Standard Chronicles. the day of the week on which each king was born. All of which mean much to Burmang, but are Turning to those that profess to give local history, unknown to the rest of the world. the Tagaung Chronicle is largely legendary and R. C. TEMPLE. in its later parte incoherent, but it is useful for the purposes of comparison. The Rak aing (Arakan) JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY, edited by Dr. Chronicle throws many sidelights on general his. | SHAFAAT AHMAD KIAN, Vol. II, Part I, Serial tory. Similar remarks apply to the Tharek'ittara, No. 4, November 1922; Humphroy Milford, Ng'eppyittaung, and the Pagan. The Pali Oxford University Press. Paukkan may be taken as & PAli version of the Dr. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, the Editor, has Burmese Great Ohronione. The Vamsadipini 18 provided students of Indian history with four & modern exposition by Met'i Sayadaw, 1916. interesting papers in the latest number of the All the Talaing Chronicles deal with local history, Journal of Indian History. The first, written by buch as that of Pegu, Tavoy, Zimme, end the like. Professor Beni Prasad, deals with the accession of Mr. P. Maung Tin further goes into the bgyin, Shah Jahan and explains in easy and succinot which are historical ballads, but from them true style the circumstances and intrigues which obliged history, can only be extracted by an expert, because the Prince to raise the standard of revolt, despite of their poetical nature. He also goes into the the fact that Jahangir, by appointing him in 1608 thamaings, or prose histories of holy places, where to the Sarkar of Hissar Firoz and loading him with again very expert knowledge is required for the political honours, had already marked him out recognition of valuable references to general history. publicly as his chosen successor. The intrigues and plotting, which were the natural conoomitant I havo thus gone closely into the Introduction of Mughal suooessions to the throne, were indeed to this book in order to bring out the fact that the do serious and so oonstant that our ambasador, historical resources of Burma are great, and only Sir Thomas Roo, propbesed a bloody internecine require critical examination to be of practical war on the demise of Jahangir, and on that socount use. It is a great pleasure to be that the Burma warned the East India Company not to extond Research Society is likely to provide it. their business too far into the country. This The translators, have found serious diffoulty, unfortunate immersion in political plotting, the like every one else, in transliterating Burmese constant exposure of the princes to the vil terms and names, as who will not, where words are influence of palace factions, must have had a written on one system and pronounced on another? degrading etteot upon even the best natures ; and I have already drawn attention to this diffioulty it is only on such grounds that one can explain in this Journal and will say no more about it now. why Shah Jahan, who in his youth exhibited But it is a burning question. unusual strength of character, showed great protect

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1924 As a soldier, and has immortalized himself by his literature directly militates against the theory of faithful love for Arjumand Banu, should have a Pahlava origin. Then, on the evidence supplied stained his reputation by the infamous murder by the most ancient Tamil records, by various of his brother Khusrau and by ordering the copper-plate and other inscriptions discovered 883&ssination of the princes by Asaf Khan. In the from time to timu in South India, and by certain course of his narrative, the author refers to Malik types of Andhra coins, he proceeds to unfold his Aibar as "the first of the builders of the Maratha theory of the origin and rise of the Pallava power nation, who enrolled, organised and trained guerilla in the region, known as Tondamandalam, between bands of light Maratha horse and fitted them the lower course of the Krishna and the Palar against the Mughals." This dictum serves as a river. Incidentally he points out that the people wholesome reminder that, great as were the services of Tondamandalam in early days were styled of Sivaji Maharaja in welding the Marathis into a Tondaiyars and that this term was synonymous powerful fighting force, he owed not a little of his with Pallava; while in early Tamil literature the success in both civil and military spheres to & more important section of the inhabitants of this former age. Professor Surendranath Sen has region was known as Tirayar or sea-people," and already shown that his administrative arrangements one of their chiefs, the son of a Chola king by a had their roots deep down in ancient Hindu political Naga princess, was the first viceroy or ruler of science, and Professor Beni Prasad's reference to Kanchi. Of this interesting figure we shall have Malik Ambar supports the view that much of the more to say in a later paragraph. later military success of the Markthas was due Professor Aiyangar's conclusions are briefly to the training received under the old Musalman as follows. While the Cholas were still dominant dynasties of the Deccan. in the south and in control of Tondamandalam, Dr. Tritton provides in this number the second the Satavahanas under Pulumayi endeavoured to portion of a careful account of the "Rise of the conquer this region, the struggle being reflected Imams of Sanaa " (1006-1050 A.H.), which contains in Tamil literature by reference to hostilities facts that are probably new to many students, between the Tamils on one side and the Ariyar and while Professor H. G. Rawlinson contributes a Vadukar on the other. After the death of Kari. brief sketch of the "Early Trade beween England kala, the Andhras (Satavahanas) advanced south and the Levant." The Company of Merchants and occupied the country almost up to the Southern of the Levant, which succeeded in completely Pennar. For some time they placed in charge Ousting the Italian cities from the Mediterranean of this country viceroys chosen from among their trade, has a special interest for students of Indian own relatives; but later, probably in the reign history, as having been the parent of the East India of Yajna Sri, they appointed a local Pallava chief. Company. Mr. Rawlinson reminds us that for a tain, styled "Bappa Deva" in the earliest known time these two companies actually had the same Prakrit inscription, who did much towards extend. letter-book, and that the Levant Company wasing cultivation and irrigation. His son ruled over ultimately wound up as late as 1825, after a long Kanchi, which was the headquarters of the territory. and prosperous career of 244 years. The story This territory had apparently broken up into three of John Fox, mentioned in the paper, is worth by the time of Samudragupta, in consequence, remembrance as an example of British tenacity doubtless, of the irruption of the Iksh vakus from in difficult and dangerous circumstances. the north, and the only Pallava ruler proper at The longest and in some ways the most important the dato of the Hari-Sena inscription was Vishnugopa paper in this number is Professor S. Krishnaswami of Kanchi, the rulers of Vengi and Palakka being Aiyangar's essay on the "Origin and Early History scions of the Ikshyaku race. Samudragupta's of the Pallavas of Kanchi." For many years the defeat of all three rulers seems to have so for under. precise origin and nature of the strange dynasty, mined the power of Vishnugopa of Kanchi that which showed so much hostility to the Tamil he was ousted by Virakurchi Pallava, who founded Kingdoms of South India, have been a subject the Pallava dynasty of the Sanskrit charters, and of speculation : and it is only now that epigraphy obtained possession also of the south-western and historical research are beginning to throw viceroyalty of the Chatu family of Satavahanas, light on the problem. There is no one better who were Nagas, by marrying << Naya prino88. qualified by knowledge and experience than Professor By force of arms and also by virtue of this marriage, S. K. Aiyangar to gather up the scattered strands ho united under his own gway the whole southern and weave them into a harmonious and credible block of Satavahana territory, about the time story. He opens his paper by disproving the that the northern block was being attacked by supposed connexion between the Pallavas and the the Nigns, the Vakatakas and the Kshatrapas northern Pahlavas, though he holds that the two in the north. Virakurcha and his successors names are philologically identical, and shows that managed to rossaert Pallava authority as far north the information to be gleaned from ancient Tamil Vengi, until in the reigns of Sitahavarman aud

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FEBRUARY, 1924] his son Simhavishnu we find the Pallavas in full control of the Chola country. Professor Aiyangar also deals with the history of the territory of the Naga cousins of the Satavahanas, lying to the west of the recognized Pallava territory, which, seized in the reign of Skandavarman by an enterprising Brahman named Mayura Sarman, was gradually absorbed by the Pallavas in later generations, until the rise of the Western Chalukyas placed a limit upon their advance. BOOK-NOTICES Thus, according to this brief sketch of their early history, the Pallavas proper first appear in the person of "Bappa Deva," the local chieftain, appointed viceroy of Tondamandalam for the Andhras in the reign of Yajna Sri Satakarni. The question then arises as to the origin of Bappa Deva, who founded the historical Pallava dynasty of tho Prakrit charters. In a recent issue of this Journal, Mr. M. C. Rasanayagam has put forward the view, based on definite statements in ancient Tamil literature, that the Choja King Killi Valavan or Nedumudi Kili, who moved his capital to Uraiyur after the destruction of Kaveripattanam, had a son by a Naga princess, who was the daughter of Valaivanan, the Naga king of Manipallavain, which he identifies with the Jaffna peninsula in Ceylon. This son, named Tondaiman Ilam. tirayan, was created by his Chola father king of Tondaimandalam about A.D. 150 or a little lator, with his capital at Kanchi, and was in fact tho earliest founder of the dynasty which derived its dynastic name of Pallava from the second half of the name of the region (Mani-pallavam), whence Ilam-tirayan's Naga mother originally hailed. Professor Aiyangar apparently accepts the tradition of Ilam-tirayan's rule or viceroyalty, as embodied in Tamil literature, but points out that thero is no direct evidence to connect Ilam-tirayan with the clearly historical Bappa-deva, who appears in a later generation. He states that Ilam-tirayan was succeeded by the Chola Ilam-Killi, younger brother of Ilam-tirayan's father Nedumudi-Killi, and that Chola sovereignty ceased with his rule The Pallavas of the early charters or viceroyalty. succeeded to the possession of the territory, the first of them being the local chief Bappa-deva. Surely it is not impossible that Bappa-deva may have I connected by descent with the "Pallava " this strange and Ilam-tirayan, in which case powerful dynasty would have been primarily descended, partly from the Chola royal line and partly from a tribe or dynasty of Sinhalese Nagas. When we leave the realm of tradition and come to recorded fact, Professor Aiyangar provides us with an excellent and well-reasoned resume of early Pallava history, which illuminates many dark places and proves the close connexion existing historically between the rulers of Kanchi and the important Andhra dynasty. This article alone 45 should suffice to assure a warm welcome to this number of the Journal. 8. M. EDWARDES. ALLAHABAD UNIVERSITY, STUDIES IN HISTORY. Volume I, HISTORY OF JAHANGIR, by BENI PRASAD, M.A., Assistant Professor of Indian History, with a foreword by SHAFAAT AHMAD KHAN, Litt.D. Humphrey Milford-Oxford University Press, 1922. Students of the Mughal period of Indian History have hitherto been obliged to rely for their knowledge of the reign of Jahangir upon Elphinstone's History of India and the work of Khafi Khan. Professor Beni Prasad introduces us for the first time to various contemporary, and therefore important, Persian chronicles of that Emperor's reign, and by carefully sifting these and comparing them with contemporary European evidence, Rajput chronicles, and later records, has produced a very complete and withal succinct review of Jahangir's life and reign. The author states in his preface that he has aimed throughout at a simple style; and he has certainly achievedl his object: for his narrative runs forward smoothly and without effort, thus conveying the facts and circumstances of Jahangir's career more clearly than would have been possible, perhaps, in a more ornate or florid style of composition. In the opening chapter the author gives us a careful estimate of Jahangir's character, showing how his nobler qualities, his love of physical exerciso, his undeniable intellectual capacity, were marred by a lamentable weakness of will, which was aggravated by intemperance, the besetting sin of the Mughal imperial line. It seems almost impossible that he could have consumed so large a daily allowance of liquor as "twenty cups of doubly distilled spirits, fourteen during the daytime and the remainder at night." Yet we have his own confession to this effect, and also his description of the disastrous result of these potations upon his health. Professor Beni Prasad combats the hitherto popular view that the quarrel between Akbar and Jahangir (then Prince Salim) was founded on religious incompatibility, and that the latter played the role of champion of Islamic orthodoxy against the heretical views of Akbar and Abu'l-Fazl. He proves his contention from original records, and shows that the dispute between Jahangir and his father was in origin purely secular and was fought on secular ground. At the same time, on a later page, he disposes finally of the groundless story that Akbar died of poison administered by Jahangir. On more than one occasion, as Professor B. Prasad admits, Jahangir was driven by gusts of passion to acts of barbarous cruelty: but the guilt of the parricide cannot be laid to his charge. A general survey of his life shows him to have been on

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1924 the whole a kindly, sensible man, with strong family similar epidemio, of which the symptoms were de affections, affable and open-handed. scribed by Khafi Khan, broke out in 1698 among The author likewise exonerates Jahangir from Aurangzeb's forces in Bijapur. The modern theory the charge of having instigated the murder of Sber of the responsibility of the rat in the disaemina Alkhun, in order that he might secure for himseu tion of the disease is curiously foreshadowed the beautiful wife of the latter, Nur Jahan. Apart by the remark of a contemporary writer, Motamoud from the improbabilities of the story iteoll, which Khan, that when it (the plague) was about to break the author fully explains, he shows that the acc068- out, & inouse would rush out of its bole, as if med. tion against the Emperor was never heard of till the and striking itself against the door and the walls second half of the seventeenth century, and was of the house, would expire. If, immediately after transformed and embellished by Dow and other this signal, the occupants left the house and went writers during the eighteenth century. A close away to the jungle, their lives were saved ; if other study of contemporary authorities and of well- wise, the inhabitants of the whole village would be stablished facta indicates that Sher Afkhun died swept away by the hand of death.' The author in 1607, under suspicion of complicity in a seditious of the Igoalnama may claim credit for having conspiracy in Bengal, and that Jahangir did not indicated three centuries ago two axioms in regard meet and marry his widow until the early months to plague which are generally accepted by medical of 1611. The happiness of his married life with science to-day, vis the association nf the rat (or Nur Jahan and her own very remarkable strength mouse) with the spread of the disease, and the of character render it extremely unlikely that their vital necessity of evacuating infected areas without crime. The union was facilitated by an odious crime. The delay. author dwells at some length upon the exceptional Considerations of space forbid further reference qualities of the Padishah Begam or First Lady of to the contents of Professor Beni Prasad's well the Realm, as Nur Jahan was styled on the death arranged work. The chapters on Mughal Govern of Sultan Salima Begam in 1613, and upon her great ment, Mewar, Shah Jahan's Rebellion, Mahabat beauty. The contemporary portraits of her, which Khan's coup-de-main, and on Nur Jahan, deserve are preserved in the India Office and British Mu- close study, and constitute a valuable addition to seum, help one in some degree to realise her loveli- our knowledge of the period. The obvious care now, and, while amply explaining Jahangir's lasting taken to sift all available evidence, and the manner affection for her, som to repel the suggestion that of presenting his conclusions to the reader render she would willingly have linked her fortunes with Professor Prasad's study of Jahangir a worthy comher first husband's murderer. Jahangir is not the panion volume to Dr. V. A. Smith's well-known first Indian potentate against whom charges of i monograph on Akbar. One can only hope that the murder have been made, which later inquiry has author will tind leisure to publish a similar volume proved to be unfounded. on Shah Jahan. The present book is furnished with Professor Beni Prasad regards the opidemic an exhaustive bibliography and a good index. which swept through Ahmadabad in 1618, during S. M. EDWARDES. Jahangir's visit, es identical with the so-called No. 1, vol. 3, of DJAWA, THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL 'influenza which caused such appalling mortality OY THE JAVA INSTITUTE (Weltevreden). in India in 1918, and points out that on both occa. Djawa contains articles on Eastern and Wester sione the epidemio followed a period of scarcity culture, on facial expression in Hindu-Javanese sculpand a war. Assuming that the disease was the ture (with illustrations, and an important communisame in both instances, its incidence in the case of cation on musical scales and instruments of WestEuropeans and Indians does not appear to have been ern Java, in continuation and completion of the similar. For, according to contemporary accounts, previous article on Sudanese music (Djawa, vol. 1, the disease generally proved fatal to Europeans in pp. 235 ff.), by. J. Kunst and O. J. A. Kunst. It 1618, whereas three centuries later the mortality gives particulars of many different kinds of among this class was trivial by oomparison with the orchestrus with descriptions of the instrumente effects of the epidemio on Indians. The identity used in them, and numerous tables and diagrams of the two outbreaks appears to me by no means of musical scales, etc. definitely proved, though I am quite prepared to J.M.B. agree with Professor Beni Prasad that the generio term 'influenza' is now often loosely applied to DJAWA: No. 2 (1923), Driemaandelijksch Tijdsobecure visitations, of which medical science has so chrift uitgegeven door het Jave-Instituut bij far failed to discover the precise character and origin. G. Kolff and Co., Weltvreden. On the other hand, there is little room for doubt Djawa maintains the excellence of this series that the spidemio in the Doob in 16161624 was in illustrations and articles. The first paper is Adonioal with the bubonio plague which appeared on Javanese dancing, of which there are two type, in the Mandvi ward of Bombay in 1896. A precisely the sol and the Jogja. The poses assumed in

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BOOK-NOTICES 47 FEBRUARY, 1924 ] the dances are fully described and illustrated. it is shown inter alia that she predeceased her The second article is on a festival, called Roe- father and died before 1709, aged about 23. All vart the in luck incurred by this should have been known to & writor in waten, celebrated to avert the illuck incurred by upeotting or breaking certain objects. The next "Journal devoted to History." There is at the end of the issue an ill-natured is on the deterioration of native applied art, with illustrations of specimens of old and new work, article, to be continued, on British Appreciation of Indian Art. among them reproductions of two bas reliefs, one On the whole I fear that the new venture will of Maja's (Maya's) dream and the other of the birth of Buddha, to show the vessels represented have at any rate to improve its History before it in them. The article following is on the puzzling can compete with several other journals in India character of the Javanese stage called Semar. R. C. TEDIPLE. Next comes & paper to be continued) on maladies EPIGRAPHIA CARNATICA, VOL II. INSCRIPTIONS AT from the Javanese and from the Dutch standpoint. SRAVANA BELGOLA, (Revised Edition), by Rao Then follows & short article (illustrated) on the BAHADUR R. NARASIMHACHAR, J.4. Mysore old graves of the Sultans in Madoggan (Sampang). Government Central Press, Bangalore, 1923. The next two articles are in answer to that of The first edition of "Inscriptions at Sravana Bel Dr. Nieuwenhuis in Djawa, No. 1 (1923), on East gola" was published by Mr. B. Lewis Rice in 1889, and West. Then follows a paper (illustrated) on and the present volume represents the result of native building, its importance and future. J.M.B. fifteen years' hard work by Mr. R. Narasimhachar to bring his predecessor's valuable record up to date. THE INDIAN ATHENRUM. A Journal devoted to The result is in every way creditable to the author, History, Literature and the Arts. Vol. I, No. 1, whose own directorato of archaeological research in July 1923. Mysore has now terminated. The preparation of This is a new Indian Journal established in the present volume necessitated the comparison of Calcutta, which "seeks to follow in the footsteps every one of the printed inscriptions with its original, of its great English namesake," and it holds that and a very thorough survey both of Sravana Belgola " it will be found that we are in as good a position itself and the surrounding villages. As a result of to cater for the savant in History, Literature and these painstaking labours, nearly three hundred Art as our great Brother is." and fifty hitherto unknown records have been The first two articles are interesting, "Armenian brought to light, and many have now been copied Journalism in India," by Mesrovd J. Seth and and recorded, of which no trace is likely to be left "A Tamil account of St. Thomas and Kandappa in a few years' time owing to the action of wind and Raja from the Latin," re-edited by the Rev. H. weather. The volume contains 500 inscriptions, Hosten, S.J. Father Hosten's article is, like ranging in date from A.D. 600 to 1889, and full desall his work, valuable and illuminating. criptions of ancient buildings, of which the architecI wish I could say as much for the rest of the ture varies from the eighth to the seventeenth issue. In an article "About Job Charnock" century of the Christian era. there oocurg a startling statement : "There is Many of the records of pilgrims, which Mr. Naranc record, so far, of Charnock's ancestry." This simhachar here publishes for the first time, indicate ignores the efforts of the present writer and others that Sravana Belgola was a place of great sanctity in this direction, published in the Indian Anti- and importance in very early times. On this account quary, vol. XLVI (1917), pp. 256 ff; and in Notes eminent Jain gurus, poets, artists, chiefs, officials and Queries, XII. S. -III, Sept. 1917, p. 410 and other high and puissant personages, in common (Correspondence of Richard Edwards), reprinted with ordinary people, considered it incumbent upon in Bengal Past and Present, Vol. XVII, Pte. I and them to visit the holy place at least once during their II, Serial Nos. 33-34, July-Doc. 1918. Further, lifetime and have their names permanently recorded an account of Job Charnock's parentage appeared there. Many of the inscriptions are epitaphs, in The Times Literary Supplement, 24 May 1917, some of which date back to the seventh and eighth and the discoveries there noted are supported centuries, and record the religious suicide of Jain in Mr. William Foster's latest volume of The En- monks and nuns. Sallekhand was the term applied glish Factories in India, p. 294 n. to the vow under which these prous devotees starved There is also in the Journal a "Fragment " themselves to death, and the author quotes the fol on Edward Littleton and his two daughters, Jane lowing description of the process from the katna. Huglians and Elizabeth Gangetios; and of the karandaka of Samantabhadra -"When overtaken former it is stated that she was sent to England by calamity, by famine, by old age, or by incurable in the Society and leaves no record." This, too, disease, to get rid of the body for dharma is called is not correct. In the correspondence of Richard Sallakhand. One should by degrees give up solid Edwards, N. & Q., XII, S. IV, August 1918, p. 211.! food and take liquid food; then, giving up liquid

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY food should gradually content himself with warm water; then, abandoning even warm water, should fast entirely, and thus, with mind intent on the five salutations, should by every effort quit the body." Presumably it was this method which the Mauryan emperor Chandragupta adopted after his abdication of the imperial throne and his journey to Sravana Belgola with the saint Badrabahu. Mr. Narasimhachar discusses at length the legend of Chandragupta's self-imposed death by starvation, and quotes the local inscriptions which refer to it. Though the evidence is somewhat conflicting, I agree fully with Mr. Narasimhachar that the legend rests upon a solid basis of fact, and that the emperor's journey to the south with Badrabahu and his subsequent death. in the manner described amply explain his sudden disappearance from the political arena. The date, dimensions, characteristics and history of the colossal statue of Gommatesvara are thoroughly explored and explained by the author, who decides that this remarkable monument, which is 57 feet in height, was probably made by Chamunda Raya, minister of the Ganga king Rajamalla (974-84 A.D.) and must have been completed in A.D. 983. Some of the inscriptions give interesting side-lights upon individual rulers and ascetics. The Rashtrakuta king Indra IV, for example, is described as [ FEBRUARY, 1924 extraordinarily expert at a game of ball, played on horseback, which Mr. Narasimhachar assumes, probably correctly, to be polo. "The ball may be bigger than a black pepper seed; the stick may be shorter than four fingers' breadth; the horse may be bigger than a mountain; the circuit may be larger than that of the earth; still Indra Raja will not be satisfied unless he makes eight or ten rounds under these conditions, though others, when they think of these, will not even make an attempt." Another inscription proves that in the eyes of some Jain ascetics dirt was as much a proof of holiness as it was among the saints and desert-dwellers of the early Christian church. One Maladharideva is described as having "never once scratched the body when itching was caused by the dirt which covered the whole of it like armour." On the other hand, virtue could hardly be better expressed than in the brief descrip- " tion of one Isarayya, who died about A.D. 900, as "the elder brother to others' wives." Space does not permit of further quotations from this important work. The book is well printed, contains many excellent plates and a good' index, and reflects credit upon both Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar and the Government of Mysore. S. M. EDWARDES. NOTES AND QUERIES. On the analogy of this grant of the same queen,. it is reasonable to infer that the thirteenth year should be that of Divakarasena. But who was this Divakarasena? Was he the same person as Damodarasena or Pravarasena? Dr. Fleet has edited two grants of Pravarasena II, viz., Chammak and Siwani copper-plate inscriptions, both of (his) 18th year (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, pages 235-249). These grants were made at Pravarasena's command or instructions(). The present record is of his next year. To judge from the wording of this grant, as also from the other, one is inclined to believe that Prabhavatigupta was more proud of her paternal relations, the imperial Guptas, than of her connection with the Vakataka family. A GRANT OF THE VAKATAKA QUEEN PRABHAVATI-GUPTA, THE YEAR 19TH OF PRAVARASENA. When on a short visit to Poona, Sardar Abasahib Muzumdar on behalf of the Bharata. Itihasa-Samsodhaka Mandala, Poona, handed over to me four copper plates for decipherment and taking estampages, two for Mandala, one for my reading and two to illustrate my article in the Epigraphia Indica or elsewhere. On examining the plates measuring I found that they contain A most valuable grant of the Gupta period, viz., one of Prabhavatigupta, daughter of Chandragupta II and the chief queen of Sri Maharaja Rud. rasena (II) of the Vakatakas. The most interesting point is that she calls herself the mother of Maharaja Sri Damodarasena Pravarasena. Another important point is that the record is dated in the 19th year of the reign of Pravarasena (ferred rAjyaprazAsata saMvatsare ekonaviMzatime) the actual date being the 12th day of the bright fortnight of Kartika. In the grant of the same queen edited by Prof. Pathak and Mr. K N. Dikshit (Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, pp. 40), the date given is the 12th day of the bright-half of Kartika in the 13th year. The authors remark "This might be either from the accession of Rudrasena II, or from that of the young prince, in whose name the queen mother was ruling; the former supposition appears to be more probable." The grant is issued from the feet of the god of Ramagiri, which appears to be Ramateka in the Central Provinces. Bhaktakabhogakshetra is conon the Brahmans of the Taittiriya Sakha of the Paras'ara gotra. They are the inhabitants. of Asvatthanagara. The dutaka is Vevanda Swami and the writer of the grant Prabhusingha (Prabhusimha). I have given my preliminary readings of the text in my article read before the Bharata-ItihasaSameodhaka Mandala. The grant will be edited in full in the Epigraphia Indica or elsewhere. I am indebted to the Secretaries of the Mandala for kind permission to publish this summary of a. most valuable record. Y. R. GUPTE.

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MARCH, 1924 CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALBI CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALBI. By Pror. JARL CHARPENTIER: UPSALA.1 AMONG the Italians who visited India during the sixteenth century, the greater part were undoubtedly merchants or at least persons interested in commerce. Their greatest predecessorone might fain say their patron saint-had, of course, been Marco Polo, who vastly surpassed all travellers of his nation that followed him. And during the last century of the Middle ages, Nicold de' Conti and Hieronymo di S. Stefano-a Venetian and a Genoese-visited the fabulous regions of the East, bequeathing to their countrymen short relations of their travels. These names are probably the only ones that are now remembered amongst Italians visiting India in those remote times.8 After the Portuguese had discovered the direct sea-route to India, and Lisbon had thus become the European emporium of Oriental trade, the merchants of the Italian sea-portsand above all the Venetians--tried in every way to get rid of their new rivals, in order to re-establish their decaying commercial position in the Far East. Even intrigues and alli. ances with the Turks and the Muhammadans of Southern India, who also saw their interests endangered by the Portuguese conquerors, did not seem wholly objectionable to the Venetians. Nevertheless the Portuguese, through the superior strategy and heroism of some of their leaders-we need only remember the d'Almeidas, d'Alboquerque, Joao de Castro, etc.generally kept the upper hand in the struggle, and on the whole they succeeded in upholding their high position in the East, until the time when the exhaustion of their own country reached its culmination through thu disastrous African expedition of Dom Sebastian (1578) and the union with Spain under the sceptre of Philip II (1580). His enmity with the Dutch and English gradually brought the power of Portugal in the Indian Ocean to a eomplete downfall. However, with the discovery of the direct sea-route to India, the commercial power of Venice in the East was, no doubt, once for all broken down, and every endeavour towards restoring it had to be looked upon as quite hopeless. It is not to be doubted that among the Venetian merchants still continuing to visit the Indian seas many were nothing more than a sort of commercial spies, trying if possible to find out the secrets of Portuguese commerce with the interior of India and of their relations with the natives, in order afterwards to impart what they had learnt to their countrymen. Consequently, the descriptions of their voyages became little else than handbooks on the trade-routes and commercial products of the East, and they generally show only a scanty interest in the conditions of the interior of the From the Geografiska Annaler, 1920, H. 2. Svenska Sallskapet for Antropologi och Geografi, Stockholm, Italian texta in Ramusio, Navigations et viaggi, I (1613), foll. 338 ff., 345 ft. An English translation with valuable, although somewhat antiquated introduction in Major, India in the Fifteenth century, London, (Hakluyt Soc.), 1867. 8 I am sorry to say it has been impossible to me to get hold of A. de Gubernatis Storia dei viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie Orientali, Livorno, 1875. When Whiteway, The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, 1497-1550, Westminster, 1899, dates the Portuguese downfall in the East from 1550, and says on p. 324 : "D. Joao de Castro was the last man with any pretensions to superiority who held office in the early days of the Portuguese connection with India, and the names of his successors for many generations, some indolent, some corrupt, some both, and all superstitions, are but the milestones that mark the progress along the dismal path of degeneration," it seems to me that, he delivers & somewhat too strong judgment. Men like D. Constantin de Braganca or D. Luiz de Ataide ought to have been spoken of in quite different expressions. There existed a famous standard of such books in the Pratica della mercatura of Pegolotti (c. 1340). cf. Yule Oathay and the way thither, II, 137 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1924 countries they visited, though every such traveller has, of course, something of value to tell the student of Indian bistory and religions. From that point of view this literature has as yet been far too much overlooked. I will now deal shortly with two voyages by Vonetian merchants in the later half of the sixteenth century, which are certainly typical of this sort of literature. The chief reason why I have come to deal with them is the somewhat enigmatic position in which they stand to each other, which will be entered upon at the end of this paper. Little known as they seem to be, there may be some interest in first giving a short survey of their travels. Cesare di Federici (or Fedrici) and Gasparo Balbi belonged to the merchant-class of the proud Venetian republio. Balbi was a jeweller, while his countryman has not, as far as I know, given us any direct intelligence concerning his chief business. In India he traded in jeweliery, precious stuffs, spioes, eto., and thus seems to have possessed some knowledge of the secrets of various commercial undertakings. Balbi dedicated his book to the clarissimo signor Theodoro Balbi nobile Venetiano, and seems to claim descent from the old and illustrious family of the Balbi, but I have not been able to obtain any knowledge whatsoever concerning the family to which Federici belonged. The years of their birth and death are alike unknown, and on the whole nothing more seems to be known of them than the facts connected with their respective voyages. Even encyclopaedias and biographical dictionaries, that I have been able to consult, do not give anything further : cf., e.g., Biographie universelle. XVI, 250 ff., 8.v. Federici, and III, 261 ff., 8.v. Balbi, or Boccardo, Nuova enciclopedia itali. ana, III, 117, 8.v. Balbi.' Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana, VII: 1, 212, only mentions il viaggio di Cesare Federici fatto nel 1563, and ibid., p. 216, he enumerates Gasparo Balbi among the less known travellers of the sixteenth century. Of other literature quoted as dealing with Federici I have not been able to consult Asiatick Miscellany, 1,8 and Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, I, 332 (1823), nor for Balbi the work of Mazzucchelli, Degli scrittori d'Italia and of Ginguene, Histoire litteraire de l'Italie. I have, however, been able to read the chapter dealing with them both in Zurla, Di Marco Polo, e degli altri viaggiatori veneziani pirt illustri, Venezia 1818, II, 252-264, and although it contains scarcely more than a summary of the two works, it does not appear to me to be wholly without value. Federici's work first appeared at Venice in 1587 as a volume in 12deg printed by Andrea Muschi,10 Later on it was reprinted in Ramusio, Navigationi et viaggi, III (ed. of 1606). foll. 3861-398r with the title : Viaggio de M. Cesare di Fedrici nell' India Orientale, et oltra l'India, per via di Soria. The last lines run thus : Io Don Bartholomeo Dionigi da Fano, da un memoriale del soprascritto M. Cesare, ha cavato il presente viaggio e fedelmente in questa forma disteso, che letto pis volte dall' istesso Authore, come vero e fedele, ha voluto a commune delettatione de utile, al mondo publicarlo. I have not the slightest idea who this D. Bartholomeo Dionigi da Fano was, nor have I had an opportunity of seeing the editio princeps of 1687. But from Zurla 11 I gather that the subscription was already in the first edition, and oonsequently da Fano must have brought some diary kept by Hederici into its present shape and edited it. * In England this man is generally spoken of as Caesar Frederick, the form of his name teed by Hak huyt and Purchas. 1 In this Italian work there is no entry at all on Federici. * This periodioal apparently appeared at Calcutta in two vols. in 1785--1786. . As for these works I have not even been able to get information concerning the volume and page, owing to the bad methods of quotation often adopted in the older books, 10 CI. Zurla L o. II, 252. 11 II, 269.

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MAROH, 1924 ] CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALBI 61 The work of Balbi appeared in Venice in the year 1590, printed by Camillo Borgominieri, with the following title: Viaggio dell' Indie Orientali, di Gasparo Balbi Gioielliero Venetiano. Nel quale si contiene quanto egli in detto viaggio ha veduto per lo spatio di 9. Anni consumati in esso dal 1579, fino al 1588. Con la relatione dei datij, pesi, e misure di tutte le citld di tal viaggio, e del governo del Re di Pegi, e delle guerre fatte da lui con altri Re d'Anud e di Sion. Con la Tavola delle cose pisl notabili (one volume in small 8deg). According to the Biogr. univ., III, 262, and Boccardo, III, 117, a second edition was issued in 1600, of which I have not been able to get any other information. 13 The works of Federici and Balbi have never, as far as may knowledge goes, been translated into any modern language except English. Both of them are found in Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffics and Discoveries, and further, the whole of Federici and that part of Balbi dealing with Pegu, in Purchas His Pilgrims, II. X, 1702 ff., 1722 ff., (ed. of 1905_07, X, 88 ff., 143 ff.). There is also & Latin translation of Balbi in De Bry, India Orientalis, Pars VII (1600), pp. 43-1 2613, where, socording to the method adopted in that famous work, some illustrations are added, of which there are none in the original.14 The statement of Boccardo 15: Oleario nella sua edizione dei viaggi di Mandelslo da un compendio del viaggio del Balbi, I do not quite understand, as it does not seem to be borne out by facts.16 The voyage of Cesare di Federici is valuable from more than one point of view-above all for a very clear description of the trade-routes and products of the East. But it has also some value as a historical source, there being found in some passages notices of contemporaneous events in India and Pegu that do not appear elsewhere, or are here put forward in a special way.1! But as a historical source the work has, as far as I can see, scarcely ever been used, 18 but this point cannot be further entered upon here, as being wholly outside the scope of this small paper. Simple and clear as his style generally is, there is, however, one difficulty that cannot easily be mastered: although the author has, by the order of the places visited by him, approximately indicated his route, he has hardly ever told us the exact time of his visit to this place or that. Consequently it is difficult, and partly impossible, to form a clear opinion of what periods of his long travelling time (1563-81) he spent at the different places he found occacion to visit. In the following lines only a feeble attempt can be made to throw at least some light on the obscurities of his book. 13 In Ersch-Gruber, the yoar of this 2nd edition is given as 1609, which may, after all, be a misprint. 13 O. Camus, Memoires sur les collections des voyages des De Brya Thevenol, Paris 1802, p. 23 ; Zurla I. c. 1, 258. 14 As the work of De Bry seems to be extremely rare, I give here an index of these ten illustrations ; (1) Hook-swinging ; (2) A palanquine ; (3) An audience with the king of Pogu ; (4) Traitors burnt to death in Pogu ; (6) A battle between the kings of Pegu and Ava ; (6) Elophants in the corral; (7) Procession of slophants in Pegu; (8) Festivals in Pegu; (0) Sapan Daiche and Sapan Donon (festivals); (10) Funeral of the king of Pegu and of Talapoins. 16 I. o. III, 117. 16 On Mandelalo of the remarks of Vincent A. Smith, JRAS., 1918, p. 246 ff, and Akbar the Great Nogul, Oxford, 1917, p. 475. 17 Some small remarks of this sort I have given in a review of Vincent Smith's excellent book on Akbar that appeared in the Gottingische Gelehrte Anaeigen of 1919. 10 In Sinclair and Ferguson, The Travels of Pedro Terreira, London, (Hakluyt Soc.), 1902, p. 194. I find a quotation from Federic (and Balbi) concerning the King of Ormus.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1924 The general extent of his travels is indicated by the names Venice-Malacca, as he does not seem to have penetrated further east, telling us in his own proper words : io non son passato piu inanzi di Malacca verso Levante, ma quello ch' io ne parlaro, sara per buona informatione che n' ho havuto da quelli che vi sono stati 19 He left Venioe in 1663 with the ship Gradeniga patronigiata di Giacomo Vatica), and went vi& Cyprus to Tripoli di Soria from which place in six days he arrived at Aleppo. Then he tells us that in Aleppo si fa poi mercatura co' mercanti Armeni, e Mori, per andar in lor compagnia in Ormus ; e cosi con essi a' Aleppo partitomi, giungessimo in due giornate, e mezza al Bir. 10 From Bir the route lay down the Euphrates to Feluchia, a journey of some 15-18 days according to the author, but on which he had to spend 44 days owing to the lack of rain and low water. From Feluchia to Babylon it took him a day and a half, and from there he proceeded to Basrah (Basora)- situated, according to Federici'1, fifteen miles from the sea si-a journey for which usually eight to nine days were needed; however, Federici arrived in Basrah only eighteen days after having left Babylon (perche l' acque erano basse). In Basrah he embarked for Ormuz, the distance between the two places being, according to the author, 600 miles; and then the text runs thus : partendosi da Basora si passa ducento miglia di Golfo co' l mare a banda destra, sino che si giunge nell'isola di Carichi, di dove fino in Ormus si va sempre vedendo terra della Persia a man sinistra, et alla destra verso l' Arabia si vanno scoprendo infinite isole.14 Only for that part of his voyage falling between Tripoli-Basrah has the author told us the length of time he spent (altogether 71 days); nor do we know at what time of the year 1563 he departed from Venice. Consequently we are not able to say if he arrived at Ormuz and further onwards during that same year or during the following (1564). However, he proceeded from there along the Persian and Indian coasts in order to reach Goa, the capital of Portuguese India, and at that time one of the two or three foremost emporia of the East. On his way thither he passed the usual stations Diu-Cambaia-DamamBussain-Tana-Chiaul-Daboul, whence he arrived at Goa-as usual he does not tell us at what time. But he states that in the year 1566 he undertook first a journey from Goa to Bezeneger (Vijayanagara) in the Deccan and back again, and afterwards a journey from Goa to Malacca (cf. below). Consequently he was in Goa in 1666, and he was there again in 1570, when the "Dialcan 26 laid siege to the town for fourteen months. But it seems clear that he cannot, on his outward journey, have stayed the whole time until 1566 in Goa, ag he was most probably already in 1565 in Negapatam, a fact that will be further dealt with below. Having left Goa he visited, one after another, the principal ports of the coast, viz. Onor, Mangalore, 19 Ramusio, III, fol. 3914. 20 Ibid. III, fol. 386v. 21 Ibid. III, fol. 386. 31 What is called 'milo' here and in the following pages is not the English milo. 28 This is the island of Carrack in the upper part of the Gulf of Persia (cf. Yule-Burnell, Hobson-Jobmons p. 165, where this very passage is quoted). * Ramusio, III, fol. 3867. 36 It seems ourious that on fol. 387 he assigns only 990 miles to the distance Ormuz-Goa, which is abeurd, when compared with the 600 miles between Basrah and Ormuz. 29 This is the name by which he designates the Adil Khan (Adil ShAh) of Bijapur, whom the Portuguese writers call Hidalxao, Idalxa. The other Muhammadan rulers, who routed the Hindu Raja of Vijayanagara at Talikot (Jan. 25th, 1565), he calls (fol. 388) Zamaluo (Nizam-ul Mulk), Cotamaluo (Kutb-ul-Mulk) and Veridi (Malik Barid, Port, Melique Verido). The town of Vijayanagar bed in 1967 begun to be depopulated (fol. 388). 17 According to Burgess, The Chronology of Modern India, Edinburgh, 1913, p. 44, this siege should only have lasted from June-Deo. 17th, 1870. It is difficult to get out the true dates from Do Couto Deoada, VIII, ch. 33 ff., but I doubt whether Burgess is right here.

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MABOK, 1924) CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALBI 33 Barcelore. Cananore, Cranganore, Cochin and Coilan (Quilon), 18 and further on, Cabo Comeri (Cape Comorin)and the pearl-fisheries in the Gulf of Manar (Pescaria delle perle, fol. 3907). After that he went to Ceylon, chiefly in order to see with his own eyes the plantations of the cinnamon-trees, of which he gives a vivid description. He apparently had obtained good information concerning the political status of that island, as he says: il re legitimo di questa isola, sta in Colombo fatto Christiano e privo del Regno, 808tentato del Re di Portogallo. by which he means the christianized D. Joao Dharmapala (1542--81). The usurper Madoni, of whom he speaks immediately afterwards, was his grand-unole Maaya Dunnai (t1571), whose sons Federici calls Barbinas and Ragiu. As a matter of fact, he had three sons; the nams of the two elder I have not been able to ascertain from any souroe, but the youngest was Raja Simba I (1581-92), 30 apparently the Ragiu of our author. From Ceylon Federici went to Nega patam, where he most probably must have been in 1565, as he speaks of an accident having happened there in that year, which he can only have heard of by being present there himself. From Nega patam he went to San Tome (or Mailspur), the main port for ships bound for Malacoa, whither he proceeded through the Sombrero. Channel in the Nicobars. In the year 1566 Federici left S. Tome for Malacca-on the way he seems to have visited the northern part of Sumatra (Achin). From Malacca he went northwards to Tenasserim, Mergui, Tavai and Marta ban, where he arrived in 1567. Just at that time the king of Pegu had merched away with his whole army to conquer Siam, 11 and Federici was forced to stay for two and twenty months in Mortsban, before he could obtain permission to continue his journey. Consequently he could only leave Pegu in August 1569," whence he intended to go to Satagan (Chittagong); however, a typhoon arose during the voyage, and carried the travellers to Sondiva 34, whence they proceeded to Chittagong." Leaving this place he went hack to Goa just at that time (1670) besieged by the Adil Shah of Bijapur (Dialcan) and heroically defended by the then viceroy, D. Luiz de Ataide. According to our author, the viceroy did not permit any ship to leave Goa during this time. As he was thus obliged to stay there for a long time-during which he was seriously ill for four months (fol. 395)-he Buffered great losses, and consequently decided not to return to Venice, but once more to visit Pegu. Having decided upon this, he went to Cambaia, where he bought great loads of opium. that drug having at his departure from Pegu been very expensive there. However, bad luck seemed to persecute him; he was obliged to stay during the winter (apparently during the 38 of. Yule-Burnell, Hobson-Jobsona, p. 781 ff. >> The Portuguese call him Madune. 80 Tennent, Ceylond II, 13 ft. 31 Ramusio, III, fol., 391V. According to one author the army numbered 1,400,000 men. 03 According to Burgos, Chronology of Modern India, p. 43, this seems to have been the month in which the Siamese capital was sacked. 38 Yulo-Burnell, Hobson-Jobson), p. 203 it. 34 An island now called Sandwip to the northwest of Chittagong : the form bundiva is found in letter of 1691 in the Archivio Portugues Oriental, III, 267 (Nova Gon, 1861). 18 On another voyage, intendix, to go from Malacoa to 8. Tome, he was carried away to Orissa, whence So went to Chittagong, and stayed there for four months. ** The statement is curious as being directly contrary to that of Do Couto, Decada, VIII, p. 314 (1786). who says: "and as there were in the port of Goa ten or twelve ahipe for Ormus loaded with merchandise, be (the Viceroy) gave them permission to leave, as well in order not to cause so great losses to the merchanta as to show the Moore how little he cared for them " etc. Both Foderic and Do Couto were oyo-witnesses of the siogo, but it is always to be remembered that the 8th Decada is not the original work, which was stolon while in manuscript, but is made up from fragmentary annotations loop by the rathor of the proface to Deoada VIII).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1924 year 1671---72)37 at Manar; after that he proceeded to San Tome, and from there to Pegu, where opium had in the meantime gone down in price, so that he again suffered great losses. In order to repair them he bought lac at Pegu, and went with it to San Tome38 and thence to Ormuz : from there he returned by Chiaul-Goa-Cochin-San Tome to Pega, where be mado good progress in selling opium. Finally he returned, and stayed during the winter in Cochin (fol. 396), 39 after which he left India, and proceeded to Ormuz. In that town he fell in with Messer Francesco Beretin from Venice and other Italians and accompanied them to Basrah, where he had to wait 40 days for boats ; after that he proceeded to Babylon, where he stayed for four months. Thence his caravan arrived in 40 days at Aleppo (of which 36 were spent in the desert). Leaving Aleppo he went to Tripolis and Zaffo (Jaffa), and thence to Jerusalem, where he remained for 40 days to visit the holy places. Having returned to Tripolis, be embarked in the ship Ragazzona, and arrived safely at Venice on November 5th, 1581.40 Gasparo Balbi, on the contrary, has in his book everywhere referred to the day and year when he arrived at or left different places, and it is thus quite easy to follow him closely during the whole of his journey. He left Venice in 1579-he has not given the date and went (probably by the same route as Federici) to Aleppo, where he arrived on the 13th of December. On the 16th, in the evening, he came to Albir (Bir), where he remained until the 5th January, 1580, when he .continued the voyage, and on the 25th of that month he finally reached Babylon.4 On March 13th he left that town after a stay of more than six weeks, which he himself curiously enough speaks f as "some days " (dopo esservi stati alcuni giorni), and on the 21st he arrived at Basrah ( Jara Basora, fol. 32").4. After having spent about a month at that place, he and his com, ons set sail for Ormuz on April 22nd, 1580, in the morning; having experienced different adventures, they arrived on May 10th at the port of Ormuz in the morning. There Balbi stayed until September 29th, when he embarked in a ship belonging to the Portuguese governor, D. Gonsalvo di Mienza (fol. 47' ),43 in order to proceed to Goa. On October 24th (fol. 58 ) they cast anchor in the port of Diu, where they heard very important news : the Cardinal D. Henrique II, King of Portugal, had died without heirs, 44 and further il gran Re di Magor poco prima dopo haversi fatto disputar la fede di Christo N. Signor da alcuni padri Reverendi di San Paolo si volse batezzare insieme con le moglie, e due suoi figliuoli, eto. E'his refers to Akbar's invitation to the Jeguits in Goa and the mission of Fathers R. Acquaviva (+ 1583) and A. Monserrate (f 1600), thence to Fathpur-Sikri (November 1579).46 37 Generally those older authors by winter' widerstand the rain-period, but this is scarcely the case hore 31 As he says himself (fol. 395lt) that ships went only in March from Pegu to 8. Tome, he can scarcely have returned there before March 1573. 39 As he came back to Venice in November 1581, this must have been in the year 1679-80. 40 If we put together the sums given by himself (Basrah 40 days, Basrah-Babylon 40 days, Babylon 120 days, Babylon-Aleppo 40 days, and his stay at Jerusalem 40 days), we get 290 days, or 9 months 20 days. The journeys Aleppo Tripolis-Jaffa-Jerusalem and Jerusalem-Tripolis-Venice may have taken at least some 50 days. Thus his journey Ormus-Venice should have lasted some 11 months, and he may have left Ormuz about December 1st, 1680. But this is, of course, mere guess work. 41 Fol. 22v; on fol. 239 he says that he had spent 49 days between Albir and Babylon, which must be a misprint. Federici used 45-46 days for that journey. 41 According to Federici exactly 8-9 days were used for the route Babylon-Basrah. 43 I have not boen able to trace any person with that name in the Decadas of Do Couto; the index of the edition of 1788 is, however, very incomplete. 4 He died on January 31st, 1880. 46 of. Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, Oxford 1917, p. 168 fl.

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MARCH, 1924) CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALBI 55 From Diu Balbi sailed on October 30th, and on November 2nd they passed "Bombain," where he notes the existence of the cave temple detto Alefante- he was not the only author of his time, who held it for a construction raised by Alexander the Great (fol. 637). 46 On November 4th he arrived at Chiaul (fol. 65), where he remained only for a day. His arrival at Goa took place on November 10th, 1580, after a journey that was not quite without danger because of the Malabar pirates. In the capital of Portuguese India Balbi lived for nearly a year and a half. It was only on April 11th, 1582, that he proceeded southwards with the ship S. Bastian, (Captain Alfonso de Morais), and arrived at Cochin on April 18th, after having passed Cananore and Calicut. There he stayed on until April 25th, went on the next day to Silon (Quilon), where he remain. ed for twenty-four hours, and doubled Cape Comorin on April 28th. Then the ship took the cirouit round Ceylon, where our author seems scarcely to have landed; 47 on May 2nd he passed Point de Galle, and on May 8th he came, after having sailed round the island, to a small island called La Vacca, apparently the Ilha das Vacas of the Portuguese. 48 On May 9th the voyagers arrived at Nega patam, 49 and on the 29th they continued to San Tome. (Mailapur), which they reached on the following day (May 30th, 1582). Here Balbi reports an epigode that does not give a favourable opinion of his truthfulness. For speaking of the church of the Jesuit Fathers in that town (fol. 85), he continues : in fabricar la quale non si trovando travi tanti, che bastassero (fol. 867 ), miracolosamente gli fu but. tato un grosso legno dalla fortuna del mare, che pareva fosse stato fatto a posta, et a misura per detta chiesa. Et io mi trovai presente, quando detto legno arrivo, porche una mattina andando a Messa alla Chiesa della Madre di Dio, viddi molta gente, che correva alla marina, et accostandomi per saper che cosa fosse, viddi questo legno spinto dal mare al lito. Era allhora la Chiesa di S. Giovan Battista finita di restaurarsi, ma perche non havevano travi da fargli il colmo, l' havevano coperta di paglia. Onde fu havuto per miracolo di Dio, che ivi fosse stato spinto dall' onde del mare un legno cosi grosso, il quale capito a punta all'incontro del choro della Chiesa. Quando quei Reverendi Padri della compagnia di Giesu, di quali quelle Chiesa e Monasterio, viddero il legno, n' hebbero grandissima allegrezza, e' l Padre Luigi Ferrera Rettor del luogo, insieme con quegli altri Padri, e con tutto il popolo, vi concorsero, e fu presa la misura del detto legno, la lunghezza del quale fu trovato che bastava ad intraversar la Chiesa, onde tutti con lieto applauso confessando ch' era stato miracolosamente da Dio, lo fecero segare per lungo e ne fecero tanti travi, (fol. 35 ) e tanto grossi, che bastarono per armar tutto quel colmo da un capo all' altro. Mosse tanto questa cosa alcuni di quei gentili, che aggiuntevi le persuasioni di quei Reverendi Padri, correvano a gara l' uno dellaltro a battezarsi, etc. What we read here appears to me somewhat suspicious, for the reason that it is really only another version of the miracle of the St. Thomas Legend of the South Indian Christians a legend that had already at that time been dealt with by many famous Portuguese authors, e.g., Correa, de Barros, Camoes, 60 Do Couto, etc. But it must be added that the Jesuits in 46 Of. especially Do Couto, Decada VII, 3, -11 and Yule-Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, p. 341 ff. 47 That he was quite ignorant of the then condition of Ceylon he shows by speaking (fol. 784) of the Christian king at Colombo, D. Joao Dharmapala, who had died already in 1581. 48 It is the present island Delft in the Palk Strait, WSW of Jaffnapatam, cf. Tennent, Oeylons, II, 650. 49 The description of a holy place called "Sette Pagodi dei Chini" that is found inserted here is very confused. Balbi claims to have seen it before arriving at Negepatam, and apparently it calusot be Rameswaram, which he certainly did not see. But the so-called Chinese Pagoda is situated NW of Nega. patam (Yule, Marco Polo, II, 272 ff.), and the Seven Pagodas again are at a distance of 30--40 miles south of Madras (Yule-Burnell, Hobaon-Jobson, p. 814). This place is mentioned op fol. 867 (Sette Pagoda). 69 Os Lusiadas, X, 110-112,

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1924 the Annuce Litterae of the years 1582-84 do not mention one single word of this miracle, which they would certainly not have neglected to speak of, had it really happened. To me it seems evident that Balbi has made up the whole story from the muster of the miracle of St. Thomas. 51 At San Tome Balbi remained for more than a year, leaving the place only on September 13th. 1883,61 in a ship bound for Marta ban. On September 23rd the ship entered the socalled "Maccareo "Hin the Gulf of Pegu (Martaban), where the voyagers visited different localities and stayed between October 5th and 26th in Cosmi." Afterwards they also visited the then famous town of Sirian (Syriam), somewhat to the East of Rangoon, and finally they arrived at a place called Meccao, whence they made the journey overlaud to Pegu, probably arriving there on November 8th, 1583 (fol. 100F). In Pegu Balbi had an audience with the King, which he depicts vividly, giving also a somewhat extensive description of the ruler himself, his town and his kingdom (he was just then at the highest development of his power) and successes in war (chiefly against the Siamese), and of the capture of his elephants, the festi. vals, processions, etc. (foll. 1001-128'). These passages may be looked upon as those claim.' ing the chief interest in the whole work of Balbi, and we have already seen that the greater part of the illustrations in De Bry are to be referred to the description of Pegu." After a stay of more than two years Balbi left Pegu on January 5th, 1686, and proceeded to Martaban (fol. 128), where he arrived on the 12th of that month. About a month afterwards, on February 10th, he embarked, and went by the Andamans and Nicobars to Ceylon. where on March 2nd he passed Point de Galle. On the 4th he passed Cape Comorin, and seems to have reached Cochin on March 7th early in the morning (fol. 1354). There he had to wait for about seven months for a ship to take him further to Ormuz. Finally he left Cochin on October 8th, 1586. On October 14th the ship cast anchor at Chiaul, where the passengers remained for nineteen days, after which they proceeded further to Ormuz, Balbi arriving there on December 25th, 1586, and remaining until July 11th, 1587. On the same day he continued his journey to Basrah, which lasted twenty-two days (fol. 142"); consequently he seems to have reached that town on August 2nd, and to have stayed there for about two months and a half. This I conclude from his remark (fol. 1434) that he arrived at Babylon on November 23rd, 1687, after a journey of thirty-eight days from Basrah-he ought thus to have left that place on October 16th. This seems to be the last date given by Balbi. He does not tell us how long time he remained at Babylon, nor at what time he oame back to Venice-we only know that it was in 1588, and it may well have been during the spring." He had then been absent from his native country for about nine years. Balbi and Federici in many points differ from each other, although they have generally described the same pics. Both of them have left quite a good description of their voyages; that of Federici even belonging to the better samples of that literature during the 16th century. 51 some time after having written this down I found that Yule, Cathay and the way thithers, III, 362n., when treating the St. Thomas Legend, gives a short reference to this passage in Balbi without any comments upon it. 53 FOL 911. - Oj. Yule-Bumell, Hobson-Jobson, p. 627 ft. 4 Acoording to Forchhammer this Cormi is the old Kusumanagara (nowadays Bassein) in the westem part of the Irawaddy Dolta (Yule-Burnell l. cf. p. 259 ff.). Cf. also ante, Vol. XXII, pp. 18, 252 ft. O. above p. 51, n. 14. ** According to Federici forty days were needed for the way between Babylon and Aleppo and six days between Aleppo and Tripolis. How long it took to voyage from that place to Venice (by Cyprus I do not exactly know.

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MAROH, 1924) CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BALBI He has told things in a very simple way, depicting the places he visited with their products and very seldom giving a more personal touch to his desoription. Balbi, on the contrary, has chiefly given us a diary of his voyage, with most careful annotations concerning the dates, so that we are able to follow him from place to place during his long journey. Into the frame of this diary he has put longer descriptions of manners and customs prevalent among the various peoples ho visited ; his chief interest, however, seems to have been a commercial one. To the description of every important place visited by him he has added careful notes concerning the coins, measures and weights used there, and he winds up his diary with a summary of the monsoons and trade-routes in the seas surrounding the Indian peninsulas (chapter 46: Seguitano i tempi, ne' quali le navi si partono per i viaggi si per il Nort, come per il Sult per diverse parti delle Indie, le quali stazioni da loro sono detti Mansonni68). He adds a table of the different coins used in India and their value in relation to each other chapter 47: Seguita la tariffa delle moneta di tutta l' India, ridotta da una sorte di moneta ad un' altro). Balbi consequently has tried to make his description a sort of commercial handbook, and also something on the same lines as Pegolotti's Pratica. We can scarcely doubt that his work seemed useful to his countrymen, and was perhaps at that time frequently read. But the works of Federici and Balbi stand in a queer relation to each other, which has not, as far as I know, been observed or dealt with by former writers. The ideas and regulations concerning copyright are more developed in our day than they were at the time when our authors published their books, but it still seems to me somewhat marvellous that a man, who has himself made a journey and is writing down the chief events of it, should make use of a predecessor in a rather foolish way, writing out whole passages of his work and putting them into his own composition. However, this is undoubtedly the case here, and there can be no serious question as to whom we must denounce guilty of literary theft. For when Balbi in 1588 returned to Venice, the work of Federici had already been available for something like a year, and may have belonged to the books that were at that moment rather frequently read in the City of the Lagoons. As the book of Balbi did only appear in 1590, there is scarcely a doubt that he has in a most shameless way-at least according to our ideasplundered his predecessor.80 I hereby let the proofs of my accusation follow without further comments: CESARE DI FEDERICI. GASPARO BALBI. 386 A: II Bir e una picciola cittade, ma 12. Albir, la quale e picciole citta, ma molto abbondanto di vettovaglia..(B) gli abbondante di vettovaglia....(12) gli Arabi, che son ladri formicheri, non amazza- Arabi i quali non amazzano, ma robbano, e no, ma robbano, e fuggono, e contra questi fuggono, contra di quali sono molto buoni gli sono molto buoni gli archibugi, temendone archibugi temendone essi grandemente. essi grandemente. (1 pass over some small coincidences on fol. 386_ and foll. 18-19 that are probably accidental.) 57 Those names, as well as those on his wind-rose (fol. 144'), are Portuguese. 68 On the history and different forms of this word d. Yule-Burnell, Hobson-Jobsona, p. 577 ff. The form coming nearest to the one used here is Mansone in Carletti, Ragionamenti, II, 206 (Firenze 1701). 59 Some words in Zurla, l. c., II, 259, scarcely induce us to believe that even be observed the facts to be dealt with below. do Whether Federici w at that time still alive we do not know. Perhaps he was not, aw Da Fano publiabod his book.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1924 CESARE DI FEDERICI. GASPARO BALBI. 316 C: La Feluchia...d una villa, di 21deg: La Felugia e una villa lontana da dove si va in Babilonia in una giornata e Babilonia una giornata, o mezza. mezza. 386 C: alcuno zattare fatte d'utri gon 21 [ : aloune barche, como zattare sopra fiati, e ligati insieme, sopra i quali distendono sieci, o dodici udri gonfiati di vento ligati delle tavole e sopra esse caricano la roba insieme, e sopra quelli mettendo alcune etc. tavole, portano gran quantita di robba. 386 C: Et e Babilonia una citta non 25+ : Babilonia ... a citta assai popolata. molto grande, ma ben popolata) e di gran seben non e molto grande, e vi si fanno negotio di forestieri, per esser un gran passo molti negotii di mercantia da forestieri, per per la Persia, per la Turchia, e per l' Arabia. esservi gran passo per l' Arabia, per la Tur. chia, e per la Persia etc. 386 C : Ciace questa citta nel regno di 25deg: E porta questa citta nel Regno Persia, ma da un tempo in qua e signoreg. della Persia: ma da un tempo in qua e domi.' giata dal Turco ; ha dalla banda, che guardia nata dal Turco. Ha dalla banda, che verso l' Arabia oltra il fiume, all'incontro guarda verso l' Arabia oltre il fiume all' indella citta, un borgo con un bel bazarro, e contro della citta un castello, o borgo, detto assai fonteghi, ove alloggiano la maggior Rachiche con assai Case, e fonteghi, e altri parte di mercanti forestieri, che vi arrivano magazeni, ove alloggiano la maggior parte dei mercanti forestieri che vi arrrivano. 386 C : ma quando il fiume per le pioggie 25deg : quandi l' acque e grande di detto s'ingrossa troppo, fa bisogno aprire questo fiume per le molte piogge, all' hora fa bisogno ponte in mezzo, una parte del quale s'accosta aprire questo ponte in mezzo, parte del quale alle mura della citta, e l'altra s' appoggia cosi aperto, si accoste alle mura della citta, alle rive del Borgo, et in questo tempo si e l'altre, si appoggia alle rive del borgo, et e passa il fiume con barche, con grandissimo forza passar con barche con grandissimo pericolo, percioche essendo le barche picciole pericolo, porche essendo le barche picciole, ... spesso si ribaltano, o sono della corren- spesse volte sono voltate sossopra, et inghi. thia del fiume inghiottite, e vi s' annegano ottite dal corso dell'acqua con morte di molte persone etc. molte persone. 386 0: La Torre di Nembrot, e posta 26 : La Torre di Nembrot e lontana da di qua dal fiume verso l' Arabia in una gran Babilonia piu di otto miglia, et e di qua dal pianura, lontana della citta intorno a sette, fiume Tigris... posta in una gran pianura overo otto miglia qual e da tutte le banda verso l' Arabia, et e tutte rouinata, e con le ruinata e con le sue ruine s' ha fatto intorno sue rouine si ha fatto intorno quasi una quasi una montagna ... pur ve n'e ancora montagna. Pur ve n'e ancora un gran un gran pezzo in piedi, circondato, e quasi pezzo in piedi, che quasi e coperto da quelle coperto affatto da quelle ruine. ruine. 386 D: Questa Torre e fabricata di quad. 26deg : Fu fabricata gia con pietra cotta rellicotti al Sole .. di 'stuore fatte di al sole, e con stoie di canna anchora esse canne, tanto forti ancora etc.... puo fortissime... Circonda di giro intorno circa circondare ... intorno ad un miglio... un miglio, fa effetto contrario da quello, Fa questa Torre effetto contrario a tutte l' che fanno gli altri edifici, che quegli quanto altre cose... e quanto piu l'huomo di gli piu se gli avvicina, piu grandi si dimostrano, avvicina, piu grandi si dimostrano, ma e questa di lontano par gran cosa ... ch'e questa la lontano pare una gran cosa... questo, porche d' intorno non hd alcuna io stimo, che sia cagione di questo, l' esser cosa grande, ne alta, eccetto [202] le pietre

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MARCE, 1924 1 CESARE DI FEDERIO AND GASPARO BALBI 59 CESARE DI FEDTRICI. GASPABO BALBI. porto essa Torro in mezzo ad una larga pia della sua rouina, o porche e posta in un nura, e non ha vere intorno cosa alcuna rile. grandissimo piano. wte fnor che lo ruine eto. 386 E: Basora e citta dell' Arabia, e 32 : Balsara altrimente detta Basora e la signoreggiavano anticamente gli Arabi una citta posta nell' Arabia, la quale al preZizaeri, ma hora dal Turco e dominata, il sente e signoreggiata dal Turco, ma prima da quale vi tiene con gran spesa un grosso gli Arabi detti Zizaeri, i quasi nondimeno presidio. Possedono questi Arabi Zizaeri un possedono un gran paese, ne possono esser gran paese, ne possono essere dal Turco dominati dal Turco, porche il paese loro sottoposti, percioche sono in esso diversi patisce i flussi, e riflussi del mare in modo, canali, che vengono dal mare, crescendo, che hora una campagna resta attorniata e calando di maniera, che par tutto diviso dall'acqua in Isola, e hora coperta, e spesse in isoletto; e perd no vi si puo condurre volte senza. Per il che non vi si puo condar essercito, ne per acqua, ne per terra, e sono essercito ne per mare, ne per terra. I loro i suoi habitatori gente molto bellicosa. habitatori sono genti molto bellicose, e pero fa mestiero al Turco tener un grosso presidio in Balsara con infinita sua spesa. 386 E: Basora e distante dal mare intor. 32deg: Questa citta e lontana dal mare da no a quindeci miglia, et e citta di gran negocio 15. miglia, et e citta di gran negocio di di speciarie, e di droghe, che vengono d' spetiarie, di droghe, et altri merci, che ven. Ormus, e vi e gran quantita di frumento, di gono di Ormus, e abondante di dattoli, risi, risi, di legumi, e di dattili, che nascono nel e grano, che nascono nel territorio suo. territorio. 386 F: Ormus e un'isola, che circonda 47. : Ormus e una citta non molto grande : intorno a venticinque, o trenta miglia, et ma popolata posta in un'Isola di trente miglia e la piu secco isola, che al mondo si trovi, di grandezza : ma e la piu sterile di quante percioche in essa non si trova altro, che mai io n' habbia viste: percio che in esse sal, et acqua, e legne et altre cosa all' human non si trova altro, che sale, e le legne, e vitto necessarie, vi si conducono di Persia, le altre cose al vitto necessarie vi vengono indi dodeci miglia distante, e dall' altre portate dalla costa di Persia, ch' e distante isola circonvicine, in tanta abbondantia, e da questa citta da 6. miglia ; e vi se ne conduquantita, che la citta n' e copiosamente cono in tanta quantita, che la citta ne reste fornita. copiosamente fornita. 386 F: Ha una fortezza bellissima, vicina 47': Ha vicino al mare una fortezza al mare, nella quale risiede un capitano del bellissima, nella quale risieda un cap. del Re Re di Portogallo... Nella citta poi habitano di Portogallo... Nella Citta poi habitano i suoi cittadini. 8i fanno in questa i cittadini di essa... Si fanno in questa grossissime d' ogni sorte di spetiarie di grossissime di ogni sorte (47 ] di spetiarie, drogarie, sete, panni di seta, broccati, e di di droghe, sete, panni di seta, broccati ... diverse altre mercanti...e tra l'altre et altre sorte da mercantie...e fra le altre gran trafico e quelle de cavalli, che di qui gran traffico e quello de cavalli, che di qui si portano in India. si portano in India. 386 F : Morto il Re, il capitano n'elegge 47 : Morto il Re, ne viene eletto un'altro un' altro di sangue Reale, e si fa questa di sangue reale dal cap. della1 fortezza con elettione nella fortezza con assai ceremonie, Assai cerimonie, et eletto, che egli e giura 61 Porhaps to be read nella! 63 The text of Federici shows that the punctuation is incorrect here.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1924 CESARE DI FEDERICI. GASPABO BALBI, et eletto che egli e, giura fedelta al Re di fedelta al Re di Portogallo ; et all' hora il Portogallo, et all' hora il capitano li da il Capitano gli da lo scettro reale in nome del scetro Regale in nome del Re di Portogallo Re di Portogallo suo Signore ; et indi con suo Signore, et indi con gran pompa e festa gran pompa, e festa l'accompagna al palazzo l'accompagnano al palazzo Reale posto reale posto nella citta. Tien detto Re nella cittade. Tiene detto Re honesta honesta corte, et ha sofficiente entrata senza corte, et ha sofficiente entrata senza fastidio fastidio alcuno, perche dal cap. gli vengono alcuno, percioche il capitano li difenda, e difese, e mantenute le sue ragioni, e giuris. mantiene le sue ragioni ; e quando cavalcano ditioni, e quando il cap. cavalca in sieme insieme l' honora come Re, no puo detto Re con il Re, l'honora come Re; ma non puo cavalcare con la sua corte, se prima non lo detto Re cavalcore con la gua corte; se prima fa sapere al capitano. non lo fa intender al capitano. 387 A: Diu, posta in una picciola isola 59 : Diu d una citta non molto grande del Regno di Cambaia, ove e la miglior ma di gran facende ; perche vi si caricano fortezza, che sia in tutta India, et e piociola assai navi grosse di diverse merci, e droghe citta, ma di gran facende, perche vi si caricano per lo stretto della Mecca, per l'Isola di assai nave grosse di diverse robbe, e per lo Ormus, e posta in una picciola Isola del regno stretto della Mecca, e per l'isola d' di Cambaia .. . Ha la miglior fortezza Ormus eto. che Portoghesi possedono in quei paesi etc. 387 E: Chiaul etc. 64 : Chiaul etc. 387 F: Il Re Zamalucco etc. 64deg : Re Zamalucco Moro etc. 388 A : Goa e la principal citta, c'habbian 67" : Goa e una citta con i suoi borghi i Portoghesi in India, nella quale statia il honestamente grande per citta delle Indie, Vice Re con la corta regia, et e in una isola et e assai bella: e porta ... in un'Isola di che puo circondare da venticinque in trenta circuito di trenta miglia in circa tutta piena miglia : e citta con suoi borghi honesta mente di giardini, e di boschi di noci d'India, con grande, e per citta dell' Indie assai compe. alcuni villaggi piccioli ancora. In somma tentemente bella ; ma piu bella e l'isola, e la principal citta, che habbino i Portoghesi come quella, che e piena di giardini, e di nell' Indie, per haverci la risidenza un Vice boschi de' Palmari detti di sopra ; ed per la Rd del Re di Portogallo con bella corte. E quale sono aloune villette... E situata Goa situata Goa ne i paesi di Dialcan Re Moro ne' paesi del Dialcan Rd Moro etc. etc.64 389 D: Onor etc. op. 73 : Onor eto. 389 D : Cananor etc. op. 73: Cannor (1) etc. 387 E-F: Description of the cocoa-nut op. 73 : alcuni alberi detti palmeri eto. trees. 389 E: Tiene Cochin il primo luogo eto. cp. 75' : Cocchi e dopo Goa la prima citta eto. 389 F-390 A: Description of the Nairs op. 75: The Nairs etc. and their customs. 63 As is seen from Do Barros, Decada, II, 2, 7, and other writers this is the ruler called by the Portuguese Nizamaluco (also Itam Maluco (Correa), Nisamos (Garcia da Orta) etc.), i.e. the Nizam-ul Musk, the Muhammadan king of Ahmadnagar (since 1490). 04 Balbi afterwards speaks of the siege of Goa by the "Dialcan," his troops counting some 200,000 men, and the siege lasting for fourtoon months. We know of this siege already from Federici.

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MARCH, 1924) CESARE DI FEDERICI AND GASPARO BABLI CESARE DI FEDERICI GASPARO BALBI 390 B-D: Federici here speaks of the 49-511 : Balbi speaks of in che modo Pescaria delle perle in the Gulf of Manar. pigliano le perle, et in che luogo; but this really deals with the pearl-fisheries in the Persian Gulf (Bahrein etc.) However, on foll. 499-50 he has put in notes concerning the Manar fisheries which are mostly taken directly from Federici 390 E: Description of cinnamon-trees,cp. cp. 78: Cinnamon-trees of Ceylon (many and how the cinnamon is prepared. small coincidences). 390 F : un monasterio di S. Francesco di 827 : un monasterio di S. Francisco di gran divotione (at Nega patam). gran divotione. 3914--C: Description of S. Tome (Melik- ep. 87" : description of S. Tome (some pur). small coincidences). In the description of Pegu there are on foll. 91, 975, 100r-v, 102, 116 and 117 some small coincidences with Federici foll. 3911-3945 that need not to be repeated here. From this short survey, which is not wholly exhaustive, one can very well see how Balbi has in many passages of his work borrowed whole sets of words from his predecessor. Somotimes when copying a passage from Federici, he has slightly altered it, e.g., on fol. 67' (description of Goa) in comparison with Federici fol. 388A. But this is a well-known method amongst plagiarists. However, it seems remarkable that the coincidences are almost exclu. sively found in the former part of Balbi's book, while in the latter part-chiefly dealing with Pegu--they become ever more rare. It is scarcely to be imagined that Balbi during the continuation of his work suffered from a somewhat bad conscience by reason of his robberies. It seems more probable that either he may have possessed better notes concerning his stay at Pegu than concerning his voyages in India, or he may have found some other source-unknown to us--to copy for the latter part of his work. Though I must leave these matters open to further investigation, I feel oonvinced that the facts pointed out here must to some degree alter the opinion concerning the value of the work passing under the name of Gasparo Balbi. 65 From Zurla, 1. c. II, 260, one might infer that Balbi had perhape copied Marco Polo in his description of the shipe trading between Basrah and Ormuz (Balbi foll. 38V--for and Polo in Ramusio, II, fol. 8 B. (ed. 1583)]. But I am at a loss to find any verbal-coincidences in these pamages. However, I have not found time to compare other parts of Balbi's work with that of his famous countryman, and it may well be that he has sometimes used him just as he used Federici. [My own experience has been that 16th and 17th century travellers of all countries copied each other without acknowledgment. The procedure seems to have been to put together their own notes on reaching home, and to add to them out of other recently published travels everything else that they thought might interest their readers and make their books ore important. They never seem to have acknowledged the sources of their information, and often added further inaccuracies from their ignorance of those that they may have adopted. Vincent Smith has shown up Mandelsloh in this matter and I have occasionally taken the trouble to hunt & generally borrowed tale to its source. The difficulty in reading a traveller's MS. or book of that period is to be sure as to how much of a description in his own or someone else's.-R.C.T.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1924 PEARL AND COTTON MERCHANTS' SLANG. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLTE, BT. The Curator of Libraries, Public Library Department, Baroda, has sent us a list of nume. rals out of the Mirat--Ahmadi of 'Ali Muhammad Khan, in which he says that the author gives "a kind of secret code which was used by pearl merchants in their transactions." His Department is publishing a supplement to the book and "desires the origin and etymology of the code." He adds," I am told that iran, four, is the four-sided anvil on which a goldsmith works the gold, and that ekwahi, three, is the three-pronged jeweller's instrument. Wan, nine, seems to be back slang for nau." There was also, he says, " a similar code which was used by cotton merchants. Many of these expressions are still in use by merchants, but those I have asked cannot tell me the derivation of the words." The Department is anxious to know if any of our contributors or readers can supply the information required. I here give the table as sent with the letter, SECRET CODES. English. Pearl Merchants Cotton Merchants terms terms Bali sali likhwa akara ek sala'ek para kala samkas salsang maba-ni-likhwa samani jur eawahi rakh iran hok mol bad or yad sapar Bamar pit tamal mankh wan kun angal kakara patar jurla nipar rakhla chapar molpar pariri samarpari tahalpari wanpari sut ekwadahi 40 irandahi 100 pharona bakpharona 1000 kathma-kotbli dik sala ekla mpari

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MARCH, 1924] SPELLS OF ORIGIN Sir George Grierson on being referred to wrote: "The Cotton Merchants' list is evidently an argot like the others mentioned in Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. XI. Words are formed by the prefixing of or changing of consonants or vowels. Thus jur (in the list 2) is for jora; hok for chauk: rakh (for 3) is a puzzle, but is apparently built on some such word as trika." In 1885 I wrote a long article in JASB., vol. LIII, pt. I, pp. 1-24 entitled An Examination of the Trade Dialect of the Naqqash or painters on papier-mache in the Panjab and Kashmir, in which I went into the slang numerals of several classes and professions. In 1885 I followed this up with an article in this Journal on The Delhi Dalals and their Slang, vol. XIV, pp. 155-159. In vol. XVI, pp. 284 ff., Sir George Grierson had an article on "The Language of the Magahiya Doms," and in vol. XIX, pp. 160 ff., J. P. Lewis had one on the " Slang of the Tamil Castes in Ceylon." There was also a note on Technical Jargon's in vol. XXXVII, p. 339, containing Mr. C. Otto Blagden's Review of D. R. Lasch's Uber Sonder-sprachen und Ihre Enstehung. From these papers a certain amount of information on this interesting subject can be obtained. = On looking into the actual terms hitherto recorded, a few of the words given by the Curator of the Baroda Libraries can be directly identified: e.g., akara, one, is used by the Naqqash and wan, nine, by the Dehli Dalals. Paint, seven, corresponds to the pit, and sala, ten, to the salah of the Dehli Dalals. A closer examination may discover other analo. gies and the Pearl Merchants' slang quoted by 'Ali Muhammad Khan may arise in the same way as that of the Dehli Dalals, as explained in the article above quoted. The whole subject is very interesting and well worth examining in all trades by Indian scholars. SPELLS OF ORIGIN. By A. M. HOOART. THE Aitareya Brahmana contains these words: "Inasmuch as Indra was great, that is the Great Indraness of Great Indra." This sounds at first very much like nonsense. I venture to suggest that there is more in it than appears on the surface. In Malaysia at one end and in Finland at the other there is a belief that if you can recite the origin and unfold the nature of anything you can control it. If you know the origin of iron, you acquire magic power over it. Skeat gives the following charm to keep a tiger at a distance: "Ho, Bersenu! Ho, Berkaik ! I know the origin from which you sprang; It was Sheikh Abuniah Lahab Abu Kasap. Your navel originated from the centre of your crown," etc.3 The Kalevala is full of such charms. 63 In the ninth canto Vainamoinen goes to see an old man, to get him to heal a wound; but the old man could not recall: "How the iron was first created, And the unworked iron was fashioned."" "Then the aged Vainamoinen Answered in the words that follow: Well I know the birth of Iron, And how steel was first created."" 1 Yan mahan Indro 'bhavat tan Mahendrasya Mahendram, III, 21. Malay Magic, p. 167.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY And proceeds to give a very lengthy account. Then the old man remembers and goes through the whole story again, using it to revile the iron and show how it has broken its solemn oath. [ MARCH, 1924 We may well expect to find the same idea in the countries that lie between Finland and Malaysia. Indeed it appears in the Satapatha Brahmana: "That is Death which is the Year.... He who knows this death to be the Year, his life is not exhausted by days and nights before old age. He attains to a complete life." Thus the mere knowledge that Death is really the year preserves a man from Death until the natural term of his life. Whoever knows that Vrtra is a consumer of food becomes himself a consumer . of food (ibid., I, 6-3-17). This I think explains why the Brahmanas so frequently give the "thatness, or essence of things: whoever possesses that knowledge has power over the thing. It seems fatuous to tell us that the Great Indraness of Great Indra consists in being great; but it is necessary to know this for purposes of charms; in order to conjure with Great Indra, it is necessary to know the legend which recounts how he came to be called Great Indra, which explains his Great Indraness. The essence is not always quite so obvious; thus the essence of Death apparently consists in being the Year and the Ender. The Brihaspatism of Brihaspati consists in being Ka or Who? Indra, according to the Aitareya Brahmana shares Brihaspati's nature; it follows then that both gods are swayed by the same sacrifice; and indeed we find in the Maitrayani Sanhita (II, 1. 12) a sacrifice called Aindrabarhaspatyam. These so-called etymological explanations would then seem to be really practical directions for the control of gods, and the formula "A is that which is B "4 should be taken as the standard formula of the schools. If I am right the Brahmanas were not merely treatises for the information of the curious, but practical directions for the control of gods and the world, through a knowledge of their thatness,' their true nature and origin. MISCELLANEA. CASSUMUNAR. In A Memoir of the Two John Peacheys, by G. C. Peachey, which appeared in Janus, Vol. XXIII, 1918 (published in Leyde, Holland), there is a mention of a pamphlet written by "John Peachie Doctor of Physick," published in 1679, entitled "Some observations made upon the root Cassumuniar called otherwise Rysagone Imported from the East Indies, showing its nature and virtues and its usefulness above others as yet written of, in Apoplexies... being the most proper Corrector of the Jesuits Powder..." The writer says he received the plant from his brother Jeremiah1 and that it is "a plant esteemed even by Princes themselves, some part of what I have being taken out of the King of Golcondae's garden..." Its properties, from the long des. cription which follows, appear to have been antispasmodic. At first sight the word looks like a HobsonJobson, but a reference to the Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. III, shows that the plant was commonly called Cassumunar and is nothing more or less than wild turmeric, Cassumunar being the European spelling of the Hind. kasumunar. The Telugu and Sanskrit names of the plant are karallamu and vanardraka, and it is also known as Bengal root, Curry turmeric and Downy-leaved ginger. The alternative name Rysagone (also Risagon, Rizagon) appears to be a word of doubtful origin, probably European, connected with Gr. rhiza, a root. L. M. ANSTEY. 8 Esa vai mrtyur yat samvatsara....Sa yo haitam mrtyum samvatsaram veda na husyaisa pura jaraso horatrabhyam ayuh keinoti, X, 4, 3. yad... tad. 1 Jeremiah Peachey served the East India Company in Bengal from 1673-1693, when he was dismissed the service. He died at Madras in 1702. See Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, foot-notes on pp. 19 and 342 of vol. II.

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MARCH, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES BOOK-NOTICES. THE LAY OF ALHA. Partly translated by the late, a veteran : Sir Charles Elliott, Mr. Waterfield, Mr. WILLIAM WATERFIELD, B.O.S., with introduction Vincent Smith, and Sir George Grierson. In this And abstracts of the untranslated portion by SIR Journal the last of them published a portion as long GEORGE GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. Oxford University ago as 1886. Mr. Waterfield also produced in verso Press, 1923. a portion of it in the Calcutta Review many years ago, This valuable little book brings before us in entic and after his death in 1907 his MSS. and papers inggarb the well-known Alh-khand, the great ballad came before Sir George Grierson. Sir George found of the Rajputs, recounting the stories that have many more parts of it done into verse, and he has come down in connection with Rai Pithaura or now published all these, adding abstracte in prose Prithivi Raja, the Chauhan, the last Hindu Ruler prepared by Sir Charles Elliott and himself of the of Delhi before the advent of Muslim rule under remainder of the ballads. Mr. Waterfield's version Shahabu'ddin Ghori in 1192. Rai Pithaurd's is in English ballad verse, well suited to convey the is in English hallad varna. wall miter best known action was the cause of the defeat of original. Being great scholar, Oriental and the Hindus before the Muhammadans at that European, his translation is not only accurate, time. He carried off the daughter of the great but lives and reproduces the full force of the poetry King of Kanauj, Jaychand, and the feud that of the Indian ballad singers. Those who would arose between them in consequence, so weakened know the Rajput and the feelings that sway hiny the power of the two great Hindu Rulers on what will do well to study his pages, guided by the inform. was then the frontier of Hindustan that the Hindus ing introduction given by Sir George Grierson. cloprived themselvop of the power to withstand They will find many things to surprise them which the encroachment of their western neighbours of are worth knowing. The professed anthropologist A strange religion. India went down before Islam, will also see much to study, especially in the marriago and Rai Pithaura's abduction of his neighbour's ceremonies described at length. daughter became a turning point in Indian history. R. C. TEMPLE. The situation has long held a fascination for the present writer and made the relation of the deeds of the Rajputs of those days a study of extraordinary SIR SUBRAMANYA AYYAR LECTURES ON THE HISTORY interest. OF SRI VAISHNAVAS, delivered by the late MR. It has come down to modern days in two great T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, pp. 61 (1923). Published rescensions--the Prithirdj Rasau of Chand Bardai, by the University of Madras. Price 10 annas. the warrior poet who died with his master in the The first attempt at a serious study of the his. Great Battle of A.D. 1192, an epic of portentoustory and literature of Vaishnavism may be traced length in true Indian fashion, and the Alhkhand, back to the days of the late Bishop Caldwell and the property of illiterate minstrels handed down | Professor Seshagiri Sastriar, with whose strange from generation to generation. They tell the tale and misleading conclusions on the age and relative with many incidental interpolations from the positions of the Alvars and AchAryas all students point of view of Delhi, i.e., of Rai Pithaura, and of of South Indian History are fully familiar. Since Kanauj and Maheba, .e., of Jaychand, respectively, then, several other South Indian scholars have and so in a fashion we get both sides of the story. | studied the subject, some of them confining their The incident of the abduction of Jaychand's attention to parts of the subject, such as the de. Klaughter is, however, outside the main tale, which termination of the age of individual Alvars. Among is really an account of the fall of Mahoba before Rai these may be mentioned the names of Dr. 8. KrishPithaura. Mahba lay in Bundelkhand, and at naswami Aiyangar, Mr. M.Srinivasa Aiyangar, the time of the story was ruled by Parmal, the Pandit M. Raghava Aiyangar and the late Mr Ohandel. The Alkhand is a long cycle of ballads T. A. Gopinatha Rao, and Mr. K: 8. Srinivasa Pillai. rocounting its destruction at the hands of Rai The latest, the most comprehensive and authori. Pithaura. tative publication on the subject is Dr. S. The great hero of the Alhkhand, the Lay of Alha, Krishnaswami Aiyangar's "Early History of is Alh & the Banaphar, of doubtful Rajput origin, Vaishnavism in Southern Inuis" (1920), in which but, with his brother Odan, the great upholder of he has embodied the results of his research on the Mahoba. They both met their death in its subject carried on for the last twenty-five years, Jefonoe. Their story is told at great length in 23 parts of which he had already published in his Cantos. It is indeed a saga of Rajput chivalry, earlier works. alling the Rajput life of the time, and is therefore The present work on the "History of Sri Vaishof the highest anthropological value. navas by the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao" comIt has been fortunate in attracting the attention prises two lectures delivered by the author before of four great enquirers into India, its ways and its the University of Madras, when he was appointed languages, three of them now dead and the fourth to deliver the Bir Subramanya Iyer Locture for

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1924 the year 1917 and has now been published in the in the case of hundreds of such places, appears form of a booklet by the University. The late to have been simply renamed in the days of MahaMr. Gopinatha Rao is well-known to all students malla. There is no reference, inscriptional or of South Indian History as one of the most earnest, literary, which says that the place was founded enthusiastic and active workers in the field of for the first time by Narasimhavarman 1. Tho historical research with a special' aptitude for historical introduction that is furnished in the epigraphy. As he himself tells us at the commence- recently discovered Sanskrit work (Dandin's ment of the lecture (p. 1) ho began the investigation Avanti-Sundari Katha-sdra) makes no referenco of the subject as early as 1900, and has revised his to Mahamallapuram having been founded by this conclusions on the subject in the light of new king. Finally, the recent discovery of the royal materials collected since then. statues of Simha Vishnu and Mahendravarman The work opens with a brief account of the and their queens in the Adi-Varaha-Swami shrine Alvars as given in the orthodox Vaishnava traditional at Mahabalipuram completely destroy this assumpaccounts (pp. 1-7), which is followed by a similar tion, and carries back the antiquity of this place account of the Acharyas (pp. 7-14), at the end of much earlier than the days of Mahamalla. which the author cnumerates the sources of in. In this connection our author makes no attempt formation. Then follows a critical account of to arrive at the dates of these Alvars on the evi. the Sri Vaishnavas', in which he discusses the clence furnished by early Tamil literary works. datos of the various Alvars and Acharyas (pp. The identity of the Vaishnava saint Poygai with 16-43). This occupies about 27 pages and is pro- the early Tamil literary celebrity Poygaiyar, the bably considered by the author as his special author of Kalavali, on literary and stylistic grounds contribution to the subject. The rest of the work which has a strong olement of probability, is not is devoted to an enumeration of the literary and even alluded to by our author. Dr. Krishnainscriptional records having reference to the birth swami Aiyangar in his study of Vaishnavism and important events in the lives of these sainta. makes & careful examination not only of the inThe last four pages contain the remarks of Dewan ternal evidence of the Alvars' own poems, but Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai who presided also that of early Tamil literature, and has como over the lectures. to the conclusion that the early Alvars may be as. It may at once be pointed out that the weakest signed to the second century A.D., the age of Nalam. part of the work, and the one which is most open to killi and Senguttuvan (see page 75, Early History criticism, is the chronology adopted by the author of Vaishnavism). As this view appears to satisfy for the Vaishnava Alvars, and the dates that he All considerations, historical and literary, we must assigns to them, which we are afraid cannot find be excused if we feel sceptical as regards the sound. acceptance by the majority of South Indian scholars. noss of Mr. Gopinatha Rao's conclusions on this Let us consider a few of these dates here. On point. page 17 the author has "All things considered, the As regards the much discussed date of NamPallava period, corresponding to the first part Alvar, Mr. Gopinatha Rao thinks that the first half of the eighth century, appears certainly to have been of the ninth century was the period when he lived one of great Vaishnava activity all over the pro. and wrote his memorable Tiruvoymoli (p. 21). sideney, in Tondamandalam as well as in the Pandya For this conclusion he chiefly relies upon the reand Cho!a countries. It would not be wrong, ference in Anamalai inscription to Maran-Kari, therefore, to assign the Mudal-AivAra and Tiru. the Uttara-mantrin of the Pand ya king Parantaka. malibai-Alvar to this period." In support of this who had also the name Madurakavi. From the he quotes the date arrived at by Mr. L. D. Swami. similarity of the names of the father of Nam-Alvar kannu Pillai for Tirumalisai-Alvar, namely, 720 and Maran-kari of the Anamalai inscription, and A.D., and feels confirmed with his conclusion. that of the Madura-kavi with the disciple of NamFor this date of the first three Alvars, our author Alvar, the conclusion is drawn that Maran-kari chiefly relies upon the reference to Mamallai (the the Pandya official, was the father of Nam-Alvar, birth-place of Patata)vAr) which he considers on the and that Nam-Alvar gave his father's name to authority of Prof. Dubreuil did not exist before his disciple as a Dasya-nama. Such an identifithe days of Narasimhavarman I (p. 16). This cation, far from solving many an otherwise inexassumption, upon which our author mainly relies plicable difficulty, runs counter to all accepted for his date of the Mudal Alvars', is entirely un. tradition aud historical sequence of the order of tenable, and is not supported by any positive evi. the Alvars. It is surprising that Mr. Gopinatha dence to show that the place referred to AS Rao, who accepts the traditional accounts of the Mallai by the Alvar did not exist before the seventh Alvars in certain respects, such as the contempo. century. The probabilities are on the other hand raneity of the first four Alvars, should deliberately that the place did have an existence, As & village overlook other aspects of genuine tradition regard if not as a town, from very early times, and asing Nam-Alvar simply because it is inconvenient

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MARCH. 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES 67 to his date. According to a well-known tradition gar gives ample reasons in support of the accepted Tirumangai Alvar, the last of the Vaishnava Alvars, interpretation of the Alvars' stanza, which takes arranged for the recital of Nam-Alvar's Tiruvoy- back the Alvar's date to the middle of the eighth moli at Srirangam. This tradition, if it can be century. relied upon, clearly shows that Nam-AvAr must Passing on to the account of the Acharyas, ono have preceded Tirumangai. Alvar by a fairly con or two points may be noticed. On page 30 Mr. siderable period of time. The traditional order Gopinatha Rao identifies tho charya of the comof the Alvars does not also lend support to the poser of the Ambil plates of Sundara-Chola with position of Mr. Gopinatha Rao on this point. The Acharya Nada Munigal, which is probable, and may other arguinents advanced by the author, such as be confirmed. the one stated on page 20, that it became possible On nage 38 our author identifies the Chola per for Nam-Alvar to visit the inaccessible temples secutor of Ramanuia with Kulottunga I. In doing of Mala-nadu, because he was the son of a pro 80 he says that the scholars who wrote before him minent state-official of the Pandya king Parantaka, on the subject uniformly failed to identify this are mere surmises, more amusing and fanciful than Chola persecutor. We do not believe that Mr. real. The difficulties in accepting Mr. Gopinath Gopinatha Rao intenels this seriously. It is wellRao's date for Nam-Alvar are fully discussed by Inown that Prof. S. K. Aiyengar has made this Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar in the third lecture identification in his Ramanuja, lis Life and Times'. of his work on Vaishnavigm already referred to. published more than twenty years ago (1904), and On the date of Kulasekhare our author is not later on in his Ancient India, In view of this, disappointed by the very little internal evidence it is rather amusing that our author should claim found in his works, to which he alludes (p. 22). originality on this point in 1917. He refers to a passage in Perumal-Tirumoli alluding Finally may be nicntioned a few of uie mis. to the defeat and death of the lord of Mallai, whom statements and inaccuracies which mar the value he identifies (p. 22) with the Pallava king Danti. of a university publication such as this, and which Varman. By this process of reasoning he assigns could have been avoided, if the authorities res. Kulagekhara to the first half of the ninth century. Iponsible for this edition were more careful. On The interpretation that our author gives to the page 4 we are told that besides Tiruvoy- Voli passage referred to differs radically from that Nam-Alvar wrote Tiruvirultam, Tiruvisaippa and adopted by the commentator and cannot find Peria-Tiruvandadi. It would be obvious to any general acceptance by Tamil scholars. Moreover, one that the Tiruvisaippa is a mistake for Tiru. the clear terms in which the overlordship of Kula utairiam ; Tiruvidaippa is a Saiva work attributed Akhara over Kadal, Kongu, and Koli is referred to KandAraditten. On page 16 the author to, suggest that he lived previous to the days of says "We know from history that the Pallavas the great Pallavas, probably in the sixth century. first came to Kanchi not earlier than the fourth cen. as such overlordship would not have been possible tury A.D. Here fourth century A.D. is apparently at other times. mistake for the third century A.D.; As we know A reference may be made to the date assigned that the earliest of the copper plate charters of to Tirumangai Alvar by our author. After quoting this dynasty, addressed from Kanchi, have been the extracts from the Alvare' decade on the Para. attributed on paleographical grounds, by most mavaraVinnagaram containing references to the scholars, including Professor Dubreuil, to the bevictories of an unnamed Pallava king, he identifies ginning of the third century A.D. him with Nandi-Varman Pallavamalla (p. 25). The account of the Acharyas given by our author He then refers to the final stanza of Affabuja- contains several omissions, the most prominent Patikam and identifies the Vayiramega, referred being Appullar, the teacher of Vedanta, Desika. to therein, with the Pallava king Danti-Varman, Going through the work under review, one cannot and infers from the present tense used therein that resist the impression that the book might have he was a contemporary of this king. The accepted been made infinitely more useful, if the author and the more reasonable interpretation of this had indicated the leading features in the teachings stanza is that the Alvar is alluding to the Rash- of the Alvars and Acharyas, and compared them trakata king Danti-Durga by his surname Vaira- with the early schools of the Pancharteins and maga. On this interpretation Mr. Gopinatha Rao Vaikinasas. The author does not also indicate thinks that there is little likelihood that Danti- the influence of the southern school of Vaishnadurga ever took Kanchi. On the other hand, vism upon the northern movements, asociated there are unmistakable references in some of the with the names of NimbArka and Ramananda. Rashtrakata copper-plate charters to the sub- The remarks of the chairman, Mr. L. D. Swamijugation of Kanchi (see an interesting discussion kannu Pillai (pp. 58-61), contain a very important on this question in the Journal of the Mythic statement with regard to his calculation of the Society, April 1923) where Professor S. K. Aiyan. dates of the Alves from the details of birthdaten

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1924 furnished by the Guruparamparas. "I must the latter form is actually found in Apabhratisa. admit," he says, "that the details brought together This, however, is a matter of detail, and the article in my Dates of Alvars are not generally perfect certainly shows that in Asoka's PAli there are .... In, the light of subsequent evidence and of occurrences of a dative plural in hi. the general verdict of history in regard to the general G. A. GRIERSON. ascertainment of birth dates of even great men 1. THE LOST RING OF SAKUNTALA-IS IT A GREEK of the times with which we are concerned, I should REMINISCENCE ? 2. WERE THE PRADYOTAS OF THE now look, with more than ordinary suspicion, upon PURANAS, RULERS OF MAGADHA ? By SURENDRA all these birth dates." This means a definite NATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI. Reprinted from the Jourabandoninent of the dates indicated by Mr. Pillai nal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 1921. in his "Dates of the Alvara" quoted continuously The first of these questions is interesting a by Mr. Gopinatha Rao in the body of the book. showing that Kalidasa, like Shakespeare, sometimes In spite of what has been said in the foregoing borrowed his plots. horrowed The love story of Sakuntala paragraphs, Mr. Gopinatha Rao's work represents and Dushyanta is in the Mahabharata, and is in a valuable addition to the existing literature on fact probably much older, but F.Alidasa made it the subject. We cannot at the same time resist his own. Dushyanta, the King, marries Sakunthe feeling that the work should have been entrust. talA secretly on a hunting expedition, has a child od to more competent scholars for publication, by her, goes home and forgets all about her. After in which case many of the errors and mis-statements six years she comes to his Court to claim her rights noticeable in the work would have been removed. for herself and her child, but Dushyanta fails to We hope that this will be done when & second recognise her. That indeed is the kernel of the edition is called for. R. G. story. Kalidasa adds to it that, on leaving Sa. THE DATIVE PLURAL IN PALI. kuntala in the jungles, Dushyanta gave her his signet-ring as a memento, and the poem centres on Professor Surendranath Majumdar Sastri's article Sakuntala's adventures round the ring. on the above subject is evidently a reprint from The idea of the signet-ring as a keepsake is in the Journal of some Oriental Society, but contains the Ramayana, and Kalidase may have borrowed no indication as to its source. It is well known that, it thence. But Professor Majumdar Sastri points ordinarily speaking, in PAli and Prakrit, the dative out that it is also in Herodotus, who rolates a story has disappeared and that the genitive is used in in connection with Polycrates, King of Samos, substitution for it. We find traces of this even in which is based on the finding of a lost signet-ring, Sanskrit, where the genitive is often used for the just as Sakuntale lost hers. The Professor then disindirect object after verbs of giving and the like. cusses the possibility of Kalidasa borrowing the story In Prakrit the original dativo has survived spora 1 from Herodotus. It is an interesting point worthdically in special senses, and Professor Surendra going into further, as it is quite possible that the nath Majumdar Sastri in the paper under notice signet-ring momonto is general ancient folklore. draws attention to similar survivals of the dative i With regard to the second question, Professor plural in the Asoka's Pali. The termination is Majumdar Sastri makes an examination of the hi, which he derives from the dative plural ter. Puranic texts regarding the Pradyota family. mination bhvas. This, & Pischel (Prakrit Gram. He points out that according to the texts the mar $ 365) long ago pointed out in regard to the dynastic order in Magadha was Barhadrathas, ablative plural, is phonetically possible. Per. Vitihotras, Pradyotas anu Saisunagas, and that sonally, however, I am inclined to derivo this the Vitihotras were not rulers of Magadha, but plural termination hi from the plural instrumental ruled contemporaneously with them. The question termination bhis. It is unnecessary to draw is, where did they reign ? The Professor answers : attention to the confusion between different cases " in Ujjayini (Avanti)." He also finds that which set in at an early stage of the development the Pradyotas who ruled after the Vitihotras of Indo-Aryan languages, so that the change of were rulers of Avanti." The identification is meaning need not trouble us. Ordinarily speaking important. we should expect bhyas to become hus or hush, and RC. TEMPLE NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS, delivered by weight unto the Moody [maat, & 47. Official Peculation, 1706. revenue collector) and by him a dayly allowance Consultation at Bombay, 1 April 1706.-Resolved morning and Evening we shall be directed by the and Unanimously agree that .... there be an Steward, and no other food but hay [provided, Order signed as it is directed to Captain John thus) Easing the Company of that accustomed Wynn imediately [to) send ashoar what Horses, and extravagant cbargo, Oyle, Butter and Sugar, Gostos and Sheep to be under the core and in unaturall to Horses, as well as Sheep and Goatos. spection of the Steward; Barley for their Provision Bombay Public Consultations, vol. 2. R.O.T.

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APRIL, 1924] THE MARATHAS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY THE MARATHAS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AS DESCRIBED BY A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. BY 8. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O THE recent work of Mr. R. E. Enthoven on the Tribes and Castes of Bombay, the third volume of which contains an important article on the Marathas, based on the scientific data elicited by the Ethnographical Survey, serves to remind one of a remarkable, but now almost forgotten account of these people, published by an Irish adventurer, William Henry Tone, in 1798. His observations, which were originally embodied in a letter dated August 1st, 1797, addressed to Captain Malcolm in Madras, contain so much that is interesting about the condition and habits of the Marathas before the British conquest of the Deccan, and in some respects anticipate so curiously the conclusions now rendered acceptable by the modern Scientific inquiry conducted by Mr. Enthoven and his Indian coadjutors, that it seems to me worth while to lift the more important passages out of the obscurity into which they have fallen by the passage of time. 69 Before dealing, however, with his description of Maratha institutions, a word may be said about Tone's origin and career. William Henry Tone, son of a ruined coachmaker and brother of the Irish rebel, Theobald Wolfe Tone, was born in 1764 at Naas in Kildare. At the age of sixteen he ran away from home to join the East India Company's service as a volunteer, and was sent to St. Helena. After six years' service on that island, he resigned his employment with the Company; but joined it again in 1792 and was posted to Madras. There he managed to obtain his discharge, and journeyed to Calcutta where he met Marigny, the second in command of the Nizam's army, who gave him an appointment in the Hyderabad forces. But he soon found out that, in consequence of the enmity between Marigny and the famous Raymond, he had little or no prospect of promotion, and he therefore returned to Calcutta, where his good looks and good manners secured him a letter of introduction to the court of Baji Rao the Peshwa. He reached Poona in 1796 and was given a post in the Peshwa's brigade of regulars, then commanded by the American adventurer, J. P. Boyd. In 1801 Tone commanded 200 native troops in support of Lakwa Dada and the Bats at the defence of Saunda, and was forced to surrender by Perron, who commanded Sindia's infantry. Perron permitted him to retire to Holkar's headquarters at Maheshwar, where Jasvant Rao Holkar provided him with money and generally superintended his restoration to health. He was not, however, destined to live long, for in the following year, 1802, he was killed whilo serving with Holkar's forces in a battle near Choli Maheshwar. An enterprising and valorous soldier, Tone appears to have been one of the most attractive of the many soldiers of fortune who sought service with Indian rulers in those days; while as regards his literary legacy no less an authority than Grant Duff remarks upon his intelligence and declares that his account of what he saw is fully worthy of credence. Tone's account of the Marathas was, as stated above, embodied in a letter to Madras, and published in the Bombay Courier in 1897. A year later it was printed and published in 'book form at the Courier Press, Bombay, and was described as an attempt "to illustrate some Particular Institutions of the Mahratta People, principally relative to their system of War and Finance; also an account of the Political Changes of the Empire in the year 1796." Tone's justification for writing the letter may be given in his own words, as they appear in the "advertisement "or preface. "To understand the feelings or sentiments of any people, he (Tone) humbly conceives that it is necessary to see them in a state of perfect 1

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1924 independence ; indeed it is essential, to enter fully into their character, that you act with them on the footing of completo equality ; in circumstances of this kind you discover all the energies of thetr nature, their passions, prejudices, partialities and antipathies; in one word, their real character. Very few opportunities of discovering the Hindoo disposition can possibly occur in the settlements (i.e., Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, etc.) :--Here we see the Native in a state of inferiority, insensibly departing from his original habits and imperceptibly imbibing A certain proportion of European manners. Such a heterogeneous character is scarcely worth a disquisition : but the pure unadulterated Hindoo offers a subject infinitely more interesting. The Writer's opportunities as an officer in the native service afforded him advantages not within the reach of any individual in different circumstances." One of the most important statements in Tone's letter concerns the social status of the Marathas. "In the great scale of rank and eminence," he writes," which is one peculiar feature of the Hindoo institutions, the Mahratta holds a very inferior situation ; being just removed one degree above those castes that are considered as absolutely unclean. In this artificial climax he ranks next the Daira (Dhed) or Parvarry (Parvari, Mhar); but while the lowness of his caste may deprive him of respect from the higher orders, it has highly qualified him for the purpose of war, and may be considered as one of the sources of that astonishing success which has attended all the Mahratta expeditions." Here we have the definite testimony of an intelligent eye-witness to support the theory, arising out of the facts elicited by the modern Ethnographical Survey, that there is a considerable aboriginal element in the Marathas, and that the claim of the upper-class and land-owning Marathas to Rajput origin is a comparatively modern phenomenon originating in a rise in social status. Mr. Enthoven has pointed out that even in these days the Marathas do not disdain to admit into their com munity persons of plainly aboriginal origin, like the Kolis, provided that they have adopted the Maratha profession of agriculture; and secondly, that the upper class Marathas, despite their modern claim to a Kshatriya origin and their adoption of the prohibition of widow remarriage, differ little, if at all, in origin from the cultivacing Maratha Kunbi and the various Maratha oooupational castes. But perhaps the most striking justification of Tone's views regarding the position of the Marathks in the Brahmanic caste-scale is to be found in the list of devaks or marriage-guardians which Mr. Enthoven has compiled. For a glance at the list shows that several of these totemistic guardians, which are common both to the upperclass Marathas and their Kunbi brethren, are shared by other low castes such as Bhoi, Mahar, Gondhali. Phudgi, Burud, Chambhar, Bhamta, Mali, and so forth. In short, the estimate of the Maratha position in the social scale which Tone formed from keen personal observation is corroborated to-day by the technical findings of the trained ethnological expert. Tone laid stress upon the great simplicity of manners which distinguished the Marathas in his day, and agoribed this characteristic to the fact that they were composed, as a class, of three main tribes, all of whom followed rural occupations, namely the Dhangar or shepherds, tho Ganli or cowhords, and the Kunbi or agriculturists. There seems little doubt that at the olose of the eighteenth century, despite the rise of the Gaekwar, Holkar and other Maratha chieftains, the upper-class Marathas had not yet fully embraced the aristocratic aloofness which in these days divides then socially from their more humble kinsmen. "Homer," remarks Tone,"mentions Princesses going in person to the fountains to wash their household linen. I can affirm having seen the daughter of a Prince (able to bring an army into the field much larger than the whole Greek confederacy) making bread with her own hands and otherwise employed in the ordinary business of domestic housewifery. 1

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APRIL 1924 ] THE MARATHAS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 21 have seen one of the most powerful Chiefs of the Empire, after a day of action, assist in kindling a fire to keep himself warm during the night, and sitting on the ground on a spread saddlo. cloth, dictating to his secretaries and otherwise discharging the political duties of his station. This primeval plainness operates upon the whole people : there is no distinction of sentiment to be discerned: the Prince and his domestic think exactly the same way, and express them. selves in the same terms. There appears but one level of character, without any mixture of ardour or enthusiasm ; a circumstance the more surprising considering the great exploita they have achieved. But their simplicity of manners, uncorrupted by success, their courtesy to strangers, their unaffected politeness and easiness of access, must render them dear to every person that has had a commerce with them. Such a character, when contrasted with the insidiousness of the Brahman and the haughtiness of the Mogul, rises as superior to thedi as cnndour and plainness are to duplicity and deceit, or real greatness to barbaric ostentation." The modern verdict is more succinct, but fully corroborates Tone's eulogy. "As a class," says Mr. Enthoven, "Marathes are simple, frank, independent and liberal, courteous, and when kindly treated, trusting. They are a manly and intelligent race, proud of their former greatness, fond of show, and careful to hide poverty." Perhaps the most unprepossessing of all the Marathas of that age was Jagvant Rao Holkar, who had acquired a well-deserved reputation for cruelty and violence. Yet none could have shown greater consideration than he did to the gallant Harding, when the latter was mortally wounded at the battle of Poona. Jasyant Rao himself was badly wounded in three places, while charging Dawes' guns side by side with Harding; and directly the charge was over, his first thought was for his English comrade. Rejecting for the moment all treatment of his own wounds, he hurried to Harding's side and listened to his dying request that arrangements might be made to bury him by the side of his fellow-countrymen in the Residency at Poona. Jasvant Rao scrupulously fulfilled the request. Tone has much to say about the Maratha Government, which he compared with the "circles" of Germany and describes as a military republio, composed of chiefs independent of one another, but together acknowledging the supremacy of the Peshwa. As pointed out by Dr. Surendranath Sen in a recent work on the Administrative System of the Marathas, the description of the Maratha State as a military republic is only true in the sense that the private soldier, if possessed of ability, could expect to become a Sardar of the Empire. The mutual confidence which was vital to the maintenance of such a "republic" was wholly lacking, and this fundamental distrust and hostility rendered incapable of realization any pomprehensive policy of national patriotism such as had once inspired Sivaji. Tone himself put his finger unerringly upon one of the weakest features in the political and administrative system, when he described bow the territories of the various chiefs were so blended and interspersed that it was not uncommon for a pargana, or even a single town, to belong to two or three different leaders. "A disposition so chequered," he remarks, "strikes me as having a tendency to weaken the combined strength of the whole : but whether this be the etfect of policy or accident I confess I cannot determine." Grant Duff, who certainly made use of Tone's account, suggests that this arrangement was purposely adopted as a means of preserving intercourse and union among the principal Maratha officers; but it seems more likely that it owes its existence to the subtle mind of Balaji Vishvanath, who realised that by dividing the revenue-collections of a single district among several Maratha chiefs, he could introduce endless complications in the revenue-accounts, and thus increase the power of his Bithman caste-fellows, who alone had sufficient intelligence and knowledge to deal with such accounts It is fairly certain that about the date when Tone wrote his letter to Malcolm nobody except the Brahmans rightly knew what was due or to whom it was due.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1 APRIL, 1924 The predatory character of the Maratha empire, upon which Professor Jadunath Sarkar hos laid stress in his Shivaji and His Times, was plainly apparent to the Irish soldier of fortune, who romarked that "the Empire always considers itself as in a state of war." "This eternal warfare is naturally the cause of an enormous expense: to supply which the Mahrattas have many modes of Finance, but the most prevailing one is that of anticipating their landed revenues. These mortgages on the territorial income are negotiated by wealthy Soucars (between whom and the Minister there always exists a proper understanding) and frequently at a discount of 30 per cent. and then paid in the most depreciated spocie. This ruinous method of raising the supplies springs entirely from the unstable and unsettled state of the country, which makes the Government prefer an actual certain sum in their hands, though at the most enormous usury, to the possible receipt of a precarious revenue, at the expiration of throp or four years, to which extent they are frequently anticipated." The beliant fact is that the current expenses of the Maratha State were always in excess of its pecuniary resources, the chief items of which were the revenue from the proprietary right to the soil, the charth paid by the Nizam, and the plunder raised by mulkgiri. The condition of the peasantry under the Peshwas has been discussed by several writers, the latest of whom, Dr. S. N. Sen, finds that the Peshwas made sustained efforts to improve cultivation, made grants for irrigntion works, offered special terms for the reclamation of Waste lands, and advanced loans (tagai) on easy terms to the cultivator, to save him from the of pression of the money-lender. "The Maratha peasant," writes this authority, "was certainly better off than his Irish brother, and he had practically gained the fixity of tenure and a fair rent for which the Irish were vainly crying even in the first decade of the nineteenth century." This picture differs very considerably from that drawn by Tone at the close of the eighteenth century. He describes the bulk of the people as "almost totally without property," adding that "there is not on record an example of any government so little Calculated to give protection to the subject as the fluctuating and unsteady systom of the Mahrattas; an administration formed of rapacity, corruption and inability. To this may be Ascribed the accumulated misery of the people : opprossion, poverty and famine, which last appears the appropriated ourse of this country." He gives a terrible description of the effects of famino in the Deccan, and declares that it was a common occurrence in such seasons for large cities to lose three.fourths of their inhabitants, and for whole districts to be deprived of their population and remain for years a jungle. And yet, as he writes," this disaster has never produced a rebellion against the Government that for the most part occasions it." He makes some pertinent reflections on the possibility of irrigation :-"In the hands of a European what canals, what ducts would not be cut to promote a general distribution of water? .... In one word, presupposing economy on the side of the Government and industry on the part of the inhabitants, a famine might be a scourge unknown to this country." But how is one to reconcile the account given by Tone, which is obviously the outcome of personal experienoe, with the brighter picture supplied by the modern writer? The latter solves the difficulty by ascribing all the evils which Tone recorded to the malignant maladministration of the last Peshwa, Baji Rao II. For, according to Dr. Sen, "he (Baji Rao) reintroduced the old Muhammadan system of revenue-farming abolished by Shivaji so long ago. MahAls and Mamlats were sold to the highest bidder, and the Peshwa's favourites were induced to bid high. The rusult was that districts changed hands every year, and Mamlatdars no longer felt any interest in the welfare of the rayate. If the Patil refused to assist the rovenue-farmors, collection was made without his agency. So even the exoellent village

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APRIL 1924 ! THE MARATHAS AT THE OLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 73 system of Maharashtra failed to be a remedy against the misrule of a wicked man." Doubtless the acute distress which Tone witnessed was largely due to the corruption and incapacity of the last Peshwa's administration : but it is doubtful whether the country could ever have secured real prosperity under a government which was forced to be constantly at war, in order to preserve its existence. Even under the best of the Poshwas, such as Madhav Rao I, the Maratha government lived by predatory warfare, and Professor Jadunath Sarkar is unquestionably correct in his opinion that, despite the liberal polioy of individual Peshwas, the mass of the poople could never flourish or count upon the security necessary to their welfare under a government which commenced wholesale marauding operations, as a matter of course, at the close of every monsoon. Tone gives some interesting sidelights on the military free-booting and on the composition of the Maratha army, in which he himself served. On the festival of the Dasahra " the jhoonda or great onsign of the Prinoe (i.e., Peshwa) is hoisted; the royal tents are pitohed; and a camp immediately formed. The operations of the ensuing year are now determined on, whether to act against an open enemy, to collect the permanent revenue or chauth, or to go on mulkgiri. The countries subjected to these depredations are those of the Jaipur Raja, the Marwarry [i.e., Marwar) and the north end of the peninsula of Gujerat, near the gulf of Cutch. The remainder of Hindustan is now (i.e., in 1797) entirely subjugated and forms a part of the Empire." The mulkgiri or "kingdom-geizing " expeditions were originally adopted by Sivaji from the Muhammadans, who regarded them as a legitimate source of income. "The coincidence between Sivaji's foreign policy and that of a Quranic sovereign," writes Professor Jadunath Sarkar, "is so complete that both the history of Shivaji by his courtier, Krishnaji Anant, and the Persian official history of Bijapur use exactly the same word, Mulk-giri, to describo such raids into neighbouring countries as a regular political ideal. The only difference was that in theory at least an orthodox Muslim king was bound to spare the other Muslim states in his path, and not to spoil or shed the blood of true believers, while Shivaji (as well as the Peshwas after him) carried on his Mulk-giri into all neighbouring States, Hindu no less than Islamio, and squeezed rich Hindus as mercilessly as he did Muhammadans." To rovert to Tone, he states that when the Peshwa took the field in command of the united forco of tho wholo Maratha Confederacy, the army was divided into the following three main bodies :"1. Cherry Fodge or Light Troops ; that is to say, the advance army including all the infantry, under the orders of the holder of the Jerry Put, though every chief commands his own distinot army. 2. Beech Lashkar, a reserve unencumbered with unnecessary equipage and artillery. 3. Boonga or renr-army, commanded by the Peshwa, which was in charge of the grand park or Jensa, and all the baggage of the whole army." According to Yule and Burnell, the phrase "cherry fodge " is a corruption of the Hindustani chari-fauj, chari signifying "movable," "locomotive," so that the whole phrase would mean "flying brigade." Crooke has suggested that "cherry "may perhaps be charhi, for chashni, in the sense of "preparation for battle." Whatever be the true explanation, the "cherry touj " usually meant a detachment, lightly equipped, with little artillery, which was sent out on raiding expeditions into the territories of other chiefs. The "Beech Lashkar" is the central division (bicch lashkar), while the "Bhoonga" may perhaps signify the heavy brigade, from the Marathi word bhonga, "clumsy or unwieldy."

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY PRIL, 1924 The cavalry, which always formed the chief part of the Maratba army, was divided into four classes, which Tone enuinerates as follows: 1. KAMOy Pagah i.e., Khasi paga) or household oavalry. Always a woll-appointed body, mounted on excellent horses belonging to the government. The monthly pay of a trooper or Baurgeer [bargtr] was Rs. 8. 2. Silladaur (silah-dar] cavalry, who contract with the government to supply a certain number of horse on certain terms, generally about Ks. 35 per month, including the trooper's pay. 3. Volunteers, bringing their own horses and accoutrements. Their pay ranged from Rs. 40 to Rs. 50 a month, according to the value of their horse. - 1. Pindarins [i.e., Pindharis], mere marauders, who serve without pay and subsist only by plunder, of which they give a fourth part to the Government. These are so very licentious a body that they are not employed but in one or two of the Mahratta services." The Maratha cavalry, according to Tone, was always irregularly and poorly paid. The Bargir scarcely ever received cash, but was given a daily allowance of coarse flour and other ingredients from the bazar, which just enabled him to subsist. The Silahdar was almost as badly off. His contract with the State provided for the allotment to him of a strip of jungle, in which to pasture his cattle. Here he and his family resided, and his sole occupation, when not on active service, was the multiplication of his troop by breeding out of his mares. The Maratha cavalry were mounted almost wholly on mares. When called up for service, the Silahdar had to give a muster. "Upon this occasion," says Tone, "the Brahman who takes it invariably has to have a bribe ; and indeed the hazri is such that it could not pass by any fair or honourable means. Not only are wretched tattoos (ponies] substituted for horses, but animals are borrowed to fill up the complement. Heel-ropes and grain-bags are produced as belonging to animals supposed to be at grass : in short every mode is practised to impose on the Sirkar, which in return reimburses itself by irregular and bad payments : for it is always considered that if the Silladars receive six months' arrears out of the year, they are exceeding. ly well paid." Such a system could not last. Dr. Sen remarks in his Administrative System of the Marathds that the Maratha soldier was paid partly in cash and partly in clothes, because the latter form of remuneration enabled the Government to dispose of a portion of the spoils of their mulk-giri expeditions. Even allowing for this, the soldier, whether belonging to the infantry or cavalry, was usually so irregularly and poorly paid that only the prospect of loot and free subsistence in an enemy's country can have induced him to undergo the hardships and privations of a military life. In Tone's day the infantry contained practically no Marathas, being composed almost entirely of Rajputs and those whom Tone styles "Purvias,"[i.e., Purbiyas,) "Easterners," or men from Oudh, Benares and Behar. "They are all soldiers of fortune" he writes, "and are called "Purdasies" (pardesis) or strangers." In Sivaji's time the Marath&s, as a fighting class, included many who were not Marathas by race, but who were bound together by the bond of country and language, and as the Maratha power spread, its army tended to become inore professional and legs national, and the Marathas proper became almost wholly cavalry. men. Later still, as Tone's evidence proves, the Maratha infantry was recruited chiefly from Upper India. The predilection of the Marathas for the mounted arm necessarily involved a very thorough knowledge on their part of the care of horses and horse-breeding. A flourishing horse-trade from Turkestan to India commenced soon after the Muhammadan invasion of

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Arrir, 1924 ) THE MARATHAS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 26 India, and Marco Polo refers to the large trade in horses from Arabia and Persia to South India. The imported animals, however, did not flourish, as they were unused to the climate, and the people did not understand how to manage them : and it was not till the rise of the BAhmani Sultanate and the Vijayanagar Empire that further efforts were made to import foreign horses. With the appearance of the Marathks as a political power, the trade again improved and many horses were imported into the Deccan from northern India. "There are no people in the world " writes Tone, "who understand the method of rearing and multiplying the breed of cattle, equal to the Mahrattas. It is by no means uncommon for a Sillahdaur (silandar] to enter a service with one mare and in a few years to be able to muster i very respectable Pagah. They have many methods of rendering the animal proliflo : they back their colts much earlier than we do, and are consequently more valuable as they come sooner on the effective strength. I do not know, however, whether they attempt to improve the breed of their horses by crossing the strain as we practise in Europe. It is this persevering industry and consumate knowledge which is the truc cause of the immense bodies of cavalry that the Mahratta States can bring into the field." Tone adds that a great number of horses were brought annually from Kandahar and Tibet and sold at fairs in various parts of India, but that these formed a very small proportion of the gross strength of the Markth& armies. The Maratha, in fact, depended almost wholly upon the indigenous Deccan horse and managed to bring it to a high state of perfection. Colonel Broughton, who saw this breed in Sindia's camp, describes them as "seldom above fourteen and a half hands high, and the most valuable ones are often much less. They are short in the barrel and neck; have small, well-shaped heads, and slim, though remarkably well-formed linbs; they have generous tempers, and are full of spirit; and are said to be capable of undergoing more fatigue and hard fare than any horse in India. The sum of three and even four thousand rupees is often paid for Dukhunee whose pedigree is well-known; and so fond are the Marathas of these beautiful and valuable favourites, that, when they can afford it, they will feed them on wheaten cakes, boiled rice, sugar, butter and other similar dainties." It was on such ponies as these of the Deccan that the PindhAris made their extraordinary rides across India. No other breed could have stood the strain. In describing the oommissariat arrangements of a Maratha army on the march, Tone gives some interesting information about the Vanjaris. "The Vanjarees or itinerary grain. morohants furnish large quantities (of grain) which they bring on bullocks from an immense distance. These are a very poouliar race and appear a marked and discriminated people from any other I have seen in this country. Formerly they were considered so sacred that they passed in safety in the midst of contending armies : of late, however, this reverence for their character is much abated, and they have been frequently plundered, particularly by Tippoo. They are able at times to resist a marauding party. They do not depend entirely on the sale of grain for subsistence, but take back large returns of merchandize from the Deccan to Hindustan. At their leisure they weave a coarse kind of hempen cloth called Tartpurtoo,' which is used for grain bags and camel-cloths called salutas." As regards the origin and identity of the Vanjaris, Mr. Enthoven, in his article on the Lamanis or Vanjaris, gives the result of the most recent modern rescarch. "An examination of the endogamous divisions of the tribe," he writes, "tends to establish the conclusion that though in origin the tribe may have been an aboriginal section of the population with a distinct identity, named from its occupation of carrying supplies on bullocks, it has since been so overlain with additions from Rajputs, Marathas, Mahars, and a number of other well-known tribes

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1924 and castes, that it can only be described as a miscellaneous collection of the flotsam and jetsam of humanity that would be drawn into the wake of a large military expedition, of no distinctive type, though the tribe preserves for the most part a distinctive costume to this day." The coarse cloth to which Tone refers is clearly sackcloth, the first half of the word being the Hindustani tat (Skt. tratra), and is identical with the modern "gunny." It is not known whether the Vanjaris of to-day still make this cloth, though Mr. Enthoven mentions among their modern occupations the spinning of coarse hemp tag. After concluding his account of the Maratha military administration, Tone describes the serais, dharamshalas, and other features of the country, likely to be of use to travellers. "In every village," he remarks, "there are three persons maintained at the public expense, whose services every traveller has a right to demand." The first of these is the Ishkaur [i.e., Yeskar or village door-keeper] or chief of the low-caste people, whose duty it is to furnish baggage-coolies. If no Dher or Parwari can be found at once, he resorts to the Sonar: if none of these are ready, he goes through all the order, and if no one will take up the baggage, the Patel must carry it himself. I have frequently known very high caste Brahmans pressed upon this service, though it is remarkable they never presume to compel a Musalman, however mean and indigent he may be. These Bigaris are exchanged at the next village, where they receive a certain quantity of coarse flour from the Patel, but no payment is ever required." Tone, without knowing it, is here referring to the old village organization-the Bara Balute and Bara Alute, described in some detail by Grant Duff. The Yeskar or Taral was always a Mhar, whose duty it was to remain in the village and never to quit its boundary. "He is at the constant call of the Patell," writes Grant Duff, "but his particular duty is to attend strangers, and take care of all travellers from the moment of their entering the village; of which, if walled, the Tural is porter. He furnishes all necessary information, as well as supplies to strangers, and is often extremely useful to them." Out of the original twenty-four recognized village servants, who were assigned definite shares of the village crops and other perquisites and rights in return for their professional services, Tone mentions only the Yeskar, the Bhil and the "Kooley " (Koli). He speaks of two or three Bhils being attached to every village at the government expense, meaning probably Ramosis, in regard to the majority of Deccan villages: but he gives no information as to the precise service they were expected to perform. Grant Duff, however, states that they acted chiefly as watchmen, or, when the country was settled and free from "alarums and excursions," as useful auxiliaries of the village police in the person of the Patel. The Koli is declared by Tone to be" of so high a caste that every other Hindu can eat what they cook. If you like, the Kooley will dress your victuals, bring you what you want from the bazar, and for all this no compensation is expected." This at first sight appears somewhat odd, though the fact that Grant Duff mentions the Koli among the Bard Alute as the recognized water-carrier of the village shows that his position in the scale of caste cannot have been very low. Mr. Enthoven in an article on the Malhar Kolis in his Tribes and Castes of Bombay fully corroborates Tone's account, and quotes Mackintosh's statement that this section, which is also called Panbhari or waterfilling Kolis, is "one of the purest and most respectable of all the Koli tribes." "They are also called Chumlis from the cloth-fenders they wear on their heads as water-pot rests, and Kunum Kolis, because according to Mackintosh they eat and associate with Kunbis.... As the name Panbhari shows, their usual calling is to supply villagers and strangers with water and to clean out the village rest-house and office. Near Pandharpur many Malhar Kolis are yeskars or village door-keepers, and in Khandesh and Ahmadnagar a few are husbandmen.

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APRID, 1924) BHARTR-PRAPANCA AN OLD VEDANTIN During Maratha rule, to the south of Poona, Malhar Kolis were the hereditary guardians of the hill-forts of Purandhar, Sinhgad, Torna and Rajgad. According to Mr. A.M.T. Jackson, Malhar Kolis in the Thana District frequently become Marath& Kunbis, and the process has boon recognized in parts of the Poona District." Tono in his remarks on the "Kooley " is clearly referring to the Malhar branch of the tribo, and although his view of their position may be a trifle exaggerated, it is quite clear that in his day they ranked, as they still do, abovo other branches of the tribe, and were regarded as quite eligible for inclusion in the Maratha agricultural caste. After a brief survey of the weaknesses of the Maratha State, Tone concludes with the following words, "I certainly most sincerely deprecate a war between the British and Maratha power : but independent of natural predilection, I can see nothing in the prospect but which promises the most certain hopes of ultimate success." These words were written in 1797. Eighteen years later the Peshwa, in whose army Tone had served, surrendered himself, & hunted fugitive, to Sir John Malcolm, after a series of operations by British troops which were crowned with the success foreseen by the Irish soldier. Taken as a whole, Tone's account of the Marathas fully deserves the epithets" accurate and elegant," which were onoe applied to it, and it is somewhat surprising that one who had presumably undergone no lengthy course of education, and from an early age had led a roving and adventurous life, should have been able to pen so useful and well-written a document. Ono wishes he could have lived longer and written more about the people among whom he spent the best years of his life. As it is, his letter to Malcolm forms an agreeable pendant to the long, and occasionally todious, chef d'euvre of Grant Duff. BHARTR-PRAPANCA : AN OLD VEDANTIN. BY PROT. M. HIRIYANNA, M.A. It is strange that the name of this old Vedantin should now be all but forgotten, though references to him are fairly plentiful-in Indian philosophical Literaturo; and the strangeness of it will appear all the greater when we remember that Brahman or the Absolute, ns conceived by him, is of a type that has commended itself to some of the most profound philosophers. Like so many other old Indian thinkers, Bhartr-Prapancas appears not as the author of an independent system but as an interpreter of the Upanigads. We have not so far recovered any of the works of this writer and probably none has survived to the present day. But we know for certain that he wrote a commentary on the Brhadaranyaka Upaninad. Sankara has many references to it in his own bhasya on that Upanipad, and the fact is besides specifically mentioned by Ananda-jnana in his gloss on that bhasya. From what is stated by the lattor, we gather that B. commented upon the Madhyandina recension of the Brhadaranyaka-Upanisad and not on the Kanva, as Sankara did; and that B.'s cominentary was even more voluminous than Sankara's. It seems from another statement 1 The only modern works in which I have found references to Bhartp.prapanica sro K, C. Bhattacarya's Studies in Vedantism, p. 25; Guha's Jfodtman in the Brahma-Stitras, pp. 24-5 and 227both Calcutta University publications; and T. M. Tripathi's Introduction to Tarka-Sangraha (Gaekwad Oriental Series III), pp. xv-xvi. 3 Brahman, according to Bhartr prapanca is, as will be seen, saprapanca-of. Til on varlika, p. 1123, st. 87-not robbed of its manifostations but possessing all of them. The conception rosemblee that of the concrete universal'in modern philosophy. Hereafter referred to a B. See p. 2. Anandabrama Series: Bocond edition (the one that is roferred to throughout this article) U$d veti Etena cikiritdydortter-Bharty.prapanica-bhagyendgatarthatvamuktam | Taddhi dvaya hetyddiMadhyandina-srutimadhikriya praurtlam | Iyam punah wa ud afvadyetyadi. K wa arutimdarityeti .... Bhartr.prapanca-bhasyitduidesantaramdha alpa-granthelili.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY of Ananda-jnana, that B. commented upon the Isopanisad also. From a different source we gather that he possibly expounded the Vedanta-sutras: and, if we may trust GopalaYatindra's gloss on the Kathopanisad, B. must have commented upon that Upanisad as well. Since we now have none of these commentaries, nor any other work written by B., it is difficult to say what precisely his view of the teaching of the Upanisads was; but in the many references to it in Sankara's commentary on the Brhadaranyaka-Upanisad and Suresvara's full and masterly Vartikas on the same, we get some clues which we propose here to utilise for a tentative reconstruction of B.'s doctrine in its broad outline, contrasting it at the same time for the sake of clearness with Sankara's Advaita." [APRIL, 1924 I.. B. maintained like Sankara that monism was the ultimate teaching of the Upanisads A conspicuous feature of the latter's doctrine is the distinction between a para or higher and an apara or lower Brahman. B. also appears to have recognised this distinction10; but while Sankara explains the lower Brahman as an appearance (vivarta) of the higher and therefore not of the same order of reality, B. regards them both as real in the same sense.11 This is a difference of much philosophical significance and to it, practically all the other important divergences between the two teachings are to be traced. According to Saukara, the two Brahmans form, as it is put, a non-duality (a-dvaita). The relation between them (tadatmya) is unreal, it being a relation between things of different orders of being. In B.'s doctrine on the other hand the two things related being equally real, the relation also is real. But the things are not altogether disparate, so that the relation is not one of entire distinction (bheda) as between a 'pot' and a 'piece of cloth.' It is rather bhedabheda and the ultimate Reality may therefore be described as an identity in difference.12 We might illustrate what is meant by this term-bhedabheda-by the well-known example of the snake 5 See Tika on Vartika, p. 771, st. 1717-Sutropastya kamadi-dhrustih phalam.... vidyam cavidya cetydddvuktam. See also Ibid, p. 779, st. 1761 ff. The Br. Up. in the Kanva recension contains Iea Up. 9 as IV, iv, 10; the Madhyandina recension substitutes Ida Up. 12 for it; but the mantra, Vidyamca....ie in neither. It may be added that the Iea Up. forms an earlier section of the same Veda to which the Br. Up. also belongs. Compare Siddhi-traya (ch. i) by Yamuna-muni reputed to be the parama-guru of Ramanuja; Yadyapi bhagavatd Bidarayanenedamarthanyeva sutrani pranitani... tatha pyacarya-Tanka-Bhartyprapanca-Bharty-mitra-Bharty-hari-Srivatsdin ka-Bhaskaradi-viracita-sitdeila-vividha-nibandhana -araddha-vipralabdha-buddhayo na yathavadanyathd ca pratipadyanta iti tal-pratipattaye yukah praharana-prakramah. 7 Anandaerama Series: second edn., p. 3. Referred to as Vartika in this article. B.'s commentary on the Br. Up. seems to have been known at least in parts not only to Sankara and Sureevara but also to Ananda-jaana; for there are in the latter's gloss on the Br. Up. Bhasya many passages which are undoubted extracts from it. Of. e.g., Tikd on Vartika, et. 1467 (p. 724), et. 1693-5 (pp. 767-8). It may also be noted that Sureevars mentions several points in B's interpretation not referred to by Sankara. See e.g., Vartika, p. 1155, Tikd on st. 46. 10. See Sankara on Br. Up. Liv, 10 (p. 151): Alo dvaitaikatvapara-brahma-vidyoya karma-tahilayd para-brahma-bhavamupasampannah.... para-brahma-bhdut. See also Tik on Vartika, p. 160. st. 1659. The description of the antardAvastha (of B's doctrine) by Ananda-jaana in his Tika on Sankara's com. on Br. Up. (I. iv, 15), (p. 192) also implies the same distinction. 11 See Ttkd on Vartika, p. 1955, st. 36, and p. 1957, st. 48. 13 Bee e.g., Vartika, p. 876, st. 46 ff. ,

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APRIL 1924] BHARTR-PRAPANCA : AN OLD VEDANTIN 79 and its coils, hood, etc.,' or the sun and its rays' alluded to in the Vedanta-sutras.13 This relation may however exist, as indicated by these very illustrations, between several types of things. Four such aro mentioned in the works we are now considering:14 1. Karana and karya : i.c., the material cause and the effect, as for example, chay' and 'pot.' The apara.brahman with all its rariety springs into being from the parn and eventually returns to it, so that the two are neither altogether distinct, nor quite the same. 2. Amsthavat and avasthah : i.e., Substance and its modes: as for example, the unagitated and the agitated ocean. The apara.brahman would accordingly represent a heterogeneous transformation of the homogeneous para-brahman. The difference between this and the previons vicw is to be explained by the well-known difference between the conceptions of creation' and 'ovolution.' 3. Amein and amsa : i.e., whole and part, as for example a 'tree' and its 'branches,' leaves,' etc. The para-brahman would thus be the whole of which the parts are to be found in the variety constituting the apara-brahman. 4. Samanya and visesa : i.e., the universal and the corresponding particulars, as for instance cow-ness and the several individual cows.' According to this view, the parabrahman would be the basic or inmost principle revealing itself in all existent things-the particulars ;16 and the apara-brahman, these existent things themselves. It is difficult to determine which of these views B. specifically had in his mind when he formulated the relation of 'bhedabheda between the para and the apara-brahmans. To judge from what Sankara says in his commentary on the Br. Up.16 it would seem that these views were maintained by different thinkers. But according to Ananda-jnana's more explicit statement in his gloss on the Vartika, 17 all the four views were acceptable to B. Whichever of these statements may represent the actual fact, the view most commonly associated with B. is (2) viz., that of avasthah and avasthavat and he seems to have reduced the variety of the universe into eight avasthas or modes of Brahman, viz., (1) antaryamin, (2) sdksin, (3) avydkyta, (4) sutna, (5) viraj, (6) devata, (7) jaty and (8) pinda.18 We shall say a few words about each of these following B., except in one or two cases where, as it is not possible to get at his views definitely, we have to be content with the statement of the general Upanisadic position. 1.1. Antaryamin : This is the spiritual principle controlling everything from within as described in Br. Up., III, vii, and is also sometimes termed Isvara on that account.19 It is 19 III, ii, 27-8. The relation considered here is between Brahman and the jiva. In B.'s doctrine, it holds not only between these two but, also between Brahman and the physical universe. See Sankara on Br. Up., V, 1, 1 (p. 731). 14 Soo e.g., Vartika, pp. 623-4, st. 948-50, and Tika on st. 952. The Parica.pddik. Vivarana mentions five types of things instead of four (p. 259). 16 According to Vartika, p. 573, st. 695, and p. 625, st. 954, these particulars would include not only tho individuals (antya-videsas) but also what the Vaidesika would describe as apara-sdmdnyas, so that the whole is not a mere mass of unrelated particulars but an ordered system. 16 III, viii, 12 (p. 492). Sankara does not mention here all the four views but, according to the commentary, they are all meant. More than one form of the bhedabheda doctrine is known to Indian Philosophy. Compare, e.g., Sruta.prakddikd on Ramanuja's commentary on the Vedanta-8tras, 1, 1, 4 Acid. brahmagorbhedabhedah adbhdvika iti Bhaalara Yadavayorapyabhimatam Oidbrahmanostus bhedabhedau Budbhdvildviti Yadava-mata-vydu yttyarthamdha latreti 17 Tikd on Vartika (p. 624), st. 949-950 : lawaoidityubhayatra tadiya-grantha-defolatin. 18 See e.g., Tiled on Vartika, (p. 643), st. 1043. 19 OJ. Vartika, p. 532, st. 487.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1924 not Brahman in its pure state, but Brahman with its homogeneity somewhat disturbed preparatory to the creation that is to proceed from it. 20 2. Saksin : This is the individual soul which 19 regarded as another and a much more heterogeneous modification of Brahman.21 It is otherwise termed ksetrajna ('the .conscious principle in the body') or vijnanamaya (transformation of vijnana or Brahman')'. The saknins are either cosmic or individual according as they have a universal or a particular funotion to discharge. Hiranya-garbha and the deities like Aditya are cosmic ;22 the rest, individual.24. 3. Avyakyta : This is the whole of the physical universe in its subtle or causal form.26 It may be viewed as the adjunct of the antaryamin. Together, they constitute the first transformation of Brahman and the distinction between the two is sometimes overlooked.26 4.6. Of the next three modes,' the first or sutra springs from the avyakyta and is the adjunct of Hiranya-garbha, the highest cosmic soul. From this agnin the gross material, constituting the visible universe, proceeds. That is viraj.27 It is well known that this cosmic soul is often described in the Upanisads as having for its sense-organs' various devatas through which its activity, which is the same as the life of the world, goes on. These devatas, because they correspond to our indriyas, are sometimes so termed.28 7-8. Of the last two-jati and pinda-the meaning of the second is clear.29 It stands for the individual bodies, such as the human, from which as material cause, no subsequent effects are produced. The meaning of the first term is not quite so certain. It cannot be however understood here in its Nyaya-Vaibesika sense, as there can be no enduring universals in monistio Vedanta. It may stand for akrti, a familiar conception in ancient Indian philosophy,80 and denote types as distinguished from individuals. These numerous types and the still more numerous individuals are all the creation of the viraj.31 In other words, we have here what is known as the vyasti-stati or secondary creation ' in its double aspect of admdnya and visesa. Thus on the whole Brahman may be said to evolve in two distinct lines-one (1-2) the spiritual and the other, (3--8) the material which constitutes either the adjunct or the environment of the spiritual.32 30 See Sankara on Br. Up., III, viii, 12 (p. 492). 21 Ibid. 39 Seo e.g., Vartika, p. 1000, st. 49, and Sankara on Br. Up., IV, iii, 7 (p. 560), and Vartika on the same (st. 318-23). 23 Soo Vartika, p. 1007, st. 91. Compare Tsk on Vartika, p. 451, st. 121, p. 956, st. 416. 24 This is on the supposition that sdkrine are many, and it is the implication of statements like that found in st. 100 of the Vartika (p. 1009). But to judge from the context in which B. is mentioned in a somowhat lator work, (Vedanta-Tallva-Viveka by Nroimhabramin, p. 38, Bonares edition) he seeme to have believed in only a single jiva, not however in a sense which would make his doctrine solipsistic, but in the sense that the one jiva simultaneously expresses itself through all the bodies in oxistonce, just as in aneka-jtua-udda one and the name fua is supposed to manifest itself through several bodies sticces. sively (6.c., in successive births). For a similar view among the followers of Sankara, see Siddhanta-leka. sangraha (Kumbhakopam edition), pages 107-8. 25 See Tik4 on VArtika, II, iii, st. 91-2. 26 See Met on Vartika, p. 1295, st. 29-30. 37 See Br. Up., III, vil, 2, and Vartika-Sdra by Vidyaranya (Benares edition), p. 743, st. 8, where vindj is referred to as anda. Of. also the description of these and the next two as mahabhata-sanathana-bheda in the Tiked on Sankara's commentary on Br. Up., III, viii, 12 (p. 492). u of. Tilt on Vartika, p. 538, st. 511. 30 Of. Ibid., Thon p. 447, st. 98. 30 Soo e.g., Nydya-editra, II, II, 63. Ramanuja for instance understands the term in this songe ; cf. Sribharya, p. 32 (Bombay Sanskrit Series). 31 of. Vartika, p. 460, st. 117, and p. 432, st. 21; cf. also Vidydranya's Vartika-adra, p. 209, st. 149. 33 See Vartika, p. 1007, st. 91.

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APRIL, 1924 ] BHARTR-PRAPANCA: AN OLD VEDANTIN These eight forms together with Brahman according to B., may be divided into three rddis,a in which we have the threefold subject matter of all religion and philosophy, viz., Glod, Soul and Matter. 1. Paramatma-ralli: This is the absolute Brahman and we have probably to include under this head the antaryamin also, since it can be brought under neither of the remaining two natis. 2. Mirtamurta-riisi: This comprises the six material forms beginning with the avyak ta. Its designation is derived from Br. Up., IT, iii, where murta and amurta are described as the two phases of Brahman. According to Sankara, the term murta here refers to prithius, ap and lejas and the term a murta to the remaining two-akasa and' vayu. 8. understands these terms somewhat differe.itly: amarta means for him the avyakyta, the source of the material world and murta, the last of the bhatas to evolve from it, viz., prithivi, the intermediate elements being describablo secondarily as cither murta or amurta.34 3 Jiva-rat:36 According to Sankara, this does not form an independent category, for the jtva according to him is only Brahman in disguise and is therefore already included in (1). But B. regards it as a real transformation of Brahman and therefore counts it as a third raki. The determining factor of the jiva is its beginningless vasands.86 These vdsands are the characteristics, as in the Sasakhya, of the internal organ (antah karana) which is evolved out of the avyakyta and should therefore belong to (2). B. recognises this; but at the same time he considers that they are transmitted to the jiva with which the antahkarana is associated and thereby transforin it into a 'knower' and ' enjoyer.' The transfer cnce to the soul of what really belongs to Matter is accounted for on the analogy of fragrance which, though actually belonging to a flower, may be distilled into oil, for example,37 The jiva thus is a real, though temporary, transformation of Brahman and is not the result purely of a misconception as in Sankara's Advaita. B. also recognises avidyd like Sankara: but it accounts only for the lapse of Brahman into the jiva-condition of finitude and not also for its worldly life or sannsara:38 Though springing from Brahman, avidyd does not affect the whole of it but only a part which thereby comes to be cut off, as it were, from Brahman and forgets its identity with it. Avidyd has accordingly its abode in the jiva and not in Brahman. The jiva is thus the result of two conditionsone, avidya which delimits it (pari-cchetrl) and the other, vdsand which modifies it (vikartri).39 The second condition is sometimes stated as a sanga 10 or 'attachment' since the vdsands are eventually traceable to it. It seems necessary to differentiate in some sense or other between common and metaphysical knowledge; otherwise there would be no justification for any philosophic inquiry at all. Hence it becomes a matter of importance for a metaphysician to define the relation between these two kinds of knowledge. According to Sankara, both are valid, but whilo common knowledge is so only for the purposes of everyday-life, the other, as known 83 Sankare on Br. Up., II, iii (p. 328). . 36 See Vartika, II, fii, 72-80. 38 This nafi, though described in somewhat different torms by Sankara and Surobvara is the jiva which word is explicitly used by Vidyaranya in his Vartila-adra, p. 663 (Benares edition). 36 .e, the traces of previous karma and jadna. See Br. Up., IV, iv, 2, and the reference in note 33 abovo. 37 Soo Vartika, p. 1013, st. 117-8. The word udsand indeed means 'perfuming.' 88 See Vartila, p. 1164, st. 42, and p. 1166, st. 53. 89 Soe Ibid., pp. 1156-7, st. 54-55. Compare Tika va Vartika, p. 1001, st. 63-avidyd-karma-purvaprajfd-pari kertaa 40 of. Ibid., p. 1156, st, 51, and p, 1163, st. 89. Bankara traces 'attachment' itself to avidyd.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Arrit, 1924 through the scripture, is absolutely valid.41 Empirical knowledge thus stands on a lower footing than metaphysical knowledge. It is provisional and true only in a particular uniterac,' go to speak. Any discrepancy between the two is to be explained by reference to the distinctive spheres to which they belong 12 All empirical knowledge, for instance presupposeg variety but the scripture teaches unity; yet there is really no conflict between them, for empirical knowledge while it involves a reference to cuality does not also vouch for its validity.43 The viow which B. took of this matter was altogether different. To him both empirical and revealed knowlodge are equally valid and in exactly the same sense. Perception not only gives diversity but also validates it; for nothing that is properly ascertained by a pramana can ever be otherwise than true.44 Moreover, the scripture itself confirms the truth of diversity in such of its portions as describe Creation. 46 And it very properly emphasises in its purely metaphysical portions the unity underlying it which we commovly miss. B. accordingly concluded that Brahman, the ultimato Reality should exhibit both the fcatures and be a unity-in-diversity (draitadvaita).46 This view is termed pramana-samuccaya by Ananda-jnana in one place 47- Saukara explains the reference to variety in the Upanisads as a mere anuvada of what is empirically known and so, as carrying no new authority with it. Thus he restricts the scope of the scripture, as an independent and primary pramana, to the teaching of unity alone. III. As the doctrine of unity is the specific teaching of the Upanigads, it is not only perceptual knowledge that is provisionally true, according to Sankara, but also the subject matter of the karma-kanda of the Veda. Hence one that desires to realise Brahman should rise above the notions of obligation implied in that kanda and renounce the world completely. B. follows here the same course as before and tries to co-ordinate the teachings of both the kandas recommending the combination of jnana with, karma for attaining moksa, 18 In other words, pramana-samuccaya on the theoretical side has for him its counterpart of jnanakarma-samuccaya on the practical. Just as in the former case, neither Perception nor Revelation is alone to be taken as valid but both, so here also both karma and jnana should he regarded as the means of moksa, for both alike are prescribed in the scripture. Sankara too does not discard karma ; but, as is well known, he is not a samuccaya-vadin. Karma, according to him is only indirectly or remotely useful in securing mokaa. It is the means of jnana which brings about mokra, unaided. According to all Vedantins, virakti or 'detachment' is necessary before one qualifies for mokra. But while Sankara looks to dosa-darsana in the objects of our desire as its means, B. considers that result as possible only through bhoga. It is only by learning, through actual experience, the real worth of all things that in one way or another minister to our lesires that we can grow indifferent to them. This view is based upon a very ancient Indian 41 Seo e... Vartika, p. 249, st. 917 ff. Compare also Vedanta-paribhdad, ch. vii. 4 Seo Sankara on Br. Up. II, 1, 20 (p. 296) : Pramandntardvisayameva hi pramdydntaram vid. payati. See also Tika on Sankara's commentary on Br. Up. I, iv, 7 (p. 121): Pratyak ddindmanamavisayatvacca gamasya bhinna-visayakatayd nd nayomilho virodhah. 43 See Vartika, p. 263, et. 986, pp. 1982-4, st. 84-94. 14 See Vartika, Tika on st. 36 (p. 1930): Svanubhaudddvaitasydvaitasya sruti-vasat (pramanyam). 45 See Vartika, p. 1954, st. 32. 48 Vartika, V, i, st. 30-36. *7 Ibid., Tika on st. 913 (p. 248). This should not be confounded with pramdya-samplava, such for example as is described by VAtayayana in his commentary on Nydyd-Satras, 1, 1, 3. 18 Seo Vartika, pp. 768-9, st. 1700-1. Consult generally on this subject of sam uccaya, Vartika, I, iv, 1702 ff., III, ii, 41 ff. and IV, iv, 719 ff.

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APRIL, 1924 ) BHARTR-PRAPANOA : AN OLD VEDANTIN 83 theory known as kami-pradhowaa-vada.49 The gradual exhaustion of all worldly enjoyment is obviously impussible; but there is another course open to us according to the Upanisads and that is by attaining to Sutra-hood and in that state participating in universal life. Nobody, according to B., can acquire genuine virakli who has not reached this state, 50 Hence the first aim of a person that is desirous of liberation is to strive to reach this stage. by identifying himself, through upasana as taught in the Upanisads, with the Satra or Hiranya-garbha and carrying on simultaneously the nitya-karmas enjoined in the scripture.61 This is the first kind of samuccaya. It leads to apavarga61 or escape from sashadra,' which B. viewed as distinct from mokona though on the way to it. The soul that has so far succeeded will not be born again, for it has given up all narrow attachment, and its condition then is described as antaralavastha, (i.e., a condition intermediate between sannsdra and mol-pa). It is there free from all the ills of life. Though the baleful influences of attachment (asanga), one of its two limiting factors, have then heen overcome, the jivu has not yet realised its true naturo, for avidya, the other factor, persists separating it from Brahman.53 For ac. complishing this further end of overcoining avidyd, samuccaya again is necessary. The precise nature of this second samuccaya, however, is unfortunately not quite clear. One clement in it is certain. The jiva has so far identified itself with only Hiranya-garbha, a part of Brahman; and it has now to realise it as a part thereof. In other words the oneness of the jiva with Brahman--not merely with Hiranya-garbha---is to be known, as taught in Aham brahma asmi. This knowledge is vidyd. But it is not regarded as sufficient by itself to destroy avidya and is required to be coinbined with meditation upon the sutra once again.64 The object of this second clement in the samuccaya is not manifest. It is introduced probably because it is thought that the knowledge of Aham brahma asmi, while it may lead to the conviction that all spirit is one, leaves out of account the entire physical universe. Hence also probably the statement that the meditation now on the sutra (i.e., the adjunct of Hiran ya-garbha) should be, not incrcly as a finite effect as in the previous stage, but as one with thc iufiuitc Brahman, its cause." It seems that karma also las to be perforined here as in the case of the previous samuccaya but in a totally different spirit-not as a means to an end, but, like all else, as one with Brahman." The doer, the deed, its means and its end are all Brahman, for Bralinan is the sole reality. Thus for a pavarga as well as for moksa, samuccaya is necessary according to B. IV A distinguishing feature of Sankara's doctrine is that self-realization is attained directly through revealed texts like Tat tvam asi, for he believes that verbal statements also may yield immediate knowledge According to B.58 and also according to all other Indian logicians, verbal statements, whether revealed or not, can never lead to immediate knowledge. Thus from the formula Tat tuam asi only mediate knowledge is possiblo, but it is not adequate *9 Bee for an account of this theory, Vdrtika, p. 106, st. 343 ff. See also Manu-omrti, ii, 04, which clearly contains a criticism of it. It is necessary to add that this was formulated not purely as an ethico-psychological theory but in the course of reconciling the teaching of the karma-konda with that of the fridna banda. 50 Soo Vartika, p. 778. st. 1761. 31 Boo Sankara on By. Up.. I. iv, 10 (p. 101); also Tika on Vartika, p. 069, st. 1128-9, and Br. Up., I, i and u. 83 Cl. Sukarn on Br. Up. III, ii, 13 (n. 416): apavargd khyamantarla vasthan. 53 Sankara on Br. Up. III, ii, 13 (p. 416). Vartika, p. 770, st. 1713, p. 1154, st. 42 34 Ibid., p. 770, st. 1709. 60 cp. Vartika, p. 769, st. 1703. 56 Soo 6.9., Vartika, p. 179, st. 1706-7, of. Bhagavadgita, iv, 24. 67 Soe e.., Varlika, p. 04, st. 200. 58 Ibid., p. 1837, st. 708.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRLE, 1924 to destroy our immediate belief in the truth of mere diversity, until it also has been transformed into immediate knowledge. The means of doing this is constant meditation (termed prasannkhyina, bhivana, dhyana, eto.)" upon it. It is only when one successfully carries out this meditation that one can realise the self. While B. like Sankara admits the aid of the scripture as osaontial for knowing the ultimate truth, he considers that that scriptural knowledge has to be supplemented by meditation. It is the result of such meditation that we have to understand from the Vidya of the Bocond samuccaya referred to above and not a mere intellectual apprehension of the truth of Aham brahma asmi or Tat tvam asi. If bhavana is thus necessary for securing moksa and if the need for it, which is a kriya, 1.e., something to be donc, is known only through the scripture, the two kandas of the Veda are drawn together more closely here than in Sankara's Advaita. As in the karma-kanda we find injunctions about sacrificial acts, so in the Upanw ads, we find, according to B. injunctions about meditative acts. Saukara makes a vital distinction between jnana and bhavand or updsana; and while he regards the latter as kriyd and admits' vidhi' in respect of it, he unoompromisingly denies that the former is either a kriya or requires a vidhi6o. A consequence, of this difference of view is that statements like Tat tvam asi which are of the first importance in Sankara's Advaita are useful in B.'s doctrine only as supplying the theme for meditation and statements like Atmanameva lokam-updsita$1 take procedence of them. So far we have recounted the more important doctrines of B. as they can be gathered chiefly from the writings of Saukara and commentaries on them. There, however, remains an important point to be mentioned yet. Suresvara in more than one place in his Vartika tries to explain B.'s view.point as in effect the same as Sankara's and represents B. as a vivarla-vadin instead of a parindma-valin62 Whatever of the latter view we find in B. is to be explained, according to Suresvara, as only a provisional solution of the ultimate philoso. phical problem, exactly as it is the case in Sankara's Advaita. It seems strange that if B. did teach such a doctrine, Sankara should have subjected it to so severe and so frequent a criticism. Suresvara is not unaware of this objection, and, raising it in his Vartika,answers it by saying that what Salikara intended to controvert was not B.'s view but rather his view as expounded by some of his followers. Generally speaking, however, Sankara's criticism appears to be directed against B. himself. However that may be, one point becomes clear from this, viz., that B. was long anterior to Sankara and Suresvara; for B.'s teaching by then had been, in certain respecte, forgotten." Another fact of importance is that Suresvara thought it worth his while to cito B. in his favour. Whatever B. might have taught, it is clear that his name carried weight with the Vedantins at the time, and the expounders of Vedanta found it useful to quote his authority in support of their own views. This attitude of regard on the part of Suresvara bears out the relative antiquity of B. With the information available, it seems, we may also determine the superior limit of his date. In the very beginning of passage 10 of Br. Up.(1, iv), the word brahma occurs and Sankara in his commentary notioes two interpretations of this word, both of which he discards before giving his own explanation of it. Ananda-jpana O of. Ibid., p. 623, st. 948, p. 1837, st. 700 ft. See also Sankars on Br. Up. (p. 190). 0 See e.g., Sakara on Vedanta-eatrda, I, I, 4. 01 Br. Up., I, iv, 18. 2 See 6.9., Tild on Vartika, p. 668, st. 1184. Is See Vartika p. 866, st. 1168. 04 In note 9 above, it was stated that B.'s commentary was in all probability known to Surlara and even to Ananda-jana. This need not clash with the present statement that B'a doctrine, in some of its details, was differently understood by different interpreters at the time. Witness variations of vior among the followers of Saukara regarding his teaching.

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APRIL, 1924 ] BHARTR-PRAPANCA : AN OLD VEDANTIN in his gloss refers the first of these to the Vytli-kara, and the other to B.66 In his glose on the corresponding passage in the Vartika, &$ he makes the Vylli-kdra's view the purva-paksa or prima facie view leading to B.'s interpretation. If it thus involves a reference to the view of the Vrtti-kdra, it follows that B. should have flourished after him. This is perhaps the best place to allude to a point of some biographical interest touching B. He seems to have been a devotee of Agni-vaisvanarat8 and Suresvara has more than once a gibe at him in reference to it.89 But it is not clear what exactly is the significance of this allusion. It may be that it refors to what was a noticeable feature of B.'s creed in life; for his doctrine, as we know, lays stress on the importance of Hiranya-garbha,-identifiable with Agnd, To_in the penultimate stage of a Vedantin's training. Further since Suresvara pointedly draws attention to a vara or boon' received by B. through the prasada or grace' of Agno 11 we may also probably conclude that B. recognised in some form the doctrine of bhakti-a doctrine which does not find any considerable place in Sankara's Advaita. vi. The resemblance between the Samkhya and the doctrine of B. is noteworthy. There is, of course, this important distinction that while B.'. Vedanta is monistio and idealistic, the Samkhya is dualistic and realistio. Barring this distinction, there is a general similarity in the philosophic standpoint of the two. Both are theories of parinama, though in the Sankhya, it is the Prakyti that evolves, and here it is Brahman. In the process of evolution, according to both, the ultimate reality becomes differentiated into the manifold things of experience which are both identical with and different from it. The parallelism extends beyond this general standpoint to details albo 1. Though the conception of the antaryamin can have no place in atheistio samkhya, it has something more or less corresponding to it in the sister system of Yoga." The adksins of B. are practically the Purusas of the Sankhya and the avydkyta, its Prakrti. The sutra again may be identified with mahat's since, as buddhi, it is the pre-eminent element in the linga-larira, though for a complete equivalent of it we shall have to take along with it the eleven indriyas (devalds)4 and the five tanmatras. When the gross elements emerge from the last, we have the virdj-the visible vesture of the cosmic soul. This comparison, it will be noticed, breaks down in the case of two of the eight avasthas recognised by B., and only one out of the twenty-five principles known to the Sdnikhya. The lack of anything corresponding to jali and pinda in the Sankhya system is significant. It has in all probability to be explained by the supposition that, while B.'s scheme includes not only the samasti-eroti but also the vyaati-srsti, the Sankhya concerns itself only with one of them. This deficiency 65 Soo Tiked on Br. Up. Bhaiya (p. 152). 66 p. 671, st. 1189. 67 The suggestion of T. M. Tripathi in his Introduction (p. xv) that B. is the Vrt-Idra is thus beside the mark. (See note 1 above.) 68 This is merely the personification of tejas-the first creation, Oh. Up.. VI, ii, 3. .bf., for example, Vartika, I, iv, 400, 700, 701, etc. See Br. Up., I, i and ii, as also I, iv, 16. 71 See Vdrtika, p. 1104, st. 98, p. 1236, st. 136. Compare generally in this connection the speculations contained in the Agni-rahasya (Satapatha Br. X), wherein also oecure the name of Bandilya Associated from very early times with the doctrine of bhakti. 79 of. Vartika, p. 1286, st. 38. 79 The Mathara-urili, for instance, equates mahat with Hiranya-garbha. See under Kdrikd 22, Benares erlition. 74 Seo Sdrinkhya-pravacana-bhasya, II, 18.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1924 in the Sankhya scheme throws light on what has always been a matter of some perplexity to scholars, viz., whether its tattvas are cosmio or individual.T6 The comparison here in stituted suggests that the whole of the Sankhya scheme is in reality cosmic only and that the adjuncts of the individual Purunas-their subtle and gross bodies are further parindmas as jati and pinda are from viraj. If this conjecture is right, it will be easy to see that the dropping of the idea of the cosmic soul, at some stage, transformed an originally cosmic scheme of tattvasi into one having reference to individuals only and the introduction into the evolutionary series of ahash-kara," to which nothing corresponds in B.'s doctrine, led to the definite emergence of classical Sashkhya. The word mahal with its cosmic significance though often replaced by buddhi-the adjunct of an individual-is still there to disclose the course of this transformation. 2. A familiar point in the Sainkhya doctrine is what is known as prakyti-laya78, which in the designation for the condition reached by one that has succeeded in realising the nature of Prakerti but has not distinguished it froin Purusa. In this condition the Puruna han neither pain nor pleasure, and so far, it agrees with what B. terms antaraldvastha, to which allusion has been made already. There may be points of difference between the two, but the coincidence is still striking. 3. Both according to the Sankhya and the doctrine of B. the knowledge of the ultimate truth-acquired in the one case mainly through Reason and in the other mainly through Revelation-is only mediate ; and this knowledge, being, as already stated, not adequate to remove the wrong convictions on which our empirical activity is founded, has in both cases to be transformed into immediate knowledge through meditation.79 4. The Samkhya describes the evolution of Prakyti as designed to bring about bhoya or apavarga. The emphasis laid upon bhoga as a preliminary to apavarga may suggest a kinship with the kama-pradhvanhaa-vada as in the case of B.'s doctrine. But in the form in which the Sainkhya-Yoga teaching has come down to us, virakti is explicitly traced, as in Saukara's Advaita, to doxa-darsana in the objects of our desire,80 Hence we cannot point to this as another feature common to the two doctrines we are considering. But it probably suggests some original conneotion of the Sankhya with the theory of kama-pradhansa. We may conclude by drawing attention to the confirmation which this inquiry bringe to the conclusion already reached by some like Deusgen, that the Sanhkhya is an off-shoot of the teaching of the Upanigads. We may assume that there was from very early times a dualistic interpretation of those works like the monistio one. This view also by the way satisfactorily accounts for the comparatively large number of references to the Sanhkhya in the Satras of Badardyana. It would perhaps be not far from correct to say that one of the foremost aims-albeit a negative one-of Badardyana in composing the Vedanta-Sutras was to refuto the view that the realistic and dualistic Samkhya was the teaching of the Upanipads. 78 Soo, for example, Max Mallor's Six Systems, pp. 246-7: Deum : Philosophy of the Upanixade. pp. 242 ff. 76 See Samkhya-pravacana-bhdaya, iii, 9-10. 77 . Deussen : Philosophy of the Upaniyads, p. 243. 71 Soe Karild, 45. Samkhya pravacana, ii, 54. See Samkhya-Kdrika, 64. H0 Bee Sdniekhya-pravcana-bhasya, iv, 27-8, and Yogn-dira Bhdeya, ii, 18.

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APRIL, 1924) BOOK NOTICES zine." BOOK-NOTICES. Tun ReligioU9 CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS OF Sikandarah has lilcowise boon improved by the res THE PARSEES, by JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, toration of the eastern one of the four great cause. B.A., Pa.D., C.I.E., British India Press, Maza- ways, and Sir John Marshall expresses his regret, gon, Bombay, 1922. which will be shared by many, that owing to extenThis is a valuablo work on Zoroastrian ceremo. sive dilapidation and lack of funds the northern nies and customs, which will serve as an autho- Causeway cannot be similarly treated. Important ritative work of reference, not only to the Parsis work was also carried out on the tomb of Asaf Khan, themselves, but also to European scholars engaged Jahangir's Prime Minister, and on the domed ceiling in the study of Avesta and Pahlavi texts. The of the crypt of Jahangir's tomb, and on several other author states that the book is the outcome of important historical relics in the Panjab, United the work on Parsi ceremonies and customs, which Provinces, and Bengal. In the Rajgir valley in he undertook for Dr. Hastings' monumental Bihar an effort was made "to preserve certain Dictionary of Religion and Ethics, and that, in curious and as yet undecipherablo inscriptions in the consideration of the numerous points which arise 80-called Shell Character, which occur on a rocky from time to time for decision both in the sphere pathway running through the vale," while in the of historical research and in the domain of the Southern Circle special attention was paid to the law, he has omitted no detail of value and has Krishnagiri Fort in Salem District, which, situated made the book 89 exhaustive as possible. The on & bare and lofty mass of gneiss, twice repulsed whole subject has been divided into five principle British attempts to take it by storm. It was only heads, viz., Socio-religious ceremonies, Purification on the ratification of the treaty of Seringa patam nies. Initiation, Consecration, and Liturgi. that tho fort passed into British hands, and a garri. cal ceremonies. It is needless to romark that the son was established, which was maintained "until book is a mine of information, based upon the its final abandonment, owing to an accident, in 1801, eareful researches of a lifetime and presented when Captain Henry Smith and many of the garri. with all the authority attaching to one who is & son were destroyed by the blowing up of the magapast master of Iranian lore. It is furnished with an ample index. The repair of the famous Ajanta frescoes was an S. M. EDWARDES. achievement of more than common interest. Under the auspices and at the expense of H. E. H. the ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR-GENERAL OF Nizam's Government, two Italian experts, Professor ABOHNOLOGY IN INDIA, 1920-21, by SIB JOHN Oooooni and Count Orsini, were engaged to executo MARSHALL, Superintendent, Government Printing, the necessary repairs and despite the difficulties Oaloutte, 1923. of the problem, the patience and skill of the restau. This annual review of the work of the Archaeo. rateurs have succeeded in re-affixing the paintings logical Survey of India marles the commencement of to the rock in a manner likely to endure for some A new opoch in the history of the Department. For centuries to come. Another useful achievement under the constitutional reforms inaugurated in was the restoration of the ancient staircase leading 1920-21, the entire cost of the Department and of up to the main stupa at Jamalgarhi in the Frontier all its activities is to be borne by the Central Gov. Circle. ornment, and, although the Local Governments Exploration was carried out at Harappa in the still remain in executive control of the provincial Panjab and resulted in the discovery, inter alia, of staffs, they act in this respect as the agents of the two seals, which, like the soul originally published Imperial Government. Moreover, the officers of the by Cunningham, exhibit the device of a bull without department are now to confine their attention to the hump and "legends in the same inscrutable those monuments only which have been declared script, to which we have as yet no manner of clue." "protected", and which have been accepted as a Further excavation, together with other relics thus central charge by the Government of India. As brought to light, indicate that the Harappa Seals those monuments number in all 2,500, the average and their pictographic legends belong to the prenumber in charge of each of the eight Superinten. Mauryan epooh. At Taxila, which under Sir John dents of Archeology will be coughly 812,- by Marshall's guidance has already yielded so many no means inconsiderable burden. important date, exploration was resumed at the city Under the main head of Conservation, the Direc. of Sirkap and at the earlier oity on the Bhir Mound. tor-General reports that the restoration of the dalana Previous excavations at the latter site had already or cloisters which originally bounded the enclosure revealed three distinot strata of buildings, to which of the Taj Mahal is rapidly nearing completion, and must now be added a fourth and still later stratum, the photographs in Plate I at the end of the Report containing a few scattered remains, which Sir John show how greatly the appearance of the enclosure Marshall assigne to the 3rd has thereby been improved. The tomb of Akbar at or 4th century B.C. The stratum next below it, which contains the

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY majority of the buildings already excavated, must be placed in the 4th or 5th century B.C. Sir John Marshall discusses also the character and purpose of the curious "pillars" and narrow "wells," which are salient features of the Bhir Mound, and leaves no room for doubt that the "wells" were soak-pits for the disposal of sullage. The use of the "pillars" still remains undetermined. One of the "wells" was packed with earthern vessels of all shapes and sizes, all upside down and obviously laid there with some care, precisely as earthenware vessels, kerosene tins etc., are used in modern soak-pits, to prevent the pit from collapsing, while at the same time permitting the sullage to soak in without hindrance. Plates XV to XVII at the end of the Report give excellent illustrations of some of the smaller relics found in the buildings of the Bhir Mound. Two very important sculptures were discovered near Muttra, United Provinces. One of these, 6 feet in height, represents a Kushan King, seated on a throne, and is in perfect preservation, including head and headdress, in contrast to the other known statues of that dynasty. The dress resembles that in the statue of Wima Kadphises, and the headdress is the high conical cap, evidently of Central or West Asiatic origin, which appears on several heads at Muttra and in certain early Indian bas-reliefs. It is hoped that further examination of this statue may reveal an epigraph of the royal name on the pedestal. The other statue is that of a female, carved in the round and now worshipped as Manasa Devi in a modern temple. Between the feet of the statue is an inscription in Brahmi characters, identi cal in part with the inscription on the Parkham statue. The reading and interpretation have not yet been clearly determined, but are likely to prove of the highest historical interest. In the Bogra District an interesting ruin was closely surveyed at Mahasthangarh, which Cunningham identified with the ancient city of Paundra-vardhana, and was found to show traces of walls constructed of bricks measuring between 10 and 15 inches, and therefore to be of great antiquity. Proper excavation of the site, as soon as funds are available, will very likely yield important results. At Nalanda the most important find of the year was a large copper-plate inscribed on both sides with a long and important record of King Devapaladeva, the third representative of the famous Pala dynasty of Eastern India. The record contains certain lines glorifying "the ambassador Bala-Varma and bis liege-lord Sri Balaputradeva, king of Suvarnadvipa," which Pandit Hirananda Shastri identifies with the modern Sumatra. This identification is strengthened by the fact that Balaputradeva is styled grandson of the king of Yavabhumi, which is evidently Java: and "as" in the words of Sir John Marshall, "the epigraph shows that King Devapaladeva granted these villages and apparently built this monastery [APRIL, 1924 of Nalanda at the instance of this king of Sumatra, interesting political questions of the 9th century are involved, which Pandit Hirananda Shastri promises to work out in a separate contribution to the Epi. graphia Indica in due course." The Report contains most interesting sections on important exploratory work carried out in Arakan and on discoveries made in several Indian States, while the gist of several hitherto unpublished inscriptions is furnished in the epigraphical sections. Among the latter may be noted a new inscription of Kanishka's reign, dated in the Kushan year 23, which, when read with the Mathura Yupa inscription of Vasishka, further shortens the interval hitherto known to exist between these two kings, who came to the throne one after another. Another new record of King Karna of the Chedi dynasty of, Dahala enables the first regnal year of that king to be definitely fixed at A.D. 1052-53. There are many other points of the highest interest in this valuable Report, which should find its way into the hands of every student of Indian history and antiquities, and one can only hope that the activities of Sir John Marshall's Department will be as valuable under the new arrangements introduced with the political re forms as they have been during the past fifteen years. The Report is, as usual, embellished with good photographic plates. 8. M. EDWARDES. A HISTORY OF ANCIENT AND MODERN FESTIVALS OF THE ARYANE by RGVEDI. A most interesting book, especially to the student of comparative religion and ancient history. A very readable book, written in choice Gujarati, and in which the flow of the narrative is not unduly arrested by the introduction of Sanskritisms. There are, however, numerous printer's errors. And lastly, a very opportune book, if, as noted in the preface, the hesitancy of the 5th standard boy as regards the sequence of Dasera and Divali be characteristic of the general want of knowledge of the rising Hindu generation concerning their festivals and the origin and meaning of those festivals. Much as if an English boy were doubtful whether Easter preceded or followed Whiteuntide. The author, in his preface, classifies Hindu festivals in respect of their origin as (1) seasonal; (2) historical; (3) domestic. But in the body of the book the detailed description of each festival proceeds in its monthly sequence, commencing with the month of Chaitra (March-April), and its place in the prefatory classification is duly discussed and determined. Our author treats of forty-three festivals in all. He states for each the method of observance and the rites prescribed by the Satras on the one hand, and the present-day vogue on the other hand. Divergent practices, prevailing in different

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APNL, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES parts of India, are duly set out. Historical references aro bhen given, myths and legends Are discussed and inferences drawn as regards tho ori. glu and development in process of time of a fes tival, or a change in its character and obeervance. A most important part of the book consists of those sections in which the author sets forth the moral to bo drawn from the valorous deeds and the righteous aotions of the central figures of worship, and makes muggostions as to the rise to which such festivals might be put to the publio advantage. puono advantage Thus, in dealing with the Ramanavami, the fostival, according to the author's views of the dei. fied prince Rama, whose exploits are celebrated in the Bdmdyana epio, Rema's prowess as a warrior and right oonduot eg #man, Sita's fortitudo and ebastity and Janaka's wisdom and polity are dwelt on. Or, in treating of the Maha Ekadasi festival, he advocates the holding of exhibitions and public mooting, the stablishment of museums and librarios, the provision of play.grounds, whore criokot, football and other games could be playod, cinematograph representations of the deeds of the deifiod beroes and holy men of the past, and so forth, in connexion with this and other fostivals. Thus will the national spirit, he says, bo fostered, the national material wealth be increased and attention be directed to the deeds of glory and piety of the Past. The author has approached his task with a broad mind. He claims to take up no particular doctrinal standpoint of Hinduism, and he invites criticism, apparently with special reference to the historical portion of hit work, in the compilation of which his intimato knowledge of Vedic and Puranic lore has stood him in good stead. . As instances of his liberal views the following - may be oitod. He describes Vienu and Indra a Aryan warriore, who took an active part in the con quest of India, who were first revered as an Gestors and subeequently became deified. He writon: "Kripa was born, lived and diod, as other mon came to kito, lived their lives and passed away." VAmana, he thinks, was no dward, but a very clover Aryan, who with his followers encroached on the dominion of the Daitya King Bali and finally drove him out of the land. Hanumana he takes to have been non-Aryan warrior chief, who in the lapee of time attained to Godhood. And so on, and so on. That this treatment represents # great advance over the narrow-mindedness of Hindu Orthodoxy. we will all admis. When, however, we forsake the salo oasis of the divine origin of the gods, we are Got out into the arid wastes of Mythology with ita mirages of History. We may, if we be fortunate, arrive at some other pleasant and stable foot-hold, or we may not. The ancient history of India knows not chronology and is for the most part inextricably interwovon with myth and legend. The author suggests that an attempt be made to Unravel the mystery, but if the chronological key he missing, we can only peep through the rente and holes of the door which veils the Past. At most we must be satisfied with plausible inference, and we are never oertain that even the small substratum of facte, which appears to underlio the incubus of myth and logond, may not have been altered in the telling to lond colour to the mythical and logondary matter. Take Vippu and Indra. The author considers that they were Aryan warriors of the Deva clan or clans, who first fought with their kinsmon, the Daityas or Indo-Iranians or Persians and then colonized the Panjab. The very origin of the Daityas. the descendants of Diti, one of the thirteen daughters of Dak, ia enveloped in myth. These thirteen fair maidens married the equally mythical or remotely semi-historical Kayapa, and some of them, according to some Purdnas, were the anoestrosses of boasts as well as of mon. If we concede, s perhaps we may, that the Aditya Dovas fought with the Daityas, we have still very slender ground for holding that the god Vipau, who subsequently superseded Indra as the chief Aryan god, was the warrior who led the Aryans into India. There were probably many Virnus, as there were, as the author adroits, many Indras. That Vienu again was instrumental in the advance oastwards, from a consideration of the more fact that he is called Sarangpapi ("armed with a bow'), while poor Indra had only his club (vafra) for close combat, is interesting, but hardly convincing. It must further be noted that Indra is * Very ancient Aryan god. His name is found along with those of Mitra, Varuna and the Nesatyas in the Boghaz-Koui tablets of 1400 B.o. in Anatolia. As Mr. Pargiter, on credible grounds, fixes the presence of Aryan Kings in India as long ago as 2100 B.C., it seems to follow that the original Indra could not have led the Aryans into India. He must have existed as a god or doified hero before 2100 B.o. in Anatolia for his memory to have been rotained by thoso Aryans, who stayed on in the Anatolian homo, while the bulk of the horde pened on through Persia to India. Incidentally it may be remarked that the derivation of Sura from Bura, the Soma-juico, is, to say the least of it, douboful. That the oldest part of the Voda spoalas of the Dovas or Aryan gods (deified ancestors) - Asu. rm, and that the Equation a-sura = non'aurais one of later dato. The Indo-Iranian gods or deifled horoos no doubt were termod ahuras (=aduras). Subeoquently when the Indian Asuras split up into tribes and came to be known by their tribal names, Anura became term of reproach, reminiscent of the hated Indo-Iranians, and was applied in that senso to non-Aryans.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1994 The book under review claims to be an account worship still remains the most prominent form in of the festivals of the "Aryans ". It would have which the god is publicly and privately propitiatod, boon as well to define more clearly the term and it is in that worship, against which the Vedio "Aryan". Perhaps the author applies the term Aryans strove and prayed to their gods not to allow to Aryans proper and their mixed progeny, and the followers of the Siena deva to interrupt their uses the term "non-Aryan " for those pro-Aryan sacrifices, that we should probably seek for the and present-existing races, which were not con- effective and principal origin of the Saiva oult. quered by the Indo-Aryan, It must always be | The author has, in creating of the Maha Eka. remembered that the ethnological (and more dasi, given & very interesting account of the de. especially the craniological) evidence shows that velopment of Vaishnavism, which may be sumAryan penetration of India was strongest in the med up as follows: Vispu in Vedic times was a Panjab, that a mixed Aryo-Dravidian race arose in sun god, but inferio: in power to Indra, Varuna, the Ganges Delta, that the semi-Dravidian, nomi. Savitar and Agni. The Satapatha Brakmana has Mongolian East (Bengal) received a sparse Aryan it that Indrs cut off Vippu's head. The Purdgas infiltration, and that southwards, Aryan coloni! addod fables about Vispa's three strides (in the zation reached its furthest limits in the Deocan Vamana incarnation) and adopted the ethical plateau. It is probable therefore on prima facie thesis that Vippu became repeatedly incarnato grounds that non-Aryan religious culta continued to punish the wicked. Nara and NArayags were to flourish in the East and South, that they in two sis. who performed severe penances. The fluenced Aryan belief, especially in the langetic Vasudeva creod was current in India in Patanjali's Delta, as well as that they were influenced by them, and Panini's time, before Brahma, Viegu and and that in seeking to lucidate the evolution of Siva were canonized. When Erf Kripa recited the Siva from the Vedio Rudra, or the vermilion. Gita, Vasudeva, Narayana and Vippu were not daubed Hantman-stone of Maharaptra from the considered to be one wwd the same god. In man-ape of the Ramdyana, we must take due process of time Kra himself was deified and account of the interaction of these conflicting re- came to be considered as Bhagvana, Vasudeva ligious standpoints. We should not, it is sub. and Vippu The Bhagvata or Vasudeva creed mitted, neglect the vestiges of animal and fetish developed into philosophical Hinduism, through worship where they are apparent, and seek to giv the Advaita and Dvaita phases (Sankaracharya, an "Aryan " glows to what were clearly non-Aryan Ramanuja, Ramananda, Madhav charya) up to practices assimilated into the high-developed phi the 15th century Chaitanya (a Krupa bhakat), losophical creed of Brahman Pandite. Thus, while who is nowadays considered to be an incarnation the author admits that phellie worship was grafted of Kra; Vaishnavism attained its highest pin. on to Baivism, we have no clear exposition of the naole ma practical creed in the theism of the non-Aryan character of the rapid growth of Parvati, bhakti sohool. To turn now to the seasonal festi. the gentle Maid of the Mountain,' into the flerce, vals. Several are held in Chaitra, which marks tiger-riding Durga, or the terrible KAII, to whom the oommencement of Spring. There is the San. human sacrifice was dear. We may suspect here vatsara Pratipada, when the village is beflaggod, that orthodox Brahmanism compromised with choice foods are partaken of and in some places local and non-Aryan secta, as it does at the present children are presented with new clothes. House day, and that it has added a theological tinge to to-house parties are given, the poor are fed, and horrible and revolting savagery. the day is spent in general jollity and mirth. Nor is the evolution of giva from a mere epithet, Another important seasonal festival, coming or opitheta, satisfactorily sooo unted for. That l down from post-Vodio times and connected with Rudra, a storm god, or & god presiding over cattle the worship of Varuna as Neptune, is the Naralf and medicinal herbe, is called Siva (auspicious) | Purnima, when cocoanuts are thrown into the in the Rg Veda is true enough. But Rudrs was ocean in the month of August as a propitiatory an entirely subordinato Vedic Deity, and the hymnsrite. In ancient times sea-voyages were not for. to him are fow. A god similar to Rudra may have biddon. Witness the colonization of Sumatra and boen worshipped by thieves, robbers and moun. Java by Indians. The author says that the moral taineers generally," but he could hardly have been to be drawn from the observance of the festival the Vedic Rudra, the author waerta. The is, that not by adopting "the condition of frogs wuthor says that they conceived of their god as cooped up in a well" will India progress." Tako, garlanded with skulls, inhabiting cemeteries and says he, "from our ancestors attachment to the clothed in deer-skins. Saivism appears to be al truth, kindness to all creatures, love, unselfishness, modley of non-Aryan culte, to which a Brahmanical spiritual conduct, and attachment to wisdom; linking up with the Vodic Rudra, who served as a from the new, courage, zeal, enterprise and indus. prototype of the god, and the elaboration of Pu. triousness." ranic legends, gave a more or less composite ap- The Daterd in October is another important pearance. Yet when all is said and done, phallic seasonal festival. The author adopts the view

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APRIL, 1924) BOOK NOTICES that it was in its inception # Harvest Home fes. He takes the sensible view that the Holi is a festi. tival, and that subsequently it became a horse val to mark the close of the cold season and the festival of the Rajputa. In Northern India dre- approach of Spring, which has its counterpart all matic representations of the sack of Lanka ere over the world (e.g., the Roman Lupercalia, etc., held. In the Deccan the cattle and horses are etc.). Of the domestic festivals or rites noticed garlanded and paraded. Before the pax Britannica by our author, several are observed by women came, the Dasera marked the appropriate time alone, 6.9., the Vata Savitri. On this occasion for starting on wars and forays. It may, however, the fious indica is worshipped by married women be noted that the horse was held in high esteem to ensure long life to their husbands. The SAby the ancient Indo-Aryans, worshipped as Dadhik- vitri of the pretty and affecting legend, connected ra was in Vedic times, and credited with mira with this rite, was the daughter of a king named culous powers. Witness Uchchaibravas, Indra's Afvapali. The significance of the fig tree worship horse. Afvamedhas or horse sacrifices were celo. connected with this story and of the lig loaves with brated by conquering monarchs, and worship which the houses are decked is ambiguous. SAof horses and weapons was prescribed in the Sds. vitri, it is stated, resided in tho jungle in a hermit's tras. It is possible that we have here the blending adrama when she had set forth in search of a hus. of two festivals into one, rather than the develop- band. Can there be here A reminiscence of tree ment of one out of the other. worship? A fourth important seasonal festival is the Di. One important festival, the Naga-panchami, in vali, of the origin and development of which our considered by our author to be merely religious author gives a very lucid and interesting account. in origin. He rejects the Puranic story of KIDA He shows that in its present-day aspect it embraces and KAliya (a Naga chief); also the story of the throe ancient festivals-(1) the Parvana, or worship Manipur cultivator who in ploughing his field killed of ancestors ; Yama, now worshipped and propi. the young maices and had thus to do penance to tiated at the Divali to avert untimely death, having the snakes. He notes, however, that in Bengal been in pre. Vedio times the great ancestor and a snake-goddess named Mansa, sister of Seca (the protector of men, who pointed the way to Heaven. world serpent) and the wife of a Rei, is portrayed This explains why lighted torches are now lit on 29 a golden-hued woman, surrounded by and the amasa night of DivAli and lampe placed outstanding on snakes. She is worshipped by an side the house next morning. (2) Afvayuji or oblation of ourds, milk, ghee and grain, and milk the full moon day of the month of Asvin. In is placed under trees for snakes all and sundry ancient times sacrifices of butter and curds were to drink. He is aware that Naga templos exist, made to Indra and his wife Sita, the goddess of especially in the South of India ; that in Bihar Agrioulture. In Puranic times Lakemi, as the low caste women impersonate snakes and collect wife of Viepu (who superseded Indra) took the place charity. He cannot say when the worship of of Sita, and later on Kropa, as the incarnation of snakes arose, but adds that 2500 years ago it was Vippu, became connected in fable with the DivAli. prevalent among the "Aryans " and that soven Hence the explanation of the present-day worship snake sacrifices were enjoined in ancient times of Lakemi at the Divali, of the gambling which is for warding off harm from snakes. He thinks that carried on far into the night and of the worship Snakes in olden times were accounted lords of wealth of account books by bankers and traders. Reand protectors of the homestead, and that bence miniscent of Sita and the agricultural phase of the they came to be worshipped in material form. festival is the worship of cows, the lighting up of But his statement that such worship arome out the cow.pens and horse-stalls and the oblation of a mistake made in confusing the allegory of the of grain before partaking of the new harvest's | "8 breaths" of the Saatras with the actual fiveyield. (3) Agrayana, when in ancient times sac. hooded cobra, looks like putting the cart before rificos were made to the goddess of the Seasons at the horse. Have we not here in the Satra, the the commencement of the year in Spring. In theological gloss of the Brahman who had to accept later times the DivAli marked the commencement the wide spread snake worship of the non-Aryan ? of the New Year and is spent with great rejoicings Why does Vippu recline on a snake, and how ex. as a Harvest Home. Hence the lighting-up of the plain the snake-necklace of Siva or the sake girdle roads and houses with lanterns which is a marked of Ganapati ? What of the Yajurueda and its characteristio of the festival, can be explained songs to be sung at sacrifices to ingratite snakes i as of tri-partite origin. The rites prescribed by the Saetras themselves The last of the seasonal festivals to be noticed enjoin worship of an image or drawing of a snake is the Holi occurring in March. The author rejects and the feeding of it with an oblation of ourds, wa Purinio fairy tale, the story of Krupa's slaying milk, ghi and grain. The Nagas of Puranic fable of the o grese Putna, and the idea that the Holiare spokon of as human in their actions. Tak. bonfire is symbolical of the burning of that lady gake, the great "make" king, Vasuki and all

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1924 dru's brood, Vrtra, the dragon slain by Indra, Vayu, one of the oldest Purdgas and in its original te oto. Rais married "anako" maidens andrescension pre-Buddhistic, deals with linga worship, "unakes" took to themselves humans a wivos. in which the lingam, the yoni and the bull Nandi The Nagas wore powerful aboriginal race in were the outward and viel ble objects of adoration. Northern India, and were driven back by the Aryan In Patanjali's time linga worship took place in conquest into the hills. Their descendante ere temples to Siva. When man's mind once con. alivo 46 the present day. It is unlikely that man ceives of the Deity, or supernatural Power mposcommenced to worship snakes, because they were sessing anthropomorphic form, or as indwelling struck with wonder at them as the creation of the in material objects, it is but a stop for his hands Daity, mour author asserts. They were probably to give to his thoughts material shapes me aids to propitiatod at first out of fear. Later, on, when his devotion or a charms to ward off evil or to harmlens snakes were seen to exist, they were wor induoe benefits. Tree worship and animal worship shipped protectors of the homestead and cattle prevailed among the non-Aryans, with whom the pen. This non-Aryan oult was adopted into Brah. Aryan invaders came into conflict and with whom manism and fable did the rest in associating the they eventually similated. When all the above Aryan gods and their avatdras with snakes. We is borne in mind it soms probable that image have bore, in all probability, another instance worship was not unknown to Brahmaniam before of a compromise between a higher religion and ani. Buddha. It may be conceded that the public mal worship, and possibly totomism. For the Naga worship of images became more general after the people may have oalled themselves after the snake, decay of Buddhism and the establishment of numewhich they worshipped, much as the Red Indians rous publio Hindu temples. But decadent Buddhism Are called "Bears", etc. The author's statement can hardly be charged with suggesting imago wor that the Dravidians in the South like the "Aryans" ship to the Brahmans, who were already imbued in the North worshipped snakon takes no account with the idea and had practised it in private worof the fact that there were "Dravidiane" in the ship, while the non-Aryan had practiced it in public. North, from whom tho Aryan invaders or their W. DODERET. mixed Aryo-Dravidian progony adopted many THE ARAB CONQUESTS IN CENTRAL ASLA. by A. A. non-Aryan beliefs and usages. In conclusion, and before taking leave of our R. GIBB, School of Oriental Studies, London. author, one or two points of general interest may Royal Asiatic Society (Forlong Bequest), 1923. be notiood. The author states that no religion other The effect of the War on literary studies is very than the Hindu has recognised time is eternal. He plain still. Quite lately in reviewing & work on the claims that by representing Brahma's life by immense Glass Palace Chronicle of Burma, I noticed that the numbers, the Rois meant to indicate temnity. extensive notes of the author had to be laid aside That may well bo. But so did the Greeks when they because the Society which published the text was postulated Chronos, old Father Time, as reigning be financially unable to publish the notes also. So all fore the Olympians, and the Christian religion main. the reader could get was the bare Chronicle unanno. tains that God is from everlasting to overlasting. tated. In this case exactly the same thing has Again, in his account of the Doloteava, or festival happened. In order to get his text printed, the author has had to cut out the extensive references when the idols of the gods are deoked out and Haced on swing-cote, the author Aggerts that idol he had collected, so as to keep down the cost of worship was introduced into Brahmanism from publication and to meet the financen of another 80the practices of the Buddhists, who made images ciety. Such a state of affairs in a matter for great of Buddha and set them up in their Viharas. This regret. In this case, too, much besides the rolestatemont is of doubtful authority. It is true rences has also had to be omitted, so that we have that in process of time idol worship was introduced not even a map of a little known region. into Buddhism in its decline, say a century or so The regret is all the greater, because the subject after Christ; much as Roman Catholicism sanc matter of the book deals with a period of which all tions the veneration of images of Christ and the the certain information possible is urgently required, Virgin Mary. But that pre-Buddhistic Hinduism since it covers the early Arab conquesta in Central had no idols is questionable. The second mandala Asia-their doings in fact in the centuries immediateof the Rg Veda describes a painted image of Rudra ly following the introduction of Islam. As it stands and images of the Maruts are referred to elsewhere therefore, the book is merely the dry bones of his In that Veda. In the old language there is a word tory, but its importance to the student is clear from (aandris) which properly denotes an image of the the contents list-the early raids, the con questa of gods (Muir, O.S.T.V., 453). Sun temples existed Qutayba, the Turkish counterstroke and the reconin the time of the Mahdbhdrala and the Ramdvana. quest of Transoziana. I sympathine with the author The Puranao deal with the question of how the in the difficulties he has found in necuring a publiSuri's image should be made. The miligrama of sher for all the good and useful work he has done. Vigou is mentioned in the Mahabharata. The R. C. TEMPLE,

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MAY, 1024] MALABAR MISCELLANY MALABAR MISCELLANY, BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. (Continued from Vol. LII, p. 357.) III. Calamina. In a Syriac MS. in the British Museum (Add. Cod. 17193, folio 80, of the rear 874) an anonymous Syrian writer says: "The Apostle Thomas preached .... in India interior, and taught and baptized and conferred the imposition of hands for the priesthood. He also baptized the daughter of the king of the Indians. But the Brahmins killed him at Calamina. His body was brought to Edessa and there it reste."1 This is the earliest dated record vet discovered, in which Calamina in India is mentioned as the place of martyrdom of the Apostle Thomas. But it appears earlier in a group of undated, mostly anonymous, writings in Greek, which may be assigned to A.D. 650-750. Kalauim (Calamina), Calamene and Calamite are the several forms of this word as found in these latter writings. Several interpretations have been put upon this word by modern writers.. (1) Calamina means 'the port of Kalah.' "The word Calamina", says Bishop Medlycott, "is a composite term, consisting of the words kalah, the name of a place, and elmina, which in Syriac denotes a port. The two words joined together with a necessary elision gives the product Calamina, or Calamine, signifying originally the port of Kalah'" And Kalah, according to him is "a place in the Malay Peninsula " (Op. cit., p. 156). (2) Calamina means' upon a stone.' (a) "Father Kircher," says Renaudot, "pretends we must read Calarmina, instead of Calamina, and that the word signifies upon a stone; because in that country they still show a stone figured with some crosses, and other ensigns of Christianity, and upon this stone the Malabars tell you, he was pierced by a Brahmin." (6) Baldous agrees with the above author (Kircher) in his interpretation of Calamina, that it is not the name of a place, but merely descriptive of the spot where the apostle is said to have been martyred upon a rock, or stone, (c) Father Paulinus also interprets it in almost the same way. Calla Malabarice et Tamulice lapte, saxum rupes, mel supra, nina ex, Calla melnina ex rupe, et saxo.... Tunc ergo corpus ejus ex Callamelnina in Edessam translatum fuit, id est, ex rupe, ex monte, ex saxo sublatum, et translatum est .... Malanina ex monte, substitue litterae M. litteram C., arit Calanina, parum absonum a dictione Calamina. The true forms of the compound words suggested above must have been, in old Tamil and old Malayalam, Kallinmel or Kallinmele or Kallinmites, all meaning upon a stone, and Malayilninnu, from a mountain or hill.. 1 India and the Apostle Thomas, by A. E. Medlycott, London, 1908, pp. 152 and 160. 3 Ibid., pp. 150, 160 and 161. Ibid., pp. 161 and 152. Ibid., p. 153. 8 Eusebius Ronaudot's Inquiry into the Origin of the Christian Religion in China, p. 80 (London ed. 1733), as quoted on p. 38 of The History of Christianity in India, by James Hough, Vol. I, (London, 1839.) * Baldolus' Description, eto., ch. XX. Churchill's Voyages, etc., vol. III, p. 676. (80 in Hough's Ohristianity, I, 39, footnoto 3). India Orientalis Christiana, by Paulino A. 8. Bartholomaeo, Romao, 1704, pp. 134, 138. * Boe the form Calamito, ante.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1924 Now, the tradition of the Syrian Christians of Malabar is that St. Thomas died in or very near tho place called Chinnamalai (Little Mount) near Mylapore. A Malayalam song composed on the 3rd of July 1601 A.D., has the following : " In July seventy-two (A.D.) * On the third day in the morning, He arrives as a traveller, At Chinnamala in Mylapore-(Lines 325-328). A cruel man took a big lance, And hard in the chest the Apostle, Stabbed, and they fled and hid themselves, All of them, the temple priests; And St. Thomas in the jungle on the beach, Fell on a stone and prayed. The angels made all this known. To Bishop Paulus (Paul). Bishop Paulus and the King And all their retinue, They ran and came to a rock Close to Kali's (Goddess'e) shrine (at Chinnamala). The lance found in the fresh wound Bishop Paulus quickly pulled out. When, for comfort, in a car They tried to take him away: 'No more comfort, my bliss is nigb,' So did St. Thomas say anon-(Lines 351-368). And St. Thomas breathed his last"10_(Line 376). Rev. Fr. Bernard, from whose History the above lines are translated, says that "it is & fact that St. Thomas died near Chinnamala (Little Mount) and there is no question at all about it among the Syrian Christians." (Bernard's History, I, p. 32.) Another history in Malayalam says that "a temple priest threw a lance and he was hit hard and thereby he died at Chinnamala 11 in Mylapore in about A.D. 90 and was buried there."'13 It has to be Temarked here that Mylapore (or San Thome), the Great Mount (or St. Thomas Mount) and the Little Mount (Chinnamalai) are three different localities. The Great Mount is about six miles and the Little Mount about two miles from Mylapore (or San Thome), which is a suburb of Madras, about three and a half miles south of Fort St. George, Madras,13 Fort St. George and San Thome are on the sea coast, while San Thome, Little Mount and Great Mount are almost in the same straight line, making an angle of about 60deg with the coast extending southward. 9 See the sketch map of San Thome, Mylapore, and environs facing p. 111 of Medlycott's India and the Apostle Thomas and plate at p. 128, op. cit. Also the small but clear sketch on p. 368 of Yule and Cordier's Marco Polo, vol. II (London, 1903) and the picture on p. 356 of the same. 10 The song is given in full in a History of the St. Thomas Christians in Malayalam), vol. I, by Rev. Fr. Bernard of St. Thomas, T.O.C.D. (Pala, 1916). 11 But Bishop Medlycott, op. cit., p. 123, note 1, says that the Great Mount is traditionally reputed to bu the site of the Apostle's martyrdom. Vide also Marco Polo, II, 388. 13 Ittup's History of the Syrian Christian Church of Malabar, p. 80 (2nd Impression, Kottayam, 1906). This history in Malayalam was first published in 1869. 18 See Medlycott, op. cit., p. 123, notes 1 and 2; and Marco Polo, II, 356, noto 1.

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MAY, 1924) MALABAR MISCELLANY 95 In the present writer's opinion it is this Chinnamala, the place of the Apostle's Martyrdom, that appears as Calamina in the Greek and Syrian writers of the early centuries, The metamorphosis may be represented thus: (1) Chinnamalai of Tamil softens into (2) Chinamali in the mouth of Greek travellers. By metathesis this becomes (3) Chilamani, quite naturally. Ch becomes K and we have (4) Kidapam in Greek, and again by metathesis (5) Kalapim, in which form we find it in the Greek writers. The mutation of ch to k (No. 4) seems natural in the mouth of European speakers. Cf. Cholamandal-Coromandel Coast, Cheraputra-Kerobothros. IV. Some Place-names in Travancore.14 Interesting evidence as to the lie of the ancient sea board of Travancore is afforded by the names of some inland places in the State, which are now eight or ten miles away from the present shores of the lagoons and the Arabian Sea. Megasthenes, in the fourth century B.O., mentioned as "on the sea-coast" the town of Tropina 16 (Trippunittura in Cochin) now on the mainland side of the backwaters. In the time of Pliny (circa 77 A.D.)16 and the Periplus (circa 10 A.D.) 18, Muziris (modern Cranganore, the Musiri of Tamil works of the early Christian centuries), Bacare (modern Prakkate, 17 a few miles south of Alleppey), Pyrrhon, the dark red mountain of Varkkala, Balita (Tiru-'vallatte,' not Varkkala as some authorities seem to suppose) and the Cape of Komari (modern Cape Comorin) were on or near the sea coast18, as they are even now. The lapse of eighteen centuries has not shifted the sea board to any great extent. So, the fact that the old coast places mentioned below are now about half a dozen miles away from salt water- either of the lagoons or of the sea leads one to the inference that the sea must have laved them ages ago and that their names also are of hoary antiquity. Beginning from the south of Travancore, we have Navay mentioned in a Tamil inscription, 19 probably of the first half of the twelfth century A.D., in the temple at Cape Comorin This Navaya still retains its old name, which means a ship. Then there is Katukkara (=sea beach), a village further north. Navayikkulam, about 7 miles north-east of Varkkala, and on the road from Trivandrum to Quilon is now an inland village abounding in igneous rocks and clear, white, free quartz crystals of small size. The name in its present corrupt form means ' a tank in a dog's mouth.' But the real name of the place as found in inscriptions of A.D. 1439 and 1644 is NAvaykkalam?) meaning ship-ground.' A copper-plate inscription of A.D. 1520 in Vatteluttu characters, a photo of which is exhibited in the Napier Museum, Trivandrum, has the modern form 14. A paper on the same subject, entitled Notes on Malabar and its Place Names appeared in Indian Antiquary, Aug., 1902. 15 Schoff's Periplus, p. 212 (Longmans, 1912). 16 Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar's The Beginnings of South Indian History, p. 146 (Madras, 1918). 17 E with a diacritical dot below is used here to denote the Malayalam vowel which has almost the same phonetic value as e in the English words other, father, etc., which in modern phonetics is represented by e, an inverted e. The long variety of this vowel occurs in obhervo, servant, pert, beard. Vide Elementary Phonetica by Sohollo and Smith, pp. 11, 12, 32 (second ed., Blackie, London). * 10 Vide Schoff's Periplus, pp. 44-46. (Longmans, 1012). 19 Travancore Archaological Series, I, p. 23, line 13. (Trivandrum, 1910). ** There is a well known place of the same name (Tiru-navdy, blessed Navky) up in the north, ia British Malabar, on the sea-coast. Logan's Malabar, I, 228 (Madras, 1906) 31 Trav. Arch. Series, I, 299.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1994 Navayikku jam, but it has been wrongly read as Tirupparikkalama by some epigraphiste, as is evident from the label. An unpublished copper-leaf document of 1435 A.D., belonging to a temple near the above ship-ground, 'mentions a place Katittanam (=sea-place) close by Para vur (paravai-ur=sea-village) to the south-east of Quilon is a littoral village even now. In central Travancore we have the sandy region known as Onattukara comprising the taluks of Karunagappalli, Karttikappalliand Mavelikkara. On&ttukara seems to be a corrupt form of Oru-nattukara, 23 salty region or briny land. Ochira in this same region is-briny bank (Op-chira) or salty pool by name, and Mavelikkara, ordinarily taken to mean the village of Mahabali of Puranic fame, may be the great tidal shore,' velj4 meaning tide. Going further north, we come across Katappra (=sea-place), now about 10 miles from the sea, Alanturutti (properly, Atan-turutti, Buddhist saint's island), Turuttikkate (island jungle) and Katuttanam (sea-site). This last name occurs in an unpublished copper-plate inscription belonging to the Tiruvalla-temple. Further on there are Perunneyil (=great littoral village) and Trikkatittanam 26 (-blessed sea-site). The former name appears in its correct form, Peruneytalar, in several tenth or eleventh century stone inscriptions26 in the temple at that place. Then there are Katutturutti (=sea-island) and Onanturutti (Onam-island) both north of Kottayam, well-known to antiquarians as the place where the far-famed Syrian Christian copper-plates and the two Persian crosses with Pahlavi inscriptions are deposited. Perunturutti (=great island) is about twelve miles west of Kottayam and on the western shore of the Vem bapad18 lake. This lake being geologically a part of the sea, there is no doubt that the sandy tracts (including Perun. turutti) between it and the sea on the west were once in the ocean. In the interior there is Katana te 29 (=sea-country) eight miles east of Katutturutti, which latter is now nearly eight miles from the eastern edge of the backwaters and about fourteen miles from the sea. Passing Ernakulam (Iranakulam, salty ground or tank. Cf. Skt. Irinan, salty ground) in Cochin we come to Paravur, a sandy country. The name seems to be a hodification of Paravur (differing in the first r)30 already mentioned as the name of a place near Quilon. 22 The reading published in Trav. Arch. Series, vol. III, part II, p. 216 is correct in this part, but faulty in several others. 23 This appears as Ofunate in the well-known Kottayam copper plate of the reign of Vira-Raghava and ag Otanate in Unnunili Sandesam, a Malayalam lyrical poem of 816 m... (1340-41 A.D.) denoted by the cryptogram Tangdimd forming the opening word of the poem. 24 Sanskrit veld, tide or sea-coast, Tamil velai and Malayalam odli as in veliyerram, tlood-tide and veliyi akkam, ebb-tide. 26 Trav. Arch. Series, II, Part I, pp. 33, 36, 40. 90 Tbid., pp. 34, 44. 27 This is the Carturto of Gouves and other Portuguese writers. The Sanskrit name for the place is Sindhud vipam (=sea-island) occurring in old works like Urrunfli-Sandlaam, (1340-41 A.D.). 38 Vembanad is the Tamilized and Anglicized mode of writing the Malayalam name Vempanate, the change of p and into band d denoting rocent Tamil influence, and the dropping of the final vowel e denoting English influence. It has an old form Vempalanate and a Sanskritizod form Bimball-ddah. It is this Vempanat. that, in the prosent writer's opinion, appears as Pimenta in Gouvea's Journada. Vempan Ate pronounced by the common people as Bommonato was, we may suppose, pronounced and written by Gouvea as Pimonata, which subsequently became Pimenta >> Katapato may also mean end-country, or inhabited place' (ndfe as opposed to kdfe, forost) at the castorn extremity (kata). One may legitimately object here that none of the place-namos containing kata, mentioned above (Katappra, Katittanam and Katutturutti) have any reference to Katal, the sea. Very well. But the geological evidence of oceanic formations at these places remains unahaken. 30 Three different sounds in Malayalam are represented by (in this paper) with diacritical marks. The first (r) is that oceurring in the Sanskrit worda Rama, raja, and in the English word caravan, and the second is the initial consonant (r) in the English words ram, royal, room, etc. The third ( with two dota below) is the sound "formed by the front part of the tongue preening against the foro-gum " and ropresented by t in the English words late, latter, cat, oto., Hlementary Phonetica (ante), p. 89. In phonetics is onlled the trillod rand ran untrilled one. Op. cit., pp. 73 and 74.

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MAY, 1924] MUHAMMAD AN SAINTS AND SHRINES IN THE UNITED PROVINCES 97 This evidence from place-names, apart from the geological one, warrants the conclusion that the Arabian Sea extended to the above localities in ancient times very far remote from the time of the Periplus or even the time of Megasthenes. Was it ten thousand years ago? Do these place-names date from those ancient days? If they do, we have in them Dravidian words of extreme antiquity. NOTES ON SOME MUHAMMADAN SAINTS AND SHRINES IN THE UNITED PROVINCES. BY THE LATE DR. W. CROOKE, O.I.E., D.C.L., F.B.A. I. THE SHRINES OF THE SABIRIA BRANCH OF THE CHISHTI ORDER AT PIRAN KALIYAR, IN THE SAHARANPUR DISTRICT. 1. Piran Kaliyar. 'Ala-ud-din Sabir, whose shrine is close to Rurki, in the Saharanpur District, is said to have been the only son of the sister of Baba Farid Shakarganj's mother.1 Of this latter saint it is told that his mother was very devout and it was she who bade him practise austerities. After twelve years of askesis, he asked her to test his power, but when she pulled his hair he cried out, and she bade him begin anew, as he had not yet got rid of the passions of humanity. For the next twelve years he hung himself in a well, and kept his gaze rivetted on the Heavens above. Though crows tore his flesh he made no moan, but when one tried to pluck out his eyes, he exclaimed: Kaga re, tu hkdiyo chun chun mert mas: Do naina mat chheriyo, piyd milan ki as. "O crow! You may eat my flesh, choosing as you will. But spare my eyes, my only hope of beholding my Beloved." As he sojourned in a forest where caravans were constantly passing, he once, though this was not his habit, asked a miserly Bania what goods his camels were carrying. The reply was:-Mitt sitt hai ('tis only earth). So the saint said: May thy earth prosper' and lo! the sugar with which the camels had been laden became earth. But on the merchant's supplication the saint turned it back to sugar. As the mother of 'Ala-ud-din was poor and he was growing up a weakling from underfeeding, she sent him to her wealthy sister, the mother of Farid. But though she offered him food, he lived on the fruits of the wild, and gave what he received to the poor.. In the fulness of time he came to the village of Piran Kaliyar, where dwelt a Raja, by name Karan, who claimed the jus prima noctis at all his subjects' weddings. The saint protested in vain, and the Raja threatened him with death for his interference. Then the saint (not condescending to deal with the matter himself) bade his disciple Kilkili overturn the Raja's city. This Kilkili did by reversing a peg stuck in the ground in front of the hermitage. The saint was buried at Piran Kaliyar, and near his tombs grows a fig-tree, whose leaves Musulmans carry home to use as charms. 1 As to whom, see Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, I, pp. 2146; In a Panjabi version of this miracle the sugar is turned into stones. 3 The inscription on this tomb reads - Qasime az lutf izo dar gable Hazratash, Bud gum namo kunun andar do 'Alam nam ya ft. Rozaye Makhdum Ahmad, Mir Ald-ud-din 'All. Chun bind o zamana himmatash anjam yaft. Sal tartkhash bapurstdam sa pire agla guft, In bind andar hazdro si wa haft tamam yaft. "Qasim, the builder of this tomb, was not in favour with the Saint: he too was going astray, but since he set up this tomb he has found fame in the two worlds. The tomb of Mir 'Ala-ud-din 'All was built by his generosity. To the wise elders I say that it was completed in the year 1037 of the Hijra."-- Ram Gharib Chaube,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1924 2. Bandag Diwan. At Ranipur, in the same District, is the tomb of 'Ald-ud-din's minister, who out of respect for him lived a few miles away from that saint. The fair held in his honour on the first day of Muharram is largely frequented, and people offer flowers, sweets, animals, etc. On Friday nights the sound of music is heard from a distance, and it only ceases when they go near the tomb. Similarly the clash of arms is also heard, and Ram Gharib Chaube was told by one of the priests that he had heard it just before the outbreak of the Mutiny. After much blood had been shed, the sepoys of the saint Bandagi Diwan mustered one night, spear in hand. But the saint in sorrow said-take not these spears, they are broken.' And so the sepoys sat down. 3. Two Girl Saints. A little way from the tomb of 'Ald-ud-din lies a ruined fort, wherein three historical persons are said to be buried. These are Imam Abu Su'al Muhammad, Bibi Binur Sahiba, a Banjara girl, and Bibi Gauhar Sahiba, the daughter of a Sayyid. These tombs are worshipped by Hindus as well as by Musulmans. The priest informed Ram Gharib Chaube that Raja Karan was so bigoted that he would not permit any Moslem to dwell in his city, but a Sayyid concealed himself in it. Now this Sayyid had a daughter, as lovely as she was learned and inspired, and Raja Karan had a cow which yielded milk without having calved, and was therefore called Kamdhenu by the folk. Her milk was offered to his family gods, 14 mans of gold being also given daily to Brahmans. The cow was turned out to graze where she listed, and no one dared molest her, until one day the Sayyid, whose family was starving, slew her at his daughter's behest, she declaring that its hour had struck. So it was killed and its flesh eaten. Next day Karan learnt what had been done from an informer, and his ministers advised him to demand the Sayyid's daughter as the price of his pardon. The Sayyid demurred, but at his daughter's instance agreed to surrender her on payment of Rs. 2,000. Of that sum he gave her half for her subsistence while he went away, and with the rest he journeyed to 'Mashhad, where Imam Abu Su'al Muhammad was then ruling. To bim he presented a naked sword and a betel (ek bira pan), and told his tale. The Imam in anger resolved to attack Piran Kaliyar, many hundreds of miles away, and marching there with his seventy amirs, bade Karan embrace Islam. But the Raja refusing, a bloody fight ensued and in it the Imam, the Raja, and the Sayyid, with his daughter, were all killed. The Imam and the Sayyid's daughter were buried in the fort, and the third tomb is said to be that of the daughter of the Banjara who supplied the Imam's army in all his campaigns. Of her it is related that in battle she always stood by the Im&m's side, with two pitchers full of water on her shoulders, and that she too fell in this battle. The fair is held on the 6th of Muharram. II. SOME MIRACLES OF 'ABD-UL-QADIR JILANI. 1. Miracles in Infancy. It is related that while an infant 'Abd-ul-Qadir refused to take the breast during the day-time, as soon as Ramazan came round, and once, when the moon did not appear, owing to the sky being overcast, on the last day of the month, the folk asked his mother about the date. She replied that it was certainly the first of Ramazan, as the child had not sucked that day. It is also related of the saint that, while yet a child, his daya or ayah took him for an airing, and that he flew away from her bosom, far away into the sky where he hovered, like a bird, near the sun. But seeing her alarm, he flew back to her bosom. Once this daya, who was a native of Jilan, came to see the saint when he was at Baghdad, and jestingly nskod him if Sic in Ram Gharib Chaube's MS.

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MAY, 1924) MUHAMMADAN SAINTS AND SHRINES IN THE UNITED PROVINCES 99 such happenings as he had displayed in childhood had ever occurred since he left her. Smiling, the saint replied - Mother, in childhood there is more bodily agility. Although, by God's grace, my power to work miracles has increased a hundred-fold, yet it is not fitting at my age that it should be displayed publicly.' So she saluted the saint in silence. 2. Miracles in boyhood. One day as the saint sat writing, some dust from the roof of his home fell on his clothes thrice. When it fell a fourth time he looked up and saw a rat making a hole in the ceiling But as soon as the saint's glance fell on it, its head was wrenched from its body, and fell in one place, while its body fell in another. The saint wept, and when one sitting by him asked why, he replied that he was grieved lest any Muhammadan should ever be dealt with by him as the rat had been. On another day, a bird let its droppings fall on him while he was performing his ablutions before prayer, and when he looked up it fell dead. The saint wrought these miracles while yet a boy. 3. Piety requited. Once when the saint was on his way to Mecca, he bade his companions find the house of a poor, obscure, and pious man to stay in. The notables of the place besought him to bless their houses with his presence, but he chose the dwelling of an aged woman, and during the night so much money and goods came to her that no one there surpassed her in wealth. 4. Disrespect punished. One day Abu'l-Fazl, a servant of the saint, went to a clothseller's shop and asked for some cloth which was selling at one dindr a yard. The dealer asked for whom it was wanted ; and the servant replied that it was for his master. The dealer muttered that that faqir left nothing even for the King to wear. But no sooner had he said this than an iron peg from above fell and pierced his feet. The servant returned to his master, leaving the dealer in grievous pain. The saint on learning what had passed, sent for the dealer and told him not to make remarks about saints, as what they did was done by God's permission, and he who objects is punished. The dealer then threw himself at the saint's feet, and when he had placed his hand on the wound it was healed forth with. 5. A dead son restored to his father. Once a man had a dearly loved son, but he died, and in his grief the father wandered afar, until he came to the saint at Panipat. There he prayed the saint to let him see his son, even if it were only in a dream. But the saint promised to show him his son while he was awake; and next day an old woman passed the inn where he was staying with a boy who exactly resembled his dead son. The man caressed the lad and gave him sweets. Then both woman and child disappeared. Thrice this happened, but after that they were seen no more. The man went to the saint and begged that he might see his son every day. But the saint replied that that could not be, for God, not he, had both created and supported the child, and that He had entrusted it to the man as long as He pleased, but now that He no longer willed it so, he had no cause for repining. Then the man understood the saint's lesson, and being comforted returned home. 6. Use of a Hindu charm. One day a Hindu named Kalika Prasad went to the saint and complained that he had used every remedy for his disease, but had not been cured. The saint called his physician Mauju Khan, and he found that the man was at the point of death, But the saint bade the sufferer stand every morning in the open air, facing the sun, and repeat :Shiva ! Shiva ! Ganesha ! Kato kalesa ! Shiv ! O Ganesh ! Remove my affliction !! promising him recovery. And the man obeyed and was healed.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY AN UNKNOWN BATTLE BETWEEN A RULER OF GUJARAT AND A KING OF MEWAR. By R. R. HALDER. THERE is no mention of the battle, which forms the subject of this article, in any history of Gujarat or of Mewar. Nor do we find any trace of it in the inscriptions of either country. The only clue that we have appears in the inscription, dated Samvat 1287 (A.D. 1230), in the temple of Neminatha, originally known as Lunavasahika, on Arbuda (Mt. Abu), built by Tejpala, brother of Vastupala and minister of the Chaulukya chief Viradhavala. The text of the inscription was composed by Somesvaradeva, the well-known Gurjara-purohita of the Chalukya kings and the author of Kirtikaumudi and other works. The inscription runs, "His (Dharavarsha's) younger brother Prahladana, whose sword was dexterous in defending the illustrious Gurjara King, when his power had been broken on the battlefield by Samantasimha, again displayed on earth the behaviour of the greatest enemy of the descendants of Danu."1 100 [MAY, 1924 Now, who was this Samantasimha? Up to the present, only two inscriptions of Samantasimha have been found; one on a pillar of the temple of Devi in the village of Jagat in Udaipur State, which is dated Samvat 1228 (A.D. 1172), and the other in the temple of Boresvara Mahadeva, about one and a half miles from the village of Solaj in the Dungarpur State, which is dated Samvat 1236 (A.D. 1179). From these it appears that Samantasimha was reigning between the period Samvat 1228 and 1236. No other ruler of this name ruled at this period, either in Gujarat, Rajputana or other neighbouring provinces, except this Samantasimha of Mewar, Turning our attention to Prahladana, we find that there are two inscriptions of Prahladan or Palhanadeva in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. One is dated Samvat 1220 (A.D. 1163) and the other Samvat 1265 (A.D. 1208). Both of them were found in the Sirohi State, the first at Kayadran and the second at the village Oriya on Mt. Abu. From these we learn that Prahladana or Palhanadeva lived between the years Samvat 1220 and 1265 Thus, Samantasimha of Mewar and Prahladana were contemporaries. From the Mount Abu inscription of Samvat 1265, which says that "the Lord of Chandravati, the chief of the feudal barons, the illustrious Dharavarshadeva, being the only possessor of a regal parasol protected the earth," it appears that Dharavarsha, the elder brother of Prahladana, was a feudatory of Bhimdeva II, the ruler of Gujarat, just as his father, Yasodhavala, was a feudatory of the preceding ruler, Kumarapala, of Gujarat. Hence it is reasonable to infer that Dharavarsha sent his younger brother Prahladana to render assistance to the King of Gujarat with his army, when the latter was attacked by Samantasimha of Mewar. Next, we have to ascertain which king of Gujarat gave battle to Samantasimha and whose power the latter broke in the battlefield 1 Epigraphia Indica, vol. VIII, pp. 211, 216; verse 38. entreffefaivedte: silquakeforfavorwerfer, averweeg egenwatcafeenw gay LEGGIZEM 1 saMvata 1228 varikhe ( varSe) phAlguna sudi * guro zrI aMbikAdevI mahArAja zrI sAMgatasiMhadevena suvarna ( ) navakala (zaH) prata 1 Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1914-15, page 3. Ante, vol. XI., page 223. Epigraphia Indica, vol. VIII, pp. 201, 211.

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MAY, 1924) AN UNKNOWN BATTLE BETWEEN GUJARAT AND MEWAR 101 We know that the throne of Gujarat was occupied by Kumarapala from S. 1199 to 1230 (A.D. 1143 to 1174); by his nephew Ajaipala from S. 1230 to 1233 (A.D. 1174 to 1177); by Mulraja II (Balamularaja), son of Ajaipala from S. 1233 to 1235 (A.D. 1177 to 1179); and by Bhimadeva II (Bholabhima), the younger brother of Malaraja II, from S. 1235 to 1298 (A.D. 1179 to 1242). All these four rulers were, therefore, contemporaries of Samanta. simha of Mewar. Of these, Kumarapala was the most powerful, and as he was a staunch supporter of Jainism, many learned writers of the age wrote an account of his reign. Therein we find various interesting facts relating to his enterprises and achievements, but in none of them do we find any account of this battle. The other rulers were Ajaipala, Malraja II, and Bhimadeva II, of whom the last two, being of tender age at the time of accession, and there being no authentic historical evilence of the fact, cannot be supposed to have fought the battle. Hence the likelihood is that the battle was fought with Ajaipala of Gujarat, the successor of Kumarapala. To corroborate this view, we may refer to a passage in the writing of the same Gurjara. purdhita Somesvara. He mentions in bis Surathotsava Kavya while giving an account of his ancestors, mentioning therein various services offered by them to their spiritual clients, the Kings of Gujarat, that his predecessor Kumara, having propitiated Kagukesvara Shiva (Ardhanarisvara), healed the torturing pains of wounds received by king Ajaipala of Gujarat in a battle. It will, therefore, be safe to say that the battle was fought between Samanta. simha of Mewar and Ajaipala of Gujarat. It is not known, however, why and when this battle was fought. But it seems prob. able that after the death of the powerful king Kumarapala, Samantasimha seized the oppor. tunity to regain possession, from the hands of an incapable successor of Kumarapala, of the fort of Chitor, which belonged to his (Samantasimha's) ancestors and which had long been in foreign possession. As to the date of the battle, nothing can be said with preoision : but there can be no doubt that the battle was fought sometime during the short reign of Ajaipala, between Samvat 1230 and 1233 (A.D. 1174 to 1177). The result of the battle has special importance, as it gave rise to the foundation of the Dungarpur State in Rajputana. Samantasimha's power declined after this battle, and, taking advantage of his weakness, Kirtipala (Kita) the Chauhan king of Jalaur and third son of Alhanadeva of Nadal (in Jodhpur State), attacked Mewar and took it from Saman. 'tasimha. Samantasimha was thus compelled to leave Chitor and to flee to the other territory called Bagar (Dungarpur State), where he made Baroda his capital; and there he and his descendants settled permanently. Thus he became the founder of the Dungarpur State. Then his younger brother, Kuinarasimba, opened negotiations with the king of Gujarat, and with his assistance turned Kitu ont of Mewar and took possession of his ances. tral dominion, of which he subsequently became the ruler.8 After that, the Guhil branch & Supplementary Notes to Tod's Rajasthan, by R. B, Pt. Gourishankar H. Ojha, pp. 434-436. ' yaH zaucarsabamapaTuH kaTukezvarAyamArAdhya bhUdharasutApaTitAvaham / af arrafa T a mu 91 T 1--Surathotsava, XV, 32. 8 Harare wra: II Y6 II bhAtAkumArasiMho'bhUsvarAjyapAhiNa paraM tafor e agerat oyu: 1 99011-Kumbhalgarh Inscription (unpublished): svIkRtamApATapuraM gurjaranRpati prsaay| get a fronteret II 348!1-Ibid.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MY, 1924 of the younger brother ruled over Chitor, and that of the elder brother at Dungarpur-a taot still admitted by the historians, chiefs and rulers of Mewar. Although it appears that Samantasithha of Mewar was thus the real founder of the Dungarpur State, nevertheless there are many controversies on this point. We need not enter into the details, but it is interesting to examine the opinions of a few historians of Rajputana on the matter. The author of Raja prasasti Mahdkdvya says that the state was founded by Mahapa, elder son of Karna, who was the son of R&wal Samarasimha of Mewar. In fact, Ratansitha, and not Karpa, was the son of Samarasimha 10 Colonel Tod also says that Mahape, son of Karna and grandson of Samarasimha, was the founder 11 If we believe that Mahapa was the grandson of Samarasimha, his date will fall about the middle of the fourteenth century A.D., because several inscriptions19 of Rawal Samarasimha show that he was the ruler of Mewar from S. 1330-1356 (A.D. 1273-1299). Major Erskine gives two versions of the foundation of the state, but he is not positive about them. His supposition that in the thirteenth or fourteenth century Mahapa went to Bagap and, by gradually driv. ing back the Bhil chieftains, he and his descendants becamo masters of that country, is in all probability erroneous. 18 For the state came under the sway of the present roling dynasty before the year S. 1236 (A.D. 1179). And again, the date of Sihardeva (Sehdi), the fifth ruler from Mahapa, would fall in the fifteenth century A.D., while his inscriptions are dated 8. 1277 and 1291 (A.D. 1220 and 1234).14 The version of the celebrated writer Mahnot Nansi (A.D. 1649-1669) that Samatsi (Samantasinha), King of Mewar, having made Bafod in Bagar his capital, gradually brought all the surrounding territory under his control, is supported by several inscriptions; but his statement that Samantasimha willingly gave the fort of Chitor to his younger brother is unfounded, 15 After many years of contro. versy the real facts are at last disclosed. It may be that these historians had to walk with faltering and uncertain steps on the slippery path of the legendary information then available; bat, now, in the light of the recent discoveries of so many inscriptions of Abu, Kumbhal. garh, Dungarpur, eto, the dark spots in their path have been sufficiently illumined to remove uncertainty and clearly establish the truth. * Rajapradaai Mahaldeya, Canto. III, vome 28. 10 saratnasiMha tanaya nibandha svacitrakUTAcalarakSaNAva | U n ele theftiger II 11-Kumbhalgarh Inscription. 11 Tod's Rajasthan ( Calcutta edition), vol. I, pp. 279, 280. 13 Wiener Zoitschrift, vol. 21, p. 143 ; Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. 38, pert I, p. 48; anta, Vol. 16, p. 347. 18 Gasetter of the Dungarpur State, by Major K. D. Erakino, pp. 131-132. 14 Unpublished Inscriptions of Bhaikrod and of the village Jagat saMvata 1291 varSe / vaizApa (kha) zudipa kho bAgaDapa (da) padake mahArAjAdhirAja zrI sIharadeva ......NITT 1300 ( ) # letata...... ( T ) ..... 16 The MSS. of Munnot Nonni's Klydia, p. 19.

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MAY, 1924) UMAJI NAIK 103 UMAJI NAIK (An Episode in the History of Western India.) BY S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., O.V.O. The article on the history of the Poona District in tho Provincial Volumes of the Imperial Gazetteer of India contains the following sentence "In 1826 the Ramosis rose in revolt and were joined by the Kolis from the hilly western tracts. This rising and a similar one in 1844 were quelled without much difficulty." If this summary reference to operations which were begun towards the end of the Governorship of Mountstuart Elphinstone and were concluded during the regime of Major-General Sir John Malcolm, were all that we had to depend upon, we should know very little about the somewhat remarkable figure of Umaji Naik, or Umia, the Ramobi robber-chief, who at one period of his career of outlawry certainly cherished ideas of emulating the great Sivaji and securing an independent political position. Fortunately, however, there still exists a stray copy or two of an excellent trea. tise on the Ramosis of the Deccan, written and published in 1833 by Captain Alexander Mackintosh of the 27th Regiinent, Madras Army, who took part in the operations against the outlaw; and the latter portion of his work is concerned particularly with the history of Um Aji himself, and describes in considerable detail the achievements of his gang of lawless followers. It seems worth while to summarize Mackintosh's story of the revolt, not only because it possesses a certain historical value, but also because it indicates how easily a similar movement might again be engendered and supported under & weak, inefficient or corrupt administration. Um Aji, who was the son of Dad Aji Naik, a Ramosi chief of Purandhar fort, was born in 1791 in a village two miles north-east of Purandhar and sixteen miles south-east of Poona. He and the clan to which he belonged claimed certain hereditary rights in the fort and other places in its vicinity, and there seem grounds for supposing that those rights had been recognized in previous years. During the constant warfare of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it is more than likely that bodies of militant jungle-tribesmen, such as the Ramosis, Bedars, Kolis, Bhils and others, gave valuable assistance at various times to local chieftains and native governments, receiving in return gifts of land and other rights and emoluments, which were generally granted in perpetuity. Dad Aji Naik died in Purandhar fort in 1802, a little while before the arrival of Holkar's army in Poona : and it was in the following year, after the return of the Peshwa Baji Rao II to Poona from Bagsein, that the incident occurred which may be said to have ultimately driven Uin Aji into outlawry. Baji Rao ordered the Ramosis of Purandhar to deliver the fort to him : the latter, persuaded of their hereditary right to live there, declined to do so : the Peshwa retaliated by expelling them forcibly from the fort and depriving them of their pay, emoluments and lands. The Peshwa thus destroyed the one induoement to these wild men to lead a more or loss settled life: the Ramosis, under their headinen or naiks, left Purandhar with a grievance, among them being Um Aji, who took shelter in a neighbouring village with his mother, the second wife of Dad Aji Naik. Nothing definite is heard of Umaji until the year 1814, when, in company with his cousin Ragho and other Ramosis from the Poona District, he joined forces with other members of his tribe, resident near Parenda in the Nizam's territory. Here he and his associates were implicated in the murder of the second wife of an Inamdar near Bir, and were obliged by the activity of the Nizam's deputy in Aurungabad to flee back towards Purandhar with their families, flocks and cattle. The Nizam's troops, however, pursued and brought them to bay, and after a sharp conflict forced them to surrender. Umaji and other sur. vivors were carried off to Parenda and there imprisoned: but three months later they managed to obtain their freedom by offering all the property, of which they were possessed, to the officials in charge. In the conflict just mentioned Um aji's cousin Ragho was killed.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1924 Umaji's second escapade was equally disastrous. Abont six months after the down. fall of Baji Rao and the British occupation of his territory, Unaji, in company with the Ramosis of Sakurdi and Saswad, suddenly descended upon Kalapur in the Konkan, 18 miles froin Pariwel, and there looted the property of a sahukur of Poona, which was being sent to Bombay. He and three others were shortly afterwards arrested, tricd, convicted and gentenced to a year's imprisonment and a flogging. On the expiry of his sentence he recommenced his plundering excursions, and was again arrested, although on this occasion he defended himself with great cleverness and managed to escape conviction. As showing that Umaji was rather superior to the average Raunosi, it may be mentioned that he employed his sojourn in jail in learning Balbodh with his brother and fellow-prisoner, Kistnaji. There is little doubt that he was already aiming at being something more than a mere dacoit or jungle-robber, and that he recognized the value for that purpose of a knowledge of Marathi. Yet he was still working with only a small party of followers and confined himself to highway robbery of a minor character. In December 1821, he came directly into conflict with the authorities by rescuing from police custody a Saswad Ramosi, named Sattu Naik, who had caused the death of a woman during an altercation. In April 1823, he went a step further and killed one Annaji Naik, the officer in charge of the Poona police, because the latter had arrested another of his brothers, named Amrita. Alarmed at what he had done, Umaji decided that he must strengthen bis position and command a larger following, and he and his brothers therefore joined Sattu Naik, mentioned above. who was being hunted among the hills by the police. By the close of 1823 they had considerably augmented their joint forces and had committed various heavy robberies, designed to supply them with the money necessary for an intensive campaign against authority. At the beginning of 1824 Umaji and his followers moved to Singarh, where some of Sattu's spies brought him information of a large sum of money lying in the Government Treasury at Bamburda, a suburb of Poona. He accordingly detailed thirty men, headed by Umaji, to attack and loot tho Treasury, which they did successfully on February 24th, The attack was launched after nightfall. The Sihbandi treasury-guard was overpowered without much difficulty; and the Ramosis decamped with about Rs. 6,000, of which the major portion was given to Umaji and his brothers. The favour of their tutelary deities was secured by the presentation of large sums to the shrines of Khandoba at Jejuri and of Bhav&ni at Kondanpur near Singarh. In March an inconclusive skirmish took place in the hills south of Saswad between the Ramosis and a mixed force of Sihbandis, Ramosis of Poona, and a small body of regular infantry; and this was followed on April 28, 1825, by an attack upon Umaji and his gang at Sagwad by a body of Poona Sihbandia and some cavalry and matchlock-men belonging to the Jagirdar of Purandhar. Though Umaji and Kistnaji were both wounded, they and the rest of the gang managed to escape into the hills. In July 1825, the magistrate of Poona decided to inake a fresh effort to break up the gang, and dig. patched a detachment under Captain Mansfield to waylay them near the Harali ghat. This attempt met with little more success than before. The main body of the Ramosis made good their escape in the jungles : but Umaji's brother, Amrita, and some of the families of the outlaws were taken prisoners. Amrita was detained in jail at Poona until the offer of a pardon to Um Ajf in 1828. The next event of consequence was the death of Sattu Naik from cholera in August, 1825. He was succeeded as head of the outlaws by Umaji, who Juring the next two years organized and perpetrated a series of daring robberies and crimes. He commenced by plundering a rakil of a member of the Patvardhan family, on his way from Miraj to Poona, and in April 1826, treated in the same way a Brahman sahukar of Pandharpur. Three

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MAY, 1924 ) UMAJI NAIK 105 months later ho attacked the family of tho Jagirdar of Phaltan in the hills betwoen Dhond and Jejuri, seizing Rs. 8,000 in cash and the principal lady of the party, whom, however, he subsequently set at liberty. Ten days later, July 26th, 1826, he descended on the house of Jowahir Singh, head of the Purandhar police, at Kikwi, as the latter had shown some determination to chock-mate his marauding activities. The Ramosis scized Jowahir Singh's son, stole all the weapons in the house, and then decamped to the Purandhar hills. Here it was intended at first to put the prisoner to death: but milder counsels ultimately prevailed, and Jowahir Singh's son was permitted to depart, after making a solemn promise that he would interfere in no way with the Ramosis. This last exploit appears to have stirred the British authorities in Poona to a fresh effort ; for troops under the Officer Com. manding Poona Horse were ordered to suppress Umaji and his followers. The latter were in no wise daunted. In October Umaji attacked a party of police, which had been detailed to watch his movements and give protection to travellers, and wounded severely three sepoye and two Brahman officers. He armed his own men with their swords and matchlocks. In the following month he made a surprise attack at Purinchi upon a party of ten men under * Sir Naik, a Mhar by caste, who had agreed with Captain Robertson, the Collector of Poona, to assist in hunting down Um Aji. The attack was successful; the Mhar leader, though he fought bravely, was cut down and terribly mangled, and most of his men were severely wounded. The Bombay Government, anticipating little success from the current operations, now ordered detachments of regular infantry to support the Poona police and the Poona Horse. Thereupon the Ramosis, who received early information of these orders, promptly disappeared into hiding in the Purandhar hills. In March 1827, they looted Rs. 3,000 from a Brahman traveller ; and after spending some weeks in the less nccessible parts of the Sahvadris, sixty of them, headed by Um Aji, descended to the foot of the Bhor Chat and there seized a costly consignment of silks and satins, destined for Poona. This occurred in May 1827, and in the following month, after robbing the agents of certain Poona shroffs of Rs. 3,100, they returned once more to the Purandhar hills and attacked the Kolis of Purandhar, who were in the pay of Government and had shown a disposition to act against them. In July, certain villagers in the neighbourhood of Purinchi had the temerity to assist a party of cavalry in attacking Umaji and his followers. They paid rather heavily for their action: for Um Aji escaped once more, and returning shortly afterwards, burnt their houses to the ground. For the next few weeks the Ramosis, finding themselves rather pressed, concealed themselves in some dilapidated forts in the Wai district, whence they sallied forth at intervals for the purposes of loot. Before the close of the monsoon the Bombay Government took the further step of offering rewards publicly for the apprehension of the leaders of the gang, the prices upon the head of each being as follows Um Aji, Rs. 1,200 ; Kistnaji, Rs. 1,000; Pandu, Rs. 800 ; Paduji, Rs. 500; Bhavani, Rs. 200; and Bhojaji, Rs. 200. The proclamation had little effect. 'As soon as the rains ceased, Umaji opened negotiations with tho Raja of Kolhapur, who was at the time in active opposition to the British authoritios. Shahaji alias Bava Saheb, who had ascended the gadi in 1822, proved a quarrelsome and profligate ruler, whose aggressions between that year and 1829 obliged the British to send forces to subdue him on three separato occasions. He welcomed an offer of help from Umaji, who undertook to make a diversion by striking a blow at Poona. The suggested action, however, never materialised, and the Ramosis contented themselves in October by again attacking the Kolis, who had remained staunch to their duties, and burning their village to the ground. It was at this date that Umaji seems to have contemplated the possibility of acquiring a position of chieftainship, and his active promotion of the cause of the recalcitrant Raja of Kolhapur was doubtless meant to draw public atten. tion to his own importance and reputation. He commenced issuing proolamations, and

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1924 together with Bhoj Aji, one of his Naiks, sent peremptory orders to the village officers in Sagwad to pay him a portion of the village-revenues. He realized in this way about Rs. 14,000, and proceeded to levy similar contributions in the northern area of the Raja of Satara's territory, as well as in the district belonging to the Pant Sachiv. Further, he endeavoured to exact from the people of the countryside the respect and attentions which are customarily shown to Rajas and ruling princes, and ordered his own followers and persons of the lower classes and castes to address him by the title of Raja. Visions of independence and a principality floated before his eyes ; but he failed to realize that in the British Government he had a far tougher and more powerful opponent than Sivaji faced in Aurangzeb. The remainder of the year 1827 was spent in casual skirmishing with the troops and police. In November, Um Aji attacked a party of troops at a village seven miles from Saswad, set fire to the Patel's house and burnt the Patel's daughter. A few days later he fell in with a party of infantry and ten horse, whom his followers attacked vigorously, shouting their war-cry "El-kot," and drove them back to Jejuri. He then made a forced march to the western Ghats, plundered some sepoys who were travelling on leave to Hindustan, and returned to Sonapur in the Saswad district, where he fought another engagement with a party of infantry and cavalry. Having escaped from this encounter with the loss of two of his inen, Umaji moved into the M&wala, levying contributions as he went both from British villages and from those belonging to the Pant Sachiy. He was shortly afterwards joined by Bhojaji, who had been commissioned to raise fresh lovies of fighting jungle-folk, and found his forces augmented by about sixty men belonging to various tribes of the Deccan and Carnatic. In company with these, he moved to the hill-fort of Koari, one of the first strongholds seized by the great Sivaji at the outset of his career. A few days later, December 20th, 1827, he committed one of his worst crimes. Descending with 140 men into the Konkan, he seized a havildar and four sepoys, ordered them to be put to death, and then sent their heads in a basket to the authorities, with a letter threatening further reprisals, if his demands were not conceded. The Bombay Government replied by issuing & second proclamation, calling upon the-Ramosi gang to disperse, and offering the following enhanced rewards for the capture of their chief Naiks - Umaji, Rs. 5,000; Bhoj Aji, Rs. 5,000 ; Yesu Nikdi, Rs. 5,000; Pandu, Rs. 5,000. As the attentions paid to his movements by the troops and police were now becoming rather irksome, Umaji decided to make overtures to Government, with a view to obtaining terms for himself and recovering the ancient rights and dues claimed by the Ramosis of Purandhar. He accordingly ascended the Ghats on December 28th and watched the movements of several detachments, which were scouring the jungles in search of his gang; then moved to Mhasvad, where his followers had a skirinish with the troops of the Raja of Satara ; and finally turned south-eastwards towards the Purandhar hills, meeting en route a military detachment under a havildar, whom he persuaded not to attack him. Having decided that, before opening negotiations with the Government, he must make a show of disbanding his followers, Umaji, on reaching the neighbourhood of Purandhar, sent his main body into the Mahadev hills, south-east of Phaltan, while the rest were bidden to hide in the country to the north and east of Jejuri. He remained where he was in company with Bhojaji, a Vaghe with whom he was very friendly, and two other Ramosis, while his brother Kistnaji opened communications with a Risaldar of the Poona Horse. Various adventures befell him, while he was awaiting the result of his overtures. On one occasion he watched from a convenient cache a pig-sticking contest carried out by the officers of the troops which were hunting him ; on another he narrowly escaped capture by the Raja of Satara's troopa near Sonegaum. (To be continued.)

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l , M . OONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXIOOGRAPHY 107 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES IV. By H. A. ROSE, I.C.s. (Retired). (Continued from Vol. LII, page 330.) Karka: & wooden spade : Ch., 229. Kurra: a monsuro made of reods, its 1/4, 1/2 and 3/4 being marked by leather thongs. A mala kurra is 3/4ths of this measure.or an odi filled but not heaped up : (?) Hazara. Kuth (1 a root): hence Kuthla, a seller of Kuth : Ch., 243 and 138. Kutla: a field made by breaking up a steep hillside : Mandi, 65. Kuwa: a garment : Ch., 142. Labang: a cricket: B., 164. Laber: Desmodium tiliaefolium : Simla S. R., xliv. Labul: the 2nd of BaisAkh, and one of the days for Bhat marriages : Mandi, 24. LA: a turn, at a wedding. The four turns or rounds about the sacred fire constitute the binding rite in tho marriage and are called char-14t; another circumambulation is the ath-Idi : Oh., 145 and 146. Lakarhar: an official who supplies wood: Ch., 264. Lakh; grain measure, =20 pathas : Suket, 33. Lakhao:-ghumao, or the area sown with 20 pathas : SS. Bilaspur, 21. Lakh: a thread tied round the leg of a boy whose elder brother has died and not removed until he has passed the age at which he died : B., 198. Lakhnotort: Li-, the time table of a wedding, written by the parohit: B., 141. Lalehoti: a necklace, worn by men : SS. Bashahr, 42. Langa: & man's load: Ch., 224. Lanka: a stack or heap of fuel (1): SS. Keonthal, x. Lap: a handful, in the Bof ildqa of Hazara. 4 laps = 1 chothdi (=1 bohni in Bakot) 2 chothdis=1 kura. in Bakot and Narra. 4 kurras =l odt in Rajoia. Laphi: also inade of ata : SS. Bashahr, 41 (add to III). Lappl: a mixture of gur, ghs and wheat.: B., 96. Lart: apparently a wife of equal caste : Comp., 73 (Add to III). Lasst-pair: fr. lassi, diluted milk,' into which the bridal pair put their feet (pair or per), the bride holding a piece of gur in hers, while the boy endeavours to romovo it. This observance is one of the symbolical contests for supremacy during married lifo : B., 110. Latta: lame. Ch., 138. LAQ: a neck ornament, worn in Churfh: Cb., 206. Launcht: a kind of fish : Sirm ar, 7. Lehri: manured, of land : SS. N 41&garh, 11. Lela bhak: the distance a lamb's bleat will carry : D.I. K. Lerwi:=Biju, q.v. Lewar: Pyrus baccata : Ch., 238 : Of. Lehu. Lih; a unit of area, estimated to produce 200 mans kham a year, -20 lakas : SS. Dhami, 4. Linds: lit. 'homeless ', - Konsal, q.v. Liu:=Lehu in Series III. Loder: Symplocos crataegoides : Ch. 239.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Lohal: made of iron, a ploughshare ;=Phal: Simla S. R., xlv. Loi: a fair held from 22nd Katik to 1st Magh: Loi Jeth, held from 22nd Baisakh to 1st Jeth SS. Bashahr, 61. Lokar: a blanket: 108 [MAT, 1924 bhura and bhaggal: B., 155. Luancha: a bridegroom's garment, and luanchers, the bride's dress: Ch., 142. Luchhi: a round cake: Ch., 124 and 142. Lugru: the day on which the Tikka is first given solid food, and for which a cess is levied : SS. Kumharsain, 22. Luk-lukani: hide and seek': Ch., 212. Lunda: a custom whereby a wife compels her husband to give her up, relinquishing her dower and sometimes paying him a sum of money to divorce her: Comp., 57. Lut: a scab SS. Bashahr, 53. Mabad: a grotto for worship: B., 181. Madhaparak: the name of the 6th and last char at a wedding. A cup is filled with milk, til, and rice, and put in the boy's left hand. He daubs the fingers and thumb of his right hand with the contents, lifts his hand towards his mouth, and again putting it in the cup, sprinkles its contents on the ground. The cup is then given by one of his companions to the tom-tom player. This companion must be purified before he is allowed to rejoin the others: Ch., 143. Maharana: a due of Rs. 10 per plough paid by each headman every 10 years: SS. Nalagarh, 17. Mahesa: a wooden drag used to level the surtace of a field when muddy: while the mahi is used on a dry surface: Mandi, 43. Mahinda a tree, whose bark is used for shoes in Churah: Ch., 206. Mahiri: a mess, made of butter-milk and rice with salt: Ch., 214, Maji: (?) Majithi: land midway up the hillside: SS. Jubbal, 16. Maju: a widower, in Jhang: Glossary, I, 792. Makhtal: a special form of rit, payable when a widow marries a stranger, to her late husband's family: SS. Bashahr, 14. Mala: see under Kurra. Malahar: the extra share of the youngest son, consisting of a house; said tommal-ghar, or original house': Comp., 73. (Churah). Cf. Mulwaher. Malana: a fee paid to a contractor, see Got; Utkar: Ch., 279. Mall: rinderpest: SS. Jubbal, 18. Malla: ber, Zizyphus nummularia: Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Maluh: a manure, heap: Ch., 221. Man: 'consent; (i) a form of divorce in which the husband gives his wife Rs. 6 for her assent to the divorce and then breaks a dry stick in two pieces over her head or accepts a certain sum for her and then breaks the stick over her head or the money: (ii) a sum paid to a first wife to reconcile her to a co-wife; (iii) a sum paid to a fiancee for her consent to a breach of the betrothal: Ch., 157-8. Manashari: Dudhadhari, q.v. Mand generally the domed roof of a temple'; -dhi, a diminutive (? of mand); Gurgaon Gloss., I, pp. 353 and 354. Mandar: maple, Acer caesium: Ch., 236. Manden: a tax levied on flocks: SS. Bashahr, 74.

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MAZ, 1924] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 109 Mandhna : a mortar : B., 197. Mang ghalla : grain revenue : SS. Tarhoch, 4. Mangnehar : a collector of grain : 88. Kumh Arsain, 20. Manf : a grain measure : Ch., 144. See also under TopA and Daropa. Manihar : a ceremony at a wedding in which 9 walnuts, to represent the planets, are put, on as many handfuls of rice, and their blessing is invoked, and the bridegroom is taken to the doorway and touches with his dagger a bored copper coin in which he pretends to make a hole. The term is also applied to the things used in the ceremony, viz., the 9 walnuts, the copper coins, a betelnut and a cotton dorf. The dorf is passed through the coin and put in a mani or grain-measure. The rite concludes with a sanctification of the manihar which are tied round the boy's head-dress by his mother-in-law at the gateway after the arti : Ch., 143-4. Manthari: a tax on retail shops : Suket, 42. Manjaya bhat: fem. manj di bahin, ? mother's brother's brother or sister. Mankt: wall-eyed: B., 184. Man-man: Jhind-phuk, 9.v. Mansa, inother's sister's husband : v. Mansi. Manst:(1) mother's sister, (2) father's second wife or step-mother, (3) brothor's or sister's mother-in-law. Maril: elm tree, wlanus Wallichiana : Ch., 139. Mar: & clod crusher: .. Jubbal, 16. Marar: elm ;=Maral : Ch., 239. Marh: a place at a temple where lights are put and food cooked once a year; Kuln. Gloss., I, p. 432. Marhna : to snuffle : B., 153. Marjan: a precious stone ; Hissar : Gloss., I, p. 354. Marn: ? to die, so a death '; -on, at & funeral': B., 156. Marpl: an observance at weddings in which the bridal pair is seated on a carpet side by side, and the bride's maternal uncle gives them a portion of tore, the rest being divided anong the guests : Ch., 161. Marrt: a disease of kine : SS. Bashahr, 53. Maruri: Berberis aristata : Ch., 237. Masan: an obedient spirit: Sirmar, 61. Masani: a wasting disease in children: Sirmar, 25. Mashana: a temple official ; one of the karddrs of a deota, but appointed by the State ; Simla Hills: Gloss. I, p. 456. Mashara: a torch: Ch., 218. Masit: wide level loamy ground ; = ser : Sirmur, App. I. Mates : for half-mother read brother on p. 738 : P.D. Matori : religious affairs, opp. to Jater& : Ch., 142. Mathe-Ingawan : touching the forehead': ? lit. to make the foreheads touch'; a rite to cancel a betrothal (apparently by making the betrothed brother and sister): B., 106-7, Matrl: a nymph or goddess : SS. Kumh Arsain, 9. Mattan: a box for clothes, made of earthenware: Ch. 209. Magla : & mother's brother : Ch. 144. Mocha : measure, measuring : Gloss., I, p. 797.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1924 Mayan: the state or period in which the bride and bridegroom wear dirty clothes after the chikun rite and up to the wedding day: B., 105. Cf. P.D., 703. Mawa; a free grant of land; SS. Mahlog, '1; hence Mawai, Mawi or Movanna, the practically independent ruler of a tract; ib. Bashahr, 20 and Kumharsain, 1. Megat: a cow or bullock iron-grey in colour with black spots on the tail, and unlucky, like the Phangat: Jullundur S. R., 55. Mehr a deputation, in Dera Ghazi Khan; ? P. mehar, a crowd: Gloss. I, p. 906. Merf: window; daphi: Sirmur, App. V, viii, (not mori, as in III). Mcharaf a sub-division of a waziri, under a mehar or pinjoli: also called garh: Mandi, 110 59. Merwan: Clerodendron sp.: Ch., 239. Mel: a share of the grain, a cess in kind on superior crops: SS. Bashahr, 70 and 74. Mend an iron bar with a flat end: SS. Bashahr, 46. Met: Multani matti: B., 195. Mezmi: a woman represented by a mask at the Char or Spring festival: Ch., 45. Minjar a silk tassel: Ch., 214. Miri: chilgoza, edible pine, Pinus Gerardiana: Ch., 240. Missi: gram: B., 179; of P.D., p. 754, 8.v. Missa. Mitha a disease of children accompanied by coldness in the ears: Sirmur, 25. Mitra: a brother made by sacred observance; in the pl. the bridal pair's newly acquired brothers: Ch., 147. 346. Mogart Indian clubs : Ch. 211. Mohl: Pyrus lanata: Ch., 238. Mohra aconite, black or white : SS. Bashahr, 61: (2) an image; Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. Mona: as much as two men can lift-in a cloth between them: D. I. K. Morwan: a cloth measure in the Bet of Muktsar Tahsil. Cloth is measured with morwan hands (one hand and hand) turned round: Ferozepur. The term is clearly derived, fr. morna, to turn'; but its precise meaning is not clear. Motu a kind of cloth: Ch., 125. Muda loha: a tax on the use of imported iron: Suket, 42. Mudda: a modification of the gahr system under which the landlord receives a fixed amount of produce, instead of a moiety of it: Ch., 230. Mudyarf a tenant who pays a fixed share of grain, etc., after each harvest. He may also be liable for services : Ch., 155 and 377. Muhara: a curtain, red in colour to keep off mosquitoes: B., 103. Mujaz: licensed' to make disciples: B., 170. Muka: fist: Ch., 138. Mukhti: a sweetmeat: B., 99. Mulwaher: the family house allotted to the third son on inheritance as his special share; cf. Jethwagh: Ch., 154. Munarpata: a game: B., 202. Munchar: a pasture near the village; Gorchar and Juh: Ch., 277. Mundar chor :-Munh chhor, q.v. Mundavand: partition by mouths or heads, i.e., equally among the sons, as opposed to Chundavand; Panj. Pagvand: Ch., 148. Also used in Kulu: Comp., 72, Mungar: Chhanna.

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MAY, 1924 ] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 111 Munh-boli: a sister adopted by word of mouth': Gloss., I, p. 907. Munh chhor : or Mundar chhor, a supper given to a bereaved family : Panj. Kawe. watte di roti: B., 197. Munhanera : early dawn : Ch., 195. Munhsanf : presents inade by women to a bridegroom : Ch., 147. Munlart: the opening from a channel into a field ; = Oniyari : Ch., 224. Murapull: (1) the visit paid by the bride's parents to a newly wed pair, at which food is brought by them : SS. Bashahr, 13; or (2) the presents then exchanged : B., 103, Murhe: a term used by Aroras for the ceremony which precedes a wedding. Muri: dried wheat or barley: SS., Kumharsain, 12, and Bashahr, 75. Murlari: the golden eagle, Aguila chrysaetus : Ch., 37. Musalla-nashin: a girl vowed to celibacy: Comp., 135. Mustahabb: Ar., lit. 'approved ': deeds done in imitation of the Prophet, over and above the prescribed prayers and fasts : B., 179. Math; the root of a kind of grass : Ch., 143. Mutth: a fistful; = Kanh. Nachhuhan : lit. 'not to be touched,' excommunicated : Suket, 12. Nad : a figure shaped like an hour-glass and woru as a neoklet against the influence of an autar : Ch., 195. Nad : inferior land : Mandi, 42. Nadi: a son by spiritual adoption, among Bairagis : Comp., 226. CF., Bindi, Nadt: a silver ornament shaped like a drum, offered to Shiva : Ch., 155. Nadha : bridegroom, in Talagang : Gloss., I, P, 803. (-rusna, an observance, 837). Nag : & whitish-coloured snake, that frequents house-walls and is said to drink milk; its presence is regarded as a good omen and puja and incense are offered to it : Ch., 39. Nahan : & sweet-smelling root : Ch., 143. .. Nahaura : = nanwati a peace-offering among Path&ns: Glogs., I, p. 906. U. Nahrt : the umbilical cord : Ch., 124. Nahun : a stone fount for water; cf. Panihar : Ch., 198. Nairat : south-west : B., 186; -kon in P.D. p. 992. Nalrved : sweets and flowers, offered to Mahateo: Suket, 23. Nakast: an octroi : SS. Koti, 11-12. Nall: wrist; pugran, to hold the wrist, a game': B., 201. NanakshAht , in Sikh times silver used to be weighed against the Nanaksh Abf rupee which weighed 11 mashas, I rati: Avoritsar. Nandou :- = nandoi, husband's sister's (nand"8) husband ; nandat, the son of a rundoi ; - bhanja. Nanhial: (1) the family of one's mother, collectively, (2) the village in which it lives. Kansal: = NanhiAl, q.v. Naam: a holding, lit., ' a name on the reat-roll ; each nanood thus meant one ehdkar or servant to the State . Ch., 270. Nap: an earthenware vessel of varying capacity, generally holding from 1 to 2 mans, used in Karnal for estimating or dividing produce. Narsingha: a trumpet : 88., Jubbal, 20. Nathatel : the tree-creeper bird : Ch. 38 Hath-sard : a rito at betrothal in which visitors are foasted with choba, but nothing that has been out with a knife is served: B., 104.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1924 Nati: a dance ; Kulu : Gloss, I, p. 424. Nau-dorl: doris' or (red) oords, plaited into the hair, four on each side of the head and converging into a 9th thick dord which harige down the back : Ch., 142. Nau-girl: worship of the nine plandis ;=reva-dhai: B., 109. Neodhart: = Neot&: Sirmur, 29. Neort: a rope: B., 110. Neoza : the edible pine nut: ss., Bashahr, 49. Newa : an image of a man who has died childless (sonless ?) worn round the neck by his heir or heirs, if of metal, and set up in a trough, if of stone;= Pap, Ooh, Diai, and in Kanawar Guroh ach: SS. Bashahr, 33. . Newal : warm low-lying land in the Sutlej valley : SS. Bashahr, 46, and Jubbal, 16. Niamar : a son born to her former husband by a woman after her remarriage : Comp., 113: Cf., Gadhelra and Gelar. Niartan : the cleaner of a granary and grain : Suket, 38. Nich: ? adj., low (caste), Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 456. Nigahar: fr. nirl, a kind of grass and gdhar, pasture; a high mountain pasture: Ch., 277. Niggi : Daphne cannabina : Ch., 339. Nihar : Nir&n, Nirnih ar, breakfast;=hanjhall or chhawela : B., 192. Nihari : a light meal taken at sunrise: Suket, 27. Nilgur: = mondi, Lophophorus impeyanus : Ch., 36. Nimosam : twilight: Ch., 204. Nindia : backbiting (?): Gloss., I, p. 345. Nira : a kind of grass': Ch., 277. Niwala : animal sacrifice, a common feature in the worship of Shiva : Ch., 181 Niyah : the Spring crop. Mandi, 62: (Spelf niyat on'p. 42.) Nubart: the morning meal : Ch., 204. Obar : khadt, manured but not irrigated; ghair.khddl, neither irrigated nor manured: Sirmur, App. I. Obti : the light half of a month ; Kulu: Gloss., 1, p. 432. Obera : a cattle-shed, separate from the house. Sirmur, 59: Cf., Obra in III, Och: Newa, q.v. Odhru : an official, now abolished, superior to the karddr: Ch., 265. Odf : a measure of capacity used for grain ; Hazara. Ogal : buckwheat, Fagopyrum poligonum : SS. Bashahr, 48. Oghar: a first ploughing : Ch., 221. Ogla : Fagopyrum poligonum, buckwheat generally eaten on fast days and called phaludr; other varieties are Kathu or Phaphra (F. esculentum) and Dhanphari : Simle, S. R., xli. Ogra: a lower storey: SS., Basbahr, 43. 01: a hole in the ground, Simla Hills; cf. tu, rat's hole, Kulu Dialect of Hindi, p. 97. Oniyirt : the opening from a challa into a field ; - Muniari: Ch., 224; Khol. Orde : evil: Ch., 138. Orthan: pl., nurseries : Ch., 233 : Cf., Orf in III, Otar: unirrigated land : Ch., 220. Od : land rugged or uneven: Ch., 220. (To be continued.)

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MAY, 1924) BOOK.NOTICES 113 MISCELLANEA. THE DISPOSAL OF DECEASED LAMAS. the age of 70 years, confine them, and let them The interesting note on this subject by Sir Richard die of hunger. This custom, although Scythian Temple reminds me of an important passage in in character, is more tolerable than that of the Strabo's Geography upon similar customs prevailing Bactrians and is similar to the domestio law of the in Central Asia at the time of Alexander the Great. Ceil; the custom, however, of the Bactrians is It runs as follows: much more according to Soythian manners." To men oun palaion ou polu diepheron tois Bactria, the ancient Persian BAkhdhi and the biois kai tous ethesi ton Nomadon oi te modern Balkh, was the outpost of Iran on the borderSogdianoi kai oi Baktrianoi: mikron d' omos land of the Scythian waste, and its population was largely Soythian. It was intimately connected emerotera en ta ton baktrianon, alla kai peri with Zoroaster and his teaching. It is highly touton outa beltista legousin oi peri Onesi- probable, therefore, that the custom prevalent kritou, tous gar apeirekotas dia noson e geras among the Parsees of giving their dead to vultures paraballestthai trephomenois kusin, epitedes was borrowed from the Soythian or Turki tribes with whom the early Zoroastrians came into contact de pros touto, ous "Entaphiastas" kaleisthai in Baotria. The explanation given by the Parsees te patroa glosse, kai orasthai ta men exo is that the Prophet wished them to avoid polluting Teiyous rs untpomoews Twv BaxTp kalapa, the elements of Earth and Fire. But the pre. ton d' entos to pleon osteon pleres anthropinon, Zoroastrian Persians solved the question quite katalusai de ton nomon Alexandros Toiauta satisfactorily by coating the body with waw before de pos kai ta peri tous Kaspious istorousi, burial (Katarnpoov. See Herodotus I. 140, and tous compare IV. 71.). It is noteworthy that all the gar goneas epeidan ebdomekonta ete great Achaemenian kings were buried in this way; gegonotes tugkhanosin, egkleisthentes limokto. perhape, M Dr. Jackson suggests, they were neisthai. Touto men oun anektoteron kai ton embalmed also. It is curious that more was not oikeio nomo paraplesion kaiper dn Skuthikon, made of the historical aspect of the question in the polu entoi Skuthikoteron to ton Baktrianon, recent controversy between the orthodox and re(Geog. XI. XI. 3.) forming Parsees on this subject. "Anciently the Sogdiani and the Bactriani did The Tibetan custom of disposing of the dead not differ much from the nomads in their life and in the revolting manner hore described (outting manner, yet the manners of the Bactriani were & the body up and throwing the pieces to doge and little more civilized. Onesioritus, however, does not birds), is only used in the case of the middle clamos. give us the most favourable account of the people. The higher Lamm are cremated in the same fashion Those who are disabled by disease or old age are as Glautama Buddha (nes the Mahd paranibbana thrown alive to be devoured by dogs kopt expressly Sutta). The Grand Lamas are embalmed and placed for the purpose, and whom in the language of the under chortens or dagabas. country they call "Entombers." The places on the It has been held that this custom is the real exterior of the walls of the capital of the Baotiang source of those Jatake stories which depict the are clean, but the interior is for the most part full Bodhisattva a giving his body to feed a starving of human bones. Alexander abolished this custiger and so forth. The whole question loroplete tom. Something of the same kind is related of the l with interest, and deserves fuller treatment. Capii also, who, when their parents have attained H. G. RAWLINSON. BOOK-NOTICES. THE ELSTERN SCHOOL OF PRAKRIT GRAMMARIANS concerned with Paisaci, or Paibacik w Ramalar. AND Parboi PRAKRIT. BY BIB GEORG2 GRIERSON, man calls it. To this he has added an excellent K.C.LE. Annotated translation, compared throughout with All who are interested in the vexed question of the relevant portions of MArkandeya's Prilepta.Pribdol will weloome Sir George Grierson's article sarvama, and has prefaced the whole with some sarwas, and ne * The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians interesting remar interesting remarks on the Western and Eastern and Paislei Prakrit' contributed to the Sir Schools of Prakrit Grammarians. Ashutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes. The author reports. his theory, first suggested In 10 Bir George Grierson has given us thone portions by Berth, that number of 30-called Bloi of Ramstarman's Prakrtakalpataru, which are dialects were only local varieties of Pall. 1 In the land of Coos, the food being limited, all over 60 were given hemlock. Om buracos y kalos ou ze kakos, Bay Menande.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Of great value is his insistence on the fact that, with the possible exception of Vararuci, all the extant Prakrit Grammarians based their grammars on the works of predecessors or on the manuscripts of Prakrit books, and were in no case describing a contemporary spoken language. This would account for so much that is contradictory in their statements, for the continual mention of optional forms and for the difficulty we experience in identifying any particular modern Indo-Aryan language as the descendant of any particular Prakrit. Of all forms of Prakrit, Paisaci is the most difficult in these respects. The descriptions are very meagre, and, as is clearly shown in the paper under review, do not agree among themselves. The feature generally considered the most characteristic of Paisact is the alleged unvoicing of voiced stops. The Valmiki Satras lay down that the only voiced stop universally unvoiced is d. A priori this is unlikely: since such a change usually affects systems and not individual sounds: witness the Armenian and Germanic sound shiftings, the unvoicing of original voiced aspirates in Italic, Greek and Gypsy, the loss of the distinction between hard and soft vowels in Serbian, etc., etc. But his Calika-Paisacika agrees with the Paisaci of Vararuci. Ramasarman and Markandeya however substitute surds for all voiced stops. If this represented an actual spoken language, we might expect to find a modern language showing the same shifting. But none has yet been discovered, and there are scarcely even sporadic examples, which might be supposed to have been borrowed from such a dialect. In the Kharorthi Inscriptions,' discovered by Stein and edited by Boyer, Rapson and Senart, the form tieyadarira appears 4 times. But the regular divyasarira is used some 25 times; and in two of the four cases where tirya is written it is preceded by the syllable ti of kareti. Further the signs for t and d are very much alike. [MAY, 1924 of the type pate obtained,' where t rests on earlier ttPage #121
MAY, 1924) BOOK-NOTICES 115 about the middle of the third century A.D., inter- 1. ny > in this accords with the Kharorthi vocalie Burds appear to be generally maintained, Inscriptions and with the modern development in although occasional voiced stops or the use of a Sindhi and probably Kasmiri. slightly different sign for the intervocalic as compared 2. y remains unchanged: 49 in the Kharorthf with the initial consonant, indicates that at this Inscriptions, and in Kasmiri. Sindhi also disdate the change was at least beginning. Gypsy, tinguishes y- (>j. ) from .(>j.). which almost certainly belongs to the N. W. 3. > --: Sindhi distinguishes .. (> Himalayan group, bears witness also to this late -t.) from l- -- (>2). This cerebralisation is found voicing and consequent late loss of intervocalic in the N.-W. Himalayan group (excluding Gypsy surds, in that it preserves Skt. -- a8 l. and Kasmiri) As far East probably as Kumaoni. There must then have been at one time contem- It is however shared also by the Western groupporary dialect groups in the Indo-Aryan area, Rajasthani, Gujarati, Marathi-and in the Eastern ono of which represented Sanskrit intervocalio group by Uriya and probably Singhalese. surcis by surds (N.-W. group up to c. 250 A.D.) 4. -ry-> -jj-: Sindhi distinguishes -ry. (>) and the other by voiced stops, while in both the from y. (>-). development of initial and post-consonantal stope, 6. -ry. - -riy. (after a heavy syllable ? c.9., surd and voiced and of intervocalic voiced stops bhdriya = bharyd). This, regular in the Rigveda was the same (i.e., they remained in principle un- (where it is probably based on an Indo-European changed). Thus to Pkt. ghidan (< Skt. ghrlam) phonomenon), appears sporadically in various tho Kharorthi Inscriptions correspond with ghrita. modern languages: but it seems to be carried out But to Pkt. padam nud pindo they correspond with striking regularity in the Kharorthi Inscrip. with pada and pin a. tions, where, e.g., arogi and arogiyo = drogyam. Obviously the former correspondence, namely Pkt. 6. - > -saf. in kasata = karta : is this -d. = Khar. --, would be felt as a distinguish. simply a spelling for 3-1 The groups st(h) ing mark. In the light of the modern parallel ! () are maintained in the Kharoodhi Inscripgiven above, is it too much to suppose that anyone tions and among the modern languages in Gypsy. in attempting to reproduce in literature the language 7. In the word for 'six' - does not become of a speaker of 4 dialect like those on which the ch: this is in marked agreement with the whole of the N. W. Himalayan group (Gypsy jov, Kharorths Inscriptions rest, would make the speaker turn all the intervocalic voiced stops of Prakrit Kasmiri seh, Basgali 80, etc.) as opposed to general into surcs instead of only those Prakrit voiced Prakrit and the other modern languages which stops which represented Sanskrit Burds! This all have forms with ch.: the only ambiguous would be the traditional litorary Paisaci of Vararuci forms are Marathi saha and Singhalese sa and ha, and the modified Calika-Paisacika of Hemacandra. which however are probably to be referred to forms with ch.. And since -- was very common in Sanskrit, e.g.) 3rd sg. pres, and fut. ind., the infinitive, gerundi ve In opposition to these striking agreements, Pai. Saci has only one sibilant , (or in Saurasena Pai. and past participle--all forms of great importance Sacika, according to Ramasarman). The Kharorthi in the Middle India verbal system--the correspond ence Pkt. d = Paisaci - Inscriptions distinguish three sibilante, ?8, may have been seized upon as the difference par excellence between and European Gypsy distinguishes two, iki and :) the two languages. This would be the Paisaci and e. The same distinction is found in a number of the Valmiki odras. of other N.-W. Himalayan dialects, e.)., Shina, The schools represented by Ramabarman and Markandeya have gone & which possibly distinguishes three and Kasmiri step further and have made Paisaci correspond which distinguishes two. On the other hand the to all the voiced stops, in whatever position, of distinction is lost in Armenian Gypsy, in the more easterly of the N.-W. Himalayan dialects, and in Prakrit with surds. The growth of such a literary Lahnda and Sindhi. dialect based on a not fully understood series of There is thus & certain amount of evidence correspondences would be etrictly comparable with the exaggeration of the Homeric dialect connecting Paibaci with the N.-W. group. But wherever the original home of the dialect at the Among the Alexandrines-e.g., the wrongful ube of the hiatus based on those instances where base of Paisaci was, it may not be unreasonable to suppose that Paisaci came to be used as a generic owing to the original presence of & digamma the term for any dialect diverging from the norn of hiatus was only apparent or the hyper-doricisms Prakrit. This may account for the dialecte deof the Attic stage. scribed in Sir George Grierson's text under the name In the text before us, and in Homacandra's of Saurasena-Paisacika, Pancala-P., Gauda-P., grammar, there are noted other sound changes Magadha-P., Vracada-P., Sakemabheda-P. (or conservations), which, though not conclusive | At all events what Sir George Grierson has given in themselves as to the home of Paisaci, are at least us here emphasizes the remoteness of the gramma shared by Paisaci with members of the N.-W. group. rians from the languages they described and the

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1024 very artificial character of the dialects, particularly of the Sarkirna-Paisacika. R. L. TURNER. ARDIA-MAGADH READEE. By BANARSI DAS JAIN, M.A.: The University of the Panjab, Lahore, 1923. This book, containing a grammar of the language in which the principal Jain scriptures are written, a useful review of the Ardha-Magadhi literature, and extracts from some of the more important Jain works with an English rendering thereof, owes its preparation to the fact that hitherto, by reason of the absence of any authoritative primer, the Jain scriptures have attracted far less attention from Western scholars than similar Buddhistic literature. At the instance of the Principal of the Oriental College, Lahore, the author, who in 1917 held a roving commission to collect Jain works for the library of the Panjab University, has prepared the present work for inclusion in the University's Oriental series. The grammatical portion of the work is moderate in volume and to the lay reader is less interesting than the author's succinct account of the origin and character of the language and of the Jain sacred books. This is well worth perusal. As regards the English rendering of the select passages in Archs-Magadhi, the author acknowJedged his indebtedness to Professor Jacobi, Dr. Barnett And Dr. Hoernle in respect of one or two extracts, while for the remainder he has relied on his own expert knowledge of the language, aided by Sanskrit commentaries. As not infrequently happens in the case of books produced in India, there are several printer's errors which might have heen avoided. S. M. EDWARDES. hopes that a wider circulation will be found for it. There is also a valuable note on the limnited saint-worship existing in Burma, with accounts of Shin Upagok, Shin Thuvali, Shin Angulimala, and Shin Pendola. This too is worth extracting and publishing for the general student. There are also three usoful notes : on the introduction of the Burmese alphabet into Arakan, and on a figure of Surya found at Mrohaung, and on Gupta influence in Arakan. There are also notes on the identification of Patikkara, a Western city connected with the days of Anawrath, and on the uncertainty of the date assigned in the Chronicles to the accession of King Thihapate or Minbyauk of Sagaing. Altogether Mr. Duroiselle is to be con. gratulated on the year's work. R. C. TEMPLE. " ANNUAL REPORT OF THE WATSON MUSEUM OT ANTIQUITIES, RAJKOT, 1922-23. Sundar Vilas Press, Rajkot, Kathis war. The chief point of interest in this Report by the Curator of the Museum is the discovery of no less than twenty copper-plate inscriptions of the rulers of Valabhi, including three of Dhruvasena I, two of Dharasena II, three of siladitya I and two of Siladitya III. The plates have, however, been sc mutilated by careless handling and the passage of time that only four dates can be deciphered with precision : but three of these are historically important and have not been previously recorded. The Curator also brought to light three land grants of the Paramara rulers of Malwa, which are reported to be the earliest gtants of the dynasty yet known and to throw considerable light on the early history of Malwa and Gujarat. Two of the grantu are those of Siyaks and mention & king Yogaraja, whom the Curator suggests was a Chavda ruler, who came to the throne after A.D. 936. The third grant that of the famous Bhoja of Dhar. The Curator also mentions that during a visit to Bombay he inspected an old Marathi MS. in Modi characters, which belongs to the Forbes Gujarati Sabha. The MS. purports to give various dates in Maratha history and incidentally statee that Sivaji was born in the month Phalgun of the Saka year 1561, which is equivalent to A.D. 1630. Hitherto it has been generally supposed that the founder of the Marath & empire was born in 1627, on the authority of the bakhars and the Tarikh-s. Shivaji ; the Jedhe Chronology alone places his birth in February, 1630. This date is apparently corro. borated by the M8. mentioned above. One would, however, like to know more details as to the authorship, age and authenticity of this document. The Curator throws no light on these points. S. M. EDWARDES. KEPORT OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY, BURMA, 1923. Rangoon Government Press. . The earlier part of this Report is & record of useful work done during the past year under great financial difficulties. In one case however, the note that the Sangyaung at Amarapura is to be reinoved from the list of monuments maintained by the Government, reads rather unpleasantly, as it seems to publish a record of neglect to carry out orders issued so long ago as 1904, until the buildings became too dilapidated for repair. On the other hand it is interesting to note that Mr. Kyin Pu, M.A., the archeological scholar, is devoting him. self to collecting notes of the history of Burma. To the general student of things Burmese, the must interesting pages are from p. 28 to p. 37, dealing with archaeological subjects. In an article on the Apocryphal Geography of Burma there is supplied a very useful list of some of the "classical" names for places in Burma, which are so common and so puzzling to the student. It ought not to be confined to a Government Report, and one

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JUNE, 1924] UMAJI NAIK UMAJI NAIK. (An Episode in the History of Western India.) By S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. 117 (Continued from page 106.) At length his patience was rewarded. The Bombay Government, though much disinclined to have any negotiations with the Ramosi Naiks, decided at length, in May 1828, to grant a pardon to Umaji and his followers for all their past offences, excepting the brutal murder of the sepoys in the previous December. This crime was to be fully investigated, and those who might be proved guilty of it were to be punished. Accordingly the Officer Commanding Poona Horse was directed to arrange for an interview with Umaji and make known to him the orders respecting his pardon. The interview took place on May 21st below the hills, two miles south of Saswad. Umajf, accompanied by 150 men belonging to the Ramosi, Kunbi and allied castes, and preceded by the aftabgirs, horns, and other in signia of Khandoba's temple at Jejuri, descended from the hill, and having heard the sub stance of the Government's proclamation, re-ascended the hill and made known the terms to his followers. He was by no means satisfied with the conditions of his pardon and, like the other Ramosi Naiks, was apprehensive of some treacherous act on the part of the Government. For the time being, however, he had no excuse for failing to conduct himself in accordance with the orders; and accordingly, in the course of the next few days, he betook him. self quietly to Sakurdi, in company with Bhojaji Naik and seventy of his followers. Incidentally it may be mentioned that in the course of the negotiations with the authorities at Poona, the Ramosi Naiks had made allegations against one Dhondo Pant, the principal member of the clerical staff of the Collector of Poona, declaring that he had incited them to persevere in their marauding excursions and had shared with them the contributions which they levied from the villages and the general public. Though there were many who believed the Brahman to be innocent, he was brought to trial on these charges before the Sessions Judge of Poona, was found guilty and was sentenced to death. The sentence was subsequently commuted to imprisonment for life, and Dhondo Pant died in prison in 1831. Considering that barely eleven years had passed since the theocratic government of the Peshwa had held sway over the hills and valleys of the Deccan, and that with his overthrow the sect of the Konkanastha Brahmans, to which the Peshwa himself belonged, had lost their dominant position, it is not by any means unlikely that a representative of this sect should have lent secret encouragement and support to a movement that was overtly hostile to the Peshwa's political successors. The resentment felt by that sect at the loss of their supremacy has been one, if not the principal, factor in the political movements which have from time to time arisen since that date in Western India. The second phase of Unaji's career thus opens with his formal restoration to the favour of the Bombay Government, which, in pursuance of the system of police administration then in vogue, employed him to assist in keeping the peace in the Poona district and guard. ing the lives and property of the inhabitants. In accordance with his duty, Umaji shortly afterwards dispatched his brother and other Ramosis to arrest certain persons who had perpetrated robberies in the Mawals; and his successful action on this occasion induced the Government to bestow upon him 120 bigahs of land and a regular salary as part of the police establishment. Some of the other Naiks shared his good fortune, namely Bhojaji who received Rs. 25 a month, five other Ramosi Naiks at Rs. 12 each per month, and 72 men at Rs. 5 each per month. Umaji himself was to draw Rs. 30 monthly, and the party was given I

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1924 the services of a Karkun on Rs. 10. Government assumed perhaps too readily that Umaji had turned over a new leaf and would now settle down as one of their agents for the preven. tion and detection of crime. But he was too deeply imbued with the spirit of adven turous marauding, and had never relinquished the hope of securing an independent position. Therefore, whilo completely satisfied as to the good faith of the Bombay Govern. ment towards himself, he determined, under a cloak of pretended zeal in their interests, to resort secretly to his former unlawful practices. Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? In April 1829, therefore, we find him arresting certain Kaikadis who had looted a house at Shikrapur and confining them in his own village, instead of handing them over to the magistrate at Poona. During their confinement he extorted Rs. 400 from them, and then persuaded them to remain in his employ, with promises of further opportunities for loot. In June he actually sent these men to loot the houses of two Brahmans at a village south of Sakurdi, and when ordered by the authorities to seize the culprits, he forced the Brahman plaintiffs by threats to give him a written receipt for all their losses, exonerating both him. self and the villagers of Sakurdi from blame. In the following month a Gosavi was robbed of Rs. 3,000 near Lonad by a body of fifteen Hetkaris and twenty Ramosis, acting under his orders: in July and August his Kaikadis were out again, plundering houses at Moreshwar and Belsur. In all these cases the major share of the loot was handed to Umaji. The Bombay Government, however, still believed him to be acting honestly, for towards the end of August he was summoned to Poona by the Collector, Captain Robertson, and informed that his own pay, and the pay of his party, had been increased. His illicit gains continued unchecked. In October he received Rs. 2,000 out of the amount stolen from a banker of Kalyan ; in November he sent a body of Hetkaris and Ramosis to a spot near Chauk on the Panwel road, where they looted the property of a wealthy Poona shroff. The gang even. tually handed Rs. 6,000 to Umaji at Sakurdi. Another banker was robbed in January 1830, near the Salpi ghat : several highway robberies took place near Jejuri and Phaltan in April : in May the house of the Kulkarni of Ekatpur was attacked on the very day that his daughter's marriage was taking place; and as reports of Umaji's personal complicity were rife, he decided to pacify the Collector by sending a couple of men, whom he picked up, to stand their trial at Poona for the robbery. Two other dacoities took place in May at Nai. gaon and Wadgaon, in the latter of which a Brahman householder was killed : in June Um Aji's Kaikadis robbed the house of the Kulkarni of Pargaon, and in August they plun. dered two houses near Baramati : at the end of the latter month Umaji employed some of his Purandhar Ramosis to break into the house of the Deshpande of Alandi near Kikvi: September witnessed several dacoities in Phaltan. At this juncture Um Aji's caroor of crime suffered a temporary check. Complaints has been made against him to the authorities at Poona by various people, among them being & Ramosi, whom Umaji in revenge maltreated in an outrageous manner. This behaviour was responsible for a Government order removing Umaji from his post in the Purandhar District police and obliging him to reside' permanently in Poona. He was allowed to retain his pay, however, and the Patels of five villages in Purandhar stood surety for his not absconding from the Deccan capital. Accordingly, in November 1830, Umaji came to Poona with his personal belongings and received an advance of Rs. 200 towards the cost of building himself a permanent residence in the city. Government and the coun. tryside breathed more freely, in the hope that he would now settle down as a peaceful urban householder. But they forgot the call of the wild." Five weeks later, having ascertained that Sir John Malcolm had loft Bombay on retirement from the office of Governor, Um aje

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JONE, 1924) UMAJI NAIK 119 fled from Poona and lay concealed with some of his followers until the middle of January, 1831. The Collector of Poona, Mr. Giberne, called at once on the Ramosi Naiks in Government employ and on the Patels who had stood surety for Umaji's behaviour, to arrest the absconder and bring him back to Poona. The Naiks, however, reported that they could not trace his whereabouts, although the movement of his Ramosis and sihbandis from Sakwadi to the hills, which occurred at this date, made it plain that Umaji was in the neighbour. hood and was preparing to defy Government. Two or three highway robberies before the end of January 1831, pointed to the same conclusion. The Bombay Government at last decided that active steps must be taken to arrest Umaji and break up his gang of outlaws. A detachment of the 17th Regiment under Cap. tain Luyken, and a detachment of Grenadiers from Satara were ordered to proceed against the gang; the Ahinadnagar police corps was also called up to co-operate with the troops. Meanwhile Umaji summoned all his followers to Khandoba's temple at Jejuri and made them swear a solemn oath of allegiance to him. His force consisted of 90 of the men, still in the pay of the Government, of whom 30 were Hetkaris ; 350 men of various castes, including several desperate and proscribed criminals from Satara, Bhor and other places ; 200 Kolis, whom he employed to act with him in the Junnar and Nasik district, and 200 Mangs, who were posted in Sholapur District and on the Nizam's frontier. He had also received an offer of Pindaris from a Patel in one of the Nizam's villages, but this offer was ultimately not accepted. Umaji's first intention was to march into the Pant Sachiv's country and demand his alleged rights; and when Captain Luyken arrived at Jejuri on January 17th, 1831, Umaji and his men stole away, crossed the Nira, and after looting a village and taking prisoners two Brahmans, concealed themselves in the hilly country south-east of Bhor. On the following day they were attacked by the Grenadiers under Captain Boyd ; and though they suffered no logs they decided in some alarm to break up their forces. In consequence Umaji and fifty men made for the Purandhar hills vid Pandugarh ; Bhoj Aji and fifty men departed in a south-easterly direction; while the rest sought the country adjoining Purandhar to collect fresh levies. Meanwhile the Government forces disposed themselves as follows--Lieutenant Foulerton with the first Grenadier detachment from Poona was posted on the south side of Purandhar hill : Lieutenant Shaw with the 9th Regi. ment from Sholapur was at the Mahadev temple south-east of Phaltan; Lieutenant Forbes of the 15th Regiment and Lieutenant Christopher of the 11th Regiment held the passes between the Deccan and the Konkan; and Lieutenant Lloyd with a detachment of the 11th marched into the hills west of Singarh. Towards the end of January 1831, the Bombay Government issued a proclamation to the effect that a reward of Rs. 5,000 and 200 bigahs of land in inam would be granted for the apprehension of each of the four chief Ramosi Naiks, Um dji, Kistnaji, Bhojaji, and Yesu Nikdi. During the early part of February 1831, the Ramosis kept moving about the country, watching their opponents, circulating false information of their own movements and plans, and seizing supplies from the villages. After narrowly escaping capture by six men of the Ahmadnagar Police corps on February 2nd, Umaji and his men fled to the hills south-west of Salpi, and thence noved slowly towards Purandhar. On the way they were attacked near Walla by & Jemadar of the 17th Regiment; and a sharp skirmish ensued, which so disheartened the gang that many of them relinquished the 'struggle and absconded. Among these was Ram Rao, a Koli Naik, who departed with all his men, and was eventually arrested with all his following in March by Captain Boyd and his grenadiers. On the 12th February the troops operating against Um Aji were augmented by the arrival of the 8th Regiment from

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1924 , Ahmadnagar under Captain Livingstone. Umaji now moved towards the Bhima, and on February 16th at the village of Babulsar issued, with the help of his colleagues and a Brah. man scribe, a lengthy" proclamation," addressed to the inhabitants of Hindustan, urging them to destroy all Europeans and European troops, promising in return all manner of rewards, and calling down curses on those Hindus and Muhammadans who failed to act in the spirit of this vain-glorious announcement. Umaji's courage was rather dashed by authentic news, received immediately afterwards, that Yesu Nikdi had been captured at Baramati, and his own brother, Amrita, near Parenda, both of whom were hanged subsequently at Jejuri. This melancholy information set the gang moving further afield. They dived into the hills south-east of Phaltan, thence moved to Bhimashankar in Junnar and eventu. ally reached the Mahadev hills about the end of the month. Their peregrinations had told heavily on them: food was very scarce : the fear of capture was constantly before them. The Hetkaris, in particular, desired to break away and take their chance, and it required all Umaji's persuasive power to retain them in his employ. Towards the end of March certain villagers discovered the gang in the hills between Pingodi and Sakurdi and warned the detachments at Dhond and Pangaon, who made an unsuccessful attempt to overpower it. After taking a very brutal revenge on the villagers who had betrayed them, Um Aji retired with his adherents to the ravines south of the Salpi ghat. During June many of his followers were captured by the troops and police, and many more during July and August. Others, who were not seized and hanged, decided to break away from Umaji, whose following was in this manner rapidly diminishing. So hard pressed, indeed, was the gang during these months that on one occasion they were forced to murder a sick comrade, a Ramosi, whom thoy found it difficult to carry along in their rapid flight through the jungle. Uinji hiunself seemed to bear a charmed life and contrived to escape in October into the Konkan with a few followers. There he rested until November 27th, 1831, when he Buddenly reappeared in Aulas village, 5 miles from Mulshi, and thence dispatched a crude and dictatorial letter to the Collector, stating that he could never be captured and calling for a truce. The only reply was an attack by the police, who forced him to flee to the south side of Singarh Fort. There, on December 14th, occurred the transaction which indirectly led to his capture and punishment. His Hetkaris, now thoroughly worn out and despair. ing of safety, broke into practical mutiny and demanded their pay. Money had to be obtained somehow to meet their demands. Consequently Umaji, together with one Bapu Salsckar and six Ramosis, decided to visit a village near Bhor, where lived a man who owed him a few hundred rupees. Thither they set out on the night of the 14th December. Meanwhile their movements had become known to two Ramosis, Nana and Kalu, who had previously been captured by the troops, but had been set at liberty on condition of assisting actively in the seizure of Umaji. These two contrived, by the exerciso of great duplicity, to make Umaji and two others prisoners in the village above-mentioned, and having bound them tightly with ropes, called the nearest detachment of police. Umaji, who was worn and emaciated with the hardships of the preceding months, was taken with his comrades to Saswad on December 16th, and thence to Poona, where he was eventually tried and con victed. He was hanged with his two followers on February 3rd, 1832. The remainder of his gang, numbering only eight persons, was shortly afterwards broken up, Bhojaji being killed in a fight with the troops, and Pandu, a man of most violent character, being seized and sentenced to transportation. So ended the Ramosi revolt of 1826-32. . Umaji Naik was in many ways a remarkable mani. Captain Mackintosh describes him as slightly built, about 5 ft. 4 in, in height, with large, clark, searching and expressive eyes, a large nose deeply set under the brow: his features, on the whole, were mild and rather

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JUNE, 1924) UMAJI NAIK 121 ! pleasing; he had a fine throat, and his skin was of an unburnished copper colour." He was of the stuff of which popular leaders are made, for his personality and his conduct favour. ably impressed the men of his own tribe as well as the lower classes in general; and while he could inspire both respect and terror, his liberality to all needy and indigent people aroused general admiration. Though a professional robber, he found no pleasure in accumulating money, and was often blamed by his wife for his prodigality; though enjoying ample opportunities for sexual license, his marital conduct was unimpeachable, and his strict objection to all forms of licentious conduct was on one occasion the cause of a bitter quarrel with his brother. As a youth he indulged freely in drinking, but gave up all excess after an accident sustained while in a state of intoxication, and in later years he fulfilled a vow of rigid abstinence. His open-handedness and bis power of ingratiating himself with all sorts and conditions of his countrymen enabled him, after his early pardon and appointment to the police, to usurp the magisterial duties of the country round Jejuri and the Indapur pargana. He inquired into complaints of all kinds, from those of theft to domestic quarrels, his "court" being visited daily by Maratha Kunbis, Mhars, Mangs, Ramosis and other low-caste persons, somo of whom came voluntarily or were summoned from long distances. His system of justice was primitive. Complainants always paid hini or his imme. diate followers a sinall bribe, to secure a speedy and favourable decision, and the defendants at the close of the bearing were made to pay a fine of one to a hundred rupees, according to their ineans, which amounts were exacted in kind, usually in the form of grain. A decree was then drawn up; but as a precaution, a written statement was always obtained from the defendant, who declared that he was satisfied with the decision and that he would make no appeal to the Government authorities. Umaji always reminded the defendants that, if they failed to observe these written undertakings, severe punishment would be meted out to them by his followers. In the event of a party showing any disinclination to abide by Um Aji's decision, he was seized and kept in confinement in the Ramosi camp until he promised acquiescence. His influence upon the lower-class public is further indicated by the ease with which he secured witnesses in his favour, whenever he had to defend himself against charges of complicity in dacoity and robbery, and by the extreme disinclination of the villagers of the Deccan to bear witness against him. Over the inhabitants of his own Purandhar district he enjoyed such completo control that, during the whole time that he was being hunted by the British authorities, they kept him fully and truthfully informed of the movements of troops and police. 'i'nis was one reason why the operations against him were so protracted. Moreover, apart from the lower orders whom Umaji had conciliated by liberal treatment, the country was full of disbanded soldiers and other discontented persons, who had lost their livelihood on the downfall of the Peshwa and were therefore ready to help anyone, like Umaji and the other Ramosi Naiks, who was in active opposition to the British authorities. Even in the matter of levying contributions from the villages under British control or in the territory of Indian rulers, like the Raja of Satara, Umaji could count, though for A different reason, on the goodwill of the village officials. The Patel and the Kulkarni soon discovered that they could comfortably falsify the village accounts, by entering larger sums than they actually paid to the Ramosi freebooter, and the latter assisted their fraud and ensured a continuance of the contribution by giving receipts for larger sums than he votually received. As regards his immediate followers, he proved himself possessed of the art of securing their devoted attachment to himself and his cause. They willingly tolerated great hardships during the last two or three years of Umaji's career, and would possibly have

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1924 succumbed to their difficulties, had they belonged to a less hardy tribe or race. Umaji's example acted doubtless as an inspiration to them ; for he knew by instinct when and how to check their impetuosity or cheer their flagging spirits, and through all the perils and misfortunes which confronted them, he himself "displayed great patience, a steady perseverance and unshaken fortitude." Although his expulsion from Purandhar Fort by the orders of Baji Rao was the primary cause of Umaji's resort to a life of outlawry, and although he appears to have believed in the justice of his pretensions to certain ancient rights in Purandhar and other places, it is very doubtful whether his claims had any solid foundation. Early in 1830 he obtained an interview with the Raja of Satara and stated his claims against the Pant Sachiv, and the Raja wave definite instructions to the Pant Sachiv to inquire into his case. A little fnter Umaji interviewed the Collector of Poona at Purandhar and produced twenty-four old documents, purporting to establish his right to the ownership of Purandhar Fort. These papers comprised grants, orders and letters to the Kolis, Mhars and Ramosis of Purandhar from foriner native governments ; but the grants were in most cases addressed to the Kolis, who probably represent in the Deccan an even more archaic social stratum than the Ramosis. Similarly the mokasa dues of an important village in the Pant Sachiv's territory (the Bhor State), to which Umaji laid claim, were granted originally to a Koli, and not to a Ramosi. It is probable therefore that, while the Ramosis may have had-a prescriptive right to cer. tain hakks and perquisites in Purandhar, Umaji's claims could not have been sustained at law, though he himself, being almost illiterate, may have cherished the fullest belief in their authenticity. There was probably in his mind a definite connexion between these claims and his private aspirations to tho position and title of a local chief. Had he heen able to secure recognition of his ownership of Purandhar Fort, for example, he would have had greater justification for assuming the title of Raja, which, as mentioned in an earlier paragraph, ho arrogated to himself in 1827. The inhabitants of the Poona district and other tracts of the Deocan were firmly persuaded--and they were probably correct-that from the outset of his career Umaji aspired to emulate the great Sivaji, and, so far as was possible, based his plans and actions upon the model presented by the founder of the Maratha State. The devotion which he inspired in his own men, the influence which he acquired over the popular imagination, his liberality to all sorts and conditions of men, his reverence for his tribal deity, his abstemious habits in later years, his objection to licentious conduct on the part of his militant followers, and his personal fortitude-these traits are reminiscent of the character of the Marath & ruler. But there the possibility of comparison ends. Sivaji was an individual of much more distinguished calibre than the Ramosi Naik and possessed a far more dominant personality. Had the former been in the position and circumstances of the Ramosi Naik in 1826, he would instinctively have realized that he was opposed to a far more powerful political entity than the decadent and corrupt Mughal Empire, and, if he had decided that the game was worth the candle, would have laid his plans for revolt with far more subtlety and circumspection. In brief, Umaji Naik lacked vision and could not let well alone. He paid the full penalty for these shortcomings on the scaffold, and the only satisfaction he can have had was that it had cost the British Government nearly six year's effort to terminate his career of outlawry.

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Pahlavi Inscription around a Persian cross at Katamassam. Travancore. Indian Antiquary * 1 h m ryr h h r hm m15 m.m nw r SOALE ONE OMAALBO WWITTINGHAM a G , LTD, PHOTO LITH

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JUNE, 1924] A NOTE ON THE PRATHAMASAKHA BRAHMANS A PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION ROUND A PERSIAN CROSS AT KATAMARRAM, TRAVANCORE. By T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. IN vol. LII of this Journal, pp. 355-356, I mentioned a Pahlavi Inscription round the cross in Katamarram Church in Travancore, and stated that the renderings by scholars varied greatly. I gave three versions of the readings of previous inscriptions. 1. "In punishment (?) by the cross (was) the suffering to this (one): (He) who is the true Christ and God above, and Guide for ever pure."-Dr. Burnell. 2. "Whoever believes in the Messiah, and in God above, and also in the Holy Ghost, is in the grace of Him, who bore the pain of the Cross."--Dr. Haug. 3. "What freed the true Messiah, the forgiving, the upraising, from hardship? The crucifixion from the tree and the anguish of this."-Dr. West. I also pointed out that the dates suggested for them varied from the seventh to the ninth century A.D. The plate attached is from an estampage recently taken and the whole question can, therefore, now once again he gone into by scholars.* The inscription does not appear to be, as before thought, a replica of any of the other Pahlavi Inscriptions at Kottayam and Mailapore. A NOTE ON THE PRATHAMASAKHA BRAHMANS. BY PROF. JARL CHARPENTIER; UPSALA. 123 MR. H. E. A. COTTON has, ante, vol. LI (1922), p. 158 ff., a very interesting notice concerning the "Prathamasakha Brahmans" or "Midday Paraiyans." The tradition referred to by Mr. Cotton seems to be attached to a certain sub-caste of Yajurvedin Brahmans in Mannargudi, Tanjore District, in Southern India. Without being in the least able to solve the riddles connected with this tradition, I may be allowed to point to its existence also in another part of India. While going through, for cataloguing purposes in the India Office Library, part of the Mackenzie Collection, I came upon the following notice in the Manuscript Translations, Reports, etc., vol. XIII, p. 24.1 "Karattee Brahmins. These Brahmins are natives of the Sammuntvaddy Cooncan, which is one of the twelve Dashums 4 of Cooncan. Their tribes are Valmeeka Gotrum [fa] and Vamen Gotrum []. They follow the Pratama Shaka Vadum [are] whose history is as follows : 46 'Formerly, when the Rooshaswar [P] first begun to deliver the Vadum to the Pratama Shaka people, they became very insolent, which offended the Rooshee [], who declared, as they had become so proud, they must return the Vadum and whatever they learned from him; on which they vomited before him, believing they were thus disburthened of whatever they learned, for which the Roosheeswar instantly laid this curse upon them 'that they should be Chandal or Parias for three and three quarter hours, whence their caste and Vadum is Pratama Shaka and no Brahmins go into their houses for 3 hours after noon daily. They worship the Saktee [ ] or Goddess. * Dr. Modi of Bombay has given the following rendering to the Superintendent of Archaeology, Tra vancore :-" Le Zibah vai min Ninav val denman | Napist Mar Shapur || Le (mun) ahrob Mashiah avakhshahi az khar bokht-I, a beautiful bird from Nineveh (have come) to this (country). Written Mar Shahpur. I, whom holy Messiah, the forgiver, freed from thorn (affliction)."-T.K.J. 1 Cf. Wilson, Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection, 2nd ed., p. 509. This apparently stands for Mar. Yi Ge karkaTa. 3 This is apparently a misreading for Sawant-wadt. ; cf. Molesworth, Marathi-English Dictionary, .v., * deza.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1024 "Previous to the festival of the Navaratra 6 (or nine days) they used to seek out for any learned Brahmin, who may have come to these countries, and entertain him in their honses in a respectable manner, feed him with the best food, present him with betel, mace, cloves, nutmeg and the rarest spices, and making presents of jewels, etc., and encouraging him to reside in their house for some time, under hopes of returning to his own country with presents and money. They also enticed them by supplying them with handsome women, thus encouraging them with riches and hope of riches to stay in their dwellings. On the fcast of the Navaratra (when they perform the Pooja (ar) to their household Goddess) they cause these Brahmins to wash their heads with oil, and after a sumptuous enter. tainment in the evening when they worship the Goddess) they carried the guest into the chapel or room where the Goddess is placed, and desired him to prostrate himself before her; and while tho Brahmin was prostrated, suddenly put him to death by the sword. In this manner they killed Brahmins in their houses as an offering to their Goddess. The Caradee Brahmins at Poona were in the habit of killing the country Brahmins on the feast of Navaratra, in hopes of obtaining the eight kinds of riches for twelve years by propitiating the Goddess; but Shreemunt Nanna Saib' having notice of this practice seized upon the whole of Caradee Brahmins that were at Poona and destroyed them together with their houses. Since that period the Caradee Brahmins have been chequed in the practice of murdering Brahmins on the feast of Navaratra ; but still it is said that when they worship the Goddess on the days of the Navaratra, they are wont to invite the country Brahmins to entertainments and mix poison in their food, which destroys them within a month; and that this practice still proceeds." The first part of this relation is not very clear. By the name of "the chief Rishi" is apparently to be understood Yajna valkya, and the well-known tradition-recorded in the Visnu-Purana and elsewhere--is, of course, that when the great sage vomited the Veda (i.e., the Sukla Yajurveda), the pupils of Vaisampayana metamorphosed themselves into partridges [fare ]$ and picked up the sacred text, which was presented to them in this somewhat unsavoury form. Thence arose the Taittiriya version of the Yajus, being a derivative of the text proclaimed by Yajnavalkya, which was the h er, the "first" or "foremost " version of the sacrificial Veda. Here, however, it is the very disciples to whom Yajna valkya himself recited the Mantras, who are growing so proud that they come under the injunction to return the Veda, and having done this in a very insulting way, they are cursed by the great saint and, as a result of the curse, bacome." Midday-Paraiyans." The period of time during which their state of uncleanness lasts is given by Thurston Castes and Tribes of Southern India, VI, p. 223, as an hour and a half, while our account fixes it at three and three-quarters. Moreover, this tradition is here connected with the Karbada or Karadi Brahmans, who are said to be found in the Konkan and also in South Kanara, whither they have at sone uncertain date migrated from the North. Parasurama, the real creator of the Konkan, is said to have fashioned the first Karadi Brahmans out of camel bones, 10 just as in other traditions he is represented as having turned fishermen into Brahmans. As for the story 5 Cf. Molesworth, 8.0., T . * I do not quite realize what this means. Eight is the usual number of it, while the fan are nine. (There is the expression the eight aidvaryas. These eight are government, children, relations, gold, yems, paddy (or grain generally), vehicles and servants or slaves. This is given in Tamil books; but I am not able to trace Sanskrit authority at present--S.K.) 7 This apparently refers to Nana Farnawis (d. 1800). & With this legend a tradition preserved in the Pali Jataka concerning the learned partridge that recited the Voda seems to be somewhat intimately conneoted. This is the Hindu unit of 1/60 of a day, 34 of which equals lj hours-S.K. 10 Thurston, 1.c., vol. I, p. 393.

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JONE, 1924) CROSS COUSIN RELATION BETWEEN BUDDHA AND DEVADATTA 125 of their atrocious dealings with other Brahmans, whom they are said to have sacrificed to their Goddess during the festival, no source available to me at the present moment. gives that tradition. 11 As our document does, however, mention the suppression of these cruelties by Nana Farnawis-an occurrence that apparently actually happened during the life-time of the writer-there must probably be some sort of fact underlying this narrative. Another problem is : how we are to connect the tradition concerning "Midday-Paraiyans", recorded by Thurston and Mr. Cotton from the Tanjore District, with that mentioned by the writer in the Mackenzie Collection from Poona and the Konkan ? The denomination "Midday Paraiyans" is so unique, and the traditions so special and characteristic, that there must needs be some sort of connection; though a solution of the riddle, of course, scarcely presents itself to a scholar in Europe living very far away from the places to which these traditions are attached. If, as seems most probable, these "Midday Paraiyans" originally belonged to the Konkan, the tradition may possibly have been carried to the South in two ways. That several families of Brahmans fled towards the South from South Konkan and the Goa districts under the pressure of religious persecution by the Portuguese during the middle and later half of the sixteenth century seems to be a fact, but it seems very doubtful whether any of them ever proceeded as far as Tanjore. On the other hand one might feel inclined to suggest that Konkan Brahmans may have established themselves in Tanjore during the establishment of Maratha rule in that country in the seventeenth century. But this is, of course, mere guess-work on my part, and I should be very thankful if any reader of this little article would take the trouble either to refute or to corroborate this hypothesis. I have ventured to publish this short notice only as a contribution to the question raised by Mr. Cotton and thanks to the kind encouragement of Sir Richard Temple. The solution of the riddle connected with the Midday Paraiyans "must be left to far more competent observers than myself. CROSS-COUSIN RELATION BETWEEN BULDHA AND DEVADATTA. BY KALIPADA MITRA, M.A., B.L. The attribution of rivalry between Buddha and Devadatta to the cross-cousin system shown in an article entitled "Buddha and Devadatta' (ante., vol. LII, p. 267), written by Mr. A. M. Hocart is indeed very attractive. I do not feel competent at the moment to say anything for or against the theory, but desire to offer a few observations in regard to the article. ,: Mr. Hocart writes (ante., vol. LII, App. A, p. 271): "I should like to draw the reader's attention to Vinaya, vol. II, p. 188, where Devadatta approaches Buddha most respectfully and offers to relieve his age of the burden of administering the Order. The Buddha replies with abuse, calling him corpse, lick-spittle' (Chavassa, Khela ka passa). This seems scarcely in keeping with the character of the Buddha,'but it is with that of a cross-cousin. But in Cullavagga (V. 8. 2), we read that when the Buddha heard that Pindola Bharadvaja had shown his magic power by flying through the air thrice round Rajagaha with the sandal-bowl, which was set high on a pole by a Rajagaha setthi (atha kho dyasma Pindolabharadvdjo vehasam abbhuggantva tam pattam gahetud tilkhattum Rajagaham anupariyasi), he reprimanded the thera for having displayed his iddhi (magic power) for so trifling an object as a sandal bowl. There he uses the word chavassa, and a simile not at all dignified and becoming (Katham hi nama tvam Bharadvaja chavassa darupattassa karanat gihi nam uttarima nussadhammam iddhipatihariyam dassessasi, seyyathapi Bharadvaja matugamo 11 But cf. Grant Duff, History of the Mahrattas (ed. 1921), I, pp. 11n, 21n. 1 The notual words used in the Oullavagga, however, aro chavassa lhe dpakassa. Italics mine.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1924 chavassa mdsa kari passa karand kopinam dasseti evam eva kho taya Bharadvaja charassa darupattassa karand gihinam uttarimanussa dhammam iddhipatihariyam dassitam ). The explanation, therefore, that Buddha's use of unbecoming language towards Devadatta was scarcely in keeping with his character, but with that of a cross-cousin, becomes, to my mind, considerably weakened, for that was not the only occasion on which he used language unworthy of his character. In fact the word chava seems to have been used frequently, e.g., in Majjhima Nikaya (Updlisuttam, M.N., I, 371 ff.): chavo manadando .... kimhi soshati eko-charo puriso, ekd chava Nalanda. Then again we get a passage, "Devadatta is hurt and one day when Buddha is walking up and down on Grdhrakuta hill throws a stone at him (op. cit., p. 193)." Mr. Hocart says that "it is remarkable that in Fiji this kind of legend is often told to account for the cross-cousinship ;" and he tells a legend of the island of Nayau and of Vanuavatu bearing likeness to the Gydhrakata legend. In South Africa the uterine nephew for stealing the offering "gets pelted by the others" (ante, vol. LII, p. 268), and "the pelting of the uterine nephew is part of a religious ceremonial " (anie, vol. LII, p. 271). It appears that all this was "a playful antagonism" (ante, vol. LII, p. 269), and not intended to bring about death. Devadatta however hurled down a rock, intending to kill the Buddha (atha kho Devadatto Gujha kohtam pabbatam abhiruhitud mahantam silan pavijjhi imdya samanam Gotamam jivita voropesadmiti). He is said to have hurled the immense stone by the help of a machine,"4 "Hiuen Tsang saw the stone which was fourteen or fifteen feet high," Of course it may be that "the playful antagonism" (such as is preserved in pelting as "a religious ceremonial "), expressive of the liberty of the cross-cousin system, originally existed, but was subsequently mis-represented as a deadly feud, when the memory of the custom was lost, the idea of fighting having been somehow or other regarded as essential, as Mr. Hocart explains. I shall notice only another passage in the article : "If the hostility of Devadatta is merely the record of ordinary hatred, it is difficult to understand why Devadatta possesses the power of flying through the air and of performing miracles (ante, vol. LII, p. 269)." Whatever power Devadatta possessed of " flying through the air and performing miracles" he seems to have lost it, and that for ever, after his miraculous appearance before Ajasat ; for we learn that Devadatta " at this time lost the power of dhyana." I do not find anywhere in the subsequent part of the Manual that Devadatta ever recovered his magic power. The possession of the power of flying through the air by Devadatta does not present any difficulty to me. This power was entirely due to the Buddha, and vanished from him even at the very thought of revolt against the Great Teacher. Let me pursue this view a little further. It is related in Oullavagga (VII. 1. 4) that when he was ordained by the Buddha (pabbajja) along with Bhaddiya, Anuruddha, Bhagu and Kim bila--the Sakyas, Devadatta attained only pothujjanikan iddhim (the lower grade of Magic Power). He exhibited his power by assuming the form of a child (or & Brahmin ?), wearing a girdle of snakes and suddenly appear. ing in Ajatasattu's lap (atha kho Devadatto sakavannam patisamharitud kumarakavannam abhinimminitud ahimekhalikdya Ajatasattussa Kundrassa ucshange paturahosi). But as soon as the evil thought of administering the Order possessod him, nis Magic Power diminished 3 0.V., VII. 3. 9. Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism (1860), p. 320. Quoted from the article, p. 271. Mr. Hocart refers to Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, p. 326. This page corresponds to p. 315 of the edition (1860) I am consulting. Apparently he refers to the passage : "By the power of dhyana he became arishi, so that he could pass through the air and assume any form." All my references are to be found in the edition of the Manual published in 1860. Hardy's Manual, p. 316.

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JUNE, 1924) CROSS-COUSIN RELATION BETWEEN BUDDHA AND DEVADATTA 127 (saha cittuppada 'va Devadatto tassd iddhiya parihayi). His magic power, small as it was, became smaller. Even before this event he does not seem to be much in request ; and feels the anguish of it. "When the Teacher and the monks went into residence at Kosambi, great numbers of people flocked thither and said, "Where is the Teacher ? Where is Sariputta? Moggallana ? Kassapa ? Bhaddiya? Anuruddha ? Ananda ? Bhagu? Kim bila?" But nobody said, where is Devadatta ?" Thereupon Devadatta said to himself, "I retired from the world with these monks; I like them, belong to the warrior caste; but unlike them I am the object of nobody's solicitude." And then with the help of Ajatasattu he tried to kill Buddha. When all his attempts failed, he went to the Buddha, and with a view to cause a schism in the Order (Sanghabhedam) made (C.V., VII, 3. 14) a request of five things, which the Buddha flatly refused. He persuaded 500 monks to follow hiin to Gayasisa. Then "Sariputta and Moggallana convinced them of the error of their ways by preaching and performing miracles before them, and returned with them through the air."9 The Magic Power, therefore, of Devadatta was very meagre by comparison with that of Sariputta and Moggallana. It has already been related that this he attained after his ordination by the Buddha, and was there. fore in a way owing to him, and even that was only pothujjanika. Other disciples of the Buddha such as Ayasma Sagata (M.V., V, 1.5-8) a 1 Ayasma Pilindavaccha (M.V., VI, 15. 8-9) showed Uttarimanussadhammam iddhipatiha. cyam. On the occasion of the exhibition of the Great Miracle by the Buddha, even his lay disciples, such as Grhapati Lahasudatto, Kalo Rajabhrata, Ram bhaka Aramika, Ridd! lamat& Upasika, and Bhikshuni Utpalavarni, offered to exhibit their riddhi (apparently Sarvacrdvakasadharand).10 Gharani, Sulu-anepidu and others offered to show astounding miracles, before which Devadatta's miracles pale.11 Even the titthiyas or heretics, much hated by the Buddhists, seem to have exercised iddhi. In the Cullavagga (V. 8. 1) and the Divyavadana (p. 143, et seq.) the heretic leaders Purano Kassada. Makkhali Gosala, and others claimed to be arahats endowed with Magical Power (aham araha c'eva iddhima ca; vayam sma riddhimanto....yady ekam gramano Gautamo' nuttare manushyadharme riddhipratiharyam vidarcayishyati vayam dve)12. Though no. where in the Buddhist books are the latter made to show their iddhi, abundant references to this are found elsewhere. In the Bhagavati Sutra, a Jaina book, it is related that Makkhali Gosala, destroyed by his Magic Power two disciples of Mahavira (Nigantha Nataputta), and tried to kill Mahavira himself, but was for his pains killed by the Magic Power of the latter, The heretics undoubtedly were "utterly wicked "; still they seem to have exercised Magid Power. I therefore do not see anything very peculiar in the attribution of magical power to Devadatta. References to the cross-cousin system are to be found in the Brahmana and Sutra literature. Westermarck in his History of Human Marriage (p. 304) says, " yet in the older literature marriage with the daughters of the mother's brother and sons of the father's sister ig permitted" and quotes passages in support of this in the footnote. Weber: Die Kastenver. haltnisse in dem Brahman und Satra' in Indische Studien, vol. X, pp. 75 et seq. Pradyumna married the daughter of Rukmi, his mother Rukmini's brother,18 Arjuna married his mother's 8 Burlingamo, Buddhaghosu's Dhammapada Commentary (Proc. of the American Academy : 45--20), p. 504. Ibid., p. 505. Also C.V., VII, 4. 3. 10 Cowell and Neil, Divydvadana, pp. 160, 161. 11 Hardy's Manual, p. 297. 13 See also Sarabhamiga Jataka, (483). 13 Srimadbhagavata, Skandha, X, sl. 22, 23, Uttarardha, 61. Vytah svayamvare adkahddanango'angayutastaya, rajnah sametan nirjitya jahdraikaratha yudhi || 22 | yadyapy anusmaran vairam Rukmi Kyahnduamdnitah. byatarat bhagineyaya sutan kurvan-suasuh priyam || 23 ||

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1924 brother's daughter, Subhadra (Krshna's sister). We need not examine here whether Krohna and Arjuna were Aryans or Non-Aryans, to determine whether the custom was Aryan or Non-Aryan. Anyhow it shows that the custom prevailed in Northern India. Arjuna married her in the Rakshasa form by abducting her, which involved him in a fight with the Yadavas, his cross-cousin relations. This may point to the rivalry adverted to by Mr. Hocart, but then it militates against the great friendship which existed between Krshna and the Pandavas. King Avimaraka in Bhasa's drama Avimaraka marries Kurangi, the daughter of his mother's brother, Kuntibhoja. Madhavacarya in his commentary on Parasara Samhita says that though marriage with a mother's brother's daughter is against the practice of wise men in Northern India (Udicyagishta garhitam) yet being a good practice in the Dekhan, this system is not indecorous (avinita) in Northern India. The Crulis support it (matulasutavivdhasydnugrahakdh Crubyadayah), and he quotes Rg Veda (7. 4. 3. 22. 6-lyptan jahurmatulasyeva yosha, etc.), as being the mantravarna used in that marriage. References to this marriage are also contained in Kumarila Bhatta's Tantravartika (pp. 127-129, Benares edition) and Viramitrodaya-Samskara-prakaca (pp. 139-141, 172, 203)14. But as I have not suffi. ciently investigated this line of evidence, I am unable to say if it strengthens Mr. Hocart's theory of cross-cousin rivalry. Mysterious are the ways in which the seeds and pollen of a myth or custom are carried and propagated and Mr. Hocart's theory demands serious investigation. CULTURAL, LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA. BY HERMANN JACOBI. (From the Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, XLIV, 1911--Sitzung der phil.-hist. Classe vom 2 November, pages 954--973). TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, BY NARAYAN BAPUJI UTGIKAR, M.A. (954) Till recently, the oldest work of Sanskrit literature, that could be dated with reasonable probability, was Patanjali's Mahabharya, belonging approximately to the second part of the second century BC. Through the discovery and publication of the Kautii ya, the Book of Polity by Kautilya, the chronologically certified basis for cultural and literaryhistorical investigations is further pushed back to the juncture of the fourth and the third century BC. The date of the composition of this work becomes well-nigh certain through the personality of its author, Kautilya, also known as Visnugupta and CAnakya. This person is indeed, as he himself says at the end of his work, in a verse breathing proud selfconsciousness, the same as the famous minister of Candragupta, who overthrew the dynasty of the Nandas. Now, as Candragupta, the EAN V PAKOTTOX of the Greek writers, ascended the throne between 320-315 B.O., the composition of the Kautiliya must be placed about 300 B.C., or a few years earlier. However, it is not only the well-established antiquity of the Kautilya that makes it historical source of the first order; to this is to be also added a second important consideration, namely, that its author long occupied the first place in the management and direction of a great state, in the foundation and organisation of which he had the most important part. If such a man endowed with versatile learning writes, after having inastered the works 14 For the information contained in this and the preceding line, I am indebted to Pundit Harihara Sastri. 1 Compare the opening words: far e merfor er : Ferrarfor prAyazastAni saMhatyakAmidamarthazAstraM kRtm| .

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JUNE, 1924] of many predecessors, a typical arthasastra, then he gives us, not any learned compilation? but a picture of national affairs agreeing with the actual state of things, intimately known to him from personal experience. Indeed, it is hard to believe that, in his exposition, for instance, of the (955) political organisation, of the control of economic life (in the Adhyaksapracara), and of the administration of justice (in the Dharmasthiya), and clsewhere, he had not in view the object of transmitting to the princes and their advisers the principles of Govern ment tested by him. It is for this reason that the Kantiliya is a much more trustworthy source for our knowledge of the political and social conditions of Ancient India than Manu and similar works, where we are often in doubt as to how far the statements and rules contained in them are the theoretical injunctions of their Brahmanic authors, and how far they had had originally a practical significance. This dubious character of so many Brahmanic works, combined with the uncertainty of their date, has given rise, in their case, to a justified mistrust, and in certain quarters, even to their depreciation as against other sources, independent of them. Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids has in his highly valuable work, Buddhist India, London, 1903, Preface, p. iii f., enunciated the difference between the two historical conceptions, the one based on the Brahmanic, and the other on non-Brahmanic works, in a manner scarcely agreeing with the circumstances, as though the former alone claimed to be in possession of the truth. "Whenever they (i.e., such sentiments) exist, the inevitable tendency is to dispute the evidence, and turn a deaf ear to the conclusions. And there is perhaps, after all, but one course open, and that is to declare war, always with the deepest respect for those who hold them, against such views. The views are wrong. They are not compatible with historical methods, and the next generation will see them, and the writings that arc, unconsciously, perhaps, animated by them, forgotten." In this conflict (supposing it exists) we would call Kautilya as the most important witness, because he wrote half a century before the period in which Buddhism attained to predominant political influence. From what he has stated, the conclusion inevitably follows, that the kingdom which he directed, and others before his time, were modelled on those Brahmanic elements, which Manu, the Mahabharata, and generally the later Brahmanical works, postulate, although with some excesses of priestly partisanship. For this purpose we have principally to take into consideration the third Adhyaya of the first Adhikarana, of which I give below as close a translation as possible. After Kautilya has enumerated the Vedas, including the Itihasaveda and the six Vedaigas, he continues: HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA. 129 "This well-known knowledge of theology is necessary (for the Arthasdstra), inasmuch as it lays down the duties of the castes and the Asrainas. (956) The duty of a Brahmana is to learn, to teach, to perform a sacrifice, to make others perform a sacrifice, to give away gifts and to receive them. The duty of a Ksatriya is to learn, to perform a sacrifice, give away gifts, to live by arms, and to protect men; that of a Vaisya is to learn, to perform a sacrifice, give away gifts, to engage in agriculture and cattle-breeding, and trade; that of a Sudra is to serve the Arya, to engage in agriculture and cattle-breeding and trade, to follow the profession of an artificer, and that of a bard (Kusilava). "The duty of a householder (second Asrama) is to earn his livelihood by his proper duties, to marry a girl of equal position, but belonging to a different Gotra, to have intercourse with her at the proper time, to give gifts to gods, manes, guests and servants, and 2 Compare the concluding verse : amarSeNa - zAstram - uddhRtam / 3 Compare Manu, I, 88-91 ; also Mahabharata, XII, 60. 8ff.; 61. That is, to study the Veda. 6 Varttd, which consists in agriculture and cattle-breeding, and trade, 1. 4, p. 8. Manu, 1, 91, enjoins on him only the duty of serving diligently the remaining castes.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1024 to enjoy the remainder. The duty of a Vedic student (first Asrama) consists in studying the Veda, serving the fire, taking baths at the proper time, and (staying) to the end of his life, with his teacher, or in his absence, with his son, or with & fellow-student. For a Vana prastha (third Asrama) it is necessary to observe continence, to sleep on earth, to grow hair and wear deer-skin, to keep fire, to bathe, to worship gods, manes, and guests, and to live on forest produce. For a Pariurd jaka (fourth Asrama) the following are nocessary: control of senses, not to undertake any work, not to possess anything, to avoid all attachment, begging at different places, to live in a forest, external and internal purity, to abstain from injury to any being whatsoever, truthfulness, freedom from envy or anger, non-wicked. ness and forgiveness. "The observance of one's own duties leads to heaven and final beatitude; by their nonperformance, the world would be ruined by universal confusion (Sankara). "Therefore a king should not allow men to leave their proper duties; since one who observes his proper work is happy in this and the next world. "Verily, the society that remains within the limits of Aryan behaviour, and is established on the basis of castes and Asramas, and is guided by the three-fold Veda, prospers; it never decays." We should observe that in the whole of this chapter, Kautilya does not mention any contending views; we may therefore suppose that what he says was also true for his predecessors and was an uncontroverted basic principle. Now as regards the caste system, the theory of mixed castes has also validity for Kautilya ; he gives the origin of the Anulomas and Pratilomas, and further admixtures (967) between them, in all, of seventeen mixed castes. Still is his enuineration not exhaustive, since he concludes it with the words ity ele 'nye cd 'ntardlah. In this respect also, the Kautillya takes the same point of view as the Brah. manic law-books, though indeed the theory of the mixed castes is given in the Kautilfya only in its broad outlines, and is widely separated from the complicated system of Manu. From this it follows with certainty that in the fourth century B.C. and earlier, the Indian state was based on the Brahmanic foundation, as the European state of the Middle Ages was on the Christian. The social arrangement was regarded as continued from the Veda, (and) the superiority of the Brahmans and their privileged position was a firmly established fact. A practical statesman must accept the historically developed conditions as a given fact; the Kautilya does not lay down any interference with it, nor does it seek to bring the Vedio theory to greater prominence. To change arbitrarily the existing conditions, which rightly or wrongly, but in any case as a matter of fact, were regarded as based on the Veda, was as far away from the thoughts of) Indian statesmen as to upset the structure of the society was from the thoughts of) European princes of the Middle Ages. And then, too, if many events in Brahmanical India might agree very little with the Brahmanic theory--which generally has been partly conceded by the Indians thermselves, and has been placed under Apaddhar. ma-still that does not therefore cease to be a principal factor in the historical development; it was just like the ecclesiastical doctrine in our Middle Ages, which very often in practice was very unchristian. For our knowledge of the State in Ancient India, the Kautilya remains our most reliable source ; in utilising the Buddhistic and the Jain sources, we must always make allowance for their sectarian point of view, limited as it is by the social position of their authors. The non-literary ancient works, such as sculpture, coins and so forth, have value in the first instance for their own time only. 0 Naturally, so long as he does not pass into the householder's stage.

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JUNE, 1924] HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAU TULIYA 131 Here is then the point from which we could attain to an objective valuation of the theory of Prof. Rhys Davids regarding the falsification of history by the Brahmone. The nonliterary works begin with Asoka. It was incumbent on this great Emperor to rule according to principles, for which the Brahmans were not the authority; he was a Buddhist, and finally also entered the (Buddhistic) order. The result was that with his death, his kingdom, comprehending approximately the whole of India, broke into pieces. However, in his reign of thirty-seven years, it is possible that the old basic conceptions of the state might have been shaken in some unknown manner; there occurred the dreaded Sankara (958) against which the politicians had always warned, and which ever turns up as a spectre in the later literature; this (i.e., the Sankara) then prevailed for a long period in those parts of the country, the mastery of which had been seized by non-Aryan princes. When, therefore, the reaction set in, the Brahmans had to regain much lost ground; the Kautiliya and other Arthasastras where such had been preserved, showed them what the Brahmanic state once was, to restore which they laboured. That in this enthusiasm they went too far, is what is to be expected from the nature of the thing: hence the intolerance and the presumption, the extravagance of the Brahmanic arrogance, which displays itself very often in the later law-books and similar works.-We cannot therefore regard the conditions as they prevailed under Asoka, and also partially continued for a long time thereafter, as norinal. Asoka's period' was only one episode, which indeed left behind far-reaching consequences. However, the Brahmanic view.point of life fought against the non-Brahmanic spirit, and at last secured all but complete victory, mainly under the aegis of Kumarila and Samkara. The presumed falsification of history by the Brahmans, so far as their ideal of the State is concerned, depends on their knowledge of the ancient rules of State-craft, which preserved the acquaintance with the Kautilya and probably also other older Arthasdstras ; the falsifying, if it can be designated as such, consists in only this, that they (i.e., the Brahmans) have expounded the contents of the old Artha and Dharma-sdstras in such works as Manu, Yajna valkya and others, in accordance with their point of view and the characteristics of their times. Now, though from the Kauciliya we only get to know primarily the conditions of the Brahmanic state in the fourth century B.O., we can also draw, on the basis of his state. ments, conclusions about the conditions prevailing in the preceding period. This is so, because this work is indeed based, as its author tells us in his opening words quoted above, on the work of his predecessors, whom he mentions when he does not agree with their views or rules, in order to refute them in the point at issue, and to improve upon them. If he differs from all of his predecessors or perhaps from & majority of them, he mentions their view with the words ity acaryah, and his own, with the words iti Kautilyah ; very often, however, he sets himself in opposition to the views of individual writers, mentioned by name. In this way we come to know the names of a number of schools and individual writers on the Arthasastra (959)-or perhaps only on single topics of the same. The schools are the following:- The Mana vah, Barhaspatyah,8 Ausanasah, Ambhiyah, Parasardh; the (individual) authors are:-Parasara, Parasara, Bharadvaja, Pisuna, Kaunapadanta, VatavyAdhi, Bahudantiputra, Visalaksa, Katyayana, Kaniuka Bharadvaja, Dirgha Carayana, Ghotamukha, Kifjalka. Pisunaputra ; the last six beginning with Katyayana are only mentioned once (V.8, p. 251= 7 In IIT, 7, there follows after this, ily apare ; in VIII, 1, after having mentioned the view of the Acaryas, there are mentioned those of a number of authors, which are each of them refuted individually by Kautilya. The views of the AcAryas are discussed more than fifty times. 's According to Vatsyayana (Kamasutra, 1, 1, p. 4) the original Dharmaldatra was composed by Jianu Svayambhava, and the original Arihaldara, by Brhaspati,

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1924 253 of the edition of 1919) along with Pisuna, who is however mentioned many times, and that too with regard to a subject scarcely belonging essentially to the matter of the Arthakastra, viz., striking and therefore significant changes in things. However, even after excluding the last named six authors there still remain over twelve authorities, who, before Kautilya, have treated of the Niti- and the Artha-sastra. (960) He himself is evidently the last independent author of a Nitidslra ; his successors, like Kamandaki, have only expounded the already finished and firmly-fixed subject matter of that science in a new form, suited to the times, in doing which they left out what had become antiquated-for instance, the Adhyak na pracara, or had been treated of systematically elsewhere, like for instance, thu Dharmasthiya in the Dharmasastras. The development of the Kamasdatra presents an interesting parallel to this development of the Artha and Niti-sastra. If we exclude Nandin, O A Carayana is mentioned by Vatay Ayana (Kamasutra, I, 1, p. 6) tho author of the Sadharanam adhilaranam, and Ghotakamukha as that of the Kanysprayulakan. If the names of the persons mentioned above be a little more closely serutinised, it would strike us as to how many of them are nicknames : Vatevyadhi = one who suffers from gout; Ghotakamukha = one who has the face of a horso; Kaunapadenta = ono who has the teeth of a goblin (Kupapa = corpse, Kaunapa, therefore = goblin); Pilluns a Py: Kinjalka the filament, i.e., as thin or yellow as a filament; Bahudantiputra=one whose another teeth were as long as an arm. In the following three names, there is addod on to the names a physical characteristic, which indeed might not be intended to be exactly complimentary Dirgha Carayana = the tall C.; Keninka Bharadvaja = the tiny B. (Kaninka = Kanika): Visalakss the long-eyed one. I might also mention Conikaputra from the Kamasutra, which means the son of a cow, (gouf, according to Patanjali on I. 1.1, v. 6, is an Apabhramba for gauh). In this name, as in Bahudantiputra, it is the mother that is insulted, according to the Indian feshion. This mode of bestowing names throws a peculiar light on the literary etiquette of that time, the traces of which are to be moreover discovered already in the Upanigads. These names however appear at the same time as individual naines. It is therefore difficult to believe that Gonikaputra, mentioned by Vatay Ayana as the author of the pdraddrikam, is a different person from the grammarian of the same name, mentioned by Patanjali (on I. 4. 51), all the more 80 as Gonardiya is also an authority in the Kamasastra (on the Bharyddhikarikam), and a writer of Kdrikda of the same name is mentioned by Patanjali (sco Kielhorn, JA, 1886, pp. 218 ff.). If this supposition is correct, we secure a chronological clue with regard to those grammarians, since those authorities in the Kamasastra are later than Dattaka, who wrote the Vaidika at the desire of the courtesans of Pataliputra. At the earliest therefore, he lived in the latter half of the fifth century B.C., since Pataliputra was first made the capital towards the middle of that century. Finally the fact that grammarians happen to be authorities in the Kamasdatra too, is not to be much wondered at, inasmuch as a thousand years later, many philosophers have made for themselves & name as writera on poetics as well. Regarding Kaunapadanta, it has also to be mentioned that according to Trikdy dadesa (II, 8. 12, v. 387) it is a bye name of Bhima. A Bhisma is mentioned as the author of an Arthaldatra (BharadvAja, VisAlAksa, Bhisma, and Parasara) and as a predecessor of Vinnugupta in blokas which are quoted in the ancient ?' kd (Upddhyd yanira peks) on Kamandaki, p. 137, Bibl. Ind. It is worthy of note that the author of this fikd speaks of Vatay Ayana, the author of the Kamasutra as "asmad yuru," p. 136. (973) To what is said here, I have still something more to add. The form of the name Bahu. dantiputra given in the Kaufiltya (1. 8, p. 14) is also to be found (only with a short i) in the Dalakumdrac. VIII, but as Bahudantisuta, in Kamandaki, X. 17, while the commentator has ip. 242) Valgudantisuta. In MahdbMirata XII, 59, Bhisma narrates that Brahman had composed a flatra on the trivarga and similar topics in 100,000 ndhydyas. Siva (Visalaka) abridged this ddatra in 10,000 adhydyas, and it was called Vaidaja knam; then Indra further abridged it in 5,000 adhyd yas, it being called Bahudantakam; then Brhaspati, in 3,000 adhydyas, called Bdr has palyam; lastly Kavya in 1,000 adhyd yas. This is a fantasti. cally extravagant parallel to the Kamaldatra, where the number of the adhyd yas is given in the following manner: Nandin, Siva's attendant, 1,000 adh.; Svetaketu AuddAlaki, 500, Babhravya Pancala, 150, Vatsyayana, 36 Adhyayas. Whether the sequence of the works given in the Mahabharata can claim any historical worth, is very doubtful. In the Mahabharata, VibAlekca is identified with Siva, and Bahudantiputra (whose name is to be postulated from the title of his work, BAhudantakam) with Indra. Of this, however, there is no trace in the Kanfiliya; there Visalaksa is often mentioned together with such undoubtedly "human" authors, Vatavyathi, Pibita and others (p. 13 f., 32 f., 321 1., 327 f.). Probably somo legend, for unknown reasons, has stamped these authors as gods, and later generations have at times been mindful of this, primarily, the Lexicographers (Compare PW., ... Bahudanteya and Visalaksa). Kamandaki mentione (VIIT,21) Indra as an authority in the Nftillatra; whether he means thereby this Bahudantisuta is uncertain.

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JONE, 1924) HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA 133 Mahadeva's attendant, and Svetaketu, Uddalaka's son, as being the first two, probably mythical writers of the Kamasastra, we (thereafter) find Babhravya Pancala as the author of a very extensive Kamasdetra,10 then seven writers on individual topics thereof, and last of all, VatsyAyana, who brought this "science" to a close, while later authors are simply the revisers of the transmitted material. The numerous predecessors mentioned by Kautilya enable us to conclude that there existed a lively interest in the Nilibastra in the fourth and the fifth centuries before Christ, and probably earlier still. The necessary presumption of this interest in political theories--an interest attested by documents-is that it was a period of brisk political development, which gave rise to a theoretical and systematic treatment of the problems and questions that arose. In this connection, the fact that Kautilya treats in II. 1 (Janapadaniveia) of the sending out of colonists and the organisation of colonies, 11 deserves special consideration, and in this connection, divisions of the country consisting of eight to two hundred villages are men. tioned, which are again divided into districts of ten villages. The laying out of colonies was therefore an actual problem in the fourth and fifth centuries B.C., with which the teachers of the Arthasastra were bound to concern themselves. Herein I believe I can find & con. firmation of the conclusion to which considerations of a different kind have led me regarding the "expansion of the Indian culture."'12 At the time of Kautilya, the Brahmanising of the Deocan must probably have long been accomplished; presumably the East and the South East, that is further India, was at that time the object of colonising efforts. (961) It is therefore probable that the major portion of Further India was once brought under Indian rule, and subjugated to Indian civilization, the traces of which have been however obliterated by the immigrations of the Burmese and the Siamese. The Indian kingdoms of Campa and Cambodia, the existence of which we can, on the strength of inscriptions and monumental works, trace back to the first century of our (Christian) era, must indeed be regarded as standing remnants, which appear isolated through the disappearance of the connecting link. As an addition to this, it may be mentioned that among extra-Indian countries, I have found mention of China only. That is, in II. 11, (p. 81) are mentioned the silk fabrics of China which are produced in the country of China.13 This makes it certain that China bore the name Cina in 300 B.O., which therefore finally disposes of the derivation of the word China from the dynasty of Thsin (247 B.C.). On the other hand, this notice is also of interest, inasmuch as it proves the export of Chinese silk to India in the fourth century before Christ. With the question regarding the worth of Brahmanio sources for our knowledge of the state of things in Ancient India, there stands another question in fundamental relationship, viz., how far the use of classical Sanskrit prevailed in the early centuries before the Christian era. As is well-known, the oldest inscriptions of Asoka, and those of many centuries following, are written only in Prakrit. From this it has been concluded that Sanskrit originated much later in the Brahmanic schools, and remained for a long time only 10 Vatsy@yana relies on him often in the course of his work, and also expressly says in one of the concluding verses bAbhravIyAMza sUtrArthAnAgamaM suvimRzya ca / vAtsyAyanazcakAre kAmasUtraM yathAvidhi // On the othor hand, an opinion of the AuddAlakas is once contrasted with that of the Babhravyaa (VI. 6, p. 358 f.). Presumably, Vaudyayana has found this notice in the BAbhraviya (work). According to the commentary (p. 7) the earlier works were indeed lost-utsannam eva--that however of Babhravya wat Available in fragments. 11 (sag) agar 47977 (Terra) Fate at f ar I put into brackets that portion which does not seem to bear on colonisation proper. 12 Internationale 'Wochenschrin, V, pp. 385 tl. 18 aitare AST: -

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1924 as a learned language; it only gradually attained to a more extensive use, till from the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. onward, it became the literary language of the whole of India 14 Though this theory is, in my opinion, untenable because of the fact that the language of the ancient epic was Sanskrit (962), still it would be of interest to put together what we can gather from the Kauciliya regarding the use and spread of classical Sanskrit. First of all, the fact that the Arthasastra itself is written in Sanskrit is certain enough thousands of things, ideas, conditions, etc., of common, political and economic life find their expression in that work in Sanskrit, not in Prakrit. The subjects treated there, with quite a few exceptions, lie completely outside the sphere of priestly schools ; if however these latter still treated of such things, they would cease to be "priestly " schools, and would become what we must designate the scientific and literary circles of India. This conclusion holds good not only for the time of Kautilya, but also for the preceding period, during which came into existence those works of his predecessors, which he has quoted and utilised. Paradoxical as the statement may sound, the Kiinasaelra stands in internal relationship with the Arthasasint, since each of the three objects of the Trivarga-Dharma, Artha and Kama---was capable of being treated scientifically or systematically, and as soon as two of these objects were partially dealt with, the treatment of the third followod with a certain nccessity. The close relationship between the Arthasastra and the Kamasastru is disclosed externally by the fact that, among works which have come down to us, both have followed the same arrangement, method of treatment, and style of diction, and are therefore to be regarded as belonging to a distinct category, distinguished from other works. To mention only a few instances : both works contain in their beginning the identical words : 16 tasyd'yam prakaranadhikaranasamuddesah: the table of contents consisting in the enumeration of the chapters, and the last section in both is called the secret lore, Aupanisadikam. Two more verbal resemblances, besides those above pointed out, are to be found : Kaut. 1. 6, p. 11; Kamas. 1. 2, p. 24; UT T1 T: TWTETAPHAFTA: TIET GATTI and Kaut. IX. 7, p. 369; Kamas, VI. 6, p. 353 : STU v TH portret: sauts : TIEK ERRE : dvesa however stands for soka in the Kamasutra In this case, the borrowing party is undoubtedly Vateya yana;16 he might well be later than Kautilya by some centuries, for his mention of Grahalagnabala in III. 1, p. 192, appears to display an acquaintance with Greek Astrology of which (963) there is not to be found any trace in the Kautiliya.1' Though however our Kamasutra is later 14 M. E. Senart formulates his view thus:--As for the classical Sanskrit, based in a Bralumanic environment materially on the Vedic language, and cauad, as a matter of fact by the first application of writing to popular dialects, it must be placed between the third century B.C., and the first century A.D. Its public or official use began to spread only at the end of the first century or the beginning of the second century A.D. No work of the classical literature can be anterior to this epoch. J4., VIIT, t. 8, p. 404. Compare ibid., pp. 334, 339. Prof. Rhys Davida propounds similar views, principally in the eighth and ninth chapters of his work, op. cit.; on p. 153, he enunciates the linguistic development of India in thirteen stages, of which the classical Sanskrit is the eleventh. "For long, the literary language only of the priestly schools, it was first used in inscriptions and coins from the second century A.D. onwards; and from the fourth and fifth centurios onwards, became the lingua franca for all India." 15 Kaurulya, p. 1: Kamasdtra, p. 7. 16 In Kamasutra, 1. 2, p. 13, ho relies upon the Adhyaksapracara, by which vory probably is meant the second adhikaraga of the Kaupillya. 17 In his definition of Kama (p. 13), Vatayayana proceede on the ideas of the Vaidesiko, & system which Kautilya, however, does not know. zrotratvacakSurjidvAmANAnAmAtmasaMyuktena manasAdhiSThitAnAM sveSu sveSu fans are: #14: 1 Compare Valse. Dagsana, V. 2. 16. The idea underlying this statement is made clear by the following explanation of the Tarkasangrahadipika: TEHT HTET egra 77 indriyana indribamarthena tataH pratyakSa jJAna sNpyte|

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JUNE, 1924) HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA. 135 than Kautilya, still the sastra as such is certainly very much older than he. Mention has above been made of the development of the Kamasastra before Vatsyayana, and in the second note on p. 959 (p. 132, note, of this translation), reference has already been made to the point that CarAyana, the writer on Sadharanam Adhikaranam (Kamas. 1. 1, p. 6) i.e., the way in which a lover should conduct himself, and Ghotakamukha, the author of the Kanyaprayuktam (ibid.) i.e., the way in which one should have to wife a maiden, are probably identi. cal with the authors, Dirgha Carayana and Ghotamukha, cited by Kautilya ; 18 accidental similarity of names is indeed improbable, since the same accident must be supposed to have happened in two cases. If therefore the existence of two parts or lectures of the Kamasa stra (Adhikaranas 1 and 3) is likely for the time of Kautilya, it is certain for the sixth lecture (the Vaisika )19, because on the occasion of treating of the instruction of the courtesans, Kautilya mentions (II. 27, p. 125) MEI foram pret fra at ** Ter u el That, however, the predecessors of Vatsyayana wrote in Sanskrit cannot indeed remain a matter of doubt; otherwise Vatsyayang would certainly have preferred the claim of being the first to teach his science in Sanskrit.20 None would however assert that the Kamasastra was cultivated only within the limits of the priestly schools. This appears to me to be excluded in the case of the Dharmasastra too. That such a one (i.e., a Dharmasastra) existed at the time of Kautilya is certain, because he mentions it in a passage to be referred to once more. The contents of it, in so far as things spiritual did not belong to it, we come to know in details from the third Adhikarana of the Kautiliya, viz., the Dharmasthiya (pp. 147-200), which we (964) must regard as a piece of legislation for the kingdom of the Mauryas. Therein occurs the consideration of the most diverse facts of the practical life, the knowledge and understanding of which would be found least of all in the priestly schools. If, in spite of this, the Dharmaddstra was composed in Sanskrit--and of this there cannot be any doubt-then Sanskrit was no more an exclusively school dialect, but a literary language understood by all classes. Dharma, Artha and Kama, whose systematic treatment has been laid down in the Sanskrit works, referred to all men, and not to the learned only, much less to the priestly schools alone. And more than this : Sanskrit was also the official language which the prince used in his letters and decrees. The proof of this statement is to be found in the Sasanddhi. kara, II. 28, pp. 70-75. This chapter treats of the letters and orders proceeding directly from the king, which his private secretary, the Lekhaka, has to prepare, i.e., to compose and copy fair, according to what the king may have said. A lekhaka should possess the qualifications of a king's minister amatyasampadopetah; what these consist in, is mentioned in I. 9, p. 15, para. 1." He should be, among other things, Kytafilpah and Cakxunman, i.e., he should know the arts and should possess Sastracaksumatta; in other words, he should thoroughly understand the Sastras. The knowledge of different local languages is not ordained, as would necessarily have been the case, bad diplomatic correspondence been carried on in Prakrit. Now, in a great political action of one king against his neighbours and rivals, there was involved the consideration, besides these, of the four princes (kingdoms) situated in front of him, 18 That is, in that part of V. 5, which treate of the marks of royal disfavour. That part is introduced with the words, bhayas ca vakayama), and could therefore be a completion, originating from Kautily himself of what his predecessors had taught. 19 According to Kamasutra, I. 1, p. 7, among the seven parts of the Kamasdaira, the Vaidika was the Arst to be ever independently treated, and that was done by Dattake. 20 Reference is made, in a different connection, to the difference between Sanskrit and Desabh Asa. vhere it is said of a nagaraka (I. 4, p. 60):- Arya ARI MUTI uitsig ud i all 31 Compare, VI, 1, p. 255 f. (=257 f. of the 1919 edn.),

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1924 and the four, in rear of him, as also of the neighbouring prinoes on both sides and of the neutrals (VI. 2, p. 258=260 of the edition of 1919). In the time of Kautilya therefore, the political area bound by sympathy was the whole province of Hindustan and more, where were spoken even at that time at least three or four different Prakrits. (965) It is, however, evident that in diplomatic transactions we employ that language which combines the possibility of great precision and susceptibility of fine distinction. A language acquires these peculiarities only through long literary use, and thoy were present in the classical Sanskrit, with regard to which it has now been proved that it was in common literary use at the time of Kautilya. A direct indication that at least certain letters were written in Sanskrit, is to be gathered from the fact that the solemn concluding formula for these letters is in Sanskrit. The rule is : lekhanaparisanharanartha ili sabdo vdcikam asya iti ca.23 "The letter should conclude with the word iti or with the words iti vaci kam asya," the latter being used when the actual words of the king make up the contents of the letter. We can, however, also see from the instructions which Kautilya gives in the abovenamed section regarding matters linguistic and stylistic, that he had in mind a secretary whose main function, was to compose letters in Sanskrit. However, I shall not dispute the view that other writings proceeding from the same Secretary, (and directed) to inferior persons might have been written in Prakrit, in accordance with the rule laid down in such cases (p. 71) jatim kulam sthanavayasfrutani..... samtkeya kedrye lekham vidadhydt purusanurupam. However, in the theoretical injunctions which Kautilya regards it necessary to give in this section, he appears to hold it an essential qualification for a lekhaka to possess a correct knowledge of the literary and learned language, i.e., the classical Sanskrit, inasmuch as he then gays about himself, that he wrote his rules about the Sasana for the benefit of the kings after having thoroughly investigated all the sdstras and having borne in mind the practice in the matter. 24 (To be continued). MISCELLANEA. A POETICAL FRAGMENT IN PRAISE. Qita - OF THE PEN. Qalam goyad ki man shahe jahanam, Qalam kash ra ba daulat me rasanam; Agar bad bkht bashad man che danam, Vale, ekbar ba daulat rasanam. Translation: The Pen says, "I am king of the universo; To him who holds me I bring wealth; If he be unfortunate, yet through me He attains once to the shore of viches." [ This verse was found among miscellaneous papers left by the late Dr. W. Crooke. Its author. ship is unknown. 29 I regard it as being more correct to proceed on this idea of the Kaufiliya than to rely (in my argument) on the extent of the kingdom of Candragupta. Even if, at the time when the Kaufilfya was composed, the power of this king might have really extended from Bergal to the Panjab and still further, then even in that case, the doctrine mentioned by Kautilya regarding the Vijigisu (king) and his mandala, would not be meaningless and without any practical interest; since in the lands subservient to him, there wore here. ditary princes, who, following the Indian custom, might have continued to exercise authority. A great state did not arise by a conquest proper; such were confined to annexations of smaller provinces (compare XIII. 14, 15). The dependent princes in the empire of the Mauryas must have likewise fought among themselves, like the Satraps in the Persian Empire, despite the suzerainty of the Emperor; and in such wars, the rules of the Nitidastra came into operation. 23 Page 72. The edition reads lekhaka and sabdau. 34 Page 75. Te ** pertgez feat TTU Tea Part 1: II qlm gwyd khh mn shh jnm qlm khs r bdwlt myrsnm gr bd bkht bshd mn chh dnm wly ykhbr b dwlt rsnh

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JUNE, 1924] BOOK-NOTICES BOOK-NOTICES. CENSUS OF INDIA, 1921. THE ANDAMAN AND NICOBAR ISLANDS, by R. F. Lowis, Government of India Press, Calcutta. This Report, which shows much careful investigation into the life and conditions of the people, is by the late Deputy Superintendent of the Is. lands, who, it is understood, was specially asked by the Government to postpone taking his pension that he might conduct the Census and write the Report. The work falls mainly into three sections, dealing respectively with the Andamanese, the Nicobarese, and the Penal Settlement of Port Blair. The Census could not possibly be taken synchronously throughout the islands, and indeed nothing better than approximate guesses could be made as to the numbers of the wild tribes, i.e., the Jarawas of South Andaman and North Sentinel Island, the Onges of Little Andaman and Rutland Island, and the Shompen of the interior of Great Nicobar. It would seem probable that within a very few decades the Andamanese race will have vanished, at least from off the face of Great Andaman. Even since the taking of the last Census one of the tribes has vanished, and five other tribes unitedly now number only 25 souls, while the population of the remaining four friendly tribes has diminished over 47 per cent. during the last decade. The wild tribes, too, the Onges and Jarawas are probably also declining in numbers. This primitive Negrito people, who in the remote islands are still in the stone age, and who do not know how to generate fire, but must carry it carefully with them in their frequent migrations, do not take kindly to civili. zation, and the tribes which have been brought into close contact with civilization are fast vanishing. But the tribes that began by being hostile, remain so still. The Jarawas not only shoot at sight any stranger (Andamanese or foreigner) whom they find in the jungle, but also make raids on men peacefully at work in the Penal Settlement. In one raid in 1920 no less than five convicts were killed whilst engaged in cooking their food.. The Andaman Islands possess most valuable forests and excellent harbours. The soil and climate is well suited for growing cocoa-nuts, rubber, and coffee; whilst the experiments with Sisal hemp, Manilla hemp, and sugar-cane have been very satisfactory. Should all the convicts be withdrawn eventually from Port Blair. it is to be hoped that the islands will not really become derelict, but rather that cultivation may be widely extended by free labour. The Census Report of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands of 1901 was so full that the later Reports are by comparison meagre; but our knowledge 137 of the life and conditions of the people, or at least of the Nicobarese, has been steadily growing, and we are here introduced to a considerable amount of fresh information. It would seein, however, that the account in it of "Folk-lore stories obtained from Mr. E. Hart" is erroneous, as they are not new and are not his. With one exception they have been already published by Mr. C. W. Whitehead in this Journal. See ante, vol. L, pp. 234, etc. Despite the necessary administrative report of the work of the Census, and the Tables which or dinarily can interest only statisticians, there is in the Census Reports generally, and in this work of Mr. Lowis in particular, so much that is of interest to all who take the study of human nature as their province, that it is much to be regretted that the Indian Census Reports are not more gencrally read and studied by the reading and thinking public. R. C. TEMPLE. HATIM'S TALES, by SIR AUREL STEIN and others: London, John Murmy: pp. 1xxxvi. 625. In the story of international and interreligious ro lationships there can hardly be a more striking ias. tance of collaboration than this. A Hungarian, an Irishman, and Englishman and two Kashmiris; a Jew, two Christians, a Musalman and a Hindu-all have worked harmoniously in the production of this memorable volume. The Hindu, a fine old Kashmiri Pandit, is alas! no longer with us, and Sir Aurel Stein pays a touching tribute to his memory. Ha. tim is a professional Kashmiri story teller, as nearly as possible a human gramophone, able to repeat a story after the lapse of many years without altering or omitting a syllable. He told the stories, Sir Aurel Stein and the Pandit wrote them down, and the latter furnished a word for word Sanskrit transla. tion. All the MSS. were sent to Sir George Grierson who undertook the preparation for the press. The kernel of the book is contained in about 50 pp. of large print, recording some of Hatim's tales. Oppo site each page is an English translation by Sir George Grierson. In the next 165 pages is a transcription of the same tales as written down by Pandit Govind Kaul with an interlinear translation. Sir George Grierson has added a grammatical vocabulary (149 pages) in which each word is explained. Finally there are two indexes. Dr. Crooke contributes an introduction on the folklore of the tales, and Sir George Grierson one on the language. Sir Aurel Stein laments the limitation of his ear and phonetic training. Indeed he tells us that he might not have attempted the task at all, if he had not been assured of the Pandit's competent assistance. One does not know whether to admire more

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [June, 1924 the author's modesty in recognising the disabilities under which le labours, not peculiar to him, but common to other Europeans who have gone to the country after their organs of speech and hearing havo becomo fixod, or the courage with which, in spite of these difficulties, ho undertook the work and brought it to a successful conclusion. He is heartily to be congratulated on both. The limitations to which he alludes are seen in his treatment of retroflex consonants and of aspiration, instances will be found of retroflex sounds recorded as dental (somotimes as rolled), and a much smaller number of the roverso process, togeiher with a number of cases of mistaken insertion or omission of aspirates. But those are comparatively small matters, for correc. tion can be made by reference to Govind Kaul's transliteration, except in the case of retroflex , which though common among Muhammadan Kashmiris is never heard from a Pandit. On the other hand we have an unusually accurato record of the vowels to which evidently much thought has been given. It is truly an idyllio picture which this eminent scholar and explorer draws for us, his little camp in the mountains, the genial pandit, the grey-headed story teller, the everlasting hills and valleys all round-who that knows Kashmir cannot imagine the soepe ! And the book is worthy of the setting. It is a treasure house of information on the language. Sir George Grierson's thorough work on Kashmiri grammar is already well known, he has once again brought his powers to bear on the elucidation of grammatical minutise, and the missionary or other student who consults this work will frequently have CAUNO to express gratitude to him. As one reads through the Kashmiri of these tales one is carried back to many journeys amid the hills of a beautiful country, among a people who speak a beautiful language and they are after all a lovable people. The words bring back to memory many lacos soon for an hour or a day or a month and never soon again. But for those who live in the country and daily feast on its beauty this book is a lasting trourure, or to change the metaphor, a key which will help them to open at least one of the doors to the heart of those among whom they work. The speech is not exactly that of every day life, for professional story tellors use words and expressions which are obsolete or belong to neighbouring dialecte, yet it must not be understood that it is alien to present day villagers : it is quite modern and is very close to what they now speak. To conoludo. Wo have here to do with a notable work, finely conceived and carried out with a tho. 'roughness and care which reflect great credit on those who have contributed to its success. The printing, paper and binding are worthy of its oon. tonta. T. GRAHAME BAILEY. THE KONKAN AND KONKANI LANGUAGE, by RAO SAHED DR. V. P. CHAVAN, L.M. & 8. A Paper read before the Anthropological Society, Bombay, on August 1st, 1923. Dr. V. P. Chovan, a well-known member of the Bombay Anthropological Society, who combines his professional work as a doctor with the study of Sanskrit and other literary subjects, has published in pamphlot-form the result of a close and diligent inquiry into the origin and character of the curious dialect or language, which serves as the mothertongue of the Christians of Goa and Mangalore, the "Navayata" or Muhammadans of Kanara, and the Gaud Sarasvat Brahmans of Kanara, Malabar, Cochin and the Karnatak. The author prefaces his linguistic study with a discussion of the derivetion of the name Konkan,' and while ultimately he finds himsell obliged to leave its true significance unexplained, he suggests a derivation from the Sanskrit words Kim kinuam (i.e., what is this intoxicating drug ?) which ho msumes may have been used by the Aryans, when they first bocamo acquainted with the toddy and toddy-tree of Western India. This meaning-making strikes me a wholly unconvincing and unacceptable. It is impossible to dogmatize on a matter Bo obecure, but I should be inclined to draw an analogy between the Kanarese words Tenka, Tenkaya, meaning the south,' southern,' and Konkana. Konka in Kanarese is equivalent to konga, and the primary meaning of konga or korigu is the country of Kerala, especially the part around Coimbatore. Is it impossible that the name Konk Konga, with the suffix na, as in Tenka-pa, which originally signified a truct on the western sea-board of the modern Madras Presidensy, was subsequently extended in common parlance to embrace the coastal tract to the north of that area ? The history of the word Karnataka or the Carnatio shows how a geographical term can come erroneously to signify a district other than that to which it was originally applied. The real origin and nature of Konkani has been obscured to some extent by the fact that it was called Lingua Canarim or Canarina by the early Portuguese and has therefore been asgumed to have close affinities with the Kannada or Kanarece language. Actually, as Dr. Chavan points out, it has no connexion with any Dravidian language, though it may have adopted Kanarese words into its modern vocabulary and may occasionally in modern days be written in the Kanareso character. At the date of the Portuguese invasion of Gon, Konkani was written in Marathi or Devanagari characters, and it shows a far closer relationship with Marathi and Sanskrit than with the nonSanskritio languages of Southern India. Dr. Chavan's inquiry leads him similarly to reject Sir George Grierson's opinion that Konkspi is simply a dialect of Marathi, which branched off from the common parent Prakrit at a rolatively early daie,

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JONE, 1924) NOTES AND QUERIES 139 and he endeavours to show in the second part of been assumed. On the other hand there is no is paper that Konkani is an older language than question as to which is the more vigorous language Marathi and was formed independently of the of the two, and Marathi has the additional ad. latter. He gives various examples indicating that vantage of possessing a fine literature of its own while the original basis of both Marathi and and two well-recognized scripts. Konkani has no Konkani is Sanskrit, the transformation of Konkani literature, excopt of the modorn typo, and no has progressed on different though parallel lines, recognized script of its own. Despite this, Konkani the difference being particularly noticeable in some has shown considerable vitality and is still the of the grammatical forms, in the nominative plural mother tongue of an eppreciable population in of certain feminine. nouns, and in the matter of South-Western India. But we entirely agree with genders, in which Konkani shows # far closer Dr. Chavan that its ultimate survivalis problematical. affinity with Sanskrit than with Marathi. Many If the idealists' dream of an Indian nation of the words used by the old Marathi poet Jhanadova ever comes truo--which I am inciined to double are much nearer modern Konkani than modern ancient survivals liko the Konkani language are Marathi, and speaking generally Dr. Chavan's exam. almost certain to disappear. Dr. Chavon has ples are meant to indicate that Konkani grew produced a ruggostivo paper which ars evidenco independently out of a Sanskrit origin and is not, of study of this somowhat tochnical subject. therefore, a more dialect of Marathi whas hitherto S. M. EDWARDES. NOTES AND QUERIES. DEVAKS IN THE DECCAN AND KONKAN. .. (?) Coral tree No. 80. Artemesia phalleris. In Vol. III of Tribes and Caales of Bombay a list 22. Davana 23. Deynal Phragmitis communis of devaks, commonly found among the tribes, and Dhamak See Babul. castes of the Marathi speaking parts of the Presi Dive (tin-she-sath) .. 360 lights. - denoy, is given in the article dealing with Marathas. 25. Dukar .. Since this list was compiled, additions and correc. .. Pig. Durva.. .. tions have been made. Publication of the revised .. See Haryali. list may stimulate further enquiries: I therefore 26. Gangudli... A bird. subjoin the list in its latest form for the informa 27. Garuda .. .. The eagle. 28. Garudvel (gulvel) .. Tinospora cordifolia. tion of readers of the Indian Antiquary. 29. Ghana.. . The oilmill. LIST OF COMMON DEVAKS. No. Namo. Botanical or other Ghoda .. .. Horse. oquivalent. 31. Ghondan .. -Cordis rotkii 1. Adad (Udid) .. .. Phaseolus mungo. 32. Halad .. Turmeric. 2. Agada (Aghada) Achyranthes aspera. 33. HANA Mouse door. 3. Ahir . .. A fial. 34. Hola .. .. Ringed tortle dove. 4. Amba .. . Mango. 35. Haryali (Arkhe) .. Cynodon dactylon. 5. Anjana .. Hardwickia binata. 36. Hastidant .. Ivory. 6. Apta .. . Bauhinia racemosa. 37. Hati .. Elephant. 7. Arai .. Mimosa rubricaulis. Hivar .. Acacia loucophlaa. 8. Arati .. .. Mimosa hamata. 39. Engli.. Gymnosporia emargi9. Asoka (asopalava) .. Polyalthia longifolia. nata. 10. Avala .. Phyllanthus emblica. 40. Jambhul Eugenia jambolana. 11. Babul (Dhamak) .. Acacia arabica. 41. Jowari Sorghum vulgare. 12. Balde .. .. A bird. 42. Kabuta Pigeon. Banyan Sce Vad: Kadamb (Kalamb) Anthocephalus cadam. 13. Beheda .. .. Terminalia Velcrica. 14. Bel .. 14. Kamal .. Egle imarmelos. Lotus. . 15. Bharadvaj .. .. Concal or Crow phea 45. Kandyanchi Mal A garland of onions. sant (Centropus 46. Karanj Pongamia glabra. rufipennis). 47. Kagav . Tortoise. 16. Biju 48. Kasod Polecat. . .. .. .. Cassia sumatrana. 17. Bor (Borati) ... Zizy phue jujuba, 49. Kotak (Keyad) Screw pine (Pandanu. 18. Chas (Tas) .. . Blue jay (Coracias odoratissimae) indioa). 50. Khair (Khadira) Acacia catechu 19. Chat ., . Spinning Wheel whir Khija to ... .. See Shami. ler. 61. Knife. A shell of peculiar 52. Kocha Turmeric bulb shape. 53. Kohala Pumpkin. 20. Chinch.. .. .. Tamarind. 34. Konbada Cook. 30. Chad ba.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1024 140 104. Shisbechi gol.. 58. A leaden ball. Kuya . . . . Cucurrutis pasacrinus. . . 56. Kudal .. .. .. A hoe. 105. Sone .. .. Gold. Kumbhar Kukle . See Bharadvaj. Sonkavalo .. See Bharadvaj. 57. Kunda.. .. .. Andropogon interme. 106. Surved .. Rosis grass (Androdius. pogon schenanthue). 58. Kurhad .. .. An exe. 107. Surya phul .. Sunflower. 59. Magar Crocodile. 108. Tad .. .. Palm (Borassus fiabel60. Mandarache phul'.. Flowers of the Rui lifer). (q. v.) Tamarind See Chinch. Mango See Amba. 109. Tamba Copper. GI. Marynilve! .. . Ipomoea biloba. Tambul See Nagvel. 62. Mhas .. . Bufialo. Cassia duriculata. - 110. Tarvad 63. Mor (Morache pi ) .. Peacock. 111.. Tarvarichi dhar ..Sword blade. 64. Musal .. .. Rice pounder. Thapatne 65. Nag Cobra. See Phal. .. 66. Nagchampa.. Mesua ferrea. 112. Tulsi Sweet Basil (Ocymum 67. Nagrel Piper betel. sanctum). 68. Nandruk l'icus retusa. Udid.. .. See Adad. 69. Narel .. .. Cocoanut. 113. Umbar Ficus glomerata. 70. Narvel.. .. Premna integrifolia. 114. Unta Kantari.. Camel thorn (Echinops 71. Niin .. Melia azadirachta. echinatus). 72. Nirgundi Vitex negundo. 115. Vad . .. Ficus indica. 73. Pach (Pachna) Pogostemon patchuli. Vagh. Seo Wagh. 74. Padwal Tricosanthes anguing. 116. Varul .. White-ant's nest. 73. Pahar .. .. Iron bar. | 117. Vasanvel Cocculus villosus. 70. Paie . .. Ficus rumphir 118. Vel .. 27. Bamboo. Ehretia brucifolia. Pala .. .. 78. Palas .. Butea frondosa. 119. Vet .. .. .. Ratan cano (Calamus 79. Panch Palvi Leaves of five trees. rotang). 80. Pangara Erythrina indica. 120. Wagh .. .. .. Tiger. 81. Pankanis .. .. Reed Mace (Typha Enquiry may fruitfully be directed to the following angustata). points arising from this list. 82. Paratinicha pankh.. Pied wagtail's wing No. 3. Ahir-This is alleged to be a totem among (Motacilla madaraspa- the Bhils, and to be the name of a certain kind of fish. tana). I have not been able to discover what fish is 84. Phal .. .. .. Potter's patter. Bo called. 85. Phanas .. Jack tree (Artocarpus No. 12. Balde-This is a bird totem, also found integrifolia). among the Bhils. I cannot identify the bird so 86. Phankani Blowpipe. named. 87. Pipal .. .. Fious religiosa. No. 21.. Coral-This is found as a totem among 88. Pipri .. .. .. Fious tsiela. the Sangameshwari Vanis. I am not certain whether 89. Pithiche Bavle .. A doll made of flour. the reference is to real Coral or to the Indian Coral 90. Purtak (Perkut) . Euphorbia tortdis. tree (Pangara-Erythrina indica). 91. Rajahansa .. Goose or swan. No. 90. Purtat-This is the name of a totem 92. Ruchkin .. .. (1) Rui (Calotropis gi. among the Parits. It may be a slip for Perkut gantea). (Euphorbia tortilis). I have been unable to find 93. Rudraksha mal Eloeocarpu ganitrus. any other equivalent for it. 94. Rui (Mandar) Calotropis gigantea. No. 92. Ruchlin-This is a totem among Bhois 95. Rupen Silver. and Mahars. I cannot find a tree of this name in 96. Sag Teak (Tectona grandia). works of reference. Possibly it is connected with 97. Salunkhe A bird (cormorant ?) the Rui or Mandar, i.o., calotropis gigantea, & com. gracula religiosa. mon devak. 98. Sandas Pincers. No. 97. Salunkhe--This is a very important Saundad .. See Shami. devak name, and is found among Marathas, Kunbie, 99. Sayar .. .. Bombas malabaricum. Bhils, Chitrakathis, Malis and Vanjaris. Accord 100. Shari Prosopis sploigera.. ing to Molesworth, it is the gracula religiosa, appA. 101. Shankh Conch shell. rently one of the cormorants; but in view of the im. 102. Sheli .. .. Goat. portance of this devak it is desirable to secure more 103. Shinde Palm (Phoenis sylves precise details.. trio). R.E. ENTHOVEN

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JULY, 1924) HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA CULTURAL, LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA. BY HERMANN JACOBL. (From the Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, XLIV, 1911-Sitzung der phil.-hist. Classe vom 2 November, pages 954-973.) TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, BY NARAYAN BAPUJI UTGIKAR, M.A. (Continued from page 136.) Regarding the sastras, it is particularly of importance for our question, to know what Kautilya says about things grammatical. He begins with explaining the letters : akaradayo warnds trinantih. The number of the Sanskrit letters varies according to the different authori. ties between sixty and sixty-five. In the commentary to the Taittiriya Pratisakhya, (Bibl. Ind., p. 4) the following statement of the Siksakara is given : trigantis catuhgapir vd varnah Sari bhumate matah, and the number sixty-three is also given in Harivamia, 16161. Had the lelchaka written Prakrit, then a reference to the forty-six letters in the Prakrit language (cf. Buhler, Indisc. Palaographie, p. 2) would have been in place, and not that to the sixty. three letters of the Sanskrit language. After the explanation of the varnas follow those of the pada, rakya, and of the four (966) kinds of words : Nama, Akhyata, Upasarga and Nipata. His definition of Upasarga runs : Kriydvidesitah pradaya upasargah, an undoubted imitation of Panini I. 4. 58, 59 : pradayah upasargah keriyayoge; and he similarly bases his definition: avyayas cadayo nipatah on P&nini, I. 4. 56, 57, (prag tsvaran) nipalah cadayo'sattve, combined with I. 1. 37: Svaradi nipdtam avyayam. Wo see therefore that already in the fourth century B.C., Panini was recognised as a grammatical authority. This chronological clue is of great significance in the uncertainty which has long been prevailing about the date of the great grammarian.35 Hopkins could indeed say with justification (The Great Epic of India, p. 391) :-"No evidence has yet been brought forward to show that Panini lived before the third century B.C." Here we have the "evidence" required, if it were still to appear necessary, after what we know regarding the literature intervening between Panini and Patanjali.26 Incidentally, it may be montioned that Kautilya limits the meaning of Apasubda to the wrong use of the gender, number, tense and case (lingavacanakalakarakanam anyathaprayogo pasabdah, p. 75), and that he does not use the word in the sense of Apabhraxisa as Patanjali does on Panini I. 1. 1, vdritika 6.21 The explanation m t af ATT RUS: II. 9, seems to refer to a kind of syntactical rule, as it was later urged by the Mimamsakas and Naiyayikas, which if I understand it correctly, means : "Arrangement is the mentioning of a theme of which the subject and the verb stand in mutual sequence." 48 The meaning of Pradhana as a grammatical subject is to be found in Hemahamsagani's Nydyasamgraha, II. 29.99 26 C. J. Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, I, p. lix. Kielhorn's opinion was "that Papin stands much nearer to the Vedio than to the so-called classical literature, and that ho belonge to a period when Sanskrit was something more than a language of the learned."--Gottingen Nachrichten, 1885 p. 186. 26 Ci. Kielhorn, Der Grammatiker Panini, G. N., 1885, pp. 187 ff. 27 Kautilya himself often use the Absolutive in mod in the case of verbe joined with propositions, against Papini, VII, 1. 37: Pretracer (981), Tof (248), M (253), rufak (886), R T (887), TUTARTI (406), all in the causal mode. Ho also forma 9919007 (296, 828). 10 (Shamashastri translate this passage (p. 81 of his English translation) as -The act of mentioning facta in the order of their importance is arrangement.] N.B.U. ** Commentary, p. 781 T F ATA T (P7) TECTAR ir trug etsita varzanIba.......va eva hi puruSasvAdhikaraNaM sa evAstikriyAyA apIti kivabA saha sAmAnAdhikaraNabamayogeNa grytur NT Homabansagani wrote in 1454 A,D. The work is published in Benaro, Viraamvat, 2437 = 1911 A.D. M

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1924 The Arthakrama is one of the six requisites of & writing (lekhasampad): arthakramak (disposition), sambandhah (subsequent connection of the same), paripurnata (correct and conscious completion), (987) madhuryam (unartificial, happy ideas and expression), aydaryam (choice language), and spagtatvam (easy intelligibility). With these merits, we must enumerate the faults to be avoided (lekhadopah, p. 75), viz., akantih (clumsiness, see below), vydghdtah (opposite of sambandha), punaruktam (repetition), apasabdah (grammatical mistake, see above), and sav plavah.30 The ideas which find expression here, are further developed at great length in the Alashkarasastra : madhurya and audarya under identical names, spastatva as prasdda (ot. Bhamaha, II.3), vydghatah = apakramam (ibid., IV. 20). punaruktam (ibid., IV. 12), apababdah + sabdahina (ibid., IV. 22). The definition of pari. purnata : Hanafunt a corgeraitafar a riqual, excludes by its first part, the vakyadona 974 (Kavya prakasa, VII. 53), and by its second part, (hetao), opens up a question which Bhamaha treats at great length in his fifth Pariocheda. but which Dandin (III. 127) would rather leave undiscussed, as being irrelevant to the Alam kara. From the parallels quoted above, it follows that there existed a stylistic method at the time of Kautilya, which has later probably merged in the corresponding portions of the Alam karasdstra, and which, in so far, can be regarded as precursor of the latter. Be this as it may, the stylistin requirements as they are specified in the sasanddhikara can. in any case, be laid down, only with reference to a language, which by long literary use, has been brought up to no small perfection, and this was indeed the classical Sanskrit ; it would bo absurd to expect a stylistio fineness of that sort in a popular dialeet, as it is to be had in the inscriptions of Asoka.31 The conolusion at which we have arrived on the strength of the foregoing considerations, viz.. that the classical Sanskrit was the official, if not perhaps the only language in the king's office, seems to stand at variance with the fact mentioned above, (968) that the classioa) Sanskrit is first used in inscriptions from the second century A.D. onward. In order to remove this conflict, we cannot urge that there might have been two entirely different categories of royal decrees, sinoe Kautilya mentions among the eight kinds 37 of Sasanas also the parihara, documents of royal favour. I however think that the difficulty can be carried nearer to 30 The meaning is not quite clear. The definition is - T race of r e frater. FART: A varga is explained (p, 72) T T TTTT: T utach : ara: Probably the fundamental idon is similar to that in Vamana : To treat year it on IT, 2. 2. in connection with the property belonging to ojas. Vamana understands by udkya here connected words which express an idea. Varga soome to signify something similar--the expression of an idea by words ranging betwoon one and three. The samplava is a fault in the true mode of writing, but if managed with art, is a quality of pathetic poetry (oompare also ekartham, Vamana, II. 2. 11). 31 What rense there can be in laying down audaryam (= agrdnyadabdabhidhanam) M requisito of popular dialoot? According to Vamma, (I1. 1. 7) gramyam = lokamdaraprayuktam ; under this would fall in all likelihood all words of the popular dialect ! 89 They are : prjnyaapnaajnyaaprisvlelaaH| tathAparIhAranivRSTilelI // prAkRtika pratilekha ev| srvcgtihaasmaani|| The definition of parthara runa thua jAtarvizeSeSu pareSu caiva / / pAmeSu dezeSu ca tessutessu.|| bhanumAhI bonapatanidhAna / EXT: TOER VERTHI (Page 73.)

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JULY, 1924 ] HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA 143 solution in the following way The first of the lekhadoras is akanti, clumsiness of the dooument; it means having a black leaf (kala patrakam), and bad, uneven, and faded letters (acaru-virama-virdga'kraratvam). Therefore what is intended here is only letters or doouments which are written on leaves33 in ink; there is no mention either here or anywhere else in the Kautilya of inscriptions on stone or copper-plates. These appear to have been introduced or at least to have attained to common use, first under Aboka. The employment of the popular dialect on such documents, to be available to the commonalty, followed as a matter of course, and at least did not stand in conflict with ancient custom. It is possible to suppose that this use survived long, till the official language here also pervaded the King's privato soribes and suppressed the Prakrit. In what precedes, many literary-historical questions have already been referred to; we shall now try to exhibit in a connected manner, what oan be gleaned from the Kautill ya, regarding the condition and extent of the Sanskrit Literature in the fourth century before Christ. The enumeration of what constitutes84 the trayt, i.e., the theology, proves that the Vodio literature had come to a close the four Vedas, and the six Vedangas. The Itihasaveda was regarded as the fifth Veda, as it is already so called in the Chandogya Up., VII. 1. 4; 2.1; 7.1: itihdsapurdnah pancamo vedanam vedah (while in Bihadar. Up., II. 4. 10; IV. 1.2, 5.11, Itihdea and (960) Purana are sometimes mentioned as two words, and some times, as a compound). One cannot now unreservedly regard Itihasa and Itihasaveda as identical, as I had formerly done through inadvertence36, since what Kautilya understands by Itihasa, is mentioned by him in l. 5, p. 10 : puranam ilivyttam akhyayiko'daharanum dharmakatram arthasdstram ce'atihdeoh. The inclusion of the Arthasdstra, which does not belong to the Tray, but forms a vidya by itself, proves, that not all that is Itihasa, is also therefore Itihasaveda. We can have a clear idea of the Itihasaveda, it we bring before our mind the Mahabharata, since we find in it, the expressions vedah .... akhyanapan camah. III. 2247; V. 1661 ; and vedah .... Mahabharata pancamah, I. 2418 ; XII. 13027; these expressions evidently stand on the same line as the expression itihdsapuranah pancamo vedandm vedah of the Chand. Up. If we however regard, that all the constituent parts of the Itihasa, including the Dharma- and Artha-bastras are included in the Mahabharata, then we see no possibility of sharply differentiating the Itihasa and the Itihdsaveda. Itihasa seems to denote all that which rests on oral tradition, excepting the Revelation proper, and which is not the subject of logical demonstration. If such things bore a religious character, then they may be assigned to the Itihasaveda. Now, 88 regards the individual component parts of the Itihasa, the difference between purdna and itiurta might have consisted in this, that the first was legendary, while the latter was more or less historical. A minister was to avail himself of these in bringing to the right path a 38 Patrakam, a leaf, represents the paper. In II, 17, p. 100, it is said : STOTWITTYT | Tall is Corypha umbraculifera, tala, according to PW.is Bora8g us flabelliformis ; however, Hoernle has pointed out in his article: "An epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, Paper and Birch-bark," JASB., LXIX, pp. 93 ff., that the wine-palm Borassu8 1. has been introduced in India only late from Africa: a8 a matter of fact, no kind of palm is mentioned in the chaptor of the Kautillya treating of spirituous drinks (11. 25, p. 120.). Which kind of palm is to be understood by tdla, is uncertain, since we do not know any palm except those mentioned, whose leaves were used as paper. A Bhurjapatra naturally signifies the back of the birch, which even now is called bhari-patr. ____* sAmagurvedAnavastrayI / atharvavedetihAsavetoca vedaaH| zikSA kalpI vyAkaraNa mihaktaMnsavicitijyotiSaAR I . 3, p. 7. 36 In the Sitzungeberichte der kon. Prus. Aka. der Wissenschaften, Phil. hist. Classe, 1911, p. 739.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 prince who had gone astray: itivttapuranabhyam bodhayed arthasastravid, V. 6, p. 258. The examples mentioned in I. 6, p. 11 (of which more below), which are intended to illustrate the downfall of kings through one of the six passions, kama, krodha, lobha, mana, mada and harna, appear to belong to the purana-type; those on the other hand, mentioned in I. 20, p. 41, for showing the evil ways practised by women, bear a more historical character and may well therefore be itivettas. An Akhyd yikd should have been a narrative in prose, and should correspond to the later akhydyika and katha. Finally the udaharanas were probably moral lessons and narratives such as those that are often introduced in the Mahabharata with the verse: atrapyudaharanti'mam itiha sam purdtanam. We conld regard the Mahabharata as a redaction of the Itihasaveda, as a sarihita thereof. That however such a savichitd existed at the time of Kautilya, is very doubtful, or at least cannot be provod. In any case the Mahabharata did not still exist in its present or any ap. proximately similar form, as J. Hertel seems to consider in WZKM., XXIV, p. 420. Indeed, the mention of the names Duryodhana, Yudhiathira and Ravana, proves that the story of the (970) Mahabharata and the Ramayana was known ; probably epic poems too, of their contents already existed. This does not however imply that the stories and legends of the purdna type existed in the form of) a collection which should have been merged in the Mahabharata. Two reasons go against such a theory. In the first place, only some of the legendary stories mentioned by Kautilya, are to be found in a corresponding manner, in the Mahabharata, viz., those of Aila I. 75, Duryodhana, Danbhodbhava, Haihaya Arjuna (= KArttavirya), VAtApi and Agastya, and Ambarisa Nabhaga; other stories however are wanting in the Mahdbharata, viz., those of Dandakya,36 Talajangha and Ajabindu Sauvira. In the second place, one story as indicated by Kautilya is different from that as standing in the Mahdbharata. Thus Kautilya 1.6, p. 11: Kopaj Janamejayo brdhmaseru vilrantah; the Maha. bharata, however has : abuddhiparvam agacchad brahmahatyam, XII. 150. Further, Kautilya has IV. 8, p. 218: Yatha hi Mandavyah Karmaklebabhaydd acona coro'sms iti bruudna); the Mahabharata however says (I. 107. 9): na kimcid vacanam rdjann abravit addh'vasddhu od. More important is the fact to which Luders has drawn my attention, that acoording to Kautilya, the Vrenis maltreated Dvaipayana (atyasddayat), this being in agreement with the original form of the story, 31 while in the Mahabharata, XVI, 1, they only jeered at Visvamitra, Kanva and Narada. In the last verse of the chapter from the Kautiliya, referred to above, it is said : zatrupaDurgamutvava jAmadagnbo jitenivH| suranti Port Hotell The Mahabharata (as also the first book of the Ramdyana) know nothing to the effect that Jamadagnya was ever a King. Finally, there is this following fact. In the Kautilya, VIII. 3, p. 327, there is mentioned the view of Pisuna that hunting is a greater vice than gambl. ing, since in gambling one can win, as instanced by Jayatsena and Duryodhana. "No," says Kautilya, "the instances of Nala and Yudhisthira show that in gambling one of the two partios has to lose,"38 i.e., if one gains in gambling, his opponent naturally loses. Kautilya contraste what Yadbisthira lost, with what Duryodhana gained, and therefore also what Nela lost with what Jayatsena gained. In the Mahabharata, however, the brother of Nais who deprives him at gambling of his kingdom, is called Puskara, while socording to Pisuna and Kautilya he is called Jayatsena. This name does not oocur in similar relation in the Mahabharaia; it is however by itself not improbable that the brother of Nala might originally 3. The story of Dandakya is mentioned in the Ramayana, VII. 79-81, where however the King is called Dada, and in the Jalakas, where his name occurs at Dandakin.-ZDKG., LVIII, p. 691. 37 See Luders, Die Jatakas und die Epil, ZDMG., LVIII, p. 601. 38 tayorapyanyataraparAjayo'stIti nala yudhiSTirAbhyAM myAkcAsam /

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JULY, 1924) HISTORICAL GLEANINGS FROM THE KAUTILIYA 145 have been so called, because his father was called Virasena, and his two children were called Indrasena and Indrasena, i.e., they had names connected with the word) sena. If, therefore, of (971) the legends contained in the Kautiliya, six ooour in a corresponding form in the Mahabharata, five in a divergent form, and three are wanting there, we must therefrom conclude, that the stock of legends had passed through a change during the period intervening between the time of Kautilya and its redaction in the Mahabharata ; the older form of the story preserved by Kautilya regarding the destruction of the Vrsnis, proves in particular that there did not still exist a reaction of the Mahabharata ascribed to Vyasa Krona Dvai payant, or that it had not still attained to any canonical recognition in the Brahmanic circles. However from another point of view, it can be proved from the Kautilya that the art of epic poetry itself had reached a high degree of perfection in the fourth century B.C. The metre of the Kauciltya generally agrees exactly enough with that of the Ramayana.39 In the three hundred flokus in the Kauciliya, there are to be found the following numbers of Vipulas: I, 36 ; II, 27; III, 53 ; IV, 3. In the second Vipula, the final syllable is always long, in the first, only one short, p. 217; in the third, twelve times, in the fourth, twice. The caesura in the third Vipula falls six times on a saindhi vowel, once, on the fourth. For comparison, I may inention the same phenomena in the Ramayana (the first hundred pages of Schlegel, part II) and those in Nala, the numbers in the brackets giving the vanishing cases of the short final syllable. Ramayana, I, 50 (1); II, 50 (0); III, 40 (12); IV, 2 (1); Nala, I, 136 (8); II, 59 (2); III, 60 (27); IV, 17 (3); V, 1( - - ). The receding of the fourth Vipula, and the marked continuance of the long vowel at the end of the second and fourth Vipul& in the Kautillya, place that work in closer relation to the motrical practice of the Ramayana than to that of the Mahabharala. In this direction too, point the seven Tristubh slokas to be found in the Kauciliya : they are correct Indravajra and Upendravajra slokas; and none of them of a free construction. Probably the Adikavyam, the Ramayana was already existing, under the influence of which, the decisive employment of the sloka metre in poetry seems to have been brought about. It can however be supposed that there also existed then other Kavyas. Though indeed we do not come across anything regarding Kavyas and literary dramas 10 in the Kautiliya, still (972) the dramas and the Buddhacarita of Asvaghosa make it plausible that these classes of literature had behind then a long develop ment before the second century B.C., and that therefore they may reach back to the fourth century. Finally I may bring together what we can gather from the Kaufiliya regarding the contemporaneous literature. Besides the Vedic literature and what belonged to it, the Triyarga was treated of in systematic works : Dharmasdatra (nientioned I. 5, p. 10; III. 1, p. 150). Arthasdatra and Kamasastra (see above, p. 963 f. p. 134 f. of this translation). Of the philosophical systems there were existing, Sankhya, Yoga and Lokayata, though we know There is a pada of soven syllables on p. 413, which is probably an error of the MS, or of the edition. Two nine-syllable padas occur on pp. 418 and 420 in magic formulie. Theo T naturally leave out of con sideration. Verso 4 on p. 249 ( 261) is presented in its second pdda in & garbled form. 40 There is of course no question hero of professional bards, story tellers, nimic actors, who are prentioned ofton enough ; compare Hertel, 1.c., p. 422, but only of authors (to mention whcm, Kautilya bod no occasion). As regards the Sutas and Magadhas, I might mention that there were two classes of them to be distinguished from each other: (1) the usual, who according to the theory are pratiloma casten (namely, Vaibya and Brahmani, Ksatriya and(1), and (2) thoso called Paurdnika, arising from the inter-marriages of the first two chalet. (III, 7, p. 166).

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 not how far these systems had received a literary treatment.41 The Grammar Vyakarana as the Vedaiga) was represented by Panini's work. Besides this, there was Method or Rhetoric which treated of questions of syntax and style. The Jyotisa is mentioned as a Vedanga; the statements in II. 20 appear to have been taken therefrom. The oft-mentioned Mauhartika (pp. 38, 245) proves the pre-existence of primitive astrology; the tithis and the naksatras (p. 349) play an important part in it; and the planets were already known, of which Venus and Jupiter are expressly mentioned (p. 116). Other branches of Divination are to be deduced from the names of their representatives, Kartantika and Naimittika, who along with the Mauhurtika were employed at the court on a fixed salary(V. 3. p 245 247 of the 1919 Edition). Among other sastras, there is also expressly mentioned the Dhatusastra (II. 12, p. 81). This particular thing, in itself appearing petty enough, is however of general importance inasmuch as it shows, how much all conceivable subjects found at that time exposition in the form of sastras: all things worth knowing could be the subject of a sastra. We have seen that Kautilya himself put into use all (pertinent) sastras concerning his rules about the writs (Sasana) of the king, and that, he insists on the King's adviser (amatya) having a thorough knowledge of the Sastras. He says (I. 9, p. 15): Samanavidyebhyah silpam sastracaksumattam (amatyanam partkseta), i.e., the king should satisfy himself, with the help of specialists, whether the royal advisers know the arts, and possess the mastery of the sastras. For those who are here implied by the word samanavidya (the same expression recurs at p. 246, 1. 10 = p. 248, 1. 11) and are called vidyavantah on p. 246, 1. 7 (248, 1. 7), the epithets pandita and sastrin were usual in later times. (973) As is well-known, the classical period falls under the purview of the sastra, and the Pandit is characteristic of that period. From the Kautiliya, we see that at its time, the idstra had already attained a position dominating the intellectual life of India. Thus we arrive at the conviction that the fourth century B.C. should belong to the classical period, maturing to full development. The Vedic period was however at that time long concluded, and belonged to an antiquity lying very far behind. THE ECONOMIC IDEAS FROM THE KAMA-SUTRA. BY PROF. J. N. SAMADDAR, B.A., F.R.E.S., F.R. HIST.S., M.R.A.S VATSYAYANA'S Kama-Sutra has generally been viewed with aversion as being a book which deals with erotics only-a Vade-mecum for a gay lothario; but here and there we do get sufficient indications in the work giving prominence to economic topics and ideas, so that we may review many of the actions described from the economic point. It may be said indeed, that, even in this book which deals principally with Kama, there are questions treating of wealth and that sufficient importance is attached to the necessity for wealth, proving that the principles underlying production, distribution and consumption of wealth received due attention from the 'Acharyas in ancient India, who are generally considered to have oriented all their studies towards philosophy exclusively. The very beginning of the Kama-Sutra supports our contention. The author commences his book by saluting the three vargas-dharma, artha and kama. Though the last was the main theme of his discourse, he does not forget that there are three main purposes in 41 I have referred to the fact (these Sitzungsberichte, 1911, p. 741) that the later writers claimed for the anviksiki that it was an atmavidya. Kautilya does not theoretically put forward this claim, but practically; in so far as the education of the princes is concerned, he too is of the same view as his successore; since, according to I. 5, p. 10, the prince, after his Upanayana, should learn the tray? and anviksiki from the Sistas. The disfa must have been careful to see that the prince learnt no hetereduz philosophy.

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JULY, 1924 ] ECONOMIC IDEAS FROM THE KAMA SUTRA 147 one's life ;1 dharma, artha and kama are really inter-dependent to bring about success in life-all these three have to be studied, after the manner of the great teachers who have propounded the principles of these three principal objects which a man should strive to attain in life. Evidently with this object in view, Vatsayana recommends that a man's lifetime is to be divided into three periods and each period is to be devoted to the pursuit of one of the Trivargis in such a manner as they may conduce to their harmonious combination with one another, so that the pursuit of any one of them is not detrimental to the interests of the other two. Although the Acharya suggested that of the three vargas-dharma is pre. ferable to any other coming next i.e., dharma to artha, or kuma, or to both, and artha to kama, he has opined that this order of preference is not to be strictly adhereci to. He mentions, in support of this suggestion, the case of a king, to whom artha is more important than the other two, inasmuch as the very existence of the state--its social order and the adminis. tration of the country, depend solely on wealth. And he, therefore, recommended that suit. able means of earning wealth have to be studied, not only by depending on the Sastras, but one should also learn from the Superintendents of Departments and from merchants and others well-versed in the art of commerce and trade and from persons experienced in agriculture and other vocations of life. Vatsyayana, tries to treat of kama, but he does not forget that artha is more important. He discusses the arguments which are put forward against pur. suing artha. People are of opinion, he states, that." even if one exerts himself with all his strength, one sometimes does not succeed in getting wealth. On the other hand, one some. times gets wealth with no effort whatever, even by mere chance. All this is due to Fate." Vatayayana strongly opposes such dependence on Fate or Time. He says, "It is not so. All the gaining of all objects in this world chiefly depends on human enterprise ; a knowledge of the various means of securing these objects is as much the cause as Time. Even in the case of things that are predestined to happen, they can be realised only through manly efforts. No good comes to such as are inactive." Indeed he goes further. He practically forbids recourse to kdma, for it is detrimental to the progress of the other two objects, viz., dharma and artha, which should not be neglected; and he goes on to suggest that a man may learn Kama-Satra and the arts, but he should do it in such a manner that the time spent on them may not conflict with that devoted to the study of dharma and artha sastras and the other branch of learning related thereto, a know. ledge of which he is bound to gain primarily. As we have already observed, he advises that the following verse may be studied with advantage "Man pursuing the Trivargas will secure an abundance of unmixed happiness in this as well as in the other world;8 one should not attach undue importance to only one of the vargas, but there should be the harmonious development of all of them." Vatsyayana's definition of wealth is also very interesting. "Education, land, gold, domestic animals (cows, etc.) grain, domestic vessels and utensils; friends, and so forth, are artha, as also the means of securing and increasing the above. He has evidently improved upon the explanation of the term, and as we have said elsewhere it is indeed interesting to pote what wealth (artha) included then, and what a close resemblance there is in his defini. tion to what we mean by wealth now, being anything which has an exchange value. 1 1. 1. 3-4. 1 2 . 1. 2. 16-17. 31. 2. 18-21. 1. 2. 10. 5 1. 2. 38-39. . 1. 2. 40-42. 11. 3. 1. 1 1. 2, 4i. 1. 2. 1. * Leatures on the iconomic Condition of Ancient India, Oaloutta University, p. 87.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 That the author was particularly keen about the means to acquire wealth is manifest throughout his book. Let us, for example, consider what he recommends regarding the selection of a bride. One of the main considerations was that the bride was to be one born in a rich family. That wealth was practically the summum bonum in life is evident when we find him giving definite instructions to the ideal wife who was to be, what we may term, an "economist." "If the husband spent too much or made an inproper expenditure, she way to advise him."11 The wife was to consider the annual income, and incur expenditure accordingly ;12 and, during her husband's absence, she was not only to be attentive to the proper expenditure over items of daily and occasional occurrence, but she was also to increase the wealth of the family by purchases and sales economically carried on, by employing honest and obedient servants and by reducing expenditure through her own intelligent efforts 13 . Definite instructions are given in the Kama Sutra how expenditure could be reduced by the wife, by the timely securing of utensils for domestic use-as earthenware and metallic verheis, baskets, wooden and leather articles at proper places; and by the timely deposit! of salt, oil and scents. This care for economy is carried to the minutest details, e.g., "from the curd that remains after their daily consumption, she should extract its essence ; as also oil froin oil-seeds, sugar and jaggery from sugarcane; spinning of the thread from cotton and weaving cloth with them, the securing of 'Sikya' of ropes or strings or barks, looking after pounding and grinding of paddy, etc." In all these she was to be expert.14 Further, "knowledge of the wages of servants and their disbursements, the care of cultivation and welfare of cattle ; knowledge of constructing conveyances, looking after sheep, etc., the reckoning of daily income and expenditure and making up a total of them "-all these constituted the duties of an ideal wife and show that the author was not at all unmindful of the economies of life. Vatsyayana has also laid down instructions as to the ways of earning money. 16 These are (1) Receiving gifts in the case of Brahmans. (2) Conquest in the case of Ksatriyas. (3) Buying and selling in the case of Vaisyas. (4) Wages for work done in the case of Sodras. A list of professional men has also been given, viz. washermen, barber, flowerman, dealers in scents, vendor of wine, mendicant, cowherd, supplier of betel-leaves, goldsmith, story-teller, priest and buffoon. Just as king AjAtasatru gave to Buddha a list of persons ministering to the needs of the king, evidently we have here also a list of men whom the gay lothario needed, and as such this list does not contain the names of all professional men who constituted the society of the time. But even then, the list, incomplete as it is, gives us A glimpse of the society of that age. The side-lights which these quotations give us, are indeed incomplete, but they prove at least that ancient Indians and their Acharyas specially, did not devote themselves exclusively to the study of philosophy only, neglecting all mundane things. The economic ideas of the ancient Indian teachers may be crude and mixed up with the treatment of other subjects--their delineation may be unscientific, but they furnish us with clear germs of much serious boonomic thought which can be disintegrated and analysed as more or less pure economio ideas. 11 14 IV. 1. 14. IV, 1. 33. 13 16 IV. 1. 32. 1.4.1, 13 26 Ibid. 1. 6. 37,38.

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RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN FURTHER NOTE ON RITUAL MURDER AS A MEANS OF PROCURING CHILDREN. BY KALIPADA MITRA, M.A., B.L. I read with much interest the article written by Sir R. C. Temple entitled "Ritual Murder as a Means of Procuring Children," ante, vol. LII, p. 113. Such belief does not seem to be confined to Northern India only, but prevails in Bengal also. I was at once reminded of two instances, one of which is reported in Calcutta Weekly Notes; vol. XXV, pp. 676-677; King Emperor vs. Bharat Bapari and another, and the other was related to me by a friend as having been heard before the Sessions Judge of Hooghly about ten years ago. 1. The facts of the case are :-Bharat Bapari and his wife had had a certain number of children, all of whom died in their infancy. They were thus led to believe that there was an evil influence brooding over them and their children and in order to exorcise this evil influence, they offered their new born son (about one month old) to the crocodiles in a tank known as Khan Jahan Ali Tank, otherwise known as Thakurdighi, in the Sub-Division of Bagerhat. The child was placed near the water's edge, and the crocodiles were called. Two crocodiles appeared, and one immediately seized the child in its mouth and disappeared into the water. They never appeared again, and doubtless the child was devoured. The explanation of their action by the accused during their trial before the Sessions Judge of Khulna, was that they had been led to believe that if they made the offering of this child to the crocodile or crocodiles in the Khan Jahan Ali Tank "with a pure heart" and "fortified by faith", the crocodile, though it would doubtless take the child away, would return it unharmed, and that thereafter the child would lead a charmed life and attain to a good old age. JULY, 1924] 149 Though the accused were charged under section 302; I.P.C. (murder), the Jury accepted the statement of the accused that they were possessed by this superstitious belief and acquitted them both. But the Sessions Judge, disagreeing, referred the case to the High Court. Their Lordships held that, although the accused had no intention of causing death, what they did they did with knowledge that their act would result in the death of the child, and therefore convicted the accused under section 304, I P.C. (culpable homicide not amounting to murder) and sentenced them to two years' rigorous imprisonment. 2. I have forgotten the details of the second case but the main facts are as follows:A certain couple had no children born to them for a long time. They offered puja to many deities and performed religious rites for procuring children, but in vain. Then the husband was told by a Sannyasi that his wife would bear children to him if he could perform a tantric rite known as saba-sidhani (i.e., practising meditation sitting on a corpse), on a particular new moon day (amavasya) at the smasana (crematorium), on the bank of a neighbouring river. Both were to be pure in body and mind and should fast on the day appointed. They were to be clad in red apparel and worship the goddess Kali with red flowers. The husband should cut off the head of his wife and sit on her body, repeating certain incantations which would make her fertile, and issue would never fail her. He was assured that a charm which the sannyasi imparted to him would, when repeated, bring her back to life and no apprehensions need be entertained. The unfortunate husband induced his wife to come to the crematorium where, he said, he was going to perform certain rites for procuring children, without disclosing to her their exact nature. The hapless wife, absorbed in meditation at the smasana, was beheaded; and the husband, sitting on her corpse, followed the formula taught to him. Meanwhile the dawn arose, and the man repeated the life-bringing charm frantically, but of course without any effect. He became mad at the thought of what he had done; and his frantic efforts to resuscitate his wife were observed by peasants who had come at early dawn to plough the land on the bend of the river. He was subsequently tried by the Sessions Judge of Hooghly, but with what result, I do not now remember, 2

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE. Ry P. W. SCHMIDT, S.V.D.1 Argument. D--The opposition in the statements of E. H. Man and A. R. Brown and an estimation of the subject quoad personas and quoad res. II.-Tho chief differences in Religion and Myths between the North and South Anda. manege. III.-The establishment of the ethnological age of the Northern and Southern groups. IV.-The Austronesian infuences in the Northern) Andamanese mythology. V.-The moral charncter of Puluga, the Supreme Being of the Southern Andamanese. VI.-The demarcation of the seasons on the Andaman Islands and the signification of the Monsoons in myths and religion. VII.-The moral character of the commands of Puluge, the Supreme Being of the South Andamanese. VIII. Richness and complexity of the religious situation of the Andamanese. A Comparison of the Statements of E. H. Man and A. R. Brown and an Estimation of the subject Quoad Personas and Quoad Res. Following the description made by E. H. Man of the inhabitants of the Andaman [slands, hitherto looked on ne olassic, and which he first published in vols. XI and XII (1882 and 1883) of the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, and then As a separate work on the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands (London, 1883), it was customary to credit the Andam Apene with the knowledge and worship of one really Supreme Being oalled Puluga, more especially as two other good authorities on these tribes, M. V. Portman and Sir Richard Temple, were not known to have substantially contradicted these statements. It was therefore a little exciting when A. R. Brown, who had in the years 1908-1909 nndertaken a research expedition in the Aptamans, after praising, it is true, in the periodical Folk Lore (XX, 1909, pp. 288-271) Man's other discoveries, took up a position against his representation of the roligion and especially against the characterization of Puluga as a Supreme Being. He prefaced his opposition with the following remark: "Mr. Man's researcher were in many ways excellent. I have tosted as far as possible every sentence in big book, and oan speak with ungrudging praise of it. But there are certain matters on which I am compelled to dissent from Mr. Man's opinions, and one of the most important of these is his interpretation of certain religious beliefs of the Andamanese," Of the controversy between Brown And myself, with which at that time this position Was mixed up, I have spokon in another place. Since then Brown's eomplete work on the Andamanese has appeared, in which Brown stands by his opinion and strives still further to elaborate it. It is therefore necessary to go again Into Brown's representation. The great interest of the point sufficiently justifies its being done hero la a dotauod manner. It is not anong only to make gure of valuable old discoveries; we might gain important new knowledge and learn much in all directions. 1 Translated from the German in Anthropos kuol. XVI-XVII, 1921-22, pp. 978-1006) Die religiosen Verheimnisse der Andamaneses. Pygmo. See my detailed accounts thereon in "Sedung de Pygme envolker in der Erwio khunga qashichte der Menschheit." Stuttgart 1910, p. 133 fi. 3 See Anthropos. XVI-XVII, 1921-22. pr. 1079 ff. A. R. Brown. The Andaman Islanders. Cambridge, 1922, University Press.

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151 JULY, 1924] THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE In this case we have two investigators whose observations have led to quite opposed views, and we cannot help first glancing at the qualifications that each sets forth for the realization of their propositions, Let us then examine firstly the question of the time of their stay among the Andamanse, and we shall learn the following. The whole of Brown's expedition lasted from the end of 1906 till the beginning of 1908. Of that time 3 months were spent in the Little Andaman Island, and owing to insufficient knowledge of the language, brown lett it. He thus spent only a year in Great Andaman. On the other hand, E. H. Man's stay there lasted 11 years, which he spent in constant intercourse with the inhabitants. During that time he spent 4 years as Director of the Andamanese Home. Just for this reason E. H. Man gained a considerable advantage. This was increased by the fact that he particularly concentrated his researches on the Southern Branch of the tribes, more especially the Aka-Bea, whilst Brown worked as well at the Middle and Northern tribes, but could obtain less information about the Southern tribes, especially that of the Aka-Bea with whom Man had been working. Moreover, Man during this long time, gainod a detailed knowledge of the language and could associate directly with the inhabitants, an indispensable condition to real searching investigations of the natives. Brown, on the other hand, was most of the time only able to communicate with the inhabitants through an intermediate languageHindustani, which he was not master of himself, and which only the young Andamanese spoke, and those only as he himself said "more or less perfectly." Only in the last weeks did he meet an inhabitant who spoke English and with whose help he could get better information. To all that it must be added that, whilst in Man's time the individual tribes lived entirely separated one from the other, so that really exact research of an individual tribe was still possible, the tribes, according to Brown's own statement had, on the contrary [at the time of his visit], in many cases intermingled, and consequently their speech and customs had naturally lost considerably in purity, distinctness and certainty. So that in every way Man was, so to speak, in an incomparably better position than Brown. Therefore, for this reason, from the first, Man's information deserves, at least, the same confidence as Brown's. Sir Richard C. Temple, who is acknowledged also by Brown as one of the best judges of the Andamanese, expresses himself on Brown's book in the following terms: "The first part of the book is harmed because the author lays too much weight on his own observations and too little on those of his predecessors, especially on those of such a very scrupulous descsiber as Mr. E. H. Man, who had extraordinary opportunities for observation, which lasted for many years." (Man, 1989, p. 121.) So if Brown declares that Man, through his Christian convictions, let himself be betrayed into colouring his observations with Christianity, then one must oppose to it that such a thing never occurred; for Man brings forward in all sincerity also a number of rare and even grotesque particulars about Puluga, the Supreme Being, that are truly not to be found in any profession of faith of any of the Christian denominations. Moreover, one could retort that Brown could be equally reproached with the fact that his own unprejudiced mind was obscured by the opinions of the school of evolutionists for the time being dominant, According to the statements of E. H. Man, the Andamanese pygmies, who certainly belong to the oldest people of South Asia, now worship a real Supreme Being, named Puluga, who created the world and men, omniscient moral judge of their doings, but who is also good and helpful and to whom the good people will go after death. Against that Brown declared he had discovered that not one, but two, high gods exist, Biliku (Puluga) and Teria (Baria). Neither are supposed to represent anything other than the two chief prevailing winds there, 6 Over 30 years-ED. Compare Brown's own statements referring to them, pp. 170, 176.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1024 the former the Northeast Monsoon, the latter the South-west Monsoon. Puluga-Biliku who represents the chief person is, however, supposed to be feminine and only later in parti. cular tribes became masculine. She is not supposed to possess any sort of moral qualities and was originally considered as inimical to humanity; for from her came the devastating storms, whilst the rain came from Teria. If Brown's assertions as to these facts are true, then the character of a Suprome Being could no longer be ascribed to Biliku-Puluga. But with regard to Brown one must differentiato between the facts that he adduces and the interpretation that he gives them. Now the truth is that Brown, besides being interested in the tribes of the South, the Akar-Bale, and especially the Aka-Bea, which Man investigated, was also interested in the Middle and Northern tribes, and he prides himself on showing how [in the Andamans) on a comparatively small space, among such an insignificant number of human beings, who are among the most primitive peoples, widely differing views of religion exist in individual tribes. The highly instructive fact of this characteristic difference ought, however, to havo been demonstrated as clearly as possible and in no way obscured or effaced, as often occurs) in the interpretations which Brown gives; since he does not sufficiently regard the great difference of religion between the Southern and Northern tribes. The result of all this is that his representation of the religion of the Northern tribes may be perfectly just, while it is not so as regards the Middle tribes; and that of the Southern tribes in points of capital im. portance must be considered as not in accordance with the faets. Since his first interpretation in Folk Lore, this characteristic has become more propounced, for whilst formerly he was still led by the fresh impression of the facts he had observed, he has since become more influenced by theories that he has formed, which in the end unfavourably affect his statement of facts, as we shall see further on. I will now give a few of these obscurities of which Brown has been guilty. He describes Bilik as essentially inimical to man (p. 369 f.) and soon afterwards ho writes : "Yet there is no doubt that at times, and more particularly in the Southern tribes, the natives do regard Puluga as the benefactor and even the creator of the human race" (p. 370). But it is inexact to say "more particularly in the Southern tribes." If we uphold the sources of the myths especially, then Puluga is a benefactor and creator of men only among the Southern tribes. The same remark holds good of Brown's utterance : the idea is that Puluga. Biliku gave man fire, and by its help the source of life" has been developed more in the South than in the North" (p. 372). According to the myths, it was only among the Southern tribes that Puluga gave man. fire willingly, among the Northern tribes Biliku guarded it jealously, and it had first to be filohed from her by cunning and force. We will now set to work to show in a short classification the most important differences between the Southern and Northern tribus. II. The Chief Differences in Religion between the Northern and Southern Andamanese. 1) Let us first observe the sex of Puluga-Biliku and of her partner Daria-Tarai and their connec tion on either side with the two-monsoons (pp. 147 ff.). NORTHERN TRIBES. North-east monsoon (Biliku bolo). South-west monsoon (Tarai boto) Aka-Chari Biliku is feminine and wife of Tarai; her son is Perjido. This is Aka-Kora the customary hypothesis ; elsewhere Perjido is considered as the Aka-Bo husband of Biliku, or Biliku is unmarried, her son is Perjido and Aka-Jeru so on.

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JULY, 1924) THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 153 Aka-Kede Aka-Kol Aka-Juwoi MIDDLE TRIBES. North-cast monsoon (Bilik to). South-west monsoon (Teriya). In the Northern area : Biliku feminino, Tarni masculino; in the South : Biliku masculine. Generally Bilik is masculino and Teriya as well : more seldom, Bilik is fominine, Tarai is her husband; or there is a masculine and a feminine Bilik, who are husband and wifo; or Bilik is masculino with a wife In-Charia. In A-Puchikwar, there is a Bilik for cach of the winds except the South-west, for which last is Teriya. SOUTIERN TRIBES. North-east monsoon (Puluga to [a]). South-west monsoon (Daria). Puluga is masculine and Daria is his Brother : "and this was apparently also the common belief of the Aka-Boa" (p. 151.) A -Puchikwar Akar-Bolo Aka-Bea From this table it follows that: (1) Biliku is always feminine in the Northern tribes and Paluga is always masculine in the Southern tribes. In the Middle tribes Bilik is sometimes inasculine, sometimes feminine, so this is really a typical transitional region. (2) Only in the north are both the Monsoons more strongly personified, as only there are they recognised as a Biliku- wind and a Tarai-wind, whilst in the Middle and the South only the North-east mon. soon bears the personifying description, the South-west monsoon being called simply Teriya (Daria). (3) Everywhere Biliku-Puluga is only connected with the North-east monsoon and Tarai.Daria only with the South-west. Only among the A-Puchikwar are there many Biliku, to which all the winds except the South-west, are assigned. On this last point Brown builds his whole interpretation of the Puluga Belief. He uggests that not only the North-east monsoon, but also the stormy changeable time, which preceded and followed this monsoon, originally belonged to Puluga's dominion. But his hypothesis-ig weakened by the other opinion which he had already put forward, namely, that the acceptance of several Biliku among the A-Puchikwar was only a fairly recent innovation (pp. 167 and 374). To this it must be added that the A-Puchikwar belongs to that transi. tional group, which in its fluctuations certainly shows no primitiveness. Brown's promise to show that an "approximation to this view is also to be found in the rest of the tribes " (p. 356) is not fulfilled in any way. But the situation can be cleared up still more thoroughly. In his earlier publication in Folk Lore (p. 260), Brown brought forward the following myths of the Akar-Bale : "Puluga (Big Puluga) has two brothers called Jila Puluga and Kuacho Puluga (East Puluga and West Puluga). The one sends all the Easterly winds and the other sends all the Westerly winds." These myths are no longer to be found in Brown's new publication. But they are compared with a version given there of the Bilik myths of Aka-Kol and A-Puohikwar: "There is a male Bilik and a female Bilik, who are husband and wife. Their children are 7 From this point I will quote the earlier publication in Folk Lore (1909) as I., and the newer publications in the work The Andaman Islanders as II.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JULY, 1924 Koicor-ton Bilik, Koico Bilik, Jila Bilik, Metepur Bilik, Tarbear Bilik, and Teriya" (p. 151). One can see that the two brothers of Akar-Bale are identical with the two obildron of Aka-Kol and A-Puchikwar. So these myths of both groups have in common the important ciroumstanoo that a (big) Puluga-Bilik stands above the North-east as well as above the South-west winds, and is not identified with either one of them, and so this higher Puluga also stands opposed to no other being. This position of things is also shown in yet another of the Akar. Bale myths, which Brown gives in II, p. 151 : "Once upon a time Puluga and Daria were great friends, but they quarrolled. Puluga said that he was the bigger (more important), Daria said that he was. So now they are always quartelling. Puluga sends the wind for one period, then Daria sends his wind." There was then a time when there was no opposition between the (North) East and South-west. But the thought that now Daria laid olaim to be the greater is without doubt singular in the whole of the Andamanese Kiterature and for that reason cannot be primitive. This much Brown himself acknowledges when he says: "I venture to think, however, that the southern myth is not quite so satisfactory, as the northern ono" (p. 367). It only we had the same state of affairs among the Akar-Bale of the Southern tribes as among the AkaKol and A-Puohikwar of the middle tribes, viz., that a great Bilik Puluga existed, who was not bound up with the opposition of the two monsoons because he stood above them, then what Brown wrote himself in I, p. 207 would perhaps be valid for those two groups; certainly at any rate for the Aka-Bea tribe : "There seem to be no legends whatever about Tarai, and in the South he is generally ignored, all storms being attributed to Puluga whether they come from the North-east or the South-west." The case, where Daria no longer exists, anyhow not 49 a mythioal person, we already came across in the above version of the Aka-Bea myth, where we found a pair of brothers, East and West Puluga, who were equal to, but not under, the great Puluga. A version of the Aka-Kol and A-Pucbikwar legend also existe, where Bilik is masculine and his wife is called In-Charia, but where there is no mention of Teria (1, p. 260 ; II, p. 151). It, however, comes out most distinctly among the most Southern of the Southern tribes, the Aka-Bea. For in the report which E. H. Man gives of them, there is no mention of such a personality, and Brown infers their existence only indirectly and without any sort of proof, in these words: "and this (that Puluga and Daria are masculine) was apparently also the common belief of the Aka-Bea" (II, p. 151), a decision at which he had not arrived in his first publication. If, however, in addition, we consider that, in general, in all the Sruth and Middle tribes only the North-east monsoon bears the personifying name of Pulugt-wind, and that the South. west monsoon does not, it is easy to understand that originally, in this case also, only one personal being existed to whom all storms were attributed, but after whom the North-east wind was especially named ; not because it brings the most storms, but just on the contrary because at the time of the North monsoons, and only at that time, do the finest and brightest days set in 10 Formerly Brown himself acknowledged this. It is true that even then he had begun to form the theory that Biliku and Tazai were no other than personifications of the two monsoons : Biliku of the North-east, Tarai of the South-west. And he had already written the sentence : Why it comes up here we shall see further on : comp. II, p. 195: Man, 1910, p. 36, noto. . I do not find this passage in II. 10 See further on about this.

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JULY, 1924) THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 155 "There is complete unanimity through all the groupe, on this point, that bad weather is the result of Biliku's anger" (I, p. 261). But he acknowledged quite honestly at that time that "What is rarticularly pugaling is that the South-wegt monsoon is the rainy monsoon, and during the North-east monsoon the weather is generally fine" (1, p. 267). Since then, how. ever, relying on the Biliku of the A-Puchikwar tribe, he has formed the idea of an extension of the North-east monsoon season, so that it is increased at the beginning and end by a stormy period, and on this extension he has in his new book built up an extremely artificial and complicated theory. That the reliance on the A-Puchikwap is frail we have already seen above. That the theory also has gaps and flows and that it has to have recourse to a considerable derangement of facta, we shall see below.' For the present we will only emphasise the important fact, that among the Southern tribes, not two higher but only one Supreme Being exists; who is said to be masculine ; who stands above the opposition of the two Monsoons; after whom the Monsoon of the fine bright weather is called; but who also brings storms, thunder and cyclonos. (2) Let us now exaftine as to how the creation, especially of man, is explained in the individual tribes (II, p. 192 ff.). NORTHERN TRIBES. AKA-BO-The first man Jutpu (= Alone) was born as a small child in the knee of a big bamboo. He grow up and made himself & wife out of a nost of white ante: she was called Kot. Out of clay be made other ancestors, to whom he and his wife taught Accomplishments. AKA-JERU-1. First version : same as the Aka-Bo. 2. Second version : Poichotubut, the first man, was born in a buttress of a Sterculia tree. He had no wife, but cohabited with an ante' nest (Kot) and had many children from this union, who became the ancestors of the Andamanose. 3. Third version : Tarai was the first man and his wife was Kot. Their children were Tau (sky), Boto (wind), Piribi (storm), Air (foam on the sea). 4. Fourth version : Maia-chara was the first being. Heoreated the earth and peopled it. He also created the Sun and Moon His wtfe was Nimi. Their children were Cho (knjfo), Loto Lul MIDDLE TRIBES. AKA-KEDE- Biliku made the world arid the first human beings. AKA-KOL-The first human being was fa-Peti (Monitor-lizard). His wife was the civet cat, and their children were the Tomo-la (ancestors). A-PUCHIKWAR--1. Ta Petie was the first snoestor. He obtained a wife from a black piece of wood that he brought home. They had a son, Poi. Lator Ta Petie was drowned and turned into Karaduku (shark). . 2. At first there were only men. Ta Petie cut off the man Kolotot's genitale. She became his wife and their children were the Tomo-la. 3. The first man was Tomo(-la). He made the world and peopled it with the ancestors. He made the moon (Paki), who boonma his wife. Both invented all the arts and accomplishments. After his death he went to live in the sky, where all the souls of mon go as well. There it is always day and beautiful weather. How Tomo originated is unknown first there was Tomo, then Biliku.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1924 ] 4. Tomo was the first man and his wife was Mita (dove),. He made bows, arrows and canoes; she made nets and baskets and discovered red paint and white clay. How both originated is unknown. 5. Fomo was made by Bilik. His wife was Mita and the children Tomola. 6. Koi was the first man and son of Tomo. His wifo was Mita. 7. Ta Petie was the first man. His wife was Mita. 8. Ta Mita was the progenitor of the Andamanese. SOUTHERN TRIBES. AKAR-BALE-1. Puluga made the first pair of human beings, Nyali and Trap. He gave them firo and taught them all the accomplishments. 2. The first man was Da Duku (monitor-lizard) and the first woman was In Bain (civct-cat). AKA-BEA.-1. Puluga made the first man, Tomo. His wife, Chana Elewadi (crab), was created by Puluga, who taught Tomo how to propagate his race. 2. Chana Elewadi swam in from the sea. 3. Chana Elewadi landed pregnant at Kydd Island and became the demi-goddess of cultivation. Later Tomo was drowned and changed into Karadaku and his children into Duku. Here again we find much the same grouping as before : (1) In the Northern group no sign of any idea of creation; in one version Tarai is the first human being. (ii) In the Middle group the idea of creation only comes up occasionally and indistinctly. (iii) In the Southern group it is clearly expressed everywhere. But wherever there is a mention of creation, it is traced back to Bilik-Puluga, never to anyone else. Only once in the third version of the A-Puchikwar story does Tomo transcend Bilik ; but this is quite an exceptional occurrence, and even here the creation of man is not traced back to Tomo. Altogethor the A-Puchikwar legend shows here also great unsteadiness. Ta Petie appears, in the Middle as well as in the Southern group, as the name of the first human being ; so does the name Tomo. Also the name of the first woman, Civet-cat, appears in both groups; whilst Mita (dove) is confined to the Middle group. On the whole the Middle group is more intimately connected with the Southern than with the Northern group. We can conclude that in the Middle tribe the idea of creation is indecisive, but in the Southern group it is completely established. Finally we can conclude also that the idea of creation is most clearly and strongly enun. ciated where, as among the true Southern tribes, not two Supreme Beings but one Supremo Being exists, i.e., Puluga, who stands above all natural phenomena, to whom the celestial phenomena are attributed. (3) Let us now consider whence Fire came to the particular tribes and in what relationship Bet humanity stood with Bilik-Puluga (II, p. 201 ff.). NORTHERN TRIBES. AKA-CHARI-Biliku produced fire by the striking together of a red stone and a pearl shell. She lighted wood with it. Whilst she slept Mite (bronze-winged dove) stole the fire and gave it to the people.

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JULY, 1924] THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 157 AKA-JERU-1. Whilst Biliku slept Lirchitno (Kingfisher) stole the fire from her. She threw the pearl shell at him and cut off his head, whereupon fire came out of his neck. From that time mankind had fire. 2. In other versions, other beings discovered fire, but it only reaches mankind through force and cunning. 3. Biliku lived in enmity with mankind, ate up their food and killed them in a variety of ways. AKA-KEDE-1. Lirtit (Kingfisher) steals the fire from the sleeping Biliku. She throws a pearl shell after him and cuts off his tail and wings. Mite (dove) throws a firebrand into the sky and there it becomes the sun. 2. Biliku (masculine) looks at the people to see if they have eaten his food, which consisted of certain plants, and kills them when they have. The people then get together and kill him and his wife, and drive Mite, his child, towards the North-east. AKA-JOWOI-The imperial pigeon stole a firebrand from the sleeping Bilik and gave it to mankind. AKA-KOL-Luratut (Kingfisher) steals the fire from the sleeping Bilik. A-PUCHIKWAR-Luratut steals the fire from sleeping Bilik. She took up a "lighted brand" and threw it at Luratut. She was enraged and went away to live in the sky. SOUTHERN TRIBES. AKAR-BALE.-1. Puluga (according to another version: the Skink) gave the fire to the first human beings Da Duku and In Baia. 2. The fish Dim-Dora stole the fire from Puluga's platform (another version : from the land of departed spirits). He threw it at the people who were burnt; they rushed away and became fishes of a red colour. 3. In the old times Puluga lived in Jila (East) and the Andamanese in Pulugu-l'odbaraij. Puluga was always angry with the people and used to destroy their huts and property. So the people sent him out of the world saying: "We do not want you here any longer." He went to the North-east. AKA-BEA-1. Luratut stole the fire from the sleeping Puluga, but let it fall and burnt Puluga with it. He took the firebrand and burnt Luratut with it. The ancestors received the fire. 2. Puluga gave the fire to the first human being Tomo, after he had created him and taught him how to use it. He himself obtained fire by bidding the sun to come and set fire to a stacked up pile of rood. 3. Puluga let the first human beings themselves prepare a pyre and then struck it, on which the fire was kindled. The spirit Lachi Puna Abolola. who accompanied Puluga, then instructed Tomo how to cook food. 4. The fourth version is substantially like the first, only its taking place is postponed till after the great deluge which extinguished all fires. The following general conclusions are established: 1. The myth showing that the fire was stolen from Bilik-Puluga, mostly by the Kingfisher, is to be found in all the tribes. 2. In the two Southern tribes, especially in Aka-Bea, an essentially different form is found as well; i.e., that Puluga gave mankind the fire willingly and kindly, and taught them how to use it.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 3. In the Northern tribes and in the most Northerly of the Middle tribes, Bilik throws a pearl shell at the robber, and in the remainder of the Middle tribes and in both the Southern tribes he throws a firebrand. 4. In the Northern tribes Bilik is essentially inimical to man. In the Middle tribes and the Akar-Bale tribe in one version, he is at first perhaps friendly, but afterwards an end was made of Puluga's rule, and he himself was either chased away or killed. Among the Akar-Bale in another version, and also among the Aka-Bea, the people had no reason at all to depose the kindly generous Paluga and had sufficient veneration to keep them from doing so. Here then it is shown that once in the Middle tribes a religious (and cultured) revolution must have taken place, when the people got weary of the severity and autocratic rule of the old Supreme Being and did away with it. What motives contributed towards this we shall see further on. The movement emanated probably from the middle tribes, whose belief is the myth of the fire theft. Its home is said both by the Aka Kol and the A-Puchikwar, and also in one version of the Aka Bea, to be Tol-loko-tima, while mankind in those days lived in Wota-emi to the south-west on the other bank of a Sea-route. Both places however lie in the A-Puchikwar region (II, p. 200; compare also the myth of Aka Bale, II, p. 201). If we have to fix a more definite time, we notice that among the Aka-Bes, according to E. H. Man, the fire theft only took place after the great deluge. In those times the people were also enraged with Puluga on account of the destruction of all their fellow creatures, and made up their minds to kill him. Puluga frightened them away. He was as hard as wood, their arrows could not pierce him. He explained to them that the reason of the fate of those who had perished was that the race of that time disobeyed his commands which the primitive people had always observed. If they now became as ungodly, the same punishment would infallibly overwhelm them. This was the last time that Puluga was visible to mankind, but his warning was regarded and his commands were kept from that time. All these myths I believe should be interpreted as follows: After a great flood, in which many Andamanese perished and much was destroyed, the belief in Puluga began to wane, starting among the A-Puchikwar, carrying with it the whole of the Middle tribes, and penetrat. ing even to the Southern tribes as far as the Aka Bea itself. But here the revolt was brought to a stop. The cataclysm was recognized as the punishment of Puluga, and in consequence the old obedience and the earlier reverence towards Puluga, which here also had been shaken, were re-established, perhaps in even greater strength. 4. There are also a number of myths about this great deluge in which a tribal diversity is evident. NORTHERN TRIBES. AKA-JERU--1. The first man Mimi Chara made a noise one evening when the cicada was singing. Thereupon a great storm arose, which killed many people and turned others into fishes and birds. Mimi Chara and his wife Mimi Kota climbed up a hill to a cave, and hid the fire under & cooking pot till the storm had passed. 2. The people made a noise at night whilst the crcaas was singing. She went to her mother Biliku, who threw her pearl shell and sent a heavy rain storm, and destroyed the whole world, Maia Taolu saved the fire on this occasion,

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JULY, 1924) THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 159 MIDDLE TRIBES. AKA-KEDE-A bird who had had no honey given it, made a noise at night whilst the cicadae were singing, and disturbed their song. A great storm arose; it rained heavily, and the sea rose over the land. The people took refuge in the top of a Dipterocarpus tree (the highest tree in the Andaman Islands). Mima Mite (dove) saved the fire under a cooking pot. AKA-KOL--The ancestors were playing one evening and making & noise while the cicada was singing. Then Bilik got angry and sent a great oyclone. All the people were turned into animals. A-PUCHIKWAR-AKA-BALE--Da Kolwot (tree-lizard) got furious whilst dancing and drove the people violently away, so that they were turned into all sorts of animals. Berep (& small crab) in the end held him tightly by the arm. SOUTHERN TRIBES. AKAR-BEDE-Da Kwokol becomes furious whilst dancing and drives the people into the sea and bushes, so that they turned into animals there. Da Berag bit hard into his arm, so that he died. At that his mother was furious and cut down the plant tokoul, at which Poluga became so angry that he sent a great storm which killed the mother and all the people in that place. AKAR-BALE-AKA-BEA-Kolwot gets furious at a dance and drives the people in all directions, so that they turned into animals. Berebi comes and bites deep into his arm; he dies. At that his mother becomes so furious that in her pain she asks the people to do things that would enrage Puluga : " Burn the wax, grind the seed of the Entadu ; destroy the Caryota; dig up the various yams; destroy everything." At that Puluga became extremely angry and sent the flood which killed all living things with the exception of two men and two women. AKAR-BALE-In a great storm and mighty deluge Da Duku (monitor-lizard), the first man, tried to save the fire by climbing a tree, but he could not climb with it. . Then In Baia (the civet-cat) took the fire up a hill and saved it. AKA-BEA-After the death of Kolwot, who was the first to spear and catch turtles, the people grew inore disobedient, and as Puluga ceased to visit them, they became more remiss in the observance of his commands. Then Puluga's wrath burst forth, and without warning he suddenly sent a great flood that covered the whole land and destroyed all living. Only two men and two women, who happened to be in a boat, saved themselves and landed in Wota-emi. When the flood subsided, Paluga recreated everything The characteristic differences between the Andamanese myths of the deluge can be summarized as follows: 1. Everywhere the violation of Bilik Puluga's commands is the cause of the great flood. 2. In the North taking in the Aka-Kede se well, it is the disturbing of the Cicada song. 3. In the South, beginning with the A-Puchikwar, it is an incident connected with Kolwot, at whose death his mother destroyed the plants protected by Puluga, and incited others to do so as well.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 4. In the Aka-Bea legends it was the universal ungodliness of the people that produced the catastrophe. [JULY, 1924 5. The saving of the fire through the woman and her cooking pot is characteristic of the Northern and Middle tribes, whilst in the South there is no mention of the cooking pot. In one of the Middle and two of the Southern tribes there is a myth which tells how the killing of the Cicada and a species of caterpillar brought about the first darkness of night. In the A-Puchikwar and Aka-Bale tribes it is the first man who discovered the yams and the resin, and found a Cicada which he crushed in his hand, and at whose cry night came;-through the song of the ant the day came back, and since then day and night come alternately. Whilst here the people could evidently help themselves again, and there is no mention at all of Bilik-Puluga, yet Puluga decidedly reappears in the Aka-Bea myth. Here it is two women who get so enraged by the summer heat that one of them kills a caterpillar and the other destroys the utura plant. This displeased Puluga and as a punishment he sent the night." Thereupon the Chief Kolwot invented dances and songs in order to make Puluga believe that the people did not mind. So Puluga created the alternate periods of day and night and later on created the moon to make the night yet lighter. Taking together all the facts established into these four important points by our researches, it will be clear beyond doubt that in the Southern tribes, especially among the Akar-Bale and the Aka-Bea, there is quite a specifically different religion from that of the Northern tribes. In the South there are not two beings, but only one great being, who stands above all other beings and there is no reason to doubt that it is always masculine. This Supreme Being is not ill disposed towards humanity, but is essentially benevolent, so that the wind of the bright beautiful season is called after him. Puluga is the creator of all things and also of humanity, on whom he has bestowed benefits and to whom he has taught all that is necessary for them. He also gave them fire of his own free will and taught them how to use it. But Puluga was enraged by acts which caused a devastation and waste of things created by him, and then, besides storms, he sent as punishments thunder and cyclones. Once he destroyed the whole world in this way. In contradistinction to this, the Northern tribes have a religion in which there are two figures personifying the two monsoons. Of these the feminine North-east monsoon is the higher, as here generally the feminine comes to the fore. Here Bilik is no creator and is inimical to humanity, and the fire has to be stolen from her. She shows no moral features. In the Middle tribes there is a wavering between the two views, but also a clear remembrance of Puluga's former preponderance, until a sharp falling off from him arose, evoked perhaps by even more progressive influences from the North. (To be continued.)

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JULY, 1924) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 181 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES IV. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired). (Continued from page 112.) Pabain : a kind of chukri, rhubarb ': Ch., 222. Pachban: to-night ; as in Juma-rdt kadan' ? Pachhan.' Pachsera : a weight of 5 sers used for buying, but of 4 sers when used for selling : SS., Bashahr, 60. Pada : the 2nd rite of the 1st char at a wedding. It resembles the puhla bishtar or 1st chdr, but in this repetition of it blades of grass, saffron, sarvdn shadhe and flowers are cast into the water, and while the priest recites mantras the father of the bride sprinkles water on the feet of the pair : Ch., 143. Paduka : a foot-print pillar, consisting of a pile of stones, covered by a flat slab on which is carved a trident with a foot-print on each side, in front of a temple or by the road-side : Oh., 49. Pag-bbat :-Dharm-bh Al; a brother made by Pagwat : Glose., I, p. 905. Pagran: 'to hold,' see Nali. Danda pagran, a gaine in which each player holds a club (danda) between his feet and endeavours to wrest the other's dandd from him with his hands : B. Pag wat : exchange of turbans, offecting a tie like kinship : Gloss., I, p. 905. Pahrall : a machan or platforin erected for watching crops : Ch., 225. Pagtt: a sort of gown : SS., Bashahr, 41. Pahrl: a guardian of the records in a State office, also of revenue in cash or kind; a temple attendant : Ch. 264 and 131. Palrihan : & gown for everyday use : Ch., 205. PAI: in Tank :- 4 topde l pat, 2 pais = 1 mond. 20 pdis - I chaut in Kulachi). 2 monas - I anda. 2 andas - l chatti, or ox-load of 2 sacks; also used as a land. measure : D. I. K. in Hazera :- 1 pai - 16 chohas or odis. Measures of capacity only in use . I adhpai - 8 chohas or odis. anong the Dhunds of the Dannah ildga. See also under Topa. Pliye jins : a system by which the cultivator was compelled to sell bis grain to the State at reducerl prices : SS., Kuthar : C1., Paya. Paja padam: a tree : Sirmur, 26 : P. D., P. 939, 8.v., Paddam. Paju : a piece of muslin tied round the bridegrooms' caps : SS., Bashahr, 17. Palag : greens ; also a tree : Simla, S. R. xliii. Palat: fr. pala, 'frost'; land frequently visited by frost and cold : Sirm ur, App. I. Palak: a boy brought up but not adopted : comp. 88. ? - bdlak. Palakh : a wild fig, Ficus Rumphu : Ch., 259. Palasta : an official, below the spazir, now abolished : Ch. 264 : C., Palsar& in III. Palola : a tax on oil presses : Suket, 42. Pallo : the border of a shawl ;-pawan, to spread out the end of one's shawl,' to invoke blonding, to break off a loud ; Gloss., I, p. 906.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 Pallopalli: the observance in which the bride's skirt is kept fastened to the bridegroom's at the wedding: B., 111. Palna: to sharpen : Ch., 138. Pan: a climbing plant: Sirmur, 76. 162 Pan-mohla lit. 'dye and mortar', an observance at which the clothes are dyed for a wedding: B., 108: Add to P. D., p. 856: Cf. p. 757. Panch-bala: an offering of 4 male animals with a pumpkin : Cf., Sat-bala; Kangra : Gloss., I, p. 356. Pand see under Topa, Pandran a kind of tree: SS., Balsan, 4, Pandre Picea Webbiana: Simla, S. R., xliii. Panglot: a fee levied from a stranger taking a bride out of the State: Suket, 42. Panihar: a stone fountain, built of slabs of stone; smaller than the Nahun (Correct Panibar in III). Ch., 198, Paniyaru: the day of the kiria karm: Ch., 155. Panjobal moist land: Sirmur, App. I. Panjsert a weight, 5 sers: Ferozepur, Pap: soul; v. Newa, Papra: lit. 'sin'; also an imp: Sirmur, 53. Papli: stony soil with a layer of earth over it: Sirmur, App. I. Paraina: the 5th form of marriage, Gadar: a purohit is employed, but Ganesh is not worshipped, the bride doing reverence to the bridegroom's door and hearth, and obeisance to his parents: SS., Kumharsain and Bashahr, 13, Parala: sunny open land, opposed to Shila : SS., Jubbal, 16. Para-phutdi: the true dawn: B., 191: Syns. Bhabhak and Poh-phutdi. Parara: a small tree: Simla, S. R., xliv. Parat: a circular wooden vessel of capacity; also called Asa: Hazara: Paratha: not defined; used in B., (180) as an offering at a shrine. Parbat: land on a hill-top: SS., Jubbal, 16. Parchava: evil influence: Ch., 196. Parima: a method of measuring (land) by capacity: SS., Kumharsain, 9. Parkhatt: a child(? son) born in its stepfather's house: Comp., 114:Cf., Niamar and Gadhelra. Parn: a wedding: B., 156: on, at a wedding': Cf., P. D., p. 874, s.v. Parnahn. Paropi: one-fourth of a Topa: Ferozepur. Paruna: Daj, in Peshawar: Comp., 63. Paranevesh: chundavand, in Peshawar Comp., 71. Parwa: a cess, of one batti of grain for acn rupee of revenue: SS, Kunhiar, 10. Pashaj: a demon or genie B, 187. Pashkora : an observance at weddings; the bridegroom is measured with the nauli which is placed on his sister-in-law's tray and regarded as his rakh or protector: B., 110 Pashwaj: a gown, with a short bodice and numerous folds, almost touching the ground: Ch., 205. I, p. 438. reading, used to avert ill-omens: Simla Hills: Gloss.,! Path Pasal: the custom of giving clothes, etc., with ornaments to a prospective son- or daughter-in-law (aniong Bhabras): of. Subha: B., 107. Patha: the area which can be sown with 2 sers kham: SS., Bilaspur, 21. Pathi-mundri a set of bangles and a ring: B., 104.

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JULY, 1924]. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Pati a long narrow field: Sirmur, App. I. Patis: (? Patis), a kind of herb, (? gentian); of. Tila: Ch., 222. Patrian square pieces of silver worn round the neck, 265. 163 v. P. D., p. 888. Patrora: a kind of bread made of flour with salt and spices, and spread on bhajji or kachala leaves. It is eaten on the Patroru ki sankrant or 1st. Bhadon in honour of fore. fathers Ch., 156 and 215. Dawatin: B., 105: for Patri Pattar: a bowl: Sirmur, 50. Patthalli squatting on the ground cross-legged: Attock Gr., p. 113. Pattuarf: an office-bearer who had patta, woollen blankets,' made for the Raja: Ch. Paulao a rite of condolence; Sirmar, 61, Paulla: a gate-keeper; Cf., Pault in III: Sirmur, 63. Paya: a cess imposed in lieu of the old custom of buying the cultivator's grain at reduced rates: SS., Bilaspur, 23. Pechri, palchrt: a basket, narrowing towards the top, used for storing; like a Partara: Simla, S. R. xlvi. Pedi: a very poor soil with a thin layer of earth over the stones, generally found on the banks of streams: Sirmur, App. I. Peka: used by a woman for her own father's house or village: Syn. Pihar. Peshwa murshid or pir among Qadirt faqirs, in Ludhiana. Pera: a dish of Pithi, mash or pulse finely ground: Gloss., I, p. 797. Peta rathu a glutton. Ch., 124. Petar Juniperus communis: Ch., 240. Petha pumpkin, Kangra: Gloss., I, p. 356. Phag a cess, levied for the expenses of the Holi: SS., Bashahr, 74. Phagura a wild fig, Ficus palmata: Ch., 240. Phagll: (1) a fair held in Phagan, (2) a place of origin of a deota; Kulu: Gloss., I, pp. 326 and 433. Phak bran, husks : Ch., 139. Phakhi assent'; ditt, has given assent'; used of a bride's parents' consent to her betrothal Ch 157. Phalli a plot left fallow in the autumn in Brahmaur;= Paindh : Ch., 224. Phals!: (or) dhaman: Grewia asiatica: Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Phand stew Bashahr, 41. Phaphra: Fagopyrum sativus: Sirmur, 66. Phar; the middle storey : SS., Bashahr, 43. Phangat: a cow or bullock iron-grey in colour with black spots on the whole body, and unlucky, like the Megat: Jullundur, S. R., 55. Phant-blahlarla benevolence levied to meet the cost of marrying the Raja's children Sirmur. Phant: a special levy to defray the cost of a festival: SS., Bashahr, 28, an occasional levy for State purposes, 72. Phap: a kind of yeast imported from Ladakh, used in making lugri: Mandi, 32. Pharalu: an earring: Ch., 208. Pharir a thong, which attaches the yoke to the plough; = Bolcha: Simla, S. R. xlv Pharolta: a small basket, holding about 8 sers; Chatra: Simla, S. R. xlv, xlvi.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1924 Pharria : Grewia oppositifolia : Sirmur, App. IV, ui. Phating : porridge, in Kan&war ; Laphi : 88., Bashahr, 41. Phera : a custom of levying revenue, apparently a levy of grain and cash over and above the land revenue for the wazfr's benefit, on his triennial visit ; in Lahul : Ch. 274. Phernu ghirna :=muklawa (?): Sirmur, 29. Pheti: fem., a past part., reversed, as in pheti qalam-wala, one who writes from right to left, &.e., the Persian script : Mandi, 26. Phingola : cripple : Oh., 139. Phoa: a drop : Gloss., I, p. 356. Phirannt : the ceremonial visit paid by a bride and her husband to her parents within a month of the wedding : Ch., 158. Phul : the first distillation of barley spirit: SS., Bashahr. 77. Phulan : phullan, Fagopyrum emarginatum : Ch., 8 and 222. Phuleoh : a fair held at various places in Bhadon ; it is in honour of the souls of deoased Ancestors, but is closely associated with flowers (phul) : 88., Bashahr, 39 and 44. Phullan : a crop grown on the higher uplands : Ch., 202. Phullu : an ornament for the toes : Ch., 29. Phumb: wool : Ch., 138. Phungni : also called Tikar-jag, Paret-pojan and Jogni, a feast offered to the jogui to * cause rain: Kulu : Gloss., I, p. 436. Plak, alder, Alnus nepalensis and nitida : Ch., 1236. Plaman: Bugenia, operculata : Sirmar, App. IV, v. Pichalk : apparently Soi, q.9. Plehak: a brooch, worn by women in Kanawar : SS., Bashahr, 42. Pthar Peka, 9. 0. Pikhlt: a pure spirit : Sirmur, 59. Pikil: red pepper : Simla, 8. R., xli. Pindirf: a flour cake, eaten at the Basua fostival : Ch., 161. Pindll : an idol having no special shape : 88., Keonthal, xi. Pingh : a swing: Ch., 196. jhata. Pingyat : hawthorn (Pangi), Crataegus oxyacantha : Ch., 239. Pinjoll:=Mehar, the headman of a garh: Mandi, 89. Pinni: a rite performed 10 days after death : Mandi, 34. wandi, 34. Pinti: a ceas in kind, of ghi : SS., Bashahr, 70. Pir bahin a sister in religion, by affecting the same pir: Gloss., 8, p. 907. Pirhat: a public drummer : SS., NAIAgarh, 18. Pirt: a large basket ;=Ganori : Simla, S. R., xlv. Pirinda: a silk cord for tying a woman's hair ; a charin for long life : Gloss., 1, p. 911, Pirkta : an open basket, =Chatri, q.v. Pitar: a round basket, Tong: B., 196. Cf., P. D., p. 927. Pith : mash finely ground : Gloss., 1, p. 797. Poh : a conical stack: Sirror, 68. Poh-phutdi: = Bhabh ak, q.v. Poksha :=Khadu, a grazing-tax taken in sheep or goate : SS. Bashahr, 754. . . Porestang : Sanskr. pratishtha, dedication,' performed when a new roof is put on temple in Kanawar : SS., Bashahr, 37. (To be continued.)

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August, 1924 ) THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 165 THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE, By P. W. SCHMIDT, 8.V.D.. (Continued from page 160.) III. The Establishment of the Ethnological Age of the Northern and Southern Groups. Thus, here in the larger Andaman islands, we have two clearly differing forms of religion, as well as a third, which hovers between the two. Now the question arises as to which of these forms is the oldest. Although Brown often denies that he can solve questions of historical priority, he never. theless felt strongly that, in the above question, the decision lay in the judgment as to the correctness or incorrectness of his whole conception, and he sought even in his first publication (op. cit., p. 266) for a proof that it is the Northern tribes, who exhibit ethnologically the oldest forms. For this reason he next alleged that Biliku-Oluga was feminine in the two furthest ends of the islands in the furthest North among the Northern tribes of Great Andaman and in the furthest South among the tribes of Little Andaman, whilst the Middle tribes show transition forms towards the conception of Bilik as masculine, which appear openly in the Puluga of the Southern tribes of Great Andaman. This is in no way a proof. I have alreadyll answered him that the Southern tribes of Great Andaman might just as well be the oldest form, of which a later further development could as easily have taken place towards the North as towards the South. Now I am able to put it better by saying that these two furthest regions lay nearest to the zone of influenoe of the culture of mother-rights, which may possibly have emanated from the hinterlands of India and from the Nicobar Islands. Furthermore, Brown gives no infornation of a being among the tribes of Little Andaman corresponding to the Tarai of the Northern tribes of Great Andaman. Another argument was suggested to Brown by an Andamanese. "If Biliku (originally) was & man, then he would have seized his bow and arrow and not flung fire-brands and pearl-shells. Those are women's things. To that I replied that one must here set oneself against the good Andamanese :--the pearl-shell which is the women's kitchen knife is, it is true, a "woman's thing: " but the flinging of fire-brands can just as well be a man's affair as a woman's. And so, as a symbol of the lightning which Biliku flings, only the pearl-shell of the Northern tribes with their feminine Biliku is mentioned: while among the Southern tribes with their masculine Puluga, only the fire-brand appears as such. There can be no doubt as to which of the two is the older and more widely spread symbol, the pearl-shell or the fire-brand. In his new publication Brown does not again mention this argument; he must therefore have seen its worthlessness. He goes even further in his agreement with me when he writes :"The simplest of the different beliefs, the one following immediately from the natural phenomena would be, therefore, that which makes the lightning a fire-brand. This is on the whole, the one that is most usually expressed, at any rate in the South Andaman " (1, p. 368). If the fire-brand compared to the mother-of-pearl-shell is the simpler and more natural symbol of lightning, then it is without doubt the older. But this older symbol is not to be found among the Northern tribes, at any rate not among their myths of the bringing of the fire. So that here is already a proof of their lesser ethnological age. * Translated from the German in Anthropos (Vols. XVI-XVII, 1921-22, pp. 978-1005) Di religiosen Verhalenisse der Andamaneren-Pyymden. 11 Man, Vol. X (1910), p. 4, Stellung der Pygmdehatamme, p. 205.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( August, 1924 Of such arguments there are still other instances : 1. The sole primitive weapon of chase (and war) of the Andamaneso, the bow and arrow, appears in three forms: Non-reflex among the Little Andamanese and the closely related Jarawa. (1) Half-reflex in the Great Andaman. Of the latter there are again two forms, a Southern and a Northern Andamanese, of which the last named is shorter, lighter and finer and also has a curve produced by the preparations of the bow-staff over the fire ; whereas the former acquires a curve only from the growth of the living tree. (1) Brown decidedly stands up for the idea that the Northern Andamanese bow is only to be explained as a variant of the South Andamanese (II, p. 432). Therefore in comparison with this latter he presents a later form. He further acknowledges, that it is not so certain, but very probable, that the South Andami nese bow is a variant of the Little Andamanese bow. In reality, between the two there is no derivation shown of any kind, as they are two essentially different sorts of bowe, between which there is no derivation. The South Andamanese bow teeds no derivation; it grows there, so to speak, naturally, for the half reflex bowstaff is produced from a naturally curved branch of a tree, through the continued fostering of this curve in the living growth. On the contrary, by its string, a bit of twisted12 bark, which differs from the bow-string of every other Asiatic race of Pygmies, the bow of the Little Andamanese recalls the Rotang bow-string of the free mother-right culture, with which its outward appearance entirely corresponds. 2. Also in basket-making Brown himself acknowledges that: "The North Andaman basket seems to have been derived from one similar to that of the South Andaman by the introduction of two changes : (i) the use of different materials : (i) the change of shape" (II, p. 469) 3. In the making of pots the Northern Andamanese produce forms which are thinner. than those of the South Andamanese. This indicates that the technique of the former is the better. If one must accept without any doubt that the pot-making can be traced back to the influence of the free-mother-right culture in which it first occurs,13 here as there, the spiralwulst (spiral roll) technique is used without a potter's lathe,--then this influence is even more strongly marked in North Andaman in that, just as in the free mother-right regions, only the women make pots, while in South Andaman they are made by men and women, and the best by men (II, p. 473). 4. It is the same with the women's clothing. In the Little Andaman the women, to cover their nakedness, wear only a number of fibre bunches hanging down from a belt; these clearly remind one of the skirt-apron of the women in the free-mother-right culture. In the South Andaman, on the contrary, the women only wear a few leaves of Mimusop8 littoralis, which 'hang down from the belt in front. The women of North Andaman (who in late years have adopted the fashion of these of South Andaman) used to wear leaves of another plant in the same way, over which, however, they wore the fibre bush from the same plant, like the women of the Little Andaman (II, p. 479). The case is not, as Brown would infer, that in the bushes of fibre we have 13 In a bow in the State Natural Hist. Museum in Vienna this twist is lacking, so that the resom blance to the Rotang string becomes even greater. 13 Graeber, Die melanesischer Bogenkultur, Anthropos, Vol. IV (1909), p. 759.

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AUGUST, 1924] to do with an element of the oldest universal culture of the Andamanese, but that the women of Northern Andaman wore a double dress; (i) the leaves like those of the South Andamanese women (which is the oldest form not only of the Andamanese but of the Asiatic Negrito generally), and (ii) over them the fibre bunch influenced by the free-mother-right culture, which later penetrated here as well as to the Little Andaman. THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 167 5. The materialistic culture of South Andaman is thus shown in several important cases to be the older. Moreover it follows that the younger forms in the Little Andaman point to an influence of mother-right eulture, as belonging to which neighbouring Austronesian (and Austro-Asiatic) regions are to be regarded. As to such influences, which were also exerted over the whole territory of the Andamanese, the following can be traced with all certainty: (i) The outrigger canoe, with the typical south Polynesian attachment. (ii) The shape of the oar." (iii) The adze with knee-formed handle: all three forms of which appertain to the younger Polynesian culture, but are here bound up with the mother-right,14 6. Furthermore, I would point out, that in the myth of the Northern Andamanese Aka-Bo tribe, as to the origin of the first human beings, according to Brown's Own account II, p. 192) the giant bamboo in the joint of which the first man lay as if bedded in an egg, does not grow in the Andaman Islands, but comes occasionally as driftwood from the coast of Burma. Here can be seen plainly enough expressed in mythological language that the origin of these (new) North Andamanese kind of people came from outside the Andamans. 7. Further, it is in the myths of the deluge of the Northern tribes that the woman saves the fire in the cooking pot, which article is entirely made by women there. 8. Finally, we also notice that Brown states that in North Andaman there is a ceremonial celebration of the first menstruation of a girl as typical of mother-right. customs. He asserts: "I believe that the ceremony of the Southern tribes is very similar" (II, p. 92); but it is a fact to be recorded that E. H. Man gives no information of such a ceremony among his Southern Andamanese tribes. IV. The Austronesian Influences in (Northern) Andamanese Mythology. Supported by all these facts, I find I can now uphold with sufficient certainty a doctrine which formerly, I only put forward as more or less probable: i.e., the theory that the particular forms of mythology of the North (and Little) Andaman are to be explained by the influence of mother-right Austronesian mythology. I proceeded from the facts, which Brown first made known, but still leaves totally unexplained, namely, that in the North Andaman where Biliku is feminine, she is identified with the spider, whilst in the Little Andaman where Oluga is likewise feminine, she is connected with the monitor-lizard (Varanus alvator). I pointed out the close connection into which the spider, lizard and the spinning-weaving women in the 14 Comp. Schmidt, Stellung der Pygmaenvolker, p. 273. 16 See Schmidt and Koppers, Volker und Kulturen, Vol. I, pp. 273 ff. 19 In my article Puluga the Supreme Being of the Andamanese: Man, Vol. X (1910), pp. 5 ff..and Stellung der Pygmaenvolker, pp. 206 ff.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1924 Austronesian mythology are brought with the moon.17 On the other hand, the first man To-Petie (Da Duku) is called Monitor-lizard in the myths of the Middle Andamanese and of the Akar-Bale, whilst in those places Tomo, the first man, creates Puki, the moon, and makes her his wite. In one myth of the Northern Andamanese of the Aka-Jeru, Tarai (=Deria, Daria in the Middle and South Andaman, II, pp. 193 ff.) was the first man. To this we must add the fact that the new moon in the Andamanese language is called the "Little (dere-ka, dare-ka, tire-ka and so on) Moon," and then the close connection of the male partners of Biliku, and Taria- Daria to the moon, is, I suppose, sufficiently substantiated. Then it also becomes clear why Daria-Teria, who does not appear at all in the Aka-Bea legends, stands in even stronger relationship to the South-west Monsoon :the new moon always rises in the South-south-west, Another important fact arises also out of the last. In the Austronesian nythology the waxing moon is always male and the waning moon male as well as female. In the latter case it represents, where mother-right prevails, the older female moon-primitive mother, or where the father-right continued to prevail or has lately come into force, the wife of the dark moon, and the two together formed the first human pair. The latter case we now have before us in Middle Andaman. In the North Andaman we have the connection of the male representa. tive of the waxing inoon, Teriya, with the female representative of the waning moon, Biliku. Here the female element stands in the foreground. The reason of that is probably that in the North (one of the regions invaded by the mother-right immigration) the female element retained a greater importance. Still another cause came into play. If Taria-Daria, the waxing moon, is related to the South-west monsoon because the new moon rises in the South-west, then the representative of the waning moon, Biliku, is related to the North-east monsoon. because the waning moon always rises further to the North-east. Now here the female representative of the waning moon met the Supreme Being, Puluga-Biliku, who already on other grounds stood as a heavenly Being in relation to the North-east monsoon, because there the rainbow was supposed to be the bridge whieh joined earth to heaven and also because the North. east monsoon always brings prevailingly bright weather and plenty of food.18 The good however is generally ascribed to Puluga. 19 It happened too, that, whilst in general a fusion of the Supreme Being takes place only with the representative of the waxing or clear moon, here in North Andaman, on the contrary, on account of the greater sociological and economical weight of the position of the female representative of the waning or dark moon, a connection of the Supreme Being with the latter takes place, and so the highest Being became feminine. If the Supreme Being, who remained as such longer in South Andaman, did not himself become feminine there, quite another quality can be proved to belong to him as a later influence, through the moon-mythology. He is, it is true, not feminine, but became feminized and had children. The one name which Puluga's wife bears, Chana Aulola, Mrs. Eel, beara decidedly the character of moon-mythology. If furthermore the daughters of both are often black, they resemble their mother the dark moon. If the son is the eldest of all the children and is fair, then he calls to mind Ogar Dereka, the moon-child, the little crescent of the new moon. And if it is said that he is alone with his father in order to make the commands known to his sisters, then is called up to our minds the connection between the Supreme Being and the waxing moon. But this connection becomes perfectly clear among the A-Puchikwar, when 17 Schmidt, Grundlinien einer Verylichung der Religionen und Mythologiese den ausls uncstachen Volker, pp. 122, 320, etc. 11 Mr. E. H. Max, JAL., p. 420, calls this tine rop wab, "Time of Plenty." 10 Compare Schmidt, Pygmaintulker, p. 208.

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AUGUST, 1924 ] THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 169 Puluga is described as white (or red) skinned, "like a European," the worldwide compari. son to the moon, and wears a beard, although the Andamanese wear no beards or only very small ones. Thus, through the disclosure of the mythological influences of the moon, a deterioration of the ancient primitive Supreme Being can be traced, so that the last shadows fall away from the Supreme Being, and he turns out to be one of those old gods of heaven who are clearly connected with lightning and thunder, storm and rain, and who are so characteristic of the whole primitive period of mankind.. The Moral Character of Puluga, the Supreme Being of the Andamanese. An important aspect of Puluga's nature still remains to be established. E. H. Man has maintained positively the moral character of Puluga :-"He is regarded as omniscient while it is day, knowing even the thought of their hearts. He is angered by the commission of certain sins, while to those in pain or distress he is pitiful, and sometimes deigns to afford relief. He is Judge from whom each soul receives its sentence after death." 20 "That they are not entirely devoid of moral consciousness may, I think, in some measure, be demonstrated by the fact o! their possessing a word yuk-da signifying sin or wrong doing, which is used in connection with falsehood, theft, grave assault, murder, adultery and burning wax." 31 To that Brown has taken strong exception. In spite of very careful and repeated researches, he could nowhere establish, he says, the facts that the things mentioned had called forth Puluga's anger. This was only brought about by the transgression of certain purely ritual commands to which we will return later on. To that I formerly replied to Brown,32 saying that also in this case he did not take into consideration the difference between northern and southern tribes, and further, that he assigned to the latter that which only applied to the former. Even more emphatically I must repeat this now that this difference has been brought more strongly and widely to light. In the northern tribes, where Biliku is inimical to inankind, it has certainly normoral significance : in the Middle tribee, where the belief in Biliku's beneficence has weakened, its recognition as a moral authoritative Being has doubtless suffered or has totally disappeared ; ior the Southern Andamanese with whom, according to Brown, Puluga's beneficent influence is acknowledgeil. according to Man's decided assurance, Puluga's moral significance cannot be doubted, rot at any rate in his time. That here also they are already beginning to totter is not astonishing. Considering that the individual tribes now have free intercourse, and according to Brown' witnesses the young men have already become sceptical in these matters, and Brown had no intercourse with the older men on account of his inadequate knowledge of the language (II, p. 170). - So he was unable sufficiently to establish the more intimate character of Puluga's ethical obligations. Thus for instance the inhabitants could throughout answer his question correctly by saying that Puluga was not se much enraged by theft, murder, adultery and so on as by the transgression of those ritualistic commands at which Puluga's wrath at once broke out-grosso modo--in the form of a cyclonic storm or even a deluge ; but for all that, Puluga's displeasure can have occurred in a different way. That anyhow those NO-called ritualistic transgressions are also actually real ethical commands, we will once admit. 11 20 * E. H. Man, op. cit. p. 1571. Schmidt, Pygmdienuollor, p. 213. Ibid., p. 112. 3.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1924 VI. The Demarcation of the Seasons in the Andaman Islands and the Interpretation of the Monsoons in Myth and Religion. With that we get to a part of Brown's arguments which presents to us a particularly instructive example of the power of theories over the presentation of facts. Although the disclosure of the complicated disarrangements and entanglements under discussion is not altogether pleasant, and moreover, takes up time and space, yet I feel I cannot, considering the importance of the matter before us, absolve myself from following up these matters to their very end. Partly in order to explain the steady superiority of Biliku-Puluga over Taria-Daria, partly to prove the purely ritualistio and social character of certain laws, Brown has evolved in his present work (II) an extensive and complicated theory of the climatic and vegetativezoological conditions of the particular seasons in the Andamanese Islands, which is astonishing. We can clearly follow how it came about gradually, step by step, if we compare it with his first publioation in the year 1909 in Folklore (I). For at that time he certainly did not know some of the chief points of this theory, and others he only brought forward with great reserve. That Brown has built up a strong theory since then, which he now brings forward with great assurance and firmness, would not be a grave matter, if since then he had received new material facts from the Andaman Islands. As, however, this is not the case, the matter becomes so much the more critical, as Brown himself acknowledges that he did not make sufficiently certain of some of the underlying facts of his theory, since at that time he did not recognize their importance for his present theory, which he first formed after his return to Europe. 33 Brown felt rightly that it was his duty to explain why elsewhere Biliku-Puluga took precedence over Taria-Daria. We, from our point of view, are easily able to give this explanation. In the South Puluga is the Supreme Being, and there Daria is of no particular importance, and is perhaps not even met with once; in the North Biliku is the fusion of this Supreme Being with the female ancestor, who holds a higher social position there. Brown was not able to give an explanation of his Monsoon theory and honestly acknowledged that fact at the time he wrote: "I have many times wondered why, of these two beings, Biliku and Tarai, the first should come to occupy so large a place in Andamanese mythology compared with the other" (I, p. 267). Considering that generally storms and rain and bad weather show the consequences of Biliku's anger, he continues : "What is particularly puzzling is that the South-west Monsoon is the rainy Monsoon, and during the North-east Monsoon the weather is generally fine." Of both facts Brown acknowledges : "I have not been able to find an explanation and can only record the fact." To that theory which Brown formed later, the interpretation of the duration of both Monsoon seasons, which he still held at that time, stood in strong opposition. Each of these winds (North-east Monsoon and South-west Monsoon) blows for nearly half the year. 24 But Brown completely broke away from this interpretation in his new work. There he writes : "It comes about in this way, that the year is divided into two portions, one of which is specially connected with Biliku (Puluga), while the other is specially connected with Taria (Daria). The two seasons are not of equal length. The Taria season lasts only while the South-west Monsoon is blowing, which, in average years, is between 4 13 X Brown, I, pp. 268-200 ; II, pp. 358, 360. Brown, I, p. 266. The italice are mine-W. SCHMIDT

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August, 1924 ] THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 171 and 5 months. The other 7 months are connected with Biliku and are divided into 3 portions, 1. the stormy season of October and November, 2. the cold season of December to February, and 3. the hot season of March and April."25 It is true, he acknowledges in another passage, that taken more exactly, the year is divided into two parts with a steady direction of the wind North-east and South-west, and into two other periods following or preceding these with changing direction of wind, which cannot be attributed either to the North-east or South-west (II, p. 355f.). But he gains support from the fact that at least in one tribe, the A-Puchikwar, only the South-west wind is connected with Tarai, but all the other winds with Bilik and his sons; and he adds that an approach to this is also shown in other tribes. In this way he arrives at the conclusion that the two changing seasons should be attributed to the North-east Monsoon. In this nanner, it is for two reasons that he obtains a foundation for the preponderance of Biliku-Puuga over Taria-Daria: (1) Because the first season which occurs in the year is considerably longer ; (2) because nearly all the storms occur in this extended time, more especially the heavy cyclones. The objection to be raised against this interpretation of Brown's is that its only support is the A-Puchikwar tribe, because the suggestion that in the other tribes there is something of the same sort is without proof. The A-Puchikwar tribe alone, however, is not only a too small, but also a too uncertain foundation, because it represents in every sense a typically transition tribe (see above). In open contradiction is the Akar-Bale myth, according to which Puluga and Daria, who now fight against one another by means of the storms which they both send, were once good friends (II, p. 151). Here, not only must Puluga have his own storm-period. but Daria must have one as well, which is no longer the case in Brown's new theory, Brown's interpretation completely goes to pieces regarding the actual state of the seasons in the Andaman Islands which Brown did not delineate truly in every respect (II, pp. 351 ff.). He now apportions only 5 months, or to be more accurate, 4 months to the South-west Monsoon or Rainy Season 2nd half of May to end of September), whereby, if all other winds are attributed to the North-east Monsoon, this latter would naturally receive a considerable preponderance. But before that time Brown himself spoke of "the end of the rainy season in October." With that Portman also agrees in his History of our Relations with the Andamanese (Calcutta, 1899, Vol. I, p. 14). He writes; "The South-west Monsoon and rainy season, dasting from about the 20th of April to the 20th of October. Breaks of calm fine weather occur during this season, and usually at the close of it a long break, often of three weeks in duration ocairs, when the sea is glassy calm." As Portman spent years on the Andaman Islands, he certainly had good opportunities of learning the average terms of. division of the seasons. According to him, as according to Brown's early statement, the South-west Monsoon would alone have comprised 6 months, so that already from this point preponderance of the North east Monsoon, even with the addition of all other winds, becomes out of the question. These other winds are only in a clearer and more permanent way of importance for the time after the South-west Monsoon, for the transition time before is very short and only " in some years" do severe storms arise, as Brown acknowledges (I, p. 208; II, p. 357). This is in. sufficient for the making of a permanent season out of this short period which, moreover, the natives know nothing of. As regards the variable winds which occur at the close of the Southwest Monsoon no internal evidence can be discovered why they should be arbitrarily reckoned 25 Brown, III, p. 149 f. The italics are mine-W. SCHMIDT.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1924 to the North-east Monsoon. Acoording to Brown, they vary from west-north-west to Eastsouth-east, but also include occasional South-west winds as well, but are probably principally South-east. If there is no evidence regarding the winds, there is another fact which connects this transition period rather with the rainy season--the fact that even beyond these periods a good deal of rain is usual. This is not shown clearly enough in Brown's description of the seasons. Portman, on the other hand, writes (op. cit., loc. cit.): "After the 20th of October variable winds and heavy gales (often cyclones) usher in the North-cast Monsoon, which may commence by the 10th of November. Sometimes the months of November and December are dry with high winds, but more generally a good deal of rain accompanies the North-east wind in these months, and heavy South-east gales have been experienced in the first week of December and even later. After the 1st of January the rain almost ceases, the force of the Monsoon declines, and until the middle of April there are light winds, fine weather and a fairly calm sea.' E. H. Man as well (p. 420), wanting to present the natives views of the seasons, prefers to include the critical transition period with the preceding rainy season, for he treats the whole period from the 2nd half of May to the 1st half of November together, under the name of Gumul and divides it into two parts; 15th of May to end of August Spring and 1st half of Rainy season (td-la-tong.de'rekar), and beginning of September till 15th of November the 2nd half of the rainy season (ga mul wab). If according to Portman's interpretation the North-east Monsoon begins only on the 10th of November and ends on the 20th of April, soon after which the South-west Monsoon sets in, which lasts till October 20th, it follows that the 6 months of the latter correspond to only about 5 months of the former. Further, we would note the remarkable fact that only during the North-east Monsoon is there a lengthy bright period free of storms and rain ; which according to Portman lasts nearly 4 months. Here we completely understand why Brown at first could write :-"What is particularly puzzling is that the South-west Monsoon is the rainy mongoon, and during the North-east Monsoon the weather is generally fine." In fact nothing can be explained solely by the meteorological conditions of the Monsoons : neither that Puluga. Bilik stands in the foreground everywhere, nor that all storms in the south are ascribed to him. The explanation lies only in the fact that Puluga-Bilik originally wos & true Supreme Being and in the South is still more or less one." 26 VII. The Moral Character of the Command of Puluga, the Supreme Being of the South Andamanese. In pointing out that Brown's efforts to fasten the transition period at the end of the Southwest Monsoon on to the North-east Monsoon are not tenable, we have also removed the foun. dations of his meteorological social explanation of the commands which Pulugu-Bilik had set up. We must now set to work on the contents of these commands, because they are differ. ently stated by Brown and Man. Brown takes the trouble to discredit Man's interpretations, but this is really inadmissible, judging by Man's qualifications as compared to Brown's, 36 Brown's arguments as to Monsoons are due to inaccurate observation. Each-lasts five months, with April and October as the uncertain months, often of very calm weather. Rain falls all the year round. Soe Temple, Census of India, 1901, Vol. III, The Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Meteorology, pp. 37-39, for remarks on statistics-R, C. TEMPLE

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August, 1924 ] THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 173 which we discussed at the start. Furthermore, we shall see that the observations of both investigators can be right and probably are, and that therefore there is no reason to doubt the reliability of either of them. E. H. Man tells us his opinion of Puluga's commands in the following manner : "There is an idea current that if during the first half of the rainy season they eat the Caryota sobolifera, or pluck or eat the seeds of Entada persoetha, or gather yams or other edible roots, another deluge would be the consequence ; for Puluga is supposed to require these for his own consumption at that period of the year : the restriction, however, does not extend to the fallen seeds of the Entada pursoetha, which may be collected and eaten at any time with impunity. Another of the offences visited by Puluga with storms is the burning of bees-wax, the smell of which is said to be peculiarly obnoxious to him." 31 Brown makes corrections: (1) that not only "burning" but also "melting of beeswax" calls forth Puluga's anger : (2) that in the first half of the rainy season the specified plants are not ripe and in consequence would not be enjoyable, for which reason the prohibition in this form would be nonsensical : (3) that the eating of these plants is much more likely to call forth Puluga's wrath ; anyhow it would be dangerous during the critical stormy months of October and November (Kimil-gumul).28 To all these differences yet another is added, t.e., that whilst Man states that Puluga's commands are now faithfully kept, Brown assures us that the inhabitants do not trouble themselves about them, but at most try to hide the fact if they transgress them. Here agrin with regard to these divergences the important facts to be emphasized are: (1) that Brown made his statements especially on the Northern tribes, Man on the Southern; (2) that Brown tells us of a time when the old and peculiar tribal customs had been modified by much inte mingling, whilst Man was able to make his observations at a time when the tribes were quite separate. In such circumstances, what Man established almost 50 years ago need not always be identical with what Brown established 15 years ago. That Biliku's commands are not kept in the Northern tribes, where she is not a Supreme Being, nor a creator, nor a benefactor of mankind, but is ill disposed towards them, is comprehensible, even to be expected. This holds good for the Middle tribes, inasmuch as they also have become opposed to Bilik. In all these tribes, and through the obscuration brought about by intermingling of the real tribal tradition, we can also understand if Biliku's commands are presented in such a form and to such an extent, that they appear irrational, hard and cruel, the hatred for Biliku who gives these commands must grow in consequence. For it is really irrational to make punishable the general enjoyment of just those plants which are of the greatest importance for the nourishment of the Andamanese, and also the burning and melting of wax which the natives need for so many purposes. But there is nothing of all this in the commands themselves which E. H. Man asserts Pulaga laid down for the South Andamanese Let us first take the command about the wax. The only matter that concerns us here is the burning, and that this was the primitive form is made clear from two myths of the Aka Bale. One of them Brown gives in his first publication (I, 263) not in his second (IV, 201): here Puluga warns mankind on his departure from the world against doing certain things because they would excite his anger :-"not to dig up yams, or cut barala (Caryota sobolifera), or cha kan (Entada scandens) during the rains, and not to burn bees-wax. 37 E. H. Man, op. cit., p. 153 f. My italics-W. SCHMIDT. 98 Brown, II, p. 162 ft.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1924 The other E. H. Man (op. cit., p. 168) instances : "A woman who in her rage and despair over the death of her son purposely committed at the beginning of the rainy season in her frenzy all the forbidden acts and besought the #ther people, in these words, to do likewise : My grown up handsome son, Burn the wax Grind the seed of the chakan (Entada pursoetha) Destroy the od-rata (Caryota sobolifera) Dig up the goms (edible roots) Dig up the chati (edible roots) Thereupon Poluga became exceedingly wroth and sent the great deluge." In the last words "destroy everything," both sense and meaning of the other acts ia accounted for as well as the burning of wax. It is the senseless waste and destruction of the gift of the god which here is punished. This is a command that is in no way hard or absurd, but is in the highest degree both sensible and truly moral, It is just the same with the rest of Puluga's laws in the form in which Man explains them for his South Andamanese. With them the prohibition to eat these plants does not last for ever, but only for the first half of the rainy season, which Man designates as lasting from May 15th to the end of August, or " during the rains" generally, as the first myth says, which would extend it to the end of October. It is true that in the beginning of the rainy season the plants are not yet ripe and only become so during that period, but as Brown says:-"Small quantities are to be had at this time" (II, p. 358).29 So firstly this was the close time for these plants and for these the commands not to pluck and disturb them whilst growing held good, and not to pull up greedily the products which were still unripe ; and secondly to allow the earliest of these plants when ripe to remain for Puluga the Supreme Being stood for a sort of offering of first fruit8.30 Again, in these two commands there was nothing ludicrous or unreasonable, because precisely during the rainy season another kind of food, flesh food, is very abundant, and as a special kind of tit-bit, two kinds of larva can be eaten during the ripening of the plants. But as among these tribes Puluga is acknowledged by all as creator and at the same time as the greatest benefactor, the command of the offering of the first fruits appears in the highest degree suitable. The forms of the commands, which, as Brown tells us of his tribes and in his time, can, when compared with the forms given by Man of the Southern tribes, only be looked on as incomprehensible or ill-intentioned-probably both-exaggerations and misrepresentations of the latter. They correspond exactly to the disparaging and defamatory biased myths which are formed and spread even among the most primitive peoples in the struggle of world philosophies one with another, especially by the conquering party against the defeated : for such occur even among the most primitive tribes,31 Thus the current which comes from the North works very cunningly and actively with these biased exaggerations against the Puluga belief, the religion of a real Supreme Being who only gives reasonable, good and really moral commands and through them can only become more worthy of worship ; whilst indeed the misrepresented and exaggerated forms of commands as they are reported among the Northern tribes can only make Biliku so much the more hated, so that it is understandable if some of the tottering Middle tribes chase him from the world or kill him, that is to say, depose him. 30 It must be taken into account that Brown did not trouble himself about these matters during his stay with the Andamanese, because he had not then seen the importance of them (1, p. 268 1.11, p. 368 f.), but under the influence of his theory he strove in his second publication to place the time of ripening later than he had at first. 30 See Schmidt, Pygmdenvolker, p. 195. 31 Soo the examples from Austronesia : Schmidt, Religionen und Mythologien der austronesischen Volker, p. 123. from South Australia, Schmidt, Ursprung der Gottesidee, pp. 344, 306, 376.

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August, 1924 ] THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION OF THE ANDAMANESE 178 It is sad that Brown was prevented, through his own discontinuance of work, from seeing and more clearly inquiring into these extremely important and interesting facts. But at least he gives us two interesting observations, which show completely the bifurcation and indecision so characteristic in such circumstances "Some of my informants said, though these actions may bring rain and storms, yet they would rather submit to the bad weather than go without some of their most prized vegetable foods (these were the resolute revolutionaries): others again say that there is always a chance that Biliku may not notice that the plants have been disturbod, particularly if no fragments are left lying about the camp, and if, when taking the roots, the creepers are not disturbed32 (these were the timid hypocrites)." These observations would gain in value if we were told among which tribes they had been made. The correctness of these statements may also be negatived by the proof of the feeblenogs of the explanation of these commands given by Brown. In his earlier publication he himself had no real trust in them, "The theory I put forward is perhaps somewhat hazardous, and I do not wish to attribute too much importance to it.... The suggestion I would make is little more than & guess" (1, pp. 267-268). There is hardly any sign of this reservation in the wider development of the theory of the joining up of the transition season with the North-east Monsoon, dealt with above. Since, however, as we have seen, the further development of the theory lacks reliable foundations, the explanations founded on it share the same fate. That is shown at once in the first command, the prohibition of burning and melting of the was which Brown explains thus (II, r. 357 f.). He states that the Andamanese burn and melt wax in connection with the gathering of honey. But this is, he says, almost entirely limited to the Bilika time of the year, the hot season from February to May. At the end of this time, however, the winds become variable and then there are violent storms which continue into the rainy season. The belief that the burning and melting of the wax are forbidden has arisen through the fact that every year the storms follow this burning and melting of wax. If all the statements which Brown makes here were correct,33 even then his explanation would not be tenable. That can be seen quite clearly in his own words: "As the season (of North-east Monsoon and of the search for honey) draws to a close, the wind becomes variable, uncertain, and in some year334 violent storms occur ushering in the rains of the South-west Monsoon. Year after year84 the wax melting season comes to a close in stormy weather" (II, p. 357). How can one allow two such sentences to follow each other directly : "in some years" and "year after year." Something of the same sort occurred also in the eariy publication, where often " can be found in the first sentence and "always" in the second (I. p. 268). What only ooours" often " and " in some years" cannot give rise to such a positive view as is stated here. The explanation which Brown gives of the commande conosrning the "not eating" of the plants above mentioned, also does not hold good. He thinks that all these plante ripen towards the end of the rainy season in October ; the Yams, the Entada scandens, the Caryota sobolifera, the Cycas. But this is, he says, also the time when the heaviest storms set in, especially the oyclones. And now " Year after year, as these foods begin to ripen and to 83 Brown II, p. 163. * E. H. Man (op. cit., p. 367) statou that "small com ba of honoy sto obtainable till about September." #4 My stalios-W. SCHMIDT.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1924 be eaten, the islands are visited with stormy weather, sometimes of exceptional violence." From this constant succession (of storms) the belief is supposed by Brown to have arisen that the eating of these plants during this season draws down Puluga's wrath, which breaks out in the heaviest storms of the transition period (II, p. 358 ff.). The regularity and clearness of the phenomena cannot be contested here. But there is another difficulty which Brown also saw, without indeed in any way solving it (II, p. 369) : the fact that whilst Puluga's anger and the storm regularly followed the repeated wickedness of the war-burning, here, on the contrary, if one follows Brown's arrangement of time, the crime and the punishment by storins occurred simultaneously. A case has even been known of the storms preceding the crimes ; at any rate it could so happen, according to Brown, who places the criticat transition period, and with it the beginning of the stoms, at the beginning of October, whilst the fruita in question only ripen in the course of October and November, the same with yams (II, p. 358) with caryota sobolifera (I, 269) and Entada scandens (II, p. 358) Here, however, we may well break off the criticism of Brown's theories on the origin of Puluga's commands in the Andamanese religion, as Brown himself acknowledges on the one hand, that he had not personelly observed the deciding facts of botany and meteorology on which his theories might have been supported, as the importance and complexity of the matter in hand demanded, and on the other hand that formerly he had himself not attributed any particular importance to these theories. VIII. Wealth and complexity of the Religious Situation of the Andamanese. But to his work on the whole wo attach great importance. He forms the indispensable complement of E. H. Man's representation. For it is first through Brown that we learn that beside the religion of the Southern Andamanese discovered by Man, which already in this restricted region had a true Supreme Being, there are also a great variety of other religious froms among these little tribes in these primitive conditions. We also are given, anyway, a partial insight into the external events and the inner movements and spiritual struggles by which that great difference could have come about. We are surprised at the importance and depth of these struggles which could already be enacted right on the very threshold of human life Brown also gives us the deeper psychological reason which has made this great variety poseble; it is the extreme individuality which holds sway among these Pygmieg, by virtue of which every Andamanese makes his own songs and melodies and at least every "seer" takes a pride in always telling the myths in a new and original way. In this manner there can be no static forms either in the songs or in the myths. Thus the worship of the Supreme Being and prayer have also no fixed form, which I have alroady shown to be as much a characteristic of other Pygmies as of the Andamanese 35 There is no trace to be seen here of what the North Amerioan ethnologists call "Ceremonialism" or "Realism." So far no kind or rigidity has developed. Religion as well as the whole spirtiual life is, so to speak, still fluid, in a constant state of individual transformation. It is hardly necessary to emphasize how extraordinarily interesting & renewed, accurate and judicious observation of this state would be, and how greatly it is to be wished that researches in this direction were still possible and might shortly be carried out.* 36 Schmidt, Pygmdenvolker, pp. 197, ff., 223, 245. # See Anthropos, Vol. XVI-XVII (1921-1922), pp. 1079--1083, in the account of Brown's work.

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AUGUST, 19241 VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU 177 VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU. (A Glimpse into the Literary History of the Mauryan Age. ) By A. RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, B.A. (Continued from page 12.) All this confusion was due to the fact that goholars thought that there was only one Subandhu, and that his only work was the romance Vasavadatta, whose date could be fixed from other data. But we have some more information about Subandhu, to which previous scholars had not access. The commentary of Bharata's Natyasdatra by Abhinava. guptapada, which has been discovered by the Madras Library, has a passage wherein Subandhu and his work are mentioned. This occurs in the commentary on the following passage from the Nalyasastra (xxii Adhyaya). (4) nATyAyitaM tUpacArairyatkriyate'bhinayo'tra sUcanAnAvye / kAvyapraharSahetoH pravezakaissalAmo yAvat // 46 // sthAne dhruvAravabhinayo yatkriyate hrssshokrossaayaiH| bhAvarasasaMprayukta yaM nATyAyitaM tacca / / 47 // The cominentary on the passage runs thus : (5)' nAvyAyitamityAdyAryAyAstAtparya pUrvapraviSTena pAtreNa saha sAmaM vidhAya pazcAtpraviSTasya pAtrasya pUrvapraviSTapAtraparikramaNAdikAle sthAnakenaivAsInasya tUSNI sthitI prAptAyAmabhinayastadapi nAvyAyitamiti / saparAyAM tAtparyamiti zrIzakAdyAH / taccAyuktaM . . . . prayogakuzalAevaM vidherdhamilikhati iti pAlayannAvyasya yathA purApacayaM nATayatIti / nAvyasya sandhAnarUpatvaM ca vAkyasUcAdInAmapi sambhavatyeva vA nAvyena nAvyA sandhIyata iti nAvyAyita pAcoyuktirapi kathaM tatsyAdityevametadyAkhyAtam / iha yadA svapno'pyekaghano dRzyate tanmadhya eva ca kiM dRzyamAnaM parasya svapna eva jApradUpatAmApAdite svapno'yaM mayA dRSTa iti vyete| tadA nApradapekSasvapravyavahArona tatra pAramArthika ityaupacArikaM / tadapekSaM tasya svmtvmiti| kasya svapnAyitavyavahAro dRSTa evamihApi nAvye ekaghanasvamAve'pi sthite tatraivAsatyanAvyAnupravezAnAvyapAtreSu sAmAnikIbhUteSu tadapakSayA yadanyatrAvyaM tasya tadapekSa nAvyarUpatvaM pAramArthikamiti nAvyAzitamucyate / tacca dvividhaM nAvyarUpakaniSThameva vA kAmyaM tadaniSTApAtasya krameNa lakSaNamAryAdvitayenocyate / - nAvye yatpravezakai byAntaragatairiva pAtaiH / ___ ata eva tataH pravizatItyuktaissanamaH kriyate // tasmAnAvyAyitam / kIdRzairabhinayadvAreNa yasUcanaM na tRpacAraiH paramArthatayA upacaryamANairna tUbhayamapi nAvyaM tasmAna bhavati / na tvekaghanetyAzakathAha-kAlaprakarSalakSaNAddhetoranyonyabhinnakAlatvAt kathaM takaghanatayAyuktariti bhAvaH / yAvaditi bhayastaraM prabandhaM vyAnotuM parItuM vA sarva tamAkhyAyitamityarthaH / tathA yAvaditi svapne svaprAntaraM tatrApyanyatsvapnAntaramityAdinyAyena vA bhavetvekasvanAyitavatyA vA sarvathA tanAvyAyitaM / tatrAsya bahutaravyApino bahugarbhasvapnAyitatulyasya nAvyAyitasyodAharaNaM mahAkavisubandhunibo vAsavadattAmAkhyadhArAkhyaH samasta eSa prayoga : / ' tatra hi bindusAraH prayojyavastuka udayanacarite sAmAjikIkRto'pyudayano vAsavadattAceSTite / eSa cAryaH svasmisUtrarUpake dRSTe sujJAno bhavati / ativaitatyabhayAttu na pradarzitaH / ekastu pradeza udAhiyate / tatra yudayane sAmAjikIkRte sUtradhAraprayogaH / "sava sucaritaireva jayati" iti / udynH|| "kuto mama sucaritAni" . iti sAsraM vilapati / * This paper was first prepared in the year 1921 and read before the cond Orlontal Conforence in January 1922. * The passage is given w found in the palmleaf MSS. which seems obavo somo mistakes. It le not attempted hors to correct them.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( August, 1924 "ebamba kiM kaTakapiGgalavAcakaistaiH enshot: gesparta: () yaugandharAyaNa mamAnaya rAjaputrI T ie CRT (A) Postat: (1) tataiva bindusAraH sAmAjikIbhUtaH paramArthatAmAbha (manya) mAno dhanyAM khalu pralApaizca (1) sati // after 11- ) "Befoancaumieregeal" ityAdi parimitavyApino garmasya nAvyAyitasyodAharaNam // The passage deals with natydyita, a term which occurs in the Natyuidstra; but has not hitherto been properly understood. With the help of the commentary, which is unfortunately broken in a few places, and in other places misunderstood on account of the corrupt text, natydyita seems to refer to & device by which the actors in & play are represented, or are supposed to be represented, as conversing with the actors in another play, the scene and time of action of which might be far romoved from them. The device seems to have been used in a very masterly way in the work Vasavadatta-Natydd hard of the great poet (Herre) Subandhu. The work is said to have had many garbhas in it, meaning many incidents are represented in it, as in a dream, which belong to a time and soene different from that of the action proper. Thus as soon as the stage manager utters something, Bindusara is introduced and speaks. This speech of Bindusara is represented as having been heard by Udayana, the hero in the drama proper. Thinking that what Udayana heard had reference to himself, Udayana is represented as exclaiming te staa,' and as reciting the following verse : 'eDamba kiM kaTakapiGgalavAcakaistaiH mischunga : grafieserafita: () 1 yaugandharAyaNa mamAnaya rAjaputrI hA harSarakSitagatastvamapiprabhAvaH (?) / Again Bindusara seems to have been represented as hearing this verse. After this & herald raient seems to be introduced into the drama with the Prakrit passage : " effo T r ecedati" The chhdyd or Sanskrit rendering of this is uncertain. The herald, Pratihari, with this sentence seems to introduce the hero Udayana to the audience. With the appearance of Udayana on the stage the Pravesaka closes and the drama proper begins. From the verse uttered by Udayana, which is again unfortunately corrupt, we are able to guess that, in the drama Udayanacharita or Vasavadatta-Natyadhard, Katakapingala, Yaugandharayana and Harsharakshita were the names of some of the characters. Of those Harsharakshita might have been the name of the herald (pratihari) who ushers in Udayana, and Kataka pingala might have been the vidushaka or the jester, the inevitable companion of the hero in Sanskrit dramas. After this Abhinavaguptapada gives another oxample of a ndgydyita from Balardmdyana. The passage contains information which we have not got anywhere else in the whole range of Sanskrit literature. We do not have any other explanation of this ndgydyita, nor have we another example of a ndgyadhard. Leaving aside conjectures about what we cannot know with the limited resources now at our disposal, let us examine how this passage affects our main theme, the date of the poet Subandhu. He becomes a contemporary of the Matryan emperors, Chandragupta and Bindusara. He was the author of & work called 5 This is said to be in the garbhaika of that drame. I have not been able to locate the passage in the published drama Balaramayana of Rajasekhara.

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AUGUST, 1924 ] VASUBANDHU OR SUBANDHU 179 Vasavadatta-Natyadhara. His patrons, Chandragupta and Bindusara, also appear to have been present during the representation of the drama. This throws a flood of light into a region of the history of Sanskrit literature, which has remained quite dark up to the present. The epoch of which it formed part, seems to have been not a dull one, and the scholar is led to infer that there ought to have existed quite a large number of dramas in Sanskrit. Most unfortu. nately we do not possess any other example. The study of Indian literature and epigraphy so far has not revealed any achievements of this Bindusara. But the rooords of the Greek Ambassadors who visited the courts of ancient Indian kings, and the ancient Indian works translated and preserved in the Tibetan language, have some information about him. They represent him as a great conqueror. and historians think that the Mauryan Empiro may have been extended to South India during his time. In the Greek references his name is given as Amitrochates, which is a corruption of Amitraghatin, a title that appears to have been assumed by Bindusara. The word means the destroyer of enemies ', and seems to refer to his widespread conquests. The Sanskrit extracts and the whole of the previous discussion show Bindusara in a new light as a great patron of letters. The extract from Vamana seems to refer to Subandhu as a minister of Bindusara and suggests that he was a very clever ininister (kritadhi). He ought to have been a fitting successor to Chanakya, i.e., Kautilya, the famous minister of Bindusara's father Chandragupta, and the real founder of the Mauryan Empire. Kautilya was the author of the great ancient work on Polity, the Arthasdetra. Like him, his successor Subandhu, the minister of Bindusara, was the author of the dramatic work Vasavadald Natyadhard. He must also have become famous as a minister, as is evidenced by the epithet kritadhe, referring to him, and Vamana's note on the same. Abhinavagu ptapada, the famous Sanskrit Rhetorician and authority on poetics calls him a great poet (mahakavi). Dandin's reference to him in the beginning of his Avantisundarikatha throws further light on his life. He is said to have come out (fastirea:) from the bondage (AT ) of Bindusara, having bound his (Bindusara's) heart by the story of Vatsaraja. It is a pity that the new information about Subandhu is too scanty compared to the importance of the subject. Rakshasa, the minister of Bindusara's father Chandragupta, is said to have been first imprisoned by Chandragupta and Chanakya and then released to take up the office of a minister. Can it be that Subandhu also, like Rakshasa, was suffering imprisonment, for having taken part in some political revolution, when he was released by the sovereign after writing the Vasava dattandgyadhard ? Again, the famous poet Bana, the author of Kadambari, who lived in the court of the Emperor of Kanauj, Sri Harsha, refers to a number of previous authors in the beginning of his Harshacharita, Arnong these there is a reference to a work called Vasavadatta. This is in the eleventh verse and follows the reference to the Mahabharata and precedes the references to the poets Bhattara-Harichandra, Satavahana, Pra varasena, Bhisa, Kalidasa and the author of the Brihatkatha (Gunadhya). The verse runs thus : " That na araqepali a quyami naat diatach " ii 11 11 The gist of the verse is "The pride of poets vanished before Vasa vadatta, as the pride of the Pandavas when the weapon ( ) given by Indra came to the possession of Karna." Scholars thought that this verse referred to the romance Vdeavadatta and its author. But the position of the verse in the series, coming as it does immediately after the verse referring to Vyasa and before the verses referring to Satavahana, Pravarasena, BhAsa, KAlidasa and Gunadhya, preclude such a conclusion. Again Vasavadatta has not, as a work, such merit as to deserve so high a praise. Scholars will remember that it was the study of the Vasavadatta of this later Subandhu, with "bis taste for the pleasures of sensual life,

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1924 and the zest with which he describes the mere physical side of love, which shows him up to us and seems to prove that he has not passed the stage of a rofined voluptuary." Subandhu has used expressions which must adversely affect the reputation of any writer for taste and refinement. It should be remembered that it was this work of Subandhu that brought down the ire of the editor, F.E. Hall, which has expressed itself in the following strong attack against Sanskrit culture itself :-"In short, it is nothing beyond the voucher of the severest verity to rank him (Subandhu) with his fellow Asiatics, be it in their highest taste, es no better, at the very best, than a specious savage." Dr. Peterson has amply replied to this attack in his works, and there is no need for us to reply to the attack so late in the day. It is only mentioned here to show that the reference of Bana could never have been to the existing V Asavadatta. Of the several attempts to extract history from the verse quoted in Vamana's Alarkarasutra, one makes an effort, from the introductory verses of the Vasavadatta, to prove the occurrence of a political revolution in the Gupta Empire, after the death of Chandragupta II, Vikramaditya. In the light of the previous discussion and the new passages that have been quoted therein, it is plain that there is no reference in the verses to any events of the Gupta period. On the strength of the supposed references in the verses and the similarity between the expressions Chandraprakasa, Himakarodyta, and Sasiruk in the beginning of Vasavadatta, the whole theory of Subandhu's taking part in the revolution and his being detrimentally affected by it was built up. This theory has now. to be given up and the verses taken to contain no reference to the enemies of Chandraprakasa, who were tyran. nising the whole country and particularly Subandhu's party. They are merely verses oontaining the kukavininda (censure of bad poets). Now if the hemistitch of Vamana has no referenoo to the Buddhist scholar Vasubandhu, his date ought to be determined on other grounds. The discrepancy between the two accounts of Paramartha and Hiuen Tsang about the place where Vikramaditya, the patron of Vasubandhu ruled, Ajodhya or Sra vasti, might not be serious, as both the places belonged to the empire. But the question as to the Vikramaditya who patronised Vasubandhu, and his son Baladitya, who summoned Vasubandhu to his court after he became emperor, are not so easily solved. If M. Peri is right in holding that Vasubandhu lived and died in the fourth oentury, the conclusion seems plausible that Chandragupta I may have had the title of Vikramaditya, which is not im. possible, since the theory that Chandragupta II was the first sovereign to assume that title is at least not proved. But we do not know if Sam dragupta had the titlo Baladitya or Paraditya, and until we get independent proof that he had either of the titles, the question regarding the date of Vasubandhu and the identity of his patron are bound to remain unsettled. The age of Subandhu must have been an age of very great literary and artistic activity, There must have been written at this period many works in the kavyo and nataka styles As well as in the sutra style. But for the existence of many dramas, & work like the nafasutras referred to by Patanjali, dealing with dramaturgy could not have been written The dramas of the period must have differed much from those of the later ages, as is evidenced by the Natyadhard and Natydyita ot Subandhu. The age in which Subandhu lived was the age in which the ancient Greeks were just coming in contact with India. The Indian drama of the time seems to have already been in a much developed stage, for which there is no parallel even in the literary history of India at any later period. In the light of this, theories of India's borrowing her drama from Greece may have to be given up, and search has to be conducted in India itself for specimens of dramas, composed earlier than the age of Alexander's invasion. The hope of new and epoch-making discoveries in this field appears to be capable of realisation, and the discoveries will surely open to scholars a new epoch in the history of Sanskrit literature,

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BOOK NOTICES 181 AUGUST, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES. TA DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN INDIAN CULTURE, by mistakes cause for effect in dealing with the habits GILBERT SLATER, M.A., Emest Benn, 1924. of untouchables. It is surely not the fact that This work by the late Professor of Economics because low castes are untouchable, they eat meat, in the Madras University is intended to prove that drink liquor and are dirty in habits; clearly they are Indian culture, with its special characteristic of untouchable because they are guilty of these practisystematic and subtle philosophical thought, must cee. Mr. Slater very rightly adopts a sceptical atti. have come from people capable of originating and tude towards the theory recently developed by some developing it. That capacity would naturally be writers that gold owed its prestige originally to its exhibited also in the evolution of language, and the being used to make imitation shells but purest Dravidian language does exhibit it in the theory of the origin of the fondness for gold (p. 163) highest degree in a higher degree than any other is almost equally unconvincing. Indian language. The book though presenting much that challenges Much that the author tells us of the languages criticism should be read by those who are interested and customs of Southern India, of which he doubtless in Dravidian culture, and contains much of interest gained some personal knowledge, is true and in for the student of early Indian history, even though teresting, but the work, like the "Origin of Magic the latter may be inclined to smile at the description And Religion and the "Ohildren of the Sun', is written of the first Brahmans engaged in teaching under the influence of the 'Diffusionist' theory, which Indian craftsmen to spin and weave. now bids fair to replace the Sun-myth of Max R. E. ENTHOVEN, Muller and the com-spirit of Sir J. Frazer as the THE LIFE AND WORK OF BUDDHAG HOSA, by BIMALA universal solution of every question of origin. CHARAN LAW, M.A., with a foreword by Mrs. C. Diffusionlete, if one may coin this term for such A. F. RHYS DAVIDS, D. LITT. Calcutta Oriental writers, in searching the whole world as material Series ; Thacker, Spink and Co., Calcutta, 1923. for illustrating their theories, sometimes fail to me Here we have a brief but comprehensive account quire & sufficiently close knowledge of any one of all that is known of the most celebrated commenparticular ares; and in various portions of the present tator of the Theravada school of Buddhism. The work there is striking evidence of this fundamental book mey in some respects be regarded as a teply defect. Mr. Slator makes the statement (p. 50) to the tireory, lately propounded by M. Louis Finot, that Indians consider caste to be economic in basis, that Buddhaghona is not a historical personage, and And (p. 51) that Europeans consider the origins of that he did not compose the many important com. caste political rather than economic. This is not mentaries and other works which bear his name. an accurate summary of the best opinions on caste Despite the scantiness of the materials which sup. origins, which are admittedly racial, political; port the story of the great commentator's life, it religious and occupational. Again (p. 57) he com must, in my opinion, be admitted that Mr. Law has ite himself to the very improbable statement successfully disproved M. Finot's views and has prothat the sacred thread worn by the Brahman indi. duced a credible account of Buddhaghoss's life and rates an original association of the caste with cot. literary labours. Commencing his treatise with the ton-spinning! Is it to be inferred that Kshattriyas biographical details obtainable from the Maha. and Vaishyas, who also wore the thread as twice. oamisa and other sources, the author proceeds to an bom, were simijarly cotton-spinners in origin? examination of the legends which have grown up We are told (p. 79) that the art of making toddy around his name, discusses the origin and develop reached India from Monopotamia; but is there any ment of the Buddhist commentaries; and then, reason for doubting the capacity of residents on the after a critical examination of Buddhaghosa's works coast in India for arriving at such a simple process and interesting illustrations of their encyclopaedic without assistance from overseas? Is it easy to character,--they embrace information upon such prove, similarly, that Dravidian boats were modelled various subjecte as History and Anatomy, Danc. on Egyptian patterns (p. 81) ? And why must the ing and Ornithology, Astronomy and Jugglery-he cult of the cobra have been introduoed by strangers concludes his work with an explanation of Buddha(p. 90) ? Mr. Slater (p. 90) commits himself fo ghoss's philosophy and his interpretation of Bud. the theory that with the acceptance of cobra wor. dhiam. ship came also the acoeptance of the general principle There can be no doubt about the great erudition, that what is feared should also be worshipped. zeal, and self-denying labours of the man whom All investigation into primitive belief in India shows Bishop Coplestone once styled "the second founder that this is the exact reverse of the truth. In reality, of Buddhism in Ceylon;" and students of Pali litefear leads to worship and propitiation. Hence rature and others interested in the history of the spirits, godlings, disease, all manifestations of power, religion founded by the Buddha will be grateful to and incidentally the cobra are common objects of Mr. Law for this well-written and well-printed sumworship. Very similarly (p. 157), Mr. Slater again mary of all that is worth knowing, or that can be

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1924 known after the lapse of fifteen hundred years, about the sage interpreter of Buddhist literature. S. M. EDWARDES. LES THEORIES DIPLOMATIQUES DE L'INDE AN. CIENNE ET L'ARTHACASTRA, par KALIDAS NAO. Jean Maisonneuve et fils, Paris, 1923. A considerable literature has already grown up around the famous Arthasdetra of Kautilya, since its first discovery and publication a few years ago and shows every sign of expanding. Among the latest and not the least important of the works which seek to illuminate and draw historical conclu. sions from that important literary legacy of the Mauryan Age is this French work by Professor Kaliaas Nag, recently published in Paris. Thirty years ago, as the author remarks, no one would have believed that the East could throw any useful light upon the history of diplomacy, which appears as a recognized term for the first time in the international law of the nineteenth century. But the discovery of the cuneiform tablets at Tel-el-Amarna, and of the priceless remains at Boghazkeui, together with the researches of Professor' Garstang and H. Winck. ler, have rendered necessary a fundamental revision of our ideas on this subject. The treatise attributed to the emperor Chandragupta's Brahman minister carries us even further from the beliefs of thirty or forty years ago : for in it we find the problems of peace and war, of neutrality and the balance of power, in brief all the fundamental questions with which modern international law deals, discussed with remarkable wealth of detail. The author does not confine himself to a simple explanation of general principles and to definitions of the laws, but puts forward concrete cases in which such principles and laws are applied. Kautilya himself informs us at the commencement of his great treatise on the Arthadastra or Science of Profit that he composed it by uniting and collating the summaries of nearly all the treatises composed by the masters of this science in epochs preceding his own; and acting on this evidence, Professor Kalidas Nag has sought in his new work to place Kautilya's Arthasastra in its proper historical pers. pective, to trace the broad lines of India's political evolution up to the approximate date of Kautilya, and lastly, after examining Kautilya's own contri. bution to the development of the science, to illus. trate the continuity of ancient tradition from docu. ments of later date. Professor Nag finds it impos. Bible to accept the view, originally held by Mr. Shame SAstri and supported by Professor Jacobi, that the Arthasastra was written entirely by Chandragupta's minister about 325 B.C. In the first place, the character of the diplomacy illustrated in the text is foreign to that of a great centralized empire, ruch as Chandragupta ruled, and appertains rather to an opoch of feudalism, in which each ruler is in constant conflict for hegemony with his equals, and which shows no trace of the centralizing imperialism of the Mauryan Emperor. The science of Artha is very ancient : some of its parts, like the science of law, are pre-Buddhistic. The ancient text, discovered by Professor Shame Sastri, is certainly not a homogeneous work, belonging in its entirety to a single epoch: and even if we accept the view that a great portion of the treatise was the work of Kautilya himself, it is equally probable that it has been recast on several succeeding occasions. Professor Nag gives instances in support of his theory that the Arthasastra is not the product of a single powerful brain, but rather an encyclo. paedia of Hindu political science, to which more than one expert has contributed. Finally he discusses the reason why the Arthasastra is the only document now existing on the subject, and why it remained utterly unknown, until Professor Shama Sastri suddenly discovered it in a private library. The solution must be sought, according to Professor Nag, in the attitude adopted by the Hindu mind towards & science which bore very closely upon the moral life of man. Viewing the matter from an. other standpoint-one may say that, although the empire inherited by Asoka was based upon the Hindu science of Artha and Rajaniti, yet that great ruler absolutely transformed Hindu political science, by introducing Dharma, the law of piety, as the keynote of all human activity. The Arthasastra thus lost its original authority, and as the moral element inherent in Dharma gained ground, it was permitted to sink into obscurity. "History," says Professor Nag, "will decide whether India lost or gained by making this choice (i.e., of Dharma), but the fact remains that she discarded the path pointed out by Kautilya-Chanakya and chose instead that of Dharmaboka." Professor Nag's work deserves close study, and it is to be hoped that for the benefit of those who do not know French an authoritative English translation of the work will be published. S. M. EDWARDES. THE ARMY OF RANJIT SINGH, Parts I and II, by SITA RAM KOHLI, M.A., reprinted from the Jour. nal of Indian History, February and September 1922. Oxford University Press, Bombay, Cal. cutta and Madras. This modest but none the less useful historical pamphlet owes its appearance in some measure to the action of the Panjab Government, which recently brought to light the originalrecords of the Sikh government between 1812 and 1849. These had lain unnoticed for years in the archives of the Secretariat. The records are valuable ; for they comprise official papers dealing with the departmental administration of the Sikhs and throw a flood of light upon the system of government prior to the advent of British rule in the Panjab. The author of the article prefaces his account of the

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AUGUBT, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES 183 organization of the Sikh army with a brief outline of the work of the early Gurus, describing how the army of Ranjit Singh really originated in the 300 horse and 60 artillerymen in the service of Hargobind (1607-1644), who was the first of the Gurus to enter upon a military career. Under Gobind Singh, his grandson, the men were organized inte troops and bands, supplemented by the engagemen) of profes. sional soldiers, who were plentiful in those days; while under Banda Bahadur (1708-1716) the troops were definitely divided into three classes, t12., (1) the true Sikhs who fought for the sake of their faith, (2) the mercenaries, who were secretly maintained by such of the Sikh chiefs as did not wish to place themselves in overt opposition to the Mughal Empe. pur. and (3) the irregulars, who were attracted to outap by the prospect of loot and plunder. By the date of Banda Bahadur's death, the simple Sikh peasant of Hargobind's army had become "a regu. lar, well-equipped soldier of the Khalsa, adept in the use of arms and trained in the methods of guerilla warfare." In 1748 was founded under Jassa Singh Kalal the Dal Khaled or standing national army, comprising the entire body of fighting Sikhs. The dal was democratic in constitution : for "every Sikh who had acquired some proficiency in the use of arms could get himself enrolled in the national army and fight under the banner of some chief, and he could, if he o wished, transfer his services from one chief to another." Composed as it was of the forces of vari. ous chiefs, atationed in their respective territories, the dal mustered in force every year at the Dasahra festival. And on special occasions also was summoned by the Akalis or warrior priests in charge of the great temple at Amritsar. The permanence of the dal, however, depended on the spirit of co-operation; and no sooner had the threatened danger to the Sikh religion disappeared with the collapse of the Abdoli monarchy, than fissiparous tendencies be. came evident, and each chief commenced to streng. ther his own resources and establish his own standing army. Side by side with this feudal movement, another important change manifested itself. The fighting men gradually developed into a separate class; the militant Khalsa became a body of professionat soldiers. At the close of the eighteenth century this Khalsa army was composed almost wholly of cavalry: a certain proportion of artillery was maintained, but was not efficient; while the infantry, which was not rated highly, was employed on garri. son and other minor duties. Mr. S. R. Kohli briefly cribes the weapons and mode of nghting employ ed by this army, their dress and uniform, their drill and discipline. The latter feature was to seek, ite place being supplied by courage and fanatical enthusiasm. Under Ranjit Singh the character of the Sikh army underwent & radical alteration. The two branches of the Army, the infantry and artillery, which were despised and even ignored in the eight. eenth century, now " came to be regarded as the mainstay of the military strength of the State." This result was due to the change of public opinion regarding the tactical efficiency of the various arms. The old guerilla warfare and irregular attacks by cavalry, which had proved so successful under men like Sivaji in the Deccan, were observed to be really of less value than steady fire from gun and musket and the general acceptance of this view led inevitably to the disappearance of the feudal levies of the chiefs and their replacement by a stand. ing national army, paid regularly by the State. The growth of the East India Company as a military and political power, and its employment of trained artillery and large bodies of disciplined infantry, were really the predisposing causes of the general abandonment of the old tactics. Marathe chiefs like Sindia and Holkar and Sikh leaders like Ranjit Singh realized quickly that a new era in warfare had dawned, and that no Indian State, with its antique weapons and mothods of warfare, could hope to confront successfully & European power. Mr. Sita Ram Kohli gives an interesting sketch of the growth of the Khalsa army under Ranjit Singh, and in the second part of his monograph discusses the history, organization, strength and efficiency of the Sikh artillery. The result of the policy of the ruler of the Panjab is apparent from certain observations of Sir G. Gough on the Sikh war. "Never did a native army," he wrote, "having so relatively slight an advantage in numbers, fight a battle with the British in which the issue was so doubtful as at Ferozeshah : and if the victory was decisive, opinion remains divided as to what the result might have been, if the Sikh troops had found commanders with sufficient capacity to give their qualities full oppor. tunity." We shall look forward to the publication of fur. ther instalmente of Mr. Kohli's researches into the records of the Sikh government. The present monograph offers a guarantee that they will be a valuable addition to the history of the period. S. M. EDWARDES. THE SAHITYADARPANA OF VISVANATHA (Parichchhe. das I-X), with notes on Parichchhedas, I, II, X, and HISTORY OF ALANKARA LITERATURE, by P. V. KANE, M.A., second edition. Bombay, 1923. The present edition of this book, which was first published in 1910, contains two important features, which were absent from the first edition, namely (a) an exhaustive history of Alankara literature, and (6) the whole of the text of the Sabityadarpana, in the settlement of which Mr. Kane has collated three manuscripte. Alankara literature is a subject which Mr. Kane has made peculiarly his own, past issues of this Journal will show, and in this work ho

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18+ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1924 bas treated it exhaustively. In the first part he obliges one to assume that this King came to the includes an account of all the important works on throne about forty years earlier than the date speci. the Alankdrasastra, in particular those of early fied by the author. The dates given for the term of writers, with a brief analysis of their contents, date Buddha's life, viz., 563-483 B.C. are far from being and allied matters; while in the second part be re. universally accepted ; and though no dogmatic con. views the subjects that have to be treated under the clusion is possible, the weight of evidence seems to Alaikarasiatra, discusses the origin of the various favour 543 B.C. as the date of his death. theories of poetics and literary criticism, and traces The same criticism applies to the author's detes the history of literary theories in India. Mr. Kane for the Mauryan period. He is possibly correct in acknowledges his indebtedness to the works of Buh. assuming that Chandragupta's reign did not com. Jer, Peterson, Jacobi, Pathak and many others; but mence before 322 B.c., though it may well have been his book contains a considerable volume of original one or two years earlier ; but he appears to be wrong work, and, so far as I am aware, is the first English in giving 274-237 B.C., as the date of Asoka's reign. publication dealing in a comprehensive manner with The more probable limits are 272 and 232 B.C. this rather recondite subject. The book is furnished The date of the rise of the Andhras to power is anwith good indices and ought to be of much value to other point upon which controversy might be susUniversity students and others interested in Alan. tained; but the whole origin of the Andhras is at kara literature. Mr. Kane is to be congratulated present involved in so much obscurity that one can. on a production which bears every indication of not blame the author for fixing their first appearance prolonged and careful study. in 220 B.C. His date for Kanishka strikes me as S. M. EDWARDES. much more dubious. The discoveries at Taxila and other recent clues make it clear that Kadphises I CATALOGUE OF THE INDIAN COLLECTIONS IN THE and II preceded Kanishka, and that the latter could MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, BOSTON. BY ANANDA not have succeeded Kadphises II much before A.D. K. COOMARASWAMY. Museum of Fine Arts, Bos. 120. His dates for Kanishka, viz.A.D. 78-120, ton, 1923. can in fact be allotted with greater confidence to The Museum of Fine Arts in Boston is said to Kadphises II. Finally, I observe that Mr. Coomarapossess the most important collections of Indian art to swamy places the Pallava dynasty of Southern India be found in America, and it is specially well stocked betweon the sixth and tenth centuries A.D. He has with examples of Rajput and Mughal painting, Nope. probably not had the advantage of reading Professor lese painting, illustrated Jain manuscripts, Nepalese S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar's paper on "The Origin and Sinhalese bronzes, Indian sculpture, textiles and Early History of the Pallavas of Kanchi," which and jewellery. The present catalogue, which is en shows that the Pallaves were in active existence at riched with eighty-five excellent photographs of In. la date considerably anterior to the sixth eentury, and dian bronzes and sculptures, is divided into two can be traced back to the middle of the third century parts, of which the first consists of a general intro. A.D., and perhape to an even earlier date. duction from the pen of Mr. Ananda K. Coomara. It is perhaps hardly fair to draw attention to these swamy, Keeper of Indian Art in the Museum, and historical enigmas in the case of a work devoted to the second illustrates and describes in detail the col. an explanation of artistic relics. In the latter direc. lection of sculptures. tion Mr. Ooomaraswamy has performed his task well, In his Introduction the author gives a short sur. and the work is admirably printed and produced. vey of Indian religious and philosophical speculation S. M. EDWARDS. from the earliest ages, describes the salient features of Buddhism, Jainism and neo-Brahmanio Hinduism, MEMORIAL PAPERS. BY SHAMS-UL-ULMA JIVANJI and concludes with a few remarks on the origin of JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A., PH.D., C.I.E., Fort the Indian drama and Indian music. The Intro Printing Press, Bombay. duction concludes with a short chronology, com. Good wine needs no bush," runs an old proverb: mencing 2500 D.C. and ending with the assumption and in the sphere of Iranian literature any work by of sovereignty by the English Orown in 1868. Dr. J. J. Modi carries its own recommendation. Though there is little to criticise in the major portion Here we have, collected in one volume, a series of of the Introduction, some of the dates given in the papers which the author originally prepared for inchronological table seem to me open to question. clusion in various memorial volumes between the He records 530 .0, as the date of Bimbisars of the years 1900 and 1914. Among them is a paper on the Saisunanga dynasty, for example, whereas recent re. Tibetan mode of disposal of the dead, another on searches appear to justify the acceptance of 582 the use of Rosaries among Zoroastrians, a third on B.O. as a more likely date. In the same way, he the Hunas in Avesta and Pahlavi, and so forth. datos Ajataaatru in 814 B.O., while the fact that this The collection will be welcomed by Orientalists, who king had at least one interview with Gautama Bud- will find questions of historical interest discuseed dha and that the death of the latter, about 543 2.C., with full notes and references in every chapter. occurred during the early years of Ajatajatru's reign, S. M. EDWARDES.

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S**TEMBER. 1924) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 185 KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI. BY K. N. DANIEL. This plate is now kept in the Old Seminary at Kottayam in the possession of the Most Rev. Mar Dionysius, Metropolitan. The inscription has been translated and commented upon by Dr. Gundert (Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII, part 1, pp. 115 125), Kookel Kelu Nair (Ibid, XXI, pp. 35-38) and V. Venkayya, M.A. (Epigraphia Indica, Volume IV, pp. 290-7). But it is so full of interest to the antiquary that I have examined it again at full length. The identity of the donee and the date of the grant are involved in great controversy. Vicissitudes. I hope a few words about the strange vicissitudes which this copper plate, together with others, has gone through, will be found interesting. There was one Mar Jacob, who, during the first half of the sixteenth century, was a bishop of the St. Thomas Christians, and was rejected by them on account of his apostasy to the Roman Catholic Church. Somehow or other the copper plates belonging to these Christians came into his hands and he pawned them for a sum of money. "In the year 1544," says Manuel de Faria y Sousa of the seventeenth century," came to Cochin Jacob, a Chaldean bishop of Cranganore, where being dangerously sick, he sent for the treasurer, Peter de Sequeyra, and told him nocessity had obliged bim to pawn two copper plates1 with characters engraven on them, which were original grants and privileges bestowed on the Apostle St. Thomas by the sovereigns of those countries, when he preached there : that he desired him to release them, lest they should be lost if he died, for if he lived, he would take them out himself. This prelate found the only way to loose them, was trusting the Portuguese ; for Sequeyra paid the two hundred Royals they were vawned for, put them into the Treasury, and they were never more heard of." (Portuguese Asia, Vol. II, p. 506.) Thus they were missing for over a couple of conturies. Adrian Moens, the Dutch Governor of the Malabar Coast, Canara, etc., wrote in the year 1781 calling in question the veracity of the statement that somo copper plate deeds were granted to the St. Thomas Christians by the sovereigns of the country and that the Portuguese were entrusted with them in the sixteenth century. When Colonel Macaulay, the British Resident in Travancoro and Cochin, assumed charge of his office during the early part of the nine teenth century, he began to take a keen interest in the affairs of these Christians. Unlike Governor Moens, he way wise onough not to doubt the veracity of the local tradition and the statements of the sixteenth century authors about the entrusting of the Portuguese with 'the plates. He found that the Portuguese, when they quitted the fort of Cochin, were not allowed by the Dutch to carry away anything belonging to the Church, and the Dutch also in their turn were strictly ordered to leave "all public documents and papers," when thoy surrendered the fort to the English. He, therefore, thought that these copper plates must be among Government records and ordered an immediate search to be made for the missing documents. After a laborious search six copper plates wero discovered in the year 1806. Thus did Colonel Macaulay of happy memory place under a heavy debt of gratitude the St. Thomas Christians and all lovers of antiquarian research. Text. Line. First side. 1. Hari Sri Mahaganapale nama Sri pupdlanarapati Sri Vira Kera2. !a Sakravartti dtiyayi muramuraiye palanurdyirattantu 1 Perhaps two sets of copper plates.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 3. chenkol natattdyininra ori Vira Raghava sakravartlikku tiruvird4. chyam chelldyininra Makarr!!ul Viydlam Minandyaru irupattonru 5. chenra chani Rohani na! perunkoyila kattirunnarula Makotaiyarpattinao ttu Iravikkor tanandya Cheraminlokapperunchettikku Manik kirama7. puttankutultom vilavateyum pavana-ttanikum peru perum katuttu 8. valenchiyamu ralanchiyattil tanichchetum murch chollum muma. 9. teyum pancha-vadyamum samkhum pakal-vilakkum pavatayum aintolamum Korra 10.kkutayum vacula-ppareyun itupati toranamum nalu cherikkum tani. Line. Second side. 11. Chchettum kutultom voniyarum aim-kammalarcyum atima kututtom 12. nakaratlukku karttavaya Iravikorttasuklu putra kontilannu? nira kon 1:. u tibbi nil koncu paki cnninratilum cukkinralilum upa 11. nou sarkokarayot karlitriyotu vilakkennayolu itayil ullala cpper15. pallatinum tarukum alimututta chunkamum kula Ko!unkilur alivi. 16. C/u kopurultotu viseshal nilu tuliyum talikkagulla kiramalogita - 17. yil nir mutalayi cheppelu eluti kututtom Cheramanlolappcrunche18. stiyana Iravikorttanukku ivan makkal makka! kke valivaliye peraku-kkulu 19. ttom itariyum Panriyur-likiri mamum Chokira-kkiriimamum ariyakutultom Ve 20. &tum Ofunatumariya-kkututtom Eranatum Valluvanttum-ariya-kkututtom Chandr 21. ntilthyaka!ulla nalekku lututtom ivarkalariyu cheppetel utiya Cheramun loka-pperun-tat22. can Nampi Chateyan kaiy-elultu Translation 3 Lines 1-4. Hari Sri, Adoration to the great Ganapati. While tho om poror Sri Vira Raghava--of tho race that has been wielding tho scoptre for soveral hundred thousands of years in regular succossion froin Sri Vira Kerala Chakravarti, the king of kings---was ruling prosperously Lines 4-7. On Saturday, the 21st of the Solar month Mina, asterism ding Rohlni and! Jupiter boing in Makaram, while sitting in the great palace we conferred the title of Manigramam on Iravi Korttan of Makotaiyar Pattinam, the groat merchant of Keralam. Lines 7-11. We also havo given to him (the right of) the feast oloth (?), house pillars, all the revenue, valanchiyam, monopoly of trade in valanchiyam, the right of heraldic announcement, forerunners, panchavadyam (inusic with five instruments), the conch, the lamp in daytime, the cloth spread, the palanquin, the royal umbrella, the Telugu (?) drum, a seat at the gate, toranam and the monopoly of trade in the four quarters. Line 11. We also gave the oilmongers and the five classes of artisans as slaves. Lines 12-17. With a libation of water, writing on a copper plato we gave to Iravi Korttan, the lord of the city, the brokerago and due customs of all that may be measured by the para, weighed by the balance, or moasured with tho tapo, of all that may bo counted or weighed contained within salt, sugar,musk and lamp oil within the river mouth of Cranganom and the tower, especially between the four talis and villages belonging to them. Lines 17-19. We have given these by an unreserved tenure to Iravi Korttan, grand merchant of Keralam, and to his sons and sons' sons in proper succession. Line 19. With the knowledge of the two villages of Panniyur and Chokira hate te given these ; . Read puma kontaktin. * The words that are left untranslated here will be explained in the notes given below.

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SEPTEMBER, 1024] KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA RAGHAVA OILAKRAVARTI 187 Lines 19-20. With the knowledge of tho Venatu and Opunatu (rulers) have we given these; with the knowledge of Eranatu and Valluvanatu (rulers) have we given these. Lines 20-21. Given for the time that sun and moon shall lost. Lines 21-22. With the knowledge of the above, written by Nampi Chatayan, grand goldsmith of Keralam. Notes and Comments on Some Peculiar E.r pressions in the Document. Cheramanlokaperuschetti means grand Chetti, i.e., merchant of Keralam. The word Chetti, though it means a merchant, is often used as the name of a caste and there is now & Chetti caste among the Hindus. Every one of them, whether he is a merchant or not, is called Chetti. That is the case now with the St. Thomas Christians of the northern parts. The low caste people add Chetti to the name of every Christian, whatever be his occupation. The Grand Checti of Keralam, therefore, means the head of all Chetties, i.e., the Christians of Keralam. Manigramapattam or Manigramava//am? What is it that Iravi Korttan received, Mani. gramapattam (title of Manigramam) or Manigramavattam (the place called Manigramam)? Though both readings are possible, I cannot find my way to accept the latter reading. Mani means a gem, and gramam a village, and therefore Manigramam is a village and a village cannot be given to an inclividual by the soveroign, but only some rights over it. It must be somewhere in or near Cranganore, if it were the name of a place. Now Iravi Korttan was of Makotaiyarpattinam. # suburb of Cranganore. We find also a powerful community called Manigramam in Quilon during the ninth century, and assuming Manigramam to be a village, we should have to suppose that there was a place called Manigramam at Quilon as well. Further, the sons of Manigramam as a powerful community are mentioned in Payyanur Pottola, which is spoken of by Dr. Gundert as the oldest specimen of Malayalam composition he had ever seen. (Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII, part II, page 16.) This poem, being of the Northern district, evidently refers to the people of the north, not of Quilon. Let us suppose that the sons of Manigramam referred to in it were the inhabitants of the place called Manigramam, which we supposed was in existence in or near Cranganore and over which some sovereign rights were given to Iravi Korttan, a citizen of Makotaiyar-pattanam. Now such a supposition would lead us to believe that there were two places called Manigramam-one in or near Cranganore, another in Quilon, and that both places are entirely forgotten. We should also have to believe that, curiously enough, the people who inhabited tho Manigramam of Quilon and the Manigramam at Cranganore were both powerful pooples. Further, we should believe that some sovereign rights over the Manigramam of Cranganore, which was inhabited by a powerful people, were given to a citizen of Makotaiyar-pattanam, instead of their being given to the chief of that village itself. Is it not too much to be asked to believe all this? On the other hand there is nothing strange in accepting the other reading Manigramapattam as the title of Manigramam. It may be asked what is meant by the title of Mani. gramam. In the Tanu Iravi plates, Manigramam is used in the sense of Manigramakk&ryam. Just so the title of Manigramam means the title of Manigramakkaryam, which might mean a valued civic privilege of the time. Makotaiyar-pattanam is sometimes written Mahodevar Pattanam and Mahadevar Patta. nam. Sunderamurtti Nayanar, the ancient Tamil Poet, Rajendra Chola and some others speak of this pattanam and call it Makotai. Makotaiyar-pattanam, as it is in the plate, is therefore the correct spelling and means the town of the great Chera King.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 Vilavdta is translated 'feast cloth' and 'festive clothing' by Dr. Gundert and Mr. Venkayya. Its significance is not known. It is certainly derived from the word vila meaning festival. During the marriage festival of the St. Thomas Christians the chief guest is seated on what is called vellayum karimpatavum, i.e., black and white cloths spread one over the other. Perhaps this is what is meant by vildvdta. Pavanattanku means house-pillar. When a temporary shed is put up for a marriage feast, Brahmans and the St. Thomas Christians only are allowed, so goes the tradition, to set up a pillar in front to support the ridge pole. All the low caste people and even the high casto Nairs have to support the ridge pole with a truss. Perhaps pavanattanku denotes this pillar. Katuttu valanchiyam, valanchiyattil taxichchetju. Dr. Gundert says that ralanchiyam means 'curved sword' and valanchiyattil tanichchettu, 'in (or with) the sword, sovereign merchantship'. Mr. Venkayya gives the following meanings; the export trade and monopoly of trade respectively. I cannot accept these meanings, nor am I able myself to give an acceptable meaning. If valanchiyam means 'trade' valanchiyattil tanichchettu is redundant. Because tanichchettu means 'monopoly of trade.' In an inscription of Kunamkarai dated Kollam 371 (A.D. 1196), it is said that if the supply to the temple fails thrice, the arunurruvar (a body of Nairs six hundred in number), the officers and the valanchiyars of the eighteen districts shall institute enquiries. Professor Sundaram Pillai says that the leading meaning of valam is 'greatness' 'dignity' or 'honour' and therefore valanchiyar means 'foudal Barons' (Early Sovereigns of Travancore, pp. 38-40, 70). The valanchiyam of our copper plate might mean something akin to the above meaning suggested by Sundaram Pillai. Murchchollut or munchollu means "heraldic announcement'. When a Bishop of the St. Thomas Christians goes in a public procession, some one in front shouts at the top of his voice " Poim! Poim! Poim ! Poim!" Then the whole crowd shouts poim! This is looked upon as one of the peculiar privileges of these Christians. Poim (poin) means 'go away or 'move away'. This may be what is called murchchollu. Munnata means 'forerunners. In the public procession of the St. Thomas Christian Bishops, just as in the State processions of the Maharajas, & number of men will walk in front with an utavdl (covered wooden sword), a pulittolparicha (a shield covered with panther skin) and valakkola (a pole covered with cloth ornamented with silver or gold rings or by oloth of a colour different from that of the sheath). Pakalvilakku means 'a lamp in daytime'. When the Bishops go in a public procession, lamps will be lighted even in day time at the gate of every house the procession passes. So also when the bride and bridegroom enter the marriage pantal, they are welcomed with a lighted lamp. This, too, is believed to be a privilege peculiar to the St. Thomas Christians. Pavdta means 'oloth. There is a custom among the St. Thomas Christians that cloths are spread for their Bishops to walk on. When the lamps are lighted, as in the preceding note, they are placed on spread cloths. Since pa kalvilakku (light in daytime) and pdvdta go together, this may indicate the cloth spread under the lighted lamp. Similarly, since vildvdta goes with pavasattaniku, they too must have some relation such as I have suggested. Korrakkuga is a peculiar umbrella now used in the procession of a St. Thomas Christian Bishop and in the state procession of a Maharaja. It is murehohollu not murachoholiu, as Dr. Gundert and others would have it. Both readings are possible,

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SEPTEMBER, 1924 1 KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 189 Itupati toranamum means itupatiyum, toranamum as in the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi Varmar. If we are to take itupati and toraram as one word, thot of toranam, according to the rules of Grammar, must be doubled. Moreover itupatitoranam as one word does not seem to convey a satisfactory meaning. Itupati means a seat at the gate. Toranam is a well-known word meaning festoons of leaves, flowers, used as decorations for processions and other festive occasions. Almakkammalar means five classes of artisans, carpenter (asari), goldsmith (lattan), blacksmith (kollan), founder (misari), and mason (kalldodri). It is said that oilmongers and fire olasses of artisans are given to Iravi Korttan as slaves. The St. Thomas Christians have been from time immemorial considered to be the masters and protectors of the low-caste people, especially the artisans. Tali. According to Keralolpatty, Brahmans divided their sixty-four gramams (villages) into four circles represented by four chief villages, and these had four talis or temples for the sittings of their representatives. Meltali, Killali, Nedia Tali and Chinnapura Tali. Nir mutalayi. Nir means 'wator'. In the olden days every sale or free gift was attested by the pouring of water. Vendtu is Quilon. The present king of Travancore is a descendant of tho king of Venatu also. Otungtu is Onatu, Kayamkulam. The Donee. There are some who are of opinion that the donee of this grant was not a Christian. We will examine their grounds. 1. The name Iravi Korttan is non-Christian. We have no reason to suppose that during the early centuries of the Christian era there was a distinction between Christian and non-Christian names. On the other hand, in one of the decrees of the Synod of Dyamper, Travancore, held in the year 1599, we read: "In this bishopric Christians do take several of the names of the saints of the Old Testament ; as also several of the names of the country. As to those names which the heathens have in common with Christians, the synod will not have them to be given in baptism." (Session IV, decree XVI.) From this it is evident that the St. Thomas Christians took Indian 28 well as Christian names. 2. Iravi Korttan is called a Chetti. He, therefore, must have been of the Chetti caste. Chetti means 'a merchant'. We find the word tanichchettu, i.e., monopoly of trade in this grant. The word Chetti is derived from chettu, meaning trade. Though St. Thomas Christians are not now generally known by the name of Chetti, we have reason to think that they were once known by that name. In the northern parts (IrinnAlakkuta and other places) low-aste people add Chetti to the names of the St. Thomas Christians, and it is an unquestionable fact in history that trade has always been one of their chief occupations, I shall now proceed to show that the donee was a Christian. 1. We do not know of any people other than Christians and Jews who enjoyed such privileges as are mentioned here. 2. We know none other than Mar Jacob, a Bishop of the Malabar Christians, who ontrusted the Portuguese or the Dutch, their successors, with any copper plate grant. The plate in question together with the Tanu Iravib plates, which were unquestionably granted to the Christians, was taken, as already stated, from among the Portuguese records. 6 The epigraphists and historians call him Sthanu Ravi, a Sanskritised form of Tanu Iravi, but I do not think that we are justified in making any change in the name of a person, ospecially many conturies after his death. Similarly, I do not changet he name of Parkara Iravi Varmar and call him Bhaskara Ravi Varmar, as others do.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SETTEMBER, 1924 3. That the donee was a makkattdyis not a marumakkattdyi is clear from the grant. The prominent inhabitants of Malabar are Brahmans, Nairs, Christians, Jews and Muhammadans. Iravi Korttan is unquestionably not a Brahman, nor a Jew nor a Muhamma. dan. The Nair is a marumakkattdyi not makkattdyi. Iravi Korttan, therefore, must be a Christian, unless we suppose that there were in Malabar some other prominent people of whom we know nothing now. But is it not too much to suppose that a people who occupied such a high position vanished from history without leaving any trace whatever behind them? 4. Iravi Korttan is said to be the lord of the Mekotaiyar Pattanam. The Christians of Malabar from Changanachery northward, in their ancient documents, make mention of Makotaiyar Pattanam as their headquarters, while the southerners mention Quilon. Dr. Gundert in an article makes mention of this and quotes passages from ancient documents.7 The Southisto8 who live south of Changanachery also wrote in their documents Makotaiyar Pattanam, because they were originally inhabitants of Cranganore. Makotaiyar Pattanam, a buburb of Cranganore, was therefore the Christians' quarters. No other people are known, who have had any connection with Makotaiyar Pattanam. Was the Donee a Manichean? There are some who think that the donee was a Manichean because of the word Manigramam in the grant; but it is said plainly therein that Manigramam was a title which was conferred on Iravi Korttan. Moreover, if the term Manigramai were derived from Mani, the founder of Manicheism, it cannot be a title that could be conferred by the "Emperor" of Keralam. It is therefore certain that the word Manigramam is not derived from the heretio Mani, but is a pure Sanskrit word composed of mani and gramam. The Capacity in which the Grant was received. Again we have to consider whether Iravi Korttan received this grant as an individual or as the head of a community. We find the word Manigramam in the Tanu Iravi copper plates and in the Payanur poem. We learn from these that the Manigramam (of whom more hereafter) was a powerful community, having a head of their own and having privileges similar to those mentioned in this document. The fact that the Manigramam was a powerful community, having great privileges such as were given to Iravi Korttan, and having a head of their own, leads us to the conclusion that Iravi Korttan received the title of Manigramam and all the other privileges, not in his private capacity but in that of a headman, unless we suppose that his family grew into a strong community in the ninth century, or that the privileges and the title of Manigramam were given subsequently to an individual, who had no connection whatever with the community of Manigramam. Of these two surmises, the first is evidently most improbable and the second will presently be shown to be incorrect. Now, one may ask the following question. How can this grant bo attributed to a community, while it is cloarly said that the Emperor gave it to Iravi Korttan and to his song and sons' sons in proper succession ? According to the tradition of the Christian community & Marumakkattdyi'is one whose succession goes to his sister's son, unlike the makkattdyi whose succession goes to his own son. 7 Kurakkuni kollan mutal talakkara teruvil kutiyirikkum kurisummuttil mattan. Makoteoar pattanam mugal mutfattannafiyil kutiyirikkum puttan vittil kuriyan (Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. XIII, part 1, p. 146). * The Northists and Southists denote two sections of the ancient Christians of Malabar without any poference to the part of the country they now live in.

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SUPTIMBER, 1024] KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 191 of Malabar, its headship from the very beginning till the nineteenth century rosted with the family of Pakalomarram. We see the Archdoacons of the Pakalomarram family holding the reins of this community from the very earliest period, of which we have any clear history, till the beginning of the last century. Tho headship of the St. Thomas Christian commu. nity, therefore, was hereditary all through that period. The donee's name is given thrice in this grant. He is called Iravi Korttanan once and Iravi Korttan twice. Iravi Korttagan therefore must be a mistake. Korttan is probably derived from the word Karttan, i.e., Lord. The clergymen of this community are called Kattanars now, and we see from tho Synod of Diamper that during the sixteenth century they were called Kattanars and their wives Kattattiars. (Session VII, decree X, XVIII.) Kattanar is no doubt Karttanar. Karttanar is the honorific forin of Karttan. Korttan, therefore, may be the old form of the modern Kattanar.9 Date of the Inscription. As to the date of this document the difference of opinion is so wide that it ranges from the third to the fourteenth century. I shall now discuss the dato of the grant from (1) the historical, (2) astronomical, (3) linguistic and (4) paleographic standpoints respectively. 1. Historical Evidence. 1. Wo see from the Tanu Iravi copper plates that the St. Thomas Christians during the ninth century were called Manigramam, and that the Manigrainam mentioned in Tanu Iravi plates and Iravi Korttan, on whom the title of Manigramam was conferred by Vira Raghava, were Christians. "It was supposed by Dr. Burnell," says Mr. Venkayya," that the plate of Vira Raghava created the principality of Manigramam, and the Cochin plates that of Anchuvannam, and that consequently the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthanu Ravi, which mention both Anchuvannam and Manigramam very often. The Cochin platos did not create Anchuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected there with on a Jew named Joseph Rabban. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigramam, were bestowed at a later period on Ravikkoiran .... It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion." (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, page 294). The Christians of Malabar, during the ninth century, were evidently called Manigramam and had a head of their own. If another Christian in the fourteenth century received the title of Manigramam, as Mr. Venkayya says, we must suppose that there were two communities of local Christians here in the fourteenth century. There is no evidence whatever for this. On the other hand, we find the local and the foreign Christians all under one rule at the beginning of the sixteenth century, from which period we have a regular history. Tho tradition, too, is that tho Christian Church of this coast was not divided till the middle of the seventeenth century. We, therefore, cannot but concludo that the Christian community received the title of Mangramam from Vira Raghava Chakravarti sometime before the ninth century. 2. Further, in tho Tanu Iravi plates of tho ninth century the local Christians are called Manigramam. How and when they camo by this namo is not said in those plates ; but this namo cortainly was given them beforo the ninth ocntury. We find from tho copper plato under discussion a local Christian-Iravi Korttan is undoubtedly an Indian naine ---receiving the title of Manigramam. What doubt is there then that the copper plate in question is earlier than the ninth century ? "The name Iravikkorttan," says Mr. Venkayya," is evidently a vulgar form of the Tamil Iravikkorran which means the sun-king" (Epigraphia Indioa, Vol. IV, p. 202). I cannot find my way to accept this viow.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 3. There is a passage in the plate which affords us a piece of presumptive evidence in favour of its oarlier origin :" All articles that may be measured with the para, weighed by the balance, or measured with the tape, that may be counted or weighed." W. Logan says "This is almost an exact reproduction of the phrase so familiar to Roman Jurists : Quae pondere, numero, mensurave constant" (Malabar, Vol. 1, page 269.) This copper plate, therofore, was in all probability written at a time when Keralam was in touch with Rome. But this interconrse with the Christian West was obstructed during the seventh cuntury on account of tho Muhammadan ascendency in Jerusalom, Egypt, Syria and Persia. 4. It is said in a grantha of cadjan leaves kept at Kulikkattu Matham, Tiruvalla, that during the clays of the Choraman Pertunal, nained Vira Kerala Chakravartti, the tennplo at Tiruvalla was dedicated. The above Matham is the house of a very prominent Bhattatiri 10 (Malayala Brahman), where a vast number of granthas aro preserved. The grantha referred to is only about two or three hundred years old, and the language also is not very old. But it is likely that whenever a grantha was copied, they would bring the language up-to-date and make so.no additions. Nobody will contend that this grantha is altogether spurious. If it be, however, spurious, how did the Bhattatiri get at the name Vira Keraia Chakravartti? No record other than the Vira Raghava copper plate has hitherto been known, where we find the name Vira Kerala Chakravartti, while this copper plate was left unrecognised among the Portuguese records from the sixteenth to nineteenth century. After it was recovered, it was kept at Kottayam, and there wero vory few peoplo then who could read and understand it. So there was not the least chance of its being known to the above Bhattatiri, and yet the name is given in this grantha oxactly as it is in the copper plate. " Vira Kerala Chakravartti" not even Vira Keralan or Vira Kerala Pertuna!. We, therefore, come to the conclusion that the temple of Tiruvalla was dedicated during the days of Vira Kerala Chakravartti. The date of its derlication is given in a chronogram "Cheramanpatakata," i.e., 1,111,526th day after the beginning of the Kali age, which falls in the year 59 B.C. A Hindu image can bo dodicated only on special auspicious days, and there aro several requirements to be fulfilled for a day to be auspicious.: 1. It should be during uttardyanam. 2. It should not be on Saturday or Tuesday. 3. It should be during the bright fortnight. 4. Of the 27 asterisms only sisteon (1st, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 21st, 22nd, 23rd, 26th, 27th) are auspicious. 5. The above-mentioned auspicious asterisms will become inauspicious by the following circumstances. (a) An auspicious one will become inauspicious by the presence of any of the following "sinners," Sun, Mars, Saturn and Rahu. (6) Each astorism has certain asterisms as companions, e.g., uttirattiti, the autorism of the day uncler consideration, has five companions (2nd, Sth, 11th, 17th and 20th). If the Sun or Mars, or Jupiter, or Saturn stand in any of these asterisnis, its companion ullirattati will become inauspicious. (Muhurttapadavi published by Bharata Vilasam Pross, pp. 197, 198, 112.) Under these rules it is very difficult to find an auspicious day for tho dedication of an image. But this particular day fulfills all the requirements. Now an astronomer would spend no inconsiderable timo and energy in order to find out an auspicious day in the distant past. The above-montioned Bhattatiri or his predecessors had nothing to gain by forging such a document. He was not publishing it to the world. Simply because I asked him about the dedication of the temple at Tiruvalla he brought out this grantha, and was not in the 10 I am extreinely thankful to this gentleman for his kindly allowing me to copy a portion of this grunthu

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SEPTEMBER, 1924) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 193 least interes tod in making this known to others. We should also bear in inind that the Malayala Brahmans are reputed for their honesty, and cheating is, as a rule, unknown among them. The grantha of Kulikkattu Matham, therefore, affords us a very strong piece of presumptivo evidence to show that Vira Kerala Chakravartti lived during the middle of the first century B.C. This grantha further says that after two years on the 19th Metam a Thursday, 15th asterism, and the 12th tithi, Garuda, a minor idol, was dedicated. Here everything except the week day is wrong. It is the 19th asterism, an inauspicious one, instead of the 15th. This mistake must be due to the copyist. The figure two (of "after two years ") roust be a clerical error of the copyist. The week day might have been set right by somebody be. cause it is a very easy business. This mistake is a further proof of the genuineness of tho chronogram "Cheraman patakata." If it were a forgery they would have made the above date also correct. Further, this grantha, after recounting the circumstances in which the chief idol was dedicated and giving the date of its dedication in the chronogram "Chersmanpatakata," says "It is simply appended below the horoscope of the date of the god at Tiruvalla," written by Cheruvalli Kulikkattu. Here follow in chronograms the longitudes of the Sun, Moon, Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, Venus, Saturn, Rahu and Ketu. The person who is said to have caloulated these longitudes is not known, and must have lived some centuries back. These statements are given as an addition. This too is a proof of the genuineness of the above grantha. Mr. Venkayya suggests that the Vira Kerala Chakravartti may be Jayasinha alias Vira Keralavarman of the thirteenth century (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, page 293). Jayasimha alias Vira Kerala varman was unquestionably a king of Venatu ruling at Quilon, whoreas Vira Kerala Chakravartti, being one of the predecessors of Vira Raghava, an "emperor" of Keralam, ruling at Cranganore, must have been also an "emperor " ruling at Cranganore. So the Vira Kerala Chakravartti, mentioned in the copper plate, has nothing to do with Jayasim ha. Since Mr. Venkayya could not find the name Vira Kerala Chakravartti of Keralam in any other reoord, he went to the royal family of Venatu, who were Vassals of the "emperors" of Keralam, to find out a similar name. The impossibility of such a contention is more than evident. Since Vira Raghava makes mention of Vira Kerala Chakravartti as the greatest of his predecessors, the intervening period cannot be very many centuries. Perkara Iravi Varmar in his copper plate does not make mention of this Vira Kerala Chakravartti. Vira Raghava, therefore, is most probably earlier than Parkara Iravi. 5. Among the witnesses to the grants of Vira Raghava and Parkara Iravi, we do not find Perumpatappu, i.e., the king of Coohin. It follows, therefore, that when these two Sasanams were executed, Perumpatappu was not in existence. But in the Hebrew version of the Parkara Iravi plates the following note is added :-"Perumpatappu, king of Cochin, is not recorded in this. list, because he (the Perumal) sottled him as his heir in his stead." (Madras Journal of Lit. and Science, Vol. XIII, part II, page 13.) This explanation is quite untenable on the face of it.. In the Vira Raghava plate Venpoli Natu (the country near the Voinpanatu Lako), Thekkumkur and Vatakkumkay. and Netumpurayar Natu (Palghat) are not mentioned, but they are mentioned in the Parkara Lravi plates. When certain privileges are given to a people, all the petty kings, in whose land these people dwell, should be made witnessed, i.e., informed of it. Witnesses are mentioned in the Vira Raghava and the PArkara Iravi plates with the following words respectively " with the knowledge of " 80 and so,-10 and so "knows this." Venpoli Natu is unquestionably a very ancient contre of Christians.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 Venpoli Natu, thorefore, would have boon by no means omitted in tho copper plate under discussion, if the dynasty of that name were in existence at that time. The following objection may be raised against this conclusion. The king of Otunatu (Kayamkulam) and the Brahman divisions of Panniyur and Chokira are mentioned in the Vira Raghave copper plate, but not in the Parkara Iravi plates. This, however, is not & weighty objection. Since there were no Jews in Otunatu, the king of Otuna tu need not necessarily be a witness. The same may be the case with the Brahmans of Panniyur and Chokira. Perhaps there may have been no Jews in those places where these Brahmans had some sort of authority. Or perhaps Parkara Iravi did not think of giving so much prominence to the Brahmans as his predecessor, Vira Raghava, had given. As for the omission of Venpoli Natu in our copper plate, it cannot by any means be explained away, if that dynasty were in existence at that time. This is also a piece of presumptive evidence, which shows that Vira Raghava was earlier than Parkara Iravi. 6. There is one more piece of presumptive evidence to show that Vira Raghava is older than Parkara Iravi. The "emperors" of Keralam were, no doubt, Kshattrias and their language Sanskrit. From the inscriptions of Keralam we know only five of them-Vira Kerala Chakravartti, Rajadhiraja Paramesvara Bhattaraka Rajasekhara Devar, Vira Raghava Chakravartti, Parkara Iravi, and Tanu Iravi. The first three names retain their Sanskrit forms and the other two Sanskrit names are Tamilised. The Aryan colonists in the south of India would not easily allow their names to be Tamilised. We, therefore, may infer that they only allowed it many centuries after their colonisation. So the "emperors" who bore Tamilised names, Parkara Iravi and Tanu Iravi, were later than those who bore pure Sanskrit names, Vira Kerala, Rajasekhara, and Vira Raghava. Vira Kerala is shown to be of the first century B.C. Rajasekhara and Vira Raghava too are, therefore, earlier than Parkara Iravi and Tanu Iravi. II. Astronomical Evidence. It is said in the copper plate that it was executed on the day of R@hini (4th asterism), & Saturday, the 21st of the Solar month Mina, when Jupiter was in Makara (Capricorn). From the Astronomical positions given here, we should find out the date. Preliminary Discussions. Before we proceed to find out the date on an Astronomical basis, there are some preliminary enquiries to be made. The Age of Indian Astronomy. This is the first point. There are some who think that the Indian Astronomical systems are of lato origin. But the contrary can be easily proved. Even in the Hindu Vedas, the twenty-seven asterisins, the divisions of the ecliptio are enumerated. Kautilya of the fourth century B.C. mentions Astronomy as one of the six angas of the Vedas. (Kautilya's Arthuisastra, translated by R. Shamasastri, B.A., Book I, Ch. III, p. 7.) Further he makos mention of lunar month (chandramusa), solar month (seura) and sideroal month (nakshatramisi) (Ibid., Book II, Ch. XX, p. 134). "A fore. cast of rainfall," says Kautilya again, " can be made by observing the position, motion and pregnancy of Jupiter, the rise and set and motion of Venus, and the natural or unnatural aspect of the Sun." (Ibid., Book II, Ch. XXIV, p. 143.) A king, according to him, should consult an astrologer overy day. (Ibid., Book I, Ch. XIX, p. 43.) There can be no astrology without a somewhat complete Astronomy. While speaking about India, Strabo, a Greek author who lived during the early part of the first century A.D., says: "They (Pramnae) ridicule the Brahmans as boasters and fools for occupying themselves with Physiology and Astronomy" (Geography of Strabo, translated by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer, Book XV, Ch. 1, s. 70, p. 117). From all this it is clear that the Indians began their study of Astronomy before the commencement of the Christian era. Alberuni, who

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SEPTEMBER, 1934 KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 195 visited India in 1031, has written an elaborate treatise on the Indian Astronomical systems, giving the revolutions of the Sun, the Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus and Saturn and their apsides in a Chaturyuga and in a Kalpa according to the different sidhantas. Alberuni says that Varahamihira, the author of Panchasidhantika, lived 526 years before his time, which is Kali 4131, A.D. 1031 (Alberuni's India, Vol. II, p. 276). The date of Varahamihira, therefore, is A.D. 505. His Panchasidhantika, it should be observed, was & summary of the five systems of Astronomy, which were in India. Arya bata, the author of Aryabattyam, was according to himself born in Kali 3577, A.D. 476 477, and wrote his book in Kali 3600, A.D. 499-500, at the age of 23. This is the system adopted in Malabar. We thus find that the Indians began to interest themselves in the study of Astronomy much before the commencement of the Christian era, and that the five sidhantas (systems of Indian Astronomy) came into existence before the sixth century. Corrections of the systems.--Secondly, some argue that since the Indian Astronomical systems constantly underwent corrections, the real dates cannot be ascertained from Astro. nomical positions given in ancient inscriptions. It is true that corrections were made in thene systems from time to time. But in Keralam we have two systems, known by the names of parahitam and drk. The latter is the correct system for calculating modern datee, the former is the old system which is now used only to find out muhurtham (auspicious time). It can be shown that the parahita system, holds good for all the ancient dates. I have myself verified twenty-eight ancient dated inscriptions from the tenth century forward, which contain Astronomical positions. Out of these inscriptions I have verified, only nine were found to be wrong. The mistakes, I think, must be due to wrong readings. I could not prove this, because no facsimiles were available. Some of the other inscriptions, too, appeared to be wrong at first, but when I compared the facsimile with the readings, I found that the mistakes were due to the latter. I did not find a single inscription which is not correct according to the parahita system, where a facsimilo was available to verify the reading. Then again I took 126 eclipses in the Astronomy of J. Ferguson, Vol. I, pp. 214-216, during a period of 1000 years from the first to the eleventh century, and verified them. These eclipses were observed in different parts of the world and recorded, with the dates con verted into the Christian era and the time into the Greenwich meantime by modern scholars. Of the 125 eclipses, all were correct except twenty-one.. I need hardly say that I desregarded the difference of two or three hours. Because all one can do is to find out the point of time when the new or full moon is completed in Keralam, though an eclipse is not really for a point of time. According to Indian Astronomy, time is calculated from sunrise. These and some other things may cause difference of one or two hours. The twenty-one eclirees, which were found incorrect, may be brought under four heads. Under the first head there is only one which is quite right, exoept for the fact that it was a solar eclipse instead of a lunar one (A.D. 1010, March 8. Greenwich meantime 5:41). Having found the day and time correct, it can be concluded that the mistake is only a misprint. Under the second head there are eleven eclipses : A.D. 1, June 10, G.M.T. 1.10. 1 A.D. 55, July 12, G.M.T. 2150. A.D. 30, Nov. 13, G.M.T. 19-20. A.D. 56, Deo. 25, G.M.T. 0-28. A.D. 46, July 21, G.M.T. 22:25. A.D. 60, Oct. 13, G.M.T. 3.21. A.D. 49, May 20, G.M.T. 7.16. A.D. 65, Dec. 15, G.M.T. 21:50. A.D. 53, March 8, G.M.T. 20-42. A.D. 70, Sept. 22, G.M.T. 2113. A.D. 760, Aug. 30, G.M.T. 5.50. These are Astronomical days. June 10 begins at noon of that day. The dates are correct, but there are differences of some hours, the maximum being not more than eight. These also may therefore be classed among the correct ones. Of this

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1924 group, ten are of the first century A.D. The present parahita system itself may have undergone some correction since the first century. One is of the eighth century, and the difference here may be due to some mistake. In the third group there are only three eclipses. The maximum difference them is 23 hours. The dates here, I daresay, are wrong, viz., (A.D. 27, July 22; 40, April 30; 831, May 15). In the last group there are six eclipses (A.D. 290, May 15; 484, January 13; 753, June 8; 787, Sept. 14; 809, July 15; 989, May 28). Seeing that the differences here are of 3 or 4 days, the dates, I am quite sure, are wrong. Thus we find that out of the 125 eclipses I have verified according to the parahita system, 105 were quite right and 11 were almost right, there being no difference in days; only nine were wrong. This can by no means be the fault of the parahita system. The dates given are somehow or other wrong. The motion of the moon can be observed easily. Nobody, therefore, will keep an Astronomical system, if it cannot fix the position of the moon correctly. New moon, full moon, and eclipses will surely expose an incorrect system. We can, therefore, safely infer that the parahita system of Malabar, at least the system of calculating the moon's motion, is not appreciably different from the system used there during the early centuries. As for Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, etc., there may be a little more difference, because their motions are not so easily observed as that of the moon. The meaning of the expression Chenra.'-Before entering into a discussion of the Astronomical evidence, there is one more point to be decided. The translation of irupat tonruchenra, according to the late Professor Sundaram Pillai, Venkayya, and Dewan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai, is 22nd, not 21st. This is a wrong assumption. Relying on this, the last mentioned fixed the date of Parkara Iravi Varmar in the eleventh century (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 31). Some early Sovereigns of Travancore, published by Sundaram Pillai himself, affords abundant and conclusive proof to an Astronomer that the word Chenra does not mean expired day. (1) Take for instance, the inscription No. 3 (Ibid, p. 67). "Kollam 336, Itavam 6 (druchenra) Saturday, Makayiram" (5th asterism). Sundaram Pillai says that it is the 7th Itavam, not the 6th. The 7th Itavam 336 of the Quilon era is 1,556,768th day of Kali. First day of Kali was a Friday and therefore 1,556,768th day of Kali was a Sunday, not a Saturday. The asterism was Tiruvatira (6th) not Makayiram (5th). The 6th Itavam, 336 Kollam, therefore, was a Saturday and Makayiram as stated in the inscription. So dru chenra means the 6th not the 7th. C Let any Astronomer verify the following dates : (2) Kollam 427, 21st Etavam (irupattonru chenra) Wednesday and Panchami (Iascription No. 13, Ibid., p. 73.) (3) Kollam 393, Sunday, 8th Metam (ettu chenra), Makayiram (Trav: Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 290.) (4) Kollam 778, Monday, 7th Metam (elu chenra), (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 178). (5) Kollam 782, Friday, 6th Metam (aru chemra), (Ibid., p. 180). (6) Kollam 945, Friday, 15th Etavam (patinanchu chewra), (Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 301 and 302). The reading given is 5th Etavam which is a mistake. See facsimile. (7) Saka 1467, Friday, 30th Tulam (muppatu chewra) (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 104). (8) Saka 1486, Sunday, 20th Metam (irupatu chenra) (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 106). (9) Saka 1487, Thursday, 6th Makaram (aru chenra) (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 274). (10) Saka 1489, Friday, 24th Tulam (irupattundlu chenra) (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 275). (11) Saka 1493, Friday, 15th Etavam (patinanchu chenra) (Ibid, Vol. 1, p. 277). In all the above inscriptions, as well as in many others I have verified, the word chenra is used to denote a current day. This word is never used to denote an expired day. (To be continued.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1924] THE ANCESTRESS OF A GOVERNOR-GENERAL THE ANCESTRESS OF A GOVERNOR-GENERAL. (A Fragment of Family History). By S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., O.v.o. 197 It is stated in Burke's Peerage that the eighth Earl of Dalhousie (1740-1787) married in 1767 Elizabeth, daughter of Andrew Glen and niece and heiress of James Glen, Governor of Carolina. She thus became the grandmother of the famous Governor-General of India (1848-56). An inquiry into the parentage of Elizabeth Glen, undertaken at the request of a descendant of the Governor-General, has disclosed some rather remarkable facts regarding her mother's career, which seem to me worth recording. Scrutiny of the East India Company's Records preserved in the India Office shows that Elizabeth Glen's mother first appears on the scene as Mrs. Lucy Rigby, who married a Captain Thomas Garland at Calcutta on 14th July 1731. Unfortunately there is no evidence to show (a) whether Mrs. Lucy Rigby was a widow or a spinster at the date of her marriage to Captain Garland, and (b) who precisely Rigby was. In regard to the first point, the term "Mrs." was in use in the eighteenth century and earlier to denote a respectable spinster, and the person to whom the term was applicable was usually a lady of a certain age. In view of Mrs. Lucy Rigby's later history, which proves that she married her last husband as late as 1760, it seems unlikely that she would have been old enough in 1731 (the date of her marriage to Captain Garland) to deserve the courtesy appellation of "Mrs". It is reasonable to suppose that, when she married Captain Garland, she was the widow of a man named Rigby. This supposition is strengthened by the statements in Bengal Past and Present, Vol. V, p. 143 and Vol. VI, p. 400. As to the identity of Rigby, there is no definite evidence. But the Bengal Register of Deaths, preserved in the India Office, shows that a Captain Edward Rigby died and was buried at Calcutta on 23rd July 1714. It is just possible that Lucy Rigby was the widow of this man. If so, she must have married him a very short time before his death, and must have been a very young bride. This is by no means improbable, seeing that she has been described elsewhere as a "Native of India." To the latter point I shall subsequently refer. The fact that she was the widow, and not the daughter, of Edward Rigby seems to be accepted in Bengal Past and Present, Vol. VI, p. 400. The history of Rigby is wholly obscure. There is evidence in various works of reference that the Rigbys were a well-known Lancashire family, which at one time owned Middleton Hall in Gosnargh parish. A Baron Alexander Rigby and a son of like name were officers in the Parliamentary army. The second Alexander had a brother, Edward, a sergeant-atarms and Member of Parliament for Preston in 1678. He had a son Edward and a daughter, Lucy, of whom the former represented Preston in 1705. A bound volume of miscellanea in the British Museum mentions also a Captain Edward Rigby as being concerned in a case at the Old Bailey on 7th December 1798; but no details are given of his profession and circumstances. I have been unable to trace any connexion between this individual or the Lancashire family and the Captain who died in Calcutta in 1714. But a close and prolonged enquiry might possibly serve to establish a link. The problem of Mrs. Lucy Rigby's early history is further complicated by the fact that in a document drawn up in 1765, which is still preserved in the archives of the Dalhousie family, she is described as a "Native of India." This document is an agreement between herself and her last husband, Peter Downes, whereby she is absolved from the duty of accompanying him to England on his retirement, and she in return gives him full permission to marry

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 again during her lifetime. The term "Native of India" may signify (a) a person of pure Indian parentage, or (b) a Eurasian, now styled Anglo-Indian, or (c) a person of pure European parentage, born and brought up in India. It is highly improbable that Mrs. Lucy Rigby belonged to category (a); for had she been a pure Native, it is unlikely that certainly five, and probably six, Englishmen of official status would have married her in succession according to the rites of the established church ; that Mr. Harry Verelst, who succeeded Clive as Governor of Bengal in 1767, would have concerned himself as guardian with her affairs, as he certainly did ; and that the fact of her marriages and death and the details of her will would have been so carefully recorded and preserved in the ecclesiastical and legal departments of the Company's administration. The most plausible view is that she belonged to category (6). A pure-bred English woman, born and brought up in England, would assuredly have shrunk, no matter how broad-minded she may have been, from entering into a formal agreement to give her last husband his complete marital freedom. But a Eurasian or even a domiciled European woman, who had known no homeland but India and had imbibed less rigid ideas in oriental surroundings, might easily have given her husband carte blanche to pass out of her life, in return for the permission to end her days in the only country which she had known from her birth. On the whole, therefore, it may be assumed that Mrs. Lucy Rigby was a domiciled European or more probably Eurasian, born and brought up in Bengal, and that she married at an early age (as is customary in India) a man named Rigby, possibly the Captain of that name, whose death and burial occurred in 1714. He may have been a merchant-captain of the superior type, well-known in those days, when a man who commanded one of the Company's vessels was expected to possess not only a knowledge of navigation but also a very complete acquaintanceship with the details of trade and the Indian market. Mrs. Lucy Rigby's later history is much less obscure. After Rigby's death, she married Captain Thomas Garland in Calcutta on 14th July 1731. He died and was buried in that place on 10th September 1731 (Indian Office Records). In all probability he was a merchant. captain, belonging to the same service as her next husband. Mrs. Lucy Garland remained a widow until 31st December 1733, on which date she was married in Calcutta to Captain Andrew Glen, who is described in his Will as a "Mariner," scil, the master of a merchantman. He was the brother of James Glen, Governor of North Carolina. Of this marriage was born a daughter, Elizabeth Glen, who afterwards married the eighth Earl of Dalhousie.. Captain Andrew Glen died and was buried at Caloutta on 3rd August 1745. A copy of his Will, which mentions his wife Lucy, his daughter Elizabeth, and his brother James, is preserved in the India Office (Bengal Wills, Range 154, Vol. XLIV, p. 2). Mrs. Lucy Glen's next marriage took place on 16th September 1747, to Captain Robert Leonard (or Lennard). From C. R. Wilson's Old Fort William, Vol. I, p. 169, it appears that Captain Lennard arrived in Calcutta from Madras in 1742 and was given employment as an engineer by the Bengal Council on 24th April of that year. He is described as having done good service in Madras in erecting fortifications against the Marathas. On 29th November 1742 his temporary employment ended, and the Council recorded that he was discharged with a gratuity of 500 Madras rupees," after performing his service to our satisfaction." Apparently he remained in Calcutta, and about five years later married Andrew Glen's widow. The India Office Records show that Lennard's Will was proved on 19th April 1748, and therefore that he must have died about six months after his marriage to Lucy. No copy of his Will appears to exist. The next matrimonial venture of the widow, now Mrs. Lucy Lennard, took place on 31st July 1749, when she espoused Captain David Clayton. Wilson's Old Fort William, Vol. II, gives a good deal of information about this fourth (or probably fifth) husband of Mrs. Lucy

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SEPTEMBER, 1924 1 THE ANCESTRESS OF A GOVERNOR-GENERAL 199 Rigby. He oommanded a battery when Siraju'ddaula besieged Calcutta in 1756, and is described in Drake's Account (ibid., p. 67) as defending the church with 28 militia and military against a hot attack, and also as commanding the Court House battery, with Captain Holwell and three subalterns as his comrades. It is evident from Z. Holwell's story of the siege that he and Clayton were not on the best terms, for Holwell speaks of him as never having seen any foreign service and as demonstrating "his want of the most essential requisites of a soldier" (ibid., p. 79). Apparently Holwell and Wedderburn offered certain advice regarding the defence of the position to Clayton, which he did not accept. Clayton paid dearly enough for any mistakes that he may have made ; for he perished in the Black Hole ,' and his name appears on the monument erected to the victims by Lord Curzon in 1902. Mrs. Lucy Clayton's pame appears in the list of women refugees on board the ships at Fulta. The house in which Captain Clayton and his wife resided in 1755, just prior to the capture of Calcutta by Siraju'ddaula, is said to have occupied the site on which now stands the building of the Alliance Bank of Simla. Clayton's untimely end left his wife a widow for the fourth (or fifth) time in 1756 ; but the tale of her marriages was not yet complete. The India Office Records show that she married her last husband, Mr. Peter Downes, on 2nd September 1760. A demi-official letter No. 97 of 7th February 1924, addressed to me by the Imperial Record Department, Calcutta, gives the following particulars about Downes, collected from the records of the Government of India. He was appointed a Factor in the East India Company's service on 23rd November 1759. and served from that date until 1765 as the Company's Storekeeper of the New Fortifications at Fort William. On 18th February 1765, he requested permission to resign the Company's service, and on 15th July 1765, he asked for a passage to England on board the Admiral Ste. vens. He apparently reached home safely and settled down there ; for his name appears once again in 1789 as one of the executors of the Will of a Captain Henry Spelman, and as having in that capacity received certain payments from the Company. It is olear that Downes, & civilian, married Captain Clayton's widow about a year after he joined the Company's service in Calcutta, and that when he retired to England six years later, he wont alone. Papers preserved by the Dalhousie family show that Lucy, being a "Native of India," refused to accompany her last husband to England, and that before his departure she gave him full permission to wipe her out of his memory and marry again during her lifetime, if he wished to do so. As a matter of fact, she did not survive his departure for much more than four months. She died in Caloutta and was buried there on 23rd November 1765 (India Office Records). Her Will was proved on 26th November 1765; and a copy of it will be found in Bengal Wills, Rango 154, Vol. LII, p. 43a, preserved in the India Office. Under her Will her daughter, Elizabeth Glen, was her chief legatee and must have inherited a good deal of valuable property and jewellery, which she brought into the Dalhousie family on her marriage to the eighth Earl. Like other wealthy people in India at that date, Mrs. Luoy Downes possessed several slaves, probably Africans or coffrees, as they were then styled, and some of tho clauses of her Will concern the grant of their freedom to these slaves and the provision of legacies for them. Such is the rather remarkable history of the ancestress of one on the greatest Governors. General of India. That she must have been a woman of considerable attraction and charm seems evident from the fact that she was courted, if we include the shadowy Rigby, by six husbands in succession. Three of them were probably among those "who go down to the sea in ships", two were military officers, and the last was a civil servant ; so that she tried all the Services in tum. One wonders which of them all she loved the best. One can never

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1924 know. Perad venture, as death drew nigh, her thoughts turned back to the days of her life with Andrew Glen. Her marriage with him lasted longer than the rest, and he was the father of her only child, Elizabeth, destined in due time to become the grandmother of the statesman, of whom a well-known historian has written "Not withstanding his physical disability and almost incessant suffering, the marvellous strength of his will enabled him to perform an amount of work of the highest quality which exceeded the powers of most statesmen, even when blessed with perfect health." CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES IV. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired). (Continued from page 164.) Pota: sheep's entrails : Ch., 139. Potande: a festive dish at the Diwali: Sirm ur, 59. Pothi : ? Elsholtzia Polystacha : Simla, S. R., xliv. Potli : the hide of a cow or buffalo : SS., Jubbal, 12. Prainth, the 3rd and last day of the Diwali: Sirmur, 63. Pruri : Spiraea bella : Ch., 238. Puchhiyan, pl. ? ; 'most important'; as in the proverb :- Kukart siyan, Rathi puchhi. ydn," as Indian corn is the first among crops, so the Rathi is the most important among castes" : Ch., 136. Puhal: a shepherd ; -, a high field above the village, used for grazing in summer ; - Adwari and Kat: Ch., 278 and 280. Pala: a bundle of grass ; 5 dathas = l pula : Hazara. Pallan : grass shoes (Pangi) : Ch., 207. Punha : an observance at weddings in Pangi at which a ball of parched four, honey and clarified bntter is divided among the guests at the bridegroom's house, after a portion has been given to the bridal pair : Ch., 157. Punna: Ehretia serrata : Ch., 239. Punya: full-moon : Ch., 160. Purd : a receptacle made of maljhan leaves : Sirmur, 67. Putha bal : hair growing the wrong way, on a horse's neck: Ch., 195. Puthiun: a cess, consisting in a share of wool : SS., Bashahr, -74, Putrela: lit. 'son of a handmaid'; and so an adopted son: Comp., 94. Putreta : Cf., Puteta, P. D., p. 939. Putrlar: a name given to one of the two menial Halis or ploughmen who accompany the bridegroom, carrying the badhat to the bride's father : Ch., 153. Qanth : (sic), a purse ; as in.qanih-khuldi, a preliminary fee paid to a inoney-lender for opening ' his purse : SS., Bashahr, 51. Rach: ( chh), = rat, night, as in rach biydi, 3 hours before day-break,' and adht rach, .midnight': Mandi, 31. Rah dena : - sunh lain, to take an oath of compurgation : Gloss., I, p. 906; Rajae : red currant, Ribes rubrum : Ch., 239. Rakht burani : lit. clothes cutting,'observed at weddings, by Pathans in Hoshiarpur ; Rakht bari in Kangra : Glossary, I, 809. Rall: a small painted image (of Shiva or Parbati); Kangra : Gloss., I, pe 328.

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SEPTEMBER, 1924) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 201 R&m chakru : the wood-partridge, arboricola Torquedla : Ch., 36. Ram: a custom whereby property is conveyed to the bride's father to the father of the boy, or by a man to his father in law, as a condition of the betrothal : Comp., 153. Rand put : 'the son of a widow'; fem. rand dhid; begotten and born in her deceased husband's house, and ranking as his children, provided she has continued to live in it: Ch., 154 : Cf. Riondba. Randi: a widow ; ---rakhi lai, the only ceremony observed when a stranger marries & widow by obtaining her parents' consent and paying & sum of money : Ch., 158. Rangan: a pulse, Dolichos sinensis, generally sown in poppy fields : SS., Bashahr, 48. Ranhu : & barony : Ch., 61. Ranhui: the period during which the Rinas and Thakurs ruled ;=Thakuri or -ain : Ch., 171. Rank: Cotoneaster microphylla : Ch., 239. Rasalkl: a religious impost for the teinple at Sarahan : SS., Bashahr, 72 Rasol : midday meal; Dopai: Ch., 204. Rasaunt: berberry : Suket, 36. Rashi: the second distillation from barley spirit: SS., Bashahr, 77. Rasalla: a boy born naturally circumcised: B., 97. Rat; a bundle of grass tied together by a rope 7 hath (34 yds.) in length : Kagan. Ratinl: a red grain : Ch., 123. Ratir: a snake : Ch., 39. Ratnal: the munal pheasant : Sirmur, 7. Raug: young plants (of rice): Simla, S.R., xl : Ct., rumnd, to plant out: 15. Raung: an autumn crop : Ch., 226. Raush: Cotonaster obtusa : Sirmur, App. IV, v. (Not reush as in III). Razal: Viburnum colinifolium : Ch., 239. Rehrl: (red), a kind of rice : SS., Bashahr, 48. Rekhti: doggerel verses written in women's language : Gloss., I, p. 907. Relmi: Mysore thorn, Caesalpina sepiaria : Ch., 238. Reora: red : Simla, S. R., xl. Also Reri: ib., and SS., Kumharsain, 14 : V. Rehri. Rheuns: Raush: Ch., 238. Riharu: bragg anklets, worn by Gaddi women, to avert the evil eye and prevent children crying ; made by Reh Aras, a menial caste: Ch., 206. Rina, & squint: Ch.138. Rit: a fee payable to the State by the man who marries the widlow or widows of a land. holder who died without immediate hoirs : SS., Kuthar, 8; (2) the compensation paid to a husband for the surrender of his wife to another man; ib., Kumharsain, 8; (3) the expense incurred by a husband on his inarriage, including his gifts to the bride, the marriage being annulled by the husband's acceptance of the amount go spent : ill., Bashahr, 14. Cr., also Bilaspur, 10. Also Bhora, in Panjabi, q.v. Riondha : lit., son of a randha () widow,' Gabhra, q. v. and Rand put. Rishot: fr., rishi, a sage; the term for a ghost from the end of the 1st year after death to the 4th. : Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 470. Rohalla : noisy: Ch., 139. Rollyan: powder of red colour, used for marking the tiku : Ch., 141 : C4. P.D., p. 972, 8. v. Rola,

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1024 Ronda: a son born to a widow in the house of her second husband and regarded as his whoever the actual father may have been : Comp., 115. Roti-khawan : lit. 'to eat bread': an observance during betrothal at which the boy visits his fiancee's house and pays for food, getting a present in return : B., 102. Rubaru : a representative : Ch., 152. Ruhf : a woman employed in planting out rice by the Ruhni method : Ch., 223. Ruhn: ? for Ruhni, 9. v. Ruhn: (i) land irrigated by streams; (ii) a method of growing rice in nurseries : Ch., 223, Rumbal, a wild fig, Ficus clavata : Ch., 239. Ra-namal : (a fee paid for) seeing the bride's face (paid to the bride by her husband's family): Pathans of Hoshiarpur : = Anbar, P. D., P: 985. Sabil: Ai, sabil, a public drinking-fountain : B., 146. Sadlala : for Sat-diala, Diali or house of mercy,' the feast of lamps held from Magh 7th to 14th in Rapi, (Kulu): Gloss., I, p. 347. Sadhu : wife's sister's husband. Sadwal : the distance a man's voice will carry: D.I.K. Sagahl : a special rate in kind imposed on irrigated lands : Suket, 32. Sagat: Sota, q. v. Sagan-pinni: a rite at weddings, which includes the making of balls (pinnfo) by the worden of the bride's family from whent and syrup prepared by the Jajak : B., 112: Add. to P. D., p. 995, 8. v. Sagan. Sagan-halifa : a rite in which the bride's father sends the boy's father from 17 to 25 pukwany; observed only by Khatris and Sarsut (Brahmans) after or in lieu of the Sagan. pinni: B., 113. Sahal : Sahl Khassi, a hut made of reeds (kina): B., 196. Sal: a honeysuckle, Lonicera purpurascens : Ch., 239. Sail: wild hemp : SS., Kumharsain, 10. (2) a Raja's deinesne land: Keonthal, 14. Cf. Shah 1. Sairi : Antamn harvest : -ia, the autuian crop of honey : Ch., 220 and 229. Saja: the chief day of certain festivals : Sirmur, 63-4. Sakhell : Sakhi, a sister by mutual adoption : = Bahneli : Glogs., 1, p. 907. Sakshi : witness or testimony, such as the sacred fire invoked at a wedding : Coinp., 38 Sal : grain revenue : Ch., 271. Salaj: wife's brother's wife. Salan: an autumn crop : Ch., 226. Salpan : a gahar or high pasture owned by the Raja : Ch., 278. Sam : dawn, in Kanawar : SS., Bashahr, 41. Samangri: odoriferous articles, used in offerings : Suket, 25. Sambhalu: a tree : Siriur, 51. Samchhiwa: the early inorning neal, in KanAwar: SS., Bashahr, 41. Sambih: a breast ornament : Ch., 208. Samdhana :-ina, the village into which one's child is married. Samdheta : fem., i ; the brothers and sisters of a married couple are samdheta, -f, to their brother's or sister's parents-in-law. Samdhi: fem. -an, the parents of husband and wife are saindhi (father) and samdhan, (mother) to each other.

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SEPTEMBER, 1924] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Sanan: a small tree: Simla, S. R., xliv. Sanata: Dodonaea viscosa: Ch., 237. Sanbhar a kind of white salt: SS., Bashahr, 63. Sanchi: a board: Sirmur, 53. Sandan: Ougeinia dalbergioides: Sirmur, App. IV, iv. Sandhiria worship in the evening: Sirmur, 42. Sanha green hay: Mandi, 46. Sanj: (i) sweet bread fried in ghi; (ii) sunset: Ch., 204; (iii) offerings: Ch., 139. Sanjal Fraxinus anthoxyloides: Ch., 239. Sanjall: a head butler or officer in charge of the wardrobe: Sirmur, 63. Sanjiar land irrigated by water collected in pools: SS., Baghal, 8. Sanjua: an iron (?) chain; Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. 360. Sanpari: sunset, Dhira udeo: Mandi, 31. Santha: a written lease, granted by the Raja: Mandi, 61. Sappu: a kind of tobacco; Bimbaru: Ch., 225. sarat Bhrayai, q. v. Saran a flat roof: Ch., 119. Sargudht: a form of marriage in Churah; Jhanjrara, q. v. Sarkhan: stable expenses, levied as a cess: SS., Bashahr, 74. Sarian da dhoda: rice-bread: B., 192. Sarlu hay which remains green; Cf., Juth: Mandi, 46, see under Watta. Sarsahi Sarsanchain: bara puja or greater worship in exorcism: Sirmur, 53. Sartera a son by a wife of lower caste. Cf., Sartors: SS., Bashahr, 12. Sarugar: Rhodedendron campanulatum: Ch., 239. Sarut wife's brother's son. Sarvan shadhe an undefined substance used at weddings: Ch., 143, n. 5. Sasu sas, mother-in-law, wife's mother; ana. Sasan: a grant, of land, made to a Brahman for religious purposes: Mandi, 61. Sat lucky moment: Ch., 193: Sat-bala, a rite in which two human victims are added to the five in the Panch-bala; q.v. Sathol an appraiser: SS., Bilaspur, 21. 203 Sathri a small heap of maize stalks; 3 or 4 sathris1 kalawa In the Kagan 3 kalawas 1 gatha valley of Hazara. = In Bhogarmang. 2 sathris of maize 3 or 4 kaldwas = 1 gadda Satrana: seven different kinds of grain, in Churahi: Ch., 123. Sattowara fr. sat, seven,' the bride's return to her parents' house on the 7th day after her wedding: B., 104. Satyara anklet: Ch., 123. Saut co-wife, sauk. Savhar a quilt; Panj. sawwar: B., 196. Sawai lit. 1; a custom whereby an eldest son gets th, more than each of the younger sons. The form is sawdyd in D.C.K.: Comp., 76. Sawan knocking the wall, a substitute for the Mathe lagawan, q.v.: B., 107. Sawani Bhora, q.v.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 Sa wani-manana : merry-making in Sawan on the banks of canals, by Hindus on Sun days, by Muhammadans on Fridays : B., 202. Sawaran : the senior woman in a household, employed as a cook : SS., Kumharsain, 12. Sayar : the Kharif crop : Mandi; 62. Sayol : a kind of fish : Sirmur, 7. Sodu : small balls of wheat, etc.: SS., Kumharsain, 12. Seblt: a camel'e nose-string ; = dehun chaphia, when the sun is as high as a sehli, (say 31 to 4 hours after sunrise): B., 191. Solt: a goat's-hair cord worn round the waist: SS., Bask. Semla : a gum; see under Chakera. Benh : sham, evening, used by Muhammadans : B., 191. Sopa , see under Bari. Set : level ground; Masit. Shadl : circumcision: B., 97. Shag : 1 vegetables, Shag ki phand, a kind of stow : 88., Bashahr, 41. Shahl: a Raja's demesne land. Cf., Shail: SS., Baghal, 14-16. Shak: a poor soil, chiefly composed of sand and small stones: Sirmor, App. I. Shall: a stone temple ; Simla Hills : Gloss., I, p. 434. Shall : irrigated land : Ch., 223, Shamla : tail, of a turban: B., 194; - Thirshu q.v. Also Sutarbandh. Shand: sacrifice, only performed in villages where there are Khund Kanets : SS.. Bashahr, 21. . Shandtu : a minor sacrifice ; = Tikar: 88., Bashahr, 28. Shavrl: like a BAra, q.v., but saller and more freely manured : Sirmar, App. I. Shasman : turnips: SS., Bashahr, 41. , Shela : a small floor mat: Suket, 32. Shelat : land overshadowed by hills and therefore cold and damp: Sirmar, App. I. Shigu ? : Shigu ka sattu, a kind of meal: SS., Bashahr, 41. Shikart : a box, in Pangi : Cf., Kanjal: Ch., 208. Shil : breakfast, in Kanawar : SS., Bashahr, 41. Shila : land shut in and shaded by sheer hill-sides : SS., Jubbal, 16. Shillong : Oleri fragrans: Sirmur, App. IV, vi. Shirnt: a hay-fork; Changli : Simla, S. R. xlv. Shirwan : Autumn harvest : Ch., 220. Shiu : a cess, consisting of spirits of grapes : SS., Bashabr, 74. Shirmal: a tree : Simla, S. R., xliv. Sholya : evening; in Kan&war: SS., Bashahr, 41. Shapa, Shuptu: a basket tray for cleaning grain : Simla, S. R., xvi. Shopashhawa: supper, in KanAwar: 88., Bashabr, 41. Shupkash : afternoon; in Kandwar: 88., Bashahr, 41. Shusbar : Tamariz ericoides; in Lehu : Ch., 237. Shutrala : sticks (of phapra): S8., Kumharsain, 12. slah kam : 'black palte': Pars, k&m-palate or uvula Bulsau, 4: B., 184. Slana : a village headman: Sirm ur, 63. Slanlu : a snake; Kulu: Gloss., I, p. 438.

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BEPTEMBER, 1024] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Sidiant : & present (Rs. 12) given to the bride's father by the bridegroom : Ch., 157. Sigrl : boiled cakes: SS., Bashahr, 41. Sihal : land cultivated direct by the State. Cf., Shahl : SS., Kunhi&r, 10. Sijj : (Cf., Sijh: P. D., 1051), the sun; siji jianda, 'the sun lives,' in Ar. ash-Shamsu hayyalun, i.e., 'twilight'; choffte sijj, 'the sun is above the top-knot,' i.e., at its zenith : B., 192. Sijj Karakka: ? sunset: ib., 197. Sikandra : a cess, levied for purchase of sugar, etc., in the palace : SS., Kumharsain, 19. Sil: or sil apparently a nether mill-stone : Ch., 141. C., Sil, a brick or flat stone: P. D. s.v. Simal : Bombar malabaricum : Sirmar, App. IV, iii : Simbal in Chamba, 236. Singia the ordinary earthen dewa or 'lamp': Suket, 27. Sirala : blue-black: B., 111. Sir-mel: a rite performed at or after marriage when the bride attains puberty : B. Sirtora i Sirtola: a bastard, or the issue of a wife of another caste : Mandi, 27-8. Sir warna : a form of lustration used by courtiers and at weddings : B., 109. Siun : shisham, Dalbergia si8800 : Ch., 238. Slyan : ? first ; see under Puchhiyan. Smosa: a kind of sweetmeat: B., 99. Sog: land set apart in the name of a news and never cultivated : SS., Bashahr, 33. Soh: the level space in front of a temple ; Kulu : Glou., I, p. 436. Sobag-rat: a ceremony at marriages : Mandi, 24. Sohar: a god of evil spirits : Sirmur, 51. Sol: those who come with the bridegroom: Ch., 147. Soja : a cess, included in the Mel, q.v. Solha: & weight-lt sera kham, 40 tolas or 32 ; -Thakri and Thola : Sirmur, App. III. Songl, dawan-watra-Panj. Ichodalend; the dawan-watras are balls of sugar a big as apples, and at a wedding the bridegroom tries to pick them up out of a dish while his sisters-inlaw hinder him: B., 110. Sota: a lower form of betrothal, -Sagdi: SS., Bashahr, 13. Sotar: 'Bynake, uniform in thickness, and believed to have a mouth at each end; hence callod domunhd ; not very poisonous, it is believed that anyone bitten by it will be bitten again once every year : Ch., 39. Staujua : Moringa pterogosperma : Sirm hr, App. IV, iv. Sthapan : 1 setting-up,' worship (of Ganesh) at betrothals : Comp., 2. Suara : land close to dwellings, on which vegetables are generally grown : Mandi, 68. Subal : moss: Ch., 150. Subha : Pasni, q.v. Suhag-patari: a bride's paraphernalia ; consisting of the same articles as the Bersahi: Ch., 143. shell (? Sahell): a sister by mutual adoption ; ' lit. companion': Gloss., I, p. 907, 901 :: the 4th form of marriage : SS., Kumb Arsain, 8. Sall:: Amaranthus anardana : Ch., 204. sukorl: sukrl, the dried' wild apricot; - Kishta : Ch., 226. Sungar : a kind of snall pig : Simla Hills: Gloss., 1, p. 846. Sunh laina : to take an oath of compurgation ; v. Rah den&: Glou., I, p. 906. Suni maruri : Jasminum humile: Ch., 239.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1924 Sunnu : ash tree, Fraxinus floribunda and excelsa : Ch., 236 and 239. Suphandi : a form of kiria karm = ? Supindi: Ch., 210. Supindt : ? a ball of rice : Ch., 149: Cf. Suphandi. Surajgandh : a bracelet : Ch., 124. Surang Rhododendron lepidotum : Ch., 239. Susra : husband's father ; Susral, Susrar, (1) a wife's family, collectively, (2) the village in which it lives. Sat: see under Tassu. Sw&j, suaj : dower, given to the bride or her parents by kinsmen and friends, as the tambol is a present made to the bridegroom : Ch., 128, 153 and 157. Tablt: (fr. tawiz), a square silver plate-covered with carving, worn 88 & pendant from the neck : Ch., 206. Tachh: (a natural clearing in a forest) : Mandi, 18; Cf., Thach in III. - Tahor: lit. 'purity'; circumcision; syn. sunnat or sunnatan in the Ubha: B., 97. Cf., Tahoran :P.D., 1089. Taki: a horse or mare with an eye like a human being's : B., 184. Takka : lit. th of a rupee; as a measure of area a rupee - roughly 1 kh&r and a khar6 to 8 acres : Suket, 33. Talla: low-lying land : SS., NA1Agarh, u. Talli: pana, -Tigra pana, q. v. Tam&kt: a variety of tamaki, tobacco : Ch., 225. Tamala : a kettle ; - Badhna. Tamat : a weight - 2 sers standard weight, but varying according to its use in selling or buying : SS., Bashahr, 61. Tanan : deaf : Ch., 139. Tan-bakhshi: a form of widow re-marriage among Moslems in which the widow states before witnesses that she has given her person to her new husband : Comp., 44. Tanda : cat's-eyed : Ch., 138. Tang-randi :? & present of Re. 1 made by the boy's father to the girl's when the alliance is arranged : Ch., 160. Tara: Philadelphus coronarius : Ch., 238. Tara-peshani, a horse or mare with a white spot, small enough to be covered by the thumb, on the forehead, and unlucky: B., 184. Cf., P. D., p. 1106, 8.v. Tara. Taroro : (pt.) an ornament worn on the feet : B., 105. Tassa: measure of wood ;- 24 tassa = 1 yard.. 4 pins (0) = 1 tassu. " 8 out = 1 inch (1 pice - 1 inch). A taset corresponds to a rupee : Ferozepur. Tat: a motal measure ; about 11 sers; Simla, 8, R., xlvi. Tata: hot : SS., Bashahr, 41. Tatta; dumb : Ch., 139. Tawa : & pole (1); Gloss., I, p. 450, Taur : * climbing plent, Bauhinja vahlil: Ch., 238 and 32. Teg: big or elder : SS., Bashahr, 18. (To be continued.)

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SRPEBER, 1924 1 BOOK-NOTICES 207 MISCELLANEA, THIRD ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 13. General. MADRAS. (a) Present position of the study of India The Second All-India Oriental Conference held in languages. Calcutta in Feb. 1929 resolved to hold the Third (6) Present condition of the old traditional Congress in Madras sometimno in December 1924. learning. Rao Sahib Prof S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar was Membership of the Conference is open to all appointed Secretary at the address Sri Venkatesa scholars interested in the advancement of Oriental Vilas, Noulu Street, Mylapore, Madras. Studies, to delegates from the Indian Government, In pursuance of the resolution an organising Oom. Indian States and learned institutions and to mittee has been formed and a programme has been scholars of distinction. The Session will be for devised to include the following subjects. three days. 1. Sanskrit Language and Literature. Scholars in India, Burma or Ceylon can either 2. Avesta in relation to Sanskrit. read or sond papers, provided they are sent six 3. Pali, Jain and other Prakrits, Hindi. weeks before the date of the Conference, and aro 4. Philology, Sanskritic and Dravidian. accompanied by a summary and prepared in a form 5. Dravidian Languages and their literature. suitable for publication. 6. Archaeology, including Epigraphy, Numis. The Congress will be opened by His Excellency matics and Indian Art. the Governor of Madras and the Vice Chancellor 7. History, Geography and Chronology. of the University will be the Chairman of the 8. Oriental Philosophy. Recoption Cominittee. Those wishing to attend 9. Oriental Science. can obtain information as to board and lodging and 10. Ethnology and Folk-lore. other such details from the Secretary at the above 11. Persian, Arabic and Urdu. 1 address. 12. Other Asiatic languages and civilizations. R. C. TEMPLE BOOK-NOTICES. MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. upon the Imperial harem. Whon questioned about No. 14. ANTIQUITIES Ox BHIMBAR AND RAJAURI. the cause of their common disfigurement, they re. By RAM CHANDRA KAK, Superintendent of Arch. plied that it was the evil effect of the water of the Bology. Jammu and Kashmir State. Superin. stream that flowed near by. They added that be. tendent, Government Printing, Calcutta, 1923. fore they had he misfortune to be married in these The Bhimbhar-Rajauri road, which unites the parts, they too were fair and handsome. This, 48 two large tahsils in the province of Jammu, forming was expected, had the desired effect. The ladies together part of the ancient territory of Dar vAbhi. immediately orderod a retreat, and the dilemana sre, has played a prominent part in the history of Was solved." Kashmir from very early times. It was by this One of the most curious features of the old Mughal route that the tyrant Mihirakula retreated into Kash- road are the two gigantic stone elephants, which mir, after his defeat in India, and along it in later have given their name to the Hathinala pags and agos travelled the splendid cavalcades of Jahangir, were possibly intended, as Mr. Kak surmises, to Nar Jahan, and the nobles of the Mughal court, on sorve as memorials of two favourite elephants of the the annual migration from the heat and dust-storms Eraperor which died here. He quotes the analogy of the Punjab. Mr. Ram Chandra Kak, who has of the statue which Akbar erected in memory of a made a very completo survey of all the Hindu and favourite horso near Sikandra. Apart from the reMusalman remains in the two tahsils above men. discovery of several Mughal sand is and mosques, tioned, tells a quaint story spent one of these annual the most important result of the author's tour in Mughal court pilgrimages. The imperial Zanana Rajauri and Bhim bar tahsils is the existence of was wont to halt en route et Saidabad, where the groups of Kashmirian templos at Saidabad and remains of a barddarf, bridge and tepk are still to Panjndra. Fergusson in his History of Indian and be seen, and "the ladies were so charmed with the Eastern Architecture remarked that, although the limpid water of the stream, and the enchanting form and age of the Gandhara monasteries were purroundinge, that they refused to stir either for sufficiently well known in his time to supply most wards or backwards. The Emperor was in a diler of the links connecting the Kashmiri style with that ma. Persuasion failing, he had recourse to a stra of the outer world, full information could not be tagern, similar to that employed by the hill Rajas of secured until the temples in the Salt Range end Pinjar to scare away Fidai Khan, Aurangzeb's foster other unfrequented parts of the Panjab had toen brother, who had built himself a retreat there. A thoroughly examined. Mr. Kak expresses the hope number of local ladies, who were afflicted with goitre, that the templos, which he has fully described poro brought together. They were made to wait ' in this number of the Memoirs of the Indian

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1924 Archological Survey, will serve in some measure to the Venetian dresses in which Veronese and Tinto. supply the data which antiquarians interested in retto robe the subjects of their paintings. We may the ancient art of Kashmir have long been relevantly quote & Hindi writer who says, "as w anxious to obtain. read, strango omotions rise within us: the former The Mortoir is furnished with good photo. splendour of tho country and the acte of its mighty graphs and plans of the chief antiquities described men are pictured bofore our eyes, and we are filled in the text. with enthusiasm and joy and pride." The minstrel 8. M. EDWARDES. literature of Rajputana and other parts of the north has long been famous. EPIGRAPHIA INDO-MOSLEMICA, edited by G. YAX The Lay of Ala is one of DANI, 1919-1920. Govt. of India Press, Cal. the most popular of the poems sung by wandering bards, and we are grateful to the authors of this cutta, 1924. volumne for having given us a stirring ballad version This issue is well-edited and illustrated and of a romarkable poem (worthy memorial of Mr. contains some interesting and historically valus Waterfield's scholarship and poetic feeling), scoom. ble inscriptions : twelve of Sikandar ShAh Lodi In Delhi, all in Persian, from 1494-1511 A.D., panied by the valuable notes and additions which attest Sir George Grierson's continued devotion to collected together for the benefit of students at the affairs of North India. the request of the Government Epigraphist for A useful feature is a Mualim Inscriptions.. list of the persons who appear in the story. WithThose aro followed by three inscriptions from I this it is possible for any reader to follow the narra. Antur Fort in the Aurangabad District of Burhan tive, though nearly 200 actors cross its pages. Nizam Shah III (1610-1630). It is important to In spite of conventional repetitions, especially in have these, as the period is very confused the description of battles, the action moves with Then we are given Muhammad Tughlaq's in vigour and freshness, and the historical value of un. scription at Bodhan and Qandhar during his con- historical details is made clear, for these details tell quest of the Deccan, and also of the Emperor us more about the times and about the bards who Aurangzeb at both places. In noticing two in thon sang the praises of king and country than we scriptions at the latter fort, the editor makee an should have learnt from scientifically accurate ohro important note to p. 22: "Scholars interenied niclos. They give us atmosphere, they give us life. in the history of the introduction of gting into the end of the 12th century seems to have laid hold Indis may note that in the wixteenth and seven- on tho imagination of epic poets more than any cther teenth centuries we invariably find Turkish ofli. period of Indian history, for no other time is so well cers and engineers in charge of the artillery." furnished with poetical descriptions which must In this case certain brothers were "placed in have their foundations in contemporary writinge. charge of AqA Rumi, 998 A.H. (1590 A.D.)." Actually these sagas are dateless, or rather they All kinds of historical allusions are to bo found belong to many dates. The 19th century jostles in these valuable inscriptions : 1.9., Rai Bindralan, the historian of Aurangzeb's time, built " well the 12th in their verses, yet the real feeling belongs for the people, as & charitable deed in the name to the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th of God" at Elgandal in the W&rangal Division, Nizam's Dominions. This version is intended for those who are not No less than 18 Plates complete this valuable likely to study the Hindi. If another edition is piece of work. called for, it would be well to give a few pages to a RC. TEMPLE. discussion of the language and verse of the original. THE LAY OY ALHA: translated by WILLIAM WATER The advice given to English readers to pronour.ce all FIELD (with Introduction and additional matter vowels as in Italian is probably due to a slip. To do by Sir GEORGE GREERSON) : Oxford University 80 would result in pronouncing Ajaipal, Bhaurarin, Press, pp. 278. Chakbai, Chauhan, Kanauj, as AjAlpal, BhadraThis is well described on its title page as a Mage of rin, Chakbai, Chadhan, Kanadj. (the long marlo Rajput chivalry. In its English form it owes its wes its here printed indicato Vowel quality, not length). origin to the translator and its publication to Sir But compared with the solid value of the work this George Grierson, who has rounded off the work with is a triding matter. abstracts of the untranslated portions. The epic Not a few readers will be glad to have brought be. poetry which is written in Avndhi, Braj and fore them so vivid a tale in so pleasing a form and Rajputani, has for us an iutorent which far transcende! to bo enabled to live for a brief space among the that which we feel for works on rhetoric; sometime heroes of a bygone age, many of whom were indeed it appeals to us more than the religious litere- pto-eminently, "For knightly jousta and forca ture in whioh this group of languages is so rich. The oncounters fit." fact that it is semi-historical matters no more than T. GRAHAME BAILET,

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OCTOBER, 1924] MANIKARNIKA GHAT (BENARES) STONE INSCRIPTION MANIKARNIKA CHAT (BENARES) STONE INSCRIPTION OF VIRESVARA. [VIKRAMA] SAMVAT 1359.. BY RAI BAHADUR DAYA RAM SAHNI, M.A. 209 This inscription is engraved on a slab of Chunar sand-stone which is now in the possession of Rai Sri Krishna Das, Hastings House, Benares Cantonment, to whom I am obliged for permission to examine the inscription and to have estampages made. I am also obliged to him for the information that this slab was originally lying on the Manikarnika Ghat on the Ganges in the city of Benares, and was removed by Babu Harischandra Bharatindu, a famous Hindi poet of Benares, whose posthumous notes in Hindi on certain places and objects of Archeological interest in India were published sometime ago under the name of Puravlttasangraha. Babu Harischandra rightly laments, in his notes, the loss and destruction of numerous monuments and suggests that the banks of the river conceal remnants of ancient ghats which were re-built and renewed times without number, but which are now hidden under modern structures. It is noteworthy that whereas many copper plate inscriptions were issued by their respective donors from the Brahmanical city of Varanasi (Benares), only four other inscriptions on stone appear so far to have been found in it. The earliest of these is the Benares inscription of Pantha, a private individual of no historical importance. The remaining three epigraphs date from the time of Akbar and Jahangir." The slab on which the inscription is engraved measures 1' 9" broad, 1' 3" high and 6" thick. It is broken on the upper side and on the left, but is complete on the other two sides. As the whole of the existing portion of the inscription with the exception of the last line, is in Sanskrit verse, the extent of loss in letters which each line has suffered, is ascertainable with certainty. The extant number of syllables in each line is twenty-one to twenty-seven, and as I find by scanning that each line has lost from sixty-one to seventy aksharas, the original width of the slab must have been four times the present breadth, i.e., about seven feet. We now possess portions of the last twelve stanzas of the document, but as the verses are not numbered, the number of stanzas lost in the beginning cannot be determined. The epigraph is engraved in Devanagari characters, the height of letters averaging one inch. The artisan has done his work with uniform care. Only two peculiarities of the script deserve mention. One of these is the use of the prishthamatra or a vertical stroke attached to the left of the matrikds in the rendering of the medial vowels e, ai, 6 and au, the only exceptions being four syllables in the ninth line where its place is taken by the usual super-imposed stroke of the later Nagari. We note that the prishtha-matra, which in the Sarada of Kashmir remained in use until the end of the fourteenth century A.D., must have died out from the Nagari script somewhat earlier. For, though we find that it is employed side by side with the rival sign in Nagari inscriptions of the eleventh century A.D., it is absent in inscriptions of the middle of the twelfth century, and those of the first half of the fourteenth century, such as those noticed at Deogarh in the Jhansi District. It is, therefore, somewhat astonishing to find it employed almost exclusively in this inscription which was recorded in the Vikrama Samvat 1359 (A.D. 1302-3). The other noteworthy feature of the script of the inscription is the addition of a right-angled adjunct between the horizontal top stroke and the body of some of the letters, e.g., u (udydne, 1. 9) y, 8, h and dh (ashadha, 1. 9). There are no mistakes of spelling. The consonants following rare, as usual, either doubled or left single, and there is no doubling of consonants preceding the repha. 1 Bee ZDMG., Vol. XL, p. 55, and my note in Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 59 seq. * Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1875, pp. 82-84.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1024 The insoription was a well-composed poem which employed Alankaras or figures of speech, and the rules of prosody are nowhere disregarded. The date of the inscription which is given in figures and partly in words is (Vikrama] Samvat 1359, Ashadha vadi 11, Tuesday. The document has not yet been published except for a few remarks based on a somewhat faulty reading published by Babu Harischandra Bharatindu in his Hindi notes alluded to above, wbich. I venture to translate here and which run as follows: "A portion of the inscription is missing, and it is therefore not possible to make out the name of the prince who had it engraved. What is known is that at the time referred to there were two brother princes of the Kshatriya race, enlightened and devoted to Vishnu. Their fame spread far and wide, and they caused to be constructed the Manikarnika Ghat which extended from Vireyvara to Visvesvara. In the centre of the Ghat, they had a lofty temple of Manikarnikesvara-Siva constructed, with large platforms in the middle of it.......... None of thono constructions have now survived. The present temple of Manikarnik@svara is a deep underground chamber and the Viresvara and Visveavara temples also oocupy other sites." A comparison of this oxtract with the subjoined text will show the shortoomings of Babu Harischandra's rendering, though it will be seen that he correctly ascertained the main object of the record, namely, the erection of a temple of Manikarnikesvara by a certain person whose name he could not make out. But his interpretation is wrong inasmuch as he states that this pious man constructed at the same time & ghag of this name, which extended from the temple of Vir&svara to that of Visve vara, as there is no mention of any such temples, What he read as Visvesvara is really vaisvanara, which stands for the numeral three, and Viresvara, mentioned in verse 7, was the name of the builder of the temple whose construction this inscription is intended to record, and not that of a temple as stated by Babu Harisohandra. Nor have the platforms (vedikd) of chintamani stone mentioned in v. 4 anything to do with the temple. The whole of the earlier portion of the inscription was devoted to a description of the pedigree of Viresvara, but who he was cannot be ascertained from the surviving portion of tbe dooument. Babu Harischandra is right in assuming that the temple whose erection is mentioned in this inscription has long since disappeared. I noticed, however, a few arohi. tootural stonos lying on the Manikarnika Ghat, which to judge from the style of their carvings, might well have belonged to this structure. One of these fragments is a door-jamb representing Siva and Parvati. Text. 1.--v-u v -uv-v --v-uvu m ago: [1] la [ gar:) 2. . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Here il . . . . . . . . . . . . udyAne nivasatyamumba nibhRtaH kinAma kalpadrumaH 3. -- - - - -- - - - [I*] - - - - - - [ll ] - - - - - - - **T&TT Harta P raforat par 9 Motre-Vasanta-tilalt. Metro :-Sardalavikridita.

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OCTOBER, 1924) MANIKARNIKA GHAT (BENARES) STONE INSCRIPTION - - - - - - - - - - - [[*] - ~ - ~ ~ ~ - ~ - ~ ~ ~ - ~ --- - -[1] ~ - maNimahAbharaiszruTitabandhamandhantamaH || yasthAnujI bhujavinirmita prAsAI maNikarNakezvaravibhovarindharaH zreyase / dharma yo vidhe [-] ~ - - - - - - - - - - ~ - ~ - - - kIrNa pavitrIkurutAddharitrIm / / sarasanarasabhAsambhAvitAsI pra [*]10 --------. -----pdaavlaataa| nakSatramAlA guNavatvasI sadA hari jJAnanidhe ni] Ju --- ------------- --- nIdhareNa kRtimA'sati prazastiH ghumA [[ ] abde nandeSu vaizvAnaradhara--- [Nimita ] - - [*] [*] - [samvata(t ) 1359 ApATa vadi 1 bhaume / sthapati sImayasimodhAyAmatkIrNAsi | 6 Metro :-Indravajra. Metroys-Prithet.. Motre:-Vasanta-tilaki.. .. Motre-Sardalavikrtaita.. Metro :-Indravajrd., ___10 Motre :-Malint... 11 Metre :-Upajati. 12 Metre :--Sardhlavikridita. 13 Metre:-Sragdhant .

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBRB, 1024 A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. Introductory. TAS Journal has taken so large a part in settling Indian Chronology that all matters relating to the Calendar are of interest to its readers. I therefore make no further apology for discussing here the subject of the reform of the Christian Calendar which is involved in a fixed Faster; especially as now that the Great European War is over this is becoming again of public concern. I will consider it from four points of view : (1) a Lunar-Solar Calendar with Fixed Easter! (2) & Solar Calendar with a Fixed Easter; (3) the Existing Solar Calendar with a Fixed Easter ; - -- (4) the Existing Solar Calendar with a Fixed Easter and Interoalary days. The last point is that which strikes me personally as the most practical and the most to be desired, though each of the other three has many points to recommend it. A Lunar-Solar Calendar with Mixed kastor. I have had sent me by Fr. Gabriel Nahapetian of the Mechitarist (Armenian) Congrega. tion on the Island of San Lazzaro, Venice, a pamphlet of 24 pp. entitled Two Invariable and Universal Calendars and Fixed Easter with 12 and 13 montha. The object of the pamphlet is not only to show how a Fixed Easter could be conveniently arrived at, but also to prove that the systems which have been brought forward in England and America are in reality copies of that originated by the Meohitarist monks of Venice. The preface to the Reader of the pamphlet sets forth that when Pope Pius X brought up the quelltion of & Fixed Easter in his - Encyclical Divino afflatu in 1912. the Moohitarist Congregation almost simultaneously produced a proposal for a Wized Calendar with 12 months in three Italian Papers or Reviews in Rome and Venioe, and that this proposal was considered at a Congress in Liege in 1914, but was dropped on account of the Great War. In 1913 & Fixed Calendar with 13 months was issued by the Armenian Prees at San Lazzaro (Venice). On the oth October, 1912, Fr. Gabriel Nahapetian had audience with the Pope, who encouraged the Mechitarists in their plan. Subsequently the plan seems to have been adopted by a journalist, Ernst von Heove, with a tight modification, which did not affect the principle, in an article entitled The Germans and a Fixed Easter. This plagiarised plan was, I take it, that which was promulgated in England and America. A Lunar-Solar Calendar. Leaving aside, however, the above point and also the interesting historical and similar observations made by Fr. Gabriel Nahapetian, I propose to take the Mechitarist plan into consideration ; especially as there are signs of some such idea being brought before the British Parliament by fixing Easter at the nearest Sunday to the 15th April of the present Christian Calendar. That would divide the year more equably than is now possible, as regards tho fall of publio holidays, but would leave all other irregularities as they now are. But the Mechitarist plan of 13 months, while making many things much more simple for future generations than does the present Calender, would very much apeet the year as regards those who have become habituated to the present system from their early childhood. However, the plan has so much in its favour that it appears to be well worth while to consider it seriously.

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OCTOBER, 1024] A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR 213 The Mechitarist Calendar would base itself on the week, giving thus 52 weeks for the normal solar year with one day over. Thus 7x52 + 1 -365 days. By creating 13 months of 4 woolos each and adding one day to one of the months the same result is produced :13 x 28 +1 -365 days. This leaves Leap Year as it is now by adding one day to a second month or 2 days to one month. So far, exoept as to 13 months in the year, there does not prima facie appear to be much change from existing customs. This proposal has some immense advantages :(1) Every month, but ono, has 28 days, the odd month having 29. In Leap Years two months have 29 days, or one month 30 days. (2) Every week day falls on the same day of the months, if the odd days are given special names and made intercalary, i.e., are not counted as being in any week, thus : Sunday .. .. .. .. .. 1 8 15 22 Monday .. .. .. .. .. 2 9 16 23 Tuesday . 3 10 17 24 Wednesday .. 4 11 18 25 Thursday .. .. 5 12 19 26 Friday .. .. .. .. .. 6 13 20 27 Saturday .. .. . .. 7 14 21 28 (3) Easter Sunday falls automatically on the 15th April every year. Christmas Day falls automatioally on Wednesday, 25th December, every your. Other authorised festivals and holidays also fall automatically on fixed days in the year. (4) An upset, however, ooours of existing almost instinctive habits of reckoning the time of year by the 13 nonths of 28 days ench. Thus:() A new month, with of course & new name, must be created. () A new name for the annual intercalary day (making annually one week of actually eight days though counted a seven) must be found, together with a choioe made of the month to which it is to be added: (i) The same process is necessary for the second interoalary day for Leap Years, making either a second week of eight days, or one week of nine days, both counted &S geven. (5) The days of the year with regard to those of the existing normal solar calendar will be muoh altered. Thw 1 Old Feby. would fall on existing 29 Jany. I, March 26 Feby. 1 April 28 March , May 23 April. June 21 May. July 18 June. August 16 July. ,, New month 13 Aug. September 10 Sept. 1 , October 19 Oot. 1 . November 8 Nov. , December 4 December. 1 The Machitarist Calendar puts the first day of the month on Sunday. The German imitation put it on Monday, but made no other change. There is a good deal to be said for beginning the year on Monday * matter of convenience and something also to the contrary. The point is, however, beside the print argument.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER. 1924 The Mechitarist plan only concerns itself with the ecclesiastical side of the question, and from the point of view of the Christian religious festivals the difficulties that arise are not great. But the table above given will show at once to any one, who will consider it from either the social or administrative point of view, that the difficulties are really many meaning by difficulties" changes in age-old habits of thought and practice. E.g., one can imagine much trouble being raised over the new name for the 13th month, and the place where it should come in the Calendar. For the purpose of this argument, let us follow the Mechitarists and place it between the older and the newer Roman months, i.e. between August and September. Aud let us call it Sexiber. . Similarly let us put the annual intercalary day at the end of September, for a reason to be given later, and make that the eight-day week as a matter of convenience. Let us call this intercalary day-actually the 29th September-Sanctuary Day. But however convenient ultimately this procedure might prore, it would of course create disturbance in all sorts of social matters that can be easily foreseen in administrative, legal and commercial life, because one week in every year would have an extra day not counted in the Calendar. Again as regards Loap Years, if we add, on the same principle, one day to the last week of December and make it an intercalary day called, say, Leap Year's Day, we shall have the same trouble. One can imagine a great torrent of talk over such points, but the really great trouble would occur over the change of 12 months of irregular length to 13 months of regular length. Let us take for instance the public and ecclesiastical holidays. Good Friday would fall on 13th April, Easter Sunday on 15th April, Easter Monday on 16th April. Lent would commence on Wednesday on 4th March. Whitsunday would fall on 8th June, Whitmonday on 9th June, Bank Holiday on Monday, 2nd August, Christmas Day on Wednesday, 25th December, Boxing Day on Thursday, 26th December. The latter half of the year would thus be a long while without a holiday and it would probably end in the 29th September, falling between a Saturday and Sunday, being turned into a Bank Holiday. As-it would be an intercalary day, not counted in the week, it would automatically be a real holiday, a dies non, on which no writ would run, no bill mature, and so on, and for that reason it might well be called Sanctuary Day. The annual holiday months would be August and Soxiber. * The above dates would be the fall, however, according to the New Calendar of 13 months of 28 days each ; but on the existing Calendar, and with a fixed Easter, the public and ecolesing. tical holidays would fall as follows:-- Ash Wednesday .. .. 1st March. Whitmonday .. 29th May. Good Friday 7th April Bank Holiday 17th July Easter Sunday .. .. 9th April. Sanotuary Day .. 7th Ootober. Easter Monday .. 10th April. Christmas Day .. 28th December Whitsunday .. .. 28th May. Boxing Day . .. 29th December. The two holiday months would be from 1st August to the 28th Sexiber (16th July to 9th September of the existing Calendar). Other "new" things would happen, e.g., as the 12th August would fall on 27th July, grouse shooting would have to begin 16 days later or 28th August, a Saturday. So partridge shooting would be commenced on 10th September, a Sunday, and pheasant shooting on 9th October, a Monday. Other sporting meetings and date, and close seasons would have to be altered accordingly. But even these minor things would create a great deal of controversy. .

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OCTOBER 1924 A PIXED EASTER AND TIE NEFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR. 215 Birthdays and other anniversaries would be very much upset. A child born on the 1st June would suddenly find it altered to 21st May, and one born on the 19th August would find the birthday to be the 3rd Soxiber, and so on. Thero would be an outery in all nurseries, and what is much more serious, new Calendars would be necessary for 1000 years back at least to reconcile the old and new methods of reckoning the year. In legal and commercial life many things would require immediate consideration. The Half-year would cease to be six months, but would become six and a half months. Similarly the Quarter would be a month and a week. This would seriously affect Quarter Days for rents, and so on. Lady Day would fall on 18th March, Midsummer Day on 10th June, Michaelmas Day on the 20th September and Christmas Day on 28th December of the present Calendar. Terms of imprisonment, of notices of all kinds, and of contracts could not run, and salaries could not be calculated, as now, by the month, three months, six months and 90 on, as the term "month" would have a new significance, All this would require much consideration and would inevitably bring about the calcula. tion of time by the week.' E..., the week and fortnight would remain as now, but a Month would be 28 days, a Quarter would be 13 weeks and a Half-year 26 weeks. Prisoners would be sentenced, notices given, and contracts made to run by the week. It is easy to see what a change in habits and in caloulating past statements of time would be necessary. Many other things of a like nature in overy Christian country would arise, which would have to be seriously considered. But they need not be enumerated here, as there would be no fear of their being overlooked. Every interest would at once make itself heard. In fact the adult Christian world would for a time be put to much inconvenience and trouble, but the children and the future population of Christians would benefit enormously. II. A Solar Calendar with Fixed Easter. Fr. Gabriel Nahapetian gives also "an invariable Calendar with 12 months and fixed Easter" based on a scale of eight months of 30 days and four months of 31 days : i.e., 8 X 30 = 240 days + 4 X 31 = 124 days + 1 extra intercalary day=365 days. This intercalary day he places at the end of August, but for the sake of comparison with the Lunar-Solar Calendar above explained I would place it at the end of September, and both call and treat it as be. fore as Sanctuary Day. For Leap Years I would add an extra intercalary day at the end of December, which I would call Leap Year's Day. This Solar Calendar would work out thus :() FOUR CALENDAR MONTHS OF 30 DAYS BEGINNING WITH SUNDAY. JANUARY, APRIL, JULY, OCTOBER Sunday ... .. .. .. 1 8 15 22 29 Monday .. .. 2 9 16 23.30 Tuesday .. .. 3 10 17 24 Wednesday .. 4 11 18 25 ..5 12 19 26 Friday .. .. 6 13 20 27 Saturday .. 7 14 21 28 (1) FOUR CALENDAR MONTHS OF 30 DAYS BEGINNING WITH TUESDAY. FEBRUARY, MAY, AUGUST, NOVEMBER. Tuesday .. .. .. .. .. 1 8 15 22 29 Wednesday .. .. .. .. 2 9 16 23 30 Thursday .. . .. .. 3 10 17 24 Thursday

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1924 Sunday .. ::::: Friday .. .. .. .. .. 4 11 18 25 Saturday . .. 5 12 19 26 Bunday .. .. .. .. . 6 13 20 27 Monday .. . . 7 14 21 28 (TW) FOUR CALENDAR MONTHS OF 31 DAYS BEGINNING WITH THURSDAY MARCH, JUNE, SEPTEMBER, DECEMBER. Thursday .. 1 8 15 22 29 Friday .. .. 2 9 16 23 30 Saturday :. 3 10 17 24 31 4 11 18 25 Monday .. .. .. 5 12 19 26 Tuesday .. ... 6 13 20 27 Wednesday .. .. .. .. 7 14 21 28 It will be perceived that each year will thus begin on the same day of the week, Sunday, and that therefore the Calendar goes on perpetually. Another way of presenting this Culondar--that adopted by Fr. G. Nahapetian---s shown on Table I attached. From Table I It will be seen that the Four Quarters of the Year follow each other : January, February, March ; April, May, June ; July, August, September ; October, November, December. Also the months of each Quarter commence regularly in order with Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday. It is in fact & much easier Calendar to carry in the head than the existing one, but not so easy iks the Lumar-Solar Calendar. Other advantages also follow on it : Easter Sunday would automatically fall on 15th April and Christmas Day on Sunday, 25th December, Boxing Day on Monday, 26th December. Leap Year's Day would always follow, as in the case of the Lunar-Solar Year, between Saturday, 31st December, and Sunday, 1st January, and as it would be a natural dies non, not counted in any week, it would also be & natural holiday, thus giving two holidays running. Sanctuary Day would fall between Saturday, 31st September, and Sunday, 1st October, giving also two holidays running. 1. To follow the same line in developing the idea of the Solar Calendar, as that adopted for the idea of the Lanar-Solar Calendar, it may be observed that the changes in the existing Calendar involved in it would nover be more than a day or so, and no new month with an unfamiliar name would be necessary. But the same difficulty as to the intercalary days would arise in exactly the same way. As regards the public and coolesiastical holidays. Good Friday would always fall on 13th April, Easter Sunday on 15th April, and Easter Monday on 10th April. Lant would always commence on Wednesday, 7th March, Whitsunday on 4th June, Whitmonday on 6th June, Bank Holiday on Monday, 30th July or 7th August, Christmas Day on Sunday, 25th December, Boxing Day on Monday, 26th December. Sanctuary Day would fall on 30th Angust. The annual holiday months would not be changed, and there would be only a slight change of a day or so in the actual fall of sporting meetings and dates and clono sonsone. But the 12th August would fall on a Saturday, the 1st September on a Thursday, and the 1st October on a Sunday. Birthdays and other anniversaries would not practically change, which would be a great advantage. In legal and commercial life there would not be much change necessary, and Quarter Days would fall regularly : e.g., Lady Day would always fall on Wednesday, 21st March, Midsummer Day on Wednesday, 21st June, Michaelmas Day on Thursday, 29th September, and Christmas Day on Sunday, 26th December. New Year's Day would always fall on Sanday.

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OCTOBER, 1924] A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR 217 A month would, as now, be either 30 or 31 days, and February would be reckoned as a 30 day and not a 28 day month, so notices and contracts could be made much as they are now, and there would practically be no difference in calculating salaries. In neither ecclesiastical nor social matters would there be serious alteration in old habits. In fact the Solar Calendar would be more workable than the Lunar-Solar Calendar in practical life, though not so easy as the latter to carry in the memory or for children to learn. TABLE I. JANUARY, APRIL, JULY, OCTOBER. I 1 Sunday 2 Monday 3 Tuesday 4 Wednesday 5 Thursday 6 Friday 7 Saturday II 8 Sunday 9 Monday 10 Tuesday 11 Wednesday 12 Thursday 13 Friday 14 Saturday II 1 Fr. Nahapetian's Proposed Solar Calendar. FEBRUARY, MAY, AUGUST, NOVEMBER. I 1 Tuesday 2 Wednesday 3 Thursday 4 Friday 5 Saturday 6 Sunday 7 Monday II 8 Tuesday 9 Wednesday 10 Thursday 11 Friday 12 Saturday 13 Sunday 14 Monday III 15 Tuesday 16 Wednesday 17 Thursday 18 Friday 19 Saturday 20 Sunday 21 Monday IV 22 Tuesday 23 Wednesday III 15 Sunday 16 Monday 17 Tuesday 18 Wednesday 13 Tuesday 14 Wednesday III 15 Thursday 16 Friday 17 Saturday 18 Sunday 19 Monday 20 Tuesday 21 Wednesday IV 22 Thursday 19 Thursday 20 Friday 21 Saturday IV 22 Sunday 23 Monday 24 Tuesday 25 Wednesday 24 Thursday 25 Friday 26 Saturday 27 Bunday 28 Monday 26 Thursday 27 Friday 28 Saturday 29 Sunday 30 Monday 29 Tuesday 30 Wednesday MARCH, JUNE, SEPTEMBER, DECEMBER, I 1 Thursday 2 Friday 3 Saturday 4 Sunday 6 Monday 6 Tuesday 7 Wednesday 8 Thursday 9 Friday 10 Saturday 11 Sunday 12 Monday 23 Friday 24 Saturday 25 Sunday 26 Monday 27 Tuesday 28 Wednesday 29 Thursday 30 Friday 31 Saturday. Conclusion on the first two Calendars. Whatever the difficulty in overcoming the controversy that is bound to arise on either a Lunar-Solar Calendar or a Solar Calendar, such as the above, being seriously brought to notice politically, there would be no doubt that the British Parliament, when convinced of the To make the 365 days Fr. Nahapetian gives August 31 days by adding an intercalary day after the 30th. 3 Leap Year's extra day could be added as intercalary after 31 December. This Calendar is thus perpetual and invariable, commencing each year with Sunday and fixing Easter Sunday on 15th April. 2

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1924 liecensity, could arrange with the Parliaments and Governments Oversens similarly disposed to bring & Reformed Calendar with a Fixed Easter into general use in the British Empire by law. But even then it would only be of partial use, unless the assent of the rest of the Christian nations of the world were gained over-each nationality bringing its own special festivals and customs into the general scheme. It is in fact a feasible though not an casy task, or one likely to be brought to a conclusion in a short time. That it may before long come within the scope of practical politics is shown by the fact that proposals have already been made to bring before the British Parliament a Bill to fix on the Sunday nearest the 16th April in each year as Easter Sunday, all other festivals and customary dates also becoming fixed in the Calendar accordingly. Co Saturday The existing Solar Calendar with a Fixed Easter. The plan, however, for a Fixed Easter which would cause the least disturbanoe of custom is obviously to confine attention to fixing the fall of Easter Sunday for each year. Let u see how this works out. As the normal year consists of 52 weeks and one extra day, it obviously ends on the game day of the week as that on which it begins : i.e., whatever day of the week the first of January falls on, that is the day of the week on which 31st December falls. Therefore each succeeding New Year commences on the day of the week following that on which the preceding yeer commenced, but this regular sequence is broken by every fourth year being a Leap Year, the New Year succeeding which being two days later in the week than that on which the Leap Year began. The result is that the sequence is as follows :Year Commencing on Year Commencing on Sunday 10 Thursday Monday Friday Tuesday Leap Year 12 Loap Year 4 Wednesday Monday Friday Tuesday Saturday Wednesday Sunday Leap Year 16 Thursday Leap Year 8 Monday 17 Saturday Wednesday 18 Sunday And so on. It is important to give this cycle, as it shows that there is practically no regularity in the fall of New Year's Day on a particular day of the week according to the existing onlendar. This is caused by the extra day over 52 weeks in normal Solar Years, and two in Leap Years. being oountod min a week and not as intercalary. Another result is that the fall of every day of the woek in a month is one day (or two days after the "loap" in Leap Years) later in the week in each suooeeding year. It is this that affects the question of a Fixed Easter and consequently of every festival and customary"day," depending on Easter. The proposal that has been publicly made to fix Easter for general purposes is to fix Easter Sunday as the Sunday nearest to the 15th April. Let us see how this works out. In a normal year the 16th April is the 100th day of the year, i.e., the year is exaotly 16 weeks old on that day, and the result is that it falls on the day of the week previous to that on which lst January fallo. It New Year's Day falls on Sunday, the 18th April will fall on a Saturday, and so on.

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OCTOBER, 1024] KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 219 Lot us now work out the fall of Easter Sunday accordingly on the proposed scheme. NORMAL YEARS. (1) In a Sunday Year, 15th April falls on Saturday: Easter Sunday on 16th April. (2) In a Monday Year, 15th April falls on Sunday: 15th (3) In a Tuesday Year, 15th April falls on Monday: 14th (4) In a Wednesday Year, 15th April falls on Tuesday: . 13th (5) In a Thursday Year, 15th April falls on Wednesday: ,, 12th , (6) In a Friday Year, 15th April falls on Thursday: 11th or 18th April (7) In a Saturday Year, 15th April falls on Friday : 1 . 1 7th April, On the above reckoning Easter would fall between the 11th and 18th April, and all other festivals and customary days, dependant on Easter accordingly. The table attached gives the various principal dates. No other festivals or customs would be affected. In Leap Years, however, owing to the extra day falling on the 29th February, the 15th April falls on the same day of the week as New Year's Day. E.g., in a Sunday year 15th April would fall on a Sunday, and so on, but that weuld not affect the cycle of 11th to 18th April for the fall of Easter Sunday in Leap Years. FALL OF FESTIVALS DEPENDENT ON THE FALL OF A FIXED EASTER. Ash Wednesday .. .. ..28 Feb. 1 2 3 4 5 6 March Good Friday .. .. .. 9 11 12 13 14 15 16 April Easter Sunday .. .. .. 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 April Easter Monday .. ..13 14 15 16 17 18 19 April Whitsunday .. .. ..26 27 28 29 30 31 May 1 June Whitmonday .. ..27 28 29 30 31 May 1 2 June It will be clear that this Scheme is not nearly so easy to work on as Schemes I and II, the Lunar Solar and the Solar Schemes already examined, but it would create very much less change in age-old habit. Also it would do no more than fix Easter; it would not fix a set day for the commencement of the year, as do the two previously discussed schemes. (To be continued.) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI. By K. N. DANIEL. (Continued from page 196.) The Dates that suit the Istronomical Positions in the Plate. Now let us take the copper plate under discussion. It was executed on a Saturday, Rohini 4th asterism, 21 st Minam, when Jupiter was in Makaram. I have examined this date from the first contury to the fifteenth century. All dates, which suit the Astronomical requirements jusi mentioned, have already been pointed out by Kookil Kelu Nair, Purnell, and Kielhoin. They are the following: - (1) A.D. 230, Maroh 6. It was Kali 3330, Saturday, 21st Minam. The greater part of the day and the whole night was Rohini. Jupiter just passed the Makaram rdhi. Moan Jupiter passed is th of the next rasi and the actual Jupiter 3 degrees and 53 minutes, i.e.,

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1924 about Ith of a radi. It is just probable that such a slight difference might have been caused by the Astronomical systems of those early centuries. Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai also agreed with me on this point, when recently we had a talk on the subjeot. (2) 10th March. A.D. 680, Kali 3780.--This date was pointed out by F. Kielhorn. This fulfils all the requirements. (3) 11th March, A.D. 776, Kali 3875.-Dr. Burnell after consulting an Astronomer pointed out A.D. 774, but certainly he must have meant 775. This is also correct. (4) 15th March, A.D. 1320, Kali 4420.- This is also pointed out by Kielhorn. We now have four dates which suit the Astronomical requirements. One of them must be the date required. The date of Parkara Iravi.-We must here discuss the date of Parkars fravi Varmar also, whose inscriptions form a subject of comparison with the Vira Raghava plate. The date of Parkara Iravi can be fixed with certainty on Astronomioal grounds.-- We have a fairly large number of inscriptions of his time. Some of them giving regnal years or age and the positions of Jupiter. I give below a list of those inscriptions with the years and respective positions of Jupiter. The Perunna inscription of the 14th year11 Jupiter in Makara (10th Rabi). The Tirukkotittanam Inscription No. 2, 13th year Jupiter in Itavam (2nd Rasi). The Tirkkakkara Inscription No. 3, 31st year Jupiter in Dhanu (9th Raci). The Perunna Inscription 33rd year Jupiter in Itavam (2nd Radi). The Tirunelli oopper plate 46th year Jupiter in Chinnam (5th Radi). The Tirukkakkara Inscription No. 5, 58th year Jupiter in Chinnam (5th Radi). The Tirunelli plate No. 2, 43rd year Jupiter in T'uldm (7th Rasi). It will take nearly a year for Jupiter to travel one rasi and nearly 12 years to travel the whole rafichakram (ecliptic) of 12 rasis. The 13th and the 31st year inscriptions may go together. The 33rd, 46th and 58th year inscriptions may also go together. The 14th year inscription stands alone, so does the 43rd year inscription also. These four kinds of insoriptions cannot be reconciled. The 14th and the 13th year inscriptions cannot be reconciled because in the 14th year Jupiter was in the 10th rasi and in the 13th year it was in the 2nd rafi. Then again the 14th year inscription and the 33rd year inscription cannot be rooonoiled, because there is a difference of 19 yours between them, and Jupiter will return to the 10th rafi after 11 or 12 years and in the course of the remaining 7 or 8 years it should reach the 5th or the 6th rati, but it is in the 2nd rafi. The 14th year and 43rd year inscriptions cannot be reconoiled, because out of the 29 years of difference 23 or 24 years are required for it to come back to the 10th raki. The remaining 5 or 6 years will bring it to the 3rd or 4th rasi, but it is in the 7th rabi. Then the 31st year inscription, which may be reconciled with the 13th year insoription, cannot be reconciled with the 33rd year inscription, because in the 31st year Jupiter was in the 9th rdei and in the 33rd year it was in the 2nd rabi. Again the 33rd, 46th and 58th year insoriptions which may go together oan. not be reconciled with the 43rd year inscription; because in the 43rd year Jupiter was in the 7th rabi and in the 46th year it was in the 5th rasi. If the years given are all regnal years, there must have been four Parkara Iravi Varmars. In case we suppose that in some of them the regnal years and in others the ages are given, these may be reduced to two. Anyhow from the style, language and paleography it is evident that the inscriptions of all the 11 12th year opposite the second means 14th (12 plus 2) year. This is quite evident from the TepkA6 piller inscription of Arikesari lines 38-57 (Trau. Arch. Series, Vol. 1, pp. 99-102).

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OCTOBER, 1924) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 221 Parkara Iravi Varmars must fall within a period of 100 years. There is no question about this. The suggestion that there were two kings under the name of Parkara Iravi Varmar has never been made by any one but the present writer. Now, fortunately, there are two inscriptions of these two different Parkara Iravi Varmars which give Astronomical positions. When these are put together we have very sure Astronomical data for caloulating the dates. The first is the Perunna inscription of the 14th year. This is an incomplete inscription found in the temple at Perunna. Though the name of the king is not mentioned, it is unquestionably taken to be that of Parkara Iravi. (See Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 34.) The style and paleography leave us in no doubt that this inscription belongs to the reign of Parkara Iravi. Further there are other inscriptions of Parkara Iravi mentioned by name in the same temple at Perunna. We have evidence to think that this is the same as that Parkara Iravi who is the donor of the Cochin plates. In the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi Venatutai (King of Venatu), Kovarttana Mattantan is a witness. In the Trikkotittayam inscription of Parkara Iravi, Venatutai Kovarttana Mattantan is mentioned as the owner of Naprula Natu. In another Trikkotittanam inscription of Parkara Iravi also, Venatutai Kovarttapa Mattantan connected with the Naprula Natu is mentioned. In the above Perunna inscription (Perunna is close to Trikkotittapam), a certain king (the name is not written because the inscription was left incomplete where it should oocur) of Venatu possessing Nancula Natu is mentioned. Moreover this is dated the 14th year of the unmentioned emperor who is surely Parkara Iravi, and the Trik kotittanam inscription mentioned above is also dated the 14th year of Parkara Iravi. The Perunna inscription named above, therefore, in all probability, belongs to the time of Park ara Iravi, who was the donor of the Cochin Plates. The Astronomical positions given in the Perunna inscription are the following : "20th of the solar month Mina, Sunday, the 7th asterism and Jupiter in Makara." I have examined the date of the grant for nearly 1,400 years from the end of the first century to the beginning of the fifteenth. The earliest day for which the date is correct is Kali 3626 (expired) 1,324,781st day of Kali, i.e., 8th March, 526 A.D. It was a Sunday. The whole day was the 7th asterism. Jupiter was almost in the middle of the Maka. ram rdsi. The next day for consideration is Kali 4160--12th March, A.D. 1060 (1.519.829th day of Kali). This is the date given by Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai and it is correct. He has given one more date. Kali 4255, 13th March, 1155. This date is not correct on the following ground. If sam kramam take place 18 natika after sunrise, the Malayalees reckon the next day as the 1st day of the month ; whereas according to the system prevalent in India outside Keralam, if the samkramam take place at any time during the day, that very day should be reckoned as the 1st day of the month. That this was the system of Keralam from time immemorial, can be easily proved from inscriptions. Verify the following dates - (1) Kollam 392, Friday, 17th Tulam (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. 1, p. 290). (2) Kollam 782, Thursday, 22nd l'ulam (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 180). (3) Saka 1474, Monday, 29th Metam (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 106). (4) Saka 1416, Friday, 10th Minam (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 265). (5) Saka 1472, Monday, 19th Mithunam (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 271). In Kali 4255 (A.D. 1166) Minasamkramam took place on a Tuesday, 27th natoka, after sunrise, and therefore, according to the Malabar system, lst Minam was on Wednesday. So 20th Minam was a Monday. But the inscription was made on a Sunday. The year 1155 therefore, is not correct.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1924 Now let us take the other inscription of Parkara Iravi Varmar, which contains the necessary Astronomical data for calculating the date. This is a copper plate (Tirunelli plate No. 2) mentioned by T. A. Gopinatha Rao (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 31) :-" Wednesday, 8th day of the solar month Mina and Nakshatra Uttara Phalguni (12th asterism) when Jupiter stood in the Tula rabi." I have examined this dato also from the end of the first century to the beginning of the fifteenth. The earliest date for consideration is Kali 3671 (expired) 1.341,206th day of Kali, i.e., 22nd February 571 A.D. It was a Wednesday. The whole day and almost the whole night was Uttara Palguni, the 12th asterism. The mean Jupiter was in Tulam, the actual Jupiter passed into the next rdsi. This is inconsiderable as I have already shown. Another date for consideration is Kali 3766, 25th February, 668 A.D. On this day 12th asterism came to an end 2 hours and 24 minutes after sunrise. There are two other dates given by Dewan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai. They are Kali 4205 and 4216 This is surely due to an oversight on the part of this eminent soholar. In fact he himself admits it in a reply to a letter of mine on this point. Now we see two dates each of which fulfils the requirements of both the inscriptions of Parkara Iravi Varmar, A.D. 526 and 1060 for the Perunna inscription and 571 and 666 for the Tirunelli plate No. 2. The Perunna inscription must be either of 526 or 1060. We cannot take the year 1060 because in that case the Parkara Iravi Varmar of the Perunna inscription should be placed 400 years later than the other, the latest date which suits the other inscription is 666. That these two Parkara Iravi Varmars must be almost of the same period is, as already shown, beyond question. We therefore come to the conclusion that 526 is the date of the Perunna inscription, and 571 that of the Tirunelli plato No. 2. These dates were veritied and found correct by Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swainikannu Pillai. There are eight inscriptions of Parkara Iravi in which Jupiter's positions are clearly given. There is one more inscription in which though the year portion is slightly damaged the your can be guessed. All the inscriptions can be reconciled, if we suppose that two Parkara Iravi Varmars, one after the other, ruled in Keralam, and that the years are sometimes ag, and sometimes regnal years, and sometimes current and sometimes expired. No one has yet reconciled these dates. A reconciliation table is given below. The Reconciliation Table. PARKARA IRAVI VARMAR I. A.D. K.Y. Month and date.! Regnal year or age. Jupiter. Inscription. 525 p. 39). 526 | 3626 Miam 20 . 14th regnal year cur-, Makaram (10th Perunna inscription | rent. raki). T. 4. 8. II, p. 34. 3626 Vrachikam 10.. 13this regnal year! Do. do. Tirukkakkara inscripexpired. tiou No. 1 (ibid, 518 3619 33rd age eurrent .. Itavam (2nd rasi). Perunna inscription (Ibid, p. 44). 532-3363313 Makaram . .46th age expired . Chiniam (5th rasi). Tirunelli plate No. 1, Inl. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 290. 545 3645 ..58th age expired .. Do. do. Tirukkakkara inscrip tion, T. A.8. II, p. 49. 564 3064/ He died at the age of 78 and his son Parkara Iravi Varmar II succeeded. 13 2nd against 1lth or 21st. On account of the damage, both the above readings are possible. 18 The Cochin plates are datod the 38th year of Parkara Iravi. If it is the age it must be Kali 3624 (523-4 A.D.), if regnal year it must be Kali 3650 (549-550 A.D.)

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OOTORER, 1924] KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIPA-PACEAVA (HARPAVART 223 PARKARA IRAVI VARMAR II. A.D. K.Y. Month and date. Regnal year or age. Jupiter. Inscription. 571 3671 Minam 8 577 3678 Tulam .. 8th14 regnal year cur. Tulam (7th rasi).. Tirunelli plate No. 2 rent. T. A. S. II, p. 31. .. 13th regnal year ex. Itavam (2nd rasi). . Tirukoittanam inpired. scription (Ibid., p. 36). .. 21et regnal year ex. Kumpam (11th Tirukkakkara inscrippired. rasi). tion (Ibid., p. 41). 31st regnal year ex. Dhanu (9th rasi) ..! Do. (Ibid., p. 43). pired. 586-6 3686 Makaram 595 3696 Vrschikam Thus there can be no doubt as to the dates of P&rkara Iravi Varmar. That two inscridtions, baving only two dates, each suitable to the given Astronomical positions during a period of fourteen centuries, should have one date each to fall in the same century by chance, is quite unthinkable. That these dates should chance to be such as to reconcile nine dates of Perkara Iravi, given in inscriptions with the positions of Jupiter, as being the dates of two kings who ruled one after the other, is still more inconceivable. Tiruvalla Temple Plates.-There is another set of copper plates belonging to the temple at Tiruvalla now preserved in the Trivandrum Museum. They have heen rooently published in the Travancore Archeological Series, Vol. II, part 3, under the name of the Huzur Treasury plates. Gopinatha Rao says that these plates are of the time of Parkara Travi on the grond that the king Manukulatichohan is mentioned as a donor both in these plates and in an inscription of the time of Parkara Iravi. There is one more piece of presuraptive evidence supporting this opinion. The king of Venpoli Natu mentioned in these plates is Iravi Chiri Kantan and Kotai Chiri Kantan, king of Venpoli Natu, is mentioned in the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi Varmar. The name of the king is the same in both the inscriptions. The full name is different. This king being a Marumakkattayi, Kotai and Iravi are the names of maternal uncles. Perhaps he might bave some times oalled himself Kotai Chiri Kantan and some times Iravi Chiri Kantan. In these plates Oertain Astronomical positions are given. The day of Visaka (18th asteriem) porresponding to Wednesday in the solar month Malmrom when Jupiter stood in Tulam. 6th Makaram, Kali 8669, suits the above requiremente According to the above reconciliation table, Kali 3650 or 3624 is the date of the Cochin plates. Though it is quite possible to find a day in every century for which the above date is correct, it is noteworthy that a day so close to the Cochin plates is found. We have already proved that Vira Raghava was earlier than Parkara Iravi Varmar who is now shown to be of the sixth century. There is only one date prior to the sixth century fulfilling the Astronomical requirements of our plate, 6th March, 230 A.D. This, therefore, must be the date of the plate under disonasion. 14 The year to given thus 2 plus 6 plus 36 = 43. I take 2 plus 8 to be the regnal year and 48 the age. He therefore moended the throne in his 35th year. This agsumption agrees with the other inscriptioca,

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1924 III. Linguistic Evidence. Alleged evidence against an early date.-The linguistio question has never been touched by any one except the late. Mr. V. Venkayya, Epigraphist for India, and that very meagrely. To quote him fully: "The language of the inscription is Tamil prose mixed with a few Malayalam forms, of which the following deserve to be noticed: irunnarula (a, 5) (for iruntarula), alannu (112) (for alantu), pavata (19) (for Pavatai), Kuta (1-10) atima (111) para, nira, (112) Sarkara, enna ita and ullata (1*14) ita (116) and vise shal (116) (for viseshat). Koyilakam (15) would in modern Tamil mean the inside of a temple. In ancient Tamil inscriptions of the time of Rajaraja I, the word koyil alone is used in the sense of a royal palace. In the present inscription koyilakam means a royal palace as in modern Malayalam. Of the words mentioned above, pavatai, kutai, parai occur also in the Cochin plates. The fact that they are there spelt exactly as in Tamil, and that in the subjoined grant they are spelt as in modern Malayalam, suggests that the Kottayam plate is later than the Cochin grant. The form ullala (114) occurs in the former, while irukkumatu and perumatu occur in the latter. This again points to the same conclusion." (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, 1896-7, p. 292.) Mr. Venkayya, it is evident, did not enquire when the forms he refers to came into use in Malabar, nor did he carefully compare, the Cochin plates and the plate in question, though he professes to have done so. We must compare the document in question with the ancient writings of Keralam. Malayalam was once called the Tamil of the Malanatu. The difference between this Tamil and that of the other parts grew greater, and greater, till in course of time they became two different languages. The priority, therefore, of one inscription to another should be decided by its resemblance to Tamil. The language of the country from Quilon southward is even now very different from that of the north, the former being considerably influenced by Tamil. That the difference was very much greater in former days is a point on which there can be no doubt. It is, therefore, of no use to compare the ancient writings of Quilon and the south with the document under consideration. Unfortunately we find no dated inscription prior to the seventeenth century in Cranganore and the adja. cent places, which were the real Malayalam area in days of old, but we have a certain literary work of the fourteenth century which will be considered later on. For the present we must confine ourselves to inscriptions, of which we have a few in Middle Travancore. The language of Middle Travancore is even now different from that of the northern regions like Cranganore, although ever since the sovereign of Travancore, whose dominion was formerly bounded on the north by Itava, south of Quilon, extended it to Cranganore and Parur, the language of the north and the south has been undergoing a levelling operation, while the press and the facilities of communication are now levelling the language further still throughout Keralam. In former days when these elements were absent, the Malayalam of Middle Travancore and that of the northern parts must have been very different. Anyhow as we have only Middle Travancore inscriptions available, let us compare with them the document in question. The following are the dated and datable inscriptions available from Kantiyar northward: the Kantiyar inscription of A.D. 1218 (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. 1, p. 290), and of 946 A.D. (Ibid., p. 292), the Kaviyur inscription of 951 A.D. (Ibid., p. 288), and of 950 A.D. (Ibid., p. 289), the Muvatattumatham copper plate of Tanu Iravi, ninth century (Ibid., Vol. II, p. 85), the Rajsekhara copper plate in possession of Muvatattumatham,16 16 This plate does not belong to Talamana Illam, Changanacherry, as stated by Gopinatha Rao, but to Muvatattumatham, Tiruvalla.

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OCTOBER, 1924) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 226 Tiruvalla. (Ibid., Vol. II, p. 13), the copper plates in possession of the Jews of Cochin granted by Parkara Iravi Varmar at Cranganore commonly known as the Cochin 16 plates (Indian Antiquary, Vol. III, p. 334), the Tirunelli plates of Parkara Travi Varmar (Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, p. 290), the stone inscriptions of Parkara Travi Varmar (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 31-51), and the Huzur Treasury plates of the time of Parkara Iravi belonging to the temple of Tiruvalla (Ibid., Vol. II, Part III, pp. 173-207). Of all the inscriptions mentioned above the Rajasekhara inscription,17 is pure Tamil. It nust be the oldest. The date assigned to it by the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao is the eighth century A.D., but I cannot find my way to accept his conclusion. Later on we shall discuss the date of Rajasekhara. We will now take into consideration the Malayalam forms which Mr. Venkayya points out from the dooument in question. (a) Irunnarula, Alannu.-Tamil forms are Iruntarula and alantu, Malayalam nn is nt in Tamil: nn has taken the place of nt twice in this document. Let us enquire when the form nn instead of nt came into use in Malabar. The Kantiyur (southern part of middle Travancore almost close to the Tamil area) inscription of 1218 A.D. uses nn instead of nt five times-viz., kovinnan four times and chennan once. In the tenth century inscription of Tiruvanvantur (Middle Travancore) we find kovinnan instead of kovintan (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 23). The Tiruvalla (Middle Travancore) inscription of the ninth century uses chennan instead of chentan twice. Inscriptions of the time of Parkara Iravi Varmar, who has been shown to be of the sixth century, use the Malayalam form nn; vanniruntu (Ibid., Vol. II, p. 44), kovinnan (Ibid., pp. 39, 47, 49), chennan (Ibid., pp. 43, 49), Vannu (Ibid., p. 47). In the Tiruvalla temple plates of the time of Parkara Iravi, we find irunnaruli, kagiyirunnu, el unnaruli, vannu, vdinnu, pakarnna, unarnna, chennan and kovinnan several times. We find from these plates that even in Tiruvalla Middle Travancore, nn began to take the place of nt during the sixth oentury. This change must have taken place in the north like Cranganore much before the sixth century. Yet the use of an instead of nt is enough for Mr. Venkayya to jump to the conolusion that the document in question was of the fourteenth century. (6) The next Malayalam form which Mr. Venkayya points out is the following Pavata, kuta, atima, para, nira, sarkkara, enna, ita. In all these words a is used instead of ai, the Tamil form. But this document does not invariably use a instead of ai. It uses ai also, e.g., mural and makotaiyar. Here again Mr. Venkayya did not enquire when this Malayalam form of a instead of ai came into use in Malabar. In the Kayiyar inscription of 950 A.D., we find the form a instead of ai, e.g., amachchan instead of amaitian or amaichchan. We find a instead of ai (irupattanchu instead of irupattainchu or irupattaintu) in an inscription of Tiruvitaikkotu (a few miles south of Trivandrum where even now Malayalam mixed with Tamil is spoken) dated 871 A.D. (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 14). In the Tirukotittsnam inscription of the time of Parkara Iravi (sixth century) Nos. 1 and 3, we find the forms naurutandtu and nanrulainatu (both a and ai). Again in the Perunna insoriptions (sixth century) we have nanrula-natu and nanrule-ndtu (instead of nanrulai nagu and tapa18 (instead of tapai) (T. A. S., II, pp. 34, 44). In the Tikotittanam inscription No. 4 we read mume instead of munnai (Ibid., p. 4). Though this form began to be used at so early a period, the other form was also in use till the seventeenth century in inscriptions. (See the Parur inscription of 1624 A.D., Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 300.) 10 It is now with Mr. N. E. Roby, Jew Town, Cochin. 17 In this document is mentioned, as a current coin, a Roman coin which was suppressed in the Roman Empire under Constantius II, 860 A.D. (vids Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. XVII, pp. 662, 663). 18 The reading given in the T. A. S. is tapai. But it is clearly an oversight. Tapa not tapai is quite legible in the facsimile.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1924 (c) Mr. Vonkayya points out the word ullata instead of ullatu as a distinotly Malayalam word, but in that tongue both the forms ulata and ulatu are used. Whether it is written ullata or u!!atu pronunciation is the same. The last vowel is pronounood somewhat between a and u. I wonder whether Mr. Venkayya took note of the fact that the form a instead of is used only once in this document, whereas the latter form is used sixteen times-antu, chakravarttik ku, ndyaru, irupattonru, pattinattu, chetti cku iravik korttan ukku (twice), alannu, uppinatu, sarkkarayotu, kasturiotu, vilakkennayotu, kopurattotu, kaiyeluttu. In the Mampalli plate of Quilon dated Kollam 149, i.e., 973 A.D.,. cheytha is used instead of cheythu (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 236). The noxt Malayalam word pointed out is ita. The word itai is used in the Kaviyur (Middle Travancore) inscription of 951 A.D. Mr. Venkayya here does not refer to the form of a instead of ai which is already referred to. The next word pointed out is wideshal. The Malayalam form is tho affix al. The affix al (avirotattal) is used in the Tiruvalla inscription of the ninth century and the Kantiyur inscription of the tenth century. Again this affix al (Aiyyanatikatiruvatiyal) is used in the Kottayam plates of the ninth century written at Quilon. (d) Then Mr. Venkayy& points out koyilakam He says: "The word koyil alone is used in the sense of a royal palace. In the present inscription koyilakam means a royal palace as in modern Malayalam." It is pardonable that he should make such a mistake regarding a Malayalam word. In Malayalam too K6yil19 means palace or temple though not very much in use, and koyila kam means inside of a palace or temple. The full expression is perumkoyilakattirunnarula (sitting in the great palace). If we take away akam it would be perumkoyilirunnarula which has no meaning whatever. The following Malayalam forms in addition to those already noted are found in the inscriptions of the time of Parkara Iravi: Nu instead of pukkun mapdritattinu, tiruvamiritinu, tiruvakkirattinu, viluvipu, marronrinu, nattinu, ponninu, pallittanattinu, tiruvalakinu, 'amiritinu (T. A. S., Vol. II, pp. 36, 39, 43, 44, 47, 49) Nukku form also is used. na for me. Parutanni, mannalam, vdrint, marainattu, tenna, chinnam (Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 36, 43, 44, 47, 49). Ari for arichi. (Ibid., p. 47.) Again in the Tiruvalla temple plates of the time of Parkara Iravi we find the following Malayalam forms: rin formal. Teina, tuganni, palannari, kulansara, nannaiyar, annati, tannal, mannalam. Mk also is used. Thus we find a large number of Malayalam forms in the sixth century inscriptions of middle Travancore, and we find them even in so far south a place as Tiruvitaikotu during the ninth century. But we do not find a single Malayalam form in the Rajasekara inscription which is the only writing of Keralam available free from Malayalam forms. The Rajasekhara inscription, therefore, is the most ancient record yet found in Keralam. Evidence in support of an early date. Having shown the error in the argument brought forward by Mr. Venkayya, it remains to be considered whether we can form any idea as to date of our copper plate on a linguistic basis. (1) There is a book on the Malayalam language known as the Lilatilakam which is written in Sanskrit. It has been translated and published in Malayalam. The latter part of the fourteenth century is the date indisputably assigned to it. I translate a portion from this work. "What do you find in Malayalam poetry (mani pravdla) whether old or new? Is it vantan, iruntan? Is it not vanndn irunnan ? Is it themka, mamlon, kafichi, panchi ? Is it not tenna, manna, kaini, pann? Is it ydn, yanai? Is it not nan, dna? Is it atinai, itinai, avarrai, ivarrai? Is it not atine, 10 Koyilklal poyi means to the place or templo.

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OCTOBER, 1924 ] KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 227 itine, avarre, ivarre? Is it kalutai, kutirai ? Is it not kalula, kutira ? Is it utaival, itai. yan? Is it not utaval, itayan? Is it ninnai, ennai? Is it not ninne, enne? Is it anamkan, keutumam, mukam, chantiran as the Tamilians would have it? Is it not anamgan, kusumam, mukham, chandran? In short, in poetry we do not find the slightest Tamil forms." (Lilatilakam translated into Malayalam by Arrur Krishna Pisharati, p. 11.) While speaking about oertain songs, Lilatilakam says: "In almost all these songs we see Tamilised Malayalam, on account of its intercourse with Tamil. That is why we see, asanta, vifanta instead of alanna, vilanna." (Ibid., p. 17.) From this we learn that during the latter part of the fourteenth century Malayalam poetry was free from Tamil forms. The use of nn for nt and a for ai, eto., which we have discussed in connection with the copper plate in question were the standard forms of expression during the time of the Lalatilakam, i.e., the latter part of the fourteenth century. "The high caste people," the Lilatilakam goes on, "pronounce upava. sam, sarasan, diksha, daivam, samku, puja just as in Sanskrit." (Ibid., p. 70.) But we should bear in mind that in Vatteluttu there are no characters to write these words correctly. Therefore in pure Vatteluttu inscriptions we see these words in a Tamil form. That does not go to prove that that was the accepted pronunciation in those days. Let me transliterate here certain pieces of Malayalam prose quoted by the Lalatilakam. "Virinna keavilappu pola yum marinna kayal polayum talarnna mantan polayum kurna ul polayum 86 hkunna lochamam." "Udydnattil chutalata polayum chutalatayil pamtottu polayum pamtottil vangincharttu polayum vantincharttil maragili polayum ivvulsavattilall varajatyesha." (Ibid., p. 701) These are just like the modern Malayalam and the Lilatilakam during the last half of the fourteenth century quoted these passages from some Malayalam book. We, therefore, may safely infer that the portions quoted above were the Malayalam of the thirteenth century. (2) Lot me now quote an inscription of the thirteenth century. Tiruvallam inscription of Ko. 4 A.D. 1237. Suasti and Kollam 412 amantai tta (nu) viyalam makara ndyiru nyiru irduati inndjai tiruvallattu srimuka mantapattil irunnu cheyitta cheyi kafuolaik laranamamitu. Matattu chakki Tiurintiso tiruvallattu. Tinkafamdvdtial torum chellumaru kalpichcha chelavu tiruskannappamum matavan tiruvatiklum tiruvamirtimari, .............. nama. sledram.................. ..........m um porkkampari venichapam ulpata ari........ yum arduikkunnampiklou..........ne... tinkal uvdvin-torum chellumdru kalpichchari. (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 297.). Tiruvallam, four miles south of Trivandrum, is a place where even now Malayalam mixed with Tamil is spoken, and the above is a sample of the thirteenth century language of Tiruvallam. There is very little Tamil in it. There must be a world of difference between the thirteenth century language of Tiruvallam and Cranganore. Compare the specimens of the Malayalam prose quoted above from the Lilatila kam and the Tiruvallam inscription, both of the thirteenth oentury, with the language of our copper plate and there is no gainsaying the fact that there is a great deal of difference between the language in them and in Vira Raghava's plate. When we consider this difference, bearing in mind that one of the specimens is from a place where even now a mixture of Tamil and Malayalam is the language, we cannot help concluding that the copper plate is many Oenturies prior to the thirteenth. (3) Now let us turn to some of the particular forms found in the document under discussion. This document uses the word ulla twice (Itayil Ullata, Chantiratittiya.kalulla). In the Parkara Iravi plates also we find w!!a not olla. In the Tiruvalla temple plates of the 30 Mafattu chakki Tiruvanfi is the name of a person. 31 Timkalamdoda is tinkalamdudes. 31 Tivarumirtinnari is the reading which is evidently viruvamirtinpari.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 'OCTOBER, 1924 time of Parkara Iravi we find both usa and o!la several times. In the Mampalli plato which was written at Quilon in the year 973 A.D. we find the form olla thrice, ulla never. (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 236.) In the Kantiyar inscription of 946 A.D. we find the word ollatu twice. In the Tanu Iravi copper plates which were written in the ninth century at Quilon, the word olla is used four times, ulla is never used. In the Tiruvallam inscription of 1143 A.D., the Kanamkara inscription of 1196. the Tiruvattaru inscription of 1222, the Keralapuram inscription of 1316, the Chittaral inscription of 1373, we find the form olla invariably. (Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore by P. Sundaram Pillai, pp. 66, 70, 74; Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, pp. 296, 298). In Tamil the term is ulla not alla. Olla is properly the Malayalam form. In modern Malayalam both forms are need, due to a tendency to bring back the words to their original form. We should bear in mind that Tiruvallam, Kunamkarai, Tiruvattaru, Keralapuram and Chittaral are south of Trivandrum and are places where even now Malayalam mixed with Tamil is spoken. In such places also we find the form olla not ulla during the twelfth, thirteenth end fourteenth centuries. The distinct Malayalam form, converting u into o, came into use in 80 far south a place as Quilon oven during the ninth century, and must have come into use in Cranganore and the adjacent places much before. But in the Vira Raghava copper plate we find only the Tamil form Ulla. (4) Another point to be noted is the use of the word kufuttom. The document under consideration uses the form kututtom nine times but never kotuttom. Rajasekhara uses kufukka three times, kotukka never. The ninth century document of Tiruvalla Middle Travancore 1808 kutukka twice. The Quilon inscription (Tanu Iravi copper plates) of the ninth century uses kutukka ten times and kotukka once. Mampalli plate of Quilon dated Ko. 149, i.e., 973 A.D., uses kotukka and kufukka (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 236). We find the form kotukka thrice and kufukka never in the Kaviyur (Middle Travancore) inscription of 951 A.D. The Kunamkara inscription of A.D. 1196 and the Keralapuram inscription of 1316 use the form kotukka (Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore, pp. 70, 74). Kunamkara and Keralapuram are south of Trivandrum. From the eleventh century forward we find the form kotukka invariably. The form kotukka came into use even in such a southern part as Quilon during the ninth century and must have taken the place of kutukka in such a northern part as Cranganore much before the ninth century. We find the forms Kututtan and kotuttan in the Tiruvalla temple plates of the time of Parkara Iravi. Kucukka is not at all a Malayalam form, and in modern Tamil it is the colloquial form. Mahamahopadhyaya Swaminatha Iyer of Madras, who is a recognised authority on ancient Tamil literature, assured me that the form kutukka is invariably found in the ancient Tamil manuscripts, but some other Tamil scholars whom I consulted called this in question. I therefore made a research on this point; and avoided manuscripts as not of great use, for copyists are apt to make corrections according to their ideas of spelling. I, therefore, read a great number of stone and lithio inscriptions in Tamil, many of which do not contain the forms kutulka or kotukka. I found the form leufukka in eighty-one Tamil inscriptions invariably, some of them use the word several times. (Vide Some Early Sovereigns of Travancore, p. 65. Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 5.9, No. 2, p. 2, No. 3, p. 5, No. 6, pp. 101, 104, 151, 152, No. 8, p. 169, No. 12, p. 189, No. 14, pp. 239, 245, 248, 249, No. 15, pp. 252, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 263, 264, 267, 269, 272, 276, 279. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, Part I, pp. 2, 15, 21, 43, 53, 89, 78, 85; 91, 105, 113, Ibid., Part III, pp. 249, 251, 254, 261, 306, 386, Ibid., Vol. III; Part I, pp. 12, 13, 18, 19, 23, 25, 30, 33, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 50, 55, 61, 66, 72, 76, 78, 80, 83, 87, 88, 91, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 105, 108, 109, 112, 116.

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OCTOBER, 1924) BOOK-NOTICES 229 I find only three pure Tamil inscriptions in which the form kogukka is used. One Tanjore inscription dated S. 1368, i.e., A.D. 1446-47, and the Kasukuti plates of Nandivarman Pal. lavamalla (eighth century) use the form kotukka once each (South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, Part III, pp. 339, 352). Wo find it again in the Tirukurralam plates of Pantya Kulasekhara. dova Dikshitar S. 1670, i.e., A.D. 1753 (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, No. VI, p. 150). In fact we find the form kutukka twice and kogukka once in this record. From all this we understand that kutukka was the recognised Tamil form till very lately, but we do not find the form kutukka in any inscription of the Malabar Coast later than the tenth century. The form kotukka, as is already shown, came into use in Tiruvalla (Middle Travancore) during the time of Parkara Iravi (sixth century) and even in such a southern part as Quilon during the ninth century. It must have come into use in Cranganore very much earlier. We find in our copper plate the form kutukka not once or twice but nine times. The above named pieces of linguistic evidence make it abundantly clear that the docu. ment under discussion is a very ancient one and that Mr. Venkayya was far wrong in ascribing it to the fourteenth century. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. THE SUBJECT-INDEX TO PERIODICALS, 1920 and gives his reasons for asserting that it was Issued by the Library Association. I. Lan. roally & record of Queen Sundara Mahadevi's time. guage and Literature, Pt. I. Classical, Oriental No. 35, the Ambagamuva Rock-inscription of and Primitive. Agents: Messrs. Grafton & Co., Vijaya.Bahu I (1058-1114 A.D.). Here again Mr. 7-8, Coptic Street, W.c. 1; London, 1923. H. C. P. Bell comes to the fore. This inscription In this publication, very valuable to scholars, of this great monarch is gone into at length and we have 639 entries obtained from the examina. "the principal events of Vijaya-bahu's career" tion of 100 periodicals. Judging from the refer- are fixed after consideration also of the literature ences to this Journal, the sociation editors have on the subject. done their work admirably, and I have no hebi. No. 36, the Polonnaruva Slab-inscription of tation in recommending it to all Indian scholars SAhasa-Malla is of great importance as "the car. desirous of knowing where to find what contem. liest yet come to light" with a definite date in poraries are doing in their own line of study. the Bauddha Era : dated." Wednesday, 1743 R. C. TEMPLE. years, 3 months and 27 days of the Buddha varsa," most probably Wednesday, 23rd August 1200 A.D., EPIGRAPHIA ZIYLANICA, Vol. II, Pt. 8. Edited thus fixing the initial at 544 3. C. On this as. by Don Martino de Z. Wickremasinghe. Govt. sumption much important history can be built up. of Ceylon: Humphrey Milford, Oxford Univer. No. 38, the Polonnaruva Anaulundaya Slabsity Press, London, Inscription (Reg. No. 1) is of great interest, for This part contains six inscriptions, some of them it refers, as Dr. L. D. Barnett has assisted in point. of much interest and value. It is admirably ing out, to the Kanarese "guild of merchants edited with fine plates, in the style inaugurated called Vira-Bananiju or Vira-Valanjiyar," and by the late Dr. J.-F. Fleet for his Indian inscrip- thus in showing that they extended their trade tions. to Ceylon in the twelfth century A.D. No. 34, the Dimbulagala Mar&-vidiyo Inscrip- No. 39, the Polonnaruva Pot-Gul Vehara Intion is a new edition based on fresh material scription, very difficult of accone, the Editor thinks brought by Mr. H. C. P. Bell. Don M. Wickre- belong to Lilavati, the widow of Parakkama. masinghe points out that it "belongs to Queen bahu between 1197.1200 A.D. Sundara-mahadevi and not to the reign of Jaya R. C. TEMPLE. bahu as Mr. Bell contends, for the simple reasons that Jaya-bAhu was no longer living when the THE LIBRARY SYSTEM OF THE BABODA STATE. inscription was indited." The Editor then na By NEWTON M. DUTT, Curator of Libraries, turally proceeds to discuss "the anomaly of dating Baroda State. 3rd edition, Baroda, 1924. from the coronation of a deceased king, the first This little pamphlet of 45 pages relates the story of its kind yet known in Sinhaless chronology," of a remarkable achievement, es "H. H. the

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1994 Maharaja Gaekwar is the first ruler in India to the first importance to his line. Bit by bit, in introduce free and compulsory primary education" the course of reign of 30 years or moro, 985 to and the first to establish free state-aided libraries c. 1015 A.D., Raja Raja enlarged his dominion throughout his dominions." The Library depart. till its northern boundary was "the Tungabhament was established in 1911. dra till it joins the Krishna, and took into it terThe next interesting part of the scheme is the ritory along an irregular frontier proceeding north. establishment of organized travelling libraries, wards from somewhere near Karnal to the fron. by which "all libraries coming under the scheme tiers of Orissa." From this frontier his son Raare entirely free to all persons, young and old, jendra started on his long career of conquest, rich and poor, of every casto and creed." The having been associated with his predecessor na heirCentral Library contains about 100,000 volumes, apparent, and having "actually done, the work 20,000 of them from the Maharaja's own private of conquest for his father." Library and about 20,000 more volumes in the So when he started on his own account he was "travelling library section." It contains also no novice at the work. His first efforts brought the largest circulating library in India, the cir. him into touch with the Western Chalukya, whose culation in 1923 being about 97,000 volumes, ruler Jayasimha he defeated, having apparently exclusive of 8,000 volumes circulated in Baroda boon in Ceylon and Malabar in the interval. All City from the travelling library. There is also this takes us to his tenth year. In his twelfth a Children's Library which lent over 4,000 volumes year conquests are claimed for him up to the Gan. in 1923, and further, a valuable thing in India, ges and across the Bay of Bengal. By his thir. & Mahila (Ladies') Branch Library. A separate toonth year a number of places are mentioned Sanskrit Library, a collection of rare MSS. and as having fallen to him, and among other rulers The Gaekwad's Oriental Series for publishing them he captured Indraratha at Jatinagara and defeated complete, an institution which is more than a Dharmapala of Dandabhukti, Ranasura of Dak credit to its originator and the Baroda Stato. shina Lada, Govindachandra of Bengal and The account of the establishment of District Ottamayipala of Uttara Lada, and thus reached and Village Libraries is very interesting and the the Ganges. About this time he sent a fleet of facta "that 598 libraries and 91 reading rooms ships "into the middle of the Oooan against San have been established in villages," and that "39 grama Vijayottunga Varma, King of Kadaram of the more ambitious villages have even erected and captured him. He took, across the seas, library buildings," speak volumes for the progress Sri Vijaya, and many other places in the Malay of education in a Native State in India. Peninsula and Sumatra. Professor Krishnaswami R. C. TEMPRE. Bote about identifying these personages and places with conspicuous knowledge. RAJENDRA, THE GANGAIKONDA CHOLA. By S. By his first campaign Rajendra "had secured KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, PH.D. Oxford Uni his position both in the South, in his roar," and versity Press. " along a somewhat irregular frontier extending In this pamphlet, reprinted from the Journal from the region of Central India to Dharwar in of Indian History, Vol. II, Part III, September, the south of the Bombay Presidency." He then 1923, we have another of Professor Krishnaswami set to work to conquer Kalingam and territories Aivangar's illuminating studies in the history across the Bay of Bengal. His capture of "In. of the Tamils. Rajendra Chola, who reigned draratha of the dynasty of the moon," and of from 1011 to c. 1042 A.D., was one of the great the great the places mentioned in connection with that Chola sovereigns and succeeded his father Raja monarch took Rajendra Chola to the modern Raja, another great sovereign, as an independent Central India and beyond Orissa. The Professo monarch, about 1015 A.D. He did great things then shows that the two Ladas represent the two for his dynasty and received, among other titles, divisions of Radha in Bengal; that is, Dakshina that of the Gangaikonda Chola, the Chola that Lada wa Midnapur and Uttara Lada wa Bartook the Ganges. What his exploita were and shwan. Next the Professor makes the importhow he came by this titlo is the task that Profesant identification of Dandabhukti with Bihar, sor Krishnaswami Aiyangar has set himself to set himself to the conquest of which brought Rajendra to the unearth from inscriptions and literature, per wo por Ganges itself. forming it with the skill and knowledge that we having secured his route to the sea by the con. are now accustomed to expect from him. The quest of Orissa and part of Lower Bengal, R&task is an important one for the student of South jendra Chola launched his expedition Overseas Indian history. from Palur near Gopalpar, as above said, against The Professor sets out by showing that the Sangrama Vijayottunga Varman of Kadaram, marriago by Raja Raja of his daughter Kundsvvai which the Professor identifies with the River to the Eastern Chalukya, Vimaladitya, was of "Katres on the North Coast of Sumatra " i.e.,

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BOOK-NOTICES. OCTOBER, 1924 ] Kerti, near Achin: Srt Vijaya he identifies with Palembang to the South-West of the Island. And finally he shows that the expedition against Kadaram was undertaken because the expansion of the Palembang State brought it into hostility with the overseas possession of the Cholas. These possessions seem to have been retained by them, until some time in the reign of another great Chola monarch, Kulottunga. Incidentally, in the course of his illuminating remarks on these expeditions, Prof. Krishnaswami Aiyangar identifies many old names, including Manakkavaram with the Nicobar Islands. Such is a summary of the Professor's researches into the military proceedings of Rajendra Chola, but it will repay scholars to read carefully how he arrives at his conclusions. Incidentally his remarks show that some of the medieval Indian rulers led anything but quiet lives. Rajendra had many titles. Among them was that of Mudikonda Chola, the Chola who took crown-jewels, still perpetuated in many placenames. So is that of Gangaikonda Chola, already explained. He had also a third well-known title, Pandita Chola, the Chola who was the patron of learning. The last two appellations have a bearing on his character as an administrator. He cleverly used the Ganges water collected in his Northern conquests in establishing a magnificent irrigation tank, round which people were induced to settle because of the sacred water he had poured into it He also caused an educational institution to be established for the acquisition of religious knowledge with fourteen professors attached to it, who had definite salaries provided from a settled fund. There were other foundations of a like nature in his reign. This care for education was carried on through the eleventh century A.D. by Rajendra's successors, Rajadhiraja and Vira Rajendra. The first founded a similar theological college and the latter another of the same kind, attached to which was a hostel for students and a hospital of fifteen beds, one surgeon, two men servants, two female nurses and a ward servant. All this is gleaned from inscriptions, which thus show their value if read with intelligence. 231 together, is being utilised to invaluable historical purpose. R. C. TEMPLE. JOURNAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Vol. III, Pt. I. December 1923. Longmans, Green & Co., Calcutta. This issue contains, as usual, some important articles, worth the attention of all Indian scholars. It commences with "Documents of the Seventeenth Century, British India, in the Public Record Office, Chancery Lane." This is unquestion. ably a very valuable piece of work on a difficult subject-difficult because of the arrangement of Papers relating to the East Indies in the Public Record Office. The searcher, without this article to his hand, would have to search first in the Colonial Series-East Indies, in the Domestic State Papers, and in the State Papers-Foreign; and even then he would have to know what he was about in a way open to few. This means that the Public Record Office is largely shut to the searcher for information about India; experto crede. But there is a great deal useful to him in that Office nevertheless. Professor Krishnaswami Aiyangar has thus once again proved that Indian scholars are taking the vast collection of epigraphic remains of their country into serious consideration, and are gradually building up the history of the mediaval rulers, to show the present and coming generations what manner of men they were and what they looked on as works worthy to be done for their country. In this way the labours of many scholars over a long period, in making available to the, student what is otherwise a mass of uninteresting and unintelligible forgotten names collected The paper before us, however, goes deeply into the question. It tells us all about the "Colonial Office Records, East Indies, now C. O. 77," the Colonial Entry-Books, the State Papers, Domestic, as they relate to India, State Papers, Foreign, of the same nature, and about a large collection of State Papers, Miscellaneous (Domestic and Foreign). Then there are Records of Parliament and Council (Privy Council, Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, i.e., Oliver Cromwell), the Legal Records (Chancery Proceedings, with a very va. luable list of defendants when the East India Company was plaintiff): Admiralty Court Records and Navy Board Records, Exchequer (K.R.)Port Books, Board of Customs and Excise, Treasury Records including Accounts (Declared Accounts, Audit Office). Finally there is an Appendix giving a list of the published Calendars of Records and Uncalendared Intervals. It would be hard to find a more important compendium for scholars and searchers. The next paper is a continuation of the important "Place-Names in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, by Mr. Paul Whalley, late of the B. C. S." This is followed by an interesting correspondence on the "Stone Elephant at, Ajmere [sic]" between Mr. H. Beveridge and Prof. P. B. Joshi, and an even more interesting paper on Indian Education in the Seventh Century A.D., being I-tsing's account in 672-688 A.D., by Prof. R. K. Mookerji. Then Sayyad Iftikhar Husain Saheb gives the story of Haji Sayyad Shah Waris Ali of Dewa, near Bara Banki. He was a Husaini Sayyad, born in or about 1819, and influenced "the religious conceptions and ideals of an incredibly large

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1924 number of human beings." He was by birth, of the universe is based on love. It may, there. as it were, a Sufi Saint. "It was an ancient fore, be set down that the deeper a man's love of practice among the Sufis to seek annihilation in God, the greater is his spiritual knowledge in proone of the Divine attributes which coloured the portion." Here we have the teaching of Haji whole of wheir existence and became its predomi. Waris 'Ali. In this doctrine he became "effaced nant feature. The attributo in question involves from sell," even to the point of becoming "effaced the annihilation of self and the true recognition from offacemont"-the old Indian Hindu doc. of the everlasting nature of the Deity." The trine of reaching to Nothing, to the Nothing that attribute concerned with Haji Waris 'Ali was the exists as a reality. On his path of progress Haji name Waris, "one of the ninety-nine names of Waris 'Ali passed through the several stages of God ( used in the Koran) and indicating that spiritual progression till he reached tawakkul after everything else has perished, He alone will complete dependence on God and taslimu-raza, survivo." Here we have the key to this Saint's resignation to his will. life. Unfortunately he disliked long discourses and He was initiated into Sufism by his brother has left no systematic teaching behind him: only in-law, Haji Sayyad Khadim 'Ali Shah of Luck. certain precepts and not many of them. His now, to whose mantle he succeeded at eleven years teaching, however, illustrated certain Sufi doc. of age, and by the age of fourteen he had a number trines: "God alone has a real existence ; every.' of disciples. At fifteen he started for Mecca, thing else is 'non ons,'" and "the seat of God is and quite in his youth he became a Darvesh. He not Heaven: you should look for him among then travelled for twelve years all over Western yourselves," reversing thus the doctrine, "All is Asia, and in Europe to Turkey, Russia and Ger. God" by making it, "God is all." The Haji many, but there is no record of the journeys. In had his own way of publicly admitting applicants Europe he is said to have been received by the to the Order-admitting all alike, men and women Sultan 'Abdu'l-Majid at Constantinople and by of every shade of thought and of every religion, Bismarck in Berlin. Altogether he made seven with a different formula for different faiths, and he pilgrimages to Mecca and wandered always, re. encouraged non-Muslims to follow their own faith turning to Dowa permanently only in 1899, when " with greater zeal and sincerity." 80 years of age-& celibate ascetic all his life, which His disciples were in two classes--those who lasted till 1905. embraced the ascetic life and those who did not, There are many tales and doubtless some legends while adopting his doctrine. Of the last class told of this remarkable Sufi Saint of our own time, there were very many, even from distant parte but the interest in his biographer's account of of Europe. He was, like all Sufis, practically him lies in the Sufism exhibited by Haji Waris 'Ali. To describe this, he enters into & very brief accused of heterodoxy, & charge largely based on his acceptance of all religions into his fold. history of the Sufis which is worth reading for the At the same time, miraculous actions are novelty of the views expressed. He apparently attributed to him. By his own wish he had denies their want of orthodoxy, and then he goes on: "Sufism is really & practical philosophy with an no successor. ethical side. In order to obtain a real insight The great pity of the life of this great man into it, it is essential to go through certain oxer is that he loft no real "Word " behind him, but cises and observances. Hence the need for & we are told that "an oxcellent treatise explaining spiritual preceptor or Shaikh' as the Sufis call his mystio doctrine has been published by an old him." Here the writer give us a remarkable disciple (9 in Urdu), Mirza Ibrahim Beg Shaida footnote : "The word (Shaikh) should not be of Lucknow, under the title of Minhaju'l Ishqia mixed up with the popular caste-name"-Another Irshadat Warisiya." Now, the reason I have instance of the power of the Hindu idea of casto dealt with this article at length is that it is very in India. The biographer then describes the fall important for English and European studenta of the Shaikhs from their original high moral po. to have an authoritative scoount of modern Su. sition, till they "trade on the credulity of the fism before them, and I much hope that a correct popular mind and offer to give you a passport to translation of the treatise will be forthcoming. Heaven if you can pledge your faith to them!" The issue winds up with one of Mr. W. H. More But all this does not create a bad system, and it land's excellent accounts of early European trado is contended that in Haji Waris 'Ali one finds In India--this time on the operations of the Dutch a man "who knows God as he ought to be known." | East India Company, from the W. Geleynssen Of the three great Sufi schools in India-thede Jongh Collection in the Public Record Office Qadiriya, the Chishtiya, and Naqshbandiya, Haji at the Hague. This collection throws invaluable Waris 'Ali belonged to the first two. "The key. "sidelights on life in Agra, 1637-39," and Mr. note of his system was Divine and Universal Love." Moreland's method has further illuminated it. Again: "The Sufis claim that the eternal order R. C TEMPLE,

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e (924 ] THE INDIAN ALPHABET 233 * THE INDIAN ALPHABET. BY H. C. RAY, M.A. The origin of the Indian Alphabet is one of the few problems of Ancient Indian civilization that still awaits solution. The absence of any clear proof that India had direct intercourse with the borders of Palestine in the seventh or eighth century B.C., as pointed out by the late Prof. Rhys Davids, vitiates the generally accepted theory of Buhler that Indian Script was derived from the alphabet of the Northern Semites in the sixth or the seventh century B.C. It was with great interest, therefore, that we read an article on this subject by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, which was written in 1919 and published in three separate places at three different times. (Calcutta Review, January 1920, pp. 21-39; Proceedings and Transactions of the First Oriental Conference, Vol. II, 1922, pp. 305-318; Sir Asutosh Mookerjee's Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Part I, pp. 494-514.) This article tends further to discredit the Semitic theory of origin, for Prof. Bhandarkar has adduced numerous facts from Vedic Literature to show that not only the system of numerical notation, but also the art of writing letters, was known to the Indians at least as early 48 1200 B.O., the latest date assigned to the Rigveda. Thus shaking the foundations of Bohler's theory, Prof. Bhandarkar has suggested & pre-historic origin for the Indian Alphabet. As might be expected, the views of Prof. Bhandarkar have received attention and some criticism. But so far as is known to me, nobody has ventured to challenge the facts and his interpretation of them, so far as they pertain to the Vedic period, whereby he has indicated that the Indians could write numerical notations and letters at least 500 years before the date of the famous Moabite stone and other epigraphs (850 B..). But exoeption has been taken to his acceptance of certain views and facts, which he has utilised to show the existence of writing in India on pre-historic pottery and artifacts. In a paper read before the Asiatic Society of Bengal and published in the JBORS., Vol. IX. Part II, June 1923, which however appeared in January last, Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda has raised doubts as to the value of this evidence in favour of Neolithic writing in India, Mr. Panchanan Mitra, one of the Honorary Assistant Curators of the Indian Museum, while inspecting the pre-historic collections of that Museum, discovered two artifacts inscribed with some writing. One of those was a celt of greenish stone found in Assam. The letters inscribed on this axe-head bear some resemblance to the five Arabic numerals 1, 9, 1, 7, 4; but when the celt is held upside down they show a remarkable resemblance to the pre-historic characters of Egypt published by Dr. Flinders Petrie ; and what is more, the letters are all connected by one continuous line as in the pre-historic Minoan epigraphs. Mr. Mitra was for some time in doubt; but he inclined at last to the view that the writing was more probably in pre-historic characters than Arabic integers. (New Light from Pre-historic India, ante, 1919, pp. 57-64). Presumably he argued that, if these were Arabic numerals giving an English date, why were the integers indicating the day, month and year not separated by any hyphen or dot, and why were they on the other hand underlined in the same manner as in some pre-historic epigraphs. This was the view of Mr. Mitra, when Prof. Bhandarkar was preparing his lecture on the origin of the Indian alphabet ; and naturally enough, as he was anxious to utilise all up-to-date information, and as Mr. Mitra was the only Indian scholar who had made any special study of the pre-historic period in India, he accepted this interpretation. Since then we are told that Mr. Mitra, after a further examination of the stone, hae relinquished his theory. Apparently he now inclines to the alternative view that these characters look more like Arabic integers, as is evident from the fact that he makes no

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1924 mention of his theory in his Pre-historic Arts and Orafts of India (Journal of the Department of Letters, Caloutta University, Vol. III, 1920) and in his paper on Pre-historic Writing in India and Europe (JASB., Vol. XVII, 1921, No. 4) published long before Mr. Chanda's criticism. We should, however, add that though Mr. Chanda also shares the view that the letters inscribed on the celt are Arabic integers, he has not yet been able to explain away the presence of the underline nor the absence of hyphons or dots, which one would naturally expect between the integers indicating the day, month, and year, if the letters gave an English date. But while Mr. Chanda's criticism on this inscribed stone has added little to our knowledge on the subject, his criticism on the other inscribed stone is quite unconvincing. This is described as a piece of earthy hematite, rubbed and scraped. It is shaped like the palm of the right hand and is scratched with three letters only and was found in an old Neolithic settlement near Ranchi. Prof. Bhandarkar expressed the following opinion on this stone - "It is faintly scratched with three letters only, two of which bear a fairly good resemblance to those of the Brahmi lipi of the Asoka period. These were the letters at the ends, one of which was ma and the other ta. The middle letter, as it stood, could not be read for a long time. Then it occurred to me that the letter ta, evidently in & reversed form, and the other viz., ma, must remain the same even when it is reversed. Might not the middle letter similarly present & reversed form! I at once held the neolith before a mirror, and to my agreeable surprise found that the middle letter came fairly close to the Abokan d. As all the letter are reversed, the inscription has to be read from right to left and reads accordingly ma-d-ta." A comparison of these with the Asokan letters on Buhler's palaeographic chart (Tafel II) will at once convince any scholar as to the substantial agreement of the letters. Mr. Chanda himself agrees that one of the decipherable letters is reverse ta. But he objects to the reading of one of the letters as ma, because this type of ma with one straight and another hooked side is unknown elsewhere.' But though it is sometimes found that the form of certain letters survives to ages separated by millenia, it would be idle to suppose that all the letters would maintain their form in alphabets, which are separated by thousands of years. A glance at the plates of Bahler's palaeography will disclose the absurdity of such a view. When we find letters changing their forms so fundamentally in a few hundred years, it will be. I think. extremely unreasonable to be surprised by the fact that this particular ma shows a less hooked sido than has hitherto been found. Prof. Bhandarkar has also utilised the recent discovery of writing on the pottery discovered by Mr. Yazdani in the excavations of the pre-historic cairns in the Nizam's Dominions. Mr. Yazdani bas discovered similar letters on the pre-historic pottery in the Madras Museum, and it has been found that at least five of these marks are identical with the letters of the endlieat Brahmi script. Mr. Chanda does not contest the reading of these letters, but simply observes that the practice of erecting megalithic monuments to the dead still survives in certain localities in India and in the south no copper or bronze age intervenes between the Neolithic and the Iron ages. But Mr. Chanda would have added strength to his criticism if he had shown that the practice of building this particular type of cairn still survives in the Nizam's Dominions, or that the custom prevailed in the historical period in these localities. Without these facts his criticism loses force; more so, when there are other scholars and students of the pre-historic period who would refer them at the latest to 1500 B.C. . To sum up the recent discussions of the origin of the Indian Alphabet, we find that Prof. Bhandarkar has succeeded in further discrediting the Semitic theory of Buhler, by showing that writing was known to the Vedic Aryans long before the time of Megha, king of Moab

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NOVEMBER, 1924] A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE OHRISTIAN CALENDAR 235 (850 B. c.). His theory of the pre-historic origin of the Indian Alphabet is, as is only natural, based on more or less debatable materials. We can admit with Prof. Das Gupta (JASB., 1921, Vol. XVII, pp. 210-212) that unless there is clear evidence to show that inscribed stones were found in neolithic strata, the value of their evidence is appreciably diminished. But even if this is granted, and even if one of the stones were really inscribed with Arabic integers, as Mr. Mitra now holds, even then the materials brought together deserve the serious consideration of scholars. Thus, though he has not succeeded in finally establishing his theory of the pre-historic origin of the Indian Alphabet, it will be admitted that he has practically shattered the theory of Buhler, which has been for sometime past regarded as unassailable by some Indologists. There should now be a further discussion of all the available materials pointing to a pre-historic origin of the Brahmi script. Dr. R. C. Majumdar has recently drawn the attention of scholars (J BORS., Vol. IX, 1923, p. 20) to the fact that Mr. Chanda had observed alphabetic forms, resembling some of the Brahm signs, on the artifacts of the Azilian period (Proceedings of the Second Oriental Conference, p. lxxxvi). This is highly important, and we hope we shall have further light on this point from Mr. Chanda. A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR. BY SIE RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from page 219.) IV. The Existing Solar Calendar with a fixed Easter and Intercalary Days. If, however, every February were given 29 days, the 15th April would always fall on the same day of the week as New Year's Day; and if the extra day given to February were taken from December, the year would have the same length as at present. December would have 30 days and if the last day, 30th December, of the year were made intercalary, i.e., not counted in the week, made a public holiday, and called, say Old Year's Day: Then every New Year's Day would fall on the same day of the week ; i.e., every 1st of January would fall on the same weekday. By this plan December would count only 29 days. All that it would be necessary to do would then be to wait until New Year's Day falls naturally in a normal year on a Sunday (say till 1933)* and make every subsequent New Year's Day fall also on Sunday. Then every Easter Sunday would fall on 15th April, and Easter would be automatically fixed without any change in the length of the year in relation to the course of the sun. See Table II. Such a plan would involve a second intercalary day for Leap Year, which might, for the reasons above given, be made a public holiday to fall between 30th September and let October, and be called Leap Year's Day, or as above suggested, Sanctuary Day. This last Scheme appears on the whole to satisfy the requirements with the least possible disturbance of existing habits. TABLE II-1983. Lanar-Solar Calendar compared with the Existing Solar Calendar in Normal Years. Week Day. Lunar-Solar. Existing Solar. Lunar-Solar. Existing Solar. Month. Day. Month. Day. Month. Day. Sunday .. January 1 January 1 February 1 January 29 Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 1928 will commence on a Sunday but that is . Loap Your. February

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1924 Lunar-Solar. Month. Day. .. January 8 Table 11.--contd. Existing-Solar. Lunar-Solar. Month Day. Month. Day. January 8 February 8 Existing-Solar. Month. Day. February 5 Week Day. Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday March 1 February April March March April Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 6 In a Loap Year February 39 will make every day after it fall a day later in the wook in the existing Calendar. 14

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NOVEMBER, 1924) A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR 237 Week Day. Table II-contd. Lunar-Solar. Existing Solar. Month Day. Month Day. March 22 March 19 Lunar-Solar. Existing Solar. Month. Day. Month Day. April 22 April 16 .. Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday * 1 .. May April June Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Jume Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 403 Sunday Monday. Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday , July August 1 July OWN

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238 Week Day. Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tateday Wednesday Thunday Friday Saturday Lan ir-Solar. Month. .. July ::::::::::::::::::::: .. Sexiber THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY :::::::::::::::::;. Day. 10 BBRUARY PRE 15 12 13 14 July 18 19 20 21 23 24 25 26 27 28 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 MEHRERE FREE. 10 11 12 13 14 18 16 Table II-contd. 17 18 19 Existing Solar. Month. Day. June 228 2345678 20 September 21 25 26 27 29 30 PREERHE 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 August 13 14 BLERIER 22 2852 15 16 17 18 19 20 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 31 Lunar-Solar. Month. Day. August 8 September PRIESK DR. 10 11 12 .13 9 14 15 16 18 19 17 August 20 21 22 23 24 '25 26 27 28 5 6 7 HERRER FREE.00 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 [NOVEMBER, 1924 20 21 Existing Solar. Month. Day. July 23 24 25 26 1 September 10 2 11 3 4 222222 23-24D 6TBROKE 27 28 29 30 31 1 8 9 10 11 12 PERRIER 2 RE 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

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NOVEMBER, 1024) A FIXED EASTER AND THE REFORM OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR 239 Week Day Table II-contd. Lunar-Solar. Existing-Solar. Lunar-Solar. Existing Solar. Month. Day. Month. Day. Month. Day. Month. Day. . Sexiber 22 September 31 September 22 October 1 23 Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday October 1 October November November Sunday? Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday 24 November.. Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday December 1 December Monday Tuesday Wednesday .. * Next-day, Sanctuary Day, intercalary and not counted in the Lunar Bolar Calendar, but counted in the existing Solar Calendar. 7 In the existing Solar Calendar, on account of Sanctuary Day, Oobo ber 9th will fall really on Monday and all the rest of the yew day later in the week than that shown in the Table. 2

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Noppon, 1921 Lunar-Solar. Month. Day. Tablo II-contd. Existing Solar. Month Day. Week Day. Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Baturday CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES IV. BY H. A. ROSE, L0.8. (Retired). (Continued from page 206.) Tel-chiragh: land held revenue-free (for supplying a shrine with oil for its lamp ! B., 159 and 168. Tel luprl: a rite consisting in anointing bride and bridegroom, followed by worship of the nine planets and the Tel s&nd, 9...: Ch., 127. Tel sand : a rite in which oil is poured over the heads of a bridal pair by relatives who cast a small coin into & vessel for the Brahman ; it follows the Tel lapri : Ch., 127. Telangl : Viburnum foetens : Ch., 239. . Tendu : Diospyros montana : Sirm or, App. IV, vi. Thadairi: archery, a shooting match ; also a tune played at an archery meeting: 18. Keonthal vi. Fr. thoda, an arrow. Thalri : & sort of platform, whereas a than is a mere henp of stones : SS., Bashabr, 26. Thakri : a weight -17 sera kham :-Solha: Sirm Or, App. III. * In the Existing Calendar the last day of the year falls really on a Sunday for the reason given in the previous footnote, and Christmas Day on Thursday. In tho Lunar-Solar Calendar Loap Your's Day wonld be an intercalary day after Saturday Dec. 28th.

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NOVEMBER, 1924) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 241 Thakri : a measure of capacity (4 thakris-patha), but ised as a measure of area : SS., Beja, 4. Thal: a form of oath on the Raja, like the Darohi but merely placing the person upon whom it is imposed within the Raja's meroy : SS., Bashahr., 34 and Jubbal., 23. Thalli: a sheet : SS., Bashahr, 41. Thama : a distribution of dels or shares' among Brahmans at a wedding : Gloss., I, p. 797. Thamba : a group of villages held by descendants of a common ancestor, director indirect : Comp., 19. Thambi : & granary: Mandi, 33. Thangt : hazelnut, Corylus colurna : Ch., 226 and 240. Thareth : an official ; -Bhatwal; he carries out the Char's orders in Bhattiyat ; ? fr, tharra, 'a platform': Ch., 285. Tharwal : Cornus capitata : Sirmur, App. IV, v. Thehr : a mound; Panj. theh: B., 175. Thlarshu : Tipshu, a small fair; syn. Shand; Saraj (Kulu): Gloss., I, pp. 440 and 441. Thobi: a carpet : Ch., 203. Thoda : a game played with bows and arrows: Sirmur, 62. Thold, Th Akri and SolhA: Sirmor, App. III. Thoplu : wheat-cakes: Ch., 139. Thulla : see under Topa. Thuth : & root : Ch., 243 : the thumb, in Attook, Attock Gr., p. 113. Tiari pana :-Tigra pana, q.v. Tigra : apparently -Talli,' a small piece of cloth, a patoh';-pana, to throw a cloth over a man's daughter or sister to disarm his enmity: Gloss., I, p. 906. Tika: a very good soil : Sirmur, App. I. Tikar: very poor soil: ss., Bhajji, 7. Tikar, -Shandtu a minor sacrifice : SS. Bashabr, 28. Tikidar : a tenant paying cash rental: Ch., 277. Tikr: -Tigra, q.v. Tikre : a kind of sweetmeat : B., 106. Tilla : sweet patis : Ch., 222 and 243. Timbar: Xanthoxylon hostile : Simla, S. R., xliii: X. alatum : Ch., 237. Timur : Diospyros malanoxylon : Sirmar, App. IV, vi. Tiraoja: the sending for the bride to her husband's home for the third time : Gloss. I, 824. Tria : squint: Ch., 138. Tirmal: Zanthoxylum alatum : Sirmur, App. IV, iii. Tirsera : a cess; see AutariAna : Ch., 96. Titrt : Rhus sp. ; - Arkhol: Ch., 236. Tola : betrothal by exchange: Ch., 141. Tola: of gold :- = 1 rupee 3 ratis in Amritsar. >> 4 >> Ferozepur, etc. -1 , 2 , elsewhere. Tola : 5 tolas - l chhitank. 4 chhitanks - l pao. 4 paos - 1 ser. 40 sers ! man of 82 lbs.: Gujrat.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( NOVEMBER, 1924 Tonchara : an inoculator : Gloss., I, p. 356. Bikaner. Tong : & round basket ; see Pit&r. Topa : corresponds to the English gallon. A hath-rakh topa is the topa measured with the help of one hand. The charra topa is measured without any aid : D.I. K: the standard measure of capacity in Shahpur, containing almost exactly 2 standard sers of wheat or bajra : 4 paropisi - 1 to pa - 2 sers. 4 topas - 1 pai - 8 sers. 10 pais - Iman -2 standard mans. * 4 mang - 1 khalwdr - 8 standard mans. But on the Chen ab:-1 topa contains only 5 sers of wheat, and 4 pais make 1 man - 264 standard sers; about Bhera and Miani 1 topa contains only 14 standard sers; but in the Tappa ilaga of the Salt Range 1 topa contains 3 sers of wheat and 5 pais make 1 man-13 standard mans. In Muzaffargarh the topa varies in weight from 11 to 67 sers, but its usual weight is about 5 or 6 sers. In Ferozepur the topa equals 3 sere pakkd or, among the Dogars, 4 ser8 pakka. In Hazera it-4 chobas, but is now rerely used. In Gujarat 4 paropis - 1 topa by measure. 16 topas = 1 man. 50 , - l pand. 4 pands -l mani. 1 mani - 91 English mans. The topa however varies in weight from 14 to 3 English sers. Topl: cap; topi-lani, a form of widow remarriage : Ch., 127. Topu : a cap, worn by women : SS., Bashahr, 42. Tor: Euphorbia Nivulia: Ch., 239. Torang : & porridge made of bathu, in Kanawar : SS., Bashahr. 41. Tore pl.: hollow foot-bangles : B., 112. CH. Tarora, and P. D. 1147. Totru : a kind of peas : Simla, S. R., xli. Totu : a cone, made of parched four, about.a cubit in height and used in the janji form of marriage. The maternal uncle of the bride makes 7 of these cones, cuts the tops off with his right hand, and with it touches the back of the fireplace on the north), the east, south, west and north of the room in that order, and the top of the door frame : Cb., 157. Trakar : a pasture, at a distance from the village but whence the cattle can be brought home at night : Ch., 27. Trangarl: a bridge, temporary or permanent, made of two beams with cross-pieces; of., Gururu : Ch., 12. Trebhanj : a threefold exchange of brides : Comp., 2. Cf. Chobhanj. Trimbal : a wild fig, Ficus glomerata : Ch. 240. Tritu : pepper, Euonymus fimbriatus : Ch., 237. Tu'am-i-walima: marriage feast, in Multan: Glossary, 1, 833. Tukma : silken thread, worn as an ornament: B., 195. Tukri : a measure containing 4 kassas, in some villages, and in others 5, of the Boi ildqa in Hazara : 10 tukris-1 chhat. 1 In the Shahpur Thal the parop is called thuilla, and the topa appears to be called paropt.

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NOVEMBER, 1924] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Tala an inferior kind of tobacco: Sirmur, 66. Tumbi a bottle (?), Simla Hills: Gloss., I, p. 337. Tumbri Marlea begoniaefolia: Sirmur, App. IV, v. Also apparently a dim. of Tumbi. Tung Rhus cotinus: Sirmur, App. IV, iv, and Ch., 237. Tuni a box; of., Kanjal: Ch., 208. Tupkha meat stew; in Kanawar: SS., Bashahr, 41. Ubthal: a kind of rice SS., Bashahr, 48. Uch adj., high (caste); Gloss., I, p. 456. Uda dhalan: a small due on succession to ownership in land: SS., Kunhiar, 9. Ugrahika: a collector of revenue; ugrahkiydi, the circuit of an-: Ch., 264 and 270. Ujart: a poor kind of soil: SS., Jubbal, 25. Ukanh: a tree: B., 160. Ulanga see under Hath bhra. Umm-us-sibian: lit.,mother of children,' infantile convulsions; Ar. sibyan or subyan'boys': B., 187. 1 girah. 1 yard 243 Ungal: 3 ungals 16 girahs Gujrat. Ungi: an instrument of iron, with which the hair is parted in front; used at weddings: Ch., 142. Upas: the single meal eaten only once a day for 3, 5, 7, 8, 9 or 13 days after a death by the family of the deceased: Ch., 154, 159 and 161. Utar: North: Ch., 149. Utkar Malana, q. v. Vakhan: to be said': Mandi, 53. Vanan things or various things: Mandi, 53. Vand a lot, usually impartible, and when so the inheritance of the youngest son; in Bangahal (Kangra): Comp., 73. Venja bamboo: Mandi, 53. Vichola a go-between: Comp., 9. Vingra: curling; see under Chune. Wag: a tether: B., 148. Wahtar: a measure containing 40 odis; in the Pakhli tract it contains only 20 odis: Hazara. Wajud-i-zilli (probably for wujud-us-gill, body of the shadow '), imaginary body: B., 176. Wak: an irrevocable betrothal, tantamount to a marriage: Comp., 5: (2) the power of a girl to bestow herself in marriage (Peshawar): ib., 6 and 37. Wakdan lit. 'a gift by word of mouth', an irrevocable form of betrothal among Hindus: Gloss., I, p. 785. Wano: (? dano, Danava), tyrant, in Pahari: Gloss., I, p. 448. Waq, apparently-Wak, q. v.: Gloss., I, p. 790. Warens: a pledge as in warend or sanbhal bhejna, to send a support or pledge in ratification of a betrothal: Gloss., I, p. 811 and 834.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1924 Warna a wedding ceremony at which a sheep is passed thrice round the heads of the pair by the bridegroom's mother. Ch., 158. Warya prisoner's base: B., 201 Wasal: onions, Ar. bagal. B., 192. Wat sag, vegetables; wat walawan, to send a request for Wat, at a betrothal: Gloss., p. I, 792. Watr sakh: sending of fresh fruit, etc., by the girl's father to the boy's: Gloss., I, p. 792. Watta, purana: the old standard of weight, in which : 2 tolas 15 sarsahis - 1 sarsahi - 1 ser. Hence the old ser was to 32 tolas: Tain Taran. Winaik: a ceremony observed by certain Muhammadan septs in honour of a valiant ancestor B., 136, : Yat, fem. -ini: giant; Gilgit: Gloss., I, p. 357. Yud-sattu, porridge, in Kanawar : SS., Bashahr, 41. Zaddi baddi general corvee for special persons travelling through the State: SS. Kumharsain, 22. Zagat-khana: various taxes: Suket, 43. Zakat: (? Zakat), a duty levied on every house which produces or sells ginger: SS., Kuthar, 8. Zakki: -Chaugharia, mahurat, q.v. Zu: Ju, q.v. KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI. By K. N. DANIEL, (Continued from p. 229.) IV. Paleographic Evidence. Let us now discuss the subject from the Paleographic standpoint. The alphabets employed in this document are the Vatteluttu and the Arya-eluttu or the Grantha. The Vatteluttu is otherwise called the Chera Pandya alphabet, which was in use throughout Keralam and the country of the Pandyans: its characters, however, being limited, many Sanskrit words could not be written in it. The South of India, as can be easily shown, was colonised by the Aryans some centuries antecedent to the Christian era, and consequently Sanskrit education in the South must also have begun before the said era. Sanskrit education necessarily implies the existence of some alphabet other than Vatteluttu and accordingly we find the Arya-eluttu alphabet side by side with it, though the Vatteluttu was more commonly used. The Arya-eluttu was used in writing Sanskrit books and sometimes in writing the Sanskrit words in the Vatteluttu documents. Hence we find both Vatteluttu and Arya eluttu in this document. Alleged evidence against an early date from the Grantha characters.-Mr. Venkayya has adduced some pieces of paleographic evidence to prove that this document was of the fourteenth century.. "As I have already remarked," says Mr. Venkayya, "the Vatteluttu characters of this grant appear to be more modern than those of the Cochin plates of Bhaskara Ravivarman and of the Tirunelli plates. It may not however be quite safe to base any conclusions on the Vatteluttu portion, because no dated inscriptions in that character are published and available for comparison. The Malayalam portion clearly shows that the inscription cannot be so old as the eighth century A. D. The

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NOVEMBER, 1924) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI ! 245 symbols for a, a, ai, ka, gha, ta, ta, and ya, differ but slightly from their modern Malayalam equivalents. The secondary form of the vowel u, which is added to consonants, is almost the same as in modern Malayalam. I have compared the Malayalam portion of this inscrip. tion with several stone inscriptions from the Western Coast. One of the stones in the Tri. vandrum Musoum contains a much defaced inscription, dated in Kollam 239 (A.D. 1064). which begins with some Sanskrit words written in ancient Malayalam or Grantha. The alphabet employed in it is much more archaic than that of the subjoined grant. The vowel ai which may be taken as a test letter, and which occurs in the Trivandrum inscription, resembles the corresponding symbol in the Tirunelli plates. (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, plate opposite p. 291, line 26). The only three inscriptions known to me, whose characters bear some resemblance to those of the Vira Raghava plate, are Nos. 266, 269 and 270 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895. Of these, the first is dated in Kollam 427 (A.D. 1252) and the last in Saka Samvat 1256, (A.D. 1314). From these facts I am led to think that the present inscription is much later than the Cochin grant and the Tirunelli plates as well as the Trivandrum inscription quoted above." (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, p. 293.) It is true that the characters, a, a, ka, gha, ta and ya, do not differ much from their modern equivalents. This will not prove anything, unless it is shown that the ancient equivalents of these characters were different. Mr. Venkayya does not try to prove this, except in the case of one of these symbols, viz., ai. He saw this character on a stone in the Trivandrum Museum and in the Tirunelli plates (line 26). The symbol ai, which we see in line 26 of the Tirunelli platos, is indeed quite different from that of the document under consideration. We see this symbol not only in line 26 (Aiydyiravarkkum), but also in line 34 (aimpattelarai) of the Tirunelli plates, in line 6 of Tanu Iravi copper plates No. 1 (Aiyanatikatiruvati) and in some other inscriptions. But there is one thing which Mr. Vonkayya did not know: the character ai found in the Tirunelli copper plates is Vatteluttu. The ai of the Vatteluttu alphabet is, of course, quito different from that of the Arya-eluttu alphabet, which we find in the copper plate under consideration. That the symbol ai, which Mr. Venkayya pointed out as Grantha, is Vatteluttu cannot be gainsaid. Vide plates showing the Vatteluttu alphabet employed in the Kaviyur inscription of A.D. 950 and that employed in the Tirunantikkarai inscription of Rajaraja I and the Rajasekhara copper plate. (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 288; Vol. II, p. 10.) Considering the great advance the study of epigraphy has made during the last 25 years, since Mr. Venkayys wrote this article, we should not blame him for his mistake. At the same time it is difficult to understand how he came to make it. There is no other symbol in Vatteluttu for ai and there must be some symbol for it in this alphabet, as every alphabet is complete for writing the language for which it is intended. The character ai is also necessary to write Tamil, of which Vatteluttu was the alphabet. Mr. Venkayya was aware of the fact, as he himself says, "in Tamil inscriptions ..........it is generally the words of Sanskrit origin that are written in Grantha." The ai which he refers to is not used in writing a word of Sanskrit origin and the characters found on either side of it are all Vatteluttu. In these circumstances he ought to have taken it for a Vatteluttu character. Let me point out one other instance in which Mr. Venkayya shows ignorance of the Malayalam alphabet. He read "Chandradikshyakalulla" (lines 20, 21). Any school boy will say that there is no kshya there, but tthya. Moreover, chandradikshyakal ulla is meaningless. With all deference to Mr. Venkayya, a distinguished epigraphist, one cannot but observe that with so limited a knowledge of the Malayalam or Arya-eluttu alphabet, he vas hardly qualified to make a paleographic comparison of the Malayalam characters.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Let us now turn to the fact that some of the Arya-eluttu symbols found in this document, do not differ from their modern equivalents. Mr. Venkayya is quite right when he says: "The secondary form of the vowel u, which is added to consonants, is almost the same as in modern Malayalam." But he should have known that this is the case with the Arya-eluttu of any age: (vide plate showing the variations in the Arya-eluttu alphabet). 246 [NOVEMBER, 1924 Now there are two varieties of Arya-eluttu-the Malayalam and the Tamil Grantha. The Arya-eluttu, therefore, was developed into the Tamil Grantha in the Tamil country, and into the Malayalam on the Malabar Coast. Now, in order to trace the development of the Grantha into the Malayalam alphabet, we should compare the ancient writings of Keralam with this document. Unfortunately we have only very few ancient inscriptions-dated or datable of Malabar available. I have, therefore, taken all the available ancient inscriptions in which the Grantha characters are used. If we find a fully developed Malayalam character in an inscription of the Tamil country, we can be sure that it was fully developed in Malabar also; on the other hand if we find an archaic one in the inscriptions of the Tamil country, we cannot decide that it was not fully developed in Malabar. With a view to give the reader as complete an idea as possible regarding the development of the Arya-eluttu alphabet, I have given a plate, of which a description is necessary. In the first column the modern Malayalam characters are given; in the second modern Tamil Grantha; in the third, those of the Vira Raghava plates; in the fourth, those of the Rajaeekhara plate (facsimile, Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 12. I have traced the characters not from the facsimile but from the plate itself). In the fifth, those of the Tanu Iravi plates No. I (facsimile, Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 66, 68): in the sixth, those of the Tanu Iravi plates No. II (facsimile, Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 80, 82): in the seventh, those of the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi (facsimile, Ind. Ant., Vol. III, p. 334): in the eighth, those of the miscellaneous inscriptions of Parkara Iravi (facsimile, Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 44-47). These are all from Malabar. In the ninth column the characters of the Maranchataiyan inscription, A.D. 772 (facsimile, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 320) are given; in the tenth and eleventh, those of the Nandivarman Pallavamalla inscriptions of the eighth century (facsimile, Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 274-277; South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, Part III, pp. 348-352): in the twelfth, those of the Madras Museum plates of Jatilavarman, c. eighth century (facsimile, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, pp. 70, 71): in the thirteenth, those of the Tiruparappu copper plates, ninth century (facsimile, Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 198): in the fourteenth, those of the Huzur office plates of Karunantatakkar, A.D. 866 (facsimile, Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 6-9) in the fifteenth, those of the Udeyendiram plates of Hastimalla, tenth century (facsimile, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, Part III, pp. 384, 385): in the sixteenth, those of the Rajaraj inscriptions, tenth century (facsimile, Ibid., Vol. III, Part I, p. 4): in the seventeenth, those of the Rajendrachola inscription, A.D. 1012 (facsimile, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, 232). : Now let us compare the characters found in these writings. In the Vira Raghava copper plate we find the following characters which are almost like their Malayalam symbols, a, i, e, k, kh, g, gh, ch, nch, t, n, n, p, m, y, l, u, v, e, er, sh, h, !. Of these we find e, g, er, h, in the inscription of A.D. 772 (column 9):i, kh, g, ch, nch, t, n, p, y, l, ll, v, e, er, sh, h, in the eighth century inscriptions of Nandivarman Pallavamalla (columns 10, 11): e, g, t, p, y, l, U, e, er, h, in the Jatilavarman plates of C. eighth century (column 12): and k, g. p, y, v, e, ar, h, in the Rajasekara copper plate which is shown to be a very early one (column 4). We find all these characters in these plates exactly as they are in Malayalam. We have gh in the eight century. Tamil inscriptions of Nandivarman Pallavamalla and Jatilavarman

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NOVEMBER, 1924 ) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 247 exactly as it is in Tamil Grantha. We do not find gh in any inscriptions of Malabar, except in the Vira Raghava plate. The symbols for gh in Malayalam and Tamil Grantha are almost the same. In the Vira Raghava plate we have m twelve times and mm once. The symbol m is twice written exactly as it is in Malayalam. It is written ten times, and mm once quito differently, just as we find in all other inscriptions. As for , it is not Arya-eluttu. This character is not necessary for writing Sanskrit, of which Arya-oluttu is the alphabet. It was, no doubt, taken from Vatteluttu and adopted into the Malayalam alphabet. The symbol of our copper plate is not like the Malayalam, but like the Vatteluttu ? of Rajasekhara and Tanu Iravi Tiruvalla. The symbols & and u are added to it, just as in Malayalam. This character, therefore, was adopted into the Malayalam alphabet. No one can, however, say when it was adopted, or whether it was newly adopted, by the writer of our copper plate. We have ! in the Tiruparappu copper plate of the ninth century (column 13). We find ? in the Jatila varman plates (c. eighth century) and others, almost like the Malayalam a. As to the remaining characters a and a, we do not find any other inscription in Keralam in which these characters occur. But we find a symbol for d almost like its modern Malayalam equivalent in the inscription of Maranchataiyan (column 9). We find a and a in the eighth century inscriptions of Jatila varman and Nandivarman in a slightly different form, i.e., almost like their Tamil Grantha equivalents. Now let us take the symbol a again. In the plate showing the early Pallava Grantha alphabet of the seventh century (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p 222), the symbol a is almost like the modern Malayalam a, though all the other characters are far from being similar to their modern equivalents. In the Grantha alphabet of the eighth century (ibid., p. 223) the symbol a is far from being similar to the modern a, but some other characters approach their modern equivalents. Lastly in the table showing the Grantha alphabet of the last quarter of the eighth century (Ibid., p. 224), the character a by no means approaches the modern a; but many of the other symbols are just like their modern equivalente. From all this we find that the development of the Grantha alphabet was not uniform throughout Southern India. So the argument that the Grantha characters of our copper plate are too developed to be ascribed to any date earlier than the fourteenth century falls to the ground. For we find them in the eighth century inscriptions of the Tamil country. Evidence in support of an early date from the Grantha characters.--Let us see whether we can arrive at any positive idea regarding the date, from the Grantha characters used in this plate. The poouliarity of the symbol ai should be noted. It is written twice with two symbols, called pulli, unlike its modern equivalent. Since we do not find that character in any other inscription, we cannot say when this gave .place to its modern form. Let us again compare the characters of Vira Raghava's copper plate with those of other plates. The few characters we find in the Rajasekhara plate are, no doubt, more archaic than those of Vira Raghava's plate. (1) Now compare the Vira Raghava plate with the Tanu Iravi plates. In Tanu Iravi there are only very few Grantha characters. The characters for comparison are t, 1,8, and m. The symbols of Tanu Iravi is just like its modern equivalent. We have no pure : but stu in the Vira Raghava plate. The symbols of that stu is far from being similar to the modern which we

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248 * THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( NOVEMBER, 1924 find in the Tanu Iravi plates. The symbol of Tanu Iravi is decidedly more developed than that of our copper plate. There is a bending on the left side which, if extended further down, makes it like the modern r. Out of the 12 m symbols in our copper plate, two are fully developed. We find only three of that character in Tanu Iravi, and they are like the undeveloped ten of the Vira Raghava copper plate. Taking the whole into consideration, Vira Raghava is older than Tanu Iravi. (2) If we compare e, ch, sich, t, r, and 8 of our plate with those of the Tamil country inscriptions of Nandivarman (eighth century, column 10), we shall find those of the latter are more developed than those of the former. This is presumptive evidence that Vira Raghava is older than Nandivarman, eighth oentury. (3) The symbol ker in Nandivarman, Jatila varman, eto., is uniform and has some resemblance to its modern equivalent. But the kr of Vira Raghava's plate has no resemblance to the modern kr. It is written twice in the Vira Raghava plate, exactly in the same form. This affords presumptive evidence that our copper plato is earlier than the eighth century. Again, comparing Rajasekhara with Nandivarman, the symbols kh. 1. dh, and n of the latter are just like their Malayalam equivalents, while those of Rajasbkara are archaic. Rajasekhara, therefore, must be earlier than the eighth century. Is there any evidence against an early date from the Vatteluttu characters ?-Now let us turn to the Vatteluttu portion of the copper plate. Though Mr. Venkayya has said that it may not be quite safe to base any conclusion on the Vatteluttu portion, he says that "the Vatteluttu characters of this grant appear to be more modern than those of the Cochin plates of Bhaskara Ravivarman and of the Tirunelli plates." As usual he does not tell us his grounds. I have examined almost all the available ancient Vatteluttu inscriptions. Many of the characters are the same in all of them, but there are differences in a few. The sub. joined plate shows these characters as they are written in 23 inscriptions. The first column shows the characters of the Vira Raghava plate; the second those of the Tirunelli plates of Parkara Iravi (facsimile, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, p. 290); the third those of the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi (facsimile, ibid., Vol. III, p. 334); the fourth those of the miscellaneous inscriptions of the same king (facsimile Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 34-46); the fifth those of the Rajasekhara copper plate (facsimile, ibid., p. 12. I have traced the characters from the plate itself); the sixth, those of the first set of the Kottayam plates of Tanu Iravi, ninth century; the seventh, those of the second set of the above (facsimile of both, ibid., pp. 66-82); the eighth, those of the Muvatattu Matham plate of Tanu Iravi, ninth century (facsimile, ibid., p. 68, I have traced the characters from the plate itself); the ninth, those of the inscriptions of Marafichataiyan, eighth century (facsimile, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 320; Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 286); the tenth, those of the Madras Museum plates of Jatilavarman, c. eighth century, (facsimile, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXII, pp. 70, 71); the eleventh, those of the Mampalli plate, A.D. 973 (facsimile, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 236); the twelfth, those of the Parttivapuram inscription of A.D. 923 (plate, Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 286); the thirteenth, those of the Kantiyar inscriptions of 936 A.D. (plate, ibid., p. 286); the fourteenth, those of the Kaviyur inscription of 949 A.D. (plate, ibid., p. 288); the fifteenth, those of the inscription of Rajaraja I, tenth century (plate, ibid., p. 288); the sixteenth, those of the Rajendra Chola inscription A.D. 1003 (facsimile, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. V, p. 146); the seventeenth, those of the Kantiyur inscription of A.D. 1221 (plate, Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. 1); the eighteenth, those of the Chittaral inscription of A.D. 1374 (plate, ibid., p. 296); the nineteenth, those of the Navayakkalam inscription of A.D. 1439 (plate, ibid., p. 296); the twentieth, those of the

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NOVEMBER, 1924 ] KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI Paliyam plates, A.D. 1663 (ibid., pp. 6-11); the twenty-first, those of the Parur Church inscription of 1624 A.D. (facsimile, ibid., p. 300); and twenty-second, those of the Michirai Matham plate of A.D. 1770 (facsimile, ibid., p. 300); the twenty-third, those of the Huzur Treasury plates of the time of Parkara Iravi (facsimile, Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, Part III, pp. 178-207). A mere glance at the accompanying plate, showing the Vatteluttu alphabet of different inscriptions, will convince the expert reader that Mr. Venkayya is wrong in saying that the Vatteluttu characters of the document under consideration are more modern than those of the Cochin plates and of the Tirunelli plates. Let us compare the characters of the different inscriptions in the accompanying plate. There are two varieties of r. We find closed and open r symbols in the Tanu Iravi plates of the ninth century; & closed, in the Parur inscription of the seventeenth century; and an open in the Michirai Matham plate of the eighteenth century. Now let us taken. We find a closed and an open in the Tanu Iravi plates of the ninth century, and in the Parkara Iravi. We find a closed in the Navayakkalam inscription of the fifteenth century, Chittaral inscription of the fourteenth century, eto., and an open in the PAliyam plates of the seventeenth century, the Parur inscription of the seventeenth century, Michirai Matham plates of the eighteenth century, etc. Let us look at the symbol a. There are six or seven varieties of this character. We find two varieties in our copper plate. One of them is in those of PArkara Iravi, Tanu Iravi, etc. The other is almost like that of the Maranchadaiyan inscription (col. 9). All the varieties of a need not be of the same rudimentary form. In the modern Malayalam alphabet there are two symbols for f. One is an adaptation from the Vatteluttu. In Vatteluttu i is a r with a dot on either side. In Malayalam an with dot on either sides is reedi. The next symbol for consideration is u. The difference is only very slight in the case of this symbol. It may be stated that there are five varieties. The one variety which we find in Vira Raghava is that with two anglos. The same variety is seen in four inscriptions of the tenth century (ools. 12, 13, 14 and 15). The Tirunelli plate (col. 2) and the Huzur Treasury plates (col. 23), both of the sixth century, have almost the same form. Another variety is in the plates of Parkara Iravi, Tanu Iravi (ninth century), Mampalli plate (tenth certury): another in Jatila varman (c. eighth century), Tanu Iravi No. 3, Tiruvalla (ninth century): another in the PAliyam plates (seventeenth century). There are three varieties of the symbol k and two of them are found in the Tanu Iravi plate No. 3 and in the inscriptions of the seventeenth century. The third variety is found only in the eighth century inscriptions. There are two varieties of the symbol i, and both are found in the seventeenth century inscriptions. Symbol i is written in two forms and both are found in the Tanu Iravi plates of th ninth oentury. One is in the Rajasekhara plate, the Chittaral inscription of the fourteenth century, and Navayakkalam inscription of the fifteenth century; the other which is in Vira Raghava's is found in all other inscriptions. There are two forms of pe and both are found in Tanu Iravi of the ninth century. One of them, which is in Vira Raghava, is found in Perkara Iravi, Rajasekhara, the tenth century inscription of Kaviyar, the fourteenth century inscription of Chittaral, and the fifteenth century inscription of Nav&yakkalam. The eighth century inscription of Jatilavarman is also

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1924 almost identical. The other form is in Parkara Iravi, Maranchadaiyan of the eighth century, the Parttivapuram and Mampalli inscriptions of the tenth century. There are five or six varieties of y in the subjoined plate, from which we cannot draw any conclusion whatever. Evidence in support of an early date from the Vatteluttu characters.--Let us take the charactor lu. The symbol l is quite visible in the lu of Vira Raghava, Rajasekhara, and in two inscriptions of Parkara Iravi, and is fairly visible in the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi. Vide lu of cols. 1, 3, 4 and 5 and 14 of ools. 1 and 4, The symbol l is uniform in all inscriptions, except in the Paliyam plates and the Miohirai plates (cols. 20, 22). Originally lu must have been a l with some additional mark, and in course of time have changed and lost all resemblance to l. We can clearly trace the development. In the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi the additional mark of u, instead of ooming down through the last lino, y y ; made a bond at the top and came down in another line. This is the only difference between the Vira Raghava lu and a certain variety of the Parkara lu which underwent another change. The bending of l gave place to a single line y o . That is the form in which this character appears in other inscriptions. None, I hope, will gainsay this, and contend that the symbol lu, which has no resemblance whatever with 1, is the original form. It is not true with any other symbol of the Vatteluttu alphabet, nor with any symbol of any alphabet. In all alphabets, as well as Vatteluttu, where the symbols have infections, it is invariably made by adding some mark to the symbol in its a form. Some may argue that though the symbol le of Vira Raghava and Rajasekhara is the original form, it does not necessarily follow that those inscriptions are earlier than all the others, in which a later form of lu appears. Original forms and later forms may eo-exist for gome oenturies, and therefore an earlier form may be found in a comparatively late inscription. But we should bear in mind that the Vira Raghava plate has the symbol lu five times and I once ; all uniformly written. The Rajasekhara plate has lu twice, and both uniformly written. The PArkara Iravi inscriptions have the different stages of lu. The character Id employed in the Perunna inscription B of Parkara Iravi (sixth century) is given in coli 4, which is exactly like that of the Vira Raghava plate, and the symbol lu employed twice in the Tirukkotitt&nam inscription C. of PArkara Iravi is given in col. 4, in which I is quite visible as in the Vira Raghava plate. Bat in the same inscription a different lu, as we find in col. 7, is used five times in which I is not at all visible. I have read all the published facsimiles of the Vatteluttu inscriptions and a very large number of unpublished inscriptions, and I found this lu only in one more inscription, viz., that of Maranohadaiyan (eighth century) in the Tirukkurralam temple (No. 480 of the collection of 1917 preserved in the Madras Office of Epigraphy). It is exactly like the Vira Raghava lu. Of the several inscriptions of Marafichadaiyan now preserved, we find this original form of lu only in one inscription, and therefore we may assume that this form of lu had almost gone out of use during the days of Maranchadaiyan in the eighth century. Nowhere else did I find this original lu. We find this original form of lu only in five inscriptions, one written at Cranganore and one at Tiruvalla,

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NOVEMBAR, 1924) KOTTAYAM PLATE OF VIRA-RAGHAVA CHAKRAVARTI 251 one at Perunna, one at Tirukkotittanam and one at Kurralam. We have one ninth century document and another of the sixth century-35 big copper plates now preserved in the Trivandrum Museum-written at Tiruvalla itself. We do not find in any of them this particular form of lu which appears in the Tiruvalla plate of Rajasekhara. No scholar will contend that all this is due to mere chance. It, therefore, follows that Vira Raghava and R&jasekhara are the earliest and Parkara Iravi the next in point of date. Some may point to the Paliyam plates and the Parur inscription (cols. 20, 21). The characters of the Paliyam plates (A.D. 1663) are very different from the ancient inscriptions. The symbol 1 which is uniform in all ancient inscriptions has undergone a change in the Paliyam plates. The vowel u and is added to I, not as it is in Vatteluttu, but as it is in Malayalam or Grantha. The symbol lu of the Michirai Matham plates (A.D. 1770) is not like that of the Paliyam plates (ools. 20, 22). As for the Parur inscription (col. 21), the symbol lu is exactly the Tamil lu-vide the character in the facsimiles of the ancient or modern Tamil inscriptions. (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, pp. 6-9). The symbol 1 of Vatteluttu and Tamil are the same. The Tamil alphabet was commonly used in Keralam during the seventeenth century. The writer of the Parur inscription had to write a lu after a l. He therefore may have written & Tamil lu by confusion. Or else he thought it proper to introduce a Tamil lu into the Vatteluttu alphabet. Anyhow none followed him. Conclusion. We can now summarize what we have said on the date of the copper plate in question We find that there are only four dates which suit the Astronomical requirements given in our plate-A.D. 230, 680, 775 and 1320. I don't think that any one will ascribe to this plate so late a date as the fourteenth century, after reading the specimens of Malayalam prose of the thirteenth century which I have quoted above. Paleography has made it very cloar that Vira Raghava is earlier than the eighth century. The year 775 is also, therefore, out of the question. Now there remain A.D. 230 and 680. It is unquestionably proved on Astronomical grounds that Parkara Iravi Varmar was of the sixth century. Among the witnesses of the Vira Raghava plate we do not find the king of the Venpolinatu who is mentioned in the Cochin plates of Parkara Iravi. If the dynasty of Venpolinatu was in existence at the time of Vira Raghava, it would have been by no means omitted, seeing that Venpolin&tu was a strong Christian centre. Vira Raghava, therefore, must be earlier than Parkara Iravi, Virakerala Chakravartti, who lived during the middle of the first century B.O., is mentioned as tho great predecessor of Vira Raghava, but Parkara Iravi Varmar does not make mention of him. Perbaps he belonged to a different dynasty or, on account of the great distance of time, the name of Virakerala Chakravartti was omitted. This also leads us to think that Vira Raghava was older than Parkara Iravi Varmar. Vira Raghava is & pure Sanskrit name, but Parkara Iravi is a Tamilised Sanskrit name, and consequently is of so late a date that the Aryan kings in the south allowed their names to be Tamilised. Vira Raghava, therefore, is earlier than Parkara Iravi. Paleographic evidence, especially that afforded by the character lu of Vatteluttu, also leads us to the conclusion that Vira Raghava was earlier. The date, therefore, of Vfra Raghava is Marah 6, 230 A.D.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1924 MISCELLANEA, MOUNT D'ELI. | modern Konkan (Narrinai 391). His chief cities In the issue of this Journall for January, 1923 were Kadambu-peru-vayil (Padirrup-pattu IV, (pp. 83.5), Sir Richard Temple appears to accept Epilogue), Pali (Ahandnuru 15; 258), Viyalar (Aha. almost too readily the view expressed by Mr. K. V. | ndnaru 97), and Pirambu (Ahandnuru 356); and he Subramanya Aiyar in his article on "An Uniden owned two mountains, Elil Kungam or Elin Nedu. Varai (Narrinai 391, Agananuru 152) and Pali tified Territory of Southern India," that the real Silambu (Ahandnuru 152). Kunram, Varsi, and meaning of Mount D'Eli is the Rat Hill, and not Silambu are synonyms, meaning mountain. It is the Seven Hills. I venture to suggest that Mr. this Elil Kunram or blin Neduvarai--the seven Subramanya Aiyar's explanation is ingenious but mountains that the European navigators came to incorrect, and that Sir Richard Temple and others call Mount D'Eli. Thus, if the evidence of ancient who have held that the vernacular name for Mount Tamilliterature be accepted - and there is no reason D'Eli signified the Seven Hills need not so easily why it should not be the term eli in the European abandon that opinion. Mount D'Eli has no connexion with eli, the Mr. Subramanya Aiyar admits that in Sanskrit Tamil word for mushika or "rat", but it stands for works like the Kerala-Mahdimya the region sur dlu, the Tamil numeral denoting seven. In these rounding this hill is called the land of the Seven circumstances, no purpose is served by attempting Hills (Saptasaila); but he states that the mistake to connect the name of the hill with the Tamil word arose with the Indian scholiast, who confounded for rat, as Mr. Subramanya Aiyar has done, on the the dentall with the lingual in transcription. This strength of a story told by a romancing poet.chroappears to me to be a gratuitous assumption; for nicler of comparatively recent date. It will be much it is not only in Sanskrit works, which are more or nearer the fact to hold that the poet gave an ingeless modern, that the hill in question is known nious twist to the name of the hill to suit the as the Seven Hills, but also in Tamil works of un. exigencies of his miraculous story. doubted antiquity, in which this hill is mentioned, K. G. SESHA AIYAR. the name it bears means unequivocally the Seven Hills. Thus in Narrinai, which is one of the ac TOOTNAGUE, knowledged Sangam works, we find in lyric No. 391 For examples of the use of this term, 800 ante, the following passage vols. XXVI, p. 223; XXXIII, p. 323. Ponpadu Korkdna Nanna nannatt Yule, Hobson Jobson, derives the word from Blir kunram perinum, Port, tutenaga and says that the formation is obewhich means even if we obtain the Seven Hills cure. A recent Reply in Notes and Queries, vol. (Elir Kunram) situate in the prosperous territory CXLVI, p. 258, however, goes into this origin and of Nannan in golden Konkana." Again in Ahand- there seems no doubt that it is derived from Skr. nuru, another well-known Sangam collection, we tuttha, blue vitriol, sulphate of copper +naga, read in lyric No. 152, Nannan elinedu-varai, that is, tin or lead. **the Seven Hills of Nannan." We gather from old The Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. III, Sangam works that this Nannan belonged to a 8.v. Toottam has : Tootnaug (ndga, San.; tuttindga, minor branch of the Cera line (Ahandndru 97; 258) Marh.; tuttindgamu, Tel.; nagam, Mal.; tuttundgam, and ruled over a territory, Pali-nadu (Padirrup Tam.). Zinc......spelter. pattu IV, Epilogue), situated in KopkAnam, the L. M. ANSTEY. BOOK NOTICES. A METAPHYSIQUE OY MYSTICISM, by A. GOVINDA other mystio systems, such as Sufi.ism, even other CHARYA SVAMIN (Vedically Viewed). religions such as Christianity and Buddhism, or It is impossible in the course of a brief review to other philosophical doctrines such as Tao-ism in its earliest and purest form, derived their inspiration, notice in detail tho many aspects of mysticism, if not their origin, from the Vorlanta philosophy 98 related to other philosophical systems or scienti. of the Upanishads and of the Bhagavad Gita, must tic data, or the various view.points of other mystics, be left to the reader himself to judge in which have beon quoted by the author, sometimes, each particular case. But it may be remarked in general at considerable length, to support his views and that the claim appears to be a large one, that it sometimes in defence of the general tenets of mys. ignores the possibility of independent and indigetidsm. Suffice it to say, that the author has filled nous origins of creeds and philosophical systems, his work with copious extracts from writers, both and that it rests on no very clearly defined evidenoo. Eastern and Western, on Mysticism, Philosophy It is, moreover, & question whether the mystic and Religion. How far there is justification for sense has not boon read by the Author into the the claim which is inade throughout the work that whole Vedanta philosophy of the time of the Upani 1 Reprinted trom JRAS., April, 1994, pp. 257-258.

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NOVEMBER, 1924] shads and of the Bhagavad-Gita, down to Shankaracharya, its most famous exponent. That philosophy stands forth as a notable example of the many reasoned philosophical attempts, which have been made by the human intellect, to resolve the many into the One, to get rid by means of an intellectual tour de force of the plurality of objectivity, manifested to the ordinary organs of percep tion and cognition; by shutting out, as it were, the phenomenal world, including the observer's own body, and by concentrating the attention inwardly, thus attaining to the recognition of the unity of the human soul with God, the anima mundi. It should, moreover, never be forgotten that the Vedanta philosophy of Shankaracharya divides itsest naturally into an esoteric and an exoteric conception of the Deity-Param Brahma and Aparam Brahma, where Brahina is advisedly of neuter gender. But the esoteric, or metaphysical aspect is never wholly divorced from the exoteric, or religious aspect. Moreover it is sought to prove the whole Vedanta philosophy by means of the ordinary intellectual processes, witness the identification of "cause" and "effect," and so on. It is therefore open to question how far such a philo. sophy, based on logical proofs, can be said to be the same as the author's mystic interpretation of it, an interpretation which elevates Shri Krsua into something perilously near a personal God. Nevertheless, the author's work possesses many features of interest to the general reader and will no doubt be welcomed by mystics in all lands as a compendium of Mysticism, a faith which universally uses one form of expression, namely that of transcendental exaltation of the heart. For Mysticism is based on faith in Gori, and is therefore above and beyond proof. In the very opening section the three "fundamentals" of the mystic creed are stated to bo "God," "soul" and "im mortality." "God" is termed "Spirit," and it is stated that the mystic requires God not merely as Absolute, not merely as Personal, but as a com bination of both the Absolute and the Personal. The mystic, says the author; "seeks the explication of God; his outpourings are more from the heart than of the head or the hand. Hence his aim is at the beauty, (rupa), side of the Creator, which he expresses from the beauty analogies of his Creation. The mystic is the Lover of God, and "God is the Lover and Love." This is not Vedantism. It is pure imagery and apparently borrowed from Sufi-ism. The Deity is here very much sa-gunam or possessed of attributes. Again, it is said that the mystic is concerned with the relation of his self or soul with God. That this soul can never have existence except by God's existence, and that immortality consists in the union of God and soul, and that the effecting of this union is the endeavour of the mystic. So far this is more or less in keeping BOOK-NOTICES 253 with Vedanta esoterism. When, however, it is claimed that the three states of consciousness, namely waking, dreaming and sleeping prove that there is an cgo, a soul, which attaches itself or detaches itself from the objective Universe, we can only reply that, however much Vedanta is followed in this particular, this is not proof, but inference. But it is not Vedanta to exalt, as the author does. the guna (attribute) anand (bliss) above the other gunas, sat (being, truth) and chit (mind, intelligence) of the param brahma. It is obviously logically false to ascribe, as the Vedanta does, any attributes to an attributeless Deity; the paradox is sought to be resolved by making the 3 yunas, sach-chid-anand as evanscent or as ineffable as human language can possibly describe them. But mysticism when it exalts "God's bliss," uncon sciously perhaps makes a reality of this guna, and Gol becomes sa-gunam-a personal God. Here then is the parting of the ways between Vedantism pure and simple and Mysticism. The latter is seen to be a development of the former, a development which in the end results in producing a Theism as distinct from a metaphysical doctrine; a develop. ment in process of time, long after the philosophical treatises of the Upanishads and the Bhagavad. Gita were eomposed; traceable through the Theism of the Bhakti poets and tinged in more modern times with tho erotic imagery of Suri-ism, which far from being a development from Vedantism, reacted on the latter, so as to transform it completely and divorce it from its philosophical standpoint. Did not the sage Bahva observe silence when asked to describe the Deity? Does not the mystic speak of God as "bridegroom" and "lover" and dwell on his "bliss" and "beauty" y Hence Vedanta and Mysticism are as the poles apart, but such is the self-deceptive nature of the human intellect that it is possible for the Mystic to claim that "bride-groom," "lover," "beauty and "bliss" are purely symbolical terms, apparently oblivious of the fact that they are abstract expres sions, which have their root in and are suggested by the practical experience of the cognitive faculty in the world of being and becoming. In the 4th section the author treats of "mystic factors" in the Bhagavad-Gita. Bhakta, which simply means "devotee" is strained to mean "mystic lover." The derivation of Krsna from the roots Kr and as, "earth" and "heaven" smacks of the Pandits. In the 5th section spiritual knowledge, which might more appropriately be termed spiritual faith, is exalted above objective and subjective knowledge, i. c., knowledge gained by the ordinary senags of perception and knowledge gained by scientific abstraction or deduction from known scientific data, respectively. The position is necessary to the idealist and the dreamer, but it will be found

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( NOVEMBER, 1924 that, when giving expression to the articles of his as exemplified in the poetical writings of Narasinha spiritual faith, he seeks to establish his position by Meheto, Akho Bhakata, Tukarma, Namdova unconscious reference to objective and subjective and others in Western India appears to incline data. towards Theism and dvaita-bhdva, or dualism; Incidentally it may be remarked that the word # personal God is invoked and too often advaita"Pandit " can hardly mean "mystic." bhava is directly contradicted by appealing to such a In the sixth section it is claimed that by the God. In fact Bhakti worship in its development enlargeraent of the senses, or by expansion of the departed from the Vedanta metaphysic. Indian intellect, or by exaltation of the heart, the mystic mysticism hence appears to be a development and is given ineffable visions of the Reality. It is Etherealisation of Bhakti-thaven generally supposed that the exaltation alluded to is So in conclusion it may be said that Mysticism, sufficiont to account for the mystio state. For in which speaks of God as "bridegroom" and lover section seven it is stated that by "metaphysical and uses other attributes for the nirgunam param abstraction " God is "realized "; that is to say brahma, or attributeless Supreme Entity of the the first step is to exclude objective perception or Vedanta, has reclothed Him, or shall we say It, uncognition. Then, it is stated, by "mystical ab. consciously perhaps, but nevertheless fatally, as far straction," or, as the ordinary man would say, by as logic is concerned, with gunas (attributes) and exaltation of the feelings, God is "enjoyed." upddhis (limitations), and that in the Divinity of The 8th section makes large claims for Krona the Mystic we have a spiritualized exaltation of the worship as underlying the belief in the Divine in aparam Brahma of Vedanta theology and avidyd, but all lands. Lillie, whose work "India in primitive not of Vedanta metaphysic and vidya. Christianity" connects the doctrines of the Essenes W. DODERET. with neo-Buddhism and the latter with Saiviem, is roferred to by the Author in this connexion. But | ANNUAL REPORT ON EPIGRAPHY FOR THE YEAR there is no room in Lillie's scheme for Krypa. The 1921-22; Superintendent, Government Prese, ascription of the Vedic epithet Kra,"black," Madras. 1923. or "dark-hued " to the Krena of the Mahabharata Several interesting records were discovered and is fanciful. Krsna was of Rajput and Western examined during the year by the Assistant Superin. Indian origin and had no place in the Vedic Pan. tendent for Epigraphy, the earliest being a Sanskrit theon of Nature Gods of the Panjab and Ganges inscription of the Nala kinga, engraved in archaic Valley. Telugu characters of about the fifth century of the Section 9 is an attempt to reconcile the agnosticism Christian era. The Nalas have hitherto been of Buddhism with the mystic view, by means of known as the traditional enemies of the western the thesis that Buddha in his "illumination" Chalukyas, and as having been defeated by Kirti. finally attained to "blessed Nirvana." But this varman I. They apparently belonged to the Kalinga is Edwin Arnold, and no amount of word-painting country, though Fleet located them in the Konkan can reconcile the essential differences between a during the 6th century A.D. A copper-plate con negative, a pessimistic creed of quietism, albeit taining a record of the early Eastern Chalukya charged with the performance of charity and good king Indra Bhattaraka, is important as proving, in works, and the positive, optimistic, efflorescent supersession of previous views, that this king outpourings of the mystic. actually ascended the throne and reigned for seven A similar argument applies when we turn to days. The short duration of his rue 18 accounted China and when it is sought to read mysticism into for by the attack made upon him by king Indra. Confucianism, the author of which said "do not varman of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinganagara trouble about supersensuous things; they are mere and his allies. The record is concerned with the speculations, keep your mind for the practicalities grant of a village, probably in the Kistna district, of life." to certain Brahmans and other persons, whose sur And again to Tao-ism, which originating as a names end in boya--probably a Prakrit form of purely philosophical speculation, in which nothing bhogika. It is noteworthy that although there are no Was very clearly predictod of "Too," degenerated Brahmans in this area to day, who bear this title of into a mass of superstitions in combination with boya, the word does occur in certain modern Brahman Shamanism. names in Kashmir. Among many records of Kulot. The Mysticism of Sufi-ism is well-known, but tunga-Chola I, deciphered during the year, is one it may be remarked that the metaphysical principle stating that a captain in a certain regiment preunderlying it, requiring as it does, the separateness sonted some of the women of his family as devaradi. of God and the worshipper, has nothing to do with yar for service in a temple, after branding them with the Vedanta principle of advaita or Moniam, and is the trisul (trident) in token of their being set apart in fact diametrically opposed to it. It is a fact to the service of the god. This proves that at the that the metaphysic of the bhakti school of Worship, I date of the record this class of devadasi occupied

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NOVEMBER, 1924 ] NOTES AND QUERIES 255 an honourable position and had not declined in social esteem to the position which they now hold. In another record of the same reign some of these women are stated to have been forcibly removed from the temple to the king's household, but, on a representation being made to the king, he ordered their return to the shelter of the temple. A sidelight on criminal justice is furnished by an inscription of Vikrama-Choladeva, which records that a man charged with accidental homicide was sentenced to keep a lamp burning at his own expense in a temple of Siva for the benefit of the spirit of the deceased. Several inscriptions of the Vijayanagar kings mention various dues and taxes realised from the villages, including dues paid to the village watchman, taxes on garden lands, oil-mills, and tanks, and pay for the military commander and for the royal messenger. Another interesting document of the reign of the Karnata king Sriranga II contains an agreement by the people of a nadu (district) to allow certain privileges to three classes of artisans, blacksmiths, goldsmiths and carpenters. The Report onds with an interesting discussion of the position of the ancient South Indian temple in the corporate life of the community, as depicted in the inscriptions, and with notes on village irrigation, the gang of the village, and the brahmasthana or Brahman Assembly-hall at Uttamasole-solaChaturvedi-mangalam. Many other details of in. terest are included in the Report. S. M. EDWARDES. SUPPLEMENTARY CATALOGUE OF THX COINS IN THE INDIAN MUSEUM CON CABINET. Non-Muham. madan Series, Vol.. I.. by B. B. BIDYABINOD, Assistant Curator, Government of India, Calcutta, 1923. I have been through this valuable publication and the first point that strikes me on perusing it is the enormous advance in the knowledge of Indian Numismatics and history in recent years that has made such a work possible. The writer has had at Kis hand an important set of numismatic exhibits at Caloutta of which the Indian Museum may well be proud, and he has made such use of the research at his disposal as to bring before antiquarian readers the contents of hitherto uncatalogued exhibits in & manner which cannot but content them. I have noticed slips in printing here and there, but nothing that would mislead the enquirer. The author is to be congratulated. The collection catalogued covers wide rango of subjects. , Punch-marked, Bactrian and IndoGreek, Indo-Parthian, Kushan, Gupta, Mahakshatrapa, Traikutake, Maukhari and Vardhan kings and emperors are all represented. The Catalogue then turns to Tribal Coins : MAlava, Naga of Narwar, Yaudheya, Kuninda, R&jas and Satrapas of Mathura, and of Virasena, a king in the Gangetic Doab. Next there are coins of Northern India : Andhra, Audambara, Ayodhya, Kosam, Taxila, Mitra of Panchala and Kosala, Achyuts of Ahichchhatra. And after them Indo-Sassanian, including Mihirakula, Bhojadeva of Kanauj and other types, Hindu Kings of Ohind (Kabul), Kalachuri of Dahala, Chandella of Jejakabhukti, Temars of Ajmir and Delhi, Rathor of Kanauj, Narvar and Kota. There is a fine list from Kashmir, commencing with Toramana, and of Kangra, Nepal, Assam and Mithila, South Indian coins follow with several from the now-forgotten Nayaka Kingdom of Ikkeri, which loomed so large in the eyes of the 17th century European travellers. These are fol. lowed by coins from Arakan, of which the Burmese legend is apparently not read, and this is a pity. Finally, a few coins from Native States and Portuguese India wind up the catalogue. The more enumeration of dynasties and localities thus given shows the width of reading and research necessary to make up anything like an acceptable catalogue, and I am impressed by the care bestowed on this one. The not infrequent remark opposite the name of a monarch, "New King" shows how valuable the collection is to the historian. R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. A FOLK STORY. or Lal kiteb mey nikala yun Mr. M. Govindarajulu of Hyderabad recently "Teli bail pala kyun ? sent to this Journal the following example of a Khilaye khal, banaya sard folk-story current in that State. Bait ka bail ! pandra rupaye dapd!" "A certain oilmonger (Teli) owned a bullock. which strayed one day into the compound of the It is written in the Red Book :- Why, O Teli, Kazi. The latter, who was very angry, pronounced did you foster the bullock? You fed it well with a judgment on the oilman, which is embodied in the oil-cake and fattened it. Bullock of a bullock, I fine following verse : you Rs. 15.' "The oilman was thus fined Re. 15 and his bullock was confiscated by the Kazi, who, however, subsequently lost it. Being alarmed at the loss, and fearing that he might have to pay the value of the ll khtb myn nyl bwn tyly byl pl khywn khhly khwl bny mmn@ byl kh byl pndrh rwpyh ddn@

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Nov , 1924 bullock as well as a fine for losing it, the Kazi weeds grass with trousers on, and he who promptly rovoked his judgment." singe with a load on his head," It seems to me that Mr. Govindarajulu's contri. 3. Age kai lheti dge dge bution is a garbled version, or possibly a local vari. Pachhe kai kheti, karma bhdge. Ant. of well-known proverbial maying in Northern i.e., "If you sow your seed betimes in the India, which is quoted twice by Risley in his People rainy seson, you will have the chance of India (pp. 151 and App. I, xxiv) and runs of a good harvest : but if you now late. as follows - only good fortune can secure you a harvest." "The oilman's bullock on one occasion Much the same idea is expressed in the proverb, took to fighting, and the owner was sued before Terah Katik, T'in Asdrh, meaning that in Katik the Kazi for damages. The Red-Book (i.6., the there are thirteen days for sowing, but in Asdrh Kazi) up and spake Oilman, what made the ox only three. Those who miss the opportunity fight? It was the oilcake you gave him so I will rue it. must have the ox and a fine into the bargain." 14. Gehun gdhen dhai biddhan The whole story embodies the popular opinion Mendnd kodo sohe adhen. that the Kazi's judgment is a synonym for injus- 6.e., "If you want a good wheat crop, plough tice, and that the injustice is specially noticeable deep and close if you want a good rice whenever a Hindu is hauled before him. There are crop, plough your furrows rather wide other proverbs about the Kazi which all point to if you want kodo crope, weed out all the the same belief, notably that which runs : grass carefully. "When the Kazi's bitch died, the whole town www 5. Thorai jotin, thorai boin, unch kai bindhin drf: at the funeral; when the Kazi himself died, not a Ehn par jo anna na hokhai, Ghagh ke diha garf. soul followed his coffin." That those proverbial s.e., "Plough little, sow little, but raise the sayings and popular fables rest upon a solid founda field boundaries high. If even your tion of fact and experience becomes clear when we crops are poor, abuse Ghagh." read books like Professor Jadunath Sarkar's Mughal 6. Jekar bigaral mas Asdrh, Administration. He points out that the Klzis of Mu. Tekar bigaral bdraho mds. ghal days were notoriously corrupt. Every provincial 1.e., "He whose business fails in Andrh, will capital had its local Kazi, who was appointed by have no business throughout the twelve. the chief Kazi; and these posts were frequently month." given for bribes. Consequently tho Kazi's depart. 7. Chhot band khar kain; mont became a byword and a reproach in Mughal Janal karis biydh; days. The popular judgment is crystallised in the Magh mde har jotti, common saying : Kabahun na karin biadh. "To trust a Kazi is to court misfortune." 1.6., "Cut all the grass in the field, marry in 8. M. EDWARDES. docent family, plough your fields in the NORTH INDIAN PROVERBS. month of Magh, and you will never need The following proverbe, current among the to purchase grain." lower classes in Northern India, were collected 8. Dhil dhil bent kuddri kai by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube for the informa Hansi ke bolai nori se, tion of the late Dr. W. Crooke, C.L.E., and Jo hansi ke mangai damd, have not been published before. It would be I tfnor kam nikdma. interesting to know whether similar sayings are "A loose handle to the spade, accosting in vogue in other parts of India. women with a smile, and demanding 1. Awat adar nd karai, jdt na dljas hast money from a debtor with a smile; these Ye don kaise jiyen, jdchal du grihast. three are evil things." Ke., "If the Adra nakshatra does not bring The collection ends with a carte-provorb. rain at the beginning of the monsoon, 9. Charipdni kai Pande bhala; and the Hast nakshatra does not bring Jekare dwas chhattis kald. rain at the end, how are the beggar and Chuguli kehdy ke banha det the farmer to live ?" Zamin ho ke chhurd den. Applied to the beggar, the linee mean that 1.e., "The Pande (Brahmans) of Char Pani unless the rich man speaks kindly to him when (near Gorakhpur) are curious people. They he comes and gives him something when he know thirty-six tricks. By back-biting goes, the begkar cannot live. they get a man into trouble, and by stand2. Pand pahir ke jo har jotai, suthan pahir niya. ing security for the same man, in return rdwai, Kahai Ghagh we tinon bhakna, bojh liye jo for money, they get him released." garai. Apparently the Pande Brahman does not stand ir, "GhAgh says that these three are fools; high in popular estimation, he who loughs with sandals on, he who S. M. EDWARDES,

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DECEMBER, 1924 THE ANCHUVANNAM AND THE MANIGRAMAM. 257 THE ANCHUVANNAM AND THE MANIGRAMAM OF THE KOTTAYAM PLATES OF TANU IRAVI OR THE JEWS AND CHRISTIANS OF MALABAR By K. N. DANIEL. We read of the Anchy vannam and the Manigramam in the Payyanur Pattola which ig spoken of by Dr. Gundert as the oldest specimen of Malayalam composition he had ever seen. Chennatam venam perikeyip pol Kovatalachchetti anchuvannam Kuttam! Manikkiramattar makkal nammal al nalu nakarattilum nalareko! ka kutikku chernnor. nalur kutikku chernnore kontar annattil Pattina Svamimakkal Tolar Patinnalu Vamkiriyam T'olppippanilla inndtil drum.-Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII, part II, p. 16. "Strong guards are now required, take the sons of Govatalachchetti of Anchuvannam and of Manigramam, who together with ourselves are the four classes of inhabitants in the four towns. They took of the four classes of inhabitants, the sons of the town lords in that country, fourteen companions (?) a great household not to be outwitted by any in this country." In the Tanu Iravi Copperplates of the ninth century A.D., the Anchuvannam and the Manigramam are said to be men of extraordinary privileges and closely allied to the parishioners of the Tarisappalli, the foreign Christian colonists. The following are the words of the Tanu Travi Copperplates regarding the Anchuvan. nam and the Manigramam : "The Arunurruvar, the Anchuvannam and the Manigramam shall protect the church and the land belonging to it. The Anchuvannam and the Manigramam were granted the following free tenure, while Viyarakatevar, the chief officer of the palace (may be of the Peruma!), Ayyapatika! tiruvati (king of Venatu) and Rama tiruvati (the heir apparent to the above) were gathered together. No poll-tax shall be levied upon the slaves bought by these people. In the case of vehicles (or merchandise) these people are entitled to collect eight cash for admitting in or letting out, and to collect four cash when it comes and goes in veti? (meaning not known) or in boats. Customs should be levied on dutiable articles only in their presence. The appraising of articles and all other business of the king should be done only in their presence. The Anchuvannam and the Manigramam shall keep under their custody the daily collection of customs. When such of those lands within the four gates of the fort) are set apart as not wanted (for the use of the palace), and is therefore given on karal ma, koppatavaram (rent due to the king) should be paid to the palace and the patipatavdram (rent due to a pati, i.e., one who rules under a king) should be paid to the Anchuvannam and the Manigramam. These people were given seventy-two privileges, such as the right of carrying(mannunir) bathing water on the back of the elephant on marriage occasions.... If they have any complaint they shall redress their complaint by stopping the customs duty on weighment of articles of merchandise). If any of them eommit any crime, they should enquire into the case themselves. Whatever the Anchuvannam and the Manigramam, who are made the trustees of this city (Quilon) together with their two chiefs, do, only shall be valid." Now who are the Anchuvannam and the Manigramam? Anchuvannam.--It is rather amusing to see the remarks of the late T. A. Gopinatha Rao, M.A., on the Anchuvannam. While commenting upon the above plates he says "Literally it (anchuvannam) meens five colours and by extension of its connotation five castes. From the two Kottayam plates, we learn that five tastes 1 Kafum or Kafum. Seems to be the same as veffi in, Tamil meaning roadway or pathway-Ep. Mammunft moans bathing-water for kings and gods.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1924 contributed to the bulk of converts to Christianity, and these were flavar, Tachchar, Vellalar, Vannar, and one more which is not legible in the inscription. These, in all probability, formed the Anchuvannattar" (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, page 74). In the above plates nothing is said about converts or conversion. In plate No. I it is said that a few flavas and Vannans (washermen) were given to Tarisapalli, and of these slaves, Ilavas were to be exempted from paying taxes on their talai (footropes) and eni (ladder), (talai and eni for climbing trees), and should be allowed to enter into the market, and the washerman also should be allowed to come into the market and do his work. In plates No. II it is said that a few tachchans (carpenters) and Vellalas were "Ordained to plant and sow for God, so that the church may have due supply of oil and other things." Does this mean that these people embraced Christianity? For argument's sake let it be granted that they do so. The plates, which mention the granting of tachchans and others to the Palli, also mention the extraordinarily high position of Anchuvannam. One cannot understand how a distinguished scholar like the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao could dream of identifying these slaves with the Anchuvannam, on whom were conferred the aristocratic privileges of the country. Nobody, after reading the words of the Tanu Iravi Copperplates quoted above, can identify the Anchuvannam with the slaves, flavas, Vannans, etc. But the Anchuvannam can be easily identified with the Jews. In the Parkara Iravi Varmar Copperplates (commonly known as the Cochin plates of Bhaskara Ravi Varmar) in possession of the Jews of Cochin, it is said "Isupu Irappan, who owns Anchuvannam" (Anchuvannam Utaiya Isuppu Irappan). From the name it is very clear that isuppu Irappan was a Jew. "The Joseph Rabban," says the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao, "of the Cochin plates need not be Rabbi Joseph a Jew. The word Rabban may be considered as another form of Ramban, the name applied to those Christian priests who aspire to the position of a Bishop and who in Russia are either widowers or unmarried men, and in Malabar only unmarried men. The donee of the so-called Jewish deed may as well be a Christian."-(Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, page 80). Then how did the Jews get these plates? Did they steal them? A Hebrew translation of these plates is, according to Dr. Burnell, in all probability, 400 years old(Indian Antiquary, Vol. III, page 334). What was the use of stealing these plates? Is it possible for a people to take all of a sudden certain privileges, saying that they were enjoying them from time immemorial? In days of old the kings and the people were very particular about such things, and no community would dare to go beyond the limit allotted to them by proveable usage. The Christians of Malabar are not likely to give ready credence to the words of the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao, who coming from beyond the Ghats tells us that the copperplates in possession of the Jews of Cochin are stolen property of ours, while none of our ancestors have ever said so. It is, therefore, certain that Isuppu Irappan was a Jew. If the Anchuvannam people were owned by isuppu Irappan, a Jew, the Anchuvannam themselves must be either Jews or slaves. Since the high respectability of these people is described at length, there can be no question that these were Jews. It does not seem to be possible to find out how the Jews got this name. 258 Manigramam.-(1) Now who are the people of Manigramam? The Tapu Iravi Copper. plates were granted to the parishioners of the Tarisappalli, the foreign Christian community just colonised in Quilon. There is a passage in this grant which speaks very clearly about the ancient Christians of the country, viz. "The parkkol and panchakanti which the palliydr (the people of the Church) had formerly received," (munnam palliyar perrutaiya parkkolum panchakantiyum). The palliyar here evidently does not refer to the parishioners of the Tarisappalli recently colonised here. Though modern scholarship cannot sufficiently explain the words parkkol and panchakanti, we can rest assured that they are some signs 4 Rabbi is quite naturally represented by Irappan in Tamil. Ramban could be represented only by a grammatical license, for which there must be good grounds of justification-ED.

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DECEMBER, 1924 1 THE ANCHUVANNAM AND THE MANIGRAMAM. 289 of royalty, because the king Ayyanatika! himself, the vagsal of the Cheraman Perumal, says - "I who have received formerly parkkol, kappan and painchakkani" (pdrkkolum kappanum pafnchakkantiyum munnam perrutaiyan nanum). Parkol is, no doubt, some kind of staff (kol means staff) and panchakkanti, some kind of necklace. In the Huzur Treasury plates it is said that a king gave, among other things, a manikkakkanti (a necklace of rubies) to the temple at Tiruvalla (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, part III, p. 192). In line 1l of Tanu Iravi Plates No. I, we read Painchkkanti and in line 51 of plates No. II panchakanti. The word pafcha in Sanskrit mears five and kanthi necklace. Panchakanthi is pure Sanskrit, meaning a necklace of five. Kanthi when written in Vatteluttu becomes kanti, because there is no th but in this alphabet. Painchakkanti is the Tamilised form of panchakanthi. Painich is the Tamil form of pancha. According to the Tamil rules of Grammar k of kanthi should be doubled, but according to the Sanskrit Grammar it should not be doubled. So we find this word in its pure Sanskrit form in plate No. II and in a Tamilised form in plate No. I. Pancha, in all probability indicates pancharatnam (five jewels), i.e., sapphire, diamond, ruby, pearl, and coral. If so, panchakanti means & necklace of five jewels. The parkkol and panchakanti, a staff and a necklace, were given formerly by the emperor of Keralam to the palliyar, i.e., the head of the Christians, just as to the kings who were his vassals. From this we understand that when the copperplates mentioned above were given to the foreign Christians, the local Christians were evidently enjoying some royal privileges. Is it likely that, while so much is said about the Jews, and they with the Arunurruvar, a body of Nairs, are made protectors of Tari appalli, the local Christians would be ignored? Therefore the other community the Manigramam, who were also made protectors of the Tari appalli, enjoyed extraordinary privileges and were entitled to patippatavaram, the rent due to one who rules under a king, must be identified with the local Christians who are said to have held parkkol and panchkanti, the signs of royalty. (2) Further from the words quoted from the Tanu Iravi plates, the Anchuvarnam and the Manigramam seem to be mercantile peoples. The Anchuvannam are identified with the Jews who are mostly merchants. The Manigramam, therefore, must be Christians who are also mostly merchants. Barretto who was procurator of the Jesuit Provinces of Malabar during the early part of the 17th century speaks of the St. Thomas Christians as follows: "These Christians are highly esteemed by the gentile kings in whose country they live, and they engage themselves in respectable occupations such as commerce and military service." (Relatione Delle Missioni E Christianita Che appartengono alla Provincia di Malavar. In Roma Appresso Fransisco Cavalli, 1645, p. 20.) (3) John de Marignoli who visited Quilon in the year 1348 says that the St. Thomas Christians were then "the masters of the public weighing office" (Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. III, p. 216). Further when Afonso D'Alboquerque visited Quilon in 1504, the Christians of the place came and told him that as he was desirous of confirming to them their ancient customs, to wit, that the Christians who had the management of the Churoh, also should have in their keeping the seal and the standard weight of the city, which privilege the king of Caulao (Quilon) had taken from them for the fault and negligence of one of their number." (The Commentaries of the great Afonso D'Alboquerque, Second Voyage of India translated by Walter De Gray Birch, Vol. I, p. 15.) The Manigramam were made masters of the publio weighing office by the Tanu Travi platee. If the Manigramam were not Christians, we do not find elsewhere that the Christians of Quilon ever received this privilege. The Manigramam, therefore, must be Christians. 6 Pafcharatnam is differently enumerated by some other authorities :-(1) gold, diamond, Es pphire, ruby and pearl ; (2) gold, silver, pearl, coral and an inferior kind of diamond considerud as lucky possession for princos. This book ww edited by his son Alboquerque in the year 1576.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1924 (4) "This Church," says Barbosa while speaking about the Church of Quilon," was endowed by the king of Coulan with the revenue from the pepper, which remains to it to this day." (A Description of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the 16th century, by Duarte Barbosa, 1516 A.D., p. 162.) The Manigramam were authorised to collect customs duty on all articles of merchandise. If they were not Christians, we do not find elsewhere that the Christians of Quilon ever received this right. We, therefore, cannot but conclude that the Manigramam were Christians, (5) In the agreement of peace which Afonso D'Alboquerque made,"it was arranged that the civil and criminal jurisdiction should be under the control of the native Christians, as it had always been hitherto." (Commentaries of the Great Afonso D'Albuquerque, Vol. I, p. 14.) This privilege was given to the Manigramam. If they were not Christians, we do not find elsewhere that the Christians ever received this privilege. They, therefore must be Christians. Having shown that Manigramam were Christians, we shall proceed to examine the argument of the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao to the contrary. "The word in all the documents under notice," says the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao. "clearly indicates a close alliance of the Manigramakkars with the Christian Sapir Ino and therefore were likely themselves Christians. From the fact that the Anchuvannakkars and the Manigramakkars observed the ceremony of ankurdrpana during their marriages, it would appear that they still continued to be Hindus, though they served the Christians. It is quite likely that some of those families, which were made over to the Christian merohant prince Maruvan Sapir Iso, did not become Christians at all, but remaining Hindus, they served their new masters, the Christians, and on that account they became degraded in the eyes of their castemen. This last supposition might account for the existence at present of a set of Sudras known as the Manigramakkar, who are said to be looked down upon by the other Sudras as their inferiors." (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 74, 75). The late Mr. Gopinatha Rao thought that these people observed the ceremony of ankurat. pana, simply because it is said that they were given the privilege of carrying mannunir (bathing water) on the back of an elephant. The late Mr. Gopinatha Rao took the word mannunir to mean "earth and water," and consequently thought that this indicated ankurar. pana. He did not know that bathing water brought on the back of an elephant for & king is god was called mann un'r. Here the brides and bridegrooms of the Afichuvannam and the Manigramam were given the privilege of bringing mannunir on the back of an elephant. In this there is no religious significance whatever. The late Mr. Gopinatha Rao says that the Anchuvannam and the ManikkirAmani served the Christians) As a matter of fact they did not serve anybody. We read that they were men of extraordinary privileges. The privileges given to them were much more than the privileges given to the Christian colonists who came with Mar Sapor, whom according to the late Mr. Gopi. natha Rao, the Afichuvannam and the Manigramam served. The privileges of the Christian colo. nista were only that their slaves, as well as the inhabitants of the land belonging to their Church, were not on any account to be punished by the Government authorities but by the Church, while the privileges of the former were the following -No poll-tax shall be levied upon the Blaves bought by them; they were entitled to certain customs duties on articles of merchandise; levying of Government customs, appraising of articles and all other business of the king should be done only in their presence; they were to keep in their custody the daily collection

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DECEMBER, 1924] THE ANOHUVANNAM AND THE MANIGRAMAM of Government customs; if they found any cause for complaint, they could redress it by stopping the customs duty and the duty on the weighment of the articles of merchandise; they were entitled to the rent due to a pati (one who rules under a king) from the Karalma land (the land which is held on perpetual lease) within the fort; they were given seventy-two privileges, such as the right of carrying mannunir (bathing water for kings and gods) on the hack of an elephant on marriage occasions: if any of them committed any crime they could enquire into the case themselves, not the Government authorities; they were the trustees of the city. 261 If the Manigramam who enjoyed such extraordinary privileges were Nairs, why should they be looked down upon by the other Nairs? Moreover they are ashamed to own the rame Manigramam. Why? Again the chief man among them is controlling the affairs of the temple in Quilon belong. ing to the Kammalas. We read in the Vira Raghava copperplate that the Kammalas (artisans) were given as slaves to the Christians. The Christians of Malabar are traditionally believed to be the masters of the Kammalas. That the chief Me nigramam Nair is still holding a special control over the Kammala temple, is a proof that these Nairs were, some centuries ago, Christians. This is the traditional belief of the other Nairs as well as Christians. Once a Nair friend of mine, a citizen of Quilon, pointing at the Kalari which was used by the Manigramam Nairs as a temple, said that that was their Church. It looks like a Church, he added, rather than a temple. These Manigramam Nairs are found in Quilon, but one or two families are found elsewhere too. What led them to apostatize, one cannot tell. We read in the decrees of the synod of Diamper held in the year 1599, that some of these Christians turned Hindus during the 16th century. While speaking about the Church of Travancore, a small town south of Trivandrum (not the State of Travancore), the Synod says: Whereas the Church of Travancore is at this time totally demolished, the greater part of its parishioners having above forty years ago turned perfect heathens, all which has happened through the negligence of sending priests among them by reason of their great distance from any other Church, there being nevertheless several good Christians there still." (Session VIII, decree VI.) There is now no remembrance of the names Anchuvannam and Manigramam among the Jews and Christians. It may be that, when the grant of privileges connected with the title of Manigramam became a dead letter, the name went out of memory among the Christians. As for the apostate Manigramam, that name could not but be retained, because they could not be called Christians after their apostasy. So their title Manigramam, which by itself indicates no religion, was retained. One is not ignoring the fact that the name Manigramam does not necessarily indicate Christians. This word occurs in one of the inscriptions of the reign of Rajakesari varman in Tiruvellarai near Trichinopoly: Oru "Brahmanane uttuvataka Uraiyur 'Manigramattu narayanan nachchan... vachcha pon." (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 74.) But the Manigramam named in the Tanu Iravi Copperplates executed at Quilon, undoubtedly were Christians and the Manigramam Nairs of Quilon were, in all probability, Christian perverts to Hinduism. 7 There is another reference to Marigramam in inscriptions. The term occurs in the Takopa inscription, vide JRAS., 1913, pp. 337-9, and ibid., 1914, in Siam, where the Manigramam occurs as among three communities under whose protection the temple and tank of Narayana were placed. Manigramam cannot therefore be Christians as such, though the Manigramam dignity might have been conferred upon Christian or Jews. The term seems to refer to the class or guild of merchants dealing in gold and jewels, and being assayers as a consequence. It seems to imply headship of the community of jewellers and no more-ED.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DowBER, 1924 THE KNIGHT'S TOUR AT CHESS. By L. R. RAMACHANDRA TYER, M.A. TAERE was a discussion on the Knight's Tour at Chess, ante, vol. LII, pp. 351-364, in the course of which plates were given of an "Indian Knight's Tour by Figuren " and of a "Correct Knight's Tour," also by figures. It was pointed out that the problem to be solved is to move the knight over every square on the chess-board in 64 consecutive moves ; that is to say, if the top left-hand square is counted as No. 1, No. 64 must come within a knight's move of square No. 1. The "Correct Knight's Tour" solved the problem, but the "Indian Knight's Tour" did not, because, although it filled up every square in consecutive moves up to 64, the last "move " was not within a knight's move of square No. 1. Therefore there were only 63 moves, as No. 1 is a station and not a move. But the interest in that "Indian Knight's Tour" lies in the fact that the first half of the board is filled by 32 " moves," in such a way that by merely repeating the moves" in the first half in the same order in the second half the whole board becomes filled. The tour failed, however, to solve the problem, because neither did move 32 fall within a knight's move of square No. 1, nor did move 64 fall within a knight's move of square No. 33. The "Correct Knight's Tour" is indeed correct, in so far as move 64 is within a knight's move of square No. 1, but it does not arrange that when half the board is filled, the rest of it can be filled up automatically, as in the case of the "Indian Knight's Tour." It is, however, possible so to arrange the 10ves that when half the board is filled up, the remainder can be filled up automatically, and yet to bring move 84 within a knight's move of square No. 1. To make my meaning clear I here repeat the plate of the "Correct Knight's Tour" and the "Indian Knight's Tour by Figures :" see Plates I and II attached. I also add thereto Plate III which I have called a "Symmetrical Knight's Tour." It will be observed from Plate III that the moves 1 to 33 are 80 arranged that No. 33 falls in the bottom right-hand corner of the board ; i.e., exactly at the opposite corner dia. gonally of No. 1, which is at the top left-hand corner. So the second half of the moves oan be worked backwards to No. 1 in exactly the opposite direction to the first half working forwards from No. 1, and yet No. 64 falls within a knight's move of No. 1. It will therefore be seen that Plate III exhibits not only a "correct " knight's tour, but also a more perfoot tour than that previously given, as the last half of the board can be filled up automatically. The Symmetrical Knight's Tour combines in fact the advantages of the Correot Knight's Tour (Plate I) and the Indian Knight's Tour by Figures (Plate II). The point can be made yet clearer by observing Figures A and B of Plate IV, which show the distribution of the first 33 moves in Plates I and II respectively, move 33 belonging to the second half of the board. It will be seen that in the first case the moves are distributed 16 in each half of the board divided vertically: in the latter case they are 16 in each half of tho board divided horizontally. Plates V and VI represent the moves of the "Symme trical Knight's Tour." In Plate V, Fig. A, moves 1 to 32 are distributed, 15 in the upper half of the board and 17 in the lower half the board being divided horizontally. In Plate V, Fig. B, moves 33 to 64, these facts are reverged, and the distribution is 17 in the upper half and 15 in the lower. Similarly in Plate VI. Fig. A, moves 1 to 32 are distributed, 21 in the left half of the board and 11 in the right half : the board being divided vertically: and in Plate VI, Fig. B, the reverse ooours, the distribution being 11 moves in the left half and 21 in the right ball of the board,

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1 4 37 26 45 56 17 14 36 25 899 64 ga 16 13 44 55 A CORRECT KNIGHT'S TOUR. 5 , 2 27 *** 38 57 46 15 PLATE I. 18 59 / lh / - / -lh-phy / shaa / / sg / lh / hph / gl / rtsw / sw' / shaa w / / 0 / sm-dd- sh 34 19 50 40 Indian Antiquary. 53 7 60 48 41 20 30 33 8 61 10 21 52 49 R. C. TEMPLE, DEL.

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1 16 31 18 th'- 4 / sh- - sh-zhu-sku / / **** ** 30 50 INDIAN KNIGHT'S TOUR BY FIGURES. 9 PLATE II 20 29 64 14 -52 3 10 39 21 35 24 27 6 15 32 7 28 13 22 51 34 61 42 59 60 56 Indian Antiquary. 11 4 45 25 43 5 40 49 46 53 38 67 44 26 54 23 R. C. TEMPLE, DEL. 12 9 36 55 5 58 37

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PLATE II. Indian Antiquary A SYMMETRICAL KNIGHT'S TOUR. 51 | 8 | 11 18 61 62 L. R. RAMACHANDBA IYER, DEL.

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Indian Antiquary. PLATE IV. FIG. A. A CORRECT KNIGHTS TOUR. (The First Thirty-Three Moves.) 1 524 30 425 2 6 3133 27 23 26. 3 28 9 12 10 13 17 15 114 18 FIG. B. AN INDIAN KNIGHT'S TOUR. (The First Thirty-Three Moves.) 11 19 20 3 24 11 26 19.2 4 23 31 8 .17 14 6 25.12 18 28 13 22 5 R. C. TAMPLA, DEL.

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Inahian Antiquary. PLATE V. A SYMMETRICAL KNIGHT'S TOUR Board divided horizontally. FG. A: Moves 1 to 32. 811 13 14 31 24 21 27 20 | 29 22 25 28 19 FIG. B : MOVES 33 to 64. 5754 61 52 55 59 64 53 56 49 63 48 35 46 37 42 45 43 40 38 N.B.-The two figures in circles are not counted. R. C. Tuna, DLL.

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Indian Antiquary PLATE VI. A SYMMETRICAL KNIGHT'S TOUR Board divided vertically. FIG. A: Moves 1 to 32.. 13 2 7129 14 3 16 4 15 17 24 21 26 32 27 I 23 20 29 22 25 28 19 FIG. B : Moves 33 to 61. 51 6057 50 52 55 64 58 5356 4962 63 4835 46 41 44 39 42 34 45 40 | 38 33 N.B.-The two figures in circles are not counted. R. C. TEMPLE, DEL.

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Indian Antiquary. PLATE VII. A SYMMETRICAL KNIGHT'S TOUR Board divided into quarters. FIG. A: Moves 1 TO 32. TT. 132 712 III. IV. 30 17 24 21 26 27 23 20 29 22 25 28 IV. FIG. B: Moves 33 to 61. III. 60 57 54 2 52 55 59 64 58 53 56 49 62 47 36 II. 35 46 44 39 45 43 40 38 33 N.B.-The two figures in circles are not counted. R. C. TEMPLE, DEL

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DECEMBER, 1924) THE KNIGHT'S TOUR AT CHESS 263 Also in Plates V and VI it will be seen that the second half of the moves 33 to are in exactly the opposite squares of the board diagonally to those in the first half, 1 to :) This fact becomes quite clear if the board be divided, as in Plate VII, into quarters for convenience of noting the places of the respective figures. Table A below, taken with Plates V, VI and VII, shows how the two halves of the board ctly correspond diagonally with the Symmetrical Knight's Tour. Thus : TABLE A. DIAGONAL OPPOSITES IN THE SYMMETRICAL KNIGHT'S TOUR. First Second First Second First Second First Second with with with with Half Hali Half Half Half Half Half Half 49 57 32 48 64 I give also Table B showing how the two halves of the board correspond diagonally in the case of the Correct Knight's Tour (Plate IV, Fig. A). It will be seen that there is consi. derable, but by no means completely, exact correspondence. That is to say, the 1st and 3rd quarters of the board correspond exactly, but there is a certain confusion in the 2nd and 4th quarters. Thus : TABLE B. DIAGONAL OPPOSITES IN THE CORRBOT KNIGHT'S TOUR. First Second First Second First Second First Second with Half Half Half Half Half I woond .. with with with avond HALE

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1924 Taken all round, the "Indian Knight's Tour" fails, because it does not solve the problem in 64 moves the "Correct Knight's Tour" fails, because it is not exactly symmetrical: the "Symmetrical Knight's Tour" succeeds in being both correct and symmetrical. It does not, however, explain itself in the first half of the moves, Nos. 1 to 32: nor does it confine itself to one half of the board in the first 32 moves. It is this point that has puzzled mathematicians. How is a mathematical statement, or a mnemonic sloka, to be drawn up which will automatically settle the problem from beginning to end? There is still room for research in this problem. 264 SOME COPPER COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. (A Note on the Plates issued, ante, vol. XXXII (1903), pp: 313-25.) BY. CH. MOHD. ISMAIL, M.A., M.R.A.S. THERE is no doubt as to the fact that there was little material for the identification of coins when Mr. Sewell explained the Plate mentioned above. The research carried out during the last twenty years has made it comparatively easy to identify most of the coins now. Peing chiefly concerned with Musalman coins or specimens, stamped with "Persian" or "Arabio" characters, I have tried to identify some of the figures in the plates illustrating Mr. Sewell's article, and being successful in some cases, I give below my observations: Plate I. Figures 4-A-4-1. Mr. Sewell says that these specimens have peacocks on one side, but with the exception of 4-A, 4-B, 4-F and 4-I, these birds are not clear. For the sake of convenience, however, we may term these specimens "peacock coins". In this connection the following quotation from the British Museum Catalogue of Persian Coins, 1887, will be of interest. "The copper coinage of Persia under the Shahs is until the present reign, with insignificant exceptions, autonomous. It presents on the obverse a type, usually the figure of an animal, and on the reverse the name of the mint, preceded by or No doubt the first inscription should be read, the inversion being due to the habit on gold and silver money of placing the word at the foot of the coin, to be read immediately before the mint written next above it. As the types in several instances are identical with the eponymous animals of the Tatar. Cycle, it might be supposed that these at least were chosen with a chronological intention."-Introduction, p. xc. Now out of these coins, 4-A and 4-B bear the legend, which is evidently a portion of plus the name of the mint where the coin was struck. This fact goes to prove that they cannot be associated with a temple (presumably a Hindu one), which would never use" Persian" for the legend. Though the name of the mint is not to be found on these two specimens, yet by comparing them with figures 9, 21 and 94 of the autonomous copper coins of Persia, given in the above-mentioned Catalogue of the British Museum and figures 30 (p. 105), 47-50 (p. 119), 1 (p. 129), 35 (p. 133), 75 and 84 (p. 141), 172-175 (p. 155) of "Modern Copper Coins of the Muhammadan States "by W. H. Valentine, and taking into consideration the last paragraph of the above quotation from the British Museum Catalogue, we can say with certainty that these coins are "autonomous " of Iranian origin, if we take Iran to mean Caucasia, Persia and Afghanistan, and have nothing to do with the temples of Southern India. Of course, if there is no "Persian" inscription, we are in darkness, as coins of similar appearance have been given, though not definitely assigned, in plate IV (figures 8 and 9) of Thurston's Mysore Coins.

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DECEMBER, 1924] SOME COPPER COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA Figures 7-A-7-G.-Mr. Sewell then takes them to be of the "same type (as 6A-6B), the principal object being a lozenge-shaped ornament with nine dots inside it, Hindustani or Persian lettering around." I am of opinion that all of them belong to Muhammad 'Adil Shah (A.H. 1037-67, A.D. 1627-56) of Bijapur. Figure 7 of plate XXXIX illustrating the article of Dr. Taylor (pp. 678-87) in No. 11 of Numismatic Supplement, JASB., 1910, reproduces the original die, and we find the complete legend as given by Dr. Taylor in the above article as: jhn zyn dr mHmd grft zynt w jh .. ykhy mHmd mrsl dwm mHmd shh "The world from these two Muhammads received beauty and dignity. The first is Muhammad the apostle, the second Muhammad Shah (the king)". The reconstruction as given by Dr. Taylor does no doubt differ to some extent in appearance from the figures 7A-7G, yet I am confident that I am right in assigning them to Muhammad Adil Shah. I have examined about 200 coins of this pattern, in the collections of the Poona Archaeological Museum, Prince of Wales Museum, the Bombay Royal Asiatic Society, and of some friends of mine, and some amongst treasure trove coins. All the specimens which I came across, bore, as a rule, fragmentary and in some cases crude inscriptions, and differed a good deal from one another. In 7-A the word is clear. ` other , abd 265 In 7-B s and out in other specimens. 7-F. This coin has "similar lozenge but with a squatting figure of Narsimha, on the opposite side" says Mr. Sewell. This coin, if similar to 7-A-7-E which are of a Musalman king, cannot have, as a rule, the Hindu God Narsimha on either of its sides. Possibly the suggestion as to Narsimha is due to the preconceived idea that the coin belongs to some temple. This specimen may also be of Muhammad 'Adil Shah, but one cannot be positive. The "Narsimha "figure may be the "sun face" or "Persian Lion" with the face of a mana representation of 'Ali, the "Lion of God," and thus the coin may be "Persian." No. 8. On one side we find within the rhombus formed by cross lines and on the and and may assign the coin to the Mughal le can be read. Similarly fragmentary inscriptions can be made We may read it as fzy b dshh dynasty. It is certainly a post-Aurangzeb coin and probably belongs to Shah 'Alam II. Mr. Sewell is quite right in thinking that it has nothing to do with the temples. 9-A-9-B. These two specimens, on one of which can be read, may be assigned to chiefs who began to strike their own coins during the decline of the Mughal dynasty, stamping them with their own signs or mint marks (in this case the trisula and a club?) while the coin bore the usual Mughal legend plus the name of the impotent ruler at Delhi, usually Shah 'Atam II, though in some cases he was long dead. Only as a mark of nominal allegiance, this practice was followed by the British East India Company as well, though the Emperor at Delhi was their pensioner. It may be of 'Ali 'Adil Shah 9-C. It is very much defaced with an illegible inscription. I of Bijapur. (Compare fig. 1 of pl. XXXIX, N. S. No. 11.) and 9-D-1, 9-D-2, 9-D-3. By collation of all these we may read Evidently it is Mughal and probably of Shah Alam II, for traces of Shah Alam 9-D-1 and 9 D-3 may be read. lesin. 9 E. It is evidently of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II (A. H. 988-1037) of Bijapur. Only the reverse, of which the full legend is, has been given. Compare fig. 2 on plate XXXIX, N. S. No. II (1910). 2

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1924 9-F. The lettering pla which is a portion of ungla can be read. So it is a Mughal or pseudo-Mughal coin. 9- The sa which is probably a portion of ungle can be read on one side, and on the other. I cannot say anything definite about it. Thousands of coing like this, which were struck by local independent chiefs, are still found. 9-H. It closely resembles fulus of Shikarpur. Plate II. 9.1. In this lies which is a portion of sleglasly can be read on one side, and g on the other side. The circular stroke of resembles the of 9-G, but in this case in the belly or the bigger curve of there are no dots. 9.K. The words which can be made out are and which may be read as o li and but one cannot be certain whether the mint is >>:,, Johannes, 99, ., Shikarpur, Peshawar, Lahore or Bahawalpur, and whether the coin is of Durrani or the Mughal dynasty. Probably it is of the former. 9-L. This coin, though defaced can be assigned to Ali 'Adit Shah II (A.H. 1087--83) of Bijapur. Compare the figure with figure 8 of plate XXXIX of the N. S. II. Here in this mr Sfd Sfdr specimen, which is a portion of an! A which is a portion of 'can be read. `ly r 10. The coin is very much defaced. Imagination helps me to read on the obverse, ga pe Mahisur or wie wyne and if so, the coin may be assigned to Mysore-but all this is doubtful. Plate III. No. 42. I assign it to Muhammad bin Tughlaq (A.H. 725-52, A.D. 1325--51) of the lHkhm Tughlaq Dynasty. The inscription which is legible on one side is all which is similar to br w that of 219 in Thomas and 373 of Indian Museum Catalogue, the only difference being in the au arrangement of letters. It is in the above specimen, whereas it is lell in the lHkm mnh bmrllh above references. No. 45. This is no doubt a Mysore coin of Tipu Sultan, as suggested by Mr. Sewell. If Tufnell and Thurston have not figured such a coin in their plates, possibly they did not find one. In fig. 5, pl. VI, figs. 7, 8, pl. VIII of Thurston we see an elephant to the right with similar tail, and if alif is not to be found it is immaterial. Figs. 162, 176, 188, 194, pl. IV, figs. 228, 230, 255, pl. V, figs. 299, pl. VI, of "The Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan" by Henderson also bear similar figures of the elephant to the right. Fig. 46. This coin is of Tipu Sultan and the mint possibly is Twis, Khaliqabad

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DXORMBER, 1924 1 A VISIT TO TUMANA 267 . A VISIT TO TUMANA. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A. TUMANA, the representative of the ancient Tummana, the first capital of the principal Haihayas of Mahakosala, was first discovered by me in the year 1903, but I wanted stronger proof than the mere similarity of names for establishing its identity, and this I could not do satisfactorily without personally seeing the place. I found an opportunity to visit the place on 22nd May 1908, but owing to press of work I failed to write a note on it, as promised in a foot-note to my article on Ramtak (ante, 1908, p. 204, foot-note 11). Unfortunately the matter was later on forgotten, until I found the other day some rough notes which I had taken on the spot. It is now very difficult to recollect all that I saw 16 years ago, but I consider it necessary to redeem the promise then made as well as I can with the materials before me. TumAna is now a small village in the L&pha ZamindAri of the Bilaspur District in the Chattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. It is situated in 22deg 35' N. and 82deg 45' E., within a ring of mountains enclosing some 16 villages, occupying as many thousand acres, the whole tract being known as Tumana khol. Traditionally there are five khols in that part of the country, the other four being Devikhol, Bhairavakhol, Narakhol and VarAhakhol. There are two entrances to the Tumanakhol, one from the Uprore Zamindari and the other from Matin, and if these two are guarded or garrisoned, the khol becomes a natural fort. It is just the place which kings of olden times would have selected for their residence. Tumana is situated on the river Jatasankari, a streamlet which issued from the foot of a mountain close by, known as Laph Agarh or Chittorgarh, on which stands an ancient fortress, presumably constructed for offensive and defensive purposes in times of war, which were of frequent occurrence in those days of "might is right." The ancient remains at Tumans are not very numerous, but they are quite sufficient to establish its antiquity and importance in days gone by. They consist of ruins of about 30 temples, a palace and a number of tanks. To the east of the present village, which consists of a few huts, there is a space about 200 cubits square, within which there are about 20 piles of carved and out stone. The central pile, which seems to have been the best and the last to fall down, has a huge Nandi, probably in the very place where it was originally enshrined. Its plan indicates that it was once a grand structure. The portion above the top of the entrance has fallen, covering the rest with debris, which I had removed and found superb gateway. It was surmounted with a number of figures carrying garlands of flowers, with a Kirtimukh in the middle. Under these was the dedicatory blook with three niches, the middle one representing Siva in the Tandava dance. The nich to the proper right was occupied by Brahmin sitting posture and the left by Vishnu riding on Garuda. In the intervening space between the niches there were figures of the nine grahas or planets. At the bottom of the door stood the rivers Yamund and Gange, holding pitchers of water, the former on her tortoise to the proper right and the latter on the dragon on the left. The sides of the door were ornamented with figures of Vishnu's incarnations, beginning with Machchha (fish) just on the top of the Yamund and running up to Vamana. The remaining five commenced with Rama on the top of the Ganges and ran up to the Kalki. Two beauti. . ful figures of Mahadeva were carved on each side of the rivers guarding the entrance. The 11. Kemalpar, 2176 acres. 2. Barbapur, 497. 3. Khodari, 012. 4. Kansaghar, 2220. 8 Dumarmude, 409. 6. Sirke, 1126. 7. Ghoghara, 157. & Amaldiha, 839. 9. Chheondhara, 280. 10. Putu, 1108. 11. Amjhar, 403. 12. Paodhar, 623. 13. Tuman, 1596. 14. Bankhota, 1813. 16. Pondi, 897. 16. Nangal Kufuar, 1104.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1924 exterior of the temple appears to have been ornamented with kirtimukhas, four-handed figures and animals. A line of geese was still visible. I also noticed a figure of a tiger overpowering an elephant, which has been regarded by some writers as the distinguishing crest of the Gonds. The most that can be claimed for the Gonds is that the Chand& princes adopted the device as such, copying it from the figures in the old temples which they found there. It was no invention of theirs. The figure probably appealed to their imagination, the tiger of their jungles representing the ideal of prowess. Another important ruin known as Satkhanda Mahal or seven-storied palace, is situated just on the bank of the Jat Abankari to the west of the village. Here a number of cut stones were spread over an area, which may well have been the site of a royal residence. The structure appeared to have been a plain one, 48 very few carved stones were to be seen. This place is protected by hills on two'sides and the only approach from outside is by the river Jatasaukari. Tradition avers that there were chhai dgar chhai kori talao or 126 tanks, but now only one kori or twenty can be traced. There are two tanks in the vicinity of the great group of, temples, named Rajd talao, and Rani talao, and there is one named Diwan dabri or minister's pond. The Dulha, Jhinga, Kajra and Terha tanks have heaps of cut stone on their banks. These belonged to temples which have now fallen down. The earliest mention of Tummana is the Ratanpur inscription of 1114 A.D.3 In this record it is stated that " in the moon's primeval race was born the illustrious Kartavirya, from whom were born the Haihayas" "In the race of the Haihaya princes was born that ruler of Chedi, the illustrious Kokalla, an image of the god of love, whence all derived delight, by whom being on earth in order to measure his own fame how much it might be ...... this of (?) Tritasaurya was sent up high into the universe." (Verse 4.) "He had 18 sons, who destroyed the enemies as lions do elephants. The first-born son among them was ruler of Tripuri, and he made the remaining brothers lords of mandalas." (V.5.) "The race of one among these younger brothers in the course of time obtained an unequalled son, Kalingaraja, a tree of prowess grown large by the water of the eyes of the wives of the enemies, who in order not to impoverish the treasury of Tritasaurya abandoned the ancestral land and acquired by his two arms this country Dakshina Kosala." (V. 6.) "Since Tummana had been made a royal residence of his ancestors, therefore residing there, he increased his fortune, causing the destruction of his enemies." (V. 7.) His son Kamalaraja begot Ratnardja or Ratnesa. "Tummans with its temples of the holy Vankesa and other gods and also Ratnesvara and the rest, with a garden containing innumerable flowers and beautiful fruits, a charming high mango grove, and crowded with palatial buildings, decorated with charming beauty, was made by Ratnesa pleasant to the eyes, when viewed by the people." (V. 10.) It was this Ratnesa, who finally removed the capital about 45 miles southwards to a place where he founded a town, which he named after himself. The ing. cription describes it as a glorious town, which had its fame listened to in every quarter and was like the city of Kuvera. From Ratnaraja was born Prith videva who "for the glory of religion established the shrines of Prith videvesvara and others at Tummana and a tank resembling the ocean was built by him at Ratnapura." (V. 17.) His son was Jajalladeva. who caused the record to be inscribed, from which the above account has been taken. They are named Sukhart, Terha, Majhld, Dulahra, Dulahi taldi, Ghar tardi, Sdras dabri, Jhinga, Rautdin, Chamar dabrt, Dewdn dabri, Raja talao, Rant talao, Bamhnin talao, Gadhia talao, Purainha, Rownd, Ban tardi, Khajnd, and Kukurbula dabri. Epi. Ind., vol. 1, pp. 32 ft.

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269 DECEMBER, 1924 ] A VISIT TO TUMANA - The next inscription in which Tumma & is referred to, is at Mah&madpur, 19 miles from Bil Aspur. It states that "in the Tummana country there was a king Jajalladeva, the ornament of the Kalachuris." This record is not dated, but from the names of kings mentioned therein, it appears that it was carved about the time of Prithvideva II, who flour. ished about 1145 A.D. A third record with a definite date in the Chedi year 919 (1167-1168 A.D.) was found at Malhar, 16 miles south-east of Bilaspur. It refers to Jajalladeva II as "ruler of Tummana," during whose time a renowned Pandit Gangadhara, who had settled at Tummana, built a temple of Kedara at Mallala (the present Malhar). The fourth re. ference is found at Kharod (37 miles south of Bilaspur) in a record of the Chedi year 933 (1181-1182 A.D.), which gives the geneology of the Kalachuri kings up to Ratnadeva III, and refers to Kamalaraja as "Lord of Tummana." Finally a Ratanpur inscription of Prithvideva III, belonging to the year 1189-90 A.D., speaks of one Govinda, who had come in that Raja's time from the Chedi country to Tummana,' showing that in spite of tne capital having been moved from there, it continued to be a place of importance. It would appear that the old capital was remembered with pride long after it had ceased to be the residence of what is now called the Ratanpur line of Haihaya kings. It is this association with Ratanpur which led Dr. Kielhorn to identify Tummana with 'Jundshahar' or old town, which is the name of an abandoned quarter of Ratanpur. He had never heard of the existence of Tummana forty-five miles further north. Tummana owes its importance wholly to the Kalachuris, who however do not appear to have occupied it continuously, since they first selected it as their residence. The quot. ations from the inscriptions, which I have given above, indicate that one of the eighteen sons of Kokalla of Tripuri (six miles from Jubbulpore) made it his head-quarters about 875 A.D. It appears that after the lapse of about 125 years the place had to be reconquered by Kalinga. raja, a scion of the Tripuri family, who is stated to have taken Dakshina Kosala by the might of his two arms, after destroying the enemy at Tummana, 8 Apparently some aborigines had displaced the Kshatriyas. There is a tradition that a local chief called Ghughghus fought with the Kshatriyas for about 10 years. How long Tummana remained with the aborigines there is no material to determine, but after Kalingaraja took it, it remained in the possession of his family for about 700 years, although the parental stock at Tripuri became extinct within about 200 years from Kalinga's time. Various conjectures have been made as to the place whenoe the Kalachuris immigrated to Tripuri. One of them makes Tritasaurya their original capital, as this word occurs in inscriptions and has been taken to stand for a place-name. Thus, in the inscription first quoted above the name occurs twice, and Dr. Kielhorn has treated it as their old capital without any attempt to locate it. To me the name sounds a tribal one, and I am inclined to interpret differently the two slokas which run as follows: teSAM haihaya bhUbhujAM samabhavavaMze sa cedIzvaraH bhI kokalla iti smara pratikRtirvizva pramodo ytH| yenAyaM tritasaurya [sainyabalamAyA ] mena mAtuM yazaH svAyaM preSitamucakaiH kiyaditi brahmAMDamantaHkSiti / 4 / 4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XX and Hiralal's O.P. Inscriptions, p. 111. 6 pi. Inul., Vol. 1, pp. 39 ff and Hiralal's O.P. Inscriptions, p. 112. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII p. 82 and Hiralal's C.P. Inscriptions, p. 108. 7 Epi. Ind. Vol. I, p. 50. * dakSiNa kauzalo janapase bAharavenArjitaH rAjadhAnI sa tubhmANaH pUrvajaiH kRta itvataH tapasyo'rikSa kurvana name = 1 (Epi., Ind, Vol. I, p. 34).

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Dombes, 1994 prApaceSu kalikarAjamasamaM baMzaHkramAmAnujaH putraM zatrukalatranetrasalilasphItaMpratApagumaM / yenArya tritasaurya kozamakazakirtuM vihAyAnvaya kSoNI dakSiNa kozalo janapado bAhuyegArjitaH / / I have already quoted Dr. Kielhorn's interpretation of both the verses in the commencement of this article. In the original, six letters in the third line of verse 4 are broken off. I have conjeoturally supplied them as given within the brackets. If they can stand, I would interpret the measure of Kokalla's prowess to be the great army of Tritasauryas, whom he apparently defeated and thus exalted his fame. In verse 6 Kalingaraja's high-mindedness is exhibited by his generous act of leaving his own king's army with the intention of tessening the burden on the enemy's treasury. So valourous was Kalinga that the fight would have continued with the greatest vigour, entailing a heavy expenditure on the enemy's treasury, if he had not left the army and directed his attention to fields and pastures new.' If the meaning, as given by Dr. Kielhorn, is accepted, it would indicate the poverty of the Kalachuri treasury. Thus instead of being praise, it would be a reproach, implying great weakness, in that it was incapable of supporting even a scion of the family and a great warrior to boot. The question will then arise as to who the Tritasauryas were. In the Vedas we find a tribe named Tsitsu, whose king Divod Asa was very powerful. His son Sud Asa fought the biggest battles noticed in the Vedas. His opponents combined against him and yet they were defeated. To overpower such a strong tribe would have been an act exceed. ing the limits of fame. The Tritsus are said to have belonged to the solar race, while the Chedis, who also find a mention in the Vedas, obviously belonged to the lunar race and were famous for their generosity. In the eighth mandala of the Rigveda it is stated that a Chediputra gave away 100 buffaloes and 10,000 cows to a poet. These facts would support the antipathy between the Tritsus and the Chaidyas, (who were the ancestors of the Kalachuris or Haihayas) and their mutually antagonistio temperaments. It is therefore possible that Tritasaurya refers to the descendants of Tritsus, the hereiditary enemies of the Kalaahuris. Phonetically the words appear similar, but it is doubtful whether the connection van be established grammatioally. This is a problem for Sanskritists to solve.

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DECEMBER, 1924 ) FOLK-TALES FROM THE DECCAN 271 FOLK-TALES FROM THE DECCAN. By J. S. MOOTHIAH. 1. Luami and the Drummer. ONCE upon a time lived Luami, who was ill-treated by her parents-in-law, so she determined to commit suicide by throwing herself into a well. So she adorned herself with all her jewels, and taking her bindd (lota, brass water-pot) went towards the jungle. On the way she met a madala-kadu (drummer, 'tom-tom 'beater) hurrying after his master as he was late. He was, however, much struck with the beauty and the jewellery of Luami and stopped to speak to her. "Where are you going, Luami, such a long way for water?" "I am tired of my troubles and I am going to kill myself." "Why are you so troubled ?" "My father and mother-in-law so trouble me that I am going to extricate myself from troubles." Then said the drummer :-"I will show you an easy way to die : follow me." So they went together to a place where was neither man nor beast, where the drummer halted and said: "Do as I do and then you can die by your own hands." So he put his madala ('tom-tom ') on the ground, stood on it and tied a noose to a tree-branch round his neck. But the madala gave way and the drummer was left hanging to the tree. It was now quite dark and the girl had sense and was not frightened : so she made ready to sleep where she was for the night. At midnight some thieves arrived, and placed all the property they had plundered under the tree from which the drummer was hanging. Then they suddenly saw his body and ran off in great fear, leaving their booty behind. The girl saw her opportunity and filled her bindd to overflowing with the stolen goods. When the sun had risen next morning she started back for her mother-in-law's house, who received her and her money in the bindd with great joy, and Luami lived thereafter in great happiness. 2. The Meaning of Dharmam. Once upon a time a Brahman lad lived with his mother, making their living by begging. When the boy grew up he observed that his mother gave away half the proceeds of her begging in charity. He did not understand this and asked his mother the reason. She replied that it was dharmam. "But what does dharmam mean, mother"? "That I don't know. If you want to know, go to the jungle and ask a Sannyasi or Sadhu (& sage)." So the young Brahman went to the jungle and sat down to rest after his first day's journey. While he was resting a Raja came up and asked him what he was doing. "I have come to find out the meaning of Dharmam." "Where are you going to find it?" "I must find a Sannyasi in the jungle who will tell me." "When you find him," said the Raja, ask him also why the band (dam) of my lake does not stand firm." 1 This is more common ooourrence in real life than is perhaps realised. There were at the Andaman Islande soveral prisoners who were girl-wives, that, to avoid ill-treatment in their husbands' hours, had thrown thomselves into well with their babies. The babies died but the girls were rescued alive They had thus committed murder under British law-R.O.T.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1924 In the morning the lad got up early, and went on till he found a place of safety. There at midnight a huge snake, that was a naga, came to him and asked the same questions as the Raja. In the end the Naga said :-"Will you ask the Sannyasi why all Nagas of my age die, but I don't ?" The boy promised to do so. Next morning he went on, and arrived at a mango tree, where he stopped for the night. When it was dark the tree spoke to him and asked him where he was going. After the Brahman boy had explained his errand, the tree said :-"Kindly ask the Sannyasi why no one eats my fruit ?" At the end of the fourth day the Brahman lad was again obliged to stop the night in the jangle, when he saw a fire and by it sitting a man and his wife, to whom he explained what had happened to him. The man was a Koli (cultivator) and asked his wife to give a share of her food to the Brahman, as he was giving a third of his own. But she refused, whereon the Koli gave half his own share and also half of his bedding, and so they slept that night. In the morning the Koli had disappeared, and his wife began to abuse the Brahman, as she said her husband must have been taken by wild animals. And so the Brahman left her and went on and met a Sannyasi, and said to himself 'this must be the sage I am looking for.' So he at once asked him what dharmam meant. Said the Sage :- Go to the city hard by. There will be a son born there to-day to the Raja. Ask him to bring the boy to you, and he will explain the meaning of dharmam." The Brahman did as he was told, and when the baby was brought to him, all the people from all parts of the city flocked to hear a child just born speak. The Brahman at once asked the child :--"What is the meaning of dharmam ?" Then said the child : "I am he that gave you half my wheaten bread and half my bed. At midnight I fell out of the hammock and was torn to pieces by wolves. So I was born here to-day as the Raja's son. And even to-day is my wife a pig. Ten pigs have been born to-day in this city: the ninth of them is my wife. This distribution of reward and punishment is dharmam." Then asked the Brahman :-"Why doesn't the lake dam stand firm ?" The child replied :-"Because the Raja has two daughters who are marriageable? The dam will stand as soon as they are married." "Why doesn't the Naga die? "It will die as soon as it gives away the manikam (jewel) in its head." "And why does no one eat the fruit of the mango tree?" . "There is much money buried at its roots. Every one will eat its fruit as soon as that money is given away." After this the lad began his homeward journey, and coming to the tree he explained that people would eat its fruit as soon as the money at its roots was given away. Said the tree :-" There is no one so worthy of it as yourself." So taking the money, he came to the NAga serpent and explained about the menikam (jewel) in its head, and was at once presented with it. Then he came to the Raja and told him about his daughters. Said the Raja :"You are the man to whom I must marry my daughters, as you have saved my lake." As soon as he was married the Brahman returned home. When his mother saw him, she perceived that it was that half a loaf of wheaten bread that had procured the boy all his riches and his position and caused the Koli to be born again as a Raja's son and his wife a pig in her next life for refusing it. Then they both understood the meaning of dharmam (duty of self-sacrifice). The moral drawn from this tale for children is that even the poor man can help those poorer than himself,

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DECEMBER, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES 273 BOOK-NOTICES. A PRACTICAL SANSKRIT DICTIONARY, with translite. etc., has been attempted with success by the veteran ration, accentuation, and etymological analysis scholar Dr. Bhandarker in his scholarly work throughout, by A. A. MACDONELL, M.A., Boden " Vai navism, Sivaiam and minor religious systems" Professor of Sanskrit. Oxford University Press, which forms a part of the Encyclopaedia of Indo. London, 1924. Aryan-research. So far as South India is concerned, The object of this work, which is dedicated to the histories of Vaishnavism and Sivaism and their the memory of Professor Max Muller, is to satisfy literature have been sketched in a masterly all the requirements for ordinary reading of both manner by Dr. S. K. Aiyengar in his "Early scholars and students of Sanskrit. It contains hisotry of Vaishnavism in Southern India" and in about twice as much material as other Sanskrit his "South Indian contributions to Indian Culture." works of the same type ; it is the only one of its No one however has so far written connected kind that is transliterated and can therefore be used account of the history of the Jains and Buddhists by persons who do not know the Devanagari of Southern India from the early times. We are alphabet; and it gives & derivative analysis of all therefore gratified to find that the history of the words it contains. Finally it indicates the Jainism has now been undertaken by the talented literary period to which words and their meaninge scholar, Mr. M. S. Ramaswami Aiyengar in the belong, as well as the frequency or rarity of their work under review. occurrence. While purely technical terms relating We have been doubting within ourselves whether to medicine, botany, astronomy and ritual are the time is yet ripe and whether there are as yet excluded, the dictionary includes a full vocabulary sufficient materials to write a connected history of of general post-Vedic literature and also such the Jain sect and literature in southern India. selections of Vedic texts as are readily accessible Mr. Ramaswami Aiyengar has however, shown that to the student. The system employed for the in spite of these difficulties the history of the Jains transliteration of the palatal and cerebral consonants could be sketched from about the beginning of the is not very attractive to the ordinary reader, though Christian era almost to the days of the Vijayanagar its adoption in the Sacred Books of the East gives emperors. The learned author indeed admits that it justification. To one scoustomed to older his work is "sketchy and meagre" but yet repremethods, kandra for chandra, gaya for jaya, and sonts an attempt to estimate in however tentative ghampa for jhampa, seem very unfamiliar. In and fragmentary a fashion the value of Jain contrigvara one would not at first recognize jvara (fever). bution to the rich and fruitful stream of south But apart from this minor criticism, the dictionary Indian culture. With this note of caution from strikes one as a valuable product of scholarship the author we may proceed to notice the work in and is likely to be useful not only to the student little more detail. of Sanskrit, but also to those who study the Indian In the first two chapters (pp. 3-31). the author vernacular languages, which have borrowed their gives an account of the origin and early history of vocabulary so largely from the Sanskrit. Jainism, discussing the views of Messrs. Basth, S. M. EDWARDES. Buhler. Jacobi, and then proceeds to indicate the period of the migration of the Jains in the days " STUDIES IN SOUTH INDIAN JATNISM." By ME. of Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta Maurya, which M. S. RAMASWAMI AIYENGAR, M.A. Vizianagram according to the author is to be regarded as the Mahgraja's College Publication No. I. Rs. starting point for ari account of the Jains in Four. Southern India. In the next and following four Critical attempts to write the history of the chapters (p. 32-80) he takes us into the vicissitudes various religious sects of ancient India have been of the Jain faith from the Sangham age, the age made in comparitively modern times and have of Siva Nayanmars and Vaishnava Alvars, the followed in the wake of historical research in this Western Gangas, Rashtrakutas, Hoyealas, and country in the last generation or two. The labours Vijayanagara sovereigns, Harihara and Devaraya. of Western scholars like Buhler, Hoernle, Jacobi, In the list chapter (Chap. VIII) he takes up for Wilson, Burgess, Rhys-Davids and others whose examination the age of the Tamil Sangham, which he researches in Jainism and Buddhism have placed probably regards to esential to the chronology of before the earnest student of history a fund of Tamil literature he has assumed, but which we feel valuable materials cannot be exaggerated in this he might very well have relegated to the appendices, direction. In spite of this, it is still true that where he has included two more similar discussione the history of Jainism and Buddhism from the of the same subject. These discussions nota altoromotest period to the modern times in the north- gether germade to the subject occupy about one-third orn as well as peninsular India yet remains to be of the work. written. The history of the development of the It is probably unnecessary to enter Brahmanical secta such as Vaishnavism, Sivaism examination of the work, but we are venturing lo

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY point out a few of the many inaccuracies of statements, inconsistencies, exaggerations and wrong conclusions that have unfortunately crept into a critical work like this, representing as it does the inaugural research work of the Vizianagram College. We do so in no spirit of disparagement to the author, but entirely in the interests of genuine historical research, the cause of which the work, as it is, does not seem to advance. We hope that these will be removed in a subsequent edition. may no Among the conclusions of the author that remain unsubstantiated by positive evidence we mention his view that Tiruvalluvar, Tolkappiyar and the author of the Kalingattuparani were Jains. It is well-known that every religionist has claimed the author of Kural as belonging to his religion, and expressions like (p. 41) Malarmisai-Ehinan and, Engupattan' and the evidence of the commentator of Nilakesi (p. 43) by no means finally establish that 'Kural Was certainly composed by a Jain' (p. 89). There is also evidence to agree with the author and those who identify the author of the Kural with Kundakunda alias Elacharya, the contemporary and instructor of Sivaskanda of Kanchi in the first century A.D. (P. 43). But the way in which Tiruvalluvar alludes to the Brahmans in certain of his couplets 'aapynnn kunnnrrum arrutollliloor nuunnnm puur' gives us the impression that he regarded the maintenance of the Brahmanical-Veda 88 indispensable to the well-being of the state, a notion which no Jain author would care to lay stress on. Moreover, attributes to Vishnu in such expressions as taamraikknnnnaannn, and arrvaallli or to Siva have been found in the work Altogether it seems to be correct to concur with Professor S. K. Aiyangar, who after a minute examination of the Kural has concluded that its author, though undoubtedly belonging to a lower caste, was Brahminical in religion rather than Jain (p. 131. Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture.') As regards Tolkappiyar the author quotes a reference to him by a contemporary, PanambarapAr, plpuklll nirruttptti maiyoonnn, which in his opinion is sufficient to prove that he was a Jain. (P. 39.) But, as the author of Tolkappiyam is believed to have been the son of Jamadagni, and as he lived at a time much anterior to the advent of Jainism in the Tamil land, it is improbable that he was a Jain. In the case of Kalingattu parani's author, Mr. Ramaswami Aiyengar quotes a stanza attributed to him by tradition, composed in reply to a question by Apayan, in support of the author being a Jain. But apart from the dubious nature of this evidence there is nothing in support of the author's view, On the other hand it is preposterous to suggest [DECEMBER, 1924 that the author of a work professedly devoted to the description of bloodshed, as this work is could have been a Jain, the fundamental conception of whose religion is Ahimsa. The section on the Siva Nayanmars and Vaishnava Alvars is unfortunately marred by a series of inconsistent and wrong conclusions and misquotations. The author's lack of consistency exhibits. itself in such views as the following:-He regards (p. 61) the Tamil work Periyapuranam as being 'replete with fanciful accounts of miraculous incidents which no modern student of history would care to accept', and almost immediately after this indictment, he relies upon the testimony of this work for historical information for several aspects of Jain and otherhistory, such as the persecution of the Jains, the identification of the Kalabhras and others. The most prominent blunder in this section is met with in the attempt made by our author to break new ground in identifying Mahendravarman II as the actual Pallava king converted by Appar, (p. 66). Earlier in the section (p. 65) he says that the first half of the seventh century A.D. was the period of the three saints Appar, Sambandar and Siruttondar, Almost immediately, he contradicts this by his statement that TilakaParameevaravarman I, and her husband fought vati, sister of Appar, was a contemporary of this king's battles against the Chalukyas. It is well-known that this king lived far into the second half of the 7th century. The author adds to the confusion by stating that the Pallava king converted by Appar was Mahendravarman II. If, as the author says, Appar was yet a Jain spending his life in the Jain-cloisters at Tirupapuliyur at the time of the death of his sister's husband in the wars of Parameevaravarman I against the Chalukyas, we are unable to understand how it would have been possible for the saint to have converted Mahendravarman II, who was the father of Paramavaravarman and must have been dead when Parameevaravarman I began to rule. Apart from this confusion, into which the author has been evidently led by his ignorance of Pallava genealogy, there is no evidence that Mahendravarman II was a Jain in the early part of his reign; whereas in the case of Mahendravarman I, who is usually supposed to have been converted to Sivaism by Appar, his inscription at Trichinopoly appears to contain a clear allusion to this event. (South Ind. Ins., Vol. I, p. 28-30.) As an instance of the author's tendency to arrive at conclusions without evidence, we might point out his view on the prevalence of religious persecution in the Tamil country. He appears to believe in the story of the Jain persecution described in the Siva traditional accounts, including the impalement of the 8,000 Jains. (P. 67.) For this

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DECEMBER, 1924 ] BOOK-NOTICES 275 purpose the author relies on the work Periyapurd. regarding the Jain authorship of Kura!. We are Ham, which he himself had previously described na afraid that the author has not advanced any very useless for purposes of history. (p 61.) This view cogent reasons in support of his view that the of a general Jain persecution by Kon-Pandya in author of Silappadikdram was Jain. In this the seventh century, which is also shared by certain connection it is pertinent to note that Msh&mahoother writers, is not however supported by any padyaya Pandit Swaminatha Aiyar, Mr. K. S. Srini. inscriptional or other positive evidence. It is a vasa Pillai and others regard Ilango-Adigal as a woll-known fact that the Pallare kings were uni Sivaite. formly tolerant of Sivaism as well as Vishnuism, The chronological position of the author in the and this fact strongly militates against anything matter of the dates which he offers for the various like a general persecution of religious sects in the Tamil works is altogether untenable. Apart from Tamil country. The frescoes on the walls of the his views on the age of the Sangam expounded in Golden-Lily tank' at Madura (Minakshi temple) Chapter VIII, he has ascribed certain Tamil works (p. 79), which the author cites in support of the to particular dates, which are quite unsatisfactory. persecution of Jains in the Tamil country, could be, For instance he thinks (p. 56) that Naladiyar was at the earliest, only of the period of Vijayanagar, es composed under the patronage of the Kalabhras the temple was almost completely destroyed during in hostile occupation of Madura. There are, accord. the Muhammadan occupation of Madura (1325- ing to him, two reference in this work indicating 1370). These cannot therefore be relied upon as that the Kalabhras were Jains end patrons of Tamil offering any proof of religious persecution in the literature. From the context it is plain that the days of Appar, Sambandar and Kan.Pandya, and word Perumuttaraiyar, whom the author equates of the impalement of 8,000 Jains, which appears to with Kalabhras, which occurs twice in this work, be a figment of Ister Saiva imagination. is used in the plural, and in the sense of the three The section devoted by the author to the age great Kinga (Muvendar), and not in the sense of of the Alvars exhibits a confusion in regard a specifio dynasty of the Muttaraiyar known to UR to the works of the various Tamil saints. from inscriptions. In this connection the author On page 71, for example, the author, in imports a great deal of confusion by attempting illustrating the acrimonious references from to identify the Kalabhras both with the Muttaraiyar Tonderadipodi-Alvar, quotes from Nanmu. and with the Karnatakas mentioned in the account gan-Tiruvandadi, and Tiruvoymoli, the well-known of the Martinayanar in the Periyapuranam. (p. 55.) works respectively of Tirumalisai-Alvar and There is no indication that the Muttaraiyar kinge NammAlvar. It may be pointed out also that were Jains, and the inscriptions that we have of the author categorically considers Nammalvar as these people do not lend support to this view. It the last of the Vaishnava Alvare, though recent seems to be premature to conclude, so the author research has shown that such a position is wholly does, that the Kalabhras were the Muttaraiyar, untenable. The author's view that the frequent and that the period of the Kalabhras, and the period use of the double-plural is characteristic of the which succeeds it, was the period when the Jaina had period of the Alvars (p. 94) is also inaccurate, as reached their zenith. (p. 56.) His date for Virsmthis is true only of one or two of the Alvars, and dalapurusha of Chudamani Nighantu (p. 103), namenot all. ly the period of Krishnadevareya, is not supported On page 76 and elsewhere in the work the author by evidence and cannot be accepted as correct. unduly exaggerates the Jain contributions to Finally, the section of the work devoted by the Tamil literature. According to him the largest author to a re-examination of the age of Sangam portion of the Sanscritic derivatives in Tamil seems to abound in misleading and undigested was introduced by these people. In the same conclusions. It is not our intention to weary strain the author proceeds, " It is a matter of fruit. the readers of the Antiquary by enumerating ful speculation to inquire what would have been these and discussing them in detail. We shall the trend of Tamil literature but for the advent of content ourselves with examining one or two typical the Jains and Buddhiste, more particularly of the arguments relied on by the suthor to substantiate former. In all probability wa would never have had his conclusion that the age of the Sangam was the masterpieces of Tamil literature like the Kural, posterior to the accepted date. One of these Silappadikdram," etc. Such 'fruitful speculation' is based on the Pallava datum. According to the losos all its interest, as long as it has not been incon majority of scholars, the Sangam works do not trovertibly proved that these Tamil works were the contain any reference or allusion to the Pawa works of Jains, in support of which the author has kings known to us from a large number of inscripnot quoted any positive evidence. As it is, we must | tions and are therefore pre-Pallava in character. be excused if in the present state of knowledge we The author takes exception to this apparently look upon the contributions of the Brahmanical correct porition and puts forward his own interwriters as well a Buddhista se precious as those of pretation that the Pallavae were not unlenown Jains. We have already indicatod our doubt to the Sangam works, where they were called the

Page #296
276 C THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Tiraiyar.' He carries this theory to absurd lengths by stating that the absence of the word Pallava in the mention of Vishnugopa in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta is sufficient to prove that in the fourth century A.D. the name Pallava was little used by them and that Vishnugopa was Tirayan. (P. 143.) Unfortunately for the author the terms Pallava and Pallavamaharaja frequently occur in the copper-plate charters of the third and the fourth centuries A.D., the Prakrit and early Sanscrit charters, of which the author is evidently ignorant; but the term Tiraiyar which according to our author was the name of the Pallavas in the early times is conspicuous by its entire absence in the Pallava records known to us. It is difficult for us therefore to join with the author in his view that the Pallavas of Kanchipuram were known to the Sangam as the Tiraiyar. We admit that Kanchi was in early times ruled by Tondaman-Ilam Tirayan and that the name Tiraiyar occurs in the Sangam works frequently. But the connection of these with the Pallava kings remains doubtful and has yet to be proved. In support of the identification of the Tiraiyar with the Pallavas adumbrated by the author, numismatic evidence is sought to be obtained by the attribution of the ship-coins of the Coromandel coast to the early Pallava rulers. On page 143 the learned author says "One important information is furnished by Dubreuil in his Antiquities of Pallavas,' According to him the Pallava rulers of Kanchi had as emblem on their coins, a ship with two masts. This explains their connection with the sea." A reference to this work of Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil shows that this does not happen to be a fact. In his Ancient History of Dekkan where there is a reference to these coins, the learned author attributes these coins to the Satavahana Kings who ruled over the region. (P. 47.) Finally a reference may be made to Appendix D. entitled "Misconceptions of Sangam Chronology," where in seeking the aid of South Indian palaeography to support his view on the Sangam age he commits woeful mistakes. According to him, the Grantha-Tamil is essentially a Chola script, although we know the earliest Tamil inscriptions in South India belong to the Pallava kings of the seventh century A.D., and no early Chola inscriptions in GranthaTamil of similar antiquity have come down to us. According to the author one reason why the Sangam works could not have been written in the period of the first or second centuries A.D. is the absence of 'a proper developed language' (script ?) of a uniform standard in those days. (P. 171.) Here the author has confused the script with language. [DECEMBER, 1924 Surely with the development of language attained in the Kural, which the author accepts as composed in the first century A.D. (p. 44), it should, have been possible for the Sangam works to have been composed about the same period. But the author's theory seems to be that it was really the absence of a properly developed script that made it impossible for the Sangam works to have been written much anterior to the period of the Vatteluttu inscriptions in the eighth century. He rejects the possibility that these works could have been handed down by word of mouth from teacher to pupil, because according to him only religious poetry could be thus handed down, and not secular works like these of the Sangam. By this process of reasoning the author concludes that such an intense literary activity as the one ascribed to the Sangam is to be sought for in the time approximating to the century for which we have the earliest known Vatteluttu records. The absurdity of this theory, which would make works like the Tevaram hymns of Appar and Sambandar almost contemporaneous with the Sangam works, is too patent to need any elaboration. We are not sure whether many Tamil scholars would agree with our author, when he says on p. 132 that the word Podiyil' in Tamil is always used to denote the vacant site underneath a tree.' We venture to point to line 40 of Periya-Tirumadal of Tirumangai-Alvar where the word is used in the sense of Podiya hill. The author's transliteration of proper names is not altogether happy. For one thing he is not uniform in this matter (e.g.) Silappadikaram, Chilappadikaram, etc. While he adopts diacritical marks in the case of such names as Tirujnanasambandar, Tirunavuk. karasar etc. he fails to use them in the case of Vaishnava Alvars such as Tondaradipodi, Tirumangai-Alvar etc. He uses in his work, such anti. quated forms as Tirumazhisai-Alvar "Pazhamozhi," and Sekkizhar, where we now use Tirumalisai-Alvar, Palamoli, and Sekkilar. Happily he does not adopt this method to represent the word Tamil, as one would expect. In conclusion while we are glad that the author has taken such great pains in the attempt to throw light upon an important but neglected chapter of South Indian history, we cannot at the same time resist a feeling that he would have rendered the work infinitely more useful, by avoiding mistakes such as those enumerated in the above paragraphs. The get up of the book leaves nothing to be desired and we do hope that when the present work finds its successor in a second edition, Mr Ramaswami Aiyengar will effect the necessary improvement. R. G.

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INDEX. P. N.I. stands for the Supplement, Foll-Tales from Northern India, pp. 1-24. G.D. stands for the Supplement, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaval India, pp. 161-190. G.K, stands for the Supplement, A History of Important Ancient Towns and Oities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, pp. 1-8. P.E.W. stands for the Supplement, Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, pp. 63-84. -991 . .. 30, 6587 Ane .. .. 199 .. .. 16 .. 189 Abaratika. See Aparantika. pattana .. G.K. 7, 8 Abdul Karim of Chaul .. . P.E.W. 59 Apahilapura .. G.K. 7, 8 Abd-ul Qadir Jilani .. Ananda .. Abexin. See Malik Yaqut Sultani. Ananda-jena .. .. 77-79, 82-84 Abingdon, the .. .. 20 Anarta .. G.K. 2-3 Aba Su'Al Muhammad, Imem . .. .. 98! Anartapura .. .. .. G.K. 2 Acharyas . .. Ancestregs of a Governor-General .. 197-200 Acquaviva, Father R. .. .. .. .. 54 Afichuvannam, the, and the Manigramam of Adil Khan I., Faruqi K... .. .. 35n. the Kottayam Plates of Tanu Iravi, or the Adil Shah of Bijapur .. .. 52 & n., 53, 60 Jowe and Christians of Malabar .. 257-261 Administrative System of the Marathas, by Su- Andamanese . . .. .. .. 137 rendranath Sen, M.A., Ph.D., (book-notice), 17 Andamanese, The Religious situation of the, Admiral Stevens, the .2 150-160, 165-176 Afzal Khan of Bijapur .. .. .. 19 Andanar. Sec Brahman Agastya .. .. .. Angria .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 81 Ahmadnagar .. .. 34 & n. Anjengo .. . i. .. .. .. 7 Aimakkammalar .. Ankurdrpana .. .. .. 260 Aislabie, Mr., of Bombay 20 Annual Report of the Director General of ArchAjaipala I. 101; II., 101 Cology in India, 1920-21, by Sir John Marsball Ajanta frescoes .. .. .. 87 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 87-88 Ajodhya .. .. 180 ! Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1921. Akbar, at Abirgard 33-41, 45, 54 22. (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 254 Alitta Jataka .. 16 Annual Report of The Watson Museum of AntiAlanturutti . 96 quities, Rajkot, 1922-23, (book-notice) . 116 AlAtta. See Aparte. antarildvastha .. .. 83-86 Alau'ddin Khilji .. .. .. 31, 34n., 36n. Anthonie, Capt. W. .. P.E.W. 84 Alau'ddtn Sabir .. .. . 97, 98 Anulomas . . . . . .. .. 120 Alsungpays dynasty .. .. .. 42 Aperinta. .. . .. G.K. 2, 4 Als vandfr. See Yamun acharya. Aparantika .. G.K. 2 Albir. See Bir. Appar .. 274-376 Aleppo . . . . . . 62, 64 & n., 66n. 62, 64 D.Don. Appoya Appayya-Dikshita ... .. .. 1, 6,8 Alexander the Great in H3; F.T.N.I. 12, 13 Appullar .. .. .. .. .. 07 AIHA the Ban&phar .. . . 68, 208 | Arab Conqueat of Central Asia, by H. A. R. Gibb, Al-Khand, the .. .. .. .. .. .. 65 65 (book-notice) .. .. All Adil Shah II, coin of .. .. .. 266 Arabia Merchant, the .. .. .. .. Ali Raja of Cannanore .. . P.E.W. 84 & n, Arabian Sea .. .. .. .. Allahabad University, History of Johangit, by Aradhys sect. .. .. Beni Prasad, M.A. (book-notice) .. .. 46 Araiyars of Srirangam .. Alleppey .. Ardha-Magadhi Reader, by Banarsi Das All-India Oriontal Conference, Third, Medras, 207 M.A. (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 110 Alompra. See Alsungp'aya. Ariake. See Aparentika. Alphabet, Indian .. .. .. .. 233-235 Ariyar .. .. .. .. .. .. 44 Army of Ranjit Singh, Parts I & II., by Bita Ram Alvars .. .. .. 28, 30, 31, 68--68 Kohli, M.A., (book-notice) .. .. .. 182 Amboyna masacre . .. P.E.W. 84 artha .. 146-147 Amersfort, the . P.E.W. 74 Arthadastra of Kautilya.. 17, 28, 129184, Awritraghdain. See Bindusara. 179, 182, 18 P.E.W. 82 Arun Ogruvar, the .. .. Amrita Naik .. .. .. .. 104, 120 | Aruvalor tribe .. .. .. .. .. 16 . . Aluta .. .. 28. 30. 31. 68-68 Amoy "

Page #298
278 INDEX .. 19 Berar .. G.K. 2, 4, 5 Arya-eluttu .. .. .. .. 244-247 Bagava . .. .. .. .. 29 Aryan, meaning of .. .. .. 14, 89-92 Basora. Bee Basrah. Aryas .. .. .. .. 23 Basrah .. .. 52, 54 & n., 58, 59, 61n, Asandivans. See Hastinapura. Bassein (Burma) .. .. .. . 66 Asbir. See Asirgarh. Bee, the .. .. . P.E.W. 61 Ascension, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 17 "Beech Leshkar" .. .. . .. 73 Ashta Pradhan .. .. .. .. .. 17 Benares .. .. .. .. .. 209 Ashti, battle . .. .. .. 34 & n. AbirgArh, Siege and Conquest of, by Akbar, 33-41 Best, Capt. .. P.E.W. 58 Asoka .. .. .. 14, 16, 23, 131, 182 Bezeneger. See Vijayanagara. Aggada. See Courteen Company. Bhagavad Gita Astronomy .. .. .. 252, 253 .. .. 194-196 .. . .. .. Bhakta .. Atap-turutti. See Alanturuth. .. 983 .. Bhakti .. .. .. .. 76-76 Aurangreb, inscriptions of, 207; P.E.W. 13, 10, 40 BhAmaha .. Avanti .. .. .: .. .. .. 88 .. Bharoch . Avantisundartkatha . .. .. 12 .. Bhartr-Prapanca : An Old Vedantin 77-86 Ayres, Capt. . P.E.W. 68-70 Bhaskara Ravi Varmar, Cochin plates of. Seo Ayyanatikal .. .. .. .. 257-269 Inscriptions. Bhattaraka .. .. G.K. Bhavani. See Sivaji's Sword. Bhil .. .. . .. .. . 76 Bhimadeva II .. . .. 101 Bhinmal :. G.K. 5,6 Bhir Mound .. . 87, 88 Bhoja of Dhar, grant of .. .. .. 116 Bhojaji Naik .. .. .. 117, 119 Baberant. See Babia. Bholabhtma. See Bhimadova II. Babis .. P.E.W. 68, 71 Bibt Binur Sahiba . . .. 98 Babylon .. .. .. 52, 64 & n., 56, 58 Bibi Gauhar Sahiba . 98, 99 Bacare. See Prakkate bfcch lashkar. See "Beech Lashkar." Bactria .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 113 Bihar Bactriani .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. 113 Bijjala, date of .. .. .. 29 Badaga. See Vadukar. Biliku, Andamanose deity, 151-160, 165, Badrabahu .. 167-171, 173-176 Bagar. See Dungarpur. Bimbisira .. . . . .. . .. 18 Baggidaw, k. .. .. Bindusara .. . .. .. 178, 179 Bahadur Shah .. .. 34n.-41 Bir .. .. .. 52, 54 & n., 57 Baji Rao II. .. 17-19, 69, 72, 73, 103, 104 Bisnagar. See Vijayanagar. BAlhdhi. See Bactria. Black Flag P.E.W. 62 Baladitya .. .. .. 8, 10, 11, 180 Blessed Trinity, the . .. P.E.W. 68 BAIAji Vishvanath Blessing, the P.E.W. 69 BAlam Ularaja .. .. 101 Bloody Flag. See Red Flag. BAlaputradeva .. .. .. 88 Blyth, Capt. . P.E.W. 63 Balbi, Gasparo. See Di Federici, Cosare. Bodawp'aya, k... .. 42, 43 Balita. See Tiru-'vallatte. Boghaz-keui tablete .. . 89, 182 Balkh. See Bactrie. Bombain. See Bombay. Ball, Geo., President of Bantam ..P.E.W. 60 Bombay .. .. .. .. .. 88 Batuta .... .. Banavese in Dharwar P.E.W. .. .. 18, 27 Bombay Marine .. 69 .. .. 183 Bon Aventure, the Banda Bahadur .. .. P.E.W. .. 72 Bandagi Diwan : P.E.W. .. 98 72 Bon Esperanza, the 44, 45 Bond, Capt. J. Bappa Deva P.E.W. .. 70 Band Alule.. "Boonga" .. .. .. 78 .. Bard Balute '.. 100 .. Borevara Mahadeva Temple Inscription Bourbon Barura. .. P.E.W. See Borar. 69 .. bdrgfr .. .. Boyd, J. P. .. .. Baroda .. .. 119 .. .. 101, 102 Boyd, Capt. Baragaza .. .. .. .. .. G.K, 2-4 | Brahman (the Absolute) . .. .. .. 230 Bombay .. 17 .. .. 76 .. 76 .. 89

Page #299
INDEX 279 . .. 17 . 94, 95 Brahman, the, in 8. India, 13, 14, 16, 23 - 26, Cerne. Soe Mauritius. 32, 129, 131 Ceylon and S. India . 23, 24, 53, 55 & n. Brahmans - Chaidyas .. .. .. 270 Karhada .. 123, 124 Chammak copper-plate inscription .. .. 48 Konknastha .. .. .. .. 117 Chapakya. See Kautilya. Prathamasakha .. .. .. 123-125 Chand Bibi . .. 34n. Yajurvedin .. .. .. 123 Chandragupta I. .. .. .. Brahmans and St. Thomas 93 Chandragupta II .. 9, 11, 12, 178-180, 182 Brahmi script .. .. .. 234, 235 Chandragupta Maurya .. 12, 48, 128, 136n. Breampur. See Burhanpur. Chandraprakasa, identification of .. 9-11 Britannia, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 79 Channa Basava .. .. .. .. .. 29 Broughton, Col... . .. 75 chari-fauj. See Cherry Fodge. Brown, Mr. A. R., on the Andamanese, 150-162, Charles I . . P.E.W. 68 154, 165-167, 169-176 Charles JI .. .. .. P.E.W. 68-70, 72 bubonic plague .. .. .. .. .. 46 Chaugula, the .. Buddhs .. .. .. 24, 125-128 chauth .. .. .. .. 17, 72, 73 Buddhism and the Guptas, 8, 11; in S. India, Chavotakas .. .. G.K. 6 15, 23-25, 254 Chedi inscription .. .. .. 88 Burhan Nizam Shah III., inscriptions of .. 208 Chenra, meaning of .. .. 196 Burhanpur .. . 34n, 35 & n., 37n., 40n., 41 "Cherry Fodge" .. .. .. 73 Burroughe, Sir John .. .. P.F.W. 54 Chetti, meanings of .. 187, 189 Chiaul (Chaul) .. 52, 55, 56, 60 China .. .. .. .. 133 Chinchilung, pirate, P.E.W. 57, 65, 72, 73 & n. Chinese Pagoda .. 55n. Ching-ching-kon, other names by which known, P.E.W. 73 Chinnamalai Chishti Order Cwser Frederick. See di Federici, OoBare. Chitor.. .. .. .. 101, 102 Cairo, trade of .. .. P.E.W. 5EUR Chittorgarh. See Lophagarh. Calamina .. .. .. .. .. 93, 95 Christian, Ed. .. ..P.E.W. 58 Calendar, the Christian. 212-219, 235-240 Christians of St. Thomas, 55, 94, 185-191, 257, 259 Calendar, lunar-solar .. 212, 213-217, Christopher, Lieut. .. .. 119 219, 235-239 Chronicles, Burmese .. 42, 43 Calendar, solar .. . 212, 215-219 Chumlis. See Koli. Cambaia .. .. .. . 52, 53, 60 Cina. See China Cambay plater of Rashtrakuta Govinda TV, G.K. 2 Clark, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 70, 71 Cambodia.. .. . . . 133 Claydon, Capt. 1. .. .. .. 198, 190 Campa .. .. .. .. .. .. 133 54 Clifford, Geo., Earl of Cumberland, P.E.W. Campaen, Claes .. .. P.E.W. 64 Cobb, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 68 Cannanore .. .. P.E.W. 80 Cochin .. .. 53-56, 60, 185, 193; Cape of Good Hope P.E.W. 74 P.E.W. 80 Carichi. See Carrack. Cochin plate inscriptions. Soe Inscriptions. Carrack, isl. .. .. ... 52 & n. Cocks, Richard .. .. .. P.E.W. 60 Carturte. See Katutturutti. Coen, Jan P. .. .. . P.E.W. 64 Cognali .. P.E.W. 82 Cassumunar .. .. 64 coins. See copper coins. Castel. See Zeylendis. Cojet, Governor.. P.E.W. 79 & n., 80 Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum Colnet, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 68 of Fine Arts, Boston, by Ananda K. Cooma. Comfort, the P.E.W. 71 raswamy (book-notice) .. .. .. 184 Comorin .. .. .. .. . catans, meaning of .. 95 .. .. P.E.W. 57 Concordia, the .. P.E.W. 54 Cave, Capt. G. .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 54 Cavendish, Thos... .. .. P.E.W. 53 Conjoeveram. See Kanchi. Cooke, Sir Humphrey .. .. P.E.W. 76, 80 Census of India, 1921. The Andaman and Ni Copper coins, some of Southern India.. 264266 oobar Yolanda, by K. F. Lowis, (book-notice), 137 Corbin, the . . . . . . P.E.W. 85 Cerf Volant, The .. .. .. P.E.W. 58' Corsairs, English .. .. .. P.E.W. 08, 84 Caspit .. 113

Page #300
280 INDEX .. .. 88 Cosmi. See Bassein. Deluge, myth of .. .. 158-160, 167, 174 Coulso. See Quilon. Depdavanaka. See Didwann. Couleas, Marcal. .. P.E.W. 82 der Lahn, Van .. P.E.W. 70 Courteen Company, the .. .. P.E.W. 69-72 devadasi .. .. .. .. 254 Cranganore, 185, 187, 190, 192. See Muziris. Devdatta * * .. 125--128 Creation, Andamanese version of the .. 165, 156 devaks .. 70, 139, 140 Crussy, battle .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 62 Devapaladeva .. Croissant, the .. .. P.E.W. 55 Devaraya II .. .. . 31 Crooke, Dr. William .. .. 21 Devil of Delft, the .. P.E.W. 61 Cross-Cousin Relations between Buddha and Dhangar .. .. .. .. 70 Devadatta .. .. 125--128 Dharasena II, inscriptions of Dharavarsha .. .. .. 100 dharma 146, 147 Dhammapala, D. Joao .. . .53, 55n. Dhondo Pant ... .. .. 117 Dhurvasona I., inscriptions of .. .. 116 Dialcan. See Adil ShAh. .Didwana .. .. .. .. G.K. 6, 7, Dabul, Dabhol .. .. .. .. 35., 41 Digby, Sir Kenelm .. .. P.E.W. Bp. Dachina bades .. .. .. .. .. 16 Dilawar Khan . P.E.W. 77, 78 Dadaji Naik .. .. .. .. .. 103 Diu .. .. .. .. 62, 54, 55 Dakkan. See Deccan. Divod Asa, k. . .. 270 Dakshina Kosala .. .. 268, 269 Di Federici, Cesare, and Gasparo Balbi, 49 Dakshinapatha. See Dachina bades. di Mienxa, D. Gonsalvu .. Dale, Sir Thos. .. .. .. P.E.W. 62, 63 di S. Stefano, Hieronymo Dalhousie, eighth Earl of .. 197 Djawa, The Quarterly Journal of The Java InDal Khalsa .. .. .. .. 183 stitute, No. I., Vol. 3., (book-notice).. 46 Dandabhukti. See Bihar. Djawa, No. 2, (book-notice) .. .. .. 46 Dandaka Forest .. .. .. .. 15, 16 Dohad inscription .. .. .. G.K. 7 Dandaranyam. See Dachina badoe. Dolphin, the P.E.W. 59 Dandin .. .. .. .. .. 12, 142 Dom Pedro, pirate .. P.E.W. 59 Danti-Durga, Rashtrakuta k... .. .. 87 Dom Sebastian .. .. Danti-Varman, Pallava k. .. 67 Dorril, the .. .. .. . ..P.E.W. 81 Dative Plural in Pali, by Professor Surendranath Downes, Peter .. .. .. .. 197, 199 Majumdar Sastri, (book-notice) .. .. 68 Downton, Capt. N. .. . P.E.W. 54 Daulatpura plate inscription .. .. G.K. 6 Drake . . . . . P.E.W. 53n. Davis, J., navigator .. P.E.W. 55, 56 Dravidian Element in Indian Culture, by Gilbert Dawes .. .. .. Slater, M.A., (book-notice) .. .. 181 de Abreu, Vitorio .. .. P.E.W. 59 Dungarpur State .. .. .. . 101, 102 de Albuquerque, Affonso .. 259, 260 Dushyanta de Ataide, D. Liuz .. .. 53 Dutch and Alleppey de Bry . . . . . 51 & n., 56 Duttagamai Abhaya .. .. .. 15 de Conti, Nicold .. .. .. . 49 de Costa, Andrew Botello P.E.W. 60 de Gore, Brother Benito .. .. 34n., 41 de la Chennaie, Capt. Truchot P.E.W. 80 de Marignoli, John .. .. 259 de Noronha, Don Ch. .. .. P.E.W. 63 de Peyva, S. Vaz .. .. P.E.W. 67 de Vasconcelos, James .. P.E.W.69 Eagle, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 81 dead, disposal of the, in C. Asia .. .. 113 Eamont, the .. ... .. .. P.E.W. 67 Debal .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 82 East India Company, 8, 7: early voyages of, Deccan, 16, 17; early kingdoms of, 18; Muham. P.E.W. 55, 56; flag .. ... P.E.W. 68 madans in, 33-41, 52, 53; horses from, 75; Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians and folk-tales from .. i. .. 271, 272 Paiddcf Prakrit, by Sir George Grierson, Defence, the . P.E.W. 60 K.C.I.E., (book-notice) .. .. 113-116 Delboe, Capt. . P.E.W. 68, 83 Edicts of Asoka. See Inscriptions. Deft, isl. .. .. 55n. Edward Bonaventure, the P.E.W. 5 Delight, the .. P.E.W. 83 dyyin, meaning of

Page #301
INDEX 281 .. 20 . .. 183 svara, statue of .. 10 Eks-Natika Famine Gan-ping ching. See Leulandia. EkAntada Ramayya .. Garland, Capt. Thos. .. .. .. 197, 198 ElAcharya. See Kunda-kunda. Gary, Henry .. .. .. P.E.W. 80, 83 Elars . .. . Gaspara, Nicholas. See Chinchilung. Elelasingham. See Elara. Gauli .. .. .. .. .. .. 70 Elephanta Cave Temple .. Gautama .. .. .. .. .. 16, 113 Elphinstone, Mountstuart Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Me. Ephigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II., Inscriptions at diaeval India, ancient names in, G.D. 151-130 Sravana Belgola, (book-notice) ... . 47 Giberne, Mr. . . . . . Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, by G. Yazdani, .. 119 Gimar inscription .. .. .. C.K. 7 (book-notice). .. .. .. .. .. 208 Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma Epigraphia Zeylanicu, Vol. II, p. 3, (book (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 42 notice) .. .. .. .. 229 Glen, Capt. Andrew .. .. 197, 198, 200 Erasmus, the .. P.E.W. 74 Glen, Elizabeth .. .. .. .. 197-200 Ernakulam .. .. 96 Globe, the .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 58, 60 escudos . .. ... 40 &n. Goa .. .. .. 19, 34 & n., 39 & T., 41, Expedition, the .. 52-55, 60 & n., 61 .periment, tho .. P.E.W. 83 Gobind Singh .. .. .. exposure of the dead .. 113 Gommatesvara, statue of .. .. .. 48 Gonds .. .. .. .. .. .. 268 Gorakhpur, Dom Kingdom . F.T.N.I. 12 Govindagupta, identification of Grant of Tho Vakataka Queen Prabhavati. gupta .. .. .. .. . .. .. 48 Great Mount. See St. Thomas Mount. GujarAt and Kathiawad, A History of Important Falcon, the P.E.W. 81 Ancient Towns and Cities in, G.K., 1-8 famine .. .. 24, 72 Gujarat and Mewar, unknown battle betwoen Fan-chung, Lise of Red Flag hy .. P.E.W. 61 t he rulers of .. .. .. .. 100-102 Fayet P.E.W. 74 " gunny," See Tartpurtoo. Feame, John .. P.E.W. 58 Gupta Empire .. fire .. . .. .. 152, 156-160, 165, 166 Gurjaramandala . . . First Man, Andamanese names for, 158-159, 168Gurjaras .. . .. .. G.K. 8 Fixed Easter and the Reform of the Christian Calendar .. .. 212--219, 235-240 flag of the East India Company, P.E.W. 58 flood. See deluge. Folk-story from Hyderabad .. .. .. 255 Folk-Tales, Deccan .. .. 271, 272 Folk-Tales from Northern India, F.T.N.I. 1-24 foreigners in Japan .. .. P.E.W. 66--68 Formosa, P.E.W. 57, 72-74, 79, 80 & n., 82, 83 Haidar Ali, 6; coins of .. .. .. . 266 Foster, M. P.E.W. 68 Haihayas of Mahakosala .. .. .. 267--970 Foulerton, Lieut... Haji Sayyad Shah Waris Ali of Dewa .. .. 231 Fox, John .. .. 44 Hall, John .. .. . .. P.E.W. 59 Fox, R. .. P.E.W. 68 Hamada Yahei .. P.E.W. 65 Prancis, the .. P.E.W. 61 Harappa Seals .. .. .. .. .. 87 Fryer, Dr. John .. P.E.W. 83, 84 | Harding .. .. Fumi-ye, practice of .. P.E.W. 66 & n. Hargobind .. Frobind .. .. .. .. .. .. 183 Further India .. 1-33 Hari-Sena inscription Harz. See Gurjaras. Hastinapura .. .. .. .. 18 Hatch, Capt. J... .. P.E.W. GL Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, 14, 23 Hatim's Tales, by Sir Aurel Stein and other, (book-notice) . . .. Hawkins, Wm. .. .. .. P.E.W. 56 Gajabahu .. . .241 hazri . .. Gangas of Kolar .. . 27 Henrique II., of Portugal .. ... .. .

Page #302
282 Henry Bonaventure, the Hetkaris Hidalxao. See Adil Shah. Himakarodyota. See Chandraprakaa. Hinduism in S. India 24, 28, 32 Hindus and Muhammadans in Vijayanagar, 31, 32 Hindustan .. 7:3 History of Ancient and Modern Festivals of the Aryana, by Rgvedi, (book-notice) Hiuen Tsiang Homicide, penalty for horses, trade in Hoseander, tho Hugo, Herbert Huparaja Hurtado, Dom Sebastian Huzur Daftar Ibrahim Adil Shah II., coin of Icquan. See Chinchilung. Idalxa. See Adil Shah. idol-worship Ikshvakus Ilam-killi Ilam-Tirayan of Kanchi Ilango Imams of Sanaa Indra Indra IV., Rashtrakuta k. influenza Inscriptions of Asoka of Aurangzeb ::: P.E.W. 72 118-120 :::: :::: INDEX 88-92 8; G.K. 4-6, 8 255 74,75 P.E.W. 58 P.E.W. 75 6,7 P.E.W. 66 17 ++ India, N., early states of Indian Alphabet 233-235 Indian Athenaeum-A Journal Devoted to History, Literature and The Arts, Vol. I., No. I., (book-notice) 265 92 44 45 26 16 .. 44 18 47 63, 64, 89-92 48 46 .. 14, 15 208 89, 182 42, 43 208 88 Boghez Keui Burmese of Burhan Nizam Shah III. Chedi Cochin Plates, 191, 193, 194, 221-225, 244-251, 259 254, 255 G.K. 6 Chola DaulatapinA.. Gimnar G.K. 7 Harappa seal Hari Sena H&thigumpha 87 44 14, 23 40n. Jama Masjid, Asirgarh Kadamba 27 Inscriptions-contd. of Kanishka's reign Kottayam Plates of Tapu Iravi Kottayam Plate of Vira Raghava Chakravarti 185-196, 219-229, 244-251 Manikarnika Ghat of Viresvara of Muhammad Tughlaq Nala Nalanda 209-211 .. 208 .. 254 88 100 123 Neminatha temple Pahlavi, at Katamarram Pahlavi (Persian Crosses) Paramara of Prahladan of Pulikesin of Samantasimha of Samudragupta of Sikandar Shah Lodi Siwani of Somanatha Sravana Belgola Syrian Christian Tel-el-Amarna Vakataka grant Valabhi Interlopers Isarayya, Jain ascetic Isle de France. See Mauritius. Isle of Safety, pirate base Italians and India Itihasaveda Itupati Jama Masjid, Asirgarh, inscription James, the.. Janaka of Videha Janamejaya, k. Japan, Dutch in Jassa Singh Kalah Jaswant Rao Holkar Java. See Yavabhumi. Japanese dancing Jayasimha Jayachand Jerry Put Iraiyandrayapporuzurai Iravi Kortta, donee in the Kottayam Plate of Vira-Raghava Chakravarti, 186, 187, 189-191 :::: :::: 257-261 ::: 88 96. 116 100 G.K. 6 100, 102 G.K. 5 2081 48 G.K. 7 47 96 182 48 116 P.E.W. 70 1 .. :::: .. Jacob, Chaldean bishop Jaffna peninsula .. 185, 180 45 Jagat, Udaipur State, inscription from 100 Jahangir 43, 45, 46; P.E.W. 57, 59 JAjalladeva 268, 269 40n. P.E.W. 61 18 18 48 P.E.W. 56 49 143, 144 189 P.E.W. 56, 66-68 183 69,71 :::: 46 .. 230 65 73

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INDEX 283 Jerusalem .. 54 & n. Jesuits in India .. .. 33, 54, 55 Jesumi. Soe Fumiye. .. .. 80n., 81, 83 Job Chamock .. .. Johanna, isl. P.E.W. 81 Johanna, the P.E.W. 81 Jones, Capt. T. . .. .. P.E.W. 61 Journal of Indian History, by Dr. Shafaat Ah. mad Khan (book-notice) . . . Journal of The United Provinces Historical So. ciety, Vol. III, Pt. I, (book-notice) . .. 231 Jowahir Sing .. Jurz . .. . . G.K. G " .. .. 103 Kumpaaunt' dynasty . .. P.E.W. 64 Kendal, Capt. Abraham.. .. P.E.W. 53 Kont, Robert, rutineer (1706) .. .. .. 20 Keralam .. . 186, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195 Khandesh .. .. .. 34n.--37n., 40n., 4ln. Khasi paga .. .. .. 74 Khem Sawant . .. P.E.W. 84 Khusrau, Murder of Kidd, Capt. .. P.E.W. 82 Killi Valuvan .. .. .. 45 Kirtipala of Jalaur .. .. 101 Kiu-che-lo.. .. .. . G.K. 5 Knight Knight's tour at chess .. .. .. 262-264 Koari .. .. . . . . . . 106 Kolcalla . . . . . . . .. 308--270 Koli .. .. .. 70, 76, 77, 103, 105 Konkan and Konkani Language, by Rao Sahib Dr. V. P. Chavan, (book-notice) .. .. 138 Konkan, Northern. See Aparanta. Korrakkufa . . . . . 188 Kosala .. .. .. 18 Kobars, in S. India .. .. . 14, 15 Kottayam Plate of Vira-Raghava Chakravarti, 185.196, 219-229, 244-251 Kottayam Plates of Tanu Iravi ... 257-261 Koxinga - .. P.E.W. 65, 72-74, 79, 80, 82, 83 Krishna, 89-91. (Krsna) .. .. 253, 254 Krishnadeva Raya .. .. .. 31 Krishnagiri fort .. .. .. . 87 Kshatriyas of Bhinmal .. . G.K. 6 Kulasekhara, date of Kulottunga I Kumaragupta .. .. 9, 10, 12 Kumarapala .. . 100, 101 Kumarasimha .. Kum&rila .. .. Kunbi .. .. 70 Kundskunda .. 274 Kunhalo, pirate . .. .. P.E.W. 59. 82 Kupal of Tiruvalluvar .. .. 25, 274, 275 Kunhan statue .. .. .. .. 88 Kusumanagara. See Bassein. Kuyler.berg, the .. .. P.E.W. 82 .. 93 . . . . 68 . 67 Kaikadis .. 118 Kakkaipadineyar-Nachchellaiyur .. 15 KAlachuris .. .. 269, 270 Kalah Kalanjara inscription G.K. 6 Kalapur .. .. 104 Kalidasa .. .. Kalinga .. .. .. 23 Kalingaraja .. 268-270 Kallil-Attirayanar .. 15 Kamalaraja .. 268, 269 Kamasastra .. 132-135 Kama-sutra, economic ideas in the .. 146-148 Kamm Alas . .. .. 261 KAnchi .. .. 26--28, 31, 44 Kannappa Nayan ar .. 29 Kapilar .. . .. 16 Karikala .. .. Karta virya ... .. 268 Kasi Kasumunar. Seu Cassumu Katamarram Katanate .. .. 96 & n. Katappra .. .. .. 96 Kathiawad See Gujarat and. Katuttanam .. . 96 Katutturutti 96 & n. Kauravas.. .. Kausambi ... .. .. 18 Kautiliya, cultural, linguistic and literary his torical gleanings from the, 128-136, 141-146 Kautilya .. 128-136, 141-146, 179, 182, 194 Kaveripattana .. .. .. .. 16, 45 Kayadran, inscription from . . . . . . 100 Kayamkulam .. .. .. .. 189, 194 Kazi. proverbs about the .. 255, 256 Kelasa-vihara, identification of .. .. .. 15 .. 18 .. 123 .. 18 Ladha. See Radha. Lakshmi kalyanam Lakwa Dada . . . . . . 69 Lala. Sve Radha.. Lamanis. See Vanjaris. Lamas, deceased, disposal of, in E. Tibet 41, 113 Lambakanna dynasty .. .. .. .. 24 Lancaster, Jas., pirate .. .. ...W. 03-55

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284 INDEX . - Mamallai Lanka. See Ceylon. | Mahendravarman I, 27, 66, 274; II. .. 274 Lar, 9ca of .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 3 Mahifamandala, identification of .. .. 15 Larike .. ... .. G.K. 4 Mailapur. See San Thome. Las Cinque Plagas, the .. . P.E.W. 54 Makhayiram-tirunal. Sve Ravivarman. Lata .. .. .. 23; G.K. 2-4, 6-8 Makotaiyar Pattanamh .. .. 186, 187, 190 Law, Mr. Francis .. .. .. P.E.W. 78 Malabar .. .. .. 34, 39n., 41, 257-261 Lay of Alha, by Wm. Waterfield, B.C.S., and Malabar Miscellany 93-97 Sir George Grierson, K.C.I.E. (book-notice), 65,208 Malacca .. 52, 53 Lennard, Capt. R. .. .. .. .. 198 Maladharideva, Jain ascetic . .. 48 Lexicography, Panjabi, Contributions to (Series . Malai,"fort .. .. 37n. IV.), 107-112, 161-164, 200-206, 240-244 Malavars .. .. 15 Library System of the Baroda Stawe, by N. M. Malaya .. .. .. .. 16 Dutt, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 229 Malcolm, Capt., 69; (Sir John) 77, 103, 118 Life and Work of Buddhaghosha, by Bima la Cha- Malik Ambar .. .. 14 ran Law, M.A, (book-notice) .. .. ..181 Malik Yaqut Sultani' ... .. 36n.-39, 41 Limahon, pirate .. P.E.W. 54 Malwans .. ...P.E.W. 76 Lim brey, Capt. .. P.E.W. 83 .. .. 66 Lion, the .. .. P.E.W. 65, 61 MAmulan ar .. 14, 15 Lioness, the .. P.E.W. 55 Man, Mr. E. H., on the Andamanese, 150--152, Little Mount. See Chinnamalai. 154159, 167, 169, 172--174, 176 Littleton, Edward Mandasor inscription .. .. .. G.K. 3 Littleton, Eliz. G. Mandaus. See Mendezes. Littleton, Jane H. Mangaldnaka. See Maglona. Livingstone, Capt. . . Lloyd, Lieut. . . Manigramakkar ... .. .. . . 260 .. .. 119 locust. See Matachi. Manigramam .. 186, 187, 190, 191, 257-261 Lokavabhaga Manikarnika Ghat (Benares) Stone Inscription .. . Lonega . .. .. P.E.W. 209--911 74 of Virkvara (Vikrama) Samvat 1369, Lophagarh .. . .. 367 Manimekkalai .. .. 16 Lost Ring of Sakuntala, (2) Were The Pradyotas Manipallavam .. of the Puranas Rulers of Majadha ! by Suren. athphnthir .. .. 257 & n. dranath Majumdar Sastri, (book-notice) . 68 Mansfield, Capt... . .. .. 104 Lana vasahika. See Neminatha. Manu .. .. .. 129-131 Luyken, Capt. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Manuel, Dom Hierome .. P.E.W. 58 MArnd. See Nam-Alvar. Maragalankaram .. Matan-kari .. .. . .. 66 Marathis .. .. .. 17-20, 44; P.E.W. 76 Marathes at the close of eighteenth century, 69-77 Marigny . . .. .. 69 Martiban .. .. .. .. 56 Martinus Martinus .. .. P.E.W. 73 Maaya Dunnai Marttandavarman 53 & .. . 3,7 . Marwar . . . Macasser. .. P.E.W. 80 . . 73 .. .. .. P.E.W. Macauley, Col. Mary, the .. 71 .. .. .. 185 .. P.E.W. Mackintosh, Capt. Mascarenhas, Don 69 .. .. 103, 120 Madagascar .. P.E.W. 68, 70, 74, 76 Matacht, meaning of Madhava Vidyaranya .. .. .. 32 matha .. .. Madhav Rao I . . .. .. 73 P.E.W. Maurice, the 54 Mauritius .. Madoni, Madune. Soe Maaya Dunnai. P.E.W. .. 69 Madre de Dios, the .. .. P.E.W. 54 Mauryas and's. India .. .. .. 14, 15 Madurakavi. See Parantaka. Mavelikkara . .. .. .. G. K. .. May, Capt. Wm. .. .. .. 7 .. .. P.E.W. 83 . May Flower, the, corsair P.E.W. 54 Mahatharata .. Mayura-Sarman .. .. .. . Mahakantara. See Dachinabades. 37, 45 MabAkosala .. .. .. .. .. 18 Megasthenes .. .. .. .. 14, 95 .. 102 Melique .. Mahapa, reputed founder of Dungarpar .. .. . .. 35 &n. Mahasthangarh. See Paundra-Vardhana. Memoirs of The Archaeological Survey of India, Mahavada ., 207 .. . 23, 241 by Ram Chandra Kak, (book-notice) 31 .. .. 129. 132, 143--145

Page #305
INDEX 285 .. 67 Memorial Papers, by Shams-ul-Ulma Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A., (book-notice) .. 184 Mendezes .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 62 Merchants of the Lavant, Company of ..44 Metaphysique of Mysticism, by A. Govindachar ya Svamin, (book-notice) .. . 252-254 Midday Parayans. Soe Prathamasakha Brah mans. Middleton, Sir Henry .. .. P.E.W. 57, 58 Minchin, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 84 Miran. See Bahadur Shah. - Mir Kaum.. P.E.W. 78 Mitchelbourne, Sir Ed. .. P.E.W. 55, 56 Mlechchas .. .. .. .. .. 14 Moens, Adrian .. .. . .. .. 185 M6hur Moluccas . . .. P.E.W. 84 Monserrate, Father A. .. 54 Monsoons, in Andamanese mythology, 150, 152-153, 160, 168, 170--1 72, 176 Moors .. 36 & n., 40 mother-right .. 166 Mount D'Eli . . . . . . . 252 Mudal-Alvers . .. .. .. Mudka .. Muhammad Adil Shah, coins of Muhammad Tughlaq, inscriptions of, 208;coin of, 266 Muhammadan conquests in Gujarat .. G.K. 8 Muhammadan Saints and Shrines in the United Provinces, notes on some .. .. 97-99 Mukarrab Khan .. .. 37, 38 & n., 39n, 41 Mulam-kilar .. .. 16 mulkgiri .. 72-74 Malraja II .. .. .. 101 mummies, Chinese .. 41 Munnata .. .. .. 188 murchchollu 188 & n. murder. See ritual murder. Musiri. Soe Muziris. mutiny at sea, punishment for .. P.E.W. 55 Muziris . . .. .. 95 Mylapore .. .. .. .. .. 94 &n. mythology, Andamanece.. ... ... 160-156 Nam-Alvar . 1, 30, 66, 67 Nambi-Andor-Nambi .. . .. 30 Nana Farnawis .. .. 124 & n., 125 Nandas .. .. .. .. 12, 15 Nandipuri .. .. . G.K. 65 Nandi-Varman Pallavamalla Narasimhagupta .. Narkirar .. .. Nathamuni .. Nafyabstra .. .. 177, 178 ndfydyifa, meaning of .. .. .. 178 Navy * * .. 95 .. 95, 96 NAyanmare.. .. 28 Nedum Aran, Pandya k... .. Nedumudi-Killi. Soe Killi Valuvan. Nega patam .. .. 52, 53, 55 & n., 61 Neminatha Temple inscription .. 100 Newse, Capt. S. .. P.E.W. 61 Nichakshu, k. .. .. .. .. 18 Nimb&rks .. .. .. 67 Nir maldyi .. .. .. 189 Nitidstro .. .. 132, 133, 136n. Nuits, Peter P.E.W. 66 Nur Jahan.. Naveyikkulam . .. 167 P.E. official peculation (1706).. .. Oluga, Andemanese deity .. Omar, Caliph .. .. .. W. 78 Opanturutti .. . . Onatu. See Kayamkulam. opium .. .. .. .. .. 53, 54 orang baharu. See Orrambarrow. Oriya, inscription .. .. Ormuz . 52-54, 56, 59, 61n.; P.E.W. 63 Orrambarrow, origin and meaning of .. .. 20 Ofundu. See Kayamkulam. . . . . 100 123 NAda-Munigal Acharya .. .. .. .. 87 Nagarjuna .. .. .. 24 NAgar .. .. . 26, 37, 44, 45, 92 Nagasaki .. ... .. P.E.W. 87, 58 Nahrwald. See Anahilapattapa. Nairs 260, 261 Nela dynasty .. .. 264 Nalam killi . . 66 Parthian . 26, 44, 46 Pahlavi Inscription found a Persian cross at Kattamarram .. Pakalomarram Family of Malabar .. . 191 Pakalvilakku .. .. Palhanadeve. See Prahladan. Pallevas .. .. 26--29, 32, 44, 276, 276 Panbhar .. .. .. .. .. .. 70 . . . 188

Page #306
286 INDEX 124 .. 88 PAficharatra .. .. .. .. .. 30 Pandavas .. .. .. .. .. 18 Papini .. .. .. 12, 141, 146 Panjab .. G.K. 6 Panjabi Lexicography, contributions to, (Series IV.) 107-112, 161-164, 200-206, 240-244 Pant Sachiv .. .. .. 106, 119, 122 Paraditya. See Baladitya. Paramara grante.. .. Paramartha Parari- Korfan Ar.. ParAntaka.. Parasurama Paravur .. .. .. 96 Pardesis Parikshit k. . 18 Paripadal, date of Parkara Iravi Varmer .. .. 193, 194 Parkham statue inscription .. Parvati, mother of Ramavarma Paidlavijaya, attributed to Papini .. 12 Patana. See Apahilapura. Patasijali .. .. 12, 14, 141 Patel .. .. .. .. 17 Paundra-Vardhan ... .. 88 Pavapattanku .. .. .. 188 Pdvdfa .. .. .. .. 188 Payyanur Poffola .. 187, 190, 257 Peachey, Jeremiah .. .. .. 64 & n. Peachey, John .. peasantry, Maratha Pegu . .. .. 51, 53, 54, 56, 61 Pen, a poetical fragment in praise of the .. 136 Penelope, the .. P.E.W. 63 Pereira, Ruy .. P.E.W. 69 Periplus . .. G.K. 2-5 Perron .. .. .. 69 Perumal-Tirumali .. .. 87 Perunneyil .. . . . . . 96 Perunturutti .. .. .. .. 96 Pescadores .. .. .. P.E.W. 64 Peshw& .. .. .. .. .. 17 Peter Mundy .. P.E.W. 68, 70, 71 Peyton, Capt. W. .. P.E.W. 68, 69 Phillip II .. .. Pike, ISAAC .. P.E.W. 79 Pi-lo-mo-lo .. G.K. 5 pilot, of pirate ship .. .. P.E.W. 53 & n. Pimenta. See Vembanad. Pindharis .. .. .. .. .. 74, 75 Pindola Bharadvaja .. . . . . 125 Pineiro, Fr. Manuel, S.J. .. . 33n., 41 Piracy in Eastern Waters, Notus on, P.E.W. 53-84 Pirjo Kaliyar, shrine at .. .. .. .. 97 Pirates Arab .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 81-83 . Arakanese .. . .. P.E.W. 77, 78 Barbary .. ..' P.E.W. 53, 61, 81 Chinese .. .. P.E.W. 64, 65, 72, 79, 82 P.E.W. 53-57, 61-77, 80, 83 Japanese .. P.E.W. 56, 57, 66, 67 Maghs. See Arakanese. Malabarese, P.E.W. 59, 64, 66, 68, 71, 76, 81-83 Malay .. P.E.W. 55, 60, 66, 72, 74, 81, 83 Meratha .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 76 Saleeters .. P.E.W. - 83 Sanganians - P.E.W. 81, 82 Turkish, Soe Barbary. . Pirates, Malabar .. .. .. .. .. 55 pirate-ship, pilot of . .. P.E.W. 53 & n. Podiyil, Podiyal, hill .. .. .. 15, 16 ) police, of Poona and of London . 17, 18 Political History of India, from the Accession of Parikshit to the Coronation of Bimbialra, by Hemchandra Raychaudhuri, M.A., (book. notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 polo Polycrates. .. .. .. .. .. 68 Poona, battle of .. Portman, Mr. M. V., on the Andamanese, 151, 171, 172 Portuguese and India, 33-36, 39 & n., 41 & n., 49; P.E.W. 61-63 Poygai, Vaishnava saint .. .. .. 18 Poygaiyar .. .. .. .. . .. 66 Prabhakaravardhana .. .. .. G.K. 6 Prabhava. See Chandraprakasa. Prabhavatigupta, grant of .. Practical Sanskrit Dictionary, by A. A. Donnell, M.A. (book-notice) .. Pradyotas . . . . . . Prahladan, inscriptions of .. 95 Prakrit 133, 134, 136 Prald parudriya .. .. Pratap Singh, of Satara .. .. .. 19 Prathamasakha Brahmans, & note on .. 122-125 Pretilomas .. .. . .. .. 130 Prehara .. .. .. .. .. .. 27 Preston, Capt. Martin .. .. P.E.W. 60 n. Pring, Capt. M. .. P.E.W. 61 Prithird; Rasau .. .. .. 65 Prithivi Raja .. Prithvideva I, 268 ; II, 289; III. .. .. 269 Proverbe, North Indian .. .. .. .. 256 Ptolemy .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 2-4 Pulikesih grant . . . Puluga, Andamanege deity, 152-154, 156-159, 165, 167n.-174, 176 Pulumayi .. .. .. .. . 44 Purandhar ... .. .. 122 Purbiyas .. .. * ... 64 .. 72 Prakkate. .. .. 65 G.K. 6

Page #307
INDEX 287 Pushyamitra Pyrrhon, mt. Quail, Capt. R. Return, the . P.E.W. 83 . 95 Revenge, the .. P.E.W. 84 Royerszoom, Admiral K... .. P.E.W. 63 Rigault, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 69 Rigby, Capt. E. .. . .. 197, 198 Rigby, Mrs. Lucy, ancestress of Lord Dalhousie, 197-200 Ritual Murder as a means of procuring children, a further note on .. .. 149 P.E.W. 681 | Roberts, Major jor .. .. . 78 .. P.E.W. Robertson, Capt... .. 105, 118 Roe, Sir Thos. .. Rocbuck, the .. P.E.W. 69 Rocwatan, festival .. .. 47 Royal E. change, the P.E.W. 54 Royal James, the .. P.E.W. 61 Ruyal Merchant, the P.E.W. 63 Rudra .. .. .. 90. 92 Ryall, Lawrence .. P.E.W. 60 Quilon, 189 190, 192, 193, 257-261 .. .. 43 ::::::::::: Yaloushaga . " 37n. . 65 Racannerg. Seo Pirates, Arakanese. Radha, identification of .. Ragastona, the .. . Raichar .. . Raigarh . Rai Pithaura. See Prithivi Raja. Raja Ali .. 34n. Raja Raja .. saba-da-dhand, tantric rite . 230 .. .. .. .. 149 Raja Simha 1 . .. 53 Sabiria. See Chishti Order. Rajadhiraja .. Sachivya, meaning of .. 231 .. . Rajasekhara w .. e 225, 226, 228 Sacrifice Island .. .. .. P.E.W. 84 Rajendra, the Gangaikonda Chala, by S. Krishna Sadasiva-makht, author of the Ramavarmaswami Aigangar, (book-notice) .. .. 230 Rame-Kulafekhara-Vafichi pala, k. of Travan- Sadat Khan core .. . .. 1- 6 Sahityadarpana of Vispanatha, and History of AlanRAminanda .. kara Literature, by P. V. Kane, M.A. Ramanuja . 30, 32 (book-notice) (book-notion) .. .. .. .. .. 183 Ramavarma-Yasobhushanam and Vasumati. St. Augustino, Madagascar . P.E.W. 06, 69 Kalyanam . . .. 1-8 S. Bastian, the .. .. .. Ramdyand ..." .. 23, 144, 145 St. Helena P.E.W. 63 Ramosis, 76, a rising of .. 103-106, 117-122 St. Laurentio. Soe Mauritius. Ram Rao .. .. .. .. 119 St. Louis, the .. P.E.W. 69 Fanjit Singh . .. 182, 183 St. Malo Company .. P.E.W. 58 Rashtrakutas . .. .. G.K. 3 St. Sebastian, the .. .. P.E.W. 72 Rat Hill. See Mount D'Eli. St. Thomas, 47, 58, 56 & n., 93, 94, 185; Ratnadeva III. .. .. 269 1. Christians of .. 65, 94, 186, 191, 267, 250 Ratnarja . .. .. .. 268 St. Thomas Mount . .. .. .. 94 Rattas. See Rashtrakutas. ' Saints. See Muhammadan Saints. Ravivarman . 3, 4 Saiya-fdstras .. Raymond .. .. .. .. 69 Sallekhand vow .. .. .. Raymond, Capt., pirate .. .. ..P.E.W. 53 salitas .. Red Flag .. .. .. P.E.W. 61, 63, 70 Samantasimha of Mewar. Reformation, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 69 Samaritan, the Rehmy. See Remewe. Sambhaji .. .. .. 19 Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, Sankara .. .. by J. J. Modi, B.A. (book-notice) .. .. 87 samprati .. 10 Remewe, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 66, 67 Sampson, the .. P.E.W. 54 Report of the Archeological Survey, Burma, Samudragupta .. 11, 44, 180 1923, (book-notico) .. .. .. .. 116 Sanctuary Day .. 214, 216, 236, 230n. :: :: 69, 70 ::: .. 131

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288 INDEX . . .. 104 K. 6 Sandwip, isl. .. ...P.E.W. 63, 77, 78 Sangam, Sangam age .. .. 14, 273, 275, 276 Sankara .. 77-79, 81-88, 253 : G.K. 5 Sanskrit, (Classical) .. . .. 133-136 Santa Anna, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 63, 54 San Thome .. .. 63--56, 61, 94 & n. Sapir Iso .. .. .. .. .. .. 260 Saptasaila .. .. .. .. .. .. 262 Saris, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 57 & n., 58, 60 $atakarnis. See Satus. Satara .. .. .. 106 Sata vahanas . 26, 27, 44, 45 Sattu Naik Saunda .. .. .. .. 69 Saurashtra .. G.K. 2-7 Savantvadi dynasty P.E.W. 84 sayada .. .. .. .. 32 Scham, Admiral w. P.E.W. 64 Seahorse, the .. P.E.W. 68 Sehdi. See Sihardeva. Semites, Northorn .. 233 Sengutpuvan .. . 66 Seva .. Seven Hills. SoMount D'Eli. Sexiber .. .. .. .. 214 Shahaji, Raja of Kolhapur .. 105 Shah Alam II., coins of .. .. 265 Shah Jahan 43, 44 Shah Shuja .. P.E.W. 77 &n. Shahu .. .. .. .. 10. 20 Shaista Shan .. .. .. P.E.W. 77 Sharpey, Capt. Alex. .. .. P.E.W. 66 Shaw, Lieut. .. .. .. 119 Sher Afschun, murder of .. Shivaji. See Sivaji. Shreemunt Nanna Saib. See Nana Farnawis. Sidis .. P.E.W. 76 Sidi Sambol .. .. .. P.E.W. 76 Rihardeva of Dungarpur, inscriptions of .. 102 Sikandar Shah Lodi of Delhi, inscriptions of .. 208 Sikh army .. .. .. .. .. 182, 183 Siladitya L, III., inscriptions of .. .. 116 Silappadhikdram .. .. .. 16 Bilon. See Quilon. Simhavarman .. Simhavarman II. .. . Sith havinhou .. . Sirian. Seo Syriam. Sirkap . . - Bir Subramanya Ayyar Lecture on The History of Bri Vaishnavas, by T. A. Gopinatha Rao, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 6568 Bivs . .. .. 28-80, 80 Givlgrkma. See Sova. Sivajt, 17, 44, 41-78, 116, 122; P.RW. 75, 76, 84 Sivkjf's Sword .. .. .. 18-20 Siwagi inscription ... .. 18 diyake, granta of ... .. 116 Skandagupta .. 10 Skandasishya, Pallava .. .. .. .. 27 Skandavarman Blade, Capt. .. P.E.W. 71 Slang, of pearl and cotton merchants .. . 62 Slave trade P.E.W. 74 Smith, General Lionel .. .. .. 19, 20 Smith, Capt. H. .. .. .. .. 87 snake-worship . .. .. 91, 92 Sogdiani . .. .. .. 113 Solankis .. .. .. G.K. 7,8 Somanatha .. .. .. G.K. 7 somesvaradeva .. .. .. 100, 101 Sondiva. See Sandwip. Sopara .. .. .. .. .. 23, 24 Sorath ... . . .. G.K. 2,8 South Indian Culture, a sketch of, 13-16, 23-32 Spells of origin .. .. .. .. .. 63 Sravana Belgola, inscriptions at . .. 7 SrAvasti. See Ajodhya. Sri Vaishnavas .. .. .. .. .. 06 Sthapu Ravi, inscriptions of .. .. .. 191 .. G.K. 3 Strinyer Galley .. .. . P.E.W. 79 Studies in South Indian Jainism, by M.6. Ramaswami Aiyengar, (book-notice), 273-275 Subject-Index to Periodicals. Part I, (book notice) .. .. .. .. subsidiary alliances Sudass .. Sudra Sufi philosophy .. Sulaiman, merchant on the Gurjaras ... G.K. 6 Sultan Daniyal 34n., 35., 40n. Sultan Murad .. .. .. .. 34n. Sumatra .. .. .. .. 88; P.E.W. 55Suppdra. See Sopara Suppdraka .. .. .. 23 Supplementary Catalogue of The Coins in The Indian Museum Ooin Cabinet, by B. B. Bidya- binod, (book-notice) .. .. .. 255 Surastrene. See Saurashtra. Surat . . . . . . P.E.W. 57, 58, 80 Satus, of Banavaso .. .. .. .. 27 Suvarnadvipa .. ... Swan, the .. .. .. P.E.W. 60 Syr. Soe Atirgarh. Syriam .. .. Syrian Christians .. . .. 229 .. 17 . 270 129 232, 254 .. .. . P.E.W. 76 .. . 88 45, 66 Tafik, Takim. Soo Panjab. tagas Tagaung .. ... ..

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Talbot, Lord Tali Talikota, battle of Tambapanni. See Ceylon. Tamil-land, South India... Tamils Tanu Iravi, Kottayam plates of, 187, 189, 190, 191, 257-261 Tarisappalli, the Tartars Tardl. See Yeskar. Taria, Teriya, Taria Daria, Andamanese deity, 151, 156, 165, 168, 170, 171 257,258 P.E.W. 72-74 75 P.E.W. 60n. 182 *Tartpurtoo' Teach, Ed., pirate Tel-el-Amarna tablets Temple, Sir Richard, on the Andamanese, 150, 151 Tevaram 14 thamainys, meaning of 42, 43 Thatch. See Teach. Tirayar, Tiraiyar ... Tirumal. See Vishnu. Tirumalisai-Alvar Tiru-navay Theories Diplomatiques de L'Inde Ancienne et de L'Arthacastra, par Kalidas Nag, (book-notice), 182 Tipu Sultan, coins of Tirupparikkulam. See Navayikkulam. Tiru-'vallatte Tiruvalluvar Tiruvoy-moli Tolkappiyam Tolkappiyar Tondamandalam Tondaiman Ilamtirayan Tondaiyars :::::: Tone, Theobald, W. Tone, Col. W. H. .. :::: 13, 15, 16, 23-26 44 :::::::::: tootnague. Seo tulenaga. Travancore, some place-names in Travancore Travancore, town 8. of Trivandrum Trikkatittanam Trippunittura Tripuri Tritasaurya Tritsus Tropina. See Trippanittura. Tsongkaba .. Tumana, a visit to turmeric Turuttikkate :: :::: P.E.W. 57 189 34n., 52n. ::::: INDEX :::::::: :::: 266 44, 276 95 274 14, 66, 67 16 274 26, 44, 45, 66 45 26, 27, 44 69 18, 69-77 66, 67 95n. .. 95-97 2-7 261 96 95 269 269, 270 270 :::::::: tutenaga Tyger, the 41 267-270 Udan Udanyanacharita. See Vasavadata-Natyadhara. Ujjayini. See Avanti. Umaji Naik Upanishade, Uraiyur .. Vacca. See Delft. Vadavar (Tamil). Suc Aryan. Vadukar, meaning of. Vaijayanti. Sco Banavase. Vairamaga. See Danti-Durga. Vaisampayana Vaishnavism Vaisya Vakatakas Valabhi inscriptions Valabhis Valaivanan, valanchiyam Vamana Vanavaso. Soe Banavise. Vanjaris ** Van Neck, Admiral J. C. Varanasi. See Benares. Vararuchi Vasabha Vasavadatta 103-106, 117-122 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 252, 253 45 252 P.E.W. 55 .. 289 65 14, 15, 26, 44 .. 124, 13T C3, 67, 90 129 48 118 G.K. 5 .. 45 188 9-11, 89 75, 76 P.E.W. 69 12 24 9, 10, 12, 177 178-180 5, 6 8-12, 177-180 25 4-6 12 Vasavadatta-Nafyddhara Vasu, meaning of .. Vasubandhu or Subhandhu Vasudeva Vasulakshmi Kalyanam Vatsaraja .. Vatryayana, Vatta Gamani Vatteluttu.. 95, 227, 244, 245, 247-251, 259, 876 Vayiramega, suggested identification of 131n., 132n., 133-135, 146-148 24 67 32 Vedanta Desika Velir tribe.. Vembanad.. 16 960. 64 96 Vendtu. See Quilon.

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290 INDEX .. 255 Venice Weddell, Capt. P.E.W. 63, 67, 70 Venkata II.. .. 34n. Welfare, the PE.W. 81 VenkatawybrahmanyAdhyarin .. 8,61 Whale, the .. .. P.E.W. 59 Venpoli Natu .. 193, 194, 261 White, Mr. Samuel PE.W. 83 Vervina, treaty of P.E.W. 69 White Flag P.E.W. 62 vefi, vefti . .. . 257 & n, Wildoy, Capt. .. PE.W. 1 Vetulys heresy .. . 24, 25 Wynn, Capt. J. .. Vidyanatha Vierge de Bon Port : .. P.E.W. 80 Viesman, Captain .. .. P.E.W. 54, 58 Vijaya .. . . 23, 24 Vijayanagar 31, 32, 34 & n., 41, 52 & n. Vikramaditya .. .. 8, 10-12, 180 Vil dudita .. . . . . . 188 Vilijnem .. Village servants .. . Xavier, Fr. Jerome, in the siege of Asirgarh, 33-41 Violet, thu .. .. P.E.W. 54 Vira Bella II .. .. .. 31 Vira-Banafiju, Kanareno guild .. . 229 Viradhavala, Chaulskya chlef .. .. .. 100 Vira Kerala Chalavarti . 186, 192--194 Virakarcha, Pallava .. 27,44 Vira-Raghava Chakravarti, Kottayam Plate of, 1884-198, 219-229, 244-281 Yajna Sri Satakari Vira Rajendra .. .. .. .. .. 231 44, 45 Yajnavalkya Viradaivas .. 123, 124 . Virtsvara, Manikarnika Gh&t (Benares) Stone Y&mun Acharya Yavabhumi inscription of 88 .. .. .. .. 209-211 .. Yen-Seu-chi Vishnu .. .. P.E.W. 56 Yeskar Vishnugopa Pallava .. .. .. .. 27, 44 .. .. 76 Vitotros .. Yesu Nikut .. 119, 120 .. .. . Volunteers, Maratha. .. .. Yogaraja . .. 74 i. .. ... 116 yuk-da, meaning of ... .. .. 169 .. 30 .. 89-91 Vishnugopa Pallaya .. 68 Wachayat, See Anartapura. Ware, Capt. 8. .. Watte, Las P.E.W.83 P.E.W. 84 Zoylandia, Zeelandis, fort, Z oroaster .. .. .. P.E.W. 66, 79, 80 .. . .. 113

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ERRATA. p. 12. For Katyayana and Parthia read Katyayana and Parthiva. p. 109, 1. 12. For Johole read Johor.

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JANUARY, 1924 ] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 53 191. The next English commander to visit the Malay Archipelago was Thomas Cavendish, whom Zuniga (I, 179) calls an English pirate. In 1588, after taking the Spanish galleon Santa Anna on the coast of California, he came to Manila (de Morga, p. 29) and touched at Balambangan and Java (Crawford, II, 507). Cavendish's ship is said to have been brought into Plymouth" under a suit of silken sails" (Kerr, IX, 66; see para. 381 below). It is possible that these were made from the plunder of the Chinese junk, which Linschoten says (I, 93, p. 172) was taken by Cavendish in the Straits of Sunda. Linschoten adds that Cavendish sent a small present to the Bishop of Malacca" of friendship, meaning to come herself [i.e., the ship) and visit him." From this junk he also took a Portuguese pilot for his voyage to the Cape. It may be noted that, at this time, ships going to little known seas carried with them men who had had great experience of navigation and, if possible, had been there before and whom they called pilots. Naturally these pilots were personages of some importance. Linschoten (I, 93, p. 164), in describing the duties of the navi. gating officers of a Portuguese ship, mentions the pilot first of all :-"The pilot hath his cabin above in the hinder part of the ship, on the right side, where he hath two or three rooms, and never cometh under the hatches nor down into the foreship, but standeth only and commandeth the Master of the ship to hoist or let fall the sails, and to look unto his course, how they shall steer, to take the height of the sun, and every day to write and mark what passeth, and how they sail and with what tokens, wind and weather." 48 192. Whilst the English were thus preparing to dispute the trade of the Eastern seas with the Portuguese, they were also on the watch to plunder their vessels as they returned richly laden, like honey bees to their hive. According to Linschoten (I, 93, p. 163) the Spanish and Portuguese ships from India sailed as was convenient to each as far as St. Helena, but having arrived there, they all waited until the 25th of May so as to have each other's company and support for the rest of the voyage "For from India unto the Island of St. Helena they noed not keep company, because all that way they fear no rovers : and to that island they have all their cannon shot pulled in, the better to pass the foul weather at the Cape of Good Hope." From St. Helena they began to run into danger, for first, there were pirates cruising between the West Indies and the coast of Guinea, then the Barbary pirates' and last, and most to be feared, English, French and Dutch corsairs off the Azores.49 Linschoten himself was on board the Santa Cruz when she was attacked off Teroeira on the 22nd July 1589 by three English corsairs (Linschoten, I, 96, p. 178). 193. James Lancaster entered the Indian Seas from the West. In command of the Edward Bonaventure, which with the Royal Merchant (Captain Abraham Kendal) and the Penelope formed the small fleet under the orders of Captain Raymond, he left England in April 1591. The Royal Merchant returned to England from the Cape and the Penelope was lost, but Lancaster, after having had thirty men treacherously killed by the natives of the Comoro Islands, reached Zanzibar in November 1591 and doubled Cape Comorin in May 1592. Thence he sailed to the Nicobars, Sumatra and Malacca. Off Malacca he took a ship from Pegu with a Portuguese-owned cargo, but allowed to pass free another, the cargo of which was owned by Pegu merchants. At the Island of Pulo Sambilan he took a Portuguese ship from Negapatam and in October another belonging to the Captain of Malacca, After many vicissitudes of fortune he lost his ship in the West Indies on his homeward voyage and returned to England with his crew in a French ship via Dieppe, in 1594 (Hakluyt, VI, 387). 49 In the French Maritime Regulations of 1681 thu pilot holds similar high rank and keeps the Journal or Log (Justice, p. 334). 19 Faria (III, 37-38) mentions an uniuocessful attack on a Portuguese ship near the Equator and the capture of another by Drake at the Azores in 1886.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1924 194. In 1592 the Portuguese vessel Madre de Dios was, on her return from India, taken off Terceira, and the Santa Cruz forced to run ashore by an English cruising fleet under Sir John Burroughs (Danvers, Port. Records, p. 16). 195. On the 28th July 1594 Francisco Vendramin, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, reported (Cal. State Papers, Venetian) that English corsairs had attacked off the Azores the richest Portuguese ship that had ever sailed from an East Indian port, and having failed in an attempt to board her, had burnt and sunk her with her cargo and all on board. The total amount lost, says Vendramin, was three million ducats, of which three hundred thousand belonged to the King of Spain. This ship was Las Cinque Plagas or the Five Wounds, and the English corsairs were the Royal Exchange (Captain George Cave), the May Flower (Captain William Anthonie), the Sampson (Captain Nicholas Downton) and a pinnace, the Violet or Why not I, all equipped by George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, and his friends. The fight took place on the 13th June, six leagues to the southward of the Sound, between Fayal and Pico. The Portuguese made an obstinate defence, but their ship taking fire, the cargo, largely composed of combustible matter, caught also and made an inextinguishable conflagration. Thereupon the Portuguese leaped into the sea and a small number of them were saved by boats from the English ships. Two of those rescued, Nuno Vello Pereira, Governor in 1582 of Mozambique and Sofala, and Bras Carrero, Captain of a carrack which had been wrecked near Mozambique, were brought to England and ransomed; the rest were set ashore on the Island of Flores (Faria, III, 72; Kerr, VII, 456; Hakluyt, III, 14). Chinese. 196. In the Malay Archipelago the Spaniards, from an early date, employed Asiatics as sailors. In 1593 the galley of Governor Gomez Perez, whilst on a voyage to the Moluccae, was seized by the Chinese rowers, who killed the Governor and all the Spaniards on board and carried the treasure chest to Cochin China, where it was seized by the local authorities (de Morga, p. 35). In the Chinese Repository (VII, 298) this accident is related of Gover. nor Marinas of Manila and is said to have occurred on the 25th October 1593. 197. In 1603 a Chinaman named Engean, who had remained in Manila from the time of Limahon (see para. 152 above) and was very rich, organised a conspiracy to drive out the Spaniards. After a serious outbreak, he was captured and hanged (Zuniga, I, 221). Dutch. 198. In 1596 the Dutch made their first appearance in the East (Crawford, II, 508) and met with a very hostile reception in Sumatra. This they ascribed to the Portuguese, who informed the natives that they were "the English pirates who were feared and hated in all that part of the world for the excesses they had committed three years earlier " (Recueil des Voyages, p. 385). This is probably a reference to Lancaster, but of any exoesses committed by him, which could possibly be compared with those of the Portuguese themselves, we have no record. Will Adams (pilot in a Dutch ship), who landed in Japan in February 1600, says that the Spanish and Portuguese represented to the Emperor of Japan that the English and Dutch were " pirates and robbers of all nations, and that if they were spared no nation should come there [i.e., to Japan), without robbing (Memorials of Japan, Hak. Soc., p. 25). This evil reputation of the English persisted, according to Sir Ernest Satow, up to 1851 (A Diplomat in Japan, p. 384). 199. In October 1600 two Dutch ships, the Maurice (Captain Oliver de Noort) and the. Concordia or Eendracht (Captain Lambert Viesman, or Biesman, of Rotterdam) arrived at Manila. On the 14th December they were attacked by the Spaniards and the Concordia captured after a desperate fight. Viesman and eighteen others were taken prisoners. Six of these, being mere boys, were spared and distributed amongst the convents. All the rest were put to death by the garotte as pirates, but twelve of them having been converted they

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JANUARY, 1924) NOTES ON PIRAOY IN EASTERN WATERS died as good Catholios after receiving the Eucharist from the monks and wore buried by the Brotherhood of Holy Mercy. "The only one that would not be converte 1 was the Admiral [i.e., Viesman), the most dogged and pertinacious heretic that ever I saw in my life" (de Morga, pp. 149, 169, 397). As the Spaniar is showed no mercy to the Dutch, they met with little in return. During the fight the Spanish ship Blessed Trinity caught fire and sank, leaving some 200 poor wretches in the water, crying out for mercy, to which the Dutch replied "with pikes, shot, yea (especially a priest in his habit) with derision" (Purchas, II, 201). So also in a fight between the Dutch and Spaniards on the 17th July 1615, some thirty of the latter were mercilessly slain as they floated helpless in the water crying for aid (Voyage of George Spilbergen, Purchas, II, 216). 200. It may be noted here that de Noort, under date 18th June 1599, mentions the curious but time-honoured (see Olans Magnus, IX, Cap. vi, De Punitione rebellium nautarum) punishment for mutiny at sea. This consisted in driving a knife into the mast through the hand of the mutineer, and leaving him standing there until he could muster resolution to tear his hand free. 201. In 1600 the French ships Croissant and Corbin (see para. 189 above) left St. Malo for the Indies. The Corbin was wrecked on the Maldives, but the Croissant reached Achin on the 26th July 1601. On the 20th November 1602 she was forced to leave suddenly as Captain La Bardeliere was dying and his death in harbour, according to the custom of the country, would have caused his ship to be forfeited to the King. The ship reached Cape Finisterre on the 30th May 1603 in a sinking condition, when the remains of the crew, only fourteen in number, were rescued by some Dutch ships. The cargo was valued by the St. Malo Company at two million (? livres) and half was due as salvage to the rescuers. They seized it all (La Ronciere, IV, 266). Dutch and Malays. 202. It has been mentioned that the Dutch had not been well received in Sumatra. In September 1599 the Dutch ships Lion and Lioness, on which John Davis was pilot, were treacherously attacked at Achin and, before the assailants could be driven off, the Dutch commander and most of his officers (68 men in all) were killed. The Dutch could however hardly complain, because they had previously been guilty of various acts of petty piracy, and on the return voyage they took and plundered a ship sailing from Negapatam to Achin laden with rice (Kerr, VIII, 53, 61). 203. In September 1603 a junk from the Island of Lampong in the Straits of Sunda came to Bantam. The crew hid it in a creek near by, and disguised as Javanese entered the town head-hunting. Their Raja was acoustomed to give a female slave for every head brought him, a payment so prized that the head-hunters sometimes dug up and cut off the heads of bodies that had been newly buried (Soot, in Kerr, VIII, 152). These men must have been Dyaks. English. 204. The first voyage of the East India Company, which was made by four ships under James Lancaster in 1601, appears to have been rather a privateering attack upon Spanish and Portuguese trade than a bona fide trading voyage (Low, I, 5, 6). In October 1605 the fleet under Sir Edward Mitchelbourne, whilst sailing to Patani, on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, overhauled a junk which had been taken by Japanese pirates. Whilst the English rummaged the junk for spoil, they foolishly allowed a number of the Japanese on board their own ships. These men suddenly seized their own arms and any other weapons within reach and made a desperate attempt to capture the Tyger. They were overcome with the greatest difficulty, fighting to the last man, and amongst those of the English who were killed was John Davis the Navigator. Mitchelbourne's right to attack this junk was quite problematical, for he had had no previous knowledge that it was in the hands of

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1924 pirates. Moreover, he did not hesitate himself to attack and plunder Chinese vessels (Voyages of John Davis, Hak. Soo., LXXX, 178). In 1608 William Hawkins met at Surat one Mahdi Kuli, captain of a ship plundered by Mitchelbourne in 1605 (Foster, Early Travels, p. 126). 205. In reference to the pirates who lay in wait for the Spanish and Portuguese ships off the Cape Verde Islands, it is evident that one of these islands,- I do not know whichwas a kind of rendezvous, for William Hawkins, in the Journal of his Voyage to the East Indies, says that, in July 1607, he made for one called the Isle of Safety, as all English and French vessels went there. Later on, Hawkins touched at St. Augustine's in Madagascar, but, as he does not mention meeting any Europeans there, it is probable that this place had not yet become a pirate resort (Brit. Mus., Egerton MSS., 2100). 206. In the fourth General Voyage of the English East India Company the Ascension (Captain Alexander Sharpey) took, in 1607, two barques belonging to the Moons of Melinda in Africa. The Moors made little resistance to the capture, but, watching a favourable opportunity, the prisoners attempted to seize the Ascension and were not suppressed until forty out of fifty had been killed. These Moors belonged to the best families in Melinda, and Captain Sharpey was compelled to leave the coast to escape from reprisals (Lediard, I, 417). Dutch. 207. In 1604 the Dutch, after failing to take Macao from the Portuguese, seized Pehou, one of the Pescadores or Ponghu Islands, and to fortify it employed one half of the crews of some sixty Chinese ships which they had taken, plundered and burnt on the coast of Fokien. Most of these men died. The other half of the crews were sent to Batavia and sold 88 slaves (Ljungstedt, p. 33). 208. The Dutch at this time generally tried to identify themselves with the English 80 as to convince the Japanese that they had no connection with the Spaniards or Portuguese, the reputation of the latter being so bad that their assertions (see para. 198 above) that the English and Dutch were all pirates carried no conviction to the minds of their hearers. In 1610 a Dutch Factory was established at Hirado (Firando) in Japan (Murdoch, II, 470). According to Boulger (II, 119), Dutch ships visited Japan in 1586 and 1588, but their first establishment in that country was in 1609. Portuguese, 209. In 1605 a ship belonging to Arima of Shimabara was plundered by certain Por. tuguese at Macao. Later on, hearing that some of the culprits were on board another ship, he pursued her to the east of Yuwojima and there took and burned her on the 18th Decem. ber 1609 (48. Soc. Japan. Trans., IX, 144). In 1608 some Portuguese frigates attacked and took in Surat River two barques belonging to Captain William Hawking. When restitution was demanded, it was contemptuously refused on the ground that the Indian Seas belonged solely to the King of Portugal, and the English prisoners were sent to Lisbon. In the same year the Portuguese at Surat threatened to carry away to Diu & ship belonging to the Queen Mother of the Mughal, then lading for Mocha, unless & pass was purchased for 100,000 mahmudis, but ultimately they accepted 1,000 rials and some presents (Foster, Early Travels, pp. 126, 129). 210. On the 28th October 1613 William Biddulph wrote to the East India Company that the Portuguese had seized a Gujarat (Surat) ship (in spite of her having a Portuguese pass) valued at 70 to 80 thousand pounds, and had carried away 700 persons, the men for slaves, the women and children for converts (Cal. State Papers, East Indies). Biddulph probably referred to the Remewe (see para, 173 above). Japanese. 211. The incursions of Japanese pirates into the waters of the Malay Archipelago have already been alluded to in the story of the death of John Davis in 1605 (see para. 204 above). The narrator of Mitchelbourne's voyage tells us that Mitchelbourne met other

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JANUARY, 1924] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 57 Japanese pirates cruising on the coasts of China and Cambaia (i.e., Cambodia), and of them he says "The Japons are not allowed to land in any port in India with weapons, being accounted a people so desperate and daring that they are feared in all places where they come" (Voyages of John Davis, Hak. Soc., LXXX, 178). 212. In 1606 the Japanese in the Philippines twice rebelled against the Spaniards (Crawford, II, 466-7). 213. In 1620 the Japanese settled in Formosa (Du Halde, I, 90) on the suggestion of the Chinese pirate Yen-Ssu-chi, one of whose followers (see para. 252 below) was the celebrated Chinchilung (Li Ung Bing, p. 343 n.). English and Dutch. 214. The impression produced upon the Asiatics by the mutual hostility of the Europeans may be judged from the following:-" In 1020 A.H. (i.e., 1611 A.D.) the Emperor Nuruddin Jahangir made over the fort of Surat in the Province of Gujarat to the English, against whom the Farangis of Portugal bear a most deadly enmity and both are thirsty of each other's blood. This was the place where the English made their first settlement in India. Their religious belief is contrary to that of the Portuguese. For instance they consider Jesus Christ (may the peace of God rest on him) a servant of God and his prophet, but do not admit that he was the son of God.50 They are in no wise obedient to the King of Portugal" (Ghulam Basit, Elliott, VIII, 202). Again, Captain Saris tells us that a Dutch ship coming into Nagasaki, "on their arrival they were said to be English, our nation being long known by report in Japan, but much scandalised by the Portuguese Jesuits, who represent us as pirates and rovers on the sea. In consequence of this report the Japanese have a song, in which they call the English Crofonio, showing how the English take the Spanish and Portuguese ships, which, while singing, they act likewise with catans [i.e., dag. gers] so as to scare their children as the French used to do theirs with the name of Lord Talbot" (Kerr, IX, 15). English. 215. In February 1611-12, Sir Henry Middleton took and plundered two Portuguese ships at Dabhol and then proceeded to the Red Sea "to revenge us of the wrongs offered us both by Turkes and Mogols" (Foster, Early Travels, p. 96). In May 1612 he met with Captain John Saris, and together they proceeded to hold up the native trade. Between the 15th and 23rd of the month, they stopped and detained 15 vessels from Surat, Diu, Calicut, Cannanore and Achin. Amongst these was the Rehmy of Surat, of 1,500 tons, and carrying 1,500 persons. She belonged to the Mughal's mother "whose devotion had built and maintained her for the accommodation of pilgrims to Mecca." It was the intention of the English commanders to detain these ships until the Turks came to reason, but as the Captain of the Rehmy and his fellow sufferers had no means of influencing the Turks, they thought it wiser to pay the compensation the English demanded themselves. The Rehmy contributed 15,000 dollars and the other ships about the same amount between them. The unlucky Rehmy was in 1614 burnt by the Portuguese at Gogo with several other vessels and 120 trading boats (Kerr, VIII, 380, 405, 428, 430; Orme, Hist. Frag., 325, 346; see para. 173 above). 216. Captain Saris left England on the 18th April 1611. In 1613 he visited Japan and received permission to trade for the East India Company, but though the Japanese made some distinction between the English and Dutch on the one side and the Spanish 50 Probably a Portuguese perversion of the refusal of Protestants to worship the Crucifix.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY 1924 and Portuguese on the other, restrictions were speedily imposed. In 1623 the English Factory at Nagasaki was closed, and trade between England and Japan was not really renewed until the nineteenth century (Logan's Journal, V, 659-664; see para. 268 below). Saris tells us" (Kerr, XI, 41) of various duels fought ashore by members of his crew, which shows that the crews of these nominally trading vessels claimed and exercised the right of private combat enjoyed by the seamen of Buccaneer ships and (?) privateers. Low (I, 12) says that it was the opposition of the Portuguese and Spaniards which justified the armed character of such fleets as that sent out under Captain Best in 1612, and it is certain that this opposition accounts for a good deal, but what Captain Saris tells us shows that the crews were much more independent than those of the King's ships, and even than those of ordinary merchantmen. I am inclined to think that this fact may supply some explanation of the striped red and white flag of the English East India Company, its ships being equally ready to trade under the white flag or fight under the red. 217. On the 26th April 1613 the Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople wrote to the Doge :-"A Cha'ush has arrived from Cairo sent express from the Pasha to report the great damage inflicted by English and Dutch Bortons [i.e., British or large ships as distinguished from the galleys used by the Moors in the Mediterranean] in the Red Sea. Their constant plundering of rich Turkish ships is threatening the great city of Cairo with ruin to its trade" (Cal. State Papers, Venetian). This is evidently the Turkish version of what Sir Henry Middletori and his like considered were well-warranted reprisals. 218. In 1612 a certain Edward Christian was at Swally. In 1613 he was appointed Captain of the Hoseander by Captain Best and in 1615 of the Globe (Kerr, IX, 106-112, VIII, 463). This is probably the Captain Christian, Governor of the Isle of Man, whose summary punishment for favouring piracy was demanded by the Lord Deputy of Ireland on the 31st November 1633 (Cal. State Papers, Irish). The Earl of Derby having been asked why he had appointed such a man as Governor, replied :-"Captain Christian. .. was a Manx man born and had made himself a good fortune in the East Indies. He was an excellent companion and as rude as a sea-captain should be, but something more refined and civilized by serving the Duke of Buckingham about a year at Court. Most men have one failing or other to sully their best actions, and his was that condition which is ever found with drunkenness, viz., avarice, which is observed to grow in men with their years (Seacome, pp. 220-1). 219. When Captain Walter Peyton sailed for India (1615, Purchas, I, 528), he took out with him nineteen "condemned persons from Newgate to be left for the discovery of unknown places, the Company having obtained their pardons from the King for this purpose (Kerr, IX, 220; see para. 62 above). 220. In 1615 the St. Malo Company gave the command of a fleet for the East Indies to an Englishman, John Fearne, who unknown (?) to them was a pirate. He brought in some other Englishmen, Arthur Ingham, Lionel Cranfield and Eustace Mawe, but was acting in collusion with Ambassador Edmonds. When the fleet put to sea on the 26th March, he insisted, under pretence of necessary repairs, on taking his ship, the Cerf Volant, to England. On the way he captured a French ship-of-war (? Privateer or Pirate) and carried her to Milford. The Cerf Volant he took to London, where he sold her guns, and himself enlisted in Raleigh's expedition to Guiana (La Ronciere, IV, 290). Faria says (III, 253) that in 1616 Don Hierome Manuel, who commanded the homeward bound vessels,

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JANUARY, 1924 ] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 59 beat off an attack by four pirate ships near the Island of Flores, but does not state their nationality. In 1617 (? 1613) the Portuguese, making a voyage of discovery around Madagascar, found many traces of Europeans, especially Holianders. Amongst others at Port Santa Clara, they found two inscriptions showing that the English had been there, viz., Christophorus Neoportus Anglus Cap. and Dominus Robertus Schurleius Comes, Legatus Regis Persarum. In the same voyage they discovered and named St. Augustine (Faria, III, 269). Sanganians and Malabaras. 221. In 1609 Abdul Karim, the Muhammadan Governor of Chaul, sent out a fleet of 30 padaos to cruise against the Portuguese, and in 1611 the natives of Chaul introduced into the city a number of Muhammadan outlaws from Karanja, who murdered the Portu. guese captain of the fortress (Faria, III, 168-185; da Cunha, Chaul, p. 63). 222. In 1613 the English at Surat formed & small local force of grabs and gallevats for protection against the Portuguese and the pirates in the rivers Tapti and Narbada and in the Gulf of Cambay. It was manned by volunteers from the Company's ships and known as the Grab Service (Low, I, 16). This was the origin of the famous Bombay Marine, 223. In 1614 James de Vasconcelos with 9 ships sailed from Diu to Agacaim, where he captured the whole of a foot of 16 Malabarese with their commander Porcasse (Faria, III, 199). 224. In 1615 Captain Walter Peyton, having taken two Portuguese ships off Coulam without any hindrance from the guns of the castle, offered to put the crews ashore, but they declined "as fearing to be ill-used by the Malabars, having lately escaped with difficulty from a fleet of theirs of 14 sail" (Peyton, in Kerr, IX, 233). In the same year & treaty was concluded between Jahangir and the Portuguese, both parties expressing hostility towards the English and Dutch and the necessity for destroying the Malabar pirates (Faria, III, 221; Orme, Hist. Frag., p. 361; Bom. Gaz, I, ii, p. 62). 225. On the 20th December 1615 a Malabar brought into Cranganore & prize which he had taken from the Portuguese and would have traded with us, but we could not get in any of our money due long before" (Journal of Roger Hawes, Kerr, IX, 245). From this it would appear that some English ships, even if they did not assist in acts of piracy, were not above purchasing the pirates' booty. 228. On the 20th January 1616 a Portuguese fleet entered the same harbour and was defeated by the Malabarese. "Nino or ten Portuguese vessels were driven ashore and two or three of the chiefs of these were immediately hanged up by the heels, and being taken down after two days were thrown to be devoured by wild beasts" (Ibid.). -- 227. In 1617 or 1618 Dom Pedro, a cousin of Kunhale, who had become a Christian, fled from Goa, renounoed his new faith and, turning pirate, captured a number of Portuguese ships. On one occasion he took 12 out of a Portuguese fleet of 18 ships together with their commander Vitorio de Abreu. Another Portuguese ship which he had captured was retaken by a passing Spaniard (Faria, III, 288-9). 228. In February 1623 John Hall with the Blessing, Whale, Dolphin and Reformation, drove off two Malabar pirates to the great relief of the inhabitants of the Gujarat Coast. He then proceeded to bombard Dabol in reprisal for injuries done to the English (Hall to the East India Company, 16th December 1623, Cal. State Papers, East Indies).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1924 Malays. 229. In 1616 the men of Mindanao burned the dockyard in Pantao, a port of Luzon, and for many years they continued to infest the coasts of Macalilum, Camarines, Albay, etc., the Spaniards being quite unable to hold them in check (de Morga, p. 360). Portuguese. 230. While the Portuguese called the English pirates, on occasion their own ships adopted piratical customs. "The 6th July 1616 our men...espied a sail ... About noon the Globe came up with her...and according to the custom of the sea hailed her, asking her whence she was. She answered indirectly From the Sea', calling our men Rogues, Thieves, Heretics and Devils and the conclusion of her rude compliment was in loud cannon language, discharging seven great pieces of artillery at our Globe" (Terry in Purchas, IX, 5). The Portuguese reply was that generally made by pirates61 when asked from what port they came, and yet they had the impudence to call the English Rogues,' which for at least another hundred years was the sailor synonym for pirates' (see para. 507 below). Nor was their conduct very different from their language. Faria tells us : " Andrew Botello de Costa coming to Jafnapatam with 6 sail, understood there was a great Danish ship at Gale that had taken some prizes. He found out, and after three hours' fight, took her. Of the enemy, 8 were killed, some burned, others got ashore with the captain and 49 were taken. On our side 8 were slain, whereof one was the commander." According to this account the Dane was also acting piratically (Faria, III, 290). This was in 1617 or 1618. Dutch. 231. In January 1617 the Dutch under Lawrence Ryall seized the English ship Swan (Captain Nicholas Courthop) after a stiff fight in the road of Pularoon, one of the Banda Islands, and a little later the ship Defence, under the pretence that they had King James' order prohibiting the English from trading east of the Celebes (Kerr's Voyages IX, 445-6), a particularly insulting pretext when they were at the very time committing piracy under the guise of Englishmen. On the 15th February 1617 Richard Cocks wrote to Captain John Saris from Firando (i.e., Hirado )-"Last year the Hollanders sent a fleet of ships from the Moluccas to Manila to fight the Spanish fleet, but the Spaniards kept safe in port for five or six months, so that the Hollanders concluded they duryt not come out at all, and therefore separated to look out for Chinese junks, of which some say they took and plundered 25, while others say 35. It is certain that they took great riches and all under the assumed name of Englishmen." They took some of their prizes to Japan." The Emperor allows them to make prize of all they take... As I said before, the Dutch have always robbed the Chinese under the name of Englishmen, which has greatiy injured our endeavours to procure trade in that country" Kerr, IX, 82). In July 1617 President George Ball of Bantam wrote:-" The Hollanders have covered the ocean with their ships from the Arabian Gulf to the coast of China, spoiling and robbing all nations in the name and under the colours of the English" (Ind. Off. 0. C., 510. See also Richard Cocks to the East India Company, 15th February 1618, Cal. State Papers, East Indies). 61 When Sir Kenelm Digby, on the 17th February 1627-8, met two piratical vessels in the Bay of Cagliari and was asked hence ho came, he replied. From London and the Sea,' whilst their reply was simply of the Sea (Oal. State Papers). On the 20th May 1718 Captain Martin Preston deposed at Kingston, Jamaica, that he had boon chased by a sloop oommanded by Edward Thatoh (1.8., Touch alias Blackboard) which, when asked whence she came, replied only From Soa' (Col. Office Records, 137/15).

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APRIL, 1924] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 61 English. 232. In September 1617 the. Bee (Captain John Hatch), one of a fleet under Captain Martin Pring in the service of the East India Company, captured two Interlopers (or unlicensed traders), viz., the Francis (Captain Samuel Newse, sent out by Sir Robert Rich) and the Lion (Captain Thomas Jones, sent out by Philip Bernardoe of London), together with a great Surat ship belonging to the Mother of the Great Mughal, which they had chased and were preparing to plunder (Kerr, IX, 453, and Pring to the Company, dated Royal James, Swally Road, 12th November 1617, Ind. Off., O.C. 564). 233. On the 4th March 1618 the Reverend Patrick Copland wrote home that his ship the Royal James had taken two English pirates (evidently the Francis and the Lion just mentioned) in the act of chasing a junk off Gogo. On the 23rd February 1621 John Byrd wrote to the Company that the Commanders of the Company's ships had taken three rich China junks and had sold the booty on their own account instead of that of the Company (Cal. State Papers, East Indies). Apparently at this time the Company expected their commanders to cruise as well as trade. Barbary Rovers. 234. I have already mentioned (see para. 192 above) that the trade between Portugal and India was harassed in one part of its course by the Barbary Pirates. These latter, by the way, were often called Turkish pirates, for Barbary was under the suzerainty of Turkey, and the chief part of the Turkish fleet was recruited from the Barbary corsairs, who, under their own or under the Turkish flag, attacked the vessels of the Christian nations. On the 10th July 1620 Sir Dudley Carleton wrote to Secretary Naunton that the Dutch East India Company's ship the Devil of Delft had, in a fight with seven pirates of Algiers, sunk two and driven off the rest but, having lost 100 men in the struggle, had been compelled to return to Holland. On the 25th October 1621, Sir Walter Aston wrote from Madrid that two Portugueso carracks, when nearing home, had been attacked by seventeen sail of Turkish pirates. One escaped into Lisbon, but the other, valued at three million ducats, after sinking two of the pirate vessels, had herself been set on fire and sunk with all on board by the Turks, when they had given up all hopes of taking her (Cal. State Papers, East Indies; Faria, III, 305). The Red or Bloody Flag. 235. From the very earliest times the colour red appears to have been associated with blood and fighting, and the use of the colour in any form by fighting men has denoted either resistance to the death (i.e., No Surrender) or the refusal, if victorious, to show any mercy to the conquered (i.e., No Quarter). When used by a particular officer in the presence of others, it (like the Imperial purple) denoted supreme command, but when displayed only on occasion, it was the signal for attack. From Roman times we have as signs of attack the purple cloak of Romulus with which he gave the signal for the rape of the Sabine women, and also the red tunic displayed over the tent of a gencral on the morning of battle. As signs of supreme command we have the Imperial purple, which dates even earlier, and was used in other countries, and the purple sails of the galleys which carried the chiefs of a Roman fleet. The earliest mention of the colour as a sign of No Quarter with which I am acquainted is in the case of the rebel Fan-chung or Fan tsung, during the reign of the usurper Wang Mang (9-23 A.D.) in the Province of Shantung in China. He made his followers, as a sign of their ferocity, dye their eyebrows red, so that they were known as Chih Mei, i.e., Red or Carnation Eyebrows (Macgowan, pp. 111-114; Staunton in China Review, XXI, 159),53 The earliest 52 It was used apparently in this way at the Fort of Spin Baldak on the Afghan frontier, when recently attacked by the British. Almost the whole of the garrison were killed (Times, 2nd June 1919).

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1924 use of red as a sign of No Surrender with which I have met is the red flag hoisted by the inhabitants of Debal (Karachi) in 711 when they were besieged by the Arabs (Al-Biladuri in Elliott, I, 118-120. See para. 18 above). In Europe the use of flags (as opposed to ensigns) was apparently not known until the crusades, but it is said that the use of the red flag as a sign of war to the death (i.e., No Surrender and No Quarter) was universal amongst seamen before the battle between English and Norman fleets off St. Mahe (or St. Malo) in April 1293 (Documents inedits, Brequigny and Champouillon-Figeac, I, 396-7). Red flags or banners were used at an early date by the Church for those Saints who had suffered martyrdom (i.e., as symbols of resistance to the death) and when carried in battle (e.g., the Oriflamme or Banner of St. Denis, properly to be used only in conflict with Infidels), those who fought under it could neither give nor take Quarter. The French hoisted the Oriflamme at Cressy in 1346 and the English in reply hoisted the Red Dragon Flag (or Ensign) which meant the same thing, and, being victorious, took no prisoners (Joshua Barnes, Edward III, p. 356; Stow's Annals, p. 242). In the year 1310 Tiepolo's follow conspirators at Venico carried a (? red) flag with the, device of Libertas on it (Crawford, Gleanings, p. 235), and the Florentines, when they joined the anti-papal party in 1375, carried a crimson banner with the same device (Okey, Avignon, p. 172). Ordinarily the sign of peace was white, and the white flag was commonly used in the Esat from very early times, but amongst Muhammadans green was sometimes substi tuted. Thus in 1534 or 1535, when the Emperor Humayun, having ordered a general massacre in Mandu, was moved to pity by the singing of the minstrel Bachhu, he changed his red garments to green and stopped the slaughter. (Miral Sikandari, p. 192; Bayley, Gujarat, p. 289.) In England red or bloody flags as they were called (see Laughton, State Papers.... Armada, II, 249) were supplied to English ships as early as 1588, presumably as signals for attack,63 but red was the colour of the flag of the Admiral of the Fleet until 1703 (Naval Chronicle, XIV, 376) and it is still the colour of the Commodore's broad pendant. The courtesy rank of Commodore not only belonged to certain King's officers but was assumed by the senior of the commanders whenever a number of merchantmen sailed in company, provided a King's ship was not present. When, in the presence of any other ship a merchant commander hoisted the red pendant, it was a claim to superiority, and if that ship was a King's ship it was an act of defiance and a sign of piracy. Add to this that almost all Muhammandan States used some kind or other of red flag and were perpetually at war with Christians, and we see that the Red Flag as a sign of (1) No Quarter and No Surrender, (2) Liberty and Independence, (3) Attack and Defiance and also as the flag of the enemies of Christianity, was the inevitable flag for European pirates, who boasted that they were onenies of the human race. As such it remained until replaced by the Black flag about the year 1700, and even then it was long used in addition as the sign of No Quarter. The first instance that I have found of the use of the red flag by a professed pirate is the case of the pirate Mandaus (Mendezes) in 1615 when he was attacked and captured by the Danish Ad. miral Jorgen Daas in the White Sea, but it is not at all clear from the context whether it was used as a piratical sign or simply as the sign of No Surrender (Life of Jon Olaffssen, Cap. XVII), 286. The first mention that I have come across of the use of tho Red flag in Eastern seas by the English is in 1619. In January of that year Sir Thomas Dale, in command of an English fleet, appeared off Jacatra. "The English hoisted their banniere rouge and by a 53 As such it was used in the English and other navies up to the beginning of the 19th century. 54 Communicated to me by Miss Bertha Philpotts, Mistress of Cirton College.

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APRIL, 1924) NOTES ON PIRAOY IN EASTERN WATERS trumpet summoned the Dutch to surrender, threatening to attack them if they refused, to whioh they replied with their cannon." After an indecisive fight in which the English were assisted by the Javanese, they withdrew for reinforcements (Ambassades Memorables, p. 26). In an "Account of the Goneral War the English began against us in December 1618" (Hague VaRuscript Records) it is stated :-"We tried to go before the wind as much as possible, but could not reach the English ships, as we anchored at some distance from thom. As we say they all had the blood flag hoisted on their stern, ours were hoisted as well." Mr. Arnold Wright, who gave me the above quotation, says the 'bloed vlag' dates from tho Sea Beggars (1568), but, as I have shown, it is of much earlier origin. Sir Thomas displayed his bloody colours 'not only to the Dutch but also to the Portuguese, as e.g., on the 13th August 1619 when he met "Don Christofylus de l'Orayne," the Portuguese Admiral, and demanded of him 200,000 dollars "in part satisfaction for losses our Company had received " from the Portuguese. After a long delay, bad weather came on, and it seemed possible that the enemy might escape, so Sir Thomas accepted 70,000 dollars for the Company and 10,000 for the men in his fleet (Cal. State Papers, 1620, p. xxi and Ind. Off. O. C., 767). Presumably the Portu. guese commander is the Admiral Don Christopher de Noronha mentioned by Faria (III, 281), who was deprived of his command by the Viceroy and sent to Lisbon as a prisoner for his cowardly compliance with the English demands. Dutch and English. 237. The attacks of the Dutch on the Chinese have already been mentioned. Their cruelty towards their victims excited such indignation amongst their English allies that one can only wonder why the English continued to act in common with them, espocially when they must have remembered that the Dutch had so often committed similar atrocities under the English flag. Arnold Brown (Journal, Purchas, X, 504) says, under date 26th May 1621 :"The Dutch frigate fought with a Chinese junk but could not tako her : our frigate went up and took her, and the Dutch, coming aboard after they had yielded, killed and made leap overboard to the quantity of 60 or 70, like bloody- - ". On the 30th the English, having taken another junk, which had proved too strong for the Dutch, took the precaution to secure the lives of the men by putting them ashore, but even then the Dutch found satisfaction in setting the junk on fire. Robert Fox, in his account of tho voyage of tho James (April to July 1625), mentions the capture of various junks, which the English plundered and then made over to the Dutch (Ind. Off. Marine Records, vol. 39). 288. On the 22nd April 1622 the English, under Captains Blyth and Weddoll, assisted by a Persian land force, took Ormuz from the Portuguese. Though England was not at war with Spain and Portugal and the Company's ships were acting under their own charter and without any assistance or commission from the Admiralty, the latter domanded a share of the booty, and the Company was forced to pay PS10,000 to the King and PS10,000 to the Duko of Buokingham, who was Lord High Admiral (Bruce, I, 237; Low, I, 40). 289. In June 1622 the Dutch Admiral Kornelis Reyerszoon, with 13 ships, attacked the Portuguese Settlement at Macao, but without success (Faria, III, 312; Ljungstedt, 73). 240. In the same year and again in 1623) the Mughal Government imprisoned the English factors at Surat, Agra and Ahmadabad, because the Dutch had seized a number of vessels belonging to Gujarat, but by the judicious expenditure of money their explanations were accepted and they were released (Bruce, I, 235; Bomb. Gaz., II, 80, 83). On the 13th December 1622 the Spanish Ambassador in London formally complained of piracies committed by the merchants of the East India Company (Rymer's Foedera).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Artit, 1924 241. In 1623 Governor Jan Pieterszoon Coen, on leaving Batavia, advised his successor Pieter de Carpentier to buy as many slaves as possible :-"No greater service can berendered the Dutch] Company than by going everywhere to find men of any country to populate our country i.e., Java]. This will be doing service and honour to God and will strengthen the Company in the Indies. Let slaves, especially young men, be bought in all parts of India, where they can be got cheap. Buy thousands ; buy an infinite number. There will never bo too many in Batavia " (Deherain, Le Cap de Bonne Esperance, p. 198). 242. It was in 1623 that the Dutch committed the infamous massacre at Anboyna of a number of Englishmen and Japanese, who, they pretended, had plotted to seize their Settlement. 243. In 1024 the Dutch desorted and destroyed their Settlement at Pehou in the Pesca dores, and withdrew to Formosa, where the Japancec settlers (see para. 213 above) foolishly allowed thein to establish themselves. 66 (Dubois, p. 150 ; Ljungstedt, p. 33.) According to Brinkley (X, 181) the occupation of Formosa was with the approval of the Chinese, who rofilsed to allow the Dutch to trado in China until they had abandoned tho Pescaclores. 244. In 1627 the Dutch took the Moluccas from tho Portuguese (Abbe Raynal, I, 148). Portuguese and Spanish. 245. The massacres of native Christians in Japan, owing to their connection with tho Portuguese, word followed by the prohibition of trade with the Portuguose. In 1624 this prohibition was extended to the Spaniards as being subjects of the same crown (Murdoch, II, 626). In 1625 the Spaniards showed their resentment by plundering a Japaneso Vessel in Siam waters (Singapore Chronicle, 27th Feb. 1834). Kaempfer (II, 59) says that this outrago was committed near Manila, and that the Spaniards, in ordor to concoal the crime, scuttlec tho ship and left the crew to drown. Ono man however got to land and news of the ovent was sent to the Japanese authorities, who waitod quiotly their opportunity for revenge. In 1627 an ombargo was laid on all Portuguoso ships in Japanese ports until reparation should be malo (Singapore Chronicle, 27th February 1834). 246. In 1630 a Danish ship entering the port of Coulam was, after a sharp fight, taken by nine Portuguese vessels under Emanuel de Camara e Nicoto (Feria, III, 381). 247. Cases of piracy on native vessels on the Malabar coast, committed by Portugueso pirates, aro mentioned by President Methwold of Surat in his Diary under date 17th April 1636. Dutch. 248. In 1626 the Dutch Admiral Wybrand Schram arrived at Batavia. In the latitudo of Sierra Leone, his own ship and one other of his fleet had been attacked by a Dutch corsair "named Clacs Campacn, who spread terror through those seas." After a fierce fight against four well armed ships, Schram drove off the enemy, who withdrew badly damaged (Dubois, p. 79). Malabarese and English. 249. In 1627 a small English fleet attacked a Malabar pirate junk near Swally Road with two barges, each carrying fifty musketeers, but the barges were driven off with the loss of half their crews killed, wounded or scalded, as the bad weather prevented the ships of the fleet from supporting their barges (Herbert, pp. 41-42). 250. In this year Khem Sawunt became ruler of the State of Savantvadi, founding a piratical dynasty long known to the English as the Kempsaunts (Bomb. Sel., N. S. X., p. 1). 55 According to the Chinese account, the Dutch played upon the Japanese the trick which Queen Dido played upon the Africans, asking only so much ground as could be covered by a bull's hido (Imbault Huart, Formose, p. 6).

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Apr, 1924 NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 251. In April or May 1628 a small English fleet off Mangalore saw a junk of some 70 tons, bound for Achin, attacked by a Malabar pirate. The junk sought refugo with the English, but the latter, instead of protecting her, confiscated the cargo and treated the crow so roughly that some sixty of them threw themselves into the water to escape from their hands (Herbert, 19. 334). Chinese. 252. On the 18th December 1627, Governor cle Witt reported from Batavia (Ind. O1r. Dulch Records, vol. VII) that a certain Icquan (formerly Interpreter of the Company) had, about a year previously, fted from Taiwan (i.e., Formosa) and begun " his career of piracy, gathering many junks and a large crew, wherewith he greatly disturbs the coasts of China and destroys towns and villages in the country. Thereby commercial navigation at the sca. coast has totally ceased, and whereas that country cannot exist without commerce and navigation, the Lords of China......and others, regents of the Province of Hochsien, requested us, through our merchant Simson who lives at the river of Chinchau, that the Company might assist them against the pirates." This man, better known as Chinchilung, was the terror of the Chinese Seas until his capture by the Tartars in 1646. Slightly varying accounts of his origin are to be found in de Mailla's Histoire Generale, Pere d'Orleans' Hislory of the Tarlar Conquerors, the Chinese Repository, vol. XIX, the China Review, vols. XIII and XXI, and Boulger's History of China, vol. II. From these it appears that ho was born at the village of Shih Tsing, near Anhai (20 miles from Amoy), in the Prefecture of Chincheo. His name as a child was I-kwan. Poverty took him to Macao, where he became a Christian and was given the name of Nicholas Gaspard and served as a valot. The Pero d'Orleans says that his Portuguese godfather left him a large fortune which was the foundation of his greatness. Governor de Witt's letter shows that he served the Dutch in Formosa as Interproter before he becaine a pirato, about the year 1626. Some time provious to this ho visited an uncle who was settled in Japan, where he married a Japanese woman (somo accounts, e.g., Von Sebold's Nippon in Chin. Repos., 3 April 1864, p. 424, say a Japanoso courtesan) who became the mother of his famous son Koxinga. With one of his uncle's ships ho and his brother joined a pirate named Yen-ssu-chi or Yenchin, and together with him opened up a great part of Formosa, presumably outside the Dutch sphere. When Yen diod, Chinchilung was elected chief of the Chinese pirates. Having destroyed a rival party under one Leaou Yang, he collected a number of ships and a formidable force of men, including a body guard of 500 Christianized negroes, whom he led in fight with the war-cry of St. Jacob ( St. James or Sant Iago) and who were the terror of the Manchus. So formidable was he that ho was welcomed by the Ming partisans as a recruit, and about 1628 was made Admiral of the Ming fleet, in which capacity he assisted in the repulse of Dutch attacks in 1630 and 1633. 253. After the fall of the Ming Dynasty (1628) a class of natives named Hoklos, all scafaring mon, settled in the Great Ladrone (now known as Hongkong) and its neighbourhood. They were specially addicted to robbery and piracy and, of all tho coast pirates, were the most lreaded for their ferocity and daring. In later years they supplied the crews of nearly all the smuggling vessels which were the terror of the Chinese cruisers (E. J. Eitel, Europe in China: The History of Hongkong, p. 132): Dutch. 254. About this time the Japanese in Formosa were so ill-treated by the Dutch, that one of them, Hamada Yahei, a native of Nagasaki, obtaining assistance from home, surprised the Dutch Settlement at Taiwan and compelled the Dutch to restore twice what they hac robbed from his compatriots and to promise decent behaviour in the future. Returning to Nagasaki he was, in 1628, appointed to a high official post (Capt. James in A8. Soc. of Japan, Trans., VIII, 199).

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06 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1024 265. Apparently this lesson was not enough for the Dutch, for in July 1630 two Japanese slips having been detained in Formosa by Governor Peter Nuits, the combined crews, numbering some 500 men, seized the Governor after killing his guard and forced the Council to agree (1) that their action had been just, legitimate, in self defence and for the honour of their nation; (2) that they should be free to return to their country when they pleased and that all their property, arms, etc., should be returned to them; (3) that the Dutch vessels in the harbour should not insult or interfere with them and should be disarmed; (4) that the Dutch should give five hostages (5) that they should be compensated for all the losses they had suffered in consequence of the Governor's misconduct; Even these terms did not satisfy the Emperor of Japan who would not suffer the Dutch to trade until in 1634 Nuits himself was surrendered to him (Charlevoix, II, 361). Nuits was kopt prisoner until 1637 (Imbault Huart, pp. 28-29). 266. In 1634, the Dutoh built Castel or Fort Zeylandia at Taiwan in Formosa (de Mailla, XI, 50; Formosa, 15; Duhalde, I, 91). According to Tavernier (III, 22) even this they achioved by treachery, for the English being in possession of the place, a Dutch ship put in with overy appearance of being distressed and, whilst the Dutch officers were at dinner with the commander of the Fort, they picked a quarrel with him, and drawing their swords, which they had concealed under their closka, killed him and all the soldiers of the garrison. I have not found any corroboration of this story. Malays. 257. In 1628 a Spanish expedition against the piratical Sulu Islanders was disgracefully defeated (Crawfurd, II, 471, 518, 519). 258. In 1634 the Mindanaoans sacked and burned Tayahas, eighteen leagues from Manila, and nearly captured the Archbishop Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano. In June 1635 tho Spaniards erected a fort at Zamboangan in the Island of Mindanao, the Captain of which soon after defeated and dispersed the fleet of King Correlat (of Mindanao), which was returning from a plundering cruise in the Philippines. In 1637 the same officer took the chief town of the King, who for a long time after kept quiet, but rebelled in 1657 (de Morga, 360; Zuniga, I, 265; Chin. Repos., VII, 528). Crawfurd (II, 521) says that in 1637 Don Sebastian Hurtado, Governor of the Philippines, reduced both Sulu and Mindanao, but was speodily forced to evacuate his conquests. Japanese withdrawal from the Sea. 259. The troubles which resulted from foreign intercourse had now impressed themselves very forcibly on the mind of the Japanese. On the 27th January 1616 the Shogun Iyoyasu issued a proclamation, ordering the banishment of the Christian propagandists and other leaders, the destruction of their churches and recantation of their doctrines (Brinkley, III, 127-8). It was necessary however not only to keep out the foreigner but to keep the Japanese themsolvos from going abroad. About 1629 the Japanese withdrew from the Philippines (Craw. furd, II, 467), whilst, in order to make sure that no Portuguese or Spanish priest crept in to mako mischief under the cover of the Dutoh flag, they introduced the curious and insulting practice of Fumi-yet or trampling on the picture or figure of Christ, whom they called the Charlevoix (II, 482) calle this practice Jesuri, spd says that Japanese muspected of Christianity wone forced to perform it as test.

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APRIL, 1924 ] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS Man of Manilla,' the first Christian missionary having come from that island (Lettres Edifiantes, IV, 38). At first thoy made use of paper pictures, then figures out in wood, and in 1669 twenty bronze plates, 5 by 4 inches, made from metal taken from Christian altars, woro cast and engraved by one Yusa of Nagasaki (As. Soc. of Japan, Trans., IX, 134). Presumably the Dutch, with their fanatical hatred of image worship, had no objection to submit to this test. In the Records of Macao (quoted in the Hai-Kwoh-T'u-Cha) it is stated that in the stones of the Batavian quay at Nagasaki the Japanoso had engraved a crucifix upon which foreigners were compelled to tread as they landed. In the threshold of the gate of the city was a stone image of Jesus placed there for the same purposo (Chin. Repos., XIX, 217). How long this custom remained in foroo is shown by the fact that when in 1850 the British ship Eamont was wrecked on the coast of Japan, and the crew were taken to the Town-house of Nagasaki, each man was forced to tread as he entered upon a brazen crucifix in the doorway (Chin. Repos., XX, 112). 260. In 1631 Simao Vaz do Poyva was sent by the Portuguose from Macao with presents and excuses, but the Japanese rejected their advances (Sing. Chron., 27th February 1834). 261. In 1636 the Japanese Shogun Iyernitsu restricted foreign commerce to Nagasaki and Hirado and, to keep the Japanese at home, ordered the destruction of all foreign built ships or ships built on foreign models, which were in the possession of the Japanese : nothing was allowed for the future except the coasting junk. Such Portuguese as remained in Japan Wero imprisoned on the small island of Deshima in the harbour of Nagasaki (Murdoch, II. 470). In 1637, owing to the Christian rebellion in Shiinabara, in which from thirty to forty thousand Christians were killed, they were expelled altogether from Japanese territory (As. Soc. of Japan, Trans., IX, 136). The Dutch however were allowed to trado at Nagasaki, but when Captain Weddell visited Doshima in 1637 he was not well received (Logan's Journal, V, 661). The Japanese did not considor Protostants and Greek Catholics as Kristans,' as these did not worship images, had no connection with the Inquisition and did not attempt to make converte (Griffis, Mikado, p. 173). 262. In 1639 it was ordered that all Portuguese ships coining to Japan should be burnt with their cargoes and that overy one on board should be executed (Murdoch, II, 663). 263. In 1640 the Portuguese, in the hope of renewing friendly relations, sent envoys to Nagasaki. These the Japanese Government caused to be executed for their temerity.67 In the same year a very strongly armod Spanish vessel entored the harbour of Nagasaki and proobeded to load a rich cargo, whilst the orders of the Government were being ascertained. Though repeatedly warned of their danger, the Spaniards, out of cupidity, delayed until, when the order for their destruction arrived, unfavourable winds made their escape impossible. The ship was surrounded by boats and, after a desperate resistance, in which 5,000 Japanese aro said to have been killed, all the Spaniards were slain or drowned, and the ship set on fire and sunk. For many years after, portions of the treasure were from time to time fished up (Kaempfer, II, 58, 59). Such is the Spanish-story; the Japanese is somewhat different :"In 1640, on July 7th, a ship arrived from Luzon [i.e., Manila). It was seized and the crow imprisoned in Deshima. Sixty-one of them were put to death at Nishigaki on August 3rd and the ship with its cargo consisting of 60 kwamme [1 kwammes10 lbs. Troy or 8 lbs. Avoirdupois) of gold, gold ornaments and piece goods, was sunk off Sudzure in Nishidomari. Thirtoen of the crew, who stated that they had come to Japan against their will, were spared and sent home on September 12th in a Chinese junk to inform their countrymen of the fato of 67 Faria (Hist. of Portugal, p. 42) says that four Portugueu ambassadors with 53 of their rotfrue er executed on this ocoaslon.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1924 their comrades and of the prohibition against the coming of foreigners. In 1663 the sunken cargo was presented to the Machi-doshi-yori, who succeeded in raising over 45 kwamme of gold (Matsura To in As. Soc. Japan, Trans., IX, 125). 264. In 1641 the Dutch' were confined to the little island of Deshima (Murdoch, II, 1). 265. By 1642 the Japanese had completely evacuated Formosa (Zuniga, I, 275) and from this date to the coming of foraigners in 1854, Spaniards and Portuguese coming to Japan were troated as pirates and the Japanese Marine was dead (Bonar in As. Soc. Japan. Trans., XV, 123 ; Kaempfer, II, 57-9). 266. On the 26th July 1647 two Portuguese ships arrived off Yuwojima with ambassadors from Goa and asked pormission to trade. Preparations were made for their capture but, under orders from Government, they were allowed to depart (As. Soc. Japan. Trans., IX, 139). 267. About 1633 the Japanese settlers in Siam were expelled on account of their turbulenco, but when in 1656 tho Siameso sent an envoy to Nagasaki to renew the trade, their proposals were refused as the Edict of 1636 prevented Japanese from going abroad. Still, indirectly through the Chinese, trade was carried on between the two countries' as late as 1745 (Satow in A8. Soc. Japan. T'rans., XII, 179--200). 268. In 1673 the English Captain Delboe was refused permission to trado in Japan on the ground that the English must be connected with the Portuguese, since Charles II had married a Portuguese Princess, and all the English in Japan were ordered to leave the country. In 1791 Captain Colnot was refused permission to trade on the west coast of Japan (Logan's Journal, V, 662). English. 269. In the year 1630 King Charles I sent Captain Richard Quail of the Seahorse to the Red Sea with a commission there "to mako purchase (as well as anywhere else) of any he could meet with that were not friends or allies to His Majesty " (Ind. Off, Marine Records, IV, 12). Quail, of course, made great booty and Mr. Foster (English Factories, 1630-33, p. xvii) suggests that it was his success that provided the incentive for Captains Cobb and Ayres a few years later. It may be noted that in later days the pirates used to refer to thoir booty as purchase' and to their expeditions or cruises es being made on the Account.' Quail's commission was wider and more sordid than that granted to Raloigh in 1554, which gave him authority to discover and seize any romote heathen and barbarous lands not actually possessed by any Christian Prince nor inhabited by Christian people." Malabarese. 270. Under date 2nd February 1634 Peter Mundy tells us that his ship was boarded by one Babaraut an arch-pyrate of Malabar,"58 who, with six ships, had on the 19th January attacked a Surat junk. The pirate traded some pepper, etc., for a brass gun. Apparontly ho was an inhabitant of Calicut, for Mundy again mentions meeting his ships off Mangalore on the 21st March 1636-7, when Babaraut was about to settlo at Battacala (Bhatkal), a littlo south of Onore, having been driven out with his followers by the Zamorin, who had burnt all his houses. Under the last inentioned dato, Mundy states that somo Malabar pirates had just taken a Portuguese ship from Malacca, laden with Chinese commodities and carrying some Dutchmen who had been taken by the Portuguese in the Malacca Straits. (Hak. Soc., II, 316, and III, 110). Evidently this is the pirate Babia, with whom the English, as the Portuguese Viceroy reported to the King on the 5th October 1637, had madlo friends (Danvers, Portuguese Records, p. 35). Possibly also he is the petty pirato, David Bahy& of Gujarat, mentioned by President Methwold of Surat in his Diary on the 30th April 1636. 58 Mundy (IT, 316) describes his veszol a single-mastod, lateen-rigged with two tiers of oars, carrying 180 mon, with snllow-tailed pennant at the masthead and a swallow-tailed stroainor at the peak of the yard.

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APRID, 1924) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS French. 271. In 1635 the French under M. de Flacourt established themselves in Madagascar (Journal d'un voyage au Indes Orientales, I, 7). This was, no doubt, a bona fide attempt at colonisation, but other French seamen were frankly engaged in seeking what the English called Purchase. The Court Minutes of the English East India Company, for the 28th April 1637, state that it was reported that the St. Louis of Dieppe, 250 tons and 67 men, had lately Arrived at Dieppe from the East Indies, where she had been fifteen or sixteen months, during which time she had taken and robbed three junks of Cambay, and had brought home gold, silver and goods worth PS30,000. 272. During the years 1638 and 1639 French ships from Dieppe continued to trouble the Eastern Seas and formed a small settlement in Madagascar (Foster, Eng. Factories, 1637-41, p. xxviu). 278. In 1642 the French Government granted the sole right of colonisation in Madagascar to Captain Ricaud (Rigault) and his Company. A Settlement and Fort were established at Fort Dauphin on the south-east coast of the island, but proper relations with the natives were not oultivated, and we find one of the Governors, & Monsieur Jaoques Pronis, treacherously seizing a number of natives who were visiting the Fort and selling them as slaves to the Dutch Governor of Mauritius (Flacourt, Relation, p. 193). The treachery of Pronis caused & revolt of the natives in which the Fort was burnt (Bernardin de St. Pierre, Voyage, pp. 60, 162 n.). This disaster occurred in 1655. The Fort was rebuilt in 1663 and abandoned about 1671 (Abbe Roohon in Pinkerton, XVI, 751, 758). According to Father Brown (Lettres Edifiantes, XIII, p. 303) the French who escaped the massacre at Fort Dauphin in 1655 fled to Don Mascarenhas with their native wives. Their number was augmented by the crew of a pirate vessel which was wrecked on the island as well as by the slaves of both sexes who were on board. M. de Flacourt, appointed Governor of Madagascar in 1648, settled in Mascarenhas in 1657, and renamed the island Bourbon (Grant, p. 27). The first European to discover Mauritius was Ruy Pereira in 1505. He named it St. Laurentio. Next came Don Mascarenhas in the same year and named it Cerne. The Dutch Admiral James Cornelius Van Neok landed there in 1598, found it uninhabited and named it Mauritius. In 1638 the Dutoh settled in the island, but evacuated it in 1712. In 1716 M. du Fresne renamed it 'Isle de France, but the French did not actually occupy it until 1721. (Bernardin de St. Pierre, p. 162 n.; Grant, pp. 18, 20, 26, 28, 29.) English. 274. On the 27th February 1635 Charles I granted a commission to Captain William Cobb." to range the seas all over . . . . and to make prize of all such treasures, merchan. diens i... which he shall be able to take of infidels or of any other Prince, Potentate or State not in league or amity with us beyond the Line Equinoctial [1.e., the Equator) (Ind. Off, 0.0. 1565). In the treaty of Vervins between France and Spain, 2nd May 1598, ita provisions were made effective only north of the Tropio of Cancer and East of the Azores, beyond which "tout serait a la force ", but Cobb's commission is an early justification of the saying which soon became common amongst English sailors that there was no peace beyond the Line. 275. Cobb, in the Samaritan, and Captain Ayres, in the Roebuck, were sent to India by certain merchants who, a little later, oombined themselves into the Courteen Company and obtained from King Charlos a Charter which seriously encroached upon the rights of the East India Company. The Samaritan was wrecked on the Comoro Islands and Ayres finished

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (April, 1924 his cruise in the Samaritan, taking a number of native ships in the Red Sea, with the booty of which he rejoined Cobb at Socotra. Naturally the Agents of the East India Company were ready to oppose any efforts of Cobb to trade, but he was not intent on trading, and the outrages committed by Ayres gave good reason for the arrest of the twb Captains at the Comoros by Captain John Bond in 1636. He forced them to disgorge much of their booty but allowed them to go free with their ship. After a further cruise in the Red Sea, Cobb and Ayres returned to England in 1637 (Foster, Eng. Factories, 1634-6, pp. xx-xxix). The Company pressed charges of piracy against Cobb, and the case hung on at least as late as 1644. Cobb's behaviour had very serious consequences for the Company, already compromised in the eyes of the Mughal Government, not only by the Dutch and other foreigners who misused the English flag, but by English Interlopers who had some sort of right to use it. Now the Company had to explain that English ships carrying the King of England's license had no connection with the Company which claimed from that King an exclusive privilege. The-Mughal Governor did not believe what they said and imprisoned the President and English Council at Surat, , releasing them only on payment of PS 18,000 (Bruce, I, 337, 362). 276. Under date 11th May 1636 President Methwold of Surat mentions in his Diary some attacks by English pirates on native vessels. 277. The English and Portuguese having come to an agreement as to the China trade, Captain Weddell, of the Courteen Company, went with a small fleet to Canton. The Governor rofused to allow Weddell to trade and the Chinese fleet hoisted their bloody ensigna'. Weddell bombarded and took the castle and also & number of junks with the Chinese Admiral, whoroupon the Governor withdrew his prohibition (Ancient and Modern History of China, p. 72.) Peter Mundy, however (Travels, 9th August 1637) says that the Governor gave in at the sight of "our bloody ensigns ", so, if the Chinese did hoist the bloody flag, it is not clear what signification id bore. Sohouten (I, 134, 148) mentions the use of the red flag by both the Portuguese and the natives of Macassar in 1660. 278. Captain Weddoll's conduct in obtaining the release of Captain Clark and his crow (see next paragraph) was certainly to his credit, but the means he used must have appeared suspicious as showing the English connection with pirates. His use of force at Canton, however effective for the moment, could produce no lasting benefit. So also the high-handed proceedings of the Courteen Company's captains in Madagascar, where, at St. Augustine's Bay, they attempted to establish a post in 1645-6, committed great excesses against the natives and even coined false pagodas and reals, only added to the East India Company's "lifficulties (Bruce, I, 418). Bruce, (I, 338) draws the following conclusions on the effect of their proceedings :" This event is perhaps of consequence, not so much from the immediate offect of it as from its having been the first instance in which the Interlopers or Private Traders were permitted to carry on a kind of regulated commerce to the East Indies, and under their license had been charged with or had been guilty of depredation, which struck at the root of all furmans or grants, which the London Company liad prooured by heavy expenses from the Mughal Government, and from its having been the source of those oppressions and that in. justice by the native powers which, in the sequel, often interrupted and frequently endangered the existence of the trade of England to the East Indies. Nor was this the only consequence, for when the Interlopers were detected and subsequently punished, pirates, who could not be brought to justice, arose out of this example, the suppression. whom required for more than half a century the united efforts of the Crown and the London Company". Of Captain Weddell, he remarks: -" The excesses which he committed set the example, whilat his rich

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APRIL, 1924] NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 71 booty provided the temptation, for later acts of piracy". Fortunately, in January 1649-50 the Courteen, now known as the Assada Company, was merged in the London Company and an end was put to this pestilent form of competition (Bruce, I, 419, 439, 568). It would appear that the violence of which complaint was made was not limited to the actions of the Courteen Company, for John Darell (p. 14) says that in 1643 the English seized and plundered two ships from the Red Sea, belonging to the King of Cannanore, for trading with the Courteen ships. Some hundreds of the crew were killed or drowned and treasure taken to the value of thirty or forty thousand pounds. Malabarese. 279. In November 1638 the Company's ship Comfort (Captain Walter Clark) was taken by a fleet of 25 or 30 Malabar pirates. The English, being nearly all wounded, blew up the upper deck, killing, says Mandelslo (p. 87) six hundred of the enemy (Tavernier, I, xi, says 1,200), and themselves leaped into the sea. They were picked up and carried ashore as prisoners (Ind. Off., O.C., 1651). Their release on ransom was obtained by Captain John Weddell through one Bardaratt of Calicut, probably the pirate Babaraut mentioned by Peter Mundy in 1634 (Sainsbury, Court Minutes, 1635-39, p. 107 n.). Tavernier (I, xi) says that 4,000 crowns were paid as ransom for the Captain and that two piastres or eight shillings a piece (amounting in all to 2,400 crowns) were paid to the widows of the pirates who had been killed in the fight. Mandelslo (p. 69) says that these Malabar pirates kept the sea from October to May and that during these months the Portuguese were forced to patrol the sea to keep them in check. On the other hand, as the Portuguese had prohibited the trade in pepper, the Gujarat ships bound for Achin, in Sumatra, could not sail during this season for fear of capture by the Portuguese, and were forced to make their voyage during the remaining months. "The Malabars ", he says (p. 87), "inhabit the coast from Goa to Cape Comorin and are mostly pirates or soldiers." On the 26th January 1639 his ship, the Mary (Captain James Slade) met near Calicut 18 of their vessels, which dared not attack them by day but did so by moonlight. Two of the pirates were sunk and three or four disabled, whereupon the rest withdrew (Ibid., p. 89). 280. On the 12th December 1641 Jan Jensen de Quesnoy wrote to Commander Cornelis Leenderts Blauw:-"The pirates of Bergera, Chambay and other places [on the Malabar Coast] infest the seas and proclaim that they will attack any vessel they may meet with (Ind. Off., Dutch Records). 281. The Court Minutes (of the English East India Company) of the 14th February 1644 mention that their ships were to be allowed a few guns and blunderbusses "to prevent the mischief of the Malabars." As the Company's ships were always well armed, I do not understand this order. Tavernier (I, xiv) tells us that in January 1648, wishing to go from Mingrelia to Goa, he wrote to M. St. Amant, the Engineer, to send a man-of-war for him "for fear of the Malvares which are on the coast." Dutch. 282. In 1638 the Dutch settled in Mauritius (Bernardin de St. Pierre, p. 60. See para. 273 above). 288. The Dutch, having no such bitter cause for hating the Portuguese as they had for hating the Spaniards, behaved towards them with more humanity. In fact, the earliest instance with which I have met of victors in a naval fight risking their lives to save the beaten enemy, occurs in a fight off Goa on the 6th October 1639. Commander Symonsz van der

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1924 Veer reported "We get fire to the St. Sebastian and the Bon Jesus, which communicated itself to the Bon Aventure. The crews, consisting of about 200 men, among whom were 150 whites, tried to save themselves by swimming to the shore. Not twenty of them were saved. We killed some and made seventy-two prisoners, among whom were the Captain and superior officers. Whilst we were still engaged in rescuing the men in the water, throe hundred barrels of powder took fire on the Bon Aventure, with the result that a great number of the enemy were killed, and we lost six men" (Ind. Off., Dutch Records). 284. In 1641 or 1642 the Dutch took Malacca from the Portuguese (Marsden, 330n., 444; Begbie, p. 48). 285. On the 8th March 1642 the Dutch Governor of Mauritius concluded a treaty with the native King of Antongil in Madagascar, engaging the latter not to sell rice or slaves to any one but the Agents of the Dutch East India Company (Deherain, p. 37). 286. In 1642 the Japanese having completely evacuated Formosa, the Dutch occupied the whole island. It now became their business to check the pirates who infested the coasta of China (Zuniga, I, 276). 287. In 1643 a Dutch officer named Gayland plundered one of the Courteen ships, the Bona Esperanza, in the Straits of Malaoca, and in the same year another of these ships, the Henry Bonaventure, was plundered by the Dutch near Mauritius. Letters of reprisal were given to the Courteon Company in 1666 by Charles II. (Justice, p. 463.) In 1644 the Dutch abandoned Mauritius but reoccupied it in 1650. Danes. 288. The Danes had settled themselves at Tranquebar in Tanjore about 161869 (Abbe Raynal, II, 129). Apparently they had contined themselves to peaceful paths in trade an long as possible, but as we have seen (para. 230 above) their ships were attacked by the Portu. guese as early as 1618 and now they appear to have thought a show of foroe (designated as piracy by their rivals) was necessary to their prestige and security, for on the 9th July 1645 Cornelis Van der Lyn, Governor of Batavia, wrote home :-"We are charged with acts of piracy committed by the Danes. The latter keep up their policy, but make no captures of any importance and do but little trade (Ind. Off., Dutch Records). Malays and Spanish. 289. In 1645, in reprisal for Malay attacks on the Philippines, the Spaniards sent an expedition against Borneo, which plundered and burned the coast villages and carried off from two to three hundred prisoners to be sold as slaves (Chin. Repos., IV, 449 ; Crawford, II, 524). Chinese. 290. In 1639 thirty thousand Chinese revolted against the Spaniards in the Philippines, and were not forced to submission until their number was reduced to seven thousand (Craw. furd, II, 522). This appalling slaughter was not, I believe, matched for a hundred years, when, in 1740. ten thousand Chinese were, on suspicion of a conspiracy, massacred by the Dutch in Batavia (Ibid., 663, see para. 614 below). 291. In 1646 the pirate Chinchilung (see para. 252 above ) fell into the hands of the Tartars. In 1645 his influence had secured the election of Tang Wang as Emperor, but, for some reason or other, Tang Wang refused to acknowledge Koxinga as his father's heir, and Chinchilung began to intrigue with the Tartans (Boulger, II, 276). According to the Ambassades Nemorables, he was now so powerful that he had " got into his hands the whole Indian trade. 69 The Imperial Gazetteer says the settlement was made in 1020,

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APRIL, 1924 ] NOTES ON PIRAOY IN EASTERN WATERS He traded with the Spanish in the Philippines, with the Dutch in Formosa and Batavia, with the Portuguese in Macao and with the Japanese. He monopolised the carriage of merchandise from China and imported that of Europe into it. He had 3000 vessels at sea and fed his mind with such lofty dreams that he thought of royalty and the Imperial crown. The Tartars getting wind of so important a design and thinking him to be too powerful to attack openly, they resolved to take him by fraud, and seeing that he was besotted with the idea of royalty, they elevated him to the royal dignity and promised to give him the provinces of Fokien and Quantong. Iquan [i.e., Chinchilung] allowed himself to be lulled into security, left his fleet but badly provided in the harbour of Fokien, his pretended kingdom, and went on shore to salute the Tartar Emperor who was residing there, but was immediately arrested and carried to Pekin, where he was put to death by poison". One account (Gemelli Careri, in Churchill, IV, 389) says that, having been ordered to write to his son to come to him, he wrote and warned him not to do so. His messenger, a barber, betrayed him. Now fearing to be forced to write again in the required terms or to give some information which might harm his friends, we are told (Dubois, p. 214) that he bit off his tongue and the fingers of his right hand. This reminds one of the Chinaman tortured by Seot (see para. 185 above), and an earlier parallel exists in the story of the philosopher Anaxarchus, when tortured to death by order of Alexander the Great (Pliny, VII, 23). The pirate fleet, under Chinchilung's brother and son. Ching-ching-kon, put to sea immediately they received news of their leader's death.61 Ching. cbing-kon was now elected to succeed his father. He is mentioned by various names, such as Kwe-Sing Kong or Kwoshen, Koksing by the people of Fokien (Gutzlaff, II, 24), Quesim (Careri), Cocksing (Hamilton), Koxinga or Coxinga by the Portuguese (Crawfurd, II, 528). It is said that he had been a tailor in the employ of the Sieur Pitman, Dutch Governor of Taiwan (Schouten, I, 271), but probably this refers to his father. Mr. Phillip (China Review, XIII, 60) says that at the age of seven he left Japan to join his father at Anhai. He was an exceedingly clever boy and attracted the attention of the Ming Emperor, who authorized him to prefix the name Chu to his own name of Cheng Kung. Hence he was known as Kwo-Sing Yo (pronounced in the Amoy dialect Kok-Sing-ia or Kok-Sing-ya) which meant He of the Royal surname. 292. The Jesuit Martinus Martinus, a German but born at Trent, was taken by pirates on his second voyage to China and very cruelly treated (Sotwell, Bibliotheca). As Martinus was in China from 1647 to 1651, it is probable that he fell into the hands of Kozinga's pirates. He writes that in Fokien "there are many pirates who rob at sea. They are thought to be the most cruel of all Chinese pirates, as retaining the original barbaric humour and being the last to submit to the gentleness of the laws and manners of China" (Thevenot, Relation, pt. III, p. 152.) They long retained this evil reputation : Hamilton (II, 242) says that in 1693 they had been largely repressed by a certain Chinese general, for which the people were so grateful that they had erected a temple in his honour and placed his image in it. Again, in 1719 Hamilton (LI, 216) speaks of the courage of the pirates of Kwangsi, the southernmost province of China :-"One of their little galleys will attack four of the Emperor's and make them flee before them, for they give quarter to none that bear arms under the Tartar Prince." It would appear from this that the piratos of southern China at this time were actuated, at least in part, by patriotio motivos (see paras. 568, 739 and 754 below). 298. In 1650 Koxinga destroyed the Tartar fleet besieging Canton, but that town having been taken by treachery, he again betook himself to sea (Chin. Repos., III, 66). 40 According to Parker (China Review, XVI, 277) Chinchilung loviod foe of 3,000 taels on every morohant ship, furnishing it in return with a flag which ensured its safety from his oruisers. 61 According to other accounts Chinchilung was kept in prison for many years and from time to time hoavior chains were placed upon his limbe in punishment for the injuries inflicted upon the Tartan by Koxinga (Mayon, Treaty Porto, p. 308).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1984 294. In 1652 Kozinga instigated a rebellion of the peasants in Formosa against the Dutch (de Mailla, XI, 51) but was unable to give them the necessary support. The plot was, in fact, betrayed by ono Pauw, the brother of the Chinese pirate captain Fayet. Fayet was killed in the fighting ; his Lieutenant Lonega was roasted alive before & slow fire and then dragged through the town at the tail of a horse. The other rebel captains, who had been guilty of gross atrocities, were broken on the wheel and then quartered (Dubois, p. 150). Mr. Phillip (China Review, X, 125 ) says that Fayet was ruler of Smeerdorp. 295. In 1653 Koxinga attacked Amoy and took it, defeating the Tartars, but in 1656 was himself defeated with a loss of 500 ships at Nankin (Chin. Repos. III, 66). In 1656 he established himself at Tsong-nung at the mouth of the Kiang River and captured Tong-Chow which cominanded the approach to Nankin (Boulger, II, 310). In 1658 he vainly attempted to obtain assistance from Japan, but the latter refused and warned the Dutch that he had had designs against Formosa as early as 1646 (Chin. and Jap. Repos., 3rd April 1864, p. 424). In 1659 Koxinga defeated a Tartar fleet and cut off the ears and noses of 4,000 prisoners. The latter were put to death by the Tartar Emperor as a warning to his soldiers and sailors that he had no use for men who allowed themselves to be defeated by pirates. Koxinga now ravaged the whole coast and in an attack on Nankin destroyed the greater part of the Tartar fleet. He was however forced to retire, for the Tartars, observing that his men were off their guard whilst engaged in celebrating the birthday of their chief, surprised his camp and killed all but 3,000 of his men. These escaped to his ships, of which 500 were taken (Gemelli Careri in Churchill, IV, 389). As the Emperor was still unable to protect the coast, he ordered the inhabitants to retire twelve miles inland (Chin. Repos. 1834, p. 66). Mr.T.F. Tout tells 119 (Pol. Hist. of England, III, 334) that in July 1338 Edward III ordered dwellers on the south coast of England to take refuge in fortresses and remove their goods four leagues from the sea owing to the activity of French corsairs. Dutch. 296. In 1652 the Dutch settled at the Cape of Good Hope (Dubois, 151). From August of this year to April 1654 they were at war with England, but besides engaging in general acts of piraoy in the Red Sea (Bruce, I, 448), they anticipated the declaration of hostilities by attacking and destroying English vessels in the Persian Gulf (Ibid., p. 482). 297. In 1656 the King of Gilolo, having been made prisoner by the Dutch, was secretly drowned with twenty-five of his people, for fear his execution should excite a tumult (Crawfurd. II, 527-8). 298. From 1655 the Cape was supplied with slaves brought from Malabar, Coromandel, Bengal, Ceylon, the Malay Archipelago and especially, Madagascar. To the last of these places there came as slavers the English from Jamaica and Barbadoes, the Portuguese of Mozambique and Brazil, Mussulmans from Melindi and Arabia, the Dutch of Java and Mauri. tius. The Dutch went chiefly to the Bay of St. Augustine on the southwest coast, and the Bay of Antongil on the northeast (Deherain. pp. 202, 204). In 1658 the Dutch ship. Amersfort landed at the Cape 166 slaves from Angola in West Africa whom she had taken out of a Portuguese ship which she had captured not far from the coast of Brazil (Deherain, p. 200). 299. In December 1659, Johan van Riebeck, Governor of the Cape, discovered a conspiracy amongst the garrison and settlers to master the fort, kill the chief officials, seize the ship Erasmus, then in harbour, and turn pirates (Deherain, p. 70). Malays. 800. In 1653 a Dutch expedition from Amboyna reduced the inhabitants of the Papous Islands who had infested the surrounding seas with their piracies (Dubois, 155). In the same year Correlat, King of Mindanao, put to death two Jesuits and some Spaniards who had

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APBI, 1984) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 75 been sent as ambassadors from Manila (Crawfurd, II, 527). The treacherous behaviour of the natives of the Archipelago was in part the cause of the severe treatment which they received from the Dutch, e.g., in 1658 a whole Dutch crew was treacherously surprised and murdered by the inhabitants of Palembang on the coast of Sumatra (Schouten, I, 24). French 801. In 1655 a French pirate ship was forced into Aden by bad weather and lack of provisions. The crew were imprisoned and then sent inland and forced to submit to circumcision. Soon after they managed to escape to Mocha, where they said that they had had a consort, an English built ship of 26 guns, of which they had lost sight in a storm. Possibly these two ships were part of the squadron of six ships sent out by the Duc de Meilleraye about this time to take recruits to Madagascar and to cruise in the Red Sea (Foster, English Factories, 1655-60, p. 59; Deherain, pp. 22, 96). 302. According to Nicolao Manucci (II, 45), a Farangi pirate having taken a Moor Vessel from the Maldives with a load of cowries (for which of course the pirates had no use), was persuaded by the merchants to accept of a ransom which they were to receive at Mocha, but when the pirate and her prize arrived there, the merchants found two royal ships (on which were many fakirs, lords and ladies of Hindustan) in the harbour. Obtaining their assistance and that of some other vessels, to the number of ten or twelve, they sallied out to take the pirate ship. The latter however completely defeated them, took one ship which they plundered and burned, and then chased the royal ships and took one of them off Diu, plundering its cargo and dishonouring the unfortunate women on board. Aurangzeb, enraged at this affront, would not accept any excuses on the part of his officers, until he had received ocular demonstration of the power of European ships of war. This was furnished by an Italian, Ortenojo Bronzoni, who built a small ship, provided it with guns and manned it with European artillerymen (probably runaway sailors) who were in Aurangzeb's service. The ship was launched on a large tank and its working (including the firing of its guns) demon. strated. Aurangzeb was convinced and gave up the idea of building a fleet with which to suppress the European pirates. It is not certain who the Farangi pirate was, whose exploits gave rise to the above story, but the Dag Register of Batavia for 1663 (pp. 306, 316) says that the Dowager Queen of Bijapur went to Mocha on pilgrimage in 1661, and that on her return her ship was plundered by a sea-rover, commanded by one Herbert Hugo, who held a commission from Havre de Grace. The Queen herself was robbed of a diamond worth 25,000 Great Bijapur pagodas. From his name, Hugo may have been English or Dutch, but his commissien was French. Of course all three nations repudiated responsibility. 308. As regards Manucci's account of Aurangzeb's determination to leave the mastery of the sea to Europeans, when the Caliph Omar (634-43) was asked by Moawiyah to send forces to Egypt by sea, he replied, "The Syrian sea, they tell me, is larger and broader than the dry land and is instant with the Lord, night and day, seeking to swallow it up. How should I trust my people on its accursed bosom?" (Muir, Caliphate, p. 212). Again, when in April 1463, the whole Ottoman fleet of 100 ships was unable to prevent five Austrian and Genoese warships from entering the harbour of Constantinople, which Sultan Muhammad was besieging," from that time and after the disaster of the High-Admiral of the Ottoman fleet [who was bastinadoed for his want of success] was born that opinion, which was ever after held by the Turks, that God had given them the Empire of the Land but had left that of the Sea to the Infidels" (Ducas, Bk. XXXVIII, p. 152; Von Hammer-Purgstall, 1, 233). As regards the Hindus also, we are told that the mysterious counsellor of Shivaji Always advised him against enterprises by sea.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRI, 1924 304. In 1669 Admiral de la Haye took possession of Madagascar in the name of the King of France (Jules Sottas, Journal, p. 44). In 1672 the French colonists in Madagascar were massacred by the natives. (Pouget de St. Andre, p. 13; Sottas, p. 52.) Malabarese. 305. In 1489 the island fortress of Janjira, opposite Danda Rajpuri, fell into the hands of a number of meroenaries, originally Abyssinians and Coffrees (kafirs) in the service first of Ahmadabad and then of Bijapur (Imp. Gaz., XIV, 58; Bruce, II, 50, 51), and became the capital of a coastal district. These mercenaries were known as the Sidis. In 1660 they form. ed a kind of democratic state. "Sidi Sambol was the head of them, but his captains preserved a distinct command over their crews and dependents, and a council of them decided on the affairs of this singular association. They were considered as the navigators of India and held themselves to be not inferior to Europeans" (Bruce, II, 50, 51). In 1660 Sivaji took Danda Rajpuri from them and Sidi Sambol, seeing that Bijapur was not strong enough to protect him from the Marathas, in 1670 offered his services to Aurangzeb and was made Mughal Admiral. The condition of this appointment was the maintenance of a Marine for the protection of commerce and the convoy of pilgrims to Mecca. It was not hereditary but was conferred upon the most daring Abyssinian officer in the fleet, who was styled the Wazir (Duff, I, 139; Bomb. Gaz., II, 89). 306. No sooner had the Marathas taken possession of the coast (in 1662, Orme, Hist. Frag., p. 16) than they began to organize a fleet which grow rapidly in numbers. "The Marathi chronicles speak of Shivaji's fleet as consisting of 400 vessels of various sizes and classes . . . . Their cost is put down vaguely as five or ten lakhs of rupees, but the English reports never put their number above 160 and usually as 60 only. They were formed into two squadrons (of 200 vessels each, if we accept Marathi accounts) and commanded by two Admirals who bore the titles of Daria Sarang (Sea Captain) and Mai Nayak (Water Leader)." Shivaji's fleet was largely recruited from low caste Hindu tribes such as the Kolis, Sanghars, Vaghers, the Marathi clan of Angrias, all of which were accustomed to the sea, and the Bhandari husbandmen of the Ratnagiri district. To these were added a number of Muhammadans under such chiefs as Daulat Khan and the discontented Sidi chief Misri (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, pp. 87, 88; IX, i, 519-22; X, p. 124 ; XI, 145; Jadunath Sarkar, p. 336). Sivaji's navy, as might well be expected from the character and tradition of the races from which it was recruited, immediately took to plundering the coast of Canara and Goa (Orme, Hist. Frags., p. 10). The Sidis also indulged in piracy and were amongst the most feared of the freebooters, though apparently they seldom interfered with Europeans except when acting under the orders of the Mughal Government (Imp. Gaz., XXI, 34-35). 807. In 1665 Sivaji built the fort of Sindhudrug on the outer of the two islands in the Bay of Malvan (in Ratnagiri district), which latter gave its name to the Maratha pirates, whom the English called Malwans (Bomb. Sel., N.S., X, 155; Imp. Gaz., XVII, 96). English. 808. In January 1666 Mr. Humphrey Cooke, Governor of Bombay (once a grocer in Lisbon, Danvers, II, 356) seized a junk belonging to the Mughal Governor of Surat, in order to reimburse himself for losses by pirates, but was forced to restore it (Bruce, II, 177). 800. In 1668 the English began to convoy the pilgrim ships to the Red Sea (Low, 1,58 ; wee para. 324 below), and in 1669 armed three ships as a protection against Malabar and Marathi pirates (Bruce, II, 244). In February 1671 the President at Surat wrote to Bombay that the Surat Council had passed a standing order that one-third of the booty taken from pirates should be given to the captors (Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, i, 65). In England the captors' share in the booty of a prize had been fixed at one-third by Parliament in 1842 (Oppenheim, p. 293).

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Joxa, 1924) NOTES ON PIRAOY IN EASTERN WATERS Arakanese and Portuguese. 810. In 1661 the Arakanese pirates seized the treasures of Shah Shuja, son of Shah Jahan and Governor of Bengal, who having rebelled against his father and taken refuge with the King of Arakan, had been forced by the latter to flee from his kingdom and had been killed in his flight," whether by the King's troops or the pirates is uncertain (Stewart, p. 281). Ac. cording to Hamilton (II. 5), certain Portuguese banditti, who were among his followers, formed a kind of settlement at the mouth of Rogues' River, 12 miles above Saugor, and committed piracies on the trade of the Hugli. 811. Gautier Schouten (II, 63--7) tells us that when he was at Pipli with the Dutch fleet in January 1663, twelve well-armed Arakanese vessels put in there. They were full of slaves whom they had taken, on their way through the passage of the Sunderbunds, in the towns and villages of which they had made a great booty of gold, silver and precious stones. These and the slaves they offered for sale to the Dutch, saying that the latter might visit them freely at Thieves' Island [? Rogues' River) if they wished to make purchases. "The Arakanese " says Schouten" are so cruel that they keep their prisoners tied hand and foot in their galleys, and even put a rope round their necks so that they cannot turn round or move. They keep them thus, half choked, lying on their backs under the rowers' benches, in 8 condition which is quite unbearable, and they suffer an inexpressible martyrdom." The Ara. kanese took only the young and strong, as the old people and children were unsaleable. They sold their prisoners to Moors, Christians and Hindus "to A cruel slavery, which however is preferable to lying in their galleys amidst their own ordure." Their galleys were long and narrow, built chiefly for swiftness, had no sails but as many as 38 or 40 oars. They were generally commanded by Portuguese captains who had handsome cabins. They paid tribute to the King of Arakan (see para. 180 above) in return for his protection, and from this he drew a large revenue. The Governor of Pipli was terrified of them, and as none of his people dared go near their ships, he was forced to send a Portuguese priest as his ambassador. He had good reason to be frightened, for though this visit of the pirates had been long expected, there was nothing to oppose them but a mud fort with ridiculously thin walls and a miserable armament. To avert an attack he was compelled to allow them to trade freely for their slaves and booty, they, in return for this privilege, giving him one tenth of the money they received. Schouten (II, 141-3) saw these pirates again at Jellasore in January 1664, but in this year Bengal at last received a Governor sensible and capable of his duty. Shaista Khan immediately set about preparations to deal with the pirates. He persuaded the Dutch Governor of Batavia to co-operate with him and, informing the pirates that the Dutch were about to attack them, offered his protection if they would submit without fighting. Some, under a certain Captain Moor joined him (Mukherji, Campos, pp. 164-166). Dilawar Khan (? Dilal Raja. See Imperial Gazetteer; or Dilal Khan,, Campos, p. 157) of Sandwip was defeated and made prisoner, Sandwip taken in December 1665, and the Arakanese fleet destroyed (Calcutta Review, LIII 71-73). Having got the Portuguese into his power, Shaista Khan, says Bernier, treated them "not as he should but as they deserved" (Pinkerton, VIII, 126). Many of the pirates were carried inland and settled in the interior of the Dacca District, where small Christian communities of their descendants are still to be found. N.B.-Manuooi's account of these matters (II. 117-8) is very inaccurate. 69 It was also said that Shah Shuja escaped from Arakan and took refuge in the Loland of Bulu, where his tomb was to be seen over hundred years later (Orme, Hist. Frag.. P. 49). '03 I suppose that this is not a name but the Portuguese equivalent for Captain-Major.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1984 312. Of Dilawar Khan, the Editor of the Statistical Account of Noakhali, says (p. 240) :"The last pirate of note was one Dilal, Raja of Sandwip, who kept a small army in bis pay. It is related of him that he used to pay great attention to the intermarriage of his subjects, with a view to producing a high physical type. He considered that the Hindu unbroken descent within the same individual caste was as deleterious to the race as intermarrying in the same family, and it is said to be from the measures he adopted that the castes of Sandwip have become oonfused and mixed." He was eventually captured by the Nawab of Bengal (Shaista Khan) and ended his days in an iron cage at Murshidabad. 818. Though the power of these pirates was now broken, they did not cease to be very troublesome. An entry in the Diary of Streynsham Master (I. 322) shows that in 1876 there was a fort at Great Thana in the Hugli River for defence against the river pirates, Maghs or Arakanese. No one dared live below this fort for fear of being carried off and sold as slaves at Pipli. Nor did these wretches limit their outrages to the rivers. Fryer (Hak. Soc., II. 152-3) writes :-"No part of these seas are without these vermin [i.e., pirates), the Bay of Bengal being infested [in 1676) as much as the coast of Coromandel by outlawed Portugals and a mixture of that race, the most accursedly base of all mankind, who are known for their bastard brood, lurking in the mouths of the Ganges by the name of Racanners [i.e., Arakaners)." 314. A letter from Daoca, dated 24th December 1678, says that the Maghs had taken 14 boats near Chittagong, and another letter from Hugli, dated 11 May 1679, says that the English Council objected to lend the Company's sloops" on all occasions to fight against the Arakanners till they are conquered, which according to all likelihood will never be." On the other hand, the Company, in a letter to Bengal, dated 28th September 1687, expressed the opinion that the threat of letting loose these pirates upon the Moors in all parts of the Genges was a protection for the English against the Mughal Government (Bowrey, Hak. Soc., S. 2.. XII. p. 212, n. 2). 815. In the year 1737 it is said that a very large number of the inhabitants of the Sandarbans (Sunderbunds) deserted their homes out of fear of the Magh raids. In the time of Aliverdi Khan (1740-56) the Naib Subah of Southern Bengal, Sadakat Muhammad Khan, planned an expedition against Arakan in reprisal for the piratioal attacks of Magh or Arakan fleets. One of these, consisting of 50 or 60 boats, apparently en route for Luckipore, he had surprised and destroyed. The expedition was however recalled before it crossed the frontier. (A8. Ann. Reg., 1799, Misc. Tracts, p. 165). 316. On the 27th September 1760 the District was ceded by Mir Kasim to the British and was surveyed. James Rennell's Map of 1772 shows a large tract marked as desolated by tha Maghs. Mr. Beveridge and many other authorities doubt the statement that the Sand. arbans were ever largely peopled (Campos, p. 25). 317. Even British control did not immediately put an end to this nuisance, for in June 1777 Major R. E. Roberto wrote from Chittagong that, in the preceding February, Maghs or Arakaners had carried off 1800 men, women and children from the south of Bengal as slaves to Arakan. The best of these, viz., the artisans and artificers, were appropriated by the Raja. the rest were sold in the market at prices varying from 20 to 70 rupees. It was reported that about three-fourths of the inhabitants of Arakan were either natives or descendants of nativos of Bengal, who had been carried away and who constantly prayed for the arrival of the Eng. lish to free them from their slavery (Asiatic Annual Register, 1799; Misc. Tracts, p. 160). A little later, Mr. Francis Law, Chief at Chittagong, reported on the 23rd November 1777, that having sent some persons to make enquiries as to the forces of the Raja of Arakan, they

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JUNE, 1924 ) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS 19 had been arrested at "Akkeeaff" (? Akyab) on the borders of the Chittagong District and had narrowly escaped being put to death for not having brought any presents with them. These men reported that the Raja kept up a standing force of only 300 men, of whom a few had matchlocks. The revenue of the country was only about Rs. 80,000. There were four weak killas (forts) containing 700 or 800 guns which had been taken when Chittagong was under the Mughal Government, but were of little use. There were also many ships' guns, anchors and grapnels taken out of ships which they had captured (Cotton, Chittagong, p. 225). 818. Other traces of the Portuguese seamen, who were once the terror of Bengal, may be found in the lists of the crews of the East India Company's ships, for it was not uncommon for these to fill up deficiencies in their crews by natives of Eastern ports. A very uncomplimentary reference is found in the Log of the Stringer Galley, Isaac Pike Commander, under date 29th September 1711 :-"This alteration proceeds from the severity of the weather .... the Sea is not altogether so short as before but very high, violent and dangerous, breaking often on the ship, must need be a great strain to her and we ship much water. Our China sailors and some of the Portuguese are ready to give up the ghost and proffer to take no wages for their voyage so they be excused comeing on deck, but so bad example to the rest must not be allowed, tho' they do noe good when they be here." So far they retained the name of Portuguese, but soon they were to be lumped with Asiatic seamen under the common title of Lascars. Thus, in the Log of the Britannia (John Somner, Commander) to Fort Saint David, Bombay, Surat, Bengal and Madras, 1748-52, there is entered after the list of seamen another list of Lascars, all of whom, except two, have Portuguese names. The other two names are English (Ind. Off., Marine Records). 819. Porttuguese sailors in Calcutta seem to have acquired a reputation for lawlessness, if we are to believe such statements as the following :-" The cool, deliberate and frequent assassinations of our countrymen by that accurged, despicable, revengeful race, the Portu. guese sailors, calls aloud for their extermination from this country" (India Gazetteer or Calcutta Public Advertiser, 17th January 1785). Chinese. 320. Koxinga had long cherished the hope of driving his old masters the Dutoh from Formosa, and the hatred he always felt towards them had been further inflamed by their readiness to assist his Tartar eneinies against him. They on the other hand were now in a poor state to resist an attack, for, owing to a quarrel between Governor Cojet and Van der Lahn, the Commander of a small fleet sent to support him in July 1860, Van der Lahn had withdrawn his ships (Chin, and Jap. Repos., 3rd April 1864, p. 224). At last, in May 1661, with a fleet of 600 junks Koxinga attacked the island, committing the greatest cruelties, not only upon the Dutch, both men and women, who fell into his hands, but also upon the Chinese peasantry. The small Dutch fleet that was present was overpowered and all attempts to introduce reinforcements proved unavailing, At last, after a vigorous defence, seeing that there was no hope of succour and fearing to expose the women and children who were with him to the horrible tortures which Koxinga inflicted upon any prisoners whom he captured, the Governor, Frederick Cojet, on the 1st February 1662, surrendered the Fort of Zeelandia upon terms of capitulation (which were honourably observed by Kozinga), and the Dutch retired from Formosa. Cojet, in spite of his gallant defence, was disgraced and imprisoned until the year 1674 (Dubois, 213). The Dutch acoounts of this disaster mention various prodi. gies which foretold it. A Chinese account (H. E. Hobson, R.A.S. North China Journ., 1876, 04 Cojet's capitulation apparently did not secure the release of the prisoners already in the hands of Koxinga, for in 1663 Koxinga's son offered Bort to deliver up about 100 Dutchmen and women and grant freedom of trade in Formosa to the Dutch in return for alliance against the Tartars. (Valentyn, quoted in Chin. Repor. XX, 544).

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1924 N.S., XI, p. 37), instead of the merman seen by the Dutch, tells us of a whale which appeared before the fort bearing on its back a human figure with dishevelled locks and dressed in red garments. This account says that Koxinga's attaok was much facilitated by some plans brought to him by Cojet's Linguist or Interpreter, Hopin (Burney, III, 244, calls the traitor Pincqua) who had run away after embezzling some thousands from the Treasury. Koxinga fixed his residence at Zeelandia, which he renamed Gan-ping ching or the City of Peace, and flushed with success, threatened the Philippines and demanded tribute from the Spaniards. The latter agreed to withdraw from Zamboangam in Mindanao although it was their only defence against the pirates of that island and of Sulu (de Morga, 360 ; Careri in Churchill, IV, 389; Duhalde, I, 91-2 ; Zuniga, I, 302). Fortunately for the Europeans, Koxinga died in 1663 (2nd July 1662. Chin. and Jap. Repos. I, 428; Imbault-Huart, p. 75), it is said of vexation on hearing of the conclusion of an alliance between the Dutch and the Tartars, the discovery by the Spanish of a conspiracy of his partisans in the Philippines (for complicity in which several thousand Chinese had been put to death), and finally the seduction of one of his wives by his own son (Careri, Churchill, IV, 390).66 He was succeeded by his son Ching-Ching or Ching-king-may (Macgowan, p. 527 ; Duhalde, I, 92) or as Dubois (p. 214) calls him, Simpsia or Sepoan. Though the Dutch lost Formosa, a fleet of thirteen ships from Batavia cruised this year against the Chinese pirates on the coast of China and Formosa (Schouten, I, 441). Duteh. 321. In 1660 the Dutch took Macassar in the Celebes, and in 1661 Cochin and Cannanore in India from the Portuguese (Schouten, II. 53). In 1662 their Admiral Keizerzoon attempted to follow the example of Weddell at Canton and force a trade, but was repulsed by the Chinese with Portuguese assistance (Anc. and Mod. Hist. of China, p. 72). 822. In 1663 the Spaniards abandoned the Moluccas (Dubois, p. 164). English. 828. On the 9th July 1662 the Vierge de Bon Port, one of the four vessels which formed the first expedition of the French East India Company, on its return voyage to France, was taken by English corsairs off Guernsey. The Captain, Truchot de la Chesnaie, is variously Abented to diand died in captivity in the Isle of Wight and to have returned to France in 1667 11 de Sobtrappud 9). 824. The first permanent English Factory at Surat was founded in 1612. From a very early date the Factors issued passes. For these they charged a regular fee of ten rupees (Letter from Surat to Calicut, 24th May 1660; Foster, English Factories, 1655-60, p. 342). But when Bombay was ceded to England, the question arose as to the relations between the Company's Agents in India and the King's officers at Bombay. The Governor of Bombay, Sir Humphrey Cooke, encroaching upon the rights, including the power to grant passes, previously enjoyed by the Company, the latter obtained an order from Charles II that his officers should not interfere with the Company's servants (Court to Surat, 7th March 1665). In 1668 the Crown made over Bombay to the Company, and in 1687, Mr. Henry Gary, then Governor of Bombay, which now became the seat of the Presidency, forbade the Factors at Surat to issue passes. Apparently these passes were merely certificates of honesty and did not entitle the ships carrying them to anything more than immunity from attack by English vessels, for in a letter of the 15th October 1696, Sir John Gayer mentions that Delhi allowed to English, Dutch and French ships for convoy (i.e., protection) from Surat to Mocha and Jeddah, Rs. 10,000 for small and Rs. 15,000 for great ships, together with the right to carry what ** Brinkley (X, 179) says that in 1662 the Spanish ordered an indiscriminate massacre of the Chinese Living in the Philippines on suspicion of connection with Koxinga, who was then threatening an theks on the islands. Koxinga was buried at Amingkang, a large village & mile south of Amoy, where his tomb is shown to visitors (Mayers, Treaty Ports, p. 256).

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JUNE, 1924) NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS freight they could get. These terms were not reinunerative. The Dutch computed that they had lost Rs. 10,000,000 and the French refused to furnish convoys. On the 4th November 1719 the Court of Directors wrote to Bombay, pointing out that Angria was charging a pass duty of one rupee a khandi [560 lbs.) whilst the British charged the Suraters one rupee a ton [2240 lbs.) and suggesting that the suppression of Angria would be good business (Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, I, 24-28, 259). Malays. 325. In December 1663 Schouten was at the islands of Seier and was told that the inhabitants used to raid the coast of Queda (in the Malay Peninsula) for booty and for slaves, some of whom they ate (Schouten, II, 141). Barbary Rovers. 326. I have already mentioned that homeward-bound Indiamen were exposed to attack from the Barbary pirates. The Sieur Dubois says (p. 8) that on the 18th April 1669 he saw two of them between Capes Finisterre and St. Vincent, the usual haunt of Turkish corsairs. They approached under Dutch colours, but hauled off as soon as they saw the French flag " which they feared more than any other." 827. On the 24th December 1675 the Court of Directors ordered the Captains of the Eagle, Falcon and Johanna to keep a course thirty leagues west of the Madeiras in order to avoid Turkish and other pirates who lay in wait about those islands and in 1674 had nearly surprised one of the Company's ships (Streynsham Master, I., 217). On the 17th February 1681-2 they instructed Captain Wildey of the Welfare to keep company with the Dorrill and other Company's ships until out of danger from Algerine pirates (Hedges, III, X). Arabians. 898. In 1670 a fleet of Muscat Arabe raided and plundered Diu, but were finally driven out with great slaughter by the Portuguese (Hamilton, I, 137-9). 829. About this time an Arabian trader, who had killed a Portuguese gentleman at Mozambique, made his escape in a boat, which chance conducted to the island of Johanna. There, by his ability and the assistance of a few of his countrymen, he made himself Prince of the island (Raynal, I, 332). Apparently the Arabs now established themselves as a ruling race in Johanna. (See para. 755 below). Malabarese and Sanganlans. 330. Of the Malabar pirates in 1670, the Sieur Dubois writes (p. 31) "There are some of the Malabars along this coast who, with numbers of dhows will attack the vessels they see, of whatever nation they may be ; and when they can take a vessel there's no quarter for those who are therein ; otherwise for the most part they out the nerves of their hams and then keep them as slaves to water their beasts; they cut the sinews of their legs in order that they cannot run away and save themselves. The vessels of Europe do not fear these Malabar pirates because they are fine vessels well armed. They have several times attacked our French vessels, who have given them such a warm reception that they have not dared to attack others." Monsieur Dellon (p. 116) speaks more specially of the Muhammadans of the Malabar coast, where he found himself in 1670, denouncing them for their cruelty towards their slaves. According to him, they respected no passes, by whom goever they might be given, no religion, no nation, nor did they spare their own friends or neighbours if they met them at sea. In taking out a new vessel, their first object was to initiate it with the blood of the first Christian they took prisoner. They would ransom others, but not Christians. Unlike other Malabar 66 M. Dellon, in describing the miseries of the prison at Dameun, where he was detained in 1678, says that some years earlier certain Malabar pirates were incarcerated there and the horrible famine which hey buttored induood forty, out of about fifty, to strangle themselves with their turbana. (Inguisition of 104, p. 28).

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1924 pirates, they wore boards, turbans and vests. In their paros (galley shaped vessels carrying from five to six hundred men) they infested the Indian coast as far as the Red Sea, but rarely attacked European vessels, of which if they took any, it was generally by surprise. In June 1670, he tells us (p. 132) of Cotta or Cognali (i.e. Padepatam or Kunhale; see para, 168 above), which gave its name to "the most famous pirate in those seas" and of one Couleas Marcal of Bargara, "a rich Mahometan merchant and famous pirate in these parts", whom he visited on business. Dellon was himself, when travelling by boat, taken and pretty roughly treated by the followers of Cognali, but was set free after a few days, the French having made a treaty with the Zamorin who was Cognali's overlord. On page 169 Monsieur Dellon says that the Malabar corsairs had recently taken a Hoy belonging to the French Company (and worth PS2000), which they had sold to the King of Achara, a little north of Goa. 381. Among certain proposals made to the Company by the President and Council of Surat, relating to the Island of Bombay (Forrest, Bomb. Records, 1, 52) is one, viz., No. 5, dated Surat, 5 Feb. 1671 :-"That for the greater security of the port against Malabars, Sangonas and Arab pirates certain sea-laws be established for encouragement of privateers to go out in search of said pirates, to whom the Company may lend a frigate or other vessels, which they would build, on certain conditions, viz., the said vessel or frigate to have so many shares of what prizes shall be taken and the rest to be divided among the adventurers according to their respective proportion. It will be seen that 24 years later (see para, 446 below), it was on this very principle that Captain Kidd was sent out to catch pirates. The "Sangonas "just mentioned were, of course, the Sanganians. So notorious were these at this time, that in Ogilvy's Atlas (1670) Cutch is described (p. 293) as Sanga (Bom. Gaz., XIII, ii, 713 n). Fryer (II, 152) writing in 1676, says "We braced our sails close, in expectation of the southern gales, which met us about the 19th degree of North Latitude. Here in this large field of water the Singanian pirates wreak their malice on the unarmed merchants, who, not long able to resist their unbounded lust, become tame slaves to their lawless rage and fall from the highest hopes to the humblest degree of servitude. These are alike cruel and equally savage as the Malabars, but not so bold as to adventure longer in those seas than the winter's blasts have dismissed them, retiring with their ill-got booty to the coasts of Sinda, where they begin to rove nearer their dens of thievery, not daring to adventure combat with the Malabars, or stir from thence till the season makes the Malabars retire." Chinese. 382. In 1670 the English obtained permission to establish a Factory at Amoy. This proving to be a loss, owing to the extortions of the local authorities, the ruinous system of barter adopted, and the interference with trade by the Chinese pirates, after nineteen years it was abandoned. (Anc. and Mod. Hist. of China, p. 73). 888. After Koxinga had taken Formosa, the Dutch attacked and disabled a large junk of his with 300 men on board. It however escaped into Nagasaki but with only nine men alive. Koxinga complained to the Japanese, who made the Dutch then in port pay compensation. On the other hand, when in 1672 the Dutch ship Kuylenberg was stranded on the coast of Formosa, the crew murdered and the cargo plundered, the complaints of the Dutch at Nagasaki were completely ignored (Kaempfer, II, 67-68). 384. In 1673 Ching-king-may, son of Koxinga, defeated the King of Fokien and in 1674, took the Pescadores. In 1678 he again invaded China and died in 1881 (Chin, and Jap. Repos., I, 428), being succeeded by his son Ching-ke-fan or Ching-k'i-shwang (Dubois, I, 92). Maogowan (p. 532) says by his brother Ko-shwang. 885. In 1682 the Tartars having reduced Fokien, the Manchu Governor Yau offered a free pardon to the Chinese who had followed Koxinga to Formosa, and when many of them had deserted Ching-ke-fan, Yan's fleet took the Pescadores and forced Ching-ke-fan (in July

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JONE, 1924 ] NOTES ON PIRAOY IN EASTERN WATERS 1683) to surrender Formosa and to retire into honourable captivity at Pekin with the title of Prince (Duhalde, I, 92). In the Factory Records (China and Japan, vol. 2) it is stated that Simponcan, King of Tywan, was defeated by the Tertar Admiral Sego, (or Sbih Bang, see Le Ung Bing, p. 372), and so compelled to give up Formosa. A letter from Messrs. Mose and Dubois to the Madras Council dated 30th December 1686 (Letters to Fort St. George) says that Formosa was conquered by the then Governor of Amoy called "Jonkon Tolloyaw." Maogowan (p. 533) says that the Chinese commanders were Shi-lang and Yau K'i-shang and that they were assisted by the Dutch. 886. Four or five Dutchmen, with their families," prisoners for many years to Coxsing" were released by the Tartars, when they took Formosa, and sent in the English ship Delight to Siam (Samuel Baron to Madras, date Siam, 15th Nov. 1684). 837. Before they took Formosa, the Chinese heard that there were gold mines in the eastern part, so, on its reduction, they sent an expedition for their discovery. The commander failing to find the mines, but seeing some ingots in the huts of the peasants, invited the latter to a feast, made them drunk, and cut their throats. In reprisal, the natives raided the Chinese portion of Formosa and did much damage (Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, XVIII, 426). In 1687 Captains Williams and Howel, Englishmen in the service of the King of Siam, were ordered to expel a number of Chinese who, driven from their country by the Tartars, had taken refuge in Cambodia and maintained themselves by piracy. The two captains carried their prisoners to Macao and handed them over to the Tartar authorities (Collection of Voyages, by Capt. William Dampier, printed by James and John Knapton, 1729, Vol. II. pp. 106-106). Dutch. 888. In 1672 the East India Company sent out the Experiment (Captain Limbrey) and the Return (Captain Delboe) to open a trade at Taiwan in Formosa and in Japan. The Ex. periment was captured by the Dutch on the 9th December. The Return arrived at Nagasaki on the 29th June 1873, but was refused permission to trade on the grounds (cleverly suggested by the Dutch) that the King of England had married a Portuguese Princess (see para. 268 above), and that the cross on St. George's ensign argued a similarity of religion with the Portuguese (Bruce II, 347-8). As war had been declared before the capture of the Experiment, this was not technically piracy, but as it ignored the usual allowance of time for warning, it was a piece of sharp practice, very much like piracy. Arabians. 889. In February 1674 Muscat Arabs attacked Bassein and plundered the houses and churches (Orme, Hist. Fragments, p. 46; Anderson, p. 180). 840. On the 16th January 1677-8, Henry Gary wrote to the Company that a ship under English colours (Captain William May) and belonging to Callian, in Sivaji's territory, had been seized by Arabs in the Road of Cong. These Arabs had four ships cruising off Babelmandeb to intercept the Portuguese ships bound for Meoca (Hedges, II, 327). Malays. 841. In 1675 & small English vessel (Captain Samuel Ware) was taken off Queda by some pirates known as Saleeters. Ware and two of his men were killed. These Saleeters were, apparently, natives of the coast islands of Malacca (see para. 405 below), and were accustomed to cruise off Junkooylon and Pulo Sambila (Bowrey, pp. 237, 262). 342. In April 1677 the Agent, Mr. Samuel White, and a number of other Englismen were murdered at Bantam by Javanese pirates (Bruce, II. 404). Malabarese. 348. In 1674 Dr. John Fryer was present at the rescue of a Dutoh ship from Malabar pirates between Vingurla and Goa. Later on, in 1676, his ship was attacked near Goa by a

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1924 large Malabar pirate, from which they had rescued a grab. The pirate carried about 60 fighting men besides the rowers "who threw stink pots and plied chambers and small shot, Hung stones and darted long lanoes and were with difficulty driven off." The pirate captain and thrge or four chief men were killed in the fight (II, 16, 29). 344. Fryer (1, 144) tells us that a rocky island near Mangalore was known as Sacrifice Teland because of the butchery on it of some Englishmen by pirates, whose chief lived at Dhar. mapatam in the Malabar District. Hamilton (I, 305) says that the rock took its name from the massacre of a number of Portuguese by the people of Kottika when the Portuguese first came to India Forbes (1, 203) ascribes the name to the massacre of an English crew early in the 17th century. John Pike in his Journal (f. 179 b) says that Sacrifice Rock was an island off Caliout, and Cornwall (Observations, p. 26) places it three leagues off shore from Calicut. (See para. 78 above). 845. In 1676 a large Malabar vessel, after a hot engagement off Diu with a Portuguese took refuge in Bombay harbour. The Portuguese Captain-General of Bassein threatened to attack Bombay if she was not given up, but meekly accepted the Deputy Governor's refusal, (Bom. Gaz., XXVI, 61, 64). 346. Between 1675 and 1707 Khem Sawunt, namesake and descendant of the founder of the Savantvadi dynasty (see para. 250 above), established his independence of the Mughal Government (Bomb. Sel., N.S., X, 1). 847. In 1677 Ali Raja, a chief of Kota 67, having taken an Englishman in a Daman vessel, put him to a crue! death when Mr. Bourchier refused to ransom him. In June an expedition was sent to punish him. Another Englishman, Isaac Watts was, murdered by the Cota pirates because he refused to turn Muhammadan (Bom. Gaz., XXVI, i, 65, 76, 80; Anderson, p. 178). Ali Raja was a title meaning, in Tamil, Lord of the Sea, and taken from the fact that though only a subject of Colastry the Chief so named was Lord of the Laccadive Islands. The Dynasty came into existence about the tenth century when Muhammadanism was introduced into Malabar and according to one account a Colastry Prince was converted to that religion, or according to another account, a Colastri Princess married one of the Muhammadan immigrants. At any rate the line of descent was through the sister according to the Malabar Hindu custom, and each succession needed ratification from Colastry. The family name of these Princes appears to have been Mamale or Mamarke, Canter Visscher gives it in Turkish or Moorish as Mahomet Ali Caamo (Logan's Malabar, I, 193, 238, 362n. Van Rheede's Memorandum on the State of Malabar in India office, Home Miscellaneous, 456 B, p. 271. Adrian Moens' Memorandum, p. 147). Van Rheede, says (p. 141) that Cotta was one of the places of refuge, which were to be found in every Malabar Rajaship or Kingdom, to which no criminal, however great his crime, could be pursued. 848. In 1679, in reprisal for the English allowing the Mughal fleets to shelter near Bombay, Sivaji occupied the island of Kenery (Khanderi) whilst the Sidi occupied that of Henery (Underi), thus presenting a constant menace to that port. In October the English unsuccessfully attempted with a small contingent to drive Sivaji's force out of Khanderi. Sivaji's men easily put to flight the native boats included in the English squadron, but were repulsed with great slaughter when they attempted to take the Revenge commanded by Captain Minchin (Anderson, p. 174). 340. During the course of this year the Bombay Government armed three shibars, or native trading boats, with 40 men of the garrison as a protection against pirates (Orme, Hist. Frag., p. 79) *7 I presume this was Ali Raja of Cannanore, the Raja of Kadattanad (between the Mahe and Kotta Rivers, originally part of Kolattiri. Innes, Malab. Gar., pp. 131, 133).

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PAT 151 PAT Patala-1 Tatta in Sindh, mentioned in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea and Arrian's Indika (JRAS., Vol. I (1834), p. 210; Mh., Udyoga, ch. 97). Cunningham identifies it with Hyderabad in Sindh (Anc. Geo., p. 279). It is said to have been governed by the Naga kings, who, according to Ragozin, were Dravidians (Ragozin's Vedic India, p. 308), the serpent (Naga) being the Dravidian symbol of the Earth. Arrian calls the delta of the Indus, PAtala. According to Mr. Schoff, its modern name is Minnagar, Min being the Sanskrit name of the Soythians (Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 166); the Usbegs belong to the Min tribe of the Turks (Vambery's Travels in Central Asia). It is said that Egyptian vessels sailed to "Pattala, & sea-port of India" (David Macpherson's Annals of Commerce. I, p. 139). Perhaps it is the Patalagrama of the Ava. Kalp. (ch. 57) where a stupa was built. Near Tatta is the Salilaraja Tirtha or the Varuni Tirtha, Salilaraja being a name for Varuna (Mbh., Udyoga, ch. 97). 2. See Rasatala. Patalapura-The name was originally applied to Asma of the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 23), Oxians of the Greeks, modern Aksu in Sogdiana situated on the northern side of the river Oxus, a little to the north-east of Balkh. Afterwards Balkh was called by the name of Patalapura when the seat of Government was removed to it from Asma (see my Rasd. tala or the Underworld). Patalavati--A branch of the Chambal, mentioned by Bhavabhuti in his Malati- Madhava, (Act IX). It is perhaps the Polaitah of Tod (Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 4). Patallputra-Patna, built in 480 B.C. by Sunidha and Vaseakara, the two ministers of Ajatasatru, king of Magadha and contemporary of Buddha, for the purpose of repelling the attacks of the Vajjis or Vrijjis of Vaisali (Mahavagga, Pt. VI, ch. 28). The old capital of Magadha was Giri vrajapura or Rajgir, but it was subsequently removed to Pataliputra by Uday&sva, who was the grandson of AjAtasatru acoording to the Vishnu P. (IV, ch. 24), but according to the Samanfiaphala-sutta, he was the son of Ajatasatru, but it has been prov. od that he was the son of Darkaka and grandson of Ajatasatru (JASB., 1913, p. 259). A very small portion of the modern town of Patna is on the site of the ancient Pataliputra, the greater portion of which was diluviated by the rivers Ganges and the Sone in 750 A.D. The name of Pataliputra, however, existed even at the time of Alberuni in the tenth or at the commencement of the eleventh century (Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 200). It was the birth-place of Arya Bhatta, the celebrated Hindu astronomer, who was born in 476 A.D. Several Hindu sages, as Katyayana (or Vararuohi, the author of the Varttika and minister of the last Nanda called Mahahanda, Yogananda or Dhanananda) and Chanakya flourished in this place. It contains the temple of Patalebvari or Patala Devi, one of the Pithas mentioned in the Brihad-nild Tantra. A graphio description of the town has been given by Megasthenes, who was sent as an ambassador by Seleucus Nicator to the court of Chandragupta, king of Magadha, who reigned from 321 to 297 B.C. He describes the town as being situated near the confluence of the rivers Ganges and Erannobos (Hiragyavahu or the Sone), and says that it was eighty stadia (nearly 10 miles) in length and fifteen stadia (nearly 2 miles) in breadth, and it was surrounded by a ditch thirty cubits deep and six hundred oubits broad which received the sewage of the town, and that the walls wero adorned with 570 towers and 64 gates. According to this account, the oir. cumference of the city would be 190 stadia or 237 miles. When Hiuen Tsiang 'visited it in 637 A.D., the kingdom of Magadha was under the subjection of the kings of Kanouj. The old city had been deserted for a long time and was in ruins, and a new city had sprung up close to it. Dr. Waddell, however, supposes that the site of the ancient Pataliputra,

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PAT 152 PAT still exists. The Sugaiga palace was situated on the bank of the Ganges (Mudrardkshasa, Act II, written about the eleventh century). It also contained the celebrated Vihara (monastery) called Kukkutarama where Upagupta, the preceptor of Asoka rosided (Svayambhu Purana, ch: I). The Kukkuta Vihara was situated in a garden called Upakanthikarama on the right bank of the Ganges (Asoka Avadana in Dr. R. L. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, pp. 6f.) Dr. Waddell identifies the old palace of Nanda, Chandragupta and Asoka at Nili with Kumrar, Sandalpur and the Dargah of Shah Arzani, the eastern border of the palace was in a line running from the western border of the Sovai Lake through Dhanuki on the eastern margin of Kumrar to Maharaj.khanda (Emperor's moat) at Tulsi Mundi which means the market place of the king. Dr. Waddell has identified the Agam-kuan (the fiery or, bottomless well) with a portion of Asoka's "hell" with its fiery cauldrons; the brick mound to the east of the lake Gun-sar or Gangsagara, containing a temple of Mahadeva on the top, with the first and greatest of the 84,000 stupas built by Asoka to enshrine the relics of Buddha ; the Panchpahari with the five Relic-stupas, which emperor Akbar ascended to reconnoitre the fort and environs of Patna; the Chhota-pahaeri with Upagupta's (identified with Moggaliputta Tissa) Her mitage Hill built by Asoka; the Bhiknd-pahari mound with Mahendra's Hermitage Hill; the mound to the east of Ranipura with the Amalaka Stapa situated within the Kukkutarama monastery; the Jaina temple at Kamaldih with the residence of the "heretios" of Hiuen Tsiang; the temple was built to the memory of Sthulabhadra, the seventh Patriarch after MahAvira in the third century B.C., and former minister of Nanda, who died at this place; Sthalabhadra became the leader of the Jaina community at the time of the famine during the reign of Chandragupta (Dr. Hoernle's Uvdsagadasao, p. viii, Introduction); for the names of the Jaina patriarchs or Stha viras after Mahavirs, (see Dr. Stevenson's Kalpasutra, p. 100); the spot which is less than half a mile to the east of Kamaldih with PAtaligrAma where Buddha stopped in & Chaitya preached and left his foot-print on a stone which was removed by Sasanka and which may now be found at Bulinda Bagh (Dr. Waddell's Excavations at Pataliputra and Exact Site of Ajoka's Classic Capital of Pataliputra, p. 38). P. C. Mukherji has identified Pataligrama with Pahari (Bada and Chhota). He has identified Bada-Pahari with the great stopa of Asoka ; Chhota-PAhari with the stupe of the four past Buddhas ; Kumrar with Nili, containing on its western and southern sides the palace of the Nandas and Chandragupta, where Asoka was born; the spot on the north of Nanda's palace between Kallu Taldo and Cha. man Taldo at Kumrar with "Kalasoka's hell" or Jail; the Dargah of Shah Arzani with Mahendra's Hermitage, on the north of which is a Mahalla called Mahandru ; the mounds at Bahadurpura with Upagupta's Hermitage, Upagupta, according to Mr. Mukherji, was the spiritual guide of Kalasoka and not of Asoka. Upagupta was the fourth Buddhist patriarch (for the lives of the 28 Buddhist patriarchs from Mahd-Kasyapa to Bodhidharma, (see Dr. Edkins' Chinese Buddhism, ch. VI, p. 435); Suganga palace with the Kille at Sadargali in Patna city. The wooden palisade mentioned, Megasthenes has been traced by him from Lohanipura via Bahadurpura, Sadalpura ana Sevai tank to Mangal Taldo. He also discovered an oval temple of the Maurya period at Naorattanpur (P. C. Mukherji's Excavations of the Site of Pataliputra, pp. 14-18). Asokarama, the celebrated monastery, was situated near Pataliputra and not within the town. It was situated on the weet of the town, perhaps at Maharampura, & corruption of MahA-arama-pura. At the time of Fa Hian, Pataliputra was seven miles to the south of the Ganges. The river then flowed considerably north. Kumrar, where the ancient palaces have been discovered, is evidently

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PAT 153 PAT a corruption of Kusumpura, where the king and the wealthy people resided (Mudrdrakshasa. Acte I and VI). Six hundred years after the Mauryas, that is in the early part of the fourth century of the Christian era, the Guptas became kings of Pataliputra. Samudra Gupta (326 to 375 A.D.) removed his capital to Ayodhya, though Pataliputra was still regarded as the official capital. The last king of the dynasty Kumara Gupta II was de. posed and he left Ayodhya and resided at Sravasti (530 to 550 A.D.); and Yasodharman, the general of the Guptas who deposed the monarch, removed the seat of government to Kanyakubja in 530 A.D. and became its king under the name of Vishnuvarddhana. Ac. cording to Dr. Hoernle, he assumed the name of Vikramaditya after defeating the Soy. thians at Karur at 533 A.D., which gave rise to the Samvat era, but according to Dr. Bhandarkar, Mr. V. A. Smith and General Cunningham, Chandragupta II was the celebrated Vikramaditya of Ujjayini (sce Ujjayini). Since that time Pataliputra began to decline and Kanyakubja increased in splendour and became the capital of India. Hiuen Tsiang, who visited India in the seventh century, found Pataliputra as an ordinary village, For further particulars see Patna in Part II of this work. The dynasties from Chandragupta which reigned in Pataliputra were (1) the Mauryas from Chandragupta (for whose life see Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 259) to Brihadrath (321 B.C. to 188 B.o.) Asoka (272 B.C. to 232 B.O.), the grandson of Chandragupta, ascended the throne on the death of his father Bindusara aftor killing his elder brother Sumana, viceroy of Taksha. sila, and was formally anointed king in the fifth year (Divydvadana, Cowell's ed., chs. 26-28). In the ninth year he became an Upasaka, in the eleventh year a Bhikshu, and in the thir. teenth year a staunch follower of Buddhism. In the seventeenth year of his reign, the third Buddhist synod was held at the Asokarama-vihara in Pataliputra under the presi. dency of Mudgaliputra Tissa, called also Upagupta. Upagupta, however, was the preceptor and chief advisor of Kalasoka called Asoka (see Mathura and Urumunda Parvata). He was sent by Asoka for pointing out to him the sites remarkable for some acts of Buddha on which he oould build the stupas (Chinese Buddhism, p. 69). (2) The Sungas from Pushpamitra or Pushyamitra to Devabhuti (188 B.C. to 76 B.O.); (3) the Kanvas from Vasudova to Susaraman (76 B.C. to 31 B.C.); (4) the Andhra-bhrityas (Satakarnis or Sta. vahanas of the inscriptions) from Sipra to Gautamiputra (31 B.o. to 312 A.D.), but ao. cording to Dr. Bhandarkar the Andhra-bhrityas reigned from B.C. 50 to 154 A.D.; (5) the Vasishtiputras, according to Fergusson (History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 718), from Puliman, son of Gautamiputra, to Pulomachi, reigned from 333 A.D. to 429 A.D., but the Vagishtiputras and Gautamiputras were merely metronymics (800 V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 186). For the Gupta kings and the change of capital, see Magadha. Patna is the birth-place of Guru Govind, the tenth Sikh Guru ; and the house where he was born still exists; he died at Abjalnagar in the Deccan (for a brief account of the Sikh Gurus from Nanak to Guru Govind see JASB., 1845, p. 333, and also the Vichitra N ataka, a portion of the Sikh Granth, which is an autobiography of Guru Govind, in JASB., (Vol. XIX, p. 521 ; Vol. XX, p. 487). The exploration at Kumr&r in 1913 has disclosed the remains of what is called a "Mauryan Hall" with "8 rows of monolithio, polished columns, with at least 10 columns in each row" evidently adorned with "heavy stone sculptures of something over life-size." Dr. Spooner with remarkable ingenuity has shown that this Mauryan Hall was constructed on the model of the Hall of a Hundred Columns or the Throne-room of Darius Hystanpes at Persepolis (see his Zoroastrian Period of Indian Astory in JRAS., 1914 and 1915,

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PAT 154 PAU pp. 3f, 405f; Arch. S. Rep. Eastern Circle, 1913-14). But further evidence is necessary to prove conclusively that the Mauryan Hall was a reproduction of the Achaemenian Hall at Persepolis. The question is whether the Mauryan Hall was a reproduction of the Persepolitan Hall, or the latter of the ancient Hindu Throne-room, of which the Mauryan Hall is an example, assuming that the Mauryan Hall was later in date than the Hall at Persepolis. It is admitted that several of the architectural passages in the Mahabharata are in such close agreement with the description of Chandragupta Maurya's palaces given by Megasthenes, that both the Greek and Sanskrit texts refer to the same class of buildings. But the Mahabharata, at least that portion of it which relates to the construction of the Throne-room of Yudhishthira (Sabh& P., chs. I f), must have been composed at a much earlier date than the Achaemenian period. So long as this portion of the Mahabharata is not shown to be an interpolation of a later date, the inference would be that the Persians bad adopted the Hindu style of palaces and throne-room for their model. Then again it has been assumed that the Hall at Pataliputra was of the Mauryan period. Pataliputra was built when Ajatasatru, the contemporary of Buddha, was reigning at Rajagriha, and the seat of government was removed there by Udayi, the successor of Ajatasatru. Darius did not invade India till 30 years after the death of Buddha (Prof. Max Duncker's Hist. of Antiquity, trans, by Abbott, p. 38). The Hall at Pataliputra might have belonged to an anterior period when the Sisunaga and Nanda dynasties reigned over Pataliputra, the Mauryas, if the Hall was constructed by them, might have adopted the architectural style as it prevailed at the time of their predecessors (Havell's Anc. and Mod. Arch., p. 83). Rajgir has not yet been excavated and explored. All these points should be cleared up before any definite conclusion can be arrived at one way or the other. See, however, Dr. J.J. Modi's "Ancient Pataliputra" in Journal B.B. R. A. Society, Vol. XXIV (1916-17). Pathayampurt-Biana, ninety miles east of Jaipur in the Bharatpur State, Rajputana ; it was the capital of the Y&davas at the time of the Muhammadan conquest. It was also called Sripatha. Patheyya-The western division of India at the time of Buddha, including Kuru, Pan chAla, Avanti, GandhAra, Kamboja, Sarasena, eto. (Mahavagga, VII, I, 1-bee Dr. Rhys Davids' note in SBE, XVII, p. 146). Paudanya-Same as Potana. It was founded by Asmaka (Mbh., Adi, Ch. 179, v. 47- P. C. Roy's ed.) Paundarlka--Same as Pandapura (Padma P., Uttara, oh. 96). Paundra-Same as Pundravarddhana. It was also called Pundradesa after the name of Pundra, a son of Bali (sce Sumha). It was bounded on the east by the river Karatoya, but according to Mr. Westmacott by the river - Brahmaputra (JASB., 1875, p. 3), on the west by the river Kausiki (Kosi), on the north by the Homa kata mountain of the Hima. laya, on the south by the Ganges. It was the kingdom of Vasudeva who was jealous of Krishna (Harivansa, chs. 281, 282; Padma P., Uttara Kh., ok. 94 ; Prahmanda P.. Parva, ch. 55). Pundradesa and Paundra were the names of the country and PaundraVardhana was perhaps its capital. It was also called Karusha (Bhagavata P., X, oh. 66). It has been identified with Pandud in the district of Malda in Bengal. It was formerly 'situated on the MahAnandA which has now receded four miles to the west. It contains the celebrated Adinah mosque and the Satasgad which is supposed to have been the royal palace. Mr. Pargiter, however, relying upon the Mahabharata (Sabha P., ch. 51, and Bhishma P., oh. 9) considers that Pundra and Paundra were two different countries, and

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PAU 158 PAV according to him, Paundra was on the south side of the Ganges and Pundra on the north side between Anga and Banga, and Paundra must have comprised the modern districts of Santal Parganas and Birbhum and the north portion of the Hazaribagh distriot (Ancient Countries in Eastern India in JASB., 1897, p. 85). Paundra-Vardhana-See Pundravarddhana and Pundra. It was the name of the capital as well as of the country. "Jayapida Vinayaditya who ascended the throne of Kasmir in the Laukika or Saptarishi year 3825 (3825--3075=750 A.D.) visited Paundravarddhana and placed Jayanta, his father-in-law, on the throne of Gauda by defeating the five chiefs of Pancha-Gauda (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. II, p. 163; Visus-kosha, s.v. Kulina). Paunika-Same as Punaka (Vayu P., ch. 45). Paurava-A country on the eastern bank of the Hydaspes (Jhelam) including the Gujrat district, the original seat of the Purus. The kingdom of Porus who fought with Alexander (Mbh., Sabha P., 27; Harshacarita, ch. VI). Pava-1. Identified by Cunningham (Anc. Geo., p. 434) with Padraona, an ancient city on the Gandak, twelve miles north-east of Kusinagara, the last place visited by Buddha before he reached Kusinagara where he died. Dr. Hoey identified PAvA with Pappaur, about three miles east of Sewan in the district of Chhapra. P&vA was the capital of the Mallas, Padraona is a dialectic variation of Padaravana. At Pava Buddha ate at the house of Chunda, acoording to Dr. Hoey, sukara (not hog's flesh) but sukara-kanda (hog's root) which aggravated the illness that terminated his life (JASB., Vol. LXIX, p. 80). For the meaning of "Sakara-maddava " which was eaten by Buddha, see note at p. 244 of the Questions of King Milinda (8BE., Vol. XXXV) by Dr. Rhys Davids. According to Dharmapala it means the tender top-sprout of the bamboo plant. Buddha himself interdicted the use of meat, "Lot no one, O Bhikkus, knowingly eat meat (of an animal) killed for that purpose : whosoever does so, is guilty of a dukkata offence" (Mahdvagga, VI, 31, 14). It is not therefore likely that he would have taken meat at Chunda's house. Asvaghosha does not mention the nature of the repast offered (see 8BE., XIX, pp. 285, note, 286). But see Mahd-parinibbana Sutta, ch. IV in SBE., XI, p. 71, where "boar's flesh " is mentioned. 2. Same as Pdpd or Pavapuri, seven miles to the east of Bihar town, where Mahavira, the Jaina Tirthankara, died (see Papa). Pavamans--The Paghman (or Pamghan) range. It appears to be part of Paripatra (q.v.) and therefore of the Hindu Kush (Devi Bhagavata, VIII, ch. 7). Pavani-The river Ghaggar in Kurukshetra (district Ambala), or rather the united stream of the Sarasvati and the Ghaggar, which is called by the name of Sarasvati, the most sacred river in ancient India. The Pavani, which means the 'Purifier,' is said to be one of the eastern streams of the Ganges (Ramdyana, Adi, ch. 43). Bharata crossed the river Saras. vati at its junction with the Ganges (Ibid, Ayodh., oh. 71). Whether the Sarasvati over joined the Ganges or not, it is a fact that to the north of Thaneswar there is a celebrated Tirtha on the Sarasvati called Gangd-artha, where Gang& (the Ganges) is said to have bathed in order to get rid of her sins (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., 1863, p. 64; Panjab Gazetteer, Ambala Distriot, p. 6), and the Ghaggar or Sarasvati is situated to the east of the Hladins which is also one of the three eastern streams of the Ganges (Ramayana, Ayodh., ch. 71, and Adi., ch. 43). The Ghaggar was a very important river before and the Sarasvati was its affluent instead of being the prin. cipal river itself as it is generally supposed (Panjab Gazetteer, Ambala District, oh. I, p. 5). 2. Same as Baidyanatha or Chitabhumi (Brihat-Siva P., Pt. II, ch. 3).

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PAY 156 PID Payasvini-1. The river Papanagini in Travancore (Chaitanya-charitamrita ; Garuda P., 1, 55; Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, Vol. V-Life of Chaitanya, p. 45). 2. The river Paisuni or Pisani, a tributary of the Yamund between the Ken and the Tonse near Mt. Chitrakuta. 3. The river Chandragiri in South Kanara District, Madras Presidenoy ; it rises in the Western Ghats. Payoshni-1. The river Pain or Pain-Ganga, a branch of the Wardha in the Central Pro vinces (Bhagavata P., V, xix, 17; Padma P., Uttara, ch. 41; Matsya P., ch. 22, v. 33; Garrett's Classical Dictionary of India). 2. The river Purti in Travancore (Chaitanya. charitamrita ; Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, Vol. V-Life of Chaitanya, p. 45). 3. The river Parna, a tributary of the Tapti (Mbh., Vana, ch. 119). 4. The river Tapti and its branch the Purga (JRAS., 1890, p. 541). But the Brihat Siva P. (Pt. II, ch. 20) and the Matsya (ch. 113) and other Purdgas mention Payoshni and Tapti as two distinct rivers in the same verse. The Padma P. (Uttara, ch. 41) mentions "Tapi, Pa yoshni and Parna " in the same verse. Perimuda-The island of Salsette near Bombay, the Perimula of the Greeks. McCrindle approves Campbell's identification of Perimula with Simylla (Ptolemy, p. 201), (but see his Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 142 note). But acoording to Da Cunha, the ancient name of Salsette was Shashthi (see Shashthi). It derived its sanc. tity from the tooth of Buddha which was enshrined there at the beginning of the fourth century of the Christian era, and which was visited by Buddhist pilgrims. The cave (chait. ya) of Kanheri, which is oalled Krishnagiri in the insoriptions of the island, is supposed by Fergusson to belong to the early part of the fifth century of the Christian era (Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 161). The cave temples are scattered over the two sides of a big rooky hill at many different elevations. The largest and most remarkable of all is a Buddhist temple of great beauty and majesty (Bishop Heber's Indian Journal, Vol. II, p. 130). Petonik-The country about Paithan on the Godavari or Maharashtra (Asoka's Girnar and Dhanli Inscriptions in Smith's Ajoka, p. 120 ; and Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, Sec. iii ; JASB., 1838, p. 287). Phalakt vana-In Kurukshetra, where at Pharal on the Oghavati river, 17 miles to the south-east of Thaneswar, Sukra Tirtha is situated (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XIV. p. 101: Mbh., Vana P., oh. 83). Phalgu-The united stream of the Nilajana (or Nirasjana) and the Mohand is called by the name of Phalgu. The Nilajana is united with the Mohana near the Mora hill, about a mile below Buddha-Gaya. The Phalgu flows through Gaya, and the whole channel of the river from Brahma-sarovara to Uttara-manasa is considered holy (Agni P., ch. 219). Ph. Nguna-Soo Panchapsara-Tirtha (Bhdgavata, X, ch. 79). Phon-Mr. Pargiter doubtfully identifies Phend with the Penganga or Pain-Gang. It WAA also called Sindhu-Phena (Brahma P., oh. 129; JRA8., 1911. p. 803). It is a tribu tary of the Godavari (Brahma P., oh. 129). Phonagiri-It is near the mouth of the Indus (Brihat-Samhita, XIV, v. 18). Phallagrima-Chittagong. Plohohbill-A river in Kamarupa or Assam (Yogini Tantra, Uttara-khanda, ch. 1; Mahd bharata, Bhishma Parva, oh. 9). P -A ovuntry mentioned in the second ediot of Asoka at Girnar, it is the Pidika of the Brahmanda Pundna (ch. 49). It was situated in the Aroot district (JASB., 1838, pp. 160, 406).

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PIN 137 PRA Pinakini-The river Pennar in the Madras Presidency (Skanda P., Mahes. kh., Arunachala Mahat., ch. 2; Sewell's Arch. Surv, of South India, Vol. I, pp. 123, 129). It was also called Pinaka. It is the Tyana of Ptolemy. It rises among the Nundidroog mountains in the province of Mysore, where on account of its northerly course it is called the Uttara Pinakini (Hamilton's East India Gazetteer). The Dakshina Pinakini is the same as Papaghni. Pindaraka-Tirtha-Near Golagar in Guzerat, sixteen miles to the east of Dwarka (Mbh., Vana P.) It was at this place that the Rishis cursed Samba, Krishna's son, saying that he would give birth to a Mushala which would destroy the Yadu race (Bhagavata, XI, p. 1). Pishtapura-Pithapura in the Godavari district, it was conquered by Samudra Gupta. It was the ancient capital of Kalinga (Smith's Early Hist. of India, p. 284). Same as Gayapada. Plakshaprasravana-See Sarasvati (1). Polaura-According to Ptolemy it is the name of a town near the Kambyson mouth of the Ganges (McCrindle's Ptolemy, 'p. 72). Same as Kola-Parvatapura (see my Early Course of the Ganges in I.A., 1921). Potall-Same as Potana (Jataka, iii, p. 2). Potana-Paithan on the north bank of the Godavari. It was the capital of Assaka or Asmaka or Maharashtra (Mahd-Govinda Suttanta in the Dialogues of the Buddha, Pt. II; Jataka, iii, p. 2). See Pratishthana. Prabhasa-1. Somnath in the Junagar state, Kathiawad. It is also called Devapattana and Berawal; Somnath is properly the name of the temple and the city is called Devapattana (Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 334 note). "The neighbourhood of Pattana" (which contains the celebrated temple of Somnath at the south-western corner) "is esteemed specially sacred by the Hindoos as the scene of Krishna's death and apotheosis. A small river known to the Hindu devotees as the Raunakshi, empties itself into the sea, at the distance of about a mile to the eastward of Pattana. At a particular spot on this river, sacred as that of Krishna's death, are a ghat and a few temples" (JASB., Vol. VII, p. 869-Note of a Journey in Girnar). The reservoir called Bhat-kunda or Bhalakakunda at a short distance behind Somnath's temple is traditionally the scene of Krishna's death, which took place on the first day of Kali yuga (Bhagavata, XII, 2); the place where the Yadavas fell fighting with one another is also called Amarapuri Gopitala. Raunakshi is another name for the river Sarasvati (Vamana P., ch. 84). Somnath is known to the Jainas under the title of Chandra Prabhasa or Chandraprabha-prabhasa. It was formerly frequented by a very large number of pilgrims from all parts of India during an eclipse of the moon. Chandra (the moon) is said to have been cured of consumption, with which he was cursed, by bathing in the river Sarasvati and worshipping Mahadeva since known as Somanatha (Siva P., Pt. 1, ch. 45; Mbh., Salya P., ch. 36). Berawal is two miles to the north-west of the Somanatha temple. The celebrated shrine of Somanatha, which is one of the twelve great Liigas of Mahadeva (see the south-western corner of the Amaresvara), occupies an elevated site on town of Pattana overlooking the sea and close to the wall. For a description of the temple of Somanatha, see Notes on a Journey to Girnar in JASB., Vol. VII (1838), p. 865. Somanatha, also called Somes varanatha, was the family god of the Chalukya kings of Guzerat. The wooden temple of Somanatha was replaced by a stone temple by Kumarapala, king of Anahillapattana, at the request of Hemachandra, the author of the celebrated grammar called Siddhahema and the lexicography called Abhidhana-chintamani (Tawney

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PRA 188 PRA Prabandhachintamani, pp. 126, 129). 2. Pabhosa, nov a small village on the top of a hill, 32 miles south-west of Allahabad and 3 miles to the north-west of Kosam Kherdj (Kausambi), visited by Hiuen Tsiang (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 240). There is at rook-cut *cave on the top of the hill, which is described by Hiuen Tsiang, as being the dwelling of a venomous Naga and situated on the south-west of Kausambi but the hill is to the north-west from the fort of Kosam. 3. A place of pilgrimage in Kurukshetra on the bank of the Sarasvati near Chamasodbheda where the river reappears (Mbh., Vana, ch. 129). It was at this place that Vasudeva, the father of Krishna, performed a sacrifice (Bhagavata P., X, ch. 84), and where the re-union of Sri Krishna and Radhika, the Gopis And the Gopas took place, which is generally known as Prabhdaa Milana. The Brahma. vaivartta Purana (Krishna-janma Kh., oh. 54, vs. 20, 23), however. place the scene of re union at Siddharama (q.v.) (Ibid., ch. 126). Prabhasa-Sarasvatt-See Sarasvati (2). Prachl-Sarasvatt-See Sarasvati (1). Prachya-That portion of Bharatavarsha (India) which was to the south-east of the river Sarasvati (Amarakosha); the Prasii of the Greeks which included Magadha (McCrindle's Megasthenes, p. 68). According to Dr. Oldenberg, the countries of the Kasis, Kosalas, Videhas and perhaps Magadha were called Prachya (Buddha, p. 393 note). Pradyumna-nagara-Panduk in the district of Hooghly. Mahabharata as quoted in the Gangamahatmya of Raghunandan's Prayaschitta-tattva). Acoording to tradition, Prad. yumna, son of Krishna, is said to have killed here Sambarasura, and hence the name of the place was changed from Rikshavanta to Pradyumnanagara or Marapura (Harivanja, ch. 166). Pa du Sakya made it his capital when he left the Sakya kingdom for fear of falling into the power of Virudhaka, the patricide usurper of the throne of Kosala, and retired beyond the Ganges. His daughter Bhaddakachchand married Panduv sudova, a prince of Simhapura, present Singur in the district of Hughly in Bengal, who afterwards succeeded Vijaya on the throne of Ceylon' (Turnour's Mahavamsa, ch. VIII). It appears that from the name of Pandu SAkya, who was Buddha's cousin, being the son of Aniruddha, ancient Pradyumna-nagara is called Pandua (see my History of the District of Hughly in JASB., 1910, p. 610): see Marapura. It appears that Pandud was conquered by the Mahomedans at the ond of the thirteenth century: Shah Sufi, who was sister's son to the Emperor Firoz Shah II, was oppressed by the Hindu Raja of Pandua who was called Pagdu Raja; he obtained assistance from his uncle at Delhi and overthrow the Raja. The old temple was destroyed and the present mosque was built with its materials. The great tower of Pandua, 125 feet high, is said to have been built by. Shah Sufi in imitation of the Kutub Minar in Old Delhi as a tower of victory, and it served as a Muazzin's minar for a call to prayer. Panduk in the district of Hughly should not be confounded with Pandua called Firuzabad near Malda which is identified with Pundravarddhana. Pragbodhi Hill-The Mora hill, across the river Phalgu, three miles to the north-West of Buddha-Gay&; from this hill Buddha went to che latter place to perform the penance (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. III, p. 105). The hill is washed at its south-western base by the Mora Lake and therefore the hill is called Mor&-Tal-k&-pahad. The cave reached through the villages Manjhowli and Sahaipure. For a description of the caves see JASB., 1904, pp. 30-35. Priglyotishapura-1. Kamrupa or Kamakshya in Assam (see Kamarupa), Gauhati (JRAS. 1900. p. 25). It was the capital of the kingdom of Kamarapa. 2. There appears to be another Pragjyotishapura on the bank of the river Betw or Betravati (Brahma P., ch. 28; Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 42).

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PRA Pragvijaya-Jyntes in Assam. Prahladapuri-Multan (see Mulasthanapura). 159 PRA Prajapativedi-A sacred place in Allahabad where Brahma performed sacrifices; this is the temple of Alopi, which is considered as one of the Pithas where Sati's back is said to have fallen. The temple contains no image, but only a Vedi. There are five Vedis of Brahma; at Gaya on the east, Biraja (Jajpur) on the south, Pushkara on the west, Samanta. panchaka on the north and at Prayaga in the middle (Bamana P., ch. 22). With regard to Samanta-panchaka as Uttara-vedi of Prajapati, see Mbh., Salya, ch. 54. Pralamba Mada war or Mundore eight miles north of Bijnor in western Rohilkhand (Ramayana, Ayodhya K., ch. 68). See Matipura. Prapahita-The united stream of the rivers Wardha and the Waingang is called Pranhit. Same as Pranita. Prani-Same as Pranita (Agni P., ch. 219). Pranita Same as Pranahita (Padma P., Uttara Kh., ch. 62). The river Pranhit falls into the Godavari and the confluence is a place of pilgrimage (Brahma P., ch. 161). Prasravana-girl-The hills of Aurangabad situated on the banks of the Godavari (Rama. yana, Aranya K., ch. 64) graphically described by Bhavabhuti in his Uttara Ramacharita (Act I) who places it in Janasthana on the banks of the Godavari. In one of the peaks of those hills dwelt the bird Jatayu of the Ramayana. The Ramayana (Kishk. K., ch. 27) places another Prasravanagiri at Kishkindha near Anagandi on the banks of the Tungabhadra; it is called also Malyavana-giri (see Malyavana-giri). Prasthala-The district between Ferozepur, Patiala and Sirsa (Mbh., Drona, ch. 17; Pargiter's Markand. P., p. 321 note). Patiala (A. Barooah's English-Sanskrit Dictionary, Vol. III, Preface, p. 55). Pratishtha-Nagara-Same as Pratishthana, the Prakrita form of which is Paithana (Dvd trimiatputtalika, 1st story; Vikramorvas, Act II). Pratishthana-1. Bithoor, where the remains of a fort, which is said to have been the fort of Raja Uttanapada, still exists. The celebrated Dhruva was the son of Uttanapada, he was born at this place; he practised asceticism in the forests of Mathura. 2. Brahmapuri Pratishthana, now called Paithan or Pattana or Mangila-Pattana or Mungi-Pattana (Mangi-Paithan), the capital of Asvaka or Maharashtra, in the district of Aurangabad, on the north bank of the Godavari, twenty eight miles to the south of Aurangabad. Paithan is a corruption of Patitthana, the Pali form of Pratishthana. It was the birth-place and capital of Raja Salivahana who is said to have founded the Saka era in 78 A.D., (see, however, Pancha-nada). It is the Paithana of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea (p. 195) and Potali of the Buddhists (Jatakas, Cam. Ed., iii, p. 2) and was a great emporium of commerce in the Andhra country and a capital of Andhra (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62; Kathasarit-sagara, (Tawney's trans.) I, ch. VI, p. 32; Antiquities of Bidar and Aurangabad. See Maharashtra. It was the capital of ancient Asmaka, called also Alaka or Mulaka (Sutta Nipata, Parayanavagga, I; History of Babari in Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism). 3. Jhusi, opposite to Allahabad, across the Ganges; it is still called Pratishthapura (Kurma P., ch. 37: Agni P., ch. III; Vikramorvas, Act II; Mbh., Vana, ch. 85). It was the capital of Raja Pururava and other kings (Linga P., Pt. I, oh. 65; Bhavishya P., Pratisarga Parva, Pt. 2, ch. 2). See Prayaga. It was founded by Raja Ila (Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 90). It contains the places of pilgrimage called Hamsaprapatana on its northern side, and on the bank of the Ganges Urvasi-tirtha and others. 4. Pathankot, the capital of Audumvars, the present Gurudaspur district (see Audumvara).

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PRA 180 PRI Pratyagraha--Same as Ahichchhatra (Hemakosha ; Mbh., Adi, ch. 63). Pravanga-It has been identified with Anga (Pargiter's Markand. P., p. 325). Pravarapura-Srinagar in Kashmir named after its founder Pravarasena II ; the city was built on the site of the village called Sharitaka ; Pravarasena reigned for sixty years (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangin, Vol. I, p. 20 note). Bilhana, who gives a description of the town in his Vikramankadeva-charitam (C. 18), says it was situated on the confluence of the Bitasta (Jhelum) and the Sindhu. Bilhana flourished in the eleventh century A.D., ho is also said to be the author of the Panchasika, the authorship of which is generally ascribed to poet Chaura (see Bohler's Introduction to the Vikraman kadevacharita, p. 7). Pravijaya-Same as Pragvijaya (Markandeya P., ch. 57). Prayaga-Allahabad. It formed a part of the kingdom of Kosala at the time of the Rama yana and Fa Hian in 414 A.D. The celebrated Alshaya Bata or the undecaying banyan tree, which is still an object of worship and which is now situated within a dark subterranean chamber called Patalapura in the fort of Allahabad built by Akbar in 1581, is thus described by Hiuen Tsiang who visited India in the seventh century: "In the city there is a Deva temple beautifully ornamented and celebrated for its numerous miracles. According to their records, this place is a noted one for all living beings to acquire merit." He further says "Before the hall of the temple there is a great tree with spreading boughs and branches, and casting a deep shadow. There was a body-eating demon here, who, depending on this custom (viz., of committing suicide), made his abode here; accordingly on the left and right one sees heaps of bones. Hence when a person comes to this temple, there is everything to persuade him to despise his life and give it up; he is encouraged thereto both by promptings of the heretics and also by tho seduction of the (evil) spirit. From very early days till now this very false custom has been practised." (See also Kurma P., ch. 37 ; and also the story of king Ranaditya in Rajatarangins, Bk. III ; Anarghardghava. Aot VII, 129). Purura va, the hero of the Vikramorvast is said to have been the king of the country of Prayaga (Allahabad), the capital of which was Pratishthana, now called Jhusi. Nahusa, Yayati, Puru, Dushmanta and Bharata are said to have reigned in this city (Brahma Purdna, che. 10, 11, 12; Linga P., Pt. I, ch. 63). The fort of Allahabad was built by Akbar on the site of an ancient Hindoo fort and within it is one of the celebrated pillars of Asoka, set up there in the third century B.O., promulgating the necessity of erecting hospitals and other charitable institutions and interdicting cruelty to animals (see JASB., 1837, p. 796). The Khasru Bagh contains the mausoleum of Khasru, the ill-fated son of Jahangir; it is situated between the mausoleum of his mother, the sistor of Man Singh, and that of his brother Purviz. The temple of Alopi is one of the Pithas, where Sati's back is said to have fallen. The temple of Benimadhava on the confluence of the Ganges and Yamuna is mentioned in the MadhavachArya's Sarkaravijaya (ch. VII). Pretoddharint-The river Pyri or Pairi which joins the Mahanadi at Raju (Asiatic Re searches. Vol. XV; Cunningham's Arch. S. Rep., XVII, p. 8). See Devapura. Prishtha-Champa-Biha: (Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's Heart of Jainism, p. 41). Prithadaka-Pehoa in the Karnal distriot, Panjab, on the river Sarasvati where the cele brated Brahmayoni-tirtha is situated. It is fourteen miles to the west of Thenesvara (Mbh., Vana P., oh. 83; Bhagavata, Bk. X, ch. 77; Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, XIV, p. 101, Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 184). According to the Bamana Purana (ch. 58, v. 116), Prithdaks is situated on the Oghavati. For the Prithadaka inscription, see JA8B, 1863, p. 673.1

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PUL 161 PUN Pulaha-asrama-Same as salagrama (Bardha P., ch. 143). Pulinda-desa-1. It included the western portion of Bundelkhand and the district of Sagar (Bamana P., ch. 76). The Katha-sarit-sagara confounds the Savaras with the Pulindas, and Savar is the same as Sagar (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. XVII, pp. 113, 139). According to Ptolemy the town of the Phullitoe (Pulindas) was Agara (Sagara). A branch of this tribe called the Podas lived in Bengal. According to the Tard Tantra, Pulinda lies to the east of Silahatta (Sylhet) and to the north of Kamarupa. 2. A country to the northwest of Hardwar (Mbh., Vana, ch. 139). Punahpuna-The river Punpun, a tributary of the Ganges in the district of Patna (Vayu P., ch. 108; Padma P., Srishti, ch. 11). Punaka-Poona. In the copper plate inscriptions of the 8th century A.D. found at Teligaon, the name of Poona is mentioned as Punaka or Puna: it was then also the headquar ters of a district. Same as Paunika. Pundarika-kshetra-Same as Pandupura. It is called Pundarikapura in the Brihat Naradiya P. (Uttara, ch. 73) where a Linga of Mahadeva was established by Jaimini. Pundariya-The Satrunjaya mountain in Guzerat; it is one of the five hills sacred to the Jainas, see Samet-sikhara (Antagada-Dasao, Dr. Barnett's trans., p. 58). Same as Pundra-desa-Same as Paundra and Pundra-vardhana. Gauda (Barooah's Dictionary, Vol. III, pp. 109, 110). The name of Pundra first appears in the Aitareya Brahmana. According to Mr. Pargiter Pundra and Paundra were two different countries, and the former comprised the district of Malda, portion of Purnes to the east of the river Kosi and part of Dinajpur and Rajshahi see Paundra (Ancient Countries in Eastern India in JASB., 1877, p. 85). Pundra-vardhana-1. Pandua, called Firuzabad in later times, six miles north of Malda and twenty miles north-east of Gaud (Sir H. Elliot's History of India, Vol. III, p. 298; Garuda Purana, I, ch. 81). It was formerly situated on the river Mahananda which has now receded four miles to the west. It was the capital of Pundra-desa, or Paundra (see Paundra). It contained the temple of Patali Devi (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 51). According to Prof. Wilson (Vishnu P., II, pp. 134, 170), the ancient kingdom of Pundra-desa included the districts of Rajshahi, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Malda, Bogra and Tirhut. According to other authorities the country of Pundra or Pundra-vardhana was situated between the rivers Mahananda and the Karatoya. Mr. Fergusson has shown that the region of Dinajpur, Rungpur and Bogra formed the ancient Pundra-vardhana; in short, it was North Bengal. Mr. Westmacott identifies it with Panjara and Barddhankuti (or Khettal) in Dinajpur (JASB., 1875, p. 188; see also "Notes on the Geography of Old Bengal" in JASB., 1908, p. 267). Cunningham has identified the capital with Mahasthanagad on the Karatoya river in the district of Bogra, twelve miles south of Barddhankuti and seven miles to the north of Bogra, and also with Pabna (see Barendra). In the Sumagadhavadina in the Ava. Kalp. (ch. 93) Pundra-varddhana is said to be 160 yojanas or 640 miles to the east of Sravasti. Whatever may have been the extent of the kingdom of Pundravarddhana, there can be no doubt that the district of Malda was included in it. James Taylor in his Remarks on the Sequel to the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea (JASB., Vol. XV) says that in Kesava Sena Plate, found at Edilpur in the district of Faridpur, Bikrampur is said to have been a part of Paundraka (see a transcription of the plate in JASB., 1838, pp. 45, 50). In the Aitareya Brahmana (VII, 18), the Pundras are mentioned. According to the Rajatarangini (Book IV) Pundravarddhana was the capital of Gaud in the eighth

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PUR 162 PUR century A.D., when it was visited by Jayapida. king of Kasmir, during the reign of Jayanta. Ilyas Shah after a long struggle united Eastern Bengal, the capital of which was Sonargdon (near Dacca) and Western Bengal, the capital of which was Satgaon, in 1352, and the provincial capital was fixed at Pandua to which Firoz gave his own name and Ferozabad remained the capital till 1446 (Lane Poole's Mediaval India under Mahomedan Ruile, p. 164). 2. Same as Pundra-deba. Puralt --Travancore; the Paralia of Ptolemy and the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea (800 Schoff's Periplus, p. 234). It is a corruption of Paraloka, celebrated for its pearl fishery (Bhoja's Yukti-Kalpataru, published in Law's Calcutta Oriental Series, pp. 111, 112). Puranadhishtbana-Pandritan, about four miles to the south-east of Srinagar. It was the ancient capital of Kasmir (Rajataranginf, Bk. V, v. 266). The capital was removed to Srinagara which was built by Pravarasena who reigned from 432 to 464 A.D. Puri-Jagannath in Orissa. It was visited by Vajrasvamin, the Jaina patriaroh after Suhastin. It was then governed by a Buddhist king (Sthavirdvali. XII. 334). Purika-1. Perhaps Paura, the capital of Gedrosia (Mbh., Santi, 111; cf. McCrindle's In vasion of India by Alexander, p. 172). 2. A country on the Nerbuda (Brihat Samhita, ch. 14; Mark. P., ch. 57). Pural-1. A branch of the Tapti (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 41): but gee Payoshnl. 2. The river Paira, a branch of the Godavari (Brahma P., ch. 106). Purnadarba-Kalidjar (Vayu P., ch. 45). Purushapura-Peshawar, the capital of Gandhara (Devi Purdna, ch. 46). See Gandhara and Nava-Gandhara. It was the capital of Kanishka who built hero a relio tower containing - superstructure of carved wood of thirteen storeys, the ruins of which still exist in the mound called Shahji-ki-Dheri outside the Lahore gate of Peshawar (JRAS., 1912, p. 113). A magnificent monastery built by Kanishka stood by its side; it was destroyed during the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni and his successors (Vincent A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 227). For Kanishka's contemporaries see Tamasavana. It was called Purushawar in the eleventh century A.D. (Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 206). Phe Buddhist monk Asanga lived here in the 6th century A.D. It was also the birth-placa of Vasubhandu, Asanga's youngest brother (JRAS., 1905, p. 37). Purushni-Same as Parushni. Parushottama-kshetra Puri in Orissa (see Srikshetra and Puri). Indradyumna, king of Malwa, is said to have caused the image of Jagannath to be made out of a log of wood which he found floating at Bankimohana, and set it up in a temple built by him. (Skanda P., Vishnu Kh., Purushottamakshetra-Mahat., ch. 1; Brahma P., oh. 51). The image was removed and kept concealed at Sonepur-Gopali, on the western border of Orissa, when it was attacked by a Yavana named Rakta vahu at the time of RAJA Siva Deva other. wine called Subhan Deo. The temple was destroyed by an extraordinary flood at the time of RaktavAhu's invasion. The image was recovered several centuries after by Raja Yayati Kesari in the sixth century of the Christian era. But the present temple was built by the minister Paramahamsa Bajpai at a cost of one crore of rupees by the order of Anauga (Anianka) Bhima Deva. The image was afterwards burnt by a Hindu convert named Raju, who was called Kalapahad, the general of Suleman Shah, one of the Pathan kings of Bengal (Kailas Chandra Sen's Daru Brahma ; Stirling's Orissa). Cunningham ways in his Bhilaa Topes that the image of Jagannath was made according to the figure of the Buddhist Tri-ratna. In fact, the image of Jagannatha, Balarama and Subhadra

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PUR 63 PUS represent Buddha, Dharma and Saigha respectively, and also the Vija of the letters Y, R, V, L and S of the ancient Asoka alphabet as signifying the four elements air, fire, water and earth and the Sumeru with the lotus and crescent above it (Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, p. 355 and Puja-Kanda quoted in Hodgson's Literature and Religion of the Bud dhists, p. 105). Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang speak of the drawing of the cars of Buddha, Dharma and Saugha. It has, however, not yet been investigated whether the images of Jagannatha, Balarama and Subhadra correspond to the images of Krishna, Baladeva and the goddess Ekanama respectively, mentioned by Varaha-mihira in his Brihat-samhita (oh. 58, v. 37): for the origin and name of Ekanamen or Savitri, see Vayu P., ch. 25. Mr. Patterson says that the images are the representation of Om (3) (Asia. Res., viii, Jagan. natha). It is now a settled question that Puri is the ancient Dantapura where Buddha's left canine tooth was kept enshrined (see Dantapura and srfksheta). Sakshi-Gopala, which contains a beautiful image of Krishna, is ten miles by rail from Puri, and Remuna, which contains the image of Khirchora-Gopinatha, is five miles to the west of Balasore Parva-ganga-The river Nerbuda. Parva-sindhu Same as Dakshina-Sindhu. Parvasthall-See Parthalis. Parva-Kobala-Same as Kosala (Mbh., Vana, ch. 19). Parva-Sarasvati-A branch of the Gomati (Gumti) which flows through Naimisharanya (Devi-Bhagavata, IV, ch. 8; Matsya P., ch. I, 162)... Parva-Videha-See Apara-Videha (Dr. R. L. Mitra's Lalita vistara, ch. 3 and his note at p. 52). Pushkalavati-Pushkalavati or Pushkaravati, the old capital of Gandhara, is said to have been founded by Bharata, brother of Ramachandra, after the name of his son Pushkala who was placed here as king (Ramayana, Uttara, chs. 101, 114; Lassen in JASB., 1840, p. 476). Alexander the Great besieged and took it from Astes (Hasti) and placed Sangoeus (Sanjaya) as his successor. It was probably Ashtanagara or Hashtanagara (Charsaddah), eighteen miles north of Peshawar, on the Landi (formed by the united streams of Swat and Panjkora) near its junction with the Kabul river in the district of Peshawar. It was the Peukelaotes of the Greeks, situated on the Indus, fifteen miles north-eastward beyond the Kabul river. See Gandhara. The ancient name of Pushkalavati or Pushkar&vati is said to have been Utpalavati (in the Uttarapatha) where Buddha in a former birth as Brahmaprabha, a hermit, gave his body to a famished tigress who was about to eat her two new-born cubs (Divyavadana-mala in Dr. R. Mitter's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 316). Pushkara-The Pushkar Lake, six miles from Ajmir. It is called also Pokhra. At the time of the Mahabharata the seven tribes of Mlechohhas called Utsabasauketa lived near or about Pushkara (Sabha Parva, chs. 27, 32), and also in the Himalaya (Raghuvamia, ch. IV, 78). Pushkara-dvipa-A portion of Central Asia commencing from the north of the Oxus, including Western Tartary. Perhaps it has derived its name from Bhushkara or Bokhara. It was comprised in Scythia of the Greeks. Pushkara-sarasvati-See Sarasvati (1), (Mbh., Salya, ch. 39). Pushkaravati-Same as Pushkalavati. Pushkaravati-nagara-Rangoon. It is said to be situated in Ramanya Mandala. Tapusa and Bhalluka, two brothers who gave honey and other articles of food to Buddha just after

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PUS 164 RAD he attained Buddhahood, came from Puskaravati-nagara, which is also called Okalla by other Buddhist writers. They built a dagoba called the Shaidagon Pagoda upon the hairs given to them by Buddha after their return to their native country (Upham's Buddhist Tracts in the Sacred Books of Ceylon, Vol. III, p. 110; JASB., 1859, p. 473). Pushpa-giri-A part of the Malaya range, in which the river Kritamala (Vaiga) has got its source (Markandeya P., ch. 57; cf. Vishnu P., Pt. II, ch. 3). Pushpapura-Patna. It appears that it was originally the name of a quarter of ancient Pataliputra and inhabited by the rich and the nobles (Mudrarakshasa, Act I); from the name of this quarter the whole town was called Pushpapura or Kusumapura (or Kumrar) where the royal palace was situated. Same as Pataliputra and Kusumapura. Pushpavati-The river Pambai in Travancore (Bardha P., ch. 85). R Radha-That part of Bengal which lies to the west of the Ganges (Ananda Bhatta's Ballalacharitam, pt. II, ch. 1), including Tamluk, Midnapur (Wilson's Introduction to Mackenzie Collections, chaps. 138, 139) and the districts of Hughli and Burdwan. A portion of the district of Murshidabad was included in its northern boundary. It was the native country of Vijaya, who conquered Ceylon with seven hundred followers (Upham's Rajaval, pt. 1; Rajatarangini, ch. 2; Mahavamsa, chaps. 6, 47); see Simhala. It is the Lala of the Buddhists and Lada of the Jainas. According to the latter, Bajjrabhumi and Subbhabhumi are the two divisions of Lada where Mahavira or Varddhamana, the 24th Tirthankara, wandered for more than 12 years before he attained Jinahood (Buhler's Indian Sect of the Jinas) at Jrimbhikagrama on the river Rijupalika near the Parasnath hills (Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's Heart of Jainism, p. 38). Prof. Jacobi supposes that Subbhabhumi is probably the country of the Suhmas, who are also identified with the Radhas (Jacobi's Acharanga Sutra, bk. 1, ch. 8, sec. 3 in SBE., Vol. XXII, p. 84). The ancient name of Radha was Sumha (Nilakantha, see Sumha) and its name in the medieval period was Lata or Lala. The Puranas call the country by the name of Sumha, excepting the Devi-Purana (ch. 39) in which Radha is mentioned. Kalidasa mentions Sumha in his Raghuvamsa, IV, v. 35. Radha is perhaps the Ganga of the inscriptions (Epigraphia Indica, II, 198; IV, 288). It is the country of the Gangrida Calinga of Pliny and Ganga. ridai of Megasthenes and Ptolemy. Its capital according to Ptolemy, was Gange which is identified with Saptagrama or Satgaon. To account for the names of Gaiga, Gange and Ganges Regia, either we must suppose that at the beginning of the Christian era the country was either conquered by some monarch of the Ganga dynasty of the south (see Palakada for the Ganga dynasty of Mysore), or that it derived its name from its capital Saptagrama, called Ganga on account of its situation on the Ganges. See Ganga. According to Diodorus the Ganges flowed by the eastern side of the country of the Gangaridai. It should be stated that according to Prof. Wilson, Ananta Varma, the first of the line of Ganga-vamsa kings of Orissa was also called "Kolahala, sovereign of Ganga-Radhi" (Mackenzie Collections, Intro., cxxxviii). Rajasekhara who flourished in the tenth century mentions the name of Radha instead of Sumha (Karpura-manjari, Act I). The Prabodhachandrodaya-Nataka (Act II) which was written in the eleventh century speaks of Dakshina Radha, indicating that before that period Radha was divided into Uttara and Dakshina Radha. The portion on the north of the river Ajaya (including a portion of the district of Murshidabad, is Uttara Radha and that on the south is Dakshina Radha. In the Mahd

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RAI 165 RAM Lingesvara Tantra in the Hundred-names of Siva the names of Tarakesvara and Siddhinatha are mentioned and their temples are said to be situated in Radha. Hence the celebrated temple of Tarakesvara must have been existing before that book was composed. For the history of Radha before the Mahomedan period see my Notes on the History of the District of Hughly in JASB., 1910, p. 599. It should be stated that Radha is a corruption of Rashtra, and an abbreviation of Ganga-Rashtra or Ganga-Rada (the kingdom of Ganga the "district of the Ganges" of the Periplus and Ganga-ride of Megasthenes. Ganga. Rada was contracted into Ganga mentioned in the Kausitakt Upanishad and in the Karhad Plate Inscription of Krishna III, and also into Rada which is further corrupted into Lada and Lala. Raibhya-Asrama-Kubjamra at a short distance to the north of Hardwar; it was the hermitage of Rishi Raibhya. Ralvata Mount Girnar near Junagar in Guzerat. It was the birth-place of Neminatha, hence it is one of the five great Tirthas of the Jainas (Tod's Rajasthana, Vol. I, ch. 19; Mbh., Sabha, ch. 14); see Samet-Sikhara. For the names of the 24 Tirthankaras of the Jainas, see Sravastl. It is the Revayae hill of the Jainas near Baravai or Dvarabati (Antagada-Dasao, Dr. Barnett's trans., p. 84). Ralvataka-Same as Raivata (Mbh., Adi, ch. 220). Rajagriha-1 Rajgir (Agni P., ch. 10), the ancient capital of Magadha (see Girlvrajapura). The new town of Rajagriha was built by Bimbisara, father of Ajatasatru, at a distance of about a mile to the north of the old town of Rajagriha or Girivrajapura of the Mahabharata (Asvaghosha's Buddha-charita, in SBE., XLIX). 2. Rajgiri on the north bank of the Bias in the Panjab, the captial of Asvapati, king of Kekaya and maternal grandfather of Bharata (Ramayana, Ayodhya k., ch. 70). Rajamahendra-The capital of Kalinga, said to have been founded by Mahendra Deva, but see Rajapura. Rajanagara-Ahmedabad in Gujerat (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 42). See Kariavati. Rajapura-The capital of Kalinga (Mbh., Santi, oh. 4). Perhaps it was the ancient name of Rajamahendri. Rajapuri-Rajauri, south of Kasmir and south-east of Punach called Puhats by the Kasmiris. Ramadasapura-Amritsar in the Punjab. Ramdas, the Sikh Guru, built a hut on the margin of a natural pool of water which was the favourite resort of Baba Nanak. Ramdas obtained a grant of the pool which was considered sacred. It was improved and formed into a tank which was called the tank of nectar (Punjab Gazetteer-Amritsar). It was also called Chak. Ramagad-Gauda-Balarampur, twenty eight miles north-east of Gonda in Oudh. Ramagiri-Ramtege (Ramtak), 24 miles north of Nagpur in the Central Provinces (Wilson's Meghadata, v. 1 note). Traditionally Ramtek was the place where Sambuka, a Sudra, performed asceticism, for which reason he was killed by Ramachandra, hence it may also be identified with the Saibala-giri (mountain) of the Ramayana, (Uttara, ch. 88). It contains a temple of Ramachandra and also a temple dedicated to Nagarjuna. Kalidasa places the scene of his story in Meghaduta at Ramagiri Ramagiri has also been identified with Ramgad in Sirguja, one of the tributary states of Chhota Nagpur. There is a large cavern called Sita Bangira cave high up in the rooks, forty-five feet deep and siz feet high at the entrance, containing inscriptions of the time of Asoka. There is also

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RAM 166 RAM a natural fissure in the mountain called Hatiphor tunnel (cave), through which a small rivulet has worn out a passage. The tunnel is 450 feet long with a diameter ranging from 55 to 16 feet, and height 108 feet. The cave is said to have been noticed in the Ramayana and in the Raghuvamiz (Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. XIII, p. 41; Lists of Ancient Monuments in the Chhota Nagpur Division). But the identification of Ramagiri with Ramgad does not appear to be correct. There can be no doubt therefore that the Sita Baigira Cave at Ramgad in the Sirguja State is the Riksha-vila of the Ramayana (Kishk. k., chs. 51, 52), but there is another Bindhyachala: see Bindhyachala (2). Ramagrama-Rampur Deoriya in the district of Basti in Oudh, which once contained a stupa over a portion of the remains of Buddha's body, now washed away by the river (Arch. S. Report, Vol. XVIII, p. 4; XXII, pp. 2, 111; Upham's Mahavambi, ch. 31). It was visited by Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang. Ramahrada-A sacred tank or lake situated on the northern side of Thaneswar; it is 3546 feet in length from east to west and 1900 feet in breadth from north to south. It was called Dvaipayanahrada on account of an island in the middle of it, which contained a well called" Chandra-kapa. It was also called Saryanavant or Saryanavata in the Rig- Veda (I, 84, 14), a small tank situated on the north-eastern side of this tank is still called Sunetear which is evidently a corruption of Saryanavata the two tanks being formerly one. It was also called Brahmasara on account of Brahma having performed austerities on the bank of this tank. It was likewise called Ramahrada as Parasurama gave oblations with the water of this tank to the manes of his ancestors after destroying the Kshattriyas. It was also called Chakra-tirtha as on the bank of this tank Krishna attempted to kill Bhisma with his discus (chakra) in violation of his promise not to use any arms in the Kurukshetra war. It was on the bank of this tank that Kuru performed austerities on account of which the surrounding country was called Kurukshetra (but see Oghavati). On the bank of this tank Purfrava recovered Urvasi, and Indra killed Vritraeura by a thunderbolt made of the bone of Dadhichi Muni (Mahabharata, Vana, chs. 83, 100, 101; Cunningham's Anc. Geo., pp. 331-335). Ramakeli-A village about 18 miles to the south-east of Malda in the district of Rajshahi in Bengal. It contains two tanks called Rupasagara and Sanatanasagara, said to have been excavated by the two brothers Rupa and Sanatana, the celebrated followers of Chaitanya who were formerly ministers of Hossain Shah, king of Gauda. It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-Bhagavata, Antya Kh., ch. IV). A fair is held here every year in the month of Jyaishtha to commemorate the conversion of the two brothers into Vaishnavism. Ramaniyaka-A pleonastic form of Ramaniya, that is Armenia (Mahabharata, Adi, ch. 26: see my Rasatala or the Under-world). Ramanya-Pegu and the delta of the Irawadi. It was also called Aramana (Phayre's Hist. of Burma, p. 30). Rama-tirtha-Three miles north of Hangal in Dharwar district, Bombay Presidency (Padma P., Swarga (Adi), ch. 19; Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, VIII, p. 137). Ramesvaram-Same as Setubandha (Ramayana, Lanka k., ch. 25). The island of Ramesvara is separated from the mainland of India by the Pumben Passage. It contains the celebrated temple of Ramesvara said to have been established by Ramachandra himself. Ramajharaka, containing the impression of Ramachandra's feet, is one mile and a half from the Ramesvara temple, from this place Ramachandra is said to have supervised the construction of the Adam's Bridge.

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RAM 167 RAS Ramosvara-sangama-The confluence of the river Banas with the Cham bal. Rankshu-The Rangit, a tributary of the Tista in the Darjeeling district (Markand. P., ch. 57). Rantipura-Rintambur or Rintipur on the Gomati, a branch of the Chambal. It was the abode of Ranti Deva alluded to by Kalidasa in his Meghaduta (pt. I, 61. 47). The story of Ranti Deva's sacrifice of cows is related in the Mahabharata (Drona P., ch. 67). Rase-The river Jazartes, the Ranha of the Avesta (Macdonnel and Keith's Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, Vol. II, p. 209; Rig Veda, X, 75). Rasatala-Western Tartary, including Turkestan and the northern side of the Caspian Sea, the country of the Huns who were also called Te le, the Sanskrit form of wbich is Tala. Rasktala or Patala was the general name of the country as well as the specific name of one of its provinces. The seven "spheres" or provinces of Rasatala derived their names from the different tribes of Huns and Scythians (Sakas) who dwelt there and belonged to the Turanian stock, (1) Atala derived its name from the A-telites ; (2) Bitala from the Ab-telites; (3) Nitala from the Neph-thalites; (4) Talatala from the To-charis (or the Takshakas of the Mahabharata and the Puranas, see Todd's Rajasthan, vol. I, ch. V, p. 01 note). The Vishnu P. (ii, ch. 8) has Gabhastimat instead of Talatala ; Gabhasti appears to be the same as the Jaxartes (ibid., ch.4), especially the upper portion of it; (5) Mahatala from the Hai-talites; (6) Sutala from the Ci-darites or su tribes who lived in the Upper Jazartes and the Oxus. They were the Surabhis or cows (Chorosmi of the classical writers) and Suparnas or Garudas or birds of the Mahabharata (Udyoga, chs. 100 and 101), who lived in the Trans-Caspian District. The names of the several tribes of Suparnas commence with Su (ibid., ch. 100). The Garudas were Sakas, but they followed the Zoroastrian religion : (7) Rasktala is the valley of the Rasa (q.v.) or the Jaxartes. It derived its name from the river Rasa, on the banks of which the Huns and the Scythians (Sakas) resided. They were called Nagas or serpents. The word Naga is evidently a corruption of Hiung-nu, the ancient name of the Huns, and according to some authority they believed that the Serpent.(Naga) was the symbol of the earth (Ragozin's Vedic India, p. 308). Each name of the serpents of PatAla as mentioned in the Mahabharata (Adi, ch. 35) represents a tribe of Ngas, as Sesha--the Sees of Sogdiana, Vasuki-the Usuivis, Takshakas-the Tocharis, Agvatara--the Agia, Tittirithe Tatars afterwards called Tartars, etc. For the different names of the Huns, or rather of their tribes, see Dr. Modi's Karly History of the Huns in JBBRAS., vol. XXIV (1916-17), pp. 566, 548. Some of the Scythians also were Hunnic tribes (ibid., p. 563). Patala, though a general name, is evidently derived from the Eph-thalitas or the White Huns; they were called white in contradistinction to the black or sun-burnt Huns of the North (ibid., p. 565). Rasktala or Patala wae also the abode of the Danavas (demons) who were also Turanians. (Dr. J. J. Modi's Ancient Patnliputra in JBBRAS., vol. XXIV (1916-17), pp. 519, 521). The classical name of the Caspian Sea wag Mare Cagpium or Hyrcanum, whicb shows that the name was derived from the two parts of the name of Hiranyakasipu (a daitya), the son of Kasyapa ; and the ancient town of Hyrcania near the modern town of Asterabad to the south-east of the Caspian Sea must have been his capital, the ancient Hiranyapura (Padma P., Srishti, ch. 6) though tradition places it (q.v.) in India. Bali's palace was situated in Sutala or in the TransCaspian District (Harivamia, ch. 262). Kasyapa was the progenitor of the aforesaid tribes. The idea of Patala being below the surface of the earth, which can be entered through a subterranean passage and the conception that it contains seven spheres one above the other, have arisen out of a hazy memory of a primeval age, and the association

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RAS 168 RIK of the region with the Nagas or serpents living underground has naturally led to the idea that it could be entered by subterranean passages through holes on the surface of the earth. Its association also with the demons, cows and Garuda birds that cannot live with the serpents has resulted in its division into several distinct spheres. (For a fuller description, see my Rasatala or the Under-World.) Rastika-See Lata. Rathastha-The river Rapti in Oudh (Mbh., Adi., ch. 172; R. K. Roy's Mbh., p. 206 note) Ratnadvipa-Ceylon. Ratnakara-nadi-The Kana-nadi on which is situated Khanakul. Krishnanagara, a town in the district of Hughli in Bengal, which contains the temple of Mahadeva Ghantesvara (Mahdlingesvara Tantra). Ratnapura-Ratanpura, 15 miles north of Bilaspur in the Central Provinces, was the capital of Dakshina Kosala or Gondwana. It was perhaps the capital of Mayuradhvaja and his son Tamradhvaja who fought with Arjuna and Krishna for the sacrificial horse (JaiminiBharata, ch, 41). Ratanpura became the capital of the Haihaya kings of Chhatis gad, where they ruled for fifty generations. Ravanahrada-It is supposed to be the Anava-tapta or Ano-tatta lake of the Buddhist works. It is called by the Tibetans Langak-tso and Rakhas-tal. The lake is fifty miles in length and twenty-five miles in breadth. There is a hill in the middle of the lake. On the bank of the lake in the Gyantang monastery, there is a gigantic image of Ravana, king of Lanka. He is said to have bathed every day in this lake, and then worshipped Mahadeva in the Kailasa mountain at a place called Homa-kunda. The Sutlej is said to have its source in this lake. (For a description of the lake, see Sven Hedin's Trans- Himalaya, Vol. II, ch. 47). Remani-Six miles to the west of Balasore in Orissa, containing the temple of Kshirachora Gopinatha, visited by Chaitanya. Renuka-tirtha-About sixteen miles north of Nahan in the Panjab (Padma P., Swarga, Adi, ch. 11). Renuka was the mother of Parasurama. The Padma Purana mentions nine holy places (usaras) in Northern India; Renuka, Sakara (Soron on the Ganges), Kasi (Benares), Kali (Karra on the Ganges), Iswara, Kalahjara and Mahakala (Ujjain). Reva--The river Nerbuda (Meghadata, Pt. I, v. 20; Padma P., Svarga, ch. 10), but according to some Puranas the Reve and the Narmada are different rivers (Bdmana P., ch. 13, vs. 25, 30; Bhagavata P., Bk. V, ch. 19). Revapura-Same as bivalaya. Ghussinesa Mahadeva is said to be in Revapura (Padma P., Uttara, ch. 62); hence Revapura is identical with SivAlay&. Revavanti-Revadanda (see Champivati). Rljupalika The river BarAkar near Giridih in the district of Hazaribagh, Chutia Nagpur division. From an inscription in a tomple about 8 miles from Giridih, containing foot. prints of Mahavira, it appears that the name of the river, on which it was originally situated but in a different locality, was RijupAlik 4, the present temple being erected with the materials of the old ruined temple removed to this place. Hence the original site of the temple must have been Jrim bhikagrams which was near the Parasnath hills (Kalpastra in SBE., XXII, p. 263; Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's Heart of Jainism, p. 38). Riksha-parvata-The eastern part of the Vindhye range extending from the Bay of Bengal to the source of the Nerbada and the Sone (Brahmanda P., ch. 48), including the mountains south of the Sone, namely those of Chutia Nagpur, Ramgar, etc., as well as the mountains

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RIK 169 RIS of Gondwana in which the river Mahanadi has got its source (Mbh., Santi., ch, 52) and also the mountains where the rivers Nerbuda, Sone, Suktimati, etc., take their rise (Baraha P., ch. 85; Skanda P., Reva Kh., ch. 4). Biksha-vila-The Sita-Bangira cave at Ramgad in the Sirguja State of the Chutia-Nagpur division (Ramayana, Kishk, k., chs. 51, 52; List of Ancient Monuments in the Chota Nagpur Division). The latter work wrongly indentifies Ramgad including the Sita-Bangira cave and the Hatiphor tunnel with Rainagiri of the Meghadata. See Ramagirl. But this Rikshavila appears to have been situated in the Vindhyachala of North Mysore (Ramayana, Kishk., chs. 48, 50) and not of Northern India. Rishabha-parvata-The Palni hills in Madura, which form the northern portion of the Malaya mountain (Mbh., Vana P., ch, 85; Chaitanya-charitamrita, II; Gaurasundara, p. 214). (The Mahabharata, Vana P., ch. 85) says it is situated in Pandya. The hills are locally called Barkha Parvata. Rishikulya-1. The Rishikuilia river on which Ganjam is situated; it rises in the Mahendra hills (Brahmanda P., Parva, ch. 48). It is also called Rasikoila (Thornton's Gazetteer, Ganjam). 2. The Kiyul, which rises on the Suktimat mountain in Bihac sub-division not far from Rajgir (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 124). Rishipattana--Sarnath near Benares Isipatana of the Buddhists (Lalitavistaru, ch. 26). Rishyamaka-A mountain situated eight miles from Anagondi on the bank of the Tuiga bhadra. The river Pampa rises in this mountain and falls into the Tuugabhadra after flowing westward. It was at this mountain that Ramchandra met Hanuman and Sugriva for the first time (Ramdyana, Kishk., ch. IV). Matanga-vana, where the female ascetic Savari resided, was near this mountain on the western side of the river Pampa. Rishyasrloga-Asrama --The hermitage of Rishi Rishyasringa of the Ramayana was situated at Rishi-kunda, twenty-eight miles to the west of Bhagalpur, and four miles to the southwest of Bariarpur, one of the stations of the East India Railway (Ramayana, Adi k., ch. 9). The hermitage was situated in a circular valley formed by the Maira hill which is evidently the Maruk hill of Captain Thuillier (see the Kharakpur Hills in JASB., 1852, p. 204). The valley is open only on the northern side. It contains seven springs issuing from the foot of the western hills, five being of hot water and two of cold at their extremities. The combined water of these springs is collected in a tank or pool called Rishi-kunda, the superfluous water of which issues out of the northern side of the valley in the shape of a small stream called the Abhi-nadi and falls into the Ganges at a distance of five miles ; but it is evident that the Ganges formerly flowed very close to the north of the valley. A small space enclosed with broken stones on the north bank of the tank is pointed out as the place where the Rishi and his father Bibhandaka used to sit in meditation, and a stone slab near its northern bank is shown as the place where they used to perform ablu. tions. A fair is held here every third year in honour of the Rishi Rishyasringa. Other places as the Singarika or Rishyaafinga Parvata, 8 miles to the south of the Kajra station (Ind. Ant., vol. II, p. 140) also claim the honour of being the hermitage of the Rishi (see Rohinnala), but from the proximity of Rishi-kunda to the Ganges, which afforded facility to the public women sent by Romapada, king of Anga to entice away the young hermit from his seclusion, preference should be given to it as the likely place where Rishygepinga and his father Bibhandaka performed austerities. The Rishi's hermitage is said in the Mahabharata to have been situated not far from the river Kusi (ancient Kausikl). and three yojanas or twenty-four miles from Champa, where the hongee of the public women were situated. (Mbh., Vana, chaps. 110, 111).

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RIS 170 ROR Rishyaspinga-girl-Same as Srlogagirl. Roalesvara ---Roalsar, a celebrated lake and famous place of pilgrimage within the territory of the Raja of Mundi, a hill-state stretching along the middle course of the Bias in the Panjab, about 64 miles to the north-west of Jvalamukhi. The lake contains seven moving hills, one of which called Gauri Devi possesses special sanctity. Padmasambhava, the founder of Buddhism in Tibet, is worshipped here not only by the Lamas, but by the Brahmins as Rishi Lomasa (JASB., 1902, p. 39). His temple is situated on the side of the lake and is visited by Buddhist pilgrims from China, Japan and Tibet. Rohana-Adam's Peak in Ceylon; it is also called Sumana-kata (Murari's Anarghardghava, Act vii, 99; Rajatarangint, iii, v, 72; Upham's Rajdvall). Rohi-Afghanistan; it was also called Rohn. Same as Loba. Rohifi-The rivulet Rohin in the Nepalese Teraj which separated Kapilavastu from Koli (P C. Mukherjee's Antiquities in the Terai, Nepal, p. 48). An impending fight for the exclusive right of drawing water for the purposes of irrigation from the river Rohini between the Koliyas and the Sakiyas was averted by Buddha (J dlaka, Camb. ed., vol. V, pp. 219-221). Rohinnala - Lo-in-ni-lo of Hiuen Tsiang. Vivien St. Martin has identified it with Rohinnala and General Cunningham with Rajaona which is two miles to the north-west of the Lakhisarai station of the E. I. Railway. General Cunningham also surmises that by Lo-in-ni-lo Hiuen Tsiang meant Kiyul (Arch. S. Rep., vol. III). Rohinnala of St. Martin is not fictitious as supposed by Cunningham. There is actually a village called Rehuanala situated on the Ganges; perhaps it also existed at the time when it was visited by the Chinese traveller. Rehuanala, which is evidently a corruption of Rohit-nala or Rohin. nala, is five miles to the north-west of Urain in the district of Monghyr. There are many Buddhist and other ancient ruins at Urain (which was fromerly called Ujjain) and also at Rehudnala. Rehuanala must have been a celebrated place, otherwise there would have been no foundation for the local tradition that "ore Rehudnald was in the dominion of Indradumnya, the last king of Jayanagar, who is supposed by General Cunningham and Buchannan (Eastern India, II, p. 26) to have been the last of the Pala Rajas of Magadha (Bihar) who was defeated by Mukhdum Maulana Bux, one of the chiefs under Bakhtiar Khiliji. Seven miles to the south of Rehuanald there is a spur of the Vindhya Range called Singhol hill, where according to the local tradition, Rishyasringa's Asrama was situated; it contains several springs and some temples (see Bishyasringa-Arama). Rohita -Rohtas, in the district of Shahabad in Bengal, celebrated for its fort, which is said to have been built (Harivamsa, ch. 13) by Rohitasva, son of Raja Harischandra of the Ramayana and Markandeya Purana and ancestor of Ramachandra of Oudh. It was also called Rohitasva (JASB., viii, p. 698). The buildings in the fort were repaired and renovated by Man Sing in 1597 A.D. after he was appointed Subedar of Bengal and Bihar. The Rhotas hill is a spur of the Kymore range a branch of the Vindhya mountain. For Man Sing's inscription and the genealogy of the kings of Rohtas, see JASB., 1839, pp. 354, 693. Rohitaks-Rohtak, forty two miles north-west of Delhi in the Panjab. It was conquered by Nakula, one of the Pandavas (Mbh., Sabha P., ch. 32). The ancient town called Khokra-kot is at a small distance to the north of the modern town. Rohitasv&-Same as Rohita (J ASB., vol. VIII, p. 695). Roruva-The capital of Sauvira (Aditta Jataka in Jataka (Cam. Ed.), III, p. 280 Mald. Govinda Sutta in Digha Nikaya, XIX, 36).

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RUD 171 SAI Rudra-Gaye-In Kolhapura (Pa:ima P., Uttara, ch. 62). Rudrakoti-1. In Kurukshetra (Padma P., Svarga, ch. 11). 2. On the Nerbuda near its source (Padma P., Swarga, Adi, ch. 6). Rudrapada-In Mahalaya or Omkaranatha, where Mahadeva (Rudra) left bis foot-mark (Kurma P., Pt. II, ch. 36). Rurumunda Parvata-Same as Urumunda Parvata (Divyavadana, Cowell's ed., che, XXVI, p. 349; XXVII). Sabhramati-The river SAbarmati in Guzerat (Padma P., Uttara kh., ch. 52). It rises from Nandikunda (ch, 53) or the modern Dhanbar Lake near Mirpura, twenty miles north of Doongapura, and falls into the Gulf of Kambay. Sadanira-1. The river Karatoy& which flows through the districts of Rungpur and Dinajpur, the ancient Pundra (Amara kosha, Patala, V; Tithitatva, p. 796). The river is said to have been formed by the perspiration which flowed from the hand of Siva at the time of his marriage with Durga. 2. A river mentioned in the satapatha-Brahmana as being situated between Videha (Tirhut) and Kosala (Oudh); the river was the limit of the Aryan colonisation and conquest on the east at the time when the Satapu ha-Brahmana, was composed by Yajfavalkya (see Satapatha-Brahmana, IX, 4). It has been identified with the river Gandak (Eggeling's Introduction to the Sata patha-Brahmana in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XII, p. 104), but in the Mahabharata (Sabha P., ch. 20), it has been placed between the Gandaki and the Sarayu, and in the list of rivers Sadanira is mentioned as a distinct river from the Karatoya or the Gandak (see Mh., Bhishma P., ch. 9). Mr. Pargiter identifies it with the Rapti, a tributary of the Sarayu (see his Markandeya P., c. 57, p. 294). Scala-Same as Sakala, the capital of Milinda or Menander, king of the Yonakas or Bactrian Greeks (Milinda Panha, Vol. XXXV of SBE, p. 1). The Saukheyya monastery was near Sagala. It was the "aptial of Madra-desa (Jataka, Vol. IV, p. 144). Sagara-sangama-A celebrated place of pilgrimage still called by that name or Ganga-sagara near the mouth of the Ganges, said to have been the hermitage of Rishi Kapila, same as Kapilasrama. (Brihat-Dharma Purana, Purva khanda, ch. 6; Mh., Vana, ch. 114). The temple in honour of Kapila Muni in Sagar Island was erected in 430 A.D., but it was washed away by the sea in 1842. It onoe contained a population of 200,000 (JASB., 1850, p. 538, note). Sahaniana-Same as Sanjan (Hariva vida. ch. 33). Sahasarama-Sasiram in the district of Shahabad. Asoka's inscription is on Chandan Pir's hill situated on the east of the modern town. It is ninety miles to the south-west of Patna. Within the town is situated the tomb of Sher Shah in an artificial tank. For Pratapa Dhavala's inscription of 1173 A.D, and Asoka's inscription on Chandan Sahid hill, see JASB., 1839, p. 354. Sahyadri - Ihe northern parts of the Western Ghats north of the river Kaveri , the portion south of the river Kaveri was called Malaya-giri (see Mahavira-charita, Act V, v. 3). Sahyadrija --The river Kaveri (Siva P., Vidyesvarasamhita, ch. X). Saibala-Same as sivalaya (Brihat-Siva P., II, ch. 4). Saibala-girl-Ramagiri or Ramtek mountain, 24 miles to the north of Nagpur in the Central Provinces. At the foot of this mountain a sadra, performed asoeticism, on account of which he was killed by Ramachandra (Ramayana, Uttara k., ch. 88). See Ramagui and Samba ka-Abrama. It was situated on the southern side of the Vindhya range (Ibid.).

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SAI 172 SAK Sailoda-The river Jaxartos which flows through the northern extremity of Sogdiana (Matsya P., ch. 120 and J ASB., Vol. LXXI, p. 156). But the Jaxartes has been identified with the river Sita (see sita). The identification of Sailoda with the Jaxartes does not appear to be correct (see Brahmanda P., ch. 51). The river is said to be situated between the Meru and Mandara mountains (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 51) and near Uttara-kuru (Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 43). Sairindhra-Sirhind (scc Btihat-samhita, XIV, ch. 29). Sairishaka-Sirsa in the Panjab (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 32). Saitabahini-Same as Bahuda (Amarakosha). Sakadvipa-Tartary including Turkestan in Central Asia, the country of the Sakas (JASB., Vol. LXXI, p. 154). Soy-thia and Sog-dia-na are corruptions of Saka-dvfpa. According to the Greek geographers the Sakas lived to the east of Sogdiana, now called the Pamir, the country between Bokhara and Samarkhand. According to Strabo the country lying to the east of the Caspian Sea was called Scythia (see also Ragozin's Assyria, ch. 12). In 160 B.c. the Sakas or Sse were expelled from Sogdiana by the Yushtis or Yuehchis, a tribe of the Tatars. The Sakas, after fighting their way, through the Greek kingdoms, ceded to Chandragupta by Seleukos and which had become independent after the death of Asoka, invaded India through Sindh and established themselves at Mathura, Ujjayini and Girinegara, as Kshatrapas or viceroys under their king at Seistan which means "the land of the Sse". or Sakas. Meanwhile the five tribes of the Yushtis or Yuehchis being pressed from behind conquered Baktria in 126 B.C. (see Balhlka and Sakala and Panchanada). About a century afterwards the Kushanas one of the branches became predominant. The Kushanas after defeating the Saka suzerain in Seistan pushed forward and conquered the Panjab and ousted the Saka satrap from Mathura, and they made Takshasila their capital of the king. dom extending from Baktria to the Doab of the Ganges, and Mathurremained their subordinate capital. Kanishka, belonging to the Kushan tribe of the Tartars, became the king of the Kushan kingdom in the first or second century A.D. The resemblance of the following names of the countries, rivers and mountains in Sakadvipa as given in the ancient Hindu works to those mentioned by Ptolemy in his geography is striking - Mahabharata, Bhishma Parva, ch. 11-Ptolemy (MoCrindle's translation pp. 283-297. Sakadvipa. Skythia. Countries (Varshas). Kumuda . .. Inhabited by the Komedai (a mountain district called Komedorum Montes by the Greeks) between the source of the Oxus and the Jaxartes. Komedorum Montes is the Tsung. hing mountain of Hiuen Tsiang : 800 Kiu mi-to in Beal's RWC., Vol. I, p. 41. Sukumara Komaroi. Jalada .. Golaktophagoi. Jalandhara . Salateroi (p. 268) or the Zaratoi (p. 288). Countries (Janapada). Mriga .. .. .. .. .. Margine or Margiana, present Merv (Brete chneider's Medical Researches, Vol. II, p. 103). Massagetai. Mandaga .. .. .. .. Makhaitegoi. Masaka .. ..

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173 Rivers. Kumari .. .. Sita .. .. .. .. .. The Syr-daria or the Jaxartos (daria means river). Chakshuvarddhana The Oxos or the Oxus. The Rha or the Volga. Mountains. Meru .. Mt. Imaus. Malaya .. Alana mountain. Sy&ma-giri Kaukasos Mount (including the Beloortag and the Mustag mountain which means the Black mountain. It is identical with Mount Syamaka of the Avesta (Yast. XIX, 5; SBE, Vol. XXIII, p. 288). Vishnu Pundna, pt. II, ch. 4 ;-Ptolemy (McCrindle's translation, pp. 283-297). Countries. Kusumoda. .. .. .. Inhabited by the Khorasmai (p. 282). Maudadi .. .. .. .. Inhabited by the Mardyenoi (p. 281). River. Ikshu .. .. .. .. .. The Oxos. Mountain. Asta-giri Aska-tangka (tangka means mountain, p. 285). Durga Saila .. The El Burz mountain, as both the words Durga and Burz mean a fort (see my Rasta la or the Under-World). Town. MArkanda .. .. .. .. Samarkand (p. 274), the capital of Sogdo or Sogdiana, called Maracanda (Bretschneider's Mediaeval Researches, II, p. 58; McCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 40). It should be noted that in Sakadvipa, the river Hiranvati (the river of gold) mentioned in the Mahabharata (VI, ch. 8), forming the boundary of the country of the Suparnas or Garudas, is evidently Zarafshan, the distributor of gold) It is the river Hataki-Nads of Rasktala of the Bhagavata (V, ch. 24). It rises in the Fan-tau mountains and falls into Kara-kul lake. Babala-The capital of Madradesa (Mahabharata, Sabha, ch. 32). It has been identified by Cunningham with Sanglawala-Tiba on the Apaga river west of the Ravi in the district of Jhang in the Panjab. But this identification has been proved to be erroneous, it has boen identified with Chuniot or Shakkot in the Jhang district. But Dr. Fleet ha identified

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SAK 174 SAL Sakala with Sialkote in the Lahore division, Panjab (Smith's Early History of India, 3rd ed., p. 75; Rapson's Ancient India, p. 130), and this identification is confirmed by the local tradition that the town was founded by Raja Sal (i.e., Salya), uncle of the Pandavas. I#became the capital of the Greek king Demetrius after his expulsion from Bactria and of his successors dr a to Dionysius who ascended the throne after Menander, -Milinda of the Buddhists (1.0-110 B.C.), (see Balhika and Sakadvipa). The Vayu Purana (ch. 99) also mentions that eight Yavana kings reigned at this place for 82 years. Sakala was called Euthydemia by the Greeks (see MoCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 121) and Sagala by the Buddhists (Kalinga- Bodhi Jataka in Jataka, Cam. ed., IV, 144). It is the birth-place of Savitri, the wife of Satyavana (Matsya Purana, ch. 206). Salya, the brother of Madri, was king of Madra at the time of the Mahabharata. Mihirakula made Sakala his 'capital in 510 A.D. after the death of his father Toramana who had established himself at Malwa with the white Huns, but according to some authorities Mihirakula's grandfather Lakhana Udaya ditya established his capital at Sakala (see Magadha). gakambhari-1. Sam bhara in Western Rajputana (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 78; Ind. Ant., VIII, 159; X, 161 ; JRAS., Vol. XVII, p. 29), where a well called Deod&ni is pointed out as the identical well in which Devayani, who afterwards became the queen of Raja Yay&ti, was thrown by the princess Sarmishtha. Sakam bhari was the capital of Sapadala ksha country (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 422). See Sapadalaksha. 2 The celebrated temple of Sakam bhari is situated in Kumaun on the road from Hardwar to Kedarnath. The temple of SAkambhari Devi is situated on Mount Sur-Kot on the north-western part of the Sewaliks (Calcutta Review, Vol. LVIII (1874), pp. 201 f.; Devi Bhagavata, VII, ch. 28). Sakaspura-Same as Sankabya (Hardy's M.B., p. 310). gakasthAna-Sistan, where the Sakas first settled themselves, though they afterwards spread to other parts of Central Asia (Mathura Lion Pilar Inscription ; Cunningbam's Bhilsa Topes, p. 128). It was called Drangiana before it bore name of Sakasthana, afterwards it was called Sijistan and its modern name is Sistan (Rapson's Anc. Ind., p. 137). Saketa-Ayodhya or Oudh (Hemakosha). Its capital was Sujanakot or Sanchankot, the Sha. chi of Fa Hian, thirty-four miles north-west of Unao in Oudh (Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 39) on the river Sai in the Unao district. It appears from the Mahavagga (VII, 1. 1, in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XVII) that the town of Saketa was six leagues from Sravasti. MeCrindle identifies it with Ayodhya, the Sageda of Ptolemy. sakra-kumarika-Near Renuk-tertha, about sixteen miles to the north of Nahan in the district of Sirmur in the Punjab. The name of Sakra-kumarika was used by way of contradistinction to Kanye-kumarika (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 82, v. 81). Salagrama-A place situated near the source of the Gandak, where Bharata and Rishi Pulaha performed asceticism (Padma P., Patala kh.,ch. 78; Bhagavata, Sk. V, ch. 7). It was the birth-place of Markanda (Brihat-Naradtya P., ch. 5). Jada-Bharata's hermitage was situated on the Kakaveni river on the north of Redigrama, and that of Pulaha in the latter village (Archavatara sthala-vaibhava-darpanam). For description of Salagrama and the holy stones called Salagrama (see Oppert's On the Original Inhabitants of Bharata. varsha or India, pp. 337-359; Wilford's Ancient Geography of India in Asia. Res., XIV, p. 414; Brahma-vaivartta P., ii, ch. 13). See Muktinatha. Salagrami-The river Gandak, especially that portion of it which is within half a mile of Muktinatha, the bed of which abounds with sacred stones called Salagrama: see Muktiatha (Bardha P., oh. 144). It is also called KALS.

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SAL 175 SAM Salatura -The birthplace of Panini, the celebrated grammarian (Hiuen Tsiang in Beal's RWC., Vol. I, p. 114 note, but see Ram Das Sen's Panini in the Aitihasika Rahashya, and Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 218). It has been identified by Cunningham (Anc. Geo.. p. 57) with the village of Lahor (Lahul of G. Buhler's Brahma Alphabet, p. 23) to the north-west of Ohind in the Panjab. It was situated within the ancient country of Gandh ara. Panini flourished between the eighth and ninth centuries before the Christian era (Rajanikanta Gupta's Panini). According to Dr. Bhandarkar also, Panini flourished in the beginning of the seventh century before the Christian era, if not earlier. But in the Indian Antiquary (Vol. I, p. 302), it is said that Panini lived at the time of Push pamitra, king of Magadha (178 to 142 B.C.). Professor Max Muller supposes that Panini lived in the middle of the fourth century B.C. (History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 245, 301), but Professor Goldstucker refutes this view in his Panini, and has proved that Katyayana, the author of the Varttikas, lived later than Panini, and Patanjali, the author of the Mahabhashya, lived later than Katyayana. Panini must have preceded Vyadi by at least two generations, the latter was the author of the grammatical work called Sangraha. Panini was also called Dakshaya na, his mother's name being Dakshi (Goldstucker's Panini). Salilaraja-tirtha-The place where the Indus falls into the ocean (Mahabharata, Vana. ch. 82; Padma P., Svarga, ch. XI). Salilaraja is another name for Baruna (Mbh., Udyoga, ch. 97). salivahanapura-Pattana (see Pratishthana). salmall-dvipa-Chaldia. Chal-dia appears to be a corruption of Salm ali-dvipa. Perhaps the rivers Nivritti and Bitrishna are the Euphrates and Tigris respectively (Brahmanda P.. ch. 53). Mesopotamia or Assyria. salva-It was also called Marttikavata. It was near Kurukshetra (Mbh.. Virata. ch. 1). It was the kingdom of the father of Satyavana, the husband of the celebrated Savitri (Mbh., Vana P., ch. 282). Its king was Salva who attacked Dvaravati. It comprised portions of the territories of Jodhpur, Jaipur and Alwar. See Marttikavata and Salvapura. Salvapura-Alwar (Cunningham, Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. XX, p. 120; Matsya Purana, ch. 113; Harivamsa, Vishnu, ch. 54). It was also called Saubhanagara, the capital of Raja Salva, who was king of the country called Marttikavata; he was killed by Krishna (Mbh., Vana P., ch. 14). See Mrittikavati. The Bhauliigis of Panini,--the Bolingai of Ptolemy, were a branch of the Salvas. They lived on the western slope of the Aravali mountain (MoCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 163) Samadhl-giri-Same as Samida-giri. Sa malanatha-Same as Syamalanatha (Matsya P., ch. 22). Samangad-Same as Samugad. . Samanta-kata-Adam's Peak in Ceylon (Upham's Rajavali, Pt. 1). Samanta-panchaka-Same as Kurukshetra. Samatata-East Bengal (Brihat-samhita, ch. xiv). Lower Bengal (Dr. Bloch's Arch. s. Rep., 1902, in the Supplement to the Calc. Gaz., Sept. 17,-1902, p. 1303 ; Devi Purana, ch.46). The Delta of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra (Smith's Early History of India, p. 249; Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 501). It was situated to the east of the Bhagirathi and south of Pundra. Epigraphical evidence, however, shows that Samatata comprised the districts of Comilla, Noakhali and Sylhet (JASB., 1916, pp. 17, 18). It was conquered by Samudra Gupta (see Allahabad Stone Pillar Inscription of Samudra Gupta in Corp. Ins. Ind., III, p. 1). Its capital was Karmmanta, modern Kamta, near Comilla in the district of Tipara, Bengal (JASB., 1914, p. 87).

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SAM 176 SAN Sambalaka-See Semulapura. sambapura-Multan on the river Chandrabhaga (Chinab) (Bhavishya P., Brahma Parva, pt., I, ch. 140, v. 3; and Arch. S. Rep., v, pp. 114 ff.). It was founded by Samba, son of Krishna. Sambhalagrama-A village near Moradabad in the district of Rohilkhand, eighty miles to the east of Delhi, where Vishnu would incarnate as Kalki, the ninth Avatara (Bhagavata P., XII, ch. 2, v. 18; Kalki P., ch. 2; and Archavatara-sthala-vaibhava-darpanam). It is the Sambalaka of Ptolemy (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 133). According to Col. Yule, Sambhal is Northern Rohilkhand (Ind. Ant., III, p. 115). Sambheda-A place of pilgrimage at the mouth of the river Sindhu or Indus (Amarakosha, Patala-varga). Sambaka-abrama-Ramtek, north of Nagpur in the Central Provinces, where Sambuka, a Sudra, performed asceticism, for which reason he was killed by Ramachandra. Hence it may be identified with the Saibal-giri, a mountain mentioned in the Ramayana (Uttara, ch. 75). At the time of Kalidasa, the author of the Meghaduta, it was known by the name of Ramagiri (Meghaduta, Pt. I, v. 1). See Balbala-giri and Ramagirl. Samet-Sikhara-The Parasnath hill in the district of Hazaribagh in the Behar province, two miles from the Isri station in the Grand Chord Line of the E. I. Railway, the holiness of which is held in great estimation by the Jainas. It is the eastern country of Jaina worship as Mount Abu is the western one. Parasvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara of the Jainas, died here at the age of one hundred years. Parasvanatha was the son of Aevasena, king of Benares, by his Queen Bama. He was born 250 years before Mahavira at Bhelupura in Benares. His followers were called the Svetambaras as the followers of Mahavira, the twenty-fourth and last Tirthaikara, were called Digambaras (Prof. Jacobi's Kalpa-sutra in SBE., Vol. XXII, p. 271). The hill was the scene of nirvana of no less than nineteen of the twenty-four Tirthapkaras. Same as Samida-giri and Malla-parvata. For the names of the 24 Tirthankaras of the Jainas, see Sravasti. The five holy places of the Jainas are Satrunjaya, Girnar, Abu, Astapada (see Prabhasa) and Sametasikhara, but the Indian Antiquary (Vol. II, 1872, p. 354) has Chandragiri in the Himalaya instead of Ast&pada Samida-girl-Same as Samet-Sikhara. Perhaps Samidagiri or Sammidagiri is a variation of Samadhi-giri (or Sikhara) as 19 Tirthankaras obtained Nirvana on this hill. Samugad-Fatehabad, nineteen miles east of Agra (Bernier's Travels, p. 43), where Aurangzeb defeated Dara. Samugad is a corruption of Samanagara. Sadehi-Same as santi. Sandhya-The river in Sindh in Malwa, a tributary of the Yamuna (R. K. Roy's Mbh., Sabha, ch. 9, p. 282 n.). Sandilya-asrama-1. Chitai-mandarpur in the district of Faizabad in Oudh was the hermitage of Rishi Sandilya, the celebrated author of the Sandilya-sutras. 2. Sarada (soo Sarada). Sangala (of the Greeks)-Same as Sakala (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 180). Dr. Bhandarkar (Ind. Ant., I, 22) and McCrindle (Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 348), however, identify it with Saukala of Panini (Sutra, IV, 2, 75) and place the country between the Hydraotes and Hypasis, probably in the district of Amritsar and towards the hill. Mr. V. A. Smith is also of opinion that the identification of Saigala with Sakala is erroneous; he supposes Saigala was in the Gurudaspur district (Early History of India, p. 65 note).

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SAN 177 SAN Sangama-tirtha-Same as Ramesvara. (See Setubandha.) Sangamebvara-1. A town in Konkana, about 20 miles north-east of Ratnagiri. It was the capital of a Chalukya prince Som adeva (see Paraburma-kshetra). 2. It is a Lingayet place of pilgrimage on the confluence of the Malaprabha and the Krishna (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XXIV, p. 119). Basava, the founder of the Lingayet or Jangama sect, died at this place (Wilson's Mack. Col., pp. 310, 311). 3. A shrine of Siva at the confluence of the Ganges and Baruna in Benares (Linga P., I, ch. 92). Sanjan-An old village called also Sanjaya in the Thana district, Bombay Presidency. It is the Sindan of the Arab writers. It was also called Shahpur. Shaheriar was the first priest of the Parsis to settle there in 716 A.D. See Devabandara. It is evidently the Sajayantinagari of the Mbh., (Sabha, ch. 31) conquered by Sahadeva. Sanjayanti-Nagari-Same as Sanjan. Sankala-See Sangala (Panini's Ash tadhydyt). Sankaracharya-The name of a mountain, at present called Takht-i-Suleiman, near Srinagar in Kasmir. On the top of the hill Asoka's son Kunala (or Jaloka) built a monastery, now converted into a mosque, where the celebrated reformer Sankaracharya established Siva worship. See Gopadri. The old Hindu name of the hill was Sandhimana-parvata. The temple of the Mahadeva Jyeshtha-Rudra (or Jyeshthesvara) was on the top of the mountain (Rajataranging, Bk. I, v. 124). Sankara-Tirtha-In Nepal, immediately below the town of Patan at the confluence of the Bagmati and the Manimati (Manirohini). Siva is said to have performed asceticism at this place for obtaining Durga (Svayambhu P., ch. 4, p. 298). Sankasya-Sankisa or Sankisa-Basantpura, situated on the north bank of the river Ikshumati, now oalled the Kalf-nadi, between Atranji and Kanouj, and twenty-three miles west of Fategarh in the district of Etah and forty-five miles north-west of Kanouj. In Patanjali's Mahabhashya, Sabkasya is said to be four yojanas from Gabidhumat which has been identified with Kudarkot in the Etwa district of the United Provinces (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 179, 183). It was the capital of Raja Kusadhvaja, brother of Siradhvaja Janaka, the father of Sita of the Ramayana (Adi K., ch. 70). It was a famous place of Buddhist pilgrimage, as it was here that Buddha descended from the Trayastrimsa heaven by the ladder of gold, accompanied by the gods Indra and Brahma. Cunningham supposes that the temple of Bisari Devi occupies the site of the three staircases (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. I, pp. 271 f.). There is also a stopa of Asoka at this place. It was visited by Fa Hian in 415 A.D. and by Hiuen Tsiang in 638 A.D. See Kapitha. Sankha-1. The river Sank, a tributary of the Brahmani in the Chutia-Nagpur division (Mbh., Vana, ch. 83); it is called also Sankhini. 2. A place of pilgrimage on the north bank of the Saraswati in Kurukshetra near Dwaitavana (Mbh., Salya, ch. 38). Sankhin. See Sankha (1). Sankhoddhara-The island of Bati (Beyt), belonging to the province of Guzerat, situated at the south-western extremity of the gulf of Cutch. Vishnu is said to have destroyed & demon named Sankhasura at this place and to have delivered the Vedas (Padma P., ch. 71, Hamilton's East-India Gazetteer, 8.v. Bata Isle). Sankukarna-The southern portion of Benares (Brihat-Naradiya P., pt. II, ch. 48, v. 20). Santa-tirtha-- At Guugesvarighet in Nepal, where the river Maradarika joins the Bachmati or Bagmati. Parvati is said to have performed asceticism at this place (Svayambhu P., ch. 5, p. 259).

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SAN 178 SAP Banti-Sanchi, about six miles to the south-west of Bhilsa and twenty miles north-east of Bhupal (Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, p. 181). It is celebrated for ancient Buddhist topes, constructed according to different authorities in the 5th, 3rd, or 1st century B.C. The great tope was built about 188 B.c, by a king of the Sunga dynasty (Sir Monier Williams' Modern India, p. 130). One of the topes contained the ashes of Sariputra and Moggallana, two of the principal disciples of Buddha (see Nalanda and Sravastl). The rail. ing was constructed in 200 B.O., and the gate in the 1st century A.D. Dr. Fleet, however, considers that the ancient name of Sanchi is Kakanada (Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 31). For a description of the Sanchi topes, see Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, p. 183. See Kakanada. Sapadalaksha-1. Same as sakambhari, modern Sambhar in Eastern Rajputana (Tawney: Prabandhachintamani, p. 120; Ep. Ind., II, p. 422). 2. There is also a temple of SAkam bhari in Kumaun. Sapadalaksha is the Sanskrit form of the modern Sewalik. (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 157). The corruption of Sapadalaksha appears to be Sawalakh (Upham's Rajavali, p. 50), and Sewalikh is the corruption of Sawalakh. Sappint-See Giriyek (SBE., XIII, p. 254 n.; Gooneratne's Argutlara Nikaya, p. 210). Sapta-dvipa-The seven dvipas or insular continents mentioned in the Puranas are Jambu, Plaksha, Salmali, Kuga, Krauncha, Saka and Pushkara (Padma P., Kriyayogasora, ch. I). Sapta-Gandakl-The seven rivers which unite and form the river Gandak are the Barigar, the Salagrami or the Narayani, the Sveti-Gandaki, the Marsiangdi, the Daramdi, the Gandi and the Trisula (JASB., XVIII, p. 762 map). Sapta-Gaiga-Ganga, Godavari, Kaveri, Tampraparni, Sindhu, Sarayu and Narmada are called Sapta-Ganga (Siva P., Bk. 2, ch 13). Sapts-Godavari-A place of pilgrimage mentioned in the Puranas situated at Solangipur, sixteen miles from Pithapura (Pishtapura of Samudra Gupta's inscription), one of the stations of the East Coast Railway, not far from Rajamahendri in the Godavari district Mbl... Vana P..ch. 85; Padma P., Svarga, ch. 19). According to some writers the seven months of the Godavari were called by this name (Rajatarangins, Bk, viii, s. 34449: Dr. Stein's trans., vol. ii, p. 271 note). Baptagrama-Satgaon, an ancient town of Bengal near Magra in the district of Hughly ; it is now an insignificant village consisting of a few huts. It was a great emporium of commerce and the capital and port of Radha at the time of the Romans, who knew it by the name of Ganges Regia. It was also the capital of Western Bengal at the time of the Mahomedans (Lane Poole's Mediaeval India under Mahomedan Rule, p. 164). It was situated on the Ganges. The recession of the Ganges in 1630 A.D. and the rise of Hughly into a royal port caused its ruin (sue my Notes on the History of the District of Hughly or the Ancient Radha in JASB., 1910). Formerly Saptagrama implied seven villages Bansberia, Kristapura, Basudevapura, Nityanandapura, Sibpur, Sambachora and Baladghati. For the life of Zaffer Khan, the conqueror of Saptagrama, see JASB., XV (1847), p. 393. Ptolemy 88 ye that Gange was the capital of the Gangaridai. The Ganga-ridai were evidently the Gang-Radhis or the inhabitants of Radha, who lived on the west bank of the Ganges, the eastern boundary of Radha being the Ganges and hence Gange is evidently Saptagrama; it is the "Port of Ganges" of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, the sea being then closer to Saptagrama than it is at present : hence Saptagrama was the capital of Radha in the Ist or 2nd century of the Christian era (see JASB., for 1810). Saptagrama was visited 10).

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SAP 179 SAP by Ibn Batuta in 1346 A.D. He calls it by the name of Sudkawan which he describes as a large place" on the shore of the great sea," but says it was close to the junction of the Ganges and the Yamuna (evidently at Triveni). According to him, Satgaon was not only a port, but the residence of Fakruddin, the then Sultan of Bengal (Ind. Ant., III, p. 210). Merchants from various parts of India as Kalinga, Trailanga, Gujerat, etc., used to come to Saptagrama for trade (K. ch., pp. 196, 229; Schoff's Periplus, p. 26; McCrindle's Ptolemy). Sapta-Kausika-See Mahakausika. Sapta-Konkana-The following territories in the Malabar coast were called the seven Konkanas: Kerala, Tulu, Govarashtra, Koikana proper, Karahataka, Baralatta and Barbara (Wilson, As. Res., XV, p. 47; Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. 1, p. 136). See Parasurama-kshetra. Sapta-Kulachala-The seven principal mountains, which are Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Suktimana, Gandhamadana, Bindhya and Paripatra. For the Gandhamadona, the Matsya P. (ch. 144) has Rikshavana and the Agni P. (ch. 118) has Hema-parvata. Sapta-Mokshadapuri-The seven holy towns are Ayodhya, Mathura, Maya, Kasi, Kanchi, Avanti and Dvaravati (Brihat-Dharmma Purana, Madhya kh., ch. 24). Sapta-Patala-See Rasatala. Saptarsha-Satara in Maharashtra (Vishnu-Samhita, ch. 85). Sapta-sagara-The seven seas are (1) Lavana (salt) or the Indian Ocean surrounding Jambu-dvipa or India (Padma P., Kriyayogasara, ch. 1); (2) Kshira (inspissated milk), it is a corruption of Shirwan Sea, as the Caspean Sea was called (Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. I, p. 59 note), and it formed the northern boundary of Saka-dvipa (Baraha P., ch. 86); (3) Surd (wine), it is a corruption of the Sea of Sarain which is another name for the Caspean Sea (Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 494), and it formed the southern or south-eastern boundary of Kusa-dvipa (Brahmanda P., ch, 51; the Bardha P., ch. 87, has Kohira Sagara instead of Sura); (4) Ghrita (clarified butter), it is a corruption of the Erythraean Sea or the Persian Gulf, and it formed the boundary of Salmala-dvipa or Chal-dia, that is Assyria (Baraha P., ch. 89); (5) Ikshu (sugarcane juice); Ikshu is another name for the Oxus (Vishnu P., Pt. II, ch. 4), here the river is taken as a sea. It formed the southern boundary of Pushkara-dvipa (Baraha P., ch. 89), Pushkara being evidently a variant of Bhushkara or Bokhara; (6) Dadhi (curd) or the sea of Aral, Dadhi is the Sanskritised form of Dahi (Dahee) the name of a Scythic tribe which lived in the Upper Jazartes (JBBRAS., Vol. XXIV, p. 548) and evidently on the shores of this lake, it formed the boundary of Krauncha-dvipa (Bardha P., ch. 88); (7) Svadu-juice (sweet-water), it is perhaps a corruption of Tchadun, a river in Mongolia, it formed the boundary of or rather flowed through Plaksha-dvipa-. See my Rasatala or the Under-world. Sapta-baila-Yelu-mala, a cluster of hills 16 miles north of Cannanore in the Malabar Coast, the first Indian land seen by Vasco-da-Gama in 1498 (Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 321). Sapta-Sarasvata-1. The collective name of seven rivers: Kanchanakshi in Naimisharanya, Bisala in Gaya, Manaurama in Kosala, Oghavati in Kurukshetra, Surenu in Haridvara, Bimaloda in the Himalaya and Suprabha in Pushkara (Mbh., Salya P., ch. 39). 2. A place of pilgrimage in Kurukshetra (Mbh., Vana, ch. 83). Sapta-Sindhu-The Panjab, where the early Aryans, who were afterwards called the Hindus, first settled themselves after their migration to India. The seven Sindhus (rivers) are the Iravati, Chandrabhaga, Bitasta, Bipasa, Satadru, Sindhu and Sarasvati or the Kabul. The word Sapta-Sindhu of the Rig Veda (VIII, 24, 27) is the Hapta Henda of the Vendidad

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SAR 180 SAR (I. 73) (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga Parva, Pt. I, ch. 5 and Max Muller's Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. I, p. 83). The ancient Aryans who lived in the Panjab at the time of the Rig. Veda were divided into five tribes called the Purus (or Bharatas, afterwards called Kurus) who lived on the north of the R&vi; the Tritsus (called Pafchalas) who lived on the north and south of the Sutlej; Anus ; Yadus and Turvasus (Ragozin's Vedic India, p. 323). Sarabha-Same as Sarayu (Vinaya-pitaka : Chulla vagga, 9, 1, 3 and 4 in 8BE., XX, p. 301, XXXV, p. 171; Milinda-panha, 4. 1. 35). It is the Saraboo of Ptolemy. Strada Sardi, on the right bank of the Kissen-Ganga near its junction with the Madhu. mati near Kamraj in Kasmir; it is one of the Pithas where Sati's head is said to have fallen (Gladwin's Ayeen Akbery, Pt. I, p. 396; Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. II, p. 279; Skanda P., Nagara Kh., ch. 157). Sandilya Muni performed austerities here. For & description of the temple, see Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, Vol. II, p. 279. LalitAditya Mukt&pida, king of Kasmir, having treacherously killed a King of Gauda, the Bengalees entered Kasmir on the pretext of visiting the temple of Sarada, destroyed the image of Ramasvamin (Vishnu), mistaking it for that of Parihasa-kesava left as surety for safety of the king of Gauda (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini. Vol. I, p. 152). It is called Sarvajna Pitha in the Sarkana vijaya (ch, 16). Sankaracharya was not allowed to enter the temple till he answered the questions put to him by learned men belonging to various secte. Sarada-Matha-One of the four Mathas or monasteries established by Sankaracharya at DvArika in Guzerat (see Sringagirl). baranganatha-Its contraction is Sarnath; same as Mrigadava (see Mrigadava). It was at this place that Buddha after the attainment of Buddhahood, preached his first sermon or what is called "turned the wheel of law" (Dharmachakra). The Dhamek stupa according to General Cunningham, was originally built by Asoka (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. 1. p. 112) on the spot where Buddha first preached his doctrine to Kaundinya and four other Brahmans or as it is called "turned the wheel of law". On the north of the Dhamek stupa there are the ruins of a stopa where Buddha predicted about the future Buddha Maitreya; but according to Hiuen Tsiang the site where he first proclaimed the truths is marked by Asoka's pillar, recently discovered, and the Dhamek stupa marks the place where Buddba prophesied about the future Buddhahood of Maitreya. At a spot near the mouth of the river Asi, Buddha converted Yasa and his four friends, Purna, Bimala, Gavampati and Subdhu. Sarasvata--1. The Pushakara Lake near Ajmira (Vardha P., ch. III). 2. Sarasvata or Saragvatapura was situated on the north-west of Hastinapura (Hemakosha). It was the capital of Bira varmma of the Jaiminibh arata (ch. 47). Sarasvatapura-Same as Sarasvata. Sarasvati-1. The river Sarasvati rises in the hills of Sirmur in the Himalayan range called the Sewalek and emerges into the plains at Ad-Badri in Ambala, and is deemed as one of the most sacred rivers by the Hindus. The fountain from which the river takes its rise was situated at the foot of a plaksha tree, and hence it was called Plakshavatarana or Plaksha. prasravana and frequented as a place of pilgrimage (Mon., Adi P., ch. 172 and Padma P.. Svarga, ch. 14 ; Rig - Veda, X, 75). It disappears for a time in the sand near the village of Chalaur and reappears at Bhawanipura. At Balchhappar it again disappears but appears again at Bara Khora ; at Urnai, near Pehoa, it is joined by the MArkanda and the united stream, bearing still the name of Sarasvati, ultimately joins the Ghaggar (Gharghar) which was evidently the lower part of the Sarasvati (Panjab Gazetteer, Ambala District, ch. 1).

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SAR 181 SAR The Ghaggar or Gaggar is believed to have been the ancient Sarasvati though it is not known how it has lost that name (JRAS., 1893, p. 51); see Pavani. The Mahabharata also says that after disappearing, the river appears again at three places, namely at Chamasod. bheda. Sirodbheda and Nagodbheda (Vana Parva, ch. 82). The Sarasvati is described in the Rig Veda as a flowing river: Manu and the Mahabharata speak about its disappearance in the sand at Binasana-tirtha near Sirsa (JRAS., 1893, p. 51). In the Vedic period the Sarasvati was a very large river and it flowed into the sea (Max Muller's Rig Veda Samhita, p. 46 commentary). The Rig Veda does not even hint about its subterranean course in the Triveni at Allahabad. The Kurukshetra Sarasvati is called the Prachi or Eastern Sarasvati (Padma P., Uttara Kh, ch. 67). The name, however, is specially applied to the Pushkara Sarasvati, that is the Sarasvati which with the Looni issues out of the Pushkara Lake (Padma P., Srishti Kh., ch. 18). It falls into the Gulf of Kutch. 2. A river near Somnath in Guzerat now called Raunakshi (see Prabhasa). It is a small river which rising in Mount Abu runs westward towards the Runn of Kutch from the celebrated shrine of Kotesvara Mahadeva in the marble hills of Arasoor (Forbes, Rasmala). It is called Prabhasa Sarasvati, and is supposed to be identical with the Prachi-Sarasvati (Skanda P., Prabhasa Kh., Prabh&sa-mahat., chs. 35. 36). On the bank of this river below an aspen tree near Somnath, Ktishna breathed his last. 3. Arachosia or Eastern Afghanistan (the district of Kandahar), Sarasvati being written as Harakhaiti in the Zendavesta. It is mentioned as Harauvatish in the Behistun Inscription (Rawlinson's Herodotus, II, p. 591). It was also called Saukuta, of which the capital is plausibly identified with Ghazni. Dr. Bhandarkar doubtfully derives the name of Arachosia from that of the mountain Rikshoda mentioned by Panini's commentators (Ind. Ant., I. 22). 4. The river Helmand in Afghanistan, the Avestan name of which is also Harakhaiti. Hence the three Sarasvatis of the Atharva Veda are the Helmand, the Indus anciently called Sarasvati and the Sarasvati of Kurukshetra (Ragozin's Vedic India). 5. The Arghanday in Arachosia according to Hillebrandt (Macdonnell and Keith's Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, Vol. II, p. 437). 6. A tributary of the Alakananda (Gaiga) in Garwal (Agni P., ch. 109, v. 17). Sarasvati-Dagara-Perhaps Sirsa on the Sarasvati in Kurukshetra, Panjab (Mbh., Mausala, ch. 7). Saravana--1. The birth place of Gosala Maikhaliputta near Sravasti. He was the head (or founder) of the Ajsvakas (Hoernle's Uvdsagadasdo, Intro., p. xiv; Appendix, pp. 1, 4). 2. Retakunda the birthplace of Karttika, near Kedaranatha temple in Garwal. Saravati-1. Wilford identifies Saravati with the river Banga nga which passes through the district of Budaon in Rohilkhand (Asiatic Researches, Vol. XIV, p. 409; Padma P., Svarga (Adi), ch. 3). 2. Fyzabad in Oudh (R. L. Mitra's Lalitavistara, p. 9), but Saravati appears to be the corruption of Sravasti (modern Sahet-Mahet) on the Repti (Comp. Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 121 with the Raghuvamsa, canto XV, v. 97). 3. The river Rapti on which SrAvasti is situated (Raghuvamia, canto XV). It is the Solomatis of Arrian (McCrindle's Indika of Arrian, p. 186). 4. The Divyavadana (Cowell's ed. I. ch. 1) places Saravati, both the town and the river, to the south-east of Pundravarddhana. The river Saravati was the boundary between the countries called Prachya and Udichya the former being on its south-eastern side and the latter on its north-western side (Amarakosha, Bhumi-varga). Sarayu-The Ghagra or Gogra in Oudh. The town of Ayodhya is situated on this river. (Ramdyana, Bala K., ch. 24). See Kim-arama and dogs. It is evidently the Sarabhas

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SAR 182 SAT of the Milinda-panha, (4. 1. 35). The river rises in the mountains of Kumaun and after its junction with the Kali-nadi it is called the Sarayu, the Ghagra or the Dewa. According to the. Moh. (Anuedsana, ch. 155) it issues from the Manasa-sarovara. sarika-One of the fifty-two Pithas where Sati's throat is said to have fallen. The temple of Sarika Devi is situated on the Hari Mountain, three miles from Srinagar in Kasmir. It was the hermitage of Rishi Kasyapa (see Kasyapapura). Sarkaravartta-It is perhaps the river Sakri in Bihar which has been incorrectly identified by Mr. Beglar with the Suktimati (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 124 ; Bhagavata, V, ch. 19). Sarkard and Vartt& appear to be two distinct rivers (Devi Bhagavata, VIII, ch. ii). Sarovara-1. See Narayanasara. 2. The twelve Sarovaras are :- Manda, Achchhoda, Lohita, Manasa, Sailoda, Bindusara, Sayana, Vishunupada, Chandraprabha, Payoda, Uttara-Manasa, and Rudrakanta (Brahmanda P., ch. 51). Sarpaushadhi-vihara-Adinzai valley in Buner near the fort Chakdarra on the north of the Swat river, visited by Hiuen Tgiang (Dr. Stein's Archaeological Tour with the Buner Force, p. 31). Sarpiks-A tributary of the Gomati. According to Lassen it is the same as Syandika (Ind. Alt., Map). See Syandika. Sarvana-asrama-Dohthi or the junction of the two streams Marha and Biswa in the sub division of Akhbarpura, district Fyzabad in Oudh, where according to tradition Dagaratha, king of Ayodhya, killed Rishi Sarvana or Sindhu, the son of a blind Rishi, mistaking him for an elephant, while the latter was filling a pot with water. The hermitage of the Rishi was near the confluence. But the Ramayana (Ayodh, K., ch. 63) places the scene near the Sarayu. Saryanavant-Same as Ramahrada (Rig Veda, VII, 2, 5; Dr. Wilson's Indian Casles, Vol. I, p. 86). It is also written Saryyaenavata. Sasasthali-Antraveda, the Doab between the Ganges and the Yamuna. gatadru-1. The river Sutlej; it is also called the Ghaggar or the Ghara, which is the united streams of the Sutlej and the Bias from their junction at Endreesa to the confluence with the Chenab. The Ghara is known to the inhabitants by the name of Nai (JASB., VI, p. 179). According to some authorities the Sutlej was not one of the rivers forming the Pan. chauad, but its old bed was the Sotra or Hakra (Ghaggar), which dried up owing to its diversion into the Bias valley. According to Mr. G. Campbell, the Ghaggar is the principal tributary of the Sarasvati (Ethnology of India, p. 64; Drs. Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, II, p. 435). See Sarasvati. 2. Sirhind in the Panjab (Markand. P., ch. 57; Beal's RWC., I, p. 178). Satiyaputra-The Tulu country including Mangalore (Asoka's Girnar Inscriptions and Smith's Asoka, p. 115). But see Telingana. atrunjaya-The most sacred of the five hills (see Sametuikhara) of the Jainas in Kathia. war, at the eastern base of which the town of Palitana is situated, 70 miles north-west of Surat and thirty-four miles from Bhownagar. It is sacred to Adinath (see Bravasti). The Chaumukh temple is the most lofty of all the temples on the summit of the hill. The Satrunjaya temple was repaired at a cost of one crore and sixty lakhs of rupees by Bagbhatadeva in the reign of Kumarapala, king of Pattana. The Satrufljaya Mahatmya was composed by Dhanesvara Suri at the request of Siladitya of Balabhi. Satyavati-Same as Kausikt (Vayu P., ch. 91, v. 88) It is mentioned as "Suttewle" in Gladwin's Ayeeni Akbery (p. 785).

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BAU 183 sek Saubhanagara-Same as galvapura. Saukara-kshetra-Same as sakara-kshetra. Saundatti-Same as Sugandhavarti. Saurashtra-The Peninsula of Guzerat or Kathiawad, the Syrastrene of Ptolemy. The name was also applied to the country from Sindh or the Indus to Baroach: that is, Guzerat, Cutch and Kathiawar (Ramdyana, Adi, ch. 13). Saurkjya was a synonym of Saurashtra (JASB., 1873, p. 105). Its capital was Balabhi (Da sakumaracharita, ch. 6). It was governed by the Satraps under Asoka and the Maurya kings, then by the Sah kings from the first century B.O. to the third century A.D., and after them by the Senapatis under the Guptas of Kanouj. Under the Gupta emperors its capital was BAmanasthali, modern Banthali, before Balabhi became its capital. According to local tradition Madhavapura in Kathiawar was the place where Krishoa was married to Rukmini. Krishna met his death at Prabhasa Patan near Verawal gauripura-The name given by the Jainas to the town of Mathura (Uttaradhyayana in SBE., XLV, p. 112). The Jaina Tirthankara Arishtanemi or Neminatha was born at this place and he died on the Summit of Mount Girnar (Kalpa Satra in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, p. 276). But according to the Dhdlasdgara, a Jaina work, Sauripura and Mathura are two different towns. Sauri, who succeeded his father Sara, king of Mathurd, removed his capital to a newly built city named Saurfpuri, while his younger brother Suvira remained at Mathura. Sauryapura-Same as Sauripura. Sauvira-It has been identified by Cunningham with Eder, a district in the provinces of Guze. rat which was Badari of the Buddhist period, at the head of the Gulf of Kambay (Anc. Geo. p. 497). Sauvira was the Sophir or Ophir (9.0.) of the Bible (but see Surparaka) and Sovira of the Milinda Parha (SBE., Vol. XXXVI, p. 269) where it is described as a seaport, According to another writer, Sauvira was situated between the Indus and the Jhelum, hence it was called Sindhu-Sauvira (Mbh., Bhishma, ch.9 : Ramayana, Adi, ch. 13). The Satrusijaya Mahatmya places it in Sindhu or Sirdh. It appears from the Agni Purdna (ch. 200) that the river Devika and from Bhagavata P., (v. 10) the river Ikshumati flowed through Sauvira. Dr. Rhys Davids places Sauvira in his Map to the north of Kathiawar and along the Gulf of Cutch (Buddhist India, Map facing, p 320, and Bhagavata, V, ch. 10; I, ch. 10, VA 36). Alberuni identifies it with Multan and Jahrawar (Alberuni's India, Vol. I, pp. 300, 302; mee also SBE, XIV, p. 148 note). See Devlka. Roruka or Roruva was the capital of Sauvtra (Jataka, Cam. Ed., Vol. III, p. 280 ; Aditta Jataka). But these identifications are doubtful. In the Marland. P. (ch. 57) Sindhu and Sau vira have been placed in the northern part of India, and mentioned along with Gandh&ra, Madra, eto., Rapson says that the two parts of the compound word Sindhu-Sauvita are often used separately as names having nearly the same meaning, and he identifies it with the modern provinces of Sindh (Ancient India, p. 168). Dr. Bhagavanlal Indraji says that Sindhu-Sauvtra like Akardvanti are usually found together. Sindhu is the modern Sindh and Sauvfra may have been part of Upper Sindh, the capital of which was DattAmitri (Early Hist. of Gujarat, p. 36), perhaps from DattAmitra (Demetrius), king of Sauvfra (Mbh., Adi, sh. 141). The identification of Sauvira by Alberuni with Multan and Jahr war seems to be correct. sokeThe country of Jhajpur, south-east of Ajmir (MoOrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 138 note). But the Mahabharata (SebhA, ch. 31) placen it to the south of the Charmanvati (Chambal) and north of Avanti (Ujin), on therefore be

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SEM 184 BIA identified with North Malwa. It was conquered by Sahadeva, one of the Pandavas, with Apara Seka which was evidently on the south of Seka. Semulapura-1. Semah, near Sambhalpur (Tavernier's Travels, Ball's ed., II, ch. 13). 2. Sambalaka of Ptolemy, on the river Koil, in the District of Palamu in the Chota-Nagpur division, in Bihar, celebrated for its diamond mines. It is the Soumelpour of Tavernier. Semulla-Chaul (Bhandarkar's Hist. of the Dekkan, sec. viii). Senakhandasela-Kandy (Bishop Copleston's Buddhism in Magadha and Ceylon, p. 235). For the transfer of the tooth-relic from Anuradhapura, see Mutu Coomara Swamy's Dathavamsa, Intro., XIX. Serendvipa-Ceylon. Seshadrl-See Trimala and Tripadi. It is also called Seshachala. Setayyi-To-wai of Fa Hian. It has been identified by Prof. Rhys Davids with Setiabia Indian Buddhism, p. 72, Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism. pp. 88. 347). Mr. Vost identifies it with Basedila, 17 miles from Sahet-Mahet and six from Balarampur (JRAS., 1903, p. 513). It was the birthplace of Kasyapa Buddha. Setik&- Ayodhya (Oudh). Setika is evidently & corruption of Saketa. Setubandha-Adam's Bridge between India and Ceylon, said to have been built by Rama with the assistance of Sugriva for crossing over to Lanka. The island of Ramesvaram is the first link in the chain of islets forming the Adam's Bridge. The island contains the celebrated temple of Ramekvaranatha, one of the twelve great Lingas of Mahadeva, said to have been established by Ramachandra on his way to Lanka (Siva Purana, I, ch. 38, and Ramayana, Lanka, ch. 22). Ramesvara is also called Sangamatirtha (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 368). Seunadeba-The name of the region extending from Nasik to Devagiri in the Deccan. Its capital was Devagiri or Daulatabad (Dr. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan, sec. xiv). The town of Seunapura was founded by Seunachandra I of the Yadava dynasty. Shadaranya-Nandi was cursed by Siva to become a stone; he accordingly became a mountain called Nandi-durga or Nandidroog (Garrett's Class. Dic., s.v. Nandi). Vishnu interceded on his behalf and Siva ordered Ganga who was within his matted hair to fall on the mountain and to wash away the fault of Nandi (the river PAlar rises in Nandidroog). Glang replied that if she would descend on earth, she wished that Siva and Vishnu should have their shrines on the banks of the river, so that she might run between them to the sea. The request was granted. Siva came to Kanchipura, where he was established by six Rishis. There is a temple of Vishnu at Vellore on the opposite bank of the river Palar. The waste country in which these six Rishis dwelt was called Shadaranya or "six wildernesses," which in Tamil was called Aru-cadu, which in popular language is called Arcot. But Arcadu is a Tamil compound of Al or Ar, the banyan tree, and Cadu a forest (see Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, p. 50). See Japye vara. Shashthi -The island Salsette, about 10 miles to the north of Bombay. It was originally a stronghold of Buddhism and subsequently of Saivism as evidenced by the five groups of caves Kanheri, etc., contained therein (Ds Cunha's Hist. of Charl and Bassein, p. 189). See Perlmuda. Shatshashthi of the inscription (Bomb. Gaz., Pt. II, p. 25). Sian - Tribikramapura, in the district of Tanjore, Madras Presidency, twelve miles south of Chidambara mentioned in the Chaitanya-Charitampita (Archdratara-ethala-vaibhava-darpanam). It is a corruption of " Srikali , samo as StyAll." * O POD0

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SIA 185 SIM sfar-Nathadwar on the Banae, twenty-two miles north-east of Udayapur in Mewar, where the ancient image of Kebava Deva was removed from Mathura by Rana Raj Singh in anticipation of Aurangzebe's raid (Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, ch. 19, p. 544; Growse's Mathura, ch. 6). Siddhapura-1. Siddhaur, sixteen miles west of Bara Banki in Oudh. 2. Sitpur (Sidpur) in the Ahmedabad district in Guzerat, the hermitage of Rishi Karddama and birth-place of Kapila, about sixty-four miles from Ahmedabad (Devl-Bhagavata, IX, 21). Same as Bindu-sara (2) Siddhasrama-1. Buxar in the district of Shahabad. Vishnu is said to have incarnated as Vamana (dwarf) at this place. On the bank of a small stream called Thord, near its junction with the Ganges, on the western side of Buxar, is a small mound of earth, which is worshipped as the birth place of Vamana Deva (Ramdyana, Balakanda, ch. 29). A fair is held here every year in the month of Bhadra in honour of Vamana Deva. A fair is also held in honour of Vamana Deva at Fatwa, situated at the confluence of the Ganges and the Punpun, in the district of Patna, where a large number of people bathe on a festival called Varuni Doddak. 2. The hermitage on the bank of the Achchhoda-Barovara in Kashmir (see Achchhoda-sarovara). 3. A sacred place near Dwaraka or in Anartta or Gujerat, where, according to the Brahmavaivartta Purdna, the reunion of Krishna and Radhika took place (Dwdraka-mahatmya, VIII, ch. 8). See Prabh&sa. 4. A hermitage said to be situated in the Himalaya between Kanehanjanga and Dhavalagiri, on the bank of a river called Manda kini, 14 miles from Namar Bazar (Ramayana, Kish. K., ch. 43). 818-1. The river Gandak (Wright's History of Nepal, p. 130, note 33). 2. A river in the Rudra Himalaya near the source of the Ganges in Garwal (Archduatdra-sthala-vaibhana. darpanam). 3. The river Jazartes called Sillas or Sile by Megasthenes in his work (see McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 35; Beal's Record of the Western Countries, Vol. I, p. 13 note). See sita. stlabhadra-Monastery-It was situated on an isolated hill now called Kawa-dol in the district of Gaya near the Railway station Bela; the monastery was visited by Hiuen Tsiang (Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 48 and Vol. XVI, p. 47). For a description of the bill, see JASB., 1847, p. 402. Silabhadra was the head of the NalandA monastery when it was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in 637 A.D., and the latter studied the Yoga-Sastra under Silabhadra for fifteen months. See Khalatika Parvata. sha-dhapa--Same as Mahasthana (List of Ancient Monuments in Bengal). stlahattaSame as Srihatta (Tara Tantra). Silk-Sangama-Sila Sangama is & corruption and abbreviation of Bikramasila Sangh rama, the celebrated monastery founded by Dharmapala, king of Magadba, about the middle of the eighth century AD. It was the ancient name of Patharghata, six miles to the north of Kahalgaon (Colgong) in the district of Bhagalpur, containing the temple of Mahadeva Batesvaranatha and rock-cut excavations. Two miles and a half to the south. east of Patharghata was the capital of Raja Gandha Mardan called Indrasan where he built a fort in 88 A.D. (Major Franklin's Site of Ancient Palibothra ; he quotes Chaura Panchasikd by Chaura Kavi as his authority). See Bikramasila Vihara. Simhala Ceylon. The Diparamsa relates the conquest of the island by Vijaya, who came from Lala which has been identified with Radha in 477 B.O. Fergusson identifies LALA with Lata or Guzerat, but Upham says that Vijaya came to Ceylon from the province of

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SIM 180 SIN "Lade Desay" in the kingdom of Baiga, which he identifies with Radha Desa (Upham's Rajaratnakari, ch. II, and Rajavali, Pt. I.), and this identification is correct (see JASB., 1910, p. 599). Mahendra, son of Asoka, and his sister Sangha-mitra came to Ceylon during the reign of Devanampiya-Tissa and converted the inhabitants of the island to Buddhism (Upham's Rajaratnakari, ch. II). See Lanka. For the Ceylon coins, see JASB., 1837, p. 298, plate 20. " Si hapura-1. It has been identified by Cunningham with Katas or Kataksha, which is sixteen miles from Pindi Dadan Khan on the north side of the Salt range in the district of Jhelam in the Panjab (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. II, p. 191). According to Hiuen Tsiang the country of Simhapura bordered on the Indus on its western side; it was a dependency of Kasmir in the seventh century. It was conquered by Arjuna (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 27). It contains a sacred fountain said to have been formed by the tears of Siva on the death of his wife Sati, to which pilgrims resort every year for the purposes of purification (JASB., XVIII, p. 131). There are remains of ancient temples in Potowar in the neighbourhood of Katas. Traditionally Simhapura is the place where Vishnu is said to have incarnated as Nrisimha and killed Hiranyakasipu (but see Mulasthanapura). 2. Singur, in the district of Hughly in Bengal; it was founded by Simhabahu, the father of Vijaya who conquered and colonised Lanka. It is situated in Radha, the Lata or Lala of the Buddhists and Lada of the Jainas,-the ancient Sumha (see my "Notes on the History of the District of Hughly" in JASB., 1910, p. 599). Sindhu-1. The river Indus. Above its junction with the Chinab, the Indus was called Sindh (Sindhu); from this point to Aror, it was called Panchanad; and from Aror to its mouth it was called Mihran (Alberuni's India, I, p. 260; Cal. Rev., Vol. CXVII, p. 15). For a description of it's source see Sven Hedin's Trans Himalaya, Vol. II, p. 213. It is the Hidhu of the Behistun inscription, Hoddu of the Bible, and Hendu of the Vendidad. 2. The country of Sindh. According to Ptolemy the Abhiras dwelt in the southern portion of Sindh, and the Mushikas resided in the northern portion. It was the Abhiras who took away by force the ladies of Krishna's household from Arjuna while he was bringing them through the Panjab after Krishna's death (Brahma Purana, ch. 212). After the death of Menander (Milinda of the Milinda Panho) who reigned over the Panjab, Sindh, and Kabul from 140 to 110 B.C., Mauas the Scythian conquered Sindh and expelled the Greeks from the Panjab. Mauas was succeeded by his son Azas who extended his dominion beyond Jellalabad, and Azilesas, son of Azas, conquered Kabul (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., II, p. 54). For the. Muhammadan conquest of Sindh and its history and for the downfall of Alor and Brahmanabad (see JASB., 1838, p. 93 and also p. 297; Ibid., 1841, p. 267; Ibid., 1845, pp. 75, 155). 3. The river Kali-Sindh in Malwa called DakshinaSindhu in the Mahabharata (Vana P., ch.. 82) and Sindhu in the Meghadata (Pt. I, v. 30; Matsya P., ch. 113.) The name of India (Intu of Hiuen Tsiang) is a corruption of Sindhu. For other Chinese names of India see Bretschneider's Medieval Researches, II, p. 25. According to Mr. Rapson "India" originally meant the country of the Indus (Ancient India, p. 185). 4. A river in Malwa, which rising near Sironj falls into the Yamuna (Malati-Madhava, Acts IV, IX). It is the Parva-Sindhu of the Devi P., ch. 39. 5. Sindhu-desa was the country of the Upper Indus (Anandaram Baruyah's Dictionary, Vol. III, Preface, pp. 20-25). Sindhuparna-Same as Dakshina-Sindhu (Bardha P., ch. 85). Perhaps it is an erroneous combination of the words Sindhu and Parndid (see Matsya P., ch. 113, v. 23). Sindhu-Sauvira-See Sauvira (Matsya P., ch. 114). Sindimana-Sehwan on the Indus in Sindh. the Sivisthana of the Arabs (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 264).

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SIP 187 SIV Sipra-A river in Malwa on which Ujjain is situated. Sirindhra-Sirhind (Brahmanda P., Purva, ch. 50). It is the Sirindha of the Barahasamhita (ch. 14). See Satadru. sirovana Talkad, the capital of the ancient Chela or Chera, forty miles to the east of Seringapatam in Mysore, now buried in the sands of the Kaveri (Archavaiara-sthalavaibhava-darpanam of Madhura Kavi Sarma). See Talakada. sita-1. According to Mr. Csoma, the Sita is the modern Jaxartes (JASB., 1838, p. 282). It rises in the plateau south of Issyk-kul lake in the Thtan-shan (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 280). Jaxartes is also called Sir-Daria, and Sir is evidently a corruption of Sita and Daria means a river (Matsya P., ch. 120). Sita is also identified with the river Yarkand or Zarafshan on which the town of Yarkand is situated. From the names of the places as mentioned in the Brahmanda Purana (ch. 51) through which the Sita flows, its identification with the Jaxartes appears to be correct, and the Mahabharata (Bhishma Parva, ch. II) also says that it passes through Saka-dvipa! See Sila. 2. The river Chandrabhaga (Chinab): see Lohitya-sarovara (Kalika P., chs. 22, 82). 3. The river Alakananda, on which Badarikasrama is situated Mbh., Vana, ch. 145, v. 49). Sitadra-The river Sutlej. sitambara Chidambara in the Province of Madras. Sitaprastha--The river Dhabala or Budha-Rapti. Same as Bahuda. sitoda-sarovara-The Sarik-kul lake in the Pamir. See Chakshu. (Markand. P., ch. 56). sivalaya-1. Ellora, Ellur or Berulen, forty miles from Nandgaon, one of the stations of the G.I.P. Railway and seven miles from Daulatabad. It contains the temple of Ghus. rine sa or Ghrishnesa or Ghusmesa, one of the twelve great Liigas of Mahadeva men tioned in the Siva Purana (Pt. I, chaps. 38, 58). See Amare vara. The Padma Purana and the Siva Purana (I, ch. 58) place the temple of Ghusrinesa at Devagiri (Deogiri or Daulatabad). The village Ellora is about three quarters of a mile to the west of the celebrated caves of Ellora (see Ilbalapura and Elapura). A sacred Kunda called Sivalaya, round which the image of the god is carried in procession at the Sivaratri festival, has given its name to the place. Ahalyabai, widow of Khande Rao, the only son of Malhar Rao Holkar, constructed a temple and a wall round the Kunda (Antiquities of Bidar and Aurangabad Districts by Burgess). The Brahmanical Cave temple at Ellora called Ravan-ka-Khai contains the figures of the Seven Matrikas (divine mothers) with their Vahanas namely, Chamunda with the owl, Indrani with the elephant, Varahi with the boar, Vaishnavi or Lakshi with Garuda, Kaumari with the peacock, Mahesvari with the bull and Brahmi or Sarasvati with the goose. Siva-paura-The country of the Siaposh (Siva-pausa), perhaps the letter' ra' in paura is a mistake for sa. See Ujjanaka (Matsya P., ch. 120). Eivi-According to the Vessantara Jataka (Jataka, Cam. Ed., VI, p. 246), the capital of Sivi was Jetuttara which has been identified by General Cunningham with Nagari, 11 miles north of Chitore in Rajputana, where many coins were found bearing the name of "Sivi Janapada" (Arch. Surv. Rep., VI, p. 196; JASB., 1887, p. 74). Hence Sivi may be identified with Mewar (see Jetuttara); it is the Sivika of the Brihat-Samhita (ch. 14). But see Madhyamika. According to the Sivi Jataka and Maha-Ummaga Jataka (Jat., IV, p. 250; VI, p. 215 respectively) the capital of Sivi was Aritthapura which perhaps was also called Dvaravati (Jat., VI, p. 214). The story of Usinara, king of Sivi, who gave the flesh of his own body to save the life of a dove is related in the Mahabharata (Vana, chs. 130, 131). Both Fa Hian and Hiuen Tsiang place the scene of this story in Udyana now called the Swat valley. But according to the Mahd-Ummagga Jataka the country of Sivi was between the kingdoms of Bideha and Panchala. According to the Mahabharata (Anusas., ch. 32) Sivi

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SIV 188 SON was king of Kaef. It is also mentioned in the Dasakumdra-charita (Madhya, oh. vi). It was conquered by Nakula (Mbh., Sabha, 32). See Arishthapura. Jetuttara is called by Spence Hardy as Jayatura (Manual of Buddhism, p. 118). The recent discovery of a steatite relief (now in the British Museum) which represents in a most artistic way the celebrated story of Usinara, king of Sivi, as given in the Mahabharata (Vana, ch. 131) makes it highly probable that the present Swat valley was the ancient kingdom of Sivi. See also the account of Sivika Raja by Sung Yun (Beal's Records of Buddhist Countries, p. 206). It appears, however, that there were two countries by the name of Sivi, one was situated in the Swat valley, the capital of which was Aritthapura, and the other is the same as Sivika of Bar&hamihira (Brihat-samhita, ch. XIV, v. 12) which he places among the countries of the south, Sivika being a pleonastic form of Sivi, the capital of which was Jetuttara, and Jetuttara is evidently mentioned by Alberuni as Jattaraur (India, I, p. 302) which, according to him, was the capital of Mairwar or Mewar. Sivika-See Sivi. Bivisthana Sewan on the right bank of the Indus. Siyall-See Siali. Skanda-kshetra Same as Kumarasvami (Chaitanya-Charitamrita, Pt. II, ch. 9). Sleshmataka-Uttara (North) Gokarna, two miles to the north-east of Pasupatinatha (q.v.) in Nepal on the Bagmati (Siva P., bk. III, ch. 15; Bardha P., chs. 213-216; Wright's History of Nepal, pp. 82, 90 note). North Gokarna is used in contradistinction to Dakshina (South) Gokarna called Gokarna (q.v.) (Bardha P., ch. 216). The Linga P. (Pt. I, ch. 92, vs. 134, 135) also mentions two Gokarnas (see also Svayambhu P., ch. 4). Bobhavati-nagara-The birth-place of Buddha or Kanakamuni (Svayambhu P., ch. 6; Buddhavamsa in JASB., 1838, p. 794). It has been identified by P. C. Mukerjee with Araura in the Nepalese Terai (see Kapilavastu). Solomatis-See Saravat! (McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 186). Somanatha Same as Prabhasa (Agni P., ch. 109). It was also called Somesvaranatha (Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, ch. I). Soma-parvata -1. The Amarakantaka mountain, in which the river Nerbuda has got its source (Amara-kosha). 2. The southern part of the Hala range along the lower valley of the Indus (Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 42). Soma-tirtha-1. Prabhasa (see Prabhasa). 2. A place of pilgrimage in Kurukshetra where Tarakasura was killed by Karttikeya, the general of the gods (Mbh., Salya P., chs. 44, 52; Sakuntala, Act I). Somesvara-See Somanatha (Kurma P., ii, ch. 34). Semesvara-girl-The mount in which the river Ban-Ganga has got its source. Sona-The river Sone, which has got its source in the Amarakantaka mountain in Gandwana. It was the western boundary of Magadha. It formerly joined the Ganges at Maner a little above Bankipore, the Western suburb of Patna, from which its embouchure is now sixteen miles distant and higher up the Ganges (Martin's East. Ind., I, p. 11; McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 187 note; JASB., 1843-Ravenshaw's Ancient Bed of the Sone). The Sone and the Sarayu now join the Ganges at Singhi or rather between Singhi and Harji-Chupra, two villages on the two sides of the Ganges, about two miles to the east of Chirand and eight miles to the east of Chupra. At the time of the Ramayana (Adi, ch. 32) the Sone flowed by the eastern side of Rajagriha, then called Girivraja or Basumati from its founder Raja Basu, down the bed of the river Punpun, joining the Ganges at . Fatwa. At the time of the Mahabharata it appears to have flowed by the present bed of the Banas which is immediately west of Arrah (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 15). Sonaprastha Sonepat (see Kurukshetra). It is 25 miles north of Delhi. See Paniprastha,

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SON 189 SRA Sonitapura-The ancient Sonitapura is still called by that name, and is situated in Kumaun on the bank of the river Kedar-Ganga or Mandakini about six miles from Ushamatha and at a short distance from Gupta Kasi (Harivaunsa, ch. 174). Ush&matha is on the north of Rudra-Prayaga, and is on the road from Hardwar to Kedarnatha. Gupta-Kasi is said to have been founded by Bana Raja within Sonitapura. A dilapidated fort still exists at Sonitapura on the top of a mountain and is called the fort of Raja Bana. Sonitapura was the capital of Bana Raja, whose daughter Usha was abducted by Aniruddha, the grandson of Krishna (Hariva risa, ch. 175). It was also called Umavana (Hemakosha and Trikan. dasesha). Major Madden says that Kotalgad or Fort Hastings of the survey maps situated at Lohool in Kumaun on a conical peak, is pointed out as the stronghold of Banasura, and the pandits of Kumaun affirm that Sooi on the Jhoom mountain is the Sonitapura of the Puranas (JASB., XVII, p. 582). The Matsya Purana (ch. 116) says that the capital of Bana Raja was Tripura (Teor on the Nerbuda). A ruined fort situated at Damduma on the bank of the river Punarbhava, fourteen miles to the south of Dinajpur, is called " Bana Raja's Gad," and it is said to have been the abode of Bana Raja, whence they say Usha was abducted by Aniruddha, and various arguments are brought in to prove this assertion. But the route of Krishna from Dwaraka to Sonitapura as given in the Hari. vamsa (ch. 179) and the description of the place as being situated on a mountain near Sumeru, do not support the theory that Damdama was the ancient Sonitapura. An in. scription found in the fort proves that it was built by a king of Gaud of the Kamboja dynasty. Bana Raja's fort in the district of Dinajpur is as much a myth as the Uttarayogriha (northern cowshed) of Raja Virata at Kantanagar in the same district. The Assamese also claim Tejpur as the ancient Sonitapura. Devikote on the Kaveri in the province of Madras and also Biana, 50 miles south-west of Agra, claim the honour of being the site of tho ancient Sonitapura. Wilford identifies it with the Manupattana (Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX., p. 199). Sopatma-See Surabhipattana (Periplus, Schoff, p. 46.) Soreyya-Not far from Takshagila (Kern's Manual of Ind. Buddhism, p. 104; SBE., XX, p. 11). Revata lived here, he presided at the Vaisali Council. Sotthivati-Same as Suktimati, the capital of Chedi (the Cheti of the Buddhists). Sovira-See Sauvira. Sravana-beligoja-Sravana-Belgola, a town in the Hassan district, Mysore, an ancient seat of Jaina learning, between the hills Chandrabetta and Indrabetta which contain Jaina iascriptions of the fourth and fifth centuries B.C. On the top of the former is a colossal statue of the Jaina god Gomatesvara. See also Vindhya-pada Parvata. Bhadrabahu, the great Jaina patriarch who had migrated to the South with his followers in order to escape the twelve years famine which took place during the reign of Maurya Chandragupta, went to Sravana-Beligola from Ujjayini, where he died in 357 B.C. Hence it ia very sacred place to the Jainas (Ind. Ant., II, pp. 265, 322 ; III, p. 153; Rice's Mysore Inscriptions , Intro., p. lxxxvi). See Kundapura. Maurya Chandragupta became a Jaina ascetic in the latter part of his life, and he is said to have died at this place (Rice's Mysore Gazetteer, I, p. 287). Sravasti-Sahet-Mahet, on the bank of the river Rapti (ancient Airavati or Achiravati) in the district of Gonda in Oudh. It was the capital of Uttara-Kosala, ten miles from Balarampur, 58 miles north of Ayodhya and 720 miles from Rajgir (Ramayana, Uttara, ch. 121). The town was founded by Sravasta, a king of the Solar race (Vishnu Purana, IV, ch. 2, v. 13). Ramchandra, king of Oudh, when dividing his kingdom, gave Sravasti to his son Lava (Vayu P., Uttara, ch. 26). Sravasti is the Savatthi or Savatthipura of the Buddhists' and Chandrapura or Chandrikapuri of the Jainas. At the time of Buddha, Prasenaditya or Prasenjit was king of Uttara-Kosala and his capital was at Sravasti; he visited Buddha while the latter was residing at Rajagriha (see Kundagama). Buddha

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SRA 190 SRA converted him to his own religion by preaching to him the Kumdra-drishtanta-Sutra. Pragenajit had two sons Jeta and Virudhaka by two wives. Sudatta, called also Anathapindika or Anathapindada on account of his liberality, was a rich merchant of Srivasti and treasurer to the king; he became a convert to Buddhism while Buddha was residing at Sitavana in Rajgir, where he had gone to visit him. On his return to Sravasti he purchased a garden, one mile to the south of the town, from prince Jeta, to whom he paid as its price gold coins (masurans) sufficient to cover the area he wanted (see Jetavana-vihara), and built in it a Vihara, the construction of which was superintended by Sariputra (see Nalanda). Buddha accepted the gift of the Vihara, to which additions were made by Jeta who became a convert to Buddhism, hence it was called Jetavana Anathapindikdrama or simply Jetavana-Vihara. The Vihara contained two monasteries called Gandha-kutiand Kosambakuti which have been identified by General Cunningham. The alms-bowl and begging pot and the ashes of Sariputra who died at Nalanda (see Nalanda) were brought to Sravasti and a stupa was built upon them near the eastern gate. Visakha, the celebrated female disciple of Buddha, built here a Vihara called Parvarama which has been identified by General Cunningham with the mound called Ora Jhar, about a mile to the east of Jetavana (see Bhaddiya). Buddha resided for 25 years at JetavanaVihara in the Punyasala erected by Prasenajit (Cunningham's Stupa of Bharhut, p. 90; Arch. S. Rep., I, p. 330; Anc. Geo., p. 407). 416 Jatakas (birth-stories) out of 498 were told by Buddha at this place. Devadatta, Buddha's cousin and brother of his wife Yasodhara, who had several times attempted to take away the life of Buddha, died at this place during an attempt he again made on his life (see Giriyrajapura). Chincha, a young woman, is as set up here by the Tirthikas to slander Buddha. The sixteenth Buddhist patriarch, Rahulata (see Tamasavana) died at Jetavana-vihara in the second century B.C. Prasenajit was a friend of Buddha, but his son Virudhaka or Vidudabha who usurped the throne, became a persecutor of the Buddhists. He murdered Jeta, his brother, and he slew 500 youths and 500 maidens of Kapilavastu whom he had taken prisoners, though his mother Vasabha Khattiya or Mallika was the daughter of a Sakya chief by a slave girl Mahananda (Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 2nd ed., p. 292, and Avadana Kalpalata, ch. 11). He was burnt to death within a week as predicted by Buddha. Traditionally Sravasti, or as it was called Chandrikapuri or Chandrapuri, was the birth-place of the third Tirthapkara Sambhavanatha and the eighth Tirthankara Chandraprabh&natha of the Jainas. There is still a Jajna temple here dedicated to Sobhanath which is evidently a corruption of the name of Sambhavanatha. The names of the 24 Tirthaukaras of the Jainas with their distinctive signs are as follows; l. Rishabha Deva or Adinatha (bull). 2. Ajitanatha (elephant). 3. Sambhavanatha (horse). 4. Abhidandana (monkey). 5. Sumatinatha (Krauncha or curlew). 6. Padamprabha (lotus). 7. Suparsva (Svastika). 8. Chandraprabhanatha (moon). 9. Subidhinatha or Pushpadanta (crocodile). 10. Sitalnatha (Srivatsa or white curl of hair). 11. Srey&mganatha (rhinoceros). 12., B&supujya (buffalo). 13. Bimalanatha (boar). 14. Anantanatha (falcon). 15. Dharmanatha (thunderbolt). 16. Santinatha (deer). 17. Kunthunatha (goat). 18. Aranatha (Nandyavartta), 19. Mallinatha (pitcher). 20. Munisuvrata (tortoise). 21. Nam inatha (blue water-lily). 22. Neminatha (conch). 23. Parsvanatha (hooded serpent). 24. Mahavira (lion). The name of Sahet-Mahet is said to have been derived from "Mahasetthi" by which name Sudatta was called, and people still call the ruins of Jetavana as "Set " (Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. XII, p. 127). The inscription of Govindachandra of Kanouj, dated 1128 A.D., sets at rest the question of identity of Sravasti with Sahet-mahet, the site of Sahet represents the Jetavana, and that of Mahet the city of Sravasti (Dr. Vogel : Arch. S. Rep., 1907-9, pp. 131,227).

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FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA. [The following folk tales and fables were collected by the late Dr. William Crooke, C.I.E., and were probably intended to be published in book-form. After his death, they were forwarded to Mr. S. M. Edwardes, on the chance that he might be able to make use of them. As the tales are numerous and possess a value for students of folk-lore, it has been decided to publish a selection of thein in this Journal. In nearly every case Dr. Crooke had entered above each story the names of the persons who told it and recorded it. These names have accordingly been reproduced, as well as a few notes by Dr. Crooke appended to some of the stories.-ED.) 1. The slave discovered. (Told by Lala Sankar Lal of Saharanpur and recorded by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. ) A nobleman once had a slave who absconded with a large sum of money. Some time later his master found him by chance in a distant city. When he took him before the Kazi, the slave said "I am not this man's slave, but he is my slave." The master was con founded at his insolence. So the Kazi sent his servant outside. Then he made the master and man put their heads through a slit in the wall, and he called to his servant :-." Cut off the slave's head with your sword." The slave blenched at the order and drew in his head, while his master remained unmoved. Thus the Kazi decided which of them was the slave. 2. The man and the loaves. (Told by Lala Devi Prasad of Aligarh and recorded by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. ) A certain man used to buy six loaves daily at the baker's shop. To a friend who enquired how he consumed all this bread, he replied:-"One loaf I keep; one I throw away: two I give in discharge of a debt ; and two I lend." The friend asked him to explain, and he answered :-" The loaf which I keep, I eat myself ; the loaf I throw away I give to my wife; the two for the discharge of debt I give to my parents; and the two which I lend I give to my children." 8. The cuckoo and the owl. (Told by Ganesa Lal, Schoolmaster, Digh, Fa ahpur District. ) A cuckoo and an owl once dwelt in the same tree. One day the cuckoo flew to the court of Indra and sang so sweetly that he and all his fairies were delighted and gave him many presents. "Who are the other sweet singers in the land of inen?" asked Indra Raja, and the cuckoo replied "The peacock, the bumble bee, the maina and the nightingale, the parrot and myself are the six great singers." When the cuckoo returned and showed his presents to the owl, the latter was envious and flew himself to Indra's court, and alighting on a tree began to hoot. Indra, hearing him, thought some Rakshasa had come to trouble him. So he called him and said :--"Who are the great singers in the land of men ?" The owl replied :-"The owl, the ass, the dog, the jackal, the crow and the cat-these are the best singers in the world." So Indra drove him forth with blows, saying, "You with your hooting would alone destroy the land of fairies. The earth must be made of iron to stand you and your five friends." 4. The two Fakirs. (Told by Misna Gomati Prasad of Bansi, Basti District. ) One day a Hindu fakir came to the court of Akbar and presented somo holy ashes Granh). Then came a Munglman fakir who presented some sweet basil (sabz, sabja). Tha Muhammadan courtiers remarked "How much better is the gift of the Musalman

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1924 brought a green plant, but the Hindu ill-omened ashes." A Hindu answered them "Rakh is a lucky gift, for it signifies Keep all things gafe'; but aabja means 'let every thing go (sab ja).'" 5. The defeated -Pandit. (Told by Duldse Lal Brahman and recorded by Jagat Bahadur Lal of Basitpur, Hardoi District. ) Two Pandits once had a dispute about capping one another's verses, and one of them, having defeated the other, took all his goods. The defeated Pandit then fetched his brother, who managed to defeat the other. Then in view of the whole village he pulled a hair ont of the moustache of his defeated rival, and when they asked why he did this, he said: "The hair of the moustache of this Pandit is excellent for keeping demons out of the house." Hearing this, everyone in the village wanted a hair ; and therefore, they fell upon the unfortunate Pandit and pulled out every hair of his beard and moustache. 6. Life as an inn. (Told by Lala Sankar Lal of Saharanpur and recorded by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. ) The King of Balkh and Bukhara was sitting at the gateway of his palace, when an old Fakir appeared and insisted upon forcing his way in. When the attendants prevented him, he said :-"Why should I not enter an inn, if I please?" "This is not an inn," said the king. Then the Fakir asked him to whom the palace belonged before he was born, and he replied, "To my grandfather and to my father." "And to whom will it belong after you depart from the world?" "To my son and grandson," quoth the king. "Then," said the Fakir, "a house which has so many owners is naught but an inn." 7. The honest man and the rogue. (Told by Gauri Sankar and recorded by Gopal Sahai of Moradabad. ) A good inan and a rogue were friends, and the former recked not of the roguery of his friend, who was planning how he could injure him. The honest man was about to marry his son, and asked his friend to join the procession to fetch the bride. But the latter made an excuse, intending to rob the house while every one was absent. Only the wife of his friend was at home, and in the night she heard someone breaking through the wall. She rose, and when the thief came in, legs foremost, through the hole, she cut off his legs with a sword. The thief crawied to his honse and gave out that he had had to cut off his legs, because # snake had bitten him. When the husband returned from the wedding, his wife saw him mourning the misfortune which had overtaken his friend. So she took out the legs, which she had kept in a jar, told him the whole story and said : "Kapati mit na hoya, bala sincho shatru bhala: Yumen kachhu na goya, sab lahate nij karm phala." -- i.e., "May you never have a treacherous friend-An open enemy is better than he-Cor. tain it is that everyone reaps the reward of his actions." 8. The two brothers. (Told by M. Abdul Wahid Khan, Sadr Qanungo, Saharanpur. ) There were once two girls who said they would not marry anyone with money, but that their husbands should agree to submit to a daily whoe-beating from them. No one would consent to this, till two youths, who were very poor and could not get anyone else to marry them, agreed to the conditions.

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JULY, 1924 ] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA So they were married and started for home with their brides. They halted at an inn, and during the night the elder brother heard an ass bray. So he arose, drew his sword and cut off its head. Soon afterwards he heard a cat mew under his bed : so he arose and killed it too. When his wife saw this, she realised that he had a hot temper, and made no attempt to beat hiin with shoes. Meanwhile the younger brother used to be thrashed daily by his wife, and at last, find. ing his brother so much better off, he asked his advice. When his brother told him how he had managed, he ran hoine and forth with killed the cat with his sword. His wife laughed and said : " Garbah kushtan roz avval" i.e., "If you go to kill the cat, it is better to do it the first day." After that she nevet troubled him. [This story appears in Fallon's Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbs.-ED.) 9. Tho Brahman and the money-bags. (Told by Ramdhan Misra, schoolmaster, Gonda. ) A Brahman, walking through a jungle one day, saw four bags of money. "These are four witches," he said and went his way. Soon after he met four sepoys who asked him if the road was safe. "There are four witches ahead," said he : " you had better be cau. tions." When the sepoys saw the bage of money, they exclaimed, "What a fool that Pandit was. He calls these money bags witches.". Two of them stayed with the treasure, and the other two went to the bazar to buy food. The two latter planned to put poison in the sweets, so that their companions should die and all the treasure be theirs. The other two made a similar plan, and when their comrades arrived with the sweets, they attacked them with their swords and slew them. Then they ate the sweets and died also, After a while the Brahman returned to see how the sepoys had sped with the treasure, and found all four lying dead beside it. He took pity on them, and, cutting his little finger, poured some nectar into their mouths, and they came to life. They cast themselves at his feet and said, "Verily, those are witches indeed." So they gave up the world and became disciples of the Brahman 10. The death of Sheikh Chilli. -- ( Told by Mukund Lal, clerk, of Mirzapur. ) Once upon a time Sheikh Chilli asked a Pandit when he was likely to die. The Pandit replied, "You will die when a red thread comes out of your back." One day it happened that Sheikh Chilli entered the shop of a Pathera or silk thread maker, and a thread stuck to his back. Seeing it, he thought to himself, "I am now certainly dead." So he went to a grave-yard and dug himself a grave; then sat beside it and put a black pot on his head. A traveller who passed by asked Sheikh Chilli the way to the city. Replied the Sheikh, "I would gladly have told you, but don't you see that I really cannot, because I am dead." The traveller went his way, laughing at bis folly. "In the Turkish jost book which purports to relate the witless sayings of the Khoja Nasr-ed-din, he is persuaded to be dead and allows himself to be stretched on a bier and borne to the cemetery. On the way the bearers, coming to a miry place, said, "we will rest here," and began to converse ; whereupon the Khoja, raising his head remarked, "If I were alive, I would get out of this place as soon as possible,"_"an incident which is also found in a Hindu story book." Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, II, 33.-W. CRCONI.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1924 TE 11, The Rant and the snake. (Told by Gajadhar Misra of Bhua Kalan and recorded by Chheda Lal, Khapraha school, Jaunpur.) There was once a Raja who had two wives ; the elder he used to neglect, and loved the younger. One day the neglected Rani was sitting weeping in the courtyard, when a snake appeared before her. She took a jar and shut up the snake in it. She put the jar away and thought nothing of it, till one day she was looking for something in the house, and by chance she put her hand into the jar, and the snake bit her, so that she became insensible. When they went to the Raja and told him, he was much distressed and sent a message to say that he was coming at once to see her. Hearing this she recovered and said, "One never knows what may help one in trouble. The snake that I imprisoned has been the means of reconcilir.g me to my husband." 12. The woman and her child. (Told by Pandit Ramnath of Saharanpur.) A woman with her child was once passing through a village notorious for the wicked. ness of its inhabitants. She was afraid, and putting the child on her shoulder walked along with her eyes downcast. A man saw her and quietly followed her. She did not hear him walking behind her, and as she went along he kept giving sweets to the child. After a timo he shouted out, "Help, brethren! This woman is carrying off my child." She protested that the child was her own. So the olders of the village collected and said, "Make the man and woman sit down, and give the child to a third person ; towards whichever of the two claimants the child stretches out its hands, to that one the child properly belongs." When the child saw the man who had given it sweets, it stretched out its hands to him, and ali the people said, "Surely the child belongs to him." Soon after he gave the child back to the woman and said, "I merely wished to show you that the ; eople here are both fools and knaveg. It went to me because I gave it sweets-sweets are dearer to a child than its mother." Hence they say, Khai mith , mdi nahin mith (Food is sweeter than a mother). 13. How the dancing-girl was outwitted. (Told by Pandit Chandrasekhara, Zilla School, Cawnpore.) . There was once a dancing-girl, who lived in a Brahman village, and one morning when she looked outside her door, she saw all the Brahmaus engaged in offering oblations to their dead ancestors. When she enquired what they were doing, they said :-"This is Pilri. paksha or the fortnight sacred to the sainted dead, and we pour water in their honour." Thinking it would be a good thing if she did the same for her own ancestors, she sent for one of the Brahmans and asked him to officiate as her priest. He refused to act for so improper a person, and she could find no Brahman in the whole village who would perform the rites for her. At last a Bhanr or buffoon thought he would take a rise out of her. So he dressed himself up as a learned Pandit, put on a big turban and a sacred thread, and with a bundle of books under his arm walked past her door. He fell into conversation with her and said, "I am a very learned Brahman just come from Benares- I am looking about for a wealthy olient." So she induced him to stay in her house, and fed him well and gave him a handsome present. And daily he made her perform the oblations to her ancestors, while he mum. bled some gibberish which she thought were the appropriate texts. At last when the beromony was over and he had got as inuch as he could out of her, he departed, Addrossing her as he went in the following verse :

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JULY, 1924 ] FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA "Kudr budi pandravin bhai, khub urdi khaur ; Ashikh de ghar jat hain, tum Vesya, ham Bhanr." i.e., "Up to the fifteenth of the month Krar I enjoyed myself and was fed on sugar-I now leave you with my blessing. You are a dancing-wench and I a buffoon." 14. Iron and gold. (Told by Kazi Shamsu'ddin of Babugark, Mcerut District.) Iron and gold once disputed which of them was the greater, and as they could not settle the matter themselves, they asked Raja Bhoj to arbitrate. Said Iron :-"What qualities dost thou possess, that thou dost not fall down and worship me?" Said Gold :-"Why should I fall down and worship thee, seeing that I am much superior to thee. I am measured by the rati and thou by the ser. I am the ruler and thou the slave." Said Iron - "The reverse is the case. My shoes are on thy head. Of me the anvil and hammer are made, and between them thou art hammered and fashioned. When thou art made into coins, the moulds are formed of me. When thou art shut up, it is under my lock and key. How canst thou call me one of menial caste?" Said Gold :-"How canst thou pretend to rival me, since it is of me jewels are made ?" Said Iron :-." True, but these are the ornaments of women. Of me are made armour and the weapons of war. It is I and not thou, who conquer the world." Said Gold :-"Thou art a rogue, while I am a gentleman. Everyone curses thee, while all love me." Said Iron :-"At the first shower of rain in Asarh all thy votaries have to mortgage thee to buy cattle and seed-grain. I help my votaries to earn their bread by honest labour, and all respect me. If anyone take me with him, he has no cause for fear. He may be sure of returning home in safoty, while he who carries thee is in constant fear of the thief and the robber." When the arguments were ended, Raja Bhoj said :-"Iron has proved his case." Said Gold -" This is only what might be expected from a Raja, but no Rajput ehal ever possess me." And this is the reason why Rajputs are usually thriftless and impoverished. 15. The tale of the cuckoo. (Told by Akbar Shah Manjhi of Mirzapur District, and recorded by Hamid Husain.). A certain Raja had a beautiful garden, in which lived a koil or cuckoo, which used to sing morning and evening, and keep silence all day while she sought food. This annoyed the Raja, and he sent for some fowlers and ordered them to catch the cuckoo. When they went in search of her, she was absent, and they caught a kuch kuchiya bird (the red-headed Trogon) and brought it to the Raja, who shut it up in a cage. The bird had only one note, "Kaeh / Kaeh !," which it kept repeating. Thereupon the Raja struck at it with a stick, whereupon the bird said: Kuh kuh bole koiliya nanda Bin aparadh paryon main phanda i.e., "The cuckoo sings sweetly; but I have been snared for no fault." On this the Raja released the bird and punished the fowlers for their mistake.. 16. The Kori's dilemma. (Told by Ramndth Tiwdri of Sarkandi, Fatehpur District. ) There was once a Kori weaver who was a great fool. One day his wife began to abuse him and said, "You are such a lazy fellow : You never do anything offhand." So he went away, saying "Offhand" to every one he met. He came acron a fowler catobing birds in a net.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1924 When he saw him the Kori shouted out "Offhand " and all the birds flew away. Then the fowler fell upon him and said, "When you meet anyone, you should say May two fall into one'-that is to say, may two birds fall into the snare at once." He went on and saw two men carrying a corpse, and when he saw them, he spoke as the fowler told him ; but they beat him and said, "You should always say 'If a thing has happened, who can cure it ; but may it never occur again.'" He came to a place where the Raja had just had a son, and when he said what had been told him, they beat him and said, " You should always say, May such a thing never occur again." He came to a village where an Ahir was milking his cow, which recently bad not given any milk; but that day she was a little better and was giving a little. When he said, "May such a thing never occur again," the Ahir gave him a beating. - So he said to himself, "Whatever I say brings me into trouble, so I had better go home"; and go home he did and stayed there. [This noodle story is told all the world over-See Clouston, Book of Noodles, 128.-W. CROOKE. The Koris of the U.P. are supposed to be an offshoot of the Kols. In customs they approximate to the Chamars and others of like social grade-EDT 17. The Raja and the sharpers. (Told by Ramlal Kayasth of Mirzapur and recorded by Pandit Ram Gharib Chaube. ) A Raja was once on a journey and came to a tank, where a Dhobi was washing clothes. The Raja shot a paddy.bird on the tank, and the Dhobi shouted out :-"What do you mean by killing my mother? You must come to the king and I will get redress." So they went on, and on the way they met a one-eyed man. He said to the Raja," My father once pledged my eye with you for a rupee. Here is the money, give me back my eye, or come to the king and I will get redress." They went further and met a barber. "Shave me," said the Raja, "and I will satisfy you for your trouble." When he had done shaving him, the barber said, "Nothing but your kingdom will satisfy me. If you will not give it, come to the king, and I will get redress." When they came to the king, the Raja sent a letter to the queen, asking her to help him out of his trouble. She wrote back, "When the Dhobi says you killed his mother, just say, And what about my father the fish, that your mother was eating when I killed her ?' When the one-eyed man asks for his eye, say, I have a heap of eyes and I cannot match yours, unless you take out your remaining eye and let me measure it.' And when the barber asks you for your kingdom, say, 'You can have it when my son is married.'" Now the Raja had no son. In this way he escaped the wiles of the three sharpers. 18. The potter and his friends. (Told by Ramdayal, schoolmaster, Gonda. ) A certain potter had three brothers. One of them was a very powerful man, and his brothers were on the look out to kill him. The wife of one of the brothers was one day cooking, and her husband told her to put poison in the dish for his brother. When the latter came in to eat, the woman repented and began to weep. When asked the reason, she told him to throw some of the food to a dog. When the dog immediately died, he knew that his brothers had made a plot against him. So he thought he had best go abroad to earn his living.

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JULY, 1924 ) FOLK-TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA When he had gone some distance, he saw a carpenter who was digging earth, and as he dug it, he threw it over a hill close by. The potter said-"You are a very powerful man." He answered--"I hear that there is a potter who is even stronger than I am." So they started off together. When they had gone some distance, they saw a cowherd taking one of his buffaloes on his back to a tank to bathe her. Him also they made join their company. When they went a little further, they came upon a goldsmith who, when his anvil got out of shape, hammered it straight with his hand. He also joined them. Then they came to a well and they told the carpenter to go and draw some water. When he put in his lota, the fairies who were in the well caught hold of it. So he jumped in; and when he did not come out, they sent in the cowherd; and after him went in the goldsmith also. So the potter was left alone outside. Then up came a Rakshasa, who was lord of the well, and challenged the potter to fight him. The potter after a fierce fight killed him, and then he too went down into the well. There they found the palace of the fairies, who were of heavenly beauty; and they had a store of all manner of wealth. Here the heroes and the fairies lived ever after. 19. The Ahir and his Guru. (Told by Pandit Chandrasekhara, Zilla school, Cawn pore) There was once an Ahir, who was the servant of a Thakur, and one day his master's Guru came to see him. This was in the month of Baisakh, when the weather was very hot. So the Thakur gave the Guru a seat, bathed and fanned him, and gave him sherbet to drink. Just at that time the Thakur was in trouble because his wife was barren, and he had a dispute with his relations; but soon after the Guru arrived, his wife conceived and the quarrel was settled. When the Ahir saw what had happened, he thought it would be much to his advantage to get initiated himself. So he went about looking for a Guru. One day his younger brother came running to him in terror and said "I was just passing the river, when I saw a terrible animal chewing an enormous bone in its mouth and making an awful noise. Perchance he may injure our flocks, and we bad better slay him." Now it was the month of Magh and very cold weather, and this was a poor Sanyasi who was sitting by the river, making his Sandhya oblation and blowing his conch-shell. The Ahirs stole up behind him and struck him a blow with a club. But when they saw that it was a Sanyasi, they were grieved, and making their excuses to him, carried him to their house. They wished to treat him with the utmost respect, and the Ahir, remembering how his master had treated his Guru, seated him on a chair, poured a lot of water over him, though it was freezing, and made him drink a lot of sherbet. In consequence the unfortunate Guru died, and the Ahir was never able to find another. 20. The Ahir and his Guru. (Told by Hanuman Prasad, teacher, Rai Bareli. ) There was once an Ahir who thought that he was neglecting his religion; so he got himself initiated by a Guru. Soon after, the Guru came to see him, and the Ahir gave him all the milk and butter there was in the house. The Guru thought the Ahir a very liberal man; so he used to come every ten days or so; and whatever he found in the house the Ahir would give him. The Ahir's wife did not like this and said to herself, "Since this Babaji has taken to coming to the house, I might as well have no buffalo at all; for my husband gives

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( JULY, 1924 him all the milk and butter." Soon after the Guru appeared and asked the woman where her husband was. She said "Poor man, he has lost his wits and he cannot bear the sight of a beggar about the place. Just now a poor man came to the door, and my husband has gone hunting him through the village with the chaff-chopper." When he heard this, the Babaji was sore afraid and he ran away. Just then the Ahir came back from his field and asked his wife if the Babaji had been to see him. "Yes," she said, "he was here just now and wanted our rice-pounder. But I did not dare to give it to him as you were not at home." The Ahin seized the rice-pounder and ran after the Guru. "Babaji," he shouted, "stop ! here is the rice-pounder." But the more he called to the Babaji to stop, the fast *r he ran; and that was the last the Ahir and his wife ever saw of him. 21. How the Ahirin was outwitted. (Told by Ganga Sahai, schoolmaster, Hathras, Aligarh District. ) There was once an Ahir, who had a very deceitful wife. When she was cooking, she used to make all the good flour into cakes and eat them herself, while those she made for her husband were only of chaff and refuse. Her husband, being an easy-going man, stood this for some time : but one day, as he found himself growing weaker, he said :-"How is it that when I give you plenty of good food, my cakes are made only of chaff and rubbish.": She replied in verse : Gangapar teri bahin basen, Jake jamhen kank uren, Pisen getun kukas khayan Is se balam latte jaen. 6.e., " Your sister lives beyond the Ganges. When she yawns, all the good flour is blown away. I grind wheat and eat rubbish. Hence my husband is pining away." When her husband heard this, he thought he would go and give his sister a beating. His wife tried to dissuade him ; but he went. When he came to his sister's house, she received him hospitably and gave him a good dinner. Said she ---" Alas! brother. I see that you are very weak. Why is this so?" "How can I be strong," he answered, "when every time you yawn, you blow away all the good flour and my poor wife is left with only the husks to cook?" She asked--"How did you find that this was so ?" He said "My wife told me." His sister knew that this was some roguery on the part of his wife. So she went to a carpenter, who was a neighbour of hers and a great wizard, and she got from him four magic pegs, which she gave to the husband and said, "When you reach home, plant one of these at each corner of your house." The Ahir did as she told him, and planted one of the pegs at each corner of his house. Next day, when the woman was cooking, and as usual taking all the good flour for her own cakes, one peg said--"What are you doing?" The second said--"This is what she does every day." The third said--"Has she no fear of Narayan?" The fourth replied--"If she feared him, she would not act in this way." When the Ahirin heard these words, she did not know who was talking, and thought phat some of her neighbours had seen her. So she cooked the bread in an honest way that day, and when her husband came home, she set it before him. Said he-"I am pleased to see that my sister did not yawn to-day." After this the pegs used to speak whenever she tried to do any roguery, and though she searched everywhere, she could never find out who was watching her, and she became so stricken with fear that she was forced to amend her ways and give her husband his fair share of the food.